The history of the church from our Lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the Emperour Maricius Tiberius, or the Year of Christ 594 / as it was written in Greek, by Eusebius Pamphilius ..., Socrates Scholasticus, and Evagrius Scholasticus ... ; made English from that edition of these historians, which Valesius published at Paris in the years 1659, 1668, and 1673 ; also, The life of Constantine in four books, written by Eusibius Pamphilus, with Constantine's Oration to the convention of the saints, and Eusebius's Speech in praise of Constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; Valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into English, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes.

THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS. (Book 7)

The PREFACE.

DIonysius the Great, Bishop of Alexandria, shall again assist us with his words in the Composure of this Seventh Book of the Ecclesiastick History; who particularly relates all the Actions of his own Times, in the Epistles which he left to Posterity: And our Narration shall take its beginning from hence.

CHAP. I. Concerning the wickedness of Decius and Gallus.

GALLUS succeeds Decius, who was slain in a short time, together with his a 1.1 Children, before he had fully compleated the b 1.2 Second year of his Reign. c 1.3 About this time died Origen, having lived Seventy years wanting one. But Dionysius in his Epistle to Hermammon, writes thus concerning Gallus.

But neither did Gallus understand what was Decius's destruction; neither did he before see what brought his ruine: But he also stumbled upon the same stone, which lay before his eyes. He, (his Kingdom being in a happy state, and all affairs succeeding according to his d 1.4 desire) persecu∣ted the holy men who offered up their prayers to God for his peace and safety, and together with them, drove away those prayers, by which they interceded for him.

This he writes con∣cerning Gallus.

CHAP. II. Who about these times were Bishops of Rome.

COrnelius having possessed the Bishoprick of Rome about three years, Lucius was ap∣pointed his successour. He having ministred in the Office not eight whole months, died, and relin∣quished the dignity to Stephen. It was this Stephen, to whom Dionysius wrote the first of his Epistles concerning Baptism, there being about that time a great controversie raised, whether it were lawfull for the Converts, of what Sect soever, to be clean∣sed by Baptism. a 1.5 For an old Custom had pre∣vailed, that about these Converts onely imposition together with prayer was to be used.

CHAP. III. How Cyprian, with some Bishops which were of his mind, was the first that was of the Opinion, that the Converts of any Heretical Sect whatever, ought to be rebaptized.

CYprian then Bishop of Carthage was the a 1.6 first of all, who thought, that Hereticks should not be admitted unless they were Cleansed

from their former errour by Baptism. b 1.7 But Ste∣phen, thinking no innovations ought to be raised in opposition to the Tradition which had pre∣vailed of Old, was in no wise well pleased at this.

CHAP. IV. How many Epistles Dionysius wrote concerning this Controversie.

DIonysius therefore having written at large to * 1.8 him concerning this business, at last cer∣tifieth him, that the Persecution being allayed, the Churches in all places, which detested Novatus's * 1.9 Novelties, had regained a general Peace amongst themselves: thus he writes,

CHAP. V. Concerning the Peace which followed the Per∣secution.

a 1.10 BUt know (my Brother,) that all the Churches throughout the East, a∣mongst which there were formerly divisions, are now united: b 1.11 And a little farther he writes; and all the Prelates every where are in perfect Concord, as to their sentiments, and rejoyce exceedingly for this unexpected Peace: [to wit,] Demetrianus Bishop of Antioch; The∣octistus of Caesarea, Mazabanes of c 1.12 Aelia, A∣lexander being dead; Marinus of Tyre; Helio∣dorus of Laodicea, Thelymidres being deceased; Helenus of Tarsus, and all the Churches of Ci∣licia; Firmilianus, and all Cappadocia. For I have here onely named the more eminent Bi∣shops, that my Epistle might not be too long, nor my relation troublesome: Also all the Pro∣vinces of Syria and Arabia, whom you d 1.13 frequent∣ly relieve, and to whom you have now written: Mesopotamia also, Pontus, and Bithynia: And in a word, all people every where rejoyce for the concord and Brotherly-love, and praise God.

These are the words of Dionysius. But Xystus succeeds Stephen after he had executed the Episcopal Office two years. To him Dionysius wrote a second Epistle concerning Baptism, and set forth to him the judgment and opinion of Stephen, and the other Bishops. Concerning Stephen thus he writes;

Indeed he before e 1.14 wrote letters concerning Helenus and Firmilianus, and all the [Bishops] of Cilicia, Cappadocia, and Galatia. And moreover, concerning all the neighbouring Provinces, that he would have no communion with them for this very reason, because (says he) they rebaptize Hereticks. And consider the weightiness of the affaire; for truly I hear, that there have been determinations made in the f 1.15 greatest Synods of Bishops concerning this business, that Hereticks which were converted, should be first Catechized, and then should be washed and cleansed from the filth of their old and unclean leaven. And I wrote to him, making intercession for all these men. And afterwards he says: also to our well beloved and fellow-Presbyters, Dionysius, and Philemon (who were formerly of Stephen's Opinion, and wrote to me concerning the same things) I before wrote in short, but now I have written more at large.

But thus much concerning the said controversie.

CHAP. VI. Concerning the Heresie of Sabellius.

a 1.16 AFter this head of discourse, he informs him of the b 1.17 Sabellian Hereticks, who at that

time abounded mightily; and thus he writes,

For concerning the opinion which lately sprung up at Ptolemais a City of Pentapolis, which is impious, and full of blasphemies against God Almighty, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ; and contains much infidelity against his onely begotten Son, the first begotten of every creature, the Word that was conversant amongst men; and is full of stupi∣dity and senselessness about the holy Ghost: when letters came to me from both parties, and brethren to discourse with me, I wrote some c 1.18 Epistles ac∣cording to my ability with Gods assistance, ex∣plaining those [points] more at large like an In∣structour: of which Epistles, I have sent you copies.

CHAP. VII. Concerning the most execrable Errour of the Here∣ticks, and concerning the vision sent from God which appeared to Dionysius, and the Ecclesiastick Canon he received.

THE same Dionysius in his third Epistle, con∣cerning Baptism, written to Philemon Pres∣byter of the Church of Rome, annexeth these words:

I have read over the books and tra∣ditions of the Hereticks, defiling my mind for a little while with their most accursed inven∣tions: Indeed, I received this advantage from them, that I can the better confute them in my own thoughts, and do grow to a greater de∣testation of them. And when one of my bro∣ther Presbyters prohibited me, fearing least I should be mixed and disordered with the filth of their wickedness; (for he said my mind would be defiled, and truly I was sensible he said true:) a vision sent from God corroborated me. And a voice came to me, which gave me this express command, saying; Read all things that thou shalt take into thy hands, for thou art able to search into, and to examine every thing, and this was the principal cause of thy becoming a Christian: I gladly received the vision, as being consonant with the a 1.19 Words of the A∣postle, who speaketh thus to those who are able, Be ye skilful * 1.20 Examiners.

Afterwards, having spoken something concerning all the Heresies, he continues saying;

I received this Rule and Canon from Heraclas our blessed Pope. For those who were Converts from Heresies, (al∣though they were b 1.21 Apostates from the Church; or rather not Apostates, but seemingly assembled themselves, and were privately discovered to frequent any of the Heterodox teachers) he excommunicated, and would not again admit them into the Church although they intreated him, before they had made a publick confession of what they had heard from the ••dverse party. And then he again admitted them to commu∣nion, but thought no second Baptism was re∣quisite for them, because they had before re∣ceived holy * 1.22 [Baptism] from him.

Again, after a copious discourse upon this question, he ••hus concludes.

This furthermore I understand, that the Africans of this Age were not the onely introducers of this custom, but this was establisht long before by Bishops, who were before our Age, in their most populous Assem∣blies, and in the c 1.23 Synods of the Brethren at Iconium, and at Synnada, and amongst many other persons; whose sentiments and determi∣nations I will by no means overthrow, nor ex∣cite them to contention and strife. For it is

written: thou shall not remove thy neighbour's land-mark, which thy fathers have set in thine inheritance.

His fourth Epistle concerning Ba∣ptism, is written to Dionysius, who was at that time Presbyter of the Church of Rome, and a little while after obtained the Bishoprick there. From which Epistle we may learn what a learned and admirable man this same Dionysius was, by Dionysius Alexandrinus's testimonies of him. Af∣ter other things he writes to him in that Epistle concerning Novatus in these words:

CHAP. VIII. Concerning Novatus's Heresie.

FOR we may with sufficient reason abomi∣nate a 1.24 Novatianus, who stirr'd up Schism in the Church, and seduced some of the Brethren to blasphemies and impieties, and induced most profane Doctrine concerning God, and calum∣niously accused our most gracious Lord Jesus Christ as unmercifull; besides all these things he b 1.25 disalloweth of holy Baptism; and utterly abolisheth Faith, and the c 1.26 Confession of Faith before Baptism: and he perfectly d 1.27 banisheth the holy Ghost from them, (although there were some hope that it still rested in them, or would return to them again.)

CHAP. IX. Concerning the Baptism of Hereticks, that it is impious.

DIonysius's fifth Epistle was written to Xystus Bishop of Rome. In which after much discourse against Hereticks, he relates this very accident which happened in his days.

For truly (Brother) I want your advice, and desire your judgment. Such a thing as this, coming to my knowledge, I fear least I should err in it. For one of the congregation of the Brethren, who was accounted an antient believer, a person who had been a member of the congregation before my ordination, (yea and as I think) before ever blessed Heraclas was constituted Bishop: this man (I say) being present at the Ba∣ptism of some who were lately baptized, and having heard the Questions, and their Answers, came to me weeping, and lamenting his own case. And falling down at my feet he made a confession of, and renounced the Baptism which he had received from the Hereticks, that it was not of this kind, neither had it any likeness at all to this of ours; but was full of impieties, and blasphemies. He also said that he was now most grievously pricked in mind, and had not the confidence to lift up his eyes to God, having been initiated by such impious words and cere∣monies. For this reason he prayed that he might partake of the most pure Baptism, a 1.28 Adoption, and Grace. Which thing I durst not perform: but told him that the daily communion with the Church he had so long enjoyed was sufficient for that. For I durst not rebaptize one who had heard the b 1.29 giving of thanks, and had to∣gether with the rest of the congregation said Amen to it, and who had c 1.30 stood before the holy Table, and d 1.31 stretched out his hand to receive the holy food; and who had received it, and for a long time had been partaker of the body and bloud of our Lord Jesus Christ. Moreover, I bad him be of a good courage, and approach the holy Communion with a stedfast faith, and a good conscience. But he ceaseth not his lamen∣tations, and has been afraid to come to the holy

Table, and can scarce endure to be present at the prayers, although he be desired.

There is also extant another Epistle of his, besides those before spoken of, concerning Baptism, which is directed from him and the Church he presided over, to Xystus and the Church at Rome. In which Epistle he enters into a prolix argumentation about, and discourses at large upon the Question proposed. There is also extant another Epistle of his, be∣sides these concerning Lucianus, which he wrote to Dionysius the Roman. But thus much concer∣ning these things.

CHAP. X. Concerning Valerian, and the Persecution in his Reign.

MOreover, Gallus having not possessed the Empire two compleat years, was slain; Va∣lerian and Gallienus his son, succeeded in the Go∣vernment. Again therefore what Dionysius re∣lateth concerning this [Valerian] we may ga∣ther out of his Epistle to Hermammon, in which he makes this Narration;

This also is revealed to S^t John, for saith he, a 1.32 And there was given unto him a mouth speaking great things, and blasphemies, and power was given unto him, [to continue] fourty and two moneths. It is matter of won∣der to see how both these things are fulfilled in Valerian, and especially if we consider how he behaved himself before the Persecution, how kind and how loving he was to the servants of God: For no Emperour of all his predeces∣sours was so courteously, so lovingly dispos'd to∣wards them (no not b 1.33 those who are manifestly reported to have been Christians,) as he was, who at the beginning of his Empire seem'd most mer∣cifull, most loving towards them. His whole household was filled with pious men, and was [seemingly] a Church of God. c 1.34 But his Master, and d 1.35 Chief of the Magicians of Aegypt, per∣swaded him to change his resolution: bidding him murther and persecute those pure and holy men, as being impugners and obstructers of accursed and abominable sorceries. For there were then, and are yet living, men, who with their very aspects, or e 1.36 blowing upon, or words, are powerful enough utterly to dissipate the cheats of noxious Demons. He advised him to perform impure rites of initiation, abominable inchantments and execrable sacrifices; to cut the throats of miserable Infants, to sacrifice the children of unhappy parents, to rip open the bowels of new-born babes; and to tear in pieces and cut asunder God's own workman∣ship, as if by these Acts he should purchase for himself a prosperous felicity.

He also adds these words.

Indeed, f 1.37 Macrianus offered ac∣ceptable thank-offerings to the Demons for the Empire which he hoped for, who at first when he was nam'd the Emperours g 1.38 Rationalist, did mind nothing that was reasonable, h 1.39 or for the publick: But he lay under the curse of the Prophet, which saith, i 1.40 Wo to them who pro∣phesie after their own hearts, and regard not the publick good. For he did not understand that there was a providence which over-ruled all things. Neither had he regard to the judg∣ment of him, who was before all, is in all, and above all. Upon this account he was indeed an adversary of his Catholick Church: but he alienated, and banished himself from the mer∣cy of God, and fled away from his own * 1.41 sal∣vation as far as he could; in this thing verifying his own name.

After some other passages he again saith.

For Valerian, who was induced to act these things by his means, was exposed to affronts and reproaches, according to what was spoken to Esaias saying, They have chosen their own ways, and their soul delighteth in their abo∣minations, I also will chuse their delusions, and recompence their sins upon them. k 1.42 This Macri∣anus was most extraordinarily desirous of the

Empire, but being unable to put on the im∣perial dignity, because of his feebleness of body, he made his two sons Emperours, who were heirs of their fathers iniquities. The prophecy which God spake is most evidently accom∣plished in these two brothers: Visiting the ini∣quity of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation of them that hate me. For he imposed his own l 1.43 evil lusts which he could not injoy, upon the heads of his Children, and imprinted on them his own wickedness and hatred against God.

Thus much Dionysius writeth concerning Valerian.

CHAP. XI. Concerning what then happened to Dionysius, and to those Christians which were in Aegypt.

BUt concerning the Persecution which raged exceedingly against him; what [sufferings] also he and others sustained upon account of the worship of the supream God, his own words will declare, which he wrote in an∣swer to * 1.44 Germanus a Bishop of those times, who endea∣voured out of malice to re∣vile him: thus he answers him.

a 1.45 I run the hazard of falling into great folly and stupidity, being com∣pelled of necessity to re∣late the miraculous pro∣vidence of God concer∣ning us. But because 'tis said; b 1.46 It is good to keep close the secrets of a King, but it is honourable to re∣veale the workes of God: therefore I will hand to hand engage in the assault made against me by Germanus. I came to Aemilianus not without company, for there followed me Maximus my fellow Presbyter, and Faustus, Eusebius, and Chaeremon who were Deacons. One of the brethren of Rome also then present went in with us. Neither did Aemilianus say to me at first, do not you hold solemn assemblies: for this was needless for him to have said, and a recursion from the last to the first, or principal thing in hand: for it was not his desire that we should not assemble others, but his principal care was that we our selves should not be Christians: And he com∣manded me to leave off that way of worship, for he thought that if I would change my mind, others would follow my example: I replied not impertinently but in short, that c 1.47 we ought to obey God rather than man. But I openly pro∣tested that I worshipped him who is the onely true God, and adored no other, and that I would never change my mind nor ever cease being a Chri∣stian. After these words he bid us depart thence in∣to a Village called Cephro adjoyning to the wilder∣ness. But hear what words passed on both sides, as we find them inserted in the d 1.48 Publick Records e 1.49, when Dionysius and Faustus and Maximus and Marcellus and Caeremon were brought in, Aemilianus the Go∣vernour said: I have also discoursed with you by word of mouth concerning the clemency which our Lords the Emperours have used towards you; for they have given you power to remain in safety if you will but turn to that which is agreeable to nature, and adore the gods which are protectours of their Em∣pire, and forget those things which are repug∣nant to nature. What say you to these [Proposals?] For I hope you will not shew your selves ungrateful towards their clemency, because they incite you to better things. Dionysius replied, all men do not wor∣ship the same gods, but every one worship those whom they think to be gods: but we pay re∣verence and adoration to one onely God, the creatour of all things, who gave the Empire into the hands of the most sacred and August Em∣perours Valerian and Gallienus. And to him we offer up our prayers incessantly for the perma∣nency and stability of their Empire. Aemilianus the Governour said unto them, who hindereth you but you may also worship him (if he be a God) together with them who are by Nature Gods: for you are commanded to worship the Gods, and also those Gods, whom all men own to be such. Dionysius replied; we adore no other. Then said Aemilianus the Governour unto them: I see you are altogether ungrateful and insensible of the Emperours lenity towards you. Where∣fore you shall not abide in this City, but shall be sent into the parts of Libya, to a place called † 1.50 Cephro; for this place I have designed for you ac∣cording to our Emperours command; and it shall in no wise be suffered that either you, or any others, keep your meetings, or have recourse to the places cal∣led the f 1.51 Coemeteries; but if it appears that any one of you be not gone to the place which I have com∣manded you to go to, or shall be found afterwards in any assembly, he will bring imminent danger upon himself, for a necessary observation [thereof] shall not be wanting. Therefore

depart hence whither you are commanded: And he compelled me, although I was sick, to depart, and gave not one days respite. g 1.52 How then could I have any leisure to call or not to call a meeting? After some passages he again saith; But neither were we absent (by God's as∣sistance) from a corporal congregation: For with greater diligence I gathered together those in the City, as if I had been present with them, being absent in body (as I h 1.53 said;) but present in spirit: in Cephro also there was a great congrega∣tion assembled with us, some of whom were the bre∣thren who followed us out of the City; others came thither from the rest of Aegypt: And there God opened to us a door [to preach his] Word: at first indeed we were per∣secuted, and stoned: but afterwards some of the Heathens, and those not a few, forsook their Idols, and were converted to God; for the word, which they had not before received, was then first sown amongst them by us; as if God had sent us away to them for this end: After we had here fulfilled the Ministry, he again removed us to another place: For Aemilianus resolved to convey us into places more uncom∣fortable (as he thought) and more like the Lybian desart: And he gave command that we should altogether repair to Mareotis, having allotted particular villages throughout that Re∣gion for every of us. But he ordered us to reside nere the high-road, that we might be the first that should be apprehended. For this was wholly his contrivance and provision, that when∣ever he had a mind to apprehend us, he might have all of us easily taken without any trouble. But when I was commanded to depart to Ce∣phro, although I knew not where the place lay, (having scarce ever before heard the name of it,) yet I went away willingly, and not at all disturbed. But when they told me I was to depart thence to the i 1.54 [parts] of Colluthio, they who were present with me can tell how I was then disposed; for here I will blame my self: At first indeed I was grieved and sorely vexed; for al∣though I had a better know∣ledge of, and was more ac∣quainted with those places, yet they reported it was a Countrey not inhabited by brethren and good men, and exposed to the disturbances of Travellers, and incursions of Thieves. But I received comfort by the bre∣thren, when they suggested to me, that it lay nearer to the City; and although Cephro had brought us a great multitude of brethren out of Aegypt, so that we could hold larger as∣semblies, yet there, the City lying nearer, we should more frequently enjoy the company of our truly beloved friends and acquaintance, for they would flock thither, and reside with us. And there would be k 1.55 particular congregations, as if it were in the more remote Suburbs. And so it fell out to be.

After some other discourse he thus again writeth concerning what happened unto him.

[But perhaps] Germanus * 1.56 glori∣eth in his many Confessions; and he can enu∣merate a great many [af∣flictions] which have be∣fallen him. But how many sentences of the Judges may he reckon up which were pronounced against us; [how many] confiscations, proscriptions, plundring of goods, l 1.57 deprivations of dig∣nities, contempts of world∣ly glory, despisings of the praises of the Prefects and m 1.58 Senatours: what pati∣ent sufferance of publick menaces, of exclamations a∣gainst us, and of perils, and of persecutions, and of wandring up and down in Exile, and of anxieties, and of all sort of tribulation: what things happened to me under Decius, and ⁿ Sabinus, and what to this present under n 1.59 Aemilianus: but where appeared Ger∣manus? what report is there concerning him? but I desist from this great imprudence which I am fallen into upon Germa∣nus's account. Wherefore I willingly give those bre∣thren, who perfectly know these matters, leave to make a narration of every thing which did befall us.

The same Dionysius, in his Epistle to Domitius and Di∣dymus, doth again in these words mention some things concerning this persecution;

It is superfluous to recite to you, who knew them not, the names of all our [Martyrs,] which were very many. But under∣stand thus much, that both men and women; young and old; young women and antient women; Soul∣diers and Rusticks; per∣sons of all sorts, and all Ages; some of them ha∣ving been victorious in the combate by scourges and fire; and others by the Sword, received crowns of [Martyrdom.] But a long interval of time passed away being insufficient to make some appear accepta∣ble to the Lord: in like manner as for me it hath not seemed [sufficient to make me acceptable] who have continued even till this time: Wherefore God hath reserved me for a time which he knows to be opportune, who saith; o 1.60 In an ac∣ceptable

time have I heard thee, and in a day of salvation have I helped thee. But because you are inquisitive after our affaires, and desirous to be informed in what condition we live: you have fully heard, how when I, Caius, Faustus, Peter, and Paul were led away Prisoners by the Centurion, and the p 1.61 Magistrates [of Alexan∣dria] and the Guards and Officers that were with them, q 1.62 some of them of Mareotis came upon them, and took us away by force, drag∣ging us by violence who were unwilling, and would not follow them. But at this present, I, and Caius, and Peter being alone, and depri∣ved of the rest of the brethren, are shut up in a desert, and most uncomfortable place of Li∣bya, being three days journey distant from Parae∣tonium. And a little after these words, he saith; Some have hid themselves secretly in the City that they may visit the brethren, As Maximus, Dioscorus, Demetrius and Lucius, who are Presbyters. (For Faustinus and Aquila being men more eminently known in the world, tra∣vel up and down Aegypt.) But the Deacons that are surviving, besides those that died in r 1.63 the Plague, are these: Faustus, Eusebius, Chaere∣mon. Eusebius, [I say] one whom God hath impowered from the beginning, and furnished with great vigour to fulfil the Office of Mini∣stration to the Confessours in Prison, and to perform the Funeral s 1.64 Rites due to the bodies of the perfected and blessed Martyrs, with great hazard and danger. For to this very present the Governour ceaseth not most cruelly to slay some who are brought before him, (as I be∣fore told you) to tear in pieces others with tortures, and to make other-some to pine away in Prisons, and bonds, giving a strict charge that none approach them, and making diligent search whither any one be seen to come neer them. Notwithstanding, God through the chearfulness and fortitude of the brethren, doth incessantly refresh the afflicted.

These are Dio∣nysius's words, and are contained in that Epistle. We must further understand, that this Eusebius whom he before called a Deacon, was a t 1.65 great while after constituted Bishop of the Church of Laodicea in Syria. And Maximus, who he said was then a Presbyter, succeeded Dionysius himself in the Government of the brethren at Alexandria. Faustus also, (who together with Dionysius was at that time famous for his being a Confessour) was reserved even till the Persecution in our days, and being very old, and full of years, he was per∣fected by Martyrdom, being beheaded even in our Age. But thus much concerning what happened to Dionysius about that time.

CHAP. XII. Concerning the Martyrs which suffered at Caesarea in Palestine.

IN this Persecution under Valerian, three men of Caesarea in Palestine very eminent for their con∣fession of Christ, were crowned with divine Martyr∣dom, being made food for the wild beasts. One of them was called Priscus; the other Malshus; the name of the third was Alexander. They report that these men, living in the Countrey, should blame themselves first for being careless and slothful per∣sons, because they were negligent of, and did not ea∣gerly catch at the crown of Martyrdom, seeing that was a seasonable time of distributing those rewards of victory to them who had the least spark of celestial love in them. Then, when they had consulted about these things amongst themselves, they took a journey to Caesarea, and went imme∣diately to the place where the Judge was, and re∣ceived the aforementioned sentence of death. Be∣sides these, there was a woman of the same City, in the same Persecution, who they report, strove in the same combate: But 'tis famed that she was one of Marcion's Sect.

CHAP. XIII. Concerning the Peace under Gallienus.

a 1.66 BUt not long after, Va∣lerian being b 1.67 capti∣vated and enslaved by the Barbarians, his son Reigned alone, who behaved himself more prudently in his Em∣pire. He immediately put∣teth a stop to the Persecution against us by his Edicts; and gave command that the Pre∣lates of our Religion should securely, and with freedom ex∣ecute their usual Offices, by his Rescript which runs thus: EMPEROUR CAESAR PUBLIUS LICINIUS GAL∣LIENUS, PIUS FE∣LIX AUGUSTUS, To Dionysius, Pinna, De∣metrius, and the rest of the Bishops: We have commanded that the Indulgence of our Gracious Bounty be published through the whole World: That all shall quickly depart out of Religious places. And for this cause you are impowered to

make use of a Copy of our Rescript, that no body may molest you: And that which is Lawful for you to put in execution was Granted by Us long ago: And upon this account Aurelius Cyrenius, Our c 1.68 High Steward shall keep the Copy of this Edict Granted by Us. For the more manifest understanding of these things, they were Translated by Us out of Latine into Greek, and here inserted. There is also extant another Rescript sent to other Bishops, in which he permitteth to them the Re∣stauration of the places called d 1.69 Coemeteria.

CHAP. XIV. What Bishops flourisht in those times.

AT this time a 1.70 Xystus still continued to pre∣side over the Church of Rome; but Deme∣trianus succeeded Fabius in the Bishoprick of An∣tioch; Firmilianus was Bishop of Caesarea in Cap∣padocia: Moreover, Gregorius, and his brother Athenodorus governed the Churches of Pontus; they were both Origen's Schollars: Theoctistus Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine being dead, Dom∣nus succeeded in that Bishoprick: he living but a little while, Theotecnus, who lived till our times, was constituted his successour. And this person also was one of Origen's School. But Maza∣banes of Jerusalem being dead, Hymenaeus suc∣ceeded in that See, who also was very eminent in our days.

CHAP. XV. How Marinus was Martyred at Caesarea.

A General peace being at this time restored to the Churches in Caesarea of Palestine, Ma∣rinus, a man honoured with a a 1.71 Military dignity, and eminent for descent and riches, was beheaded for his confession of Christ, upon this account. There is a certain dignity amongst the Romans termed the b 1.72 Vine, which those that obtained, are said to be made Centurions; c 1.73 this place being vacant, Marinus, whose course in order it was, was called to that promoti∣on: when he was forthwith to have been invested in that dignity, there came another before the Tribu∣nal, and accused him, saying, it was unlawful according to the old Laws, for him to hold any dignity amongst the Romans; for he was a Christian, and did not sacrifice to the Emperours; therefore the Office belonged to him. d 1.74 Achaeus, (for that was the name of the Judge) being en∣raged at this, first asked Marinus what Opinion he was of: then when he saw that he stedfastly confessed himself to be a Christian, he granted him three hours respit for deliberation. When he was gone out of the place of judicature Theotecnus the Bishop of that City coming to him; taketh him aside to discourse with him; and laying hold of his hand, leads him to the Church; wherein when he had placed him at the very Altar, he put his e 1.75 Cloak a little aside, and shewed him the sword wherewith he was girded, and also brought the Book of the Sacred Gospels and placed it right against him, bidding him on his own accord to take which of those two best pleased him. When Marinus without any delay had put forth his right hand, and taken up the Sacred Book, Theotecnus said unto him, adhere therefore, adhere to God; and being impowered by him thou shalt obtain what thou hast chosen; go in peace. Immediately as he returned from the Church, the Cryer, who stood before the Tribunal, called him; for the time al∣lotted him was now accomplished: When he was brought before the place of judicature, and had shewed a greater courage in the confession of the Faith then he did before, immediately he was halled away to Execution, and was f 1.76 Crowned with Martyrdom.

CHAP. XVI. A Relation concerning Astyrius.

AStyrius also is much fam'd for his Religious boldness and freedom at that time: A man who was a Roman Senatour, a singular favourite of the Emperours: and both for his nobleness of Birth and Estate, known to all persons. He, be∣ing present at the death of the foresaid Martyr, took up the Corps, wrapped it in a white and pre∣cious garment, laid it upon his shoulders and car∣ried it away; and when he had adorned it very richly, he deposited it in a decent Grave. This persons familiars, who lived till our days, relate infinite other things concerning him.

CHAP. XVII. Concerning the mighty Miracles of our Saviour at Paneas.

AMongst which they relate this Miracle. At Caesarea-Philippi, (which the a 1.77 Phaenicians call Paneas) they report there are springs to be

seen at the foot of the Mountain called Panius, out of which the River Jordan hath its original. They say, that on a certain Festival they used to b 1.78 cast a sacrifice into these Springs, and by the power of the Devil it would mira∣culously vanish out of sight: And that this was a Miracle much talked of by them who had seen it. Astyrius there∣fore being upon a time pre∣sent with those that did this, and seeing many struck with admiration at what was done, was sorry for their errour. Then he lifted up his eyes to heaven, and besought the supream God, by Jesus Christ, that he would rebuke this Devil which seduced the people, and command him to cease from deceiving of men. They report that when he had prayed thus the sacrifice floated upon the Waters immediately. Thus perished their Miracle, and never afterwards was there any prodigie done neer that place.

CHAP. XVIII. Concerning the Statue, which the Woman who had the Flux of bloud, erected.

BUt since I have made mention of this City, I think it not at all unsutable to produce a story, which is worthy to be related to posterity. For they say that the woman, a 1.79 who had the Issue of bloud, whom the sacred Gospels in∣form us to have been healed by our Saviour, was born in this City: and that her house may be seen there, and that the illustrious Monuments of our Saviour's beneficence shown towards her doe yet remain. For neer the gate of her house ('tis said) stands upon a Pillar of stone, the Effigies of a woman in brass, kneeling on her knees, and stretching forth her hands forward in the form of a suppliant. On the other side op∣posite to it stood another Image of a man made of the same mettal standing upright, dressed de∣cently in a * 1.80 short vesture, and stretching out his hand towards the woman. At whose feet upon the base of the Pillar 'tis said there springs up a strange kind of an herb, which grows up to the b 1.81 skirt of his brasen doublet, and is a present remedy to remove all sorts of diseases: They say that this Statue re∣presented our Saviour. This remained till our Age, and therefore we our selves went to the City to see it. Nor need it seem a wonder that the Ancient Gentiles, who received benefits from our Saviour, did these things; seeing that we have seen the pictures of his Apostles Peter and Paul, and of Christ himself, drawn in Colours, and preserved till our days. It is probable enough that those Ancients, according to the custom of the Heathens, were wont c 1.82 unadvisedly to honour all those after this manner as Saviours, by whom they had been any ways benefited.

CHAP. XIX. Concerning the Chair of James the Apostle.

THe Episcopal Chair of James the first Bi∣shop of Jerusalem, who was consecrated by our a 1.83 Saviour himself, and the Apostles; (who in holy Writ is honoured with the title of the Brother of Christ;) being reserved till this time, the Brethren who have succeeded in that Church do reverence it: Hence they plainly manifest to all what great veneration and respect, both the Antients, and also those of our Age, have, and do pay to holy men for their love to God. But thus much concerning these things.

CHAP. XX. Concerning Dionysius's Paschal Epistles, in which he prescribeth a Canon concerning Easter.

MOreover, besides those his fore-mentioned E∣pistles, the same Dionysius at the a 1.84 same time wrote these still extant, called b 1.85 Paschal Epistles: a∣mongst which he interweaves Panegyrick discourses concerning the feast of Easter: one of these Epistles he Dedicateth to Flavius; another to Domitius and Didymus. In which he publisheth a Canon of eight years, having proved that we ought to celebrate the feast of Easter, at no other time, but after the vernal Aequinox. He composed ano∣ther Epistle besides these, to his Fellow-Presbyters at Alexandria, and others to divers other persons, and these he wrote whilest the rage of the Persecu∣tion still continued.

CHAP. XXI. Concerning what things happened at Alexandria.

DIonysius returned to Alexandria, Peace being as yet scarce throughly setled there. But when Sedition and War joyntly raged again there, so that he could not visit all the Brethren in the City, they being divided into the one or the other party of the faction: Again, even on Easter-day, as if he had been exil'd out of Alex∣andria, he conversed with them by letters. And in his other Paschal Letter which a little after this he wrote to Hierax one of the Aegyptian Bishops, he mentioneth the Sedition then at Alexandria, in these words;

It is no wonder if it be difficult for me to converse with men far remote even by Letters, whenas it is rendred now no easie matter for me to discourse with my self, and to give advice to my own soul. For I am com∣pelled to send Letters even to my own bowels, my Brethren, who live under the same roof, have the same mind, and are members and inha∣bitants of the same Church; and it appears to me a great difficulty, how I should convey my Letters to them: For a man may with more ease and less danger travel not onely beyond the bounds of this Province, but even from East to West, then out of Alexandria into Alexan∣dria. For the very mid∣dle street of this a 1.86 City is more unfrequented and im∣passible then that vast and invious wilderness which Israel travelled through in two Ages. b 1.87 Those calm and still Havens do represent the Sea through which the Israelites had a spatious passage, it being divided, and made like a wall on both hands, c 1.88 but the Ae∣gyptians were drowned in the paths thereof. And through the frequent slaugh∣ters perpetrated therein, they were like a red Sea. The River which runneth by the City seemed sometimes more dry and uncomfort∣able then the thirsty wil∣derness, through which, when the Israelites travel∣led, they were so thirsty, that they murmured against Moses, until by the power of God (who onely doth marvellous things) water gushed out of a craggy Rock for them. At o∣ther times it overflowed in such abundance, that it laid all the Countrey round a∣bout under water, the Highways and the fields, and seemed to threaten a return of that deluge which was in the days of Noah. It runneth by, being continually polluted with bloud, and murthered, and drowned bodies; like that River which by Moses, in the sight of Pharaoh, was turn∣ed into bloud, and stank: And what other water can purifie this water which purgeth all things it self? How can that vast and im∣mense Ocean which is impassible by men, cleanse this bitter Sea? Or how can that great River which springeth out of Eden, though it gather its four heads, into which it is divided, into that one of G••on, wash away this putrified gore? Or how can that * 1.89 Aire be purified, which on every side is defiled with most noisome exhalations? For such vapours arise from the Earth; such winds from the Sea; such blasts from the Rivers; and such mists from the Havens, that the very dews are nothing else but the Gore of dead Carkasses putrified in all the subjacent Elements. After all this they wonder, and seem to doubt whence these d 1.90 continued Plagues; whence these noy∣some diseases; these contagions of all kinds; and this various, and numerous destruction of men proceeds. They admire why this great City contains not in it as many inhabitants, (should they be numbred even from infants to the most aged and decrepit) as it formerly maintained persons, who were e 1.91 lively old men, as they called them. But in those days there were so many persons betwixt fourty and seventy years old, that their number could not now be made up, although, all from fourteen to fourscore years of age were registred, and their names enrolled in the Tables, that they might partake of the pub∣lick distribution of Corn. And our youngest men now look as if they were of the same age with our old men formerly. And although they see man∣kind so much diminished and consumed from off the earth, (their intire destruction being increased and augmented incessantly) yet they tremble not.

CHAP. XXII. Concerning the Plague which then raged.

AFterwards the Pestilence succeeding the War; when the Feast [of Easter] was at hand, Dionysius again writeth to the Brethren,

describing the miseries of that calamity in these words:

a 1.92 To some men this present may seem not a time to celebrate a Festival; but neither this which we observe, nor any other time (I speak not onely of the mournful, but also of any of those times which they account most joyful) is a time of festi∣vity to them. Now indeed all places are full of mour∣ning; all persons lament; and the City rings on every side with continual lamen∣tations for the multitudes of them who are already dead, and who are daily dying: For as the Scri∣pture saith concerning the first born of the Aegyp∣tians, so now a great cry is heard: for there is no house, in which there is not one dead; (b 1.93 and I wish there were but one in every house:) Indeed ma∣ny, and sore afflictions have befaln us before this cala∣mity. c 1.94 First of all they expelled us out of the City. And when we onely were persecuted and oppressed by all men, yet nevertheless even then we kept the Festi∣val days. And every place, where every one of us par∣ticularly underwent affli∣ction; The Field; the Desert; the Ship; the Inn; the Prison, was a place for holding our so∣lemn Assemblies: but the perfected Martyrs, who are satiated in heaven, kept the most joyful feast of all. After these [miseries] succeeded War, and Famine; In which we were fellow∣sufferers with the Heathens. We alone suffered what∣ever they afflicted us with; but what ever calamities they brought upon them∣selves and suffered, we par∣ticipated of. And we were again made joyful by the Peace of Christ, which he granted to us alone: But when both we and they had enjoyed a very short time of refresh∣ment, this Plague immediately invaded us. A thing most formidable to them, and more cala∣mitous than any accident whatsoever. And, as one of their own writers saith, it was the onely thing which surmounted all mens expectation and fear. It was indeed no such thing to us; but rather an exercise, and tryal, nothing inferi∣our to our former sufferings: for this Plague did not spare us; but it raged grievously a∣mongst the Heathens.

After these words he con∣tinues, saying;

Indeed many of our Brethren, through their superabundant love, and brotherly kindness neglecting their own selves, and firmly adhering to one another, without any thing of caution visiting them who were infected, care∣fully ministring to them, and healing them in Christ, most willingly died with them; in∣fecting themselves with other mens distempers, attracting the disease from their neighbours upon themselves, and voluntarily d 1.95 drawing the infection out of them by translating it into themselves. And many who had cured and restored others to their former health, died themselves, having brought their death upon themselves; And being thus made the ransom and expiation for them all, they died, really ful∣filling that common saying, which always hi∣therto hath seemed to contain no more than an officious e 1.96 friendship. Thus therefore died the best of our brethren; some of whom were Priests, and others Deacons; also those of the Laity which were eminent died voluntarily: So that this kind of death which was suffered upon account of piety, and a stedfast faith, may be esteemed no less honourable then Martyrdom. They took the dead bodies of the Saints up in their open hands, and into their bosoms; they closed their eyes, and shut their mouthes; car∣ried them upon their shoulders; and f 1.97 buried them: they stuck close to them; embraced them; washed them; and g 1.98 adorned them cu∣riously in their cloathes: not long after they had the like good offices performed to them∣selves: for those who survived did continually tread in the steps of such as went before them. But the Gentiles practice was quite contrary to this. They thrust out of doors those which begun to be infected; they fled away from those who were most dear to them; they deserted them being half dead in the high-ways; and cast forth the dead bodies unburied; being ut∣terly averse from a participation and society [with them] in death, which yet was in no wise easie for them to avoid, though they used all arts and devices to decline it.

After this E∣pistle, when affaires in Alexandria were in a peaceable and quiet posture, he again sendeth ano∣ther Paschal Epistle to the Brethren throughout Aegypt, he also writ several others besides this. There is also extant an Epistle of his concerning the Sabbath, and another concerning Exercitation. Again, in an Epistle to Hermammon, and the Bre∣thren in Aegypt, he has a long discourse concer∣ning the improbity of Decius and his successours, where he also makes mention of the peace in the Reign of Gallienus.

CHAP. XXIII. Concerning the Reign of Gallienus.

NOthing hinders but we may hear his own words which run thus:

[a 1.99 Macrianus] therefore, having treacherously betrayed one of the Emperours which preceded him, and made War upon the other, was immediately extir∣pated, and together with his whole family became extinct. Gallienus was now proclaimed, and by com∣mon consent received Em∣perour: he was both an old Emperour, and a new: for he was before * 1.100 them, and also survived them: for ac∣cording to that which was spoken by the Prophet E∣saias, † 1.101 Behold the former things are come to pass, and new things shall now rise up. For as a cloud rising up be∣fore the rays of the fun, overshadoweth it for a while, and appears to be substituted into the place thereof: but when the cloud has gone over it, or is dissolved; the sun, which before was risen, seems then to arise again: so Macrianus, who set himself before, and b 1.102 approacht the very Empire of Gallienus, now is not, for he never was: but Gallienus as he was Emperour before, so he now continues to be. And the Empire it self, having deposited its old Age as it were, and being cleansed from the dregs of its former improbity, now flourisheth with grea∣ter vividness; is seen and heard of at a larger distance, and spreads its fame in all places.

He afterwards declares the time when he wrote these things, in these words:

It now again comes into my mind to contemplate the years of our Emperour: For I see how those most impious persons who had so great a name, are in a short time become most obscure. But our most Pious and Religious Emperour, having passed his seventh, is now in the ninth year of his Empire, in which we are about to solemnize the Festivals.

CHAP. XXIV. Concerning Nepos, and his Schism.

BEsides, Dionysius wrote two Books concerning the promises. The occasion of his writing these Books was Nepos, an Aegyptian Bishop, who taught that the promises, which were made to the Saints in the sacred Scriptures, should be performed in the * 1.103 Jewish sence, and affirmed that there was to come a thousand years state upon earth, which should be spent in bodily pleasures. Now he supposing he could confirm his own opinion out of John's Revelation, wrote a Book upon this Question, and intitled it, A Confutation of the Allegorical Expositors; which piece Dio∣nysius confutes in his Books concerning the Pro∣mises. In the first Book of which he proposeth his own opinion concerning the Question. In the second he discourseth concerning the Reve∣lation of John, where in the very beginning he makes mention of this Nepos, and writes thus concerning him:

But because they produce a Book of Nepos's, on which they rely very much, as if it did a 1.104 infallibly de∣monstrate that the King∣dom of Christ should be [set up] on earth: in∣deed for several other things I commend and love Nepos, for his faith, his industry and study in the Scriptures, and also for the many b 1.105 Psalms and Hymns he composed, with which many of the Bre∣thren are even at this time much delighted. And I re∣verence the man for this reason chiefly, because he is c 1.106 dead. But I judge truth most to be beloved, and to be the most precious of all things. It is our duty to praise, and freely to commend what-ever is truly said: but we are al∣so to examine and correct what-ever unsound opinion appears to have been com∣mitted to writing. Now could he be present, and discusse his opinion by word of mouth, then a bare discourse by Questions and Answers, without any wri∣ting might suffice to con∣vince and reduce the ad∣verse party to an agree∣ment. But since there is a Book published (and as to some it seems) a most perswasive one; since some Teachers look upon the Law and the Prophets to be of no value; neglect to follow the Gospels; have small esteem for the Epistles of the Apostles; and d 1.107 promise great things concerning the Doctrine of this Book, as containing some great and hid∣den▪ Mystery; since they will not suffer the more ig∣norant of our brethren to think of any thing that is sublime and great, neither of the glorious and truly divine advent of our Lord, nor of our Resurrection from the dead; our ga∣thering together to him, and our being made like him: e 1.108 But perswade them to think that men hope for nothing in the Kingdom of God, but abject and mortal things, such as they now hope for. It is necessary we enter into a dispute against our Brother Nepos, as if he himself were present.

After some words he continues, saying;

When I was in the Province of the f 1.109 Arsinoitae (where, as you know, this opinion was long since propagated so far, that there were Schisms and revoltings of whole Churches together▪) having convened the Presbyters and

Teachers of the Brethren in every particular Vilage, (such Brethren also as had a mind to come being present,) I advised them that there might be researches made into this Doctrine, in the presence of a publick Assembly. And when they produced this Book as a defence, and an impregnable bulwark, sitting with them three whole days together from morning till evening, I endeavoured to discusse the contents thereof. In all which time I did extraordinarily ad∣mire the constancy of the Brethren, their love to truth, and the g 1.110 great quickness and readiness of their understanding, with so much order, modesty and moderation did we pro∣pose Questions, propound doubts, and yield our as∣sents. For we took special care never pertina∣ciously to defend our former opinions, when once they were found to be erroneous: neither did we shun the objections of others: But to the utmost of our power, we endeavoured to h 1.111 keep close to the points of the present Question, and confirm them as well as we could: Neither, if we were convinc't, were we ashamed to be perswaded out of our opinion, and consent with others: But with a good con∣science, unfeignedly, and with i 1.112 hearts displai'd to God, we received what-ever was grounded upon the demonstrations and declarations of the sacred Scripture. In the conclusion, the chief maintainer and champion of this Doctrine, by name Coracio, confessed, and made a protesta∣tion to us in the Audience of all the Brethren there Assembled, that he would no longer ad∣here to this opinion, nor dispute concerning it, nor mention it, nor preach it, so powerfully was he convinc't by the Arguments which had been brought against it. And the rest of the Brethren, which were present, rejoyced at this conference, and at the k 1.113 reconciliation and unanimity which was amongst all men.

CHAP. XXV. Concerning the Revelation of John.

HAving interposed some words, he afterwards says thus concerning the Revelation of John;

Indeed some of our Ancestours disowned, and wholly rejected this Book; confuting every Chapter, and demonstrating it to be an un∣known and senseless work; and that the Title is forged; for they say it is not John's. Neither is it a Revelation, because it is covered over with so thick and dark a vail of Ignorance. And that not onely no Apostle, but also no holy or Ecclesiastick person could have been the com∣piler of this work: but that it was * 1.114 Cerinthus, the founder of the Heresie, called from him the Cerinthian Heresie, who was desirous to have a creditable name prefixt before his forgery: for this, they say, was Cerinthus's Opinion and Doctrine; that Christ's Kingdom should be ter∣restrial: And whatsoever he, being a carnal and voluptuous man most lusted after, in these he dream'd the Kingdom of Christ consisted; as in indulging the belly, and the parts beneath the belly, I mean, in eating, drinking, and mar∣rying; and also in festivals, sacrifices, and kil∣ling of victims, by which these might with more specious pretences be acquired. I dare not indeed reject this Book, since many of the Brethren have it in great esteem. But this is the Opinion I have of it, I think the sense or subject there of surpasseth my apprehension, and that there is a mysterious and admirable mea∣ning covertly contained in every part of it; for though I do not understand it, yet I suppose there is a more profound meaning comprehen∣ded in the words. I do not judge of, nor fathom these things by the line of my own reason; but attributing much more to faith, I esteem them more sublime then to be com∣prehended by me. I do not condemn those things I could not understand, but I the rather admire them because I cannot see through them.

After these words, having carefully look't into the whole Book of the Revelation, and demonstrated that it was impossible to be understood according to the obvious sense of the words, he goes on, saying;

But having fini∣shed his Prophesie, (as I may call it,) the Prophet pronounceth blessing upon all them who keep it, and moreover on himself too; for he saith: * 1.115 Blessed is he that keepeth the words of the Prophesie of this book: And I am John which saw and heard these things. I do not indeed deny that his name was John, and that this was John's Book: [for I grant that it was written by some holy and divinely inspired person:] But I cannot easily be brought to give my consent that this was John the Apostle, the son of Zebedee, the brother of James, the Author of the Gospel according to John, and of the Catholick Epistle. For I conjecture by the Genius and Nature of them both, by the form of the stile, and the method and a 1.116 disposition (as they call it) of the Book, that it is not the same writer. For the Evangelist does no where insert his name; neither does he make him∣self known either in his Epistle, or Gospel.

After∣wards he thus proceeds a∣gain:

John no where [speaks] either as con∣cerning himself, or as con∣cerning another. But he that wrote the Revelation prefixeth his name at the very beginning: [where he says,]

* 1.117 The Revelation of Jesus Christ which he gave unto him to shew to his ser∣vants quickly, and he sent and signified it by his Angel unto his servant John, who bare record of the word of God, and of the testimony [of Jesus Christ, and] of all things which he saw. Afterwards he writes an Epistle: † 1.118 John unto the seven Churches in Asia; Grace be unto you, and peace.

Now the Evangelist has not pre∣fixt his name, no not before his Catholick E∣pistle: But, without any circumlocution, has made his beginning from the Mystery of the

Divine Revelation. * 1.119 That which was from the beginning, which we have heard, which we have seen with our eyes. For upon account of this kind of Revelation the Lord hath pronounced Peter blessed in these words, † 1.120 Blessed art thou Simon Bar-jona: for flesh and bloud hath not revealed it unto thee, but my Father which is in heaven. But neither before the second, nor third Epistle of John which are extant, although they are very short, his John's name expresly prefixt; but he is namelesly intituled the Elder. But the other [John] thought it not enough to name himself once and so to proceed in his re∣lation, but he again repeateth his name. * 1.121 I John, even your brother and companion in tribula∣tion, and in the kingdom and patience of Jesus, was in the Isle that is called Patmos, for the word of God, and for the testimony of Jesus Christ. And at the close of this Book he saith. † 1.122 Bles∣sed is he that keepeth the sayings of the Prophesie of this book. And I John saw these things and heard them. Therefore that it was John who wrote these things, we ought to believe, because he affirms it. But what John it was 'tis un∣certain; for he has not said that he himself was that John, who in several places of the Gospel is called the beloved Disciple of the Lord; or that he was he who lay in the bo∣som of the Lord; or that he was the brother of James; or that he was the person who with his own eyes and ears saw and heard the Lord. For certainly he would have mentioned some of these forementioned [descriptions,] if he were de∣sirous to have made himself apparently known: But he has recorded none of these passages in his writings, but stiles himself our brother and companion and witness of Jesus, and calls himself blessed, because he saw and heard these Revelations. I suppose there were many of the same name with John the Apostle, who through their love to, admiration and zea∣lous emulation of him, and because they were desirous to be beloved of the Lord as he was, had a great love for this name. b 1.123 As we see many chil∣dren of the faithful cal∣led by the name of Paul and Peter. Moreover there is another John mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles, Sirnamed * 1.124 Mark, whom Barnabas and Paul took to be their companion. Con∣cerning whom it is again said, * 1.125 They had John to be their Minister. Whether it were he that was the Au∣thour of this Revelation or not, I dare not affirm. For 'tis no where written that he came with them into A∣sia, but 'tis said that when Paul and his company loosed from Paphos, they came to Perga in Pamphi∣lia: and John departing from them, returned to Je∣rusalem. Therefore I think it was some other John, one of them who lived in Asia. For 'tis said there are two Tombes at Ephesus, and both called by the name of John's Tombe. c 1.126 Also from the sentences, the words, and the disposition or placing of them, this John who wrote the Reve∣lation, may with good reason be suspected to be a distinct person from the other John; for there is a mutual agreement betwixt the Gospel and the Epistle, and they both begin alike: the Gospel begins thus: In the beginning was the word. The Epistle thus: That which was from the beginning. The Gospel says: And the word was made flesh and dwelt a∣mongst us, And we beheld his glory, the glory as of the onely begotten Son of the Father. The Epistle says the same with a ve∣ry little variation: That which we have heard, which we have seen with our eyes, which we have looked upon, and our hands have handled of the word of life; for the life was mani∣fested. For these are his preludiums, directing his words (as in the following passages he has declared) against those, who denyed that Christ came in the flesh. Where∣fore on set purpose he subjoyneth this, And what we have seen we bear witness to, and shew unto you that eternal life which was with the Father, and was manifested unto us. That which we have seen and heard, declare we unto you. He is constant to himself, and does not in the least wander from his subject proposed, but in the same d 1.127 Periods and words he does prosecute all points, some of which expressions we will briefly recount. He who does carefully read them, will both in his Gospel and Epistle, very frequently meet with life; very often with light; an avoiding of darkness; very frequently with truth; grace; joy; the flesh and bloud of our Lord; judgment; forgiveness of sins; the love of God towards us; the commandment of mutual love one towards another; and that we ought to keep all the Commandments. There is also contained in them the e 1.128 condemnation of the World, of the Devil, and of An∣tichrist; the promise of the Holy Ghost; the Adoption of the sons of God; a faith Universally required of us; mention of the Father and the Son in every place. In summe, they who note the phrase in all things throughly may easily discern, that the Genius and Stile, both in the Gospel and the Epistle appears to be one and the same. But the Revelation is altogether different from, and unlike to these; it has no alliance to, nor (as I may so say) familiarity with either of these: nor has the Revelation so much as one syllable in it which is common to these: Neither does the Epistle (for I omit the Gospel) make the least mention of the Revelation; nor the Revelation of the Epistle▪ And yet Paul in his Epistles mentions something concerning his Revelations, which he did not digest into a volume by themselves. Furthermore by the phrase, the difference be∣twixt the Epistle and Gospel and the Revelation, may be easily conjectured: for those are not

onely written most * 1.129 correctly and agreeable to the purity of the Greek tongue, but they are also composed with great elegancy in the words, in the Argumentations and whole contexture of the discourse: So impossible it is for any one to find any Barbarism or Soloecism, or lastly any Idiotism in them. For [the Evan∣gelist] ('tis apparent) had f 1.130 both faculties; the Lord had endewed him with both, that is, the gift of knowledge, and the gift of speaking. As touching this other John I doe not indeed deny that he saw the Revelation, and that he received the [gift of] knowledge and of pro∣phesie. But I take notice that his dialect and stile is not pure Greek, but he makes use of some Barbarous words, yea and in some places he has Soloecismes, which it is not now neces∣sary to give a Catalogue of. For I would have no one suppose that I have said these things in a way of derision; but onely on this account, that I might explain the dissimilitude of these books.

CHAP. XXVI. Concerning Dionysius's Epistles.

THere are extant many more of Dionysius's Epistles a 1.131 besides these. As for example, his Epistles to Ammon Bishop of Berenice against Sabellius; and an Epistle to Telephorus; also one to Euphranor; and again another to Ammon, and Euporus. He also wrote b 1.132 four more Books upon the same subject, and dedicated them to his namesake Dionysius Bishop of Rome. There are also more of his Epistles besides these extant a∣mongst us: and moreover some Books of his, which are something verbose and prolixe, and are written in an Epistolary form: As for exam∣ple, his Books concerning c 1.133 Nature, which are de∣dicated to Timotheus a child, concerning Tem∣ptations, which he dedicated to Euphranor: Be∣sides these Books, in his Epistle to Basilides Bishop of Pentapolis, he says he wrote a comment upon the beginning of Ecclesiastes. He has also left us several Epistles which he wrote to this d 1.134 Basilides. Thus many are Dionysius's works. But now after an Historical relation of those things, we will deli∣ver to the knowledge of Posterity an account of our own Age.

CHAP. XXVII. Concerning Paul of Samosata, and the Heresie foun∣ded by him at Antioch.

DIonysius, namesake to Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria, succeeds Xystus, after he had presided over the Church of Rome a 1.135 Eleven years. About the same time also died Demetrianus Bishop of Antioch▪ whom Paul of Samosata succeeded in his Bishoprick. This Paul had an abject and low opinion of Christ, contrary to the Doctrine of the Church, as if he had been by nature no more then a meer man; Dionysius Bishop of Alexan∣dria was intreated to come to the Synod: He having complained of his Age, and also of his infirmity of body deferred his coming; But he openly declared by letter what was his sense and opinion concerning the matter in debate. But the rest of the Pastors of the Churches from all parts hastned to Antioch, and were convened there as against the corrupter of Christ's flock.

CHAP. XXVIII. Concerning the Eminent Bishops of those times.

THe most eminent of these assembled were Fir∣milianus Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia; Gregory and Athenodorus both brothers, Bishops of the Churches of Pontus: Besides these there were Helenus Bishop of Tarsus, and a 1.136 Nichomas Bi∣shop of Iconium: Also Hymenaeus Bishop of Je∣rusalem, and Theotecnus Bishop of Caesarea upon the Confines of Jerusalem: Besides these, Maxi∣mus, who with great commendation governed the Brethren of Bostra. And a great many more may be reckoned; who, together with Pres∣byters and Deacons, were convened in the afore∣said City at the time aforesaid, and upon the same account. But these were the most eminent of them. All these therefore being assembled in the same place together, b 1.137 divers times and often, disputations and Questions were raised in every Synod. On the one side Paul of Samosata en∣deavoured to conceale and hide his Heterodox Opinions; on the other, these persons striving with all diligence to denudate and make apparent his Heresie and Blasphemie against Christ. In the

interim Dionysius * 1.138 dies in the twelfth year of Gallienus's Empire, after he had presided in the Bi∣shoprick of Alexandria seventeen years. Maxi∣mus succeedeth him. But Gallienus, having held the Empire fifteen years compleat, Claudius was constituted his successour. He, having Reigned two years, left the Government to Aurelianus.

CHAP. XXIX. How Paul being confuted by Malchion a Presbyter, (who formerly had been one of the † 1.139 Sophistae) was deposed.

a 1.140 IN this Emperours time was the last Synod convened, which consisted of a very great number of Bishops: The Authour of that He∣resie at Antioch being now convicted, and by all manifestly condemn'd of false Doctrine, was ex∣communicated out of the Catholick Church, which is under heaven. But one b 1.141 Malchion most espe∣cially confuted and convinced him being desirous to keep himself conceal'd: He was a most eloquent man, and Master of the Grecian Philosophy School at Antioch. And moreover for his surpas∣sing sincerity in the faith of Christ, he was ho∣noured with a Presbytership of the Church there. Now this man having undertaken to dispute a∣gainst Paul, (the Notaries having written down all the passages of that disputation, which is at this day extant) was the onely person that was able to detect and convince that crafty and deceit∣full fellow.

CHAP. XXX. Concerning the Epistle of the Bishops against Paul.

THe Prelates therefore, being assembled toge∣ther, by common consent writ an Epistle to Dionysius Bishop of Rome, and Maximus Bishop of Alexandria: and then sent it over all the Provinces: both manifesting their diligence to all men; the perverse Heterodoxy of Paul, the Confutations and Disputes which were held against them; and also giving in a Narration of the whole Life and Morals of the man, whose words in which Epistle, that Posterity may re∣member them, it will be convenient here to relate.

THE EPISTLE.

To Dionysius and Maximus, and to all our fellow-Ministers over the whole world, Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons; and to the whole Catholick Church under heaven; Helenus, Hymenaeus, Theophilus, Theotecnus, Maximus, Proclus, Nicomas, a 1.142 Aelianus, Paul, Bolanus, Protogenes, Hierax, Eutychius, Theo∣dorus, Malchion, and Lucius; And all the rest of the Bishops of the Neighbouring Cities and Provinces which are with us, the b 1.143 Presbyters, and Deacons; and the Churches of God, To the beloved Brethren in the Lord, health. After some words interpos'd, they adde these following. We have written to, and intrea∣ted many of the Bishops far Remote; that they would come and assist in the Curing of this Pestiferous Doctrine: for we wrote to Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria, and to Firmili∣anus Bishop of Cappadocia, men of blessed Memory. The first of them wrote to Antioch, but did not so much as vouch∣safe the Authour of the Heresie a salutation; c 1.144 neither did he write to him by name, but to the whole Church: a Copy of which Letter we have here inserted. The other, Firmi∣lianus, came twice, and con∣demned Paul's novelties, as we who were then present do attest, and many others do also know as well as we. But when he promised to recant, Firmi∣lianus believing him, and ho∣ping that the business might be composed d 1.145 without any re∣proach to our Religion, deferred his sentence; being deceived by him who denyed his God and Lord, and who kept not the faith which he formerly professed. But Firmilianus was now about coming to An∣tioch: and he came as far as Tarsus; For he had had ex∣perience of his malicious wick∣edness who denyed his God. But in the interim of our assembling, and whilest we were sending for him, and expecting his coming, he died. After some other passages they describe his Morals, and what course of Life he lead, in these words: But since he turn'd to forged and spurions Opinions, departing from the e 1.146 true Rule, it is not our concern to examine the Actions of one who is out of the Church: Neither how he, who was formerly poor, and indigent, (having had no Estate from his Parents, nor got any thing by any Trade or Profession) is now become incredibly rich, by his unlawful, and sacrilegious dealings, f 1.147 by extortion, and vexatiousness used towards the Brethren, and by g 1.148 taking

bribes from those that were injured, promising to help them to their right, for a reward; but he deceiv'd them too, h 1.149 getting money for doing nothing through their willingness, who were entangled in Suits, to give any thing for a delivery from those troubles: He i 1.150 supposed godliness to be gain. Nei∣ther need we declare how proud and insolent he was, being invested with secular Dignities; and desiring to be stiled a k 1.151 Ducenarius, ra∣ther then a Bishop: and how he walk't in state through the * 1.152 Forum, reading and dicta∣ting Letters as he walked in publick, with a numerous Guard about him, some going before and some following him: in so much that there was an ill opinion and an odium brought upon the faith through his pride and haughtiness. Neither [does it concern us to examine] his vain glorious ambition in the Eccle∣siastick conventions, which he greedily pursues, being desirous of glory, and affected with an ima∣ginary pomp: with such devices as these terri∣fying the minds of the faithful and ignorant. Be∣sides, he errected for himself a l 1.153 Tribunal, and a lofty throne, not like one of Christ's disciples, but had a place called his m 1.154 Secretum, like as the se∣cular Magistrates have. He also used to clap his hand upon his thigh, and stamp't upon the Throne with his feet. And such as did not commend him, and shake their n 1.155 oraria, as they usually did in the Thea∣ters, and did not make loud exclamations, nor leapt up and down in the same manner as his favourites (which were a company of silly men and wo∣men that during their heark∣ning to him used such indecen∣cies) did; but were attentive to him with such a seemly reverence and decencie as be∣fits the house of God; those persons he rebuked and re∣proach't. In his publick dis∣courses he reflected upon those Doctours of our Religion that were dead, with all imaginable scorn and petulancy; but he magnified himself not as be∣came a Bishop, but rather like a counterfeit, and an Impostour. He abolished the Psalms, which were usually sung in honour of our Lord Jesus Christ, as No∣vel, and the composures of modern men. On the great feast of Easter, he appointed women to sing Psalms in his commendation in the body of the Church, which whosoever heard might justly trem∣ble at: He also privately sent the o 1.156 Bishops of the Neighbouring Villages and Towns, and the Pres∣byters who were his flatterers to make discourses to the people in commendation of him. For he will not joyn in a confession with us, that the Son of God came down from heaven, that we may now premise some things of what we shall hereafter more at large declare in writing. Neither shall this be affirmed on our bare word, but it is evident in many places up and down his p 1.157 Acts which we have sent you: and most especially there where he says that Jesus Christ is of the * 1.158 earth; But those who chaunt out his praises, and sing his Encomium's amongst the peo∣ple, do say, that this their im∣pious master is an angel come down from heaven: nor does that haughty fellow prohibit these expressions, but is himself present when they are spoken. What need we here mention his and his Presbyters and Deacons q 1.159 Subintroduced women (as the Antiochians term them?) in whom he con∣ceals not onely this, but many other damnable crimes, (which he is conscious of, and of which he has been convict they are guilty) that by this means he may keep them so obnoxious, as not to adventure, through a fear of their own guilt, to ac∣cuse him for his impious words and practises. Moreover, he has enriched them. And this is the reason he is beloved and admired by them who covet such things. But why do we write these things? We know (beloved) that it is the duty of a Bishop, and of the whole Clergy, to be examples of good works to the people. Neither are we ig∣norant, that by introducing women into their society, some have wholly fell away from goodness, and others have been suspected. Although therefore it be gran∣ted he committed nothing that was unchast, yet the very suspicion which arises from such a thing, ought carefully to be avoided, least it should be offensive to any one, and induce others to imitate it: for how can he reprove, or admonish another not to frequent the company of women, and to take heed least he fall, (as it is written,) who has now indeed sent away one, but keeps two that are young and beauti∣ful with him? and where-ever he goes, he carries them along with him; and therefore indulges, and r 1.160 stuffs himself with delicacies. These are the reasons that all people sigh, and lament private∣ly: but they so dread his Ty∣rany, and Authority, that they dare not accuse him; now, (as we have before said) any one would call a man, who pro∣fesses the Catholick Doctrine, and is reckoned of our Communion, to an account for these things. But from one, who has abjured the Mystery [of our Religion,] and has boasted in that cursed Heresie of Artemas, (for why may we not manifest to you his father:) we judge it needless to require an account of these things. Afterwards in the close of the Epistle they adjoyn these words. Having therefore ex∣communicated this contumacious Enemie of God; we were necessitated to ordain another Bishop in his stead over the Catholick Church, (as we are per∣swaded, not without the providence of God) [to wit,] Domnus (the son of Demetrianus of bles∣sed Memory, who before him was the eminent Go∣vernour of that See) a man adorned with all ac∣complishments requisite to a Bishop. Which we have therefore signified to you, that you may write

to him, and receive from him s 1.161 Communicatory ••etters: but as for this [Paul] let him write to Artemas, if he pleases, and let the followers of Artemas, hold Communion with him.

t 1.162 And let these things be here by us inserted. * Paul therefore having been devested of his Bi∣shoprick, and being also fallen from the orthodox Faith, Domnus (as is aforesaid) succeeded in the Government of the Church of Antioch; But u 1.163 Paul being by no means willing to quit the Pos∣session of the * 1.164 Church; an address was made to Aurelianus the Emperour, who most justly deter∣mined concerning this business; giving command that the Pallace should be resigned to whom the Bishops of the Christian Religion in Italy and Rome should assign it by their Letters. Thus therefore the aforementioned Paul, was with the greatest disgrace thrust out of the Church by the secular power. Thus indeed was Aurelian af∣fected towards us at that time; But in the fol∣lowing part of his Empire his mind towards us being altered, he was induced by the advice of some men to raise a Persecution against us. Much discourse there was every where concerning it: but the divine vengeance assaulted him, (being now ready, and as I may say, almost subscribing the Edicts against us,) [repressing] his design, and binding him (as it were) by the armes; making it evidently apparent to all men that the readiness of the Princes of this world [to per∣secute us] can never prevail against the Churches of Christ, unless the invincible hand of God in his divine and celestial judgment, permits it to be done for our chastisement and amendment, at those times in which he judgeth it most seasona∣ble. Moreover, Probus succeeds Aurelian, having Reigned six years. And after he had held the Empire the like number of years, Carus toge∣ther with his Sons, Carinus and Numerianus, suc∣ceed him. Again, these having not lived three full yeares, the Empire falls to Diocletian and those who were adopted with him. In whose times the Persecution against us was accomplished, and at the same time with it was the demolishing of the Churches: but a little before this, died Dionysius, after he had governed the See of Rome nine years, and Felix succeeded him.

CHAP. XXXI. Concerning the heterodox and corrupt opinion of the Manichees which sprang up at this time.

AT the same time that mad-man, (truly cal∣led a 1.165 Manes) who gave denomination to that furious Heresie, was armed with madness; Satan himself that Adversary of God, having pro∣duced him for the destruction of many men. This person was barbarous in his whole course of life, in his very discourse and manners, he was as to his disposition devilish and mad: he undertook what was agreeable hereto, and attempted to feign him∣self to be Christ. Sometimes he declared him∣self to be the * 1.166 Paraclete, and the very holy Spirit, being also besides his madness puft up with pride: at other times, as if he were Christ, he elected twelve disciples to be Colleagues of his new∣formed opinion: Moreover, when he had patched up a Collection of false and Atheistical opinions, gathered out of various Heresies which were long since extinct, he poured them, like some deadly poi∣son, out of Persia into b 1.167 our Countrey. Hence came that impious name of the c 1.168 Manichees, which at this time abounds in many places; such there∣fore was the original of this d 1.169 forged doctrine, which sprang up in the times before mentioned.

CHAP. XXXII. Concerning those Ecclesiastick men who were famous even in our Age, and which of them lived till the demolishing of the Churches.

AT this time Eutychianus succeeded Felix, who had been Bishop of the Church of Rome five years. And a 1.170 he, having not lived full ten months, leaves the dignity to Caius, who lived in our Age: when he had presided there about fifteen years, Mar∣cellinus was ordained his successour; whom the Per∣secution overtook: At this time Timaeus succeeded Dom∣nus in the Government of the Church of Antioch: After him Cyril succeeded in our memory. In his time we knew one b 1.171 Dorotheus, who then had the dignity of Pres∣byter

in the Church of Antioch, a very learned man: he was very studious in the sacred Scri∣ptures, and used so great sedulity in attaining the Hebrew tongue, that he could read the Scriptures in Hebrew with great skillfullness: he was a person that had been c 1.172 excellently well educated, and was not unexperienced in the Grecian Literature: but he was by nature an Eunuch, having been so from his very birth. The Emperour for this reason, (it being for example a thing which was wonder∣ful,) took him into his favour, and advanced him to the Office of overseeing the Purple Dy-house at Tyre: we have heard this person expound the holy Scriptures in the Church indifferently well: But after Cyrillus, Tyrannus succeeded in the Bishoprick of the Church of Antioch; in whose time the de∣stroying of the Churches was very violent: After Socrates, Eusebius Governed the See of Laodicea, who was born at the City of Alexandria; the cause of his removal [out of his own Countrey] was the controversie about Paul: Upon which account coming into Syria, he was detained from returning home by those persons who in that place diligently busied themselves about celestial mat∣ters; he was in our memory a most amiable or∣nament of Religion; as we may easily understand from the words of Dionysius before quoted: d 1.173 Anatolius was ordained his successour, a good man (as the saying is) succeeding a good man. He also was an Alexandrian by birth; for eloquence, Gre∣cian Literature and Philoso∣phy, he was acknowledged the chiefest of the most emi∣nent men in our age; for he had arrived to a perfection in Arithmetick, Geometry, Astronomy, Logick, Physical Contemplations, and Rhetorick. Upon which account (as report says) he was intreated by the Citizens of Alex∣andria to set up a School there of the e 1.174 Aristo∣telick Order [of Philosophers:] They relate indeed many other famous acts of his in the Siege of the f 1.175 Bruchium at Alexandria: for by an uni∣versal consent he was dignified with the chiefe•••• place of preheminence and authority amongst the magistracy of that City: but for instance I will here mention onely this Act of his. There being (as they say) a great scarcity of Corn amongst the besieged, (in so much that the famine was more in∣tolerable to them then the enemies without;) this a∣fore-mentioned Anatolius be∣ing there, made this provi∣sion [for their relief:] the one g 1.176 part of the City being confederates with the Roman Army, and upon that ac∣count not besieged; Anato∣lius sendeth to Eusebius (for as yet he was there, this happening before his remo∣val into Syria,) who was amongst them that were not besieged, and had gotten great repute, and a famous name even with the Roman General, to inform him of [the number] of those that died by the famine in the siege. Eusebius understan∣ding this, petitioned the Ro∣man General as for the high∣est favour, that safety might be granted to those who would desert the enemy: ha∣ving obtained his request, he made it known to Anatolius; who, having forthwith re∣ceived the [General's] pro∣mise, called together the Se∣nate of Alexandria, and at first entreated them all to en∣ter into an amicable friend∣ship with the Romans. But when he perceived them to be exasperated at that his proposal, but (says he) I suppose you would not con∣tradict me in this, should I counsel you to send out of the gates all persons which are superfluous, and of whom we have no use at all, to wit, old women, children, and old men, and let them go whither they will: for why should we to no purpose retain them with us, who are even dying? Why do we destroy them with famine, who are disabled and maimed in their bodies? We ought to feed onely men, and those that are young and strong, and to h 1.177 distribute necessary corn to such as are fit to defend the City: When by such arguments as these he had prevalled with the Se∣nate, rising up he gave his vote first: that all those who were not fit for service of what Sex soever, whether men, or wo∣men, should quit the City; for should they con∣tinue with them, and being wholly useless tarry in the City, there could be no hopes of safety; but they would be destroyed by the famine. All the rest of the Senate having approved of his pro∣posal, he saved almost all the besieged. First he provided that those of our Religion, then that others of all Ages throughout the City, (not

those onely to whom the Senate had given licence; but a great many others under pretence hereof) should make their escape secretly; who being dis∣guised in womens habit, went in the night out of the gates by his procurement, and fled to the Roman Army; where Eusebius▪ receiving them all, like a Father and Physician, refreshed them, who had been afflicted with a i 1.178 tedious siege, with all imaginable care, and methods of cure. The Church of Laodicea was honoured with two such Pastours as these by the divine providence, one succeeding the other, [for] after the war aforesaid was ended, they both removed from A∣lexandria into [Syria.] Indeed Anatolius did not write many books: but so many [works of his] came to our hand••, that from them we may perceive both his eloquence and his great lear∣ning; especially from those [Canons] of his in which he gives us his opinion concerning Easter: Out of which it may be requisite to make men∣tion of these words in this place.

k 1.179 Excerptions out of Anatolius's Canons con∣cerning Easter.

l 1.180 You have therefore in the first year the New-moon of the first moneth, (which is the beginning of the circle of nineteen years;) ac∣cording to the Aegyptian account on the 26 day of the moneth Phamenoth; but according to the Macedonian computation of moneths, on the 22 day of the moneth Dystrus; and as the Ro∣mans phrase it, before the 11^th of the Calends of A∣pril: On the aforesaid 26 day of the moneth Phame∣noth the Sun is found not onely to have entered the first segment [of the Zo∣diack,] but is then going the fourth day in it: They usually call this seg∣ment, the first Dodecatemorion, the Aequinox, the beginning of moneths, the head of the Cycle, and the m 1.181 original of the course of the Planets. The segment next before this they commonly call the end of the moneths, and the twelfth segment, the last Dodecatemorion, and the term of the circuit of the Planets: Wherefore we affirm that they who place the first moneth in this segment, and take the 14^th day n 1.182 from it to be the feast of Easter, are, as it happens, in no small mistake. Neither is this our opinion; but it was known to the antient Jews even before Christ's [com∣ing;] and it was also in an especial manner obser∣ved by them; which may be understood from the words of Philo, Josephus, and Musaeus. And not from the words of these persons onely, but from them who were antienter then they; to wit, from the two o 1.183 Aga∣thobulus's, who were sir∣named the Masters: and also from the p 1.184 famous Aristobulus, who was one of the Seventy, that at the request of Ptolom••us Philadelphus and his father, translated the Sacred and divine Scriptures of the Hebrews, and Dedicated his Expositions on Moses's Law to the same Kings. These Authours in their solutions of the Questions upon Exodus, say that all ought to sacrifice the Passover together after the vernal Aequinox, in the middle of the first moneth. Now this hap∣pens when the Sun goes through the first part of the Solar Circle, or (as some of them terme it) the Zodiack: but Aristo∣bulus addeth, that not onely the Sun, but the Moon al∣so must of necessity pass through the Aequinoctial segment on the feast of the Passover: for where∣as there are two Aequi∣noctial segments, the one called the vernal; the other the Autumnal; and they diametrically opposite the one to the other; and whereas the feast of the Pass∣over is granted to be on the 14 day at evening, the Moon shall be diametrically opposite to the Sun, as we may see it is in full Moons. Where∣fore the Sun will be in the vernal Aequinoctial segment; and the Moon will necessarily be in the Autumnal Aequinoctial segment. I know they have said a great deal more; (part where∣of is probable, and part concluded from most certain demonstrations;) by which they en∣deavour to make it evident, that the feast of the Passover, and that of unleavened bread must al∣ways be celebrated after the Aequinox. But I omit the requiring such abundance of demon∣strations from them, off whom the Veil of the Mosaisck Law is taken: and by whom (the face being now uncovered) may be seen as in a glass for the future, both Christ himself, Christ's doctrines, and his sufferings. Now, that the first moneth amongst the Hebrews does be∣gin about the Aequinox, the precepts in the q 1.185 Book of Enoch are suf∣ficient evidences.

The same Anatolius has left us Institutions of * 1.186 Arithmetick in ten entire books, as also several other evidences of his diligence about, and great experience in, the holy Scri∣ptures; Theotecnus Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine first or∣dained him Bishop by impo∣sition of hands, providing him to be his successour in his own Church. And in∣deed for some small time they both r 1.187 presided over that Church together. But the Synod against Paul be∣ing convened at Antioch,

f 1.188 he going through the City of Laodicea [to∣wards that Synod] was there detained by the brethren, Eusebius being then dead: After the death of Anatolius, Stephen is ordained Bishop of that Church, being the last before the Persecution. He was indeed admired by many for his eloquence, Philosophy, and his other Grecian learning: but he was not t 1.189 so well affected towards the true faith [of Christ,] as the time of the following Persecution after∣wards demonstrated; which manifestly declared him to be a dissembler, fearful and cowardous, rather then a true Philosopher: but after this the affairs of that Church did not forthwith run to de∣cay; For Theodotus u 1.190 Or∣dained Bishop of that Church by God himself the preser∣ver of all things▪ immediately restored all things to their former splendour: He was a person who in deeds veri∣fied his own name, and made a true representation of the Episcopal Office; he was of all men the most eminent for his skill in Physick and in cu∣ring of the body. And there was no man his equal for healing of souls; for hu∣manity, sincerity of mind, commiseration, and diligence in helping those who wan∣ted his assistance: he was also incomparably well exer∣cised in divine learning. Such a person was this Theodotus. Agapius succeedeth Theotec∣nus, who had governed the Bishoprick of Caesarea in Pa∣lestine with great care. Who, we know, was very laborious, and most sincerely sollicitous for the good of the people over whom he presided; and with a liberal hand relieved all, most especially the indigent: In this man's times we knew Pam∣philus (a most Eloquent man, and a true Philoso∣pher in the practises of his life) honoured with a Presbytership of that Church. To declare what a person this man was, and whence descended, would be a copious subject. But all things rela∣ting to his life, the † 1.191 School he founded; the conflicts which during the time of Persecution he underwent in several confessions, and lastly the crown of Martyrdom with which he was encircled, we have fully declared in a x 1.192 peculiar work. Indeed this Pamphilus was the most ad∣mirable person of all that lived here. y 1.193 Amongst those men who lived nearest to our times, we knew these to be most eminent, Pierius one of the Presbyters of Alexandria; And z 1.194 Meletius Bishop of the Churches in Pontus: Pierius was egregiously esteemed for his [voluntary] po∣verty, and his Philosophick literature: he was also a man singularly exercised in Contemplations upon the Scriptures, exposi∣tions, and publick discourses in the Church: and Mele∣tius (whom the learned cal∣led the a 1.195 Honey of Attica) was such a man as one would describe to be most accom∣plished with all sorts of learning. The powerfulness of his eloquence cannot wor∣thily be admired. But, should any one say that he had this faculty by nature, [we an∣swer,] who could excell him in his knowledge in many other Arts and Sci∣ences, and in his various sorts of literature? Certainly, should any per∣son have made tryal of him, he would have affirmed that he was a man most acute in all Sciences which have a dependence on reason; and also most eloquent: The virtue and piety of his life was also correspondent to these his accom∣plishments. In the time of the persecution we knew this man, when he absconded for the space of seven years compleat in the regions of Pale∣stine. After Hymenaeus Bishop of Jerusalem, a little before mentioned, Zambdas entred upon the Government of that Church; who dying not long after, Hermon, the last of the Bishops before the Persecution in our Age, succeeded in the Aposto∣lick Chair, b 1.196 which is pre∣served there even to this day. Theonas succeedeth Maxi∣mus in the Bishoprick of Alexandria, who had been Bishop there eighteen years, since Dionysius's death. In his days Achillas, who at the same time with Pierius was honoured with a Pres∣bytership, was very famous [at Alexandria] who was entrusted with the care of the * 1.197 Catechetick School. He in his actions exhibited a most excellent example (in∣feriour to none) of a more sublime Philosophy, and a genuine pattern of an Evangelick converse. After Theonas had born the Episcopal Office nineteen years, Peter succeeded in the Episcopate of Alexandria. He also was esteemed a person very eminent in his function, which he bore twelve years compleat. Having presided over the Church almost three of those twelve years, before the Persecution, he past the rest of his time in a more strict and c 1.198 ascetick course of life; but

continued to be apparently solicitous for the pub∣lick utility of the Churches. Upon which ac∣count being beheaded in the ninth year of the Persecution, he was adorned with a crown of Martyrdom. But having here terminated the History of the succession of Bishops from our Saviour's Nativity, to the demolishing of the Churches; which [History] comprehendeth the space of d 1.199 three hundred and five years; in the sub∣sequent [Books] we will record the conflicts of those, who in our Age couragiously fought for Religion, how many and how great they were, and leave them for the information of suc∣ceeding Ages.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Decius the Empe∣rour had 2 sons, the el∣der was na∣med, Quin∣tus Heren∣nius Etrus∣cus Messius Decius; The youn∣ger, Caius Valens Ho∣stilianus Messius Quintus. They were both made Caesars by their father, and afterwards Augusti, as may appear by their Coins, and the inscri∣ptions upon them. Vales.
• b 1.2

  Eusebius in his Chronicle saith Decius Reigned one year, and three moneths. Aurelius Victor saith he died after he had Reigned two years compleat. But Victor in his Epitomy saith he Reigned 30 moneths. Eusebius in his Chronicle Assigns one year and three moneths to Decius, because he had before said that Philip Reigned seven years, whereas he Reigned but six. After his death Decius proclaimed himself both Emperour, and Consul, which was in the year of Christ 249. And in the year 250. he was again Consul. And also the year after he kept his Government, as we may gather, by a Decree of the Senate which was made in that year, which Pollio in Valerian relates. Wherefore he died the year following, together with his sons (when Gallus, and Volusianus were Consuls,) being all kill'd in the Wa••••s in Thrace. Vales.
• c 1.3

  Baronius placeth Origen's death at the year of Christ 256, in the third year of Gallus and Volusianus; Eusebius here placeth it in the same year that Decius died▪ and Gallus began to Govern. But Eusebius himself in the 36^th chap. of the 6^th book of this History confirmeth what Baronius saith: for he says that in the 3^d year of Philip the Emperours Reign, Origen was above 60 years old. And from the 3^d year of Philip's Reign to the 3^d year of Gallus and Volusianus's Consulship, 'tis 9 years. Moreover, if we say Origen liv'd 69 years, and died in the first year of Gallus the Emperour, he must ne∣cessarily be born in the 4^th year of Commodus the Emperour: but the Chronicon Alexandr▪ assigns his birth to the ninth year of that Em∣perour. Vales.
• d 1.4

  Some Copies, as the King's M. S. and Stephan. Edit. in∣stead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And make it a Metaphor taken from them who sail with tide and stream. Vales.
• a 1.5

  At these words we should be∣gin the 3^d Chapter, for what follows concerning Cyprian, ought to be contained in the same sentence with these last words in this Chapter. And before these words in all books we find a distinction, which shews, here is to begin another Period. But Musculus, and Christoph▪ begin the third Chapter where we doe. Vales.
• a 1.6

  Cyprian was not the first Authour of this O∣pinion; but Agrippinus, who was Bishop of Carthage a long time be∣fore him, having assembled together the Bishops of Africa and Nu∣midia, made a Decree that Hereticks should be rebaptized, as Cyprian saith in his 71 and 73 Epistles. Therefore Cyprian ought here to be excused, who onely endeavoured to maintain his predecessours Opinion, which was established by the Authority of a Synod. But this Custom of rebaptizing Hereticks, had been used in Cappadocia time out of mind, as Firmilianus Bishop of O••sare•• in Cappadocia te∣stifieth in his Epistle to Cyprian. Vales.
• b 1.7

  The E∣pistle of Stephen to the Bishops of Africa is in the 74 and 75 Epist. of Cyprian. Firmilianus also, in his Epistle to Cyprian, relates some heads of that Epistle, and confutes them. Vales.
• * 1.8

  To Ste∣phen.
• * 1.9

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the term here) his some allusion to Novatus, or Novatianus's name: other Greek Authours call that which the Latines call Novitates haereseon, Novel∣ties, innovations, or newness of Doctrine, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• a 1.10

  Baronius from this Epistle of Dionysius's (at the year of Christ 259) ga∣thers that the Eastern Bishops had re∣nounced their Er∣rour, and adhered to Stephen's Opinion, that Here∣ticks were not to be re∣baptized. But any considerate reader of this Epistle will find it far otherwise. For the subject of this Epistle is twofold. 1. Whether Hereticks were to be rebaptized. 2. Concerning the unanimity of the Oriental Churches, which had abominated the Novatian Heresie, and Decree'd that the lapsed should be received. He therefore tells him, that Demetrianus Bishop of Antioch, Metropolitan of the East, and the rest had subscribed to this Opinion: which he knew would please Stephen, because Fabius, Demetrianus's predecessour, endea∣voured to establish the Novatian Heresie, as Dionysius before signified in the end of the 6 book of this History. Vales.
• b 1.11

  These words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and a little farther] are not in the Fuk▪ and Savil M. SS▪ but Syncellus, Nicephorus, King's Maz. and Med. M. SS. have them, and though some will have these words to signifie 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the more Remote Churches, yet I think that they are Eusebius's own words, repeating the heads of Dionyfius's Epistle. And this is my reason, because in most of our M. SS. there is a middle distinction at these words; therefore we translate it thus, a little further he writes. Vales.
• c 1.12

  This City was in Dionysius's days, and also till Constantinus's time called Aelia. It was afterwards called Jerusalem (as I before noted) through the pride of the Bishops of that See, who termed themselves the successours of James the Just: hence is it that Rufinus never calls it Aelia but according to the manner of his times, always Jerusalem. Vales.
• d 1.13

  The Church of Rome was wont for∣merly to relieve o∣ther Chur∣ches, and to send money and cloathes to the Bre∣thren in▪ captivity, and to those which wrought as slaves in the Mines. So Diony∣sius Bishop of Corinth saith in his Epistle to Pope So∣ter; which Epistle Eu∣sebius quotes in his fourth book chap. 23. Euse∣bius also in that same place says that this laudable custom continued in the Church of Rome in his days. And to that purpose Col∣lections were made in the Church. '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 properly signifies, to supply one with all things necessary for a journey, viaticum praebere, and also it signifies (as it does here) to relieve charitably, as we do beggers, with money, or Alms. So Clemens Alex. in his first book Stromat. and Chry∣sost. in his 67 Homily upon Matthew, use the word. Vales.
• e 1.14

  Stephen wrote another Epistle, (besides that we mentioned, before he wrote to the Bishops of Africa,) to the Eastern Bistops, which Fir∣milianus mentions in his Epistle to Cyprian, near the end: where Fir∣milianus says that he broke off all peace and friendship with the Eastern Bishops, but he did not, onely threatned that he would renounce all communion with them, if they persisted in their old Opinion, as Diony∣sius here expresly testifieth. It is certain that Stephen never proceeded in this matter farther then threats; for after Stephen's death, Dionysius wrote to Xystus desiring his judgment in that point. For Dionysius in∣clined to the Opinion of the Africans, and the Eastern Bishops, as Hie∣ronymus witnesseth. Firmilianus in his foresaid Epistle does strangely aggravate the business, so that some think from his words they may ga∣ther that Stephen excommunicated those Bishops: he was indeed much displeased that the African Synod should pretend to di••anul so ancient a custom, and make Decrees, that Hereticks should be rebaptized, with∣out the knowledge of the Church of Rome: but he never broke peace with them, nor excommunicated them: for he wrote an answer to Cy∣prian. And although his letters to Cyprian were something sharp, yet they still remained friends: for Cyprian afterwards in his letters to Pompeius, called Stephen brother. In fine the Africans, notwithstanding Stephen's letters, rebaptized Hereticks till the times of Constantine, as we may see from the Council of Orleans. Vales.
• f 1.15

  He meanes by these great Synods, the Synod of Iconium, of which see Firmilianus's Epistle to Cyprian; the Council of Synnada, and the Council of Carthage under Cyprian: in which Council above eighty Bishops gave their opinion, some of which were Martyrs and Confes∣sours: in the Council of Iconium fifty Bishops met, as August▪ attests in book 3. and chap. 3. against Cresconius. But the Eastern Churches, espe∣cially the Churches of Cappadocia, still retained their old custom of reba∣ptizing Hereticks. And that custom remained amongst them even till the first Synod of Constantinople. Vales.
• a 1.16

  Instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the King's M. S. reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which reading we follow, and understand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which word is us'd in Eusebius before. Now 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifies, post illud capitulum, after that chapter, or head of his dis∣course. Dionysius's Epistle to Xystus consisted of two principall heads, which were the matter and subject of the whole, (viz.) Concerning He∣reticks being rebaptized, and concerning Sabellius his Heresie. Vales.
• b 1.17

  These Hereticks were very ancient, even before Sabellius, though those who maintained these opinions were afterwards all so de∣nominated, from Sabellius. For we find this was the opinion of Praxeas, against whom Tertullian wrote. After Praxeas followed No••••us, (See Epiphan. Heres. 57.) from whom they were called No∣ctiani. Suddenly after No••tus arose Sabellius, from whom all which held the same opinion were afterwards called Sabellians. This Sa∣bellius (the reviver of this Heresie) was a Lybian, born at Ptolemai▪ a City of Pentapolis: He affirmed the Father, Son, and holy Ghost to be but one subsistence, one person under three several names, which in the time of the Old Testament g••ve the Law under the notion of the Father: in the New, was made man in the capacity of the Son, and descended afterwards upon the Apostles, in the quality of the holy Ghost. Dionysius undertakes this man; but managing the cause with too much eagerness and fervency of disputation, he bent the stick too much the other way, asserting not onely 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a distinction of persons, but also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a difference of Essence, and an inequality of power and glory. Upon which account he is se∣verely censured by S^t Basil, (Epist. 41. ad Magn. Philosoph.) and others of the ancients, as one of those who in a great measure opened the gap to those Arrian impieties which afterwards broke in upon the world.
• c 1.18

  Dionysius here seems to mean his Epistle to Ammon Bi∣shop of Berenice, and that to Telesphorus, and that to Euphranor: all against Sabellius; Eusebius mentions these Epistles, in Chap. 26. of this seventh book. Athanasius in his defence of Dionysius Alexandrinus mentions but one Epistle of Dionysius's to Ammonius and Euphranor. Dionysius was accused by some Bishops of Aegypt, for speaking some things about Christ in that Epistle which were not Orthodox. Vales.
• a 1.19

  These words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, be ye skilful Tryers or Examiners, are no where ••ound in the Apostle, indeed we have, in the first Epistle to the Thessalonians chap. 5. ver. 21. these words, prove all things, and hold fast that which is good: which are the same in effect with these, be ye Tryers, &c. But Origen, and Hieronymus say that these words, Estote boni Trapezit••, are an express command of our Saviour's. And that the place out of the Thessalonians above quoted has relation to these words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and exactly agrees with them, wherefore I am of the same mind with the Learned Usher, who in his Proleg. to I••nati••s's Epist. cap. 8. says, this command of Christ is taken out of the Gospel according to the Hebrews. These words are also quoted in Cyril Hierosolymit. his 6 Catechism, neer the end. Vales.
• * 1.20

  The term in the ori∣ginal is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which word oc∣curs Matth. 25. 27. where our translation renders it Exchan∣gers. The Is∣raelites be∣ing bound by the Law (Exod. 30. 13.) to come up to Jerusalem, how far so∣ever they dwelt from it, and there to sacrifice, and offer the half shekel for the use of the Tem∣ple, (which by the length of their journey they were sometimes disabled to do) these Trapezitae set up their tables in the very Temple, that so they might traffick with all that had use of them; in like manner as others brought Oxen and Sheep and Doves, to sell there to them which had not brought their sacrifices with them. See D^r Hammond on Matth. 21. v. 12.
• b 1.21

  Here we may see the Difference between Apostates, and those which are simply called Hereticks. Apostates were them, who had been baptiz'd in the Catholick Church, but had deserted the Church and revolted to Hereticks: Simple Hereticks were those who had never been admitted into the Church. And this was the custom in the Church that Apostates as well as simple Hereticks should be received (when they returned to the Church) by imposition of hands. S^t August. in his 48 Epistle to Vincentius saith, the Church dealt more kindly with them who were never received into the Church, (that is with them who were simply Hereticks) then with them who had been received into her and deserted her, (that is Apostates) This is therefore the sence of Dionysius's words here, as we may gather by the afore mentioned words of S August. Dionysius here says, Heraclas his predecessour had this form of admitting Converts, who had been Apostate Hereticks, into the Church. He required a publick confession (which is called Exomologesis) of the Principles of that Heresie which they had fol∣lowed; but he did not rebaptize them, because they had been before baptized: immediately after this confession he laid hands upon them (as we may gather from Dionysius's words) this imposition of hands upon an Apostate, and a simple Heretick, was different. The one was ad panitentiam, in order to Repentance: the other was ad tradendum Spi∣ritum Sanctum, for the delivery of the Holy Ghost, the first was used at the admission of Apostates, the other at the admission of them whom they called pure Hereticks. See Cyprians Epistle to Stephanus. Vales.
• * 1.22

  In the Med. M. S. and Rob. Stephens's Edit. the reading is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. for they had received the holy Spirit, &c.] In the Kings, Maz. and Fuk. M. SS. the word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, spirit] is wanting: which in my judgment is the truest reading. For Diony∣sius gives the reason why Heraclas did not reiterate Baptism in the ad∣mission of Hereticks in these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] [understand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Baptism] [for they had be∣fore received holy Baptism from him.] Dionysius calls Baptism holy, to difference it from the Baptism of Hereticks; which Cyprian, Firmilian▪ and others (who at that time defended the opinion of not rebaptizing Hereticks) call profane: Dionysius was a favourer of their party, as appears both from his Epistles here quoted by Eusebius, and also from S^t Jeroms testimony. Vales.
• c 1.23

  That these Synods were before Dionysius Alexand, his time, we may easily gather by his own words here: for he expresly affirms that these Synods were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, long before our time. The same thing Firmilianus witnesseth, in his Epistle to Cyprian concerning the Synod of Iconium. This Synod was a long time before the days of Stephen Bishop of Rome, as we may gather by Firmilianus's words in his said Epistle to Cyprian, where he expresly affirms that this Synod of Iconium had been long since assembled: Also Dionysius Alexand. in his Epistle to Philemon Presbyter of Rome, which he wrote about the beginning of the presidency of Xystus, saith, that this Synod was solemnly assembled by the Bishops which preceded him a long time. Therefore this Synod seems to have been assembled about the end of Alexander Severus's Reign: about which time, as Euscbius in the 6^th book of this History recordeth, Firmilianus was newly pro∣moted to the dignity of Priest in the Church of Caesarea. Therefore I cannot assent to Baronius, and Binius, who reckon this Synod of Iconium in the year of Christ 258 which was the 2^d year of Stephen's presidency. Vales.
• a 1.24

  The Maz. Med. Fuk. M. SS. read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and truely, as we afore noted book 6. chap. 45. 'Tis strange that we find the true name of this He∣retick only in this place of Eusebius. Vales.
• b 1.25

  '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. what may be the true meaning of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in this place may be best con∣jectured by considering the divers significations of the word, for from the various meanings of the word, arose the different translations of this place. '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sometimes signifies to reject, to scorn, sometimes to dis∣grace, or dishonour, as Hesych. saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not to esteem, or value one, but to despise: so Clemens Alexand. Stromat, book 4. uses the word. '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Novatianus who did not allow but condemn the Baptism of the Catholick Church, is fitly said here 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. (i. e.) he rejected, and contemned that Baptism as unprofitable and ineffectual to salvation. Vales.
• c 1.26

  Twas the custom for the Catechumeni, or Catechized, before the receiving of Baptism to repeat the Creed. And at every Article the Priest asked them whether they believed, to which they answered, yes I believe: wherefore when they said that they believed the Remission of sins, Novatianus who did not allow Remission of sins, but abolished it, must also abolish that confession of faith which the Catechized re∣peated before Baptism. See Cyprians 70 and 76^th Epistle. Vales.
• d 1.27

  It is very difficult to understand what Dionysius here means by saying Novatianus banished the holy Spirit from the Brethren: Per∣haps by the holy Spirit he means the grace which was given to peni∣tents by imposition of hands when they were admitted into communion, after the performance of the duty of Repentance. But then these words are very obscure (although there was some hope that it still rested in them or would return to them again.) 'Tis plain and evident that Dio∣nysius here speaks concerning them who had lapsed, but how can the holy Spirit be said to abide in them who had sinned? indeed it may be said to return again to them after their repentance, but can in no wise abide in them, for the Scripture saith, Every soul which sinneth shall likewise perish. We must then understand it of them who had lapsed through weakness and ignorance: who in those days were called libellatici, or sacrificers, (who had purchased libells of security from the Heathen Magistrate, for fear least they should be compelled to sacrifice) for such as sin through weakness or ignorance do no•• forfeit the grace of the Spirit: but if this explication please not, we will understand it spoken of the faithfull: some of whom retained the holy Spirit which they received in Baptism, some lost it. From them who had lost it, Novatianus utterly expelled and banished the holy Spirit, by denying them Repentance and Peace, by which the grace of the holy Spirit is regained; he drove it away from them who retained it, and kept it, by insinuating into their minds false and sinister opinions of the holy Ghost, as that he was unmerciful, implacable, &c. And so denied them, and utterly deprived them of all hopes of pardon for sin committed. Vales.
• a 1.28

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is by Chri∣stophorson rendred susceptio in Ecclesiam, a receiving into the Church; 'tis by Mus∣culus ren∣dered sus∣ceptio on∣ly; which Version I rather ap∣prove of. For Ba∣ptism is termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because in it God receiveth us as his sons: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 may also be translated perceptio, for so Baptism is stiled in the M. S. Acts of the Passion of S^t Genesius Mimus. Vales.
• b 1.29

  When the Priest had finished the solemn prayers at the Eucharist, all the people with a joynt acclamation used to say aloud Amen, (that is) so be it. We must understand that place of S^t Paul in the first Epist. to the Corinth. Chap. 14. v. 16. to be spoken in reference to this Custom, in which place S^t Paul taxeth the Hebrews, who used the Hebrew or Syrian language commonly in their Oblations and Divine Service, when the Grecians were present with them, (as the Commentatour says upon the place.) This word Amen denotes the assent of the people to the prayer made by another before them, and it is an ex∣pression of affirmation, which the Church still retaineth. Vales.
• c 1.30

  From these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] we may gather that the Communicants came to the Altar, and received the body of Christ from the Presbyter, standing up, and not upon their knees, as we do now: had it not been so, Dionysius would not have added 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which word we find to be properly used in reference to them who minister at the Altar. Chrysostom in his 41 Homilie, upon the first Epistle to the Corinth. useth [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] for the Priest; but [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] he useth to signifie the Laity. But in the 44 Canon of the council of Laodicea all Com∣municants were prohibited from coming to the Altar, except the Priests. Vales.
• d 1.31

  In the Primitive Church the faithful Communicants came to the Altar with their hands carefully washed, and when they were about to receive the body of our Lord, they stretched out their right hands bending them and making them hollow, and they put their left hands under them least they should drop any of that holy food. See Chrysost. 3^d Homil. upon the Ephesians, and also his 52 Homil. upon Mat∣thew. Vales.
• a 1.32

  Baronius (at the year of Christ 257. cap. 7.) does excel∣lently well explain this passage of Dionysius's; to wit, con∣cerning the space of time, du∣ring which Valeria∣nus's per∣secution lasted. For whereas Valerian reigned al∣most seven years, as 'tis acknowledged by all; in his former three years he was mild towards the Christians, but in his latter triennium he rai∣sed a persecution against the Church. Valerian began to reign in the year of Christ 253. (about the end of the year) Volusianus 2 and Maximus being Coss. This is manifest from the old Coins produced by Occo and Goltzius, wherein Valerian is inscribed TRIBVN. POTESTAT. 3. Consul 3. Also, TRIB. POT. 5. Cos. 4. The same may be gathered from Gallienus's Coins. Vales.
• b 1.33

  By these Christian Emperours he means Philip the first Christian Emperour (as many of the ancients doe affirm) of the Romans: but because he speaks in the plural number, we may adde Alexander Se∣verus, who in his private Chappel had Christ's Image, and favoured the Christians. But Dionyfius here means those Emperours who were called and thought to be Christians, not that they were really so. Vales.
• c 1.34

  This 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Baronius at the year of Christ 252. saith was the same man that excited the Alexan∣drians in the Reign of Decius to persecute the Christians. (see Chap. 41. Book 6. of this History:) but I think it was quite a distinct per∣son, namely Macrianus, he that was afterwards Emperour, who stirred up Valerian to persecute the Christians: this Macrianus was Valari∣an's Master or Tutor, and by his evil counsel it was that Valerian rai∣sed this Persecution; which thing Dionysius's following words do con∣firm. Vales.
• d 1.35

  This 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is a term borrowed from the Jews; for in their Synagogues there were these degrees of Officers; the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Rulers of the Synagogues; also Fathers of the Synagogues; Priests, Presbyters and Deacons of the Synagogues, whom they called Azanites; there were also Apostles, and Patriarchs, who were set over all these: but what this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 may mean in this place, we are yet to seek: neither know we what these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were, except we call them Aruspices or Diviners, who were at Rome: or we may call them the Priests of Isis and Serapis, over whom this Macrianus was Ruler or Chief. Now these Magicians were prohibited by the Jews, but the Roman Emperours, in imitation of Alexander the Great, had these Magicians with them in their Camps and in all their exploits. Dio says, M. Antony, in his expedition into Germany, took Arnuphis an Aegyptian sorcerer along with him; so Valerian here had Magicians in his Army, and the chief or head of them was this Macri∣anus, as Dionyniùs attests. Vales.
• e 1.36

  This par∣ticiple 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Vales. ren∣ders insuf∣fiantes, (i. e.) blowing upon. For the Chri∣stians used to blow upon the Demons and their delusions, temples, and ima∣ges; shew∣ing there∣by that they abo∣minated them: con∣cerning this usage amongst the Chri∣stians, see Brissonius's Notes in commentar. ad Tit. Cod. Theod. de Feriis. And Heraldus in his Notes on Minucius Felix.
• f 1.37

  This phrase 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is spoken in reference to the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Demons, and not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Emperours, as some think; which interpretation if we should follow, the sence would be lost; but in our translation, the sence is plain and entire. And also al∣though here we find 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, yet the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS. read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So likewise the Writers of the Roman History, and the old Coines, name this Tyrant. Vales.
• g 1.38

  The Greeks call them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whom the Latines call Rationales, vel procuratores summae rei; Receivers General, or Stewards of the Emperours Estate. Whose procurator or steward this Macrianus was, we cannot certainly tell; we must not suppose he was Valerian's. Vales.
• h 1.39

  Dionysius here jesteth upon the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by which he meaneth both the stewards office, and also the Catholick Religion, from which signification some gather our Religion to be called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quod sit rationalis, because 'tis rational: but I can scarce think that we can hence gather the Catholick Religion to be so called; for this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 does not signifie rationalis, except we understand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a steward, or rationalist. We find this title attributed to the Church about the first Age after the Apostles, see B. 4. Chap. 15. pag. 59. and in the Acts of the Martyrdom of Pionius the Martyr, who suffered in the Reign of Decius Augustus, it is so termed: about which time several heresies arose, and endeavoured by their tradi∣tions to subvert the true faith of Christ and the Doctrine of the A∣postles. At that time, that the true Church might be distinguished from the adulterate Conventicles of Hereticks, this name Catholick was attributed to the congregation of the Orthodox persons. Vales.
• i 1.40

  This place out of the 13. chap. of Ezek. vers. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Hieronym. translates, non omninò vident, sce not at all: but our Authour Dionysius renders it as if it were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; accommodating the words of the Prophet, or rather of the Septuagint, to his own purpose. Vales.
• * 1.41

  Robert Stephens reads [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from his own Church:] but in the Kings, the Maz. Fuk. and Savil M. SS. the rea∣ding is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from his own salvation.] Vales.
• k 1.42

  Christoph. thought these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he was most extraordinarily desirous of the Empire] were spoken concerning Valerian, when as 'tis plain they must be referred to Macrianus. For he could not possibly say of Valerian that he was unfit for the Empire which he coveted, for he was a most eminent man, the very chief of the City: and before he Reigned (as Historians avert) was judged worthy of the Empire by com∣mon consent. This translation and mistake of Christoph. has also brought Baronius into an errour. Vales.
• l 1.43

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 we have rendred (which he could not enjoy) And if that rea∣ding [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] be true, it must be so rendred: the Kings M. S. and Steph. Edit. read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] but the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS. read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which he successfully obtained; and in my opinion 'tis the better reading. For Macrianus did obtain the Empire, which he was so desirous of, but by reason of his debility of body he was un∣able to carry the Insignia of the Empire, but raised his two sons to that dignity, wherefore upon the obtaining of all these his desires, Diony∣sius might well say of him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that he was votorum compos, master of all his wishes. As for this feebleness of body (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) which he attributeth to Macrianus, we find it mentioned in no Historians, except in Zonaras's Annals (who was the onely man that gave us a true relation of the Acts of Macri∣anus and his sons) and he says Macrianus was lame. Vales.
• * 1.44

  The passage which follows, is an eminent fragment of the E∣pistle (or rather the book) which Dionysius wrote against Germanus the Bishop; and it is to be joyned to that other fragment of the same book, which you had in Chap. 40. of Book 6. Vales.
• a 1.45

  This place of Dionysius allu∣deth to that of Saint Paul in the 11^th Chap. of the 2^d Epist. to the Corinthians v. 16; where S^t Paul useth this same excuse, being a∣bout to commend himself: upon which place see Chrysostom's An∣notat▪ Vales.
• b 1.46

  These words we find in the 12^th Chap. of Tobit ver. 7.
• c 1.47

  These words oc∣curr in Chap. 5. of the Acts of the A∣postles, ver. 29. they are Saint Peter's answer to the Sanhedrim, when they laid to their charge the preaching the Gospel: but how these words come in in this place I cannot tell, except we read with the Kings M. S. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. (i. e.) I answered him not absurdly, and not much unlike that Answer of the Apostle. Vales.
• d 1.48

  Christoph. translates [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] sicut à quibusdam in Commentarios relata sunt; but we have rendred it thus, as they are inserted in the Publick Records. For the Greeks use 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the same sence as the Latines use their word Acta, see B. 1. c. 9. note (b.) Those which wrote these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Latines call ab Actis, Registers, Recorders. We find mention of the Registers of Alexandria in several places. Lucianus was once Recorder of Alexandria, and he saith he had a large salary out of the City trea∣surie for the performance of this Office; and for the good execu∣ton thereof he had the Govern∣ment of a Province conferred upon him. Vales.
• e 1.49

  This was the form of their publick Acts as Amm. Marc. informs us in his 22 book. Vales.
• † 1.50

  Cephro was the most rude and barbarous tract of the Lybian de∣sart; and Coluthio (a place here∣after mentioned in this chapter, to which Dionysius was in particu∣lar designed) was, 'tis like, the most uncomfortable part of that tract. See Nicephor. B. 6. chap. 10.
• f 1.51

  Those places which Eusebius in Greek here calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Latines call Areae. Vales▪ They were the places where the Martyrs were usually buried; up∣on which account the Christians frequented them. See book 4. chap. 15. note (o.)
• g 1.52

  Here Di∣onysius an∣swers Ger∣manus's ca∣vil, who ac∣cused him, because he never called an Assem∣bly of the Brethren before the Persecution began; which was a custome in those days, (viz.) That the Bishops, upon the Approach of a Persecution, should gather the people together, and exhort them to a constant Perseverance in Christianity; and Baptize infants, and Catechumens; least they should die unbaptized; and a so distri∣bute the Sacrament to believers. Vales.
• h 1.53

  Although we read here [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] and have so translated it; yet the Maz. and Med. M. SS. read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] [as one may say:] the Fuk. and Savil. M. SS. read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as the Apostle said: 'Tis certain Dionys. here alludeth to that of the A∣postle in the first to the Corinth. Chap. 5. ver. 3. Vales.
• i 1.54

  In the original the reading is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪] but we must necessarily understand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [parts] and so we have translated it. This Colluthio was a part of the Mareo∣tic presecture in Aegypt; so cal∣led from them who were formerly possessours of it. Colutho is a com∣mon name amongst the Aegy∣ptians, and hence came 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which in Niceph. we find written with a single (L.) There were se∣veral Aegyptians called by this name, Colutho. Vales.
• k 1.55

  These words, which we here tran∣slate parti∣cular Con∣gregations, are in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Those that dwelt in the re∣motest parts of the Suburbs, were not bound to come to the congre∣gation of the great Church: but in that part of the Suburbs there were particular assemblies in a Church, or some other place fit for that purpose. Thus much we may gather by this passage of Dio∣nysius. Moreover the Greeks did not call those places onely which joyned to the City 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but also the Villages which were a great way distant from the City. Canopus which was twelve miles from Alexandria, is called by Atha∣nasius in his book which he pre∣sented to the Council of Chal∣cedon, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Further, from this place we may gather, that in Dionysius's days there was but one Church in Alexandria whither all the Christians assembled them∣selves to pray: but afterwards, in the days of Athanasius, the number of the Churches being increased by the bounty of the Bishops of Alexandria, the Ci∣tizens of Alexandria had particu∣lar Congregations in divers Chur∣ches; Except in the solemn fe∣stivals of Easter and Whitsontide, when all the people assembled themselves in the great Church. Vales.
• * 1.56

  These things concerning Ger∣manus are here spoken Ironically. Vales.
• l 1.57

  By these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, deprivations of dignities; we may conjecture that Dionysius was descended of a good family; for dignitas is that which cometh by nobleness of birth. Thus we find, In Gest. Purgat. Caeciliani, that Victor being asked by Zeno∣filus the President, cujus condi∣tionis esset, he answered, he was Professor litterarum Romanarum, and when he asked him cujus dig∣nitatis esset; he answered he was sprung a Patre Decurione Constanti∣niensium, avo milite, qui in Comi∣tatu militaverat. Dionysius Alex∣andrinus, before he turned Chri∣stian, was by profession an Ora∣tour, or teacher of Rhetorick. Vales.
• m 1.58

  Augustus commanded the A∣lexandrians to govern their City without any Senatours, or Alder∣men. But afterward Severus the Emperour granted the Alexandri∣ans power of having a Senate, as we may read in book 51. of Dio. And in Athanasius's Epistle Ad Solitarios there is mention of the Senatours of Alexandria. Vales.
• n 1.59

  This Sabinus was Prefect of Aegypt under Decius the Empe∣rour; of him Dionysius speaketh in his Epistle to Fabius, which E∣pistle is quoted in chap. 41. book 6. of this History: but Aemilianus, who is here mentioned as Gover∣nour, afterwards seised the Em∣pire, as Pollio writeth in his 30 Ty∣rants. Vales.
• o 1.60

  These words oc∣curr in Jsa. c. 49. v. 8.
• p 1.61

  Tran∣slatours ge∣nerally mis∣take in ren∣dring this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in this place, by the La∣tine word duces, ca∣ptaines: Christoph. saw the ab∣surditie it sed to by rendring it duces, and therefore he renders it dux: but neither does he by thus ren∣dring it, a∣void an absurditie, for it was not the least branch of the Ca∣ptaines du∣ty to lead Criminals into ba∣nishment, but that was rather the Cen∣turions or the Guards duty. Wherefore this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 must here signifie some other Officer besides a Captain, we will therefore render it the Duumviri, or as we call them, the Sheriffs, or Magistrates of Alexandria; which are in Greek often called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Now it was the duty of these Magistrates to apprehend Criminals, commit them to prison, examine them, &c. still reserving the power of judging to the Roman President. Wherefore 'tis not here absurd, but very reason∣able to say, these Duumviri assisted the Governour in leading these men into banishment: the following words also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 confirm our opinion: for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are the Guards which be∣longed to the Prefect; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are the Officers belonging to the Duumviri, or Sheriff. Athanas. in his Epistle ad Solitarios, calls this Magistrate, or Duumvir, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• q 1.62

  These things happened in the first Persecution under Decius, at that time when Dionysius, by the sentence of Sabinus the Governour, was led to Taposiris. See his own Epistle to Fabius in chap. 40. book 6. And whosoever does compare that Epistle with this here, he will conclude them both written concerning the same thing. Wherefore, Eusebius mistakes when he thinks that the subject of this Epistle here to Domitius is that thing which happened in Valerian's Reign: for none of these things which he here mentioneth, happened in Valerian's Reign, but in the Persecution which begun a little before Decius's Reign, as Dionysius himself saith in his Epist. against Germanus, which Eusebius quoteth in the 6^th book. But in the Persecution under Valerian, he had onely those companions which he mentions in the beginning of this chapter. Vales.
• r 1.63

  Rufinus instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 readeth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and accordingly he translates the place, some who dyed in the Island: but Dionyfius means the Plague, which in Gallus and Volusianus's time, spread it self quite through the Roman Empire, as Eusebius and others Record. Vales.
• s 1.64

  Christoph. renders this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by a long Periphrasis thus, ad lintea, quibus corpora••beatorum Martyrum jam vita defunctorum invol∣verentur, conficienda; he all along having relation to the usage in our days, for with us the dead are wrapped in linnen cloth, and so in∣tered. But the Antients, I mean the Christians, used to wrap the dead in most costly clothes, and so bury them: but for Christophorson's translation, we have Athanasius's authority, who saith, in his life of S. An∣thony, that the Aegyptians used to wrap their dead bodies, especially those of the holy Martyrs in linnen, and did not interr them, but laid them upon beds and kept them within their own private houses. Vales.
• t 1.65

  These words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, are in the Med. Fuk. and Maz. M. SS. and not with∣out reason; for it was a great while after that Eusebius was ordained Bishop of Laodicea: for he suc∣ceeded Socrates, as Eusebius attests a little lower. Vales.
• a 1.66

  Rufinus here alters the course of the Chapters, and placeth these which we place here as the 13^th and 14^th after the 19 chapter im∣mediately; but in his Index before his History he keeps the same method as the Greek copies of Eu∣sebius does: why he should here pervert the order, I cannot tell; except it is, because he thinks it is more convenient to subjoyn the sufferings of Marinus, and Astu∣rius to the sufferings of the Mar∣tyrs of Caesarea. But he ought to observe that those Martyrs of Cae∣sarea suffered in Valerian's Perse∣cution; but Marinus and Asturius suffered in the Reign of Gallie∣nus. This mistake of Rufinus has brought several other Authours into the same Errour. Vales.
• b 1.67

  Valerian was taken captive by the King of Persia, in the year of Christ 259.
• c 1.68

  For an explication of this per∣sons Office, see Vale∣sius's notes, Ad Excer∣pta ex di∣one Coccei∣ano, pag. 112.
• d 1.69

  They were the places where they buried their dead, and often assembled for their Religious solemnities, espe∣cially the memorials of the Martyrs; as has before been remark't.
• a 1.70

  Xystus was dead long be∣fore; for he died a famous Martyr in the Perse∣cution un∣der Valeri∣an, when Tuscus and Bassus were Con∣suls, on the 8^th of the Ides of Au∣gust; as we may see in Cyprians Epistle. Vales.
• a 1.71

  He means the Cohor∣talis Militia, as may be collected from what follows. For mention is made of Achaeus the Judge, of the Forum, &c. Which could not be spoken of the Militia Ca∣strensis. Had the Camp-milice been spoken of here, Marinus must have pleaded his cause before the Ca∣ptain, or Deputy of Coesar. The ordinary Judges had their Centu∣rions and Cornicularii in their Court. Yea, almost all the names of the Officers under them were taken from the Camp-milice, as Asconius Pedianus has remark't. Vales.
• b 1.72

  The phrase in the original is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which we have ren∣dred [The Vine.] It was enacted by a Law amongst the Ro∣mans, that no Citizen should be beaten with rods, but with Vines▪ See Livy, in his 57 Book: upon this account the Souldiers were by the Centurions beaten with Vines; whence at last the Vine came to be the badge of the Centurions Office. Spartianus (in the life of Hadrian) uses it in this sense; and so does Plutarch in Galba.
• c 1.73

  In the Maz. Fuk. and Med. M. SS. there is a stop here; but in the Kings M. S. there is none; which punctation in the three M. SS. first named, Salmasius (in his notes on Spartianus) defends against Ca∣saubon, (in his notes on the same Authour,) who thought that the Vine was a badge which denoted those that were to be chosen Centurions, who should bear that Office, when there was a place vacated. And therefore Casaubon read this passage thus [There is a certain dignity amongst the Romans termed the Vine, which those that obtain are said to be made Centurions when there is a place vacant:] which reading agrees with the Kings M. S. But Salmasius makes a stop (as we do) at the word [Centurions,] which doubtless is the truest reading: See note (b) in this chapter. Vales.
• d 1.74

  That was the Judges name; so a famous Captain was called, who here∣tofore re∣belled a∣gainst An∣tiochus, as Polybius relates. This A∣chaeus was president of Pale∣stine, and had his re∣sidence at Caesarea, which was the chief City of that whole Pro∣vince. Vales.
• e 1.75

  We read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which is a common, but an Er∣roneous reading. The Chlamys and the Balteus (i. e. the Cloak and the Belt) were military badges, as may be proved from innumerable places in Chrysostom, Libanius, and others. Vales.
• f 1.76

  The term here is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] i. e. he was perfected by Mar∣tyrdom. For Martyrs were initiated by confession, and perfected by death; as Dionysius phrases it at the end of Chap. 11. in this book. Clemens Alexandrinus (in B. 4. Stromat. pag. 206.) gives another reason, why Martyrdom is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because it demonstrates the perfection of love. Vales.
• a 1.77

  Those whom our Eusebius here calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Phaenicians, are the Grecians which inhabited Phae∣nicia. For Paneas is a Greek name, the Syrians, or rather the Syro-Phoenicians, called this City Dan, as S. Jerom, affirms in his Questions on Genesis; his words are these; Dan Phoenices oppidum, quod nunc Paneas dicitur. Dan autem unus è sontibus Jordanis. Nam & alter vocatur Jor, quod interpretatur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Duobus ergo sontibus, qui haud procul a se distant, in unum rivulum foederatis, Jordanis deinceps appella∣tur. i. e. Dan is a Town of Phoenicia, which is now called Paneas. Also Dan is the name of one of the Spring-heads of Jordan. For the other is named Jor, the interpretation whereof is [a Stream.] These two Fountains therefore, which are not far distant from each other, are united into one Rivulet, which is afterwards called Jordan. Vales.
• b 1.78

  This custom, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of casting the sacrifice into the Springs, or Wells, which they worshipped, was used by the Heathens. And hence it is that Publicola asketh Augustine, in his 153. Epistle, whether it were law∣ful to drink of that Spring or Well, into which any part of a sacrifice had been cast. Vales.
• a 1.79

  This place of Eusebius, con∣cerning the woman who had the Issue of bloud, is quoted in the seventh Synod, Action. 4. pag. 508. See also what Philostorgius saith in his seventh book, chap. 3. And what Nicephorus, who borroweth it from him. Vales.
• * 1.80

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; it sometimes sign fies a Military Cloak; this term occurs Psal. 109. 29. where 'tis rendred a Mantle.
• b 1.81

  Rufinus understands this place [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] so, as if this herb had no healing ver∣tue till it was grown up to the skirt of our Saviours vesture: but since Eusebius does not expressely de∣termine it that way, every one may interpret the place as pleaseth him best. I think Eusebius mean∣eth by the addition of these words that the herb grew up no higher then the skirt of our Saviour's doublet, as if it were in reverence to him. See Nicephor. B. 6. chap. 15. Vales.
• c 1.82

  Rufinus translateth this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, indifferenter, indifferently; but I rather think 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here signifieth inconfiderately, unadvisedly, contrary to the Doctrine of the Ancients, unwisely. Moreover, S^r Henr. Savil in the margin of his M. S. upon these words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the custom of the Heathens, bids us take notice that this is here spoken concerning images. Vales.
• a 1.83

  This was an old tra∣dition, that James the Apostle was Or∣dained Bi∣shop of Je∣rusalem by Christ. Be∣sides Euse∣bius, Saint Chrysost▪ in his 38 Homil▪ upon the Epistle to the Corinthians, on these words, Deinde visus est Jacobo, Then he was seen of James; expresly affirmeth it: the same also Epiphanius, Niceph▪ Callist▪ and others do affirm. They all seem to borrow this opinion from the first book of Clemens's Recognitions: also, in the eighth book of his Constitutions, Chap. 35. we find him speaking of James the Bishop of Jerusalem in these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Ordained by our Saviour himself, and the Apostles. We must farther advertise the Reader that these words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Apostle are wanting in the Kings Fuk. Maz. M. SS. and in Rufinus: but in our Maz. Med. Fuk. M. SS. in the Contents of this Chapter, we find this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Apostle: although in the Index of the Chapters which is prefixed, we find it thus written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, concerning the Chair of James the Bishop. Vales.
• a 1.84

  From this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a•• the same time, some would con∣clude that Dionysius wrote these Epistles in the Perse∣cution, rai∣sed by Va∣lerian: but that is false; for this E∣pistle to Domitius and Didymus, was written in the Reign of Decius the Em∣perour. Vales.
• b 1.85

  Rufinus very well translates this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in this place, Paschales, Paschal Epistles. The Bishops of Alexandria used to write these Paschal Letters every year, and send them to the rest of the Churches of Aegypt; that they might all agree in the time of the celebration of Easter. There are at this day extant Epistles of this sort, written by Theophilus, Cyril, and others: what was the form of these Epistles we may understand from the 30 Paschal Homilies of Cyril▪ first they discoursed some thing concerning Easter: in the end they declared the beginning of Lent, and the day of Easter, whence we may call them Homilies, as well as Epistles. Vales.
• a 1.86

  In the Kings M. S. we find, in∣stead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, this City, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 these Cities; which reading is not to be rejected: for that great faction had so divided Alexandria that in a manner it became of one City two, as before he seemeth to intimate when he saith, that a man may with more ease travel from East to West, then out of A∣lexandria into Alexandria. This great Sedition, I think, happened, when Aemilianus possest himself of the Government of Alexan∣dria. Vales.
• b 1.87

  There are divers ways of tran∣slating this place according as we point it. Most Translatours have erred here, by an Erroneous con∣junction of this sentence with what precedeth. But Dionysius's fol∣lowing words confirm our puncta∣tion and version: the sense of which is that the Havens of A∣lexandria, overflowing with the bloud of the slaughtered Citizens, did truly represent the red Sea. Wherefore it is not the Middle Street of the City which is com∣pared to the red Sea (although some so interpret it) but the Ports or Havens are said to represent that. Vales.
• c 1.88

  Betwixt these words where we use onely a middle distinction or comma, Robert Steph▪ uses a full period, contrary to the Authority of all the M. SS. we ought rather to follow the punctation of the M. SS. and joyn this passage with what precedeth: but here we meet with a Genitive case plural of the Article [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] which we tran∣slate in the singular number, and referr it to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Sea, which is a singular put for the plural num∣ber. For the Sea was divided into two parts and opened a broad way for the Israelites; so that what was really but one Sea, seemed to be two; but if we translate it according to Stephanus's punctation, we can find no word to which this Genitive plural of the Article can reasonably be referred. Vales.
• * 1.89

  The very situation of Alexan∣dria did doubtless conduce much to the insalu∣brity of the place. For the river Nile, com∣ing from the West, was con∣veyed into the City under ground by arches made under the houses. The man∣ner how this was done, is set down by John Leo, in his de∣scription of Africa: his words are these▪ Cuique sert domui civi∣tatis ingens cister••a concamera∣ta, crassisque innitens sornicibus substructa est, in quas ••xun••ans Nilus per aquaeductum in planitie magno artificio constructum extra. Alexandriam deductus, sub ejus manibus demittitur, &c. This artificial conveyance of the River, though it were otherwise acceptable to the inhabitants, yet it could not be without some annoyance to the Ai••, the com∣plexion whereof suffered much alteration by the noysome vapours which rose up out of the waters, which in tract of time putrified in their Cisterns. It is the collection of the foresaid Leo, in his following words, Cisternae porrò temporis successu turbidae ac canosae redditae, plurimis aesti••o tempore languoribus occasionem praebent, &c. The same Authour gives us another reason for the unwholsomness of that City; which was caused by certain little gardens planted near the City, the fruits whereof were so unwholsom, that the inhabitants were thereby made subject to very noxious feavers, and many other diseases. See John Leo's descript. Afric. pag. 675, and 676. Edit. Lugd. Batav. 1632.
• d 1.90

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, continued plagues without intermission. The plague even from the times of Gallus and Volusianus, over-ran and destroyed almost all the Roman Empire. Eutropius saith that the Reign of Gallus and Valusianus was onely remarkable for the great plague which happened in their days. Aurelius Victor affirms that Gallus and Volusianus were beloved very much on this account, be∣cause they took care of every ones, even of the poorest man's funeral. The plague afterwards raged at Rome, and in the Roman Provinces, in the days of Gallienus, as Pollio in Gallienus's Life attests. Vales.
• e 1.91

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vivid, lively, lusty old men. So they were called at Alexandria, who were between fourty and seventy years old. Their names were registred in tables that they might partake of the publick distribution of the Corn, as Dionysius attests in his following words. Over these were the Archigerontes, of whom mention is made in the first Law of the Codex Theodosianus, de Alexandrinae plebis primatibus. Hither may be referred that which Gregor. Naz. affirms, in his 21 Ora∣tion concerning S. Athanasius, to wit, that the Alexandrians were wont to be distributed into Sexes, Ages, and Trades, as often as, out of respect, they went forth to meet any person. Vales.
• a 1.92

  This Ex∣ordium of this Pas∣chal Epistle of Diony∣sius's is re∣ally a most elegant one. Here he saith that this present time, when all things were in so lamentable a posture, would seem to the unbelieving Heathens no fit time to keep a feast in: But neither this time, which (saith he) is really a time of Mourning, nor any other, though never so undisturbed, never so mer∣ry, could possibly yield the Hea∣thens any true joy. For the wick∣ed and unbelievers can never keep a feast, although they daily sacri∣fice, because they cannot enjoy any true mirth: onely the pious and virtuous do truely keep a feast, because they perform their duty, and offer prayers, and unbloudy sacrifices to God. Origen, in his eighth book against Celsus, dis∣courses at large concerning this Opinion; which passages in him are borrowed from the Stoicks, and they give much light to the understanding of this place of Dio∣nysius. Vales.
• b 1.93

  Here we read onely 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and I wish▪ but Turnebus in the margin of his book very well cor∣recteth and pointeth it thus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; And I wish onely one had died in every house: the Kings M. S. reads thus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. but Turnebus does very well amend this place of Dionysius, by his foresaid puncta∣tion of it. Vales.
• c 1.94

  Dionysius here makes a com∣pendious repetition of all the suf∣ferings of the Christians from the time he was first Ordained Bishop of Alexandria: first he recounts the Persecution and expulsion, which began in the last year of Philip the Emperour. Next the Civil War which immediately followed; concerning which Civil War, see Chap. 41. Book 6. of this History. Then he saith, af∣ter a little cessation followed the Plague; which raged grievously in the times of Gallus and Volusi∣anus; but it began in Decius's Reign: for it is evident by Dio∣nysius's Epistle to Domitius and Didymus, that some Deacons died of this Plague in the Reign of De∣cius. See Chap. 11. Book 7. Vales.
• d 1.95

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 some tran∣slatours render mi∣tigantes, easing, and lessening their dis∣tempers: but I can∣not ap∣prove of that ver∣sion, for the verb 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies to squeeze out, or to wipe off. Dionysius's meaning is this, that they who visited the infected Christians, did in a manner force the infection from them, and tran∣slate it to, or take it upon them∣selves. And that is the true notion of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to take up∣on himself, and as it were to suck one another's disease and infection. It is no more then what he said in these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, drawing the infection upon themselves. Vales.
• e 1.96

  This word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 we have here rendred friendship, yet the word primarily and properly signifies that which the Latines call comitas, that is, complaisance, courteousness, civility, affability: as for this term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which we have translated a Ransom, we find it in the first Epistle to the Corinth. Chap. 4. v. 13. this word seems to have been used by the Alexandrians in their salutations: when they met-together, and promised their sincere love, willingness, and dili∣gence in serving one another, they used to say 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or else we may take the word in this sence; as if the Heathens should call the Christians the very 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the off-scouring, the filth, the very faece•• populi, and the purgam••n••a seculi; which interpretation is not to be rejected here. Vales.
• f 1.97

  Christoph. in his Latine Version, renders this word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] decenter ornantes, dressing them up neatly: but he mistakes; for Dionysius speaks of their dress afterwards in these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, decking them in their best cloaths: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, here we therefore render, componentes (that is) burying them, and so the word is used in profane as well as in sacred Authours: Com∣postus prosepulto, in Virgil, and Horace. Vales.
• g 1.98

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 some render, linteo funebri invol∣ventes, shrowding them in a winding sheet. But this is contrary to the custom of buryings in those days; for the Heathens used to dress the dead in their best cloaths and so interr them. And the Christians used in like manner so to dress the Saints Corps. See Chap. 16. of this seventh book, concerning Asturius. Vales.
• a 1.99

  Though we find here bare∣ly, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he therefore; yet we must understand Macrianus; for by his treachery it was that Valerian was delivered into the hands of the Persians. Other Historians assert that he was delivered to them by his own Captains; so Aurel. Vict. Syncel. and others. These words of Dionysius are to be joyned with those in Chap. 10. of this Book; for they are fragments of one and the same Epistle to Hermammon; we also find a piece of it in Chap. 1. of this seventh Book. Vales.
• * 1.100

  He means Macrianus, and his two sons. See Chap. 1. of this Book; at the close of the Chapter.
• † 1.101

  Esai. 42. 9.
• b 1.102

  Dionysius here speaks of Macri∣anus's Empire, because he was owned, and received as Emperour by Aegypt, and the Eastern Pro∣vinces: Which his Coins de∣clare, for on the fore-side there is this inscription, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; And on the reverse this, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• * 1.103

  That is, that the Promises were to be literally understood.
• a 1.104

  We have here sufficient evi∣dence that this Book concerning the Promises was written in an∣swer to Nepos: I wonder that Hieronymus in his Preface before the eighteenth Book of his comments upon Esaias, should affirm that this Book was written against Irenaeus Bishop of Lions. Indeed Irenaeus was one of them who believed that Christ should come and Reign on the Earth a 1000 years, which opinion was grounded on Papias's Authority, as Hieronymus himself affirms, and also our Authour Eusebius in the end of the third Book. But as well from this place, as also from Hieronymus himself, in his Book De Script▪ Ecclesiastic. we may gather that this Book was not written against Irenaeus, but against Nepos. Vales.
• b 1.105

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, we have here translated, the Composition of Psalms and Hymns; according to the custom of the Christians who used to compose Psalms and Hymns in honour of Christ, as Eusebius in the end of the fifth Book attesteth. We also find mention of these Hymns in the Epistle of the Council of Antioch a∣gainst Paul of Samosata, and in th•• last Canon but one of the Council of Laodicea, where there is an ex∣press prohibition that▪ no Psalms which in Greek are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, composed by private or ignorant persons, should be sang in Churches. Vales.
• c 1.106

  Pliny in his 28 Book Chap. 2. asketh, why we affirm, when we mention any dead persons, that we will not vex or disturb their me∣mory. Vales.
• d 1.107

  This word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies properly to promise a great while before any performance; it is a Metaphor taken from the My∣steties of the Grecians, who pro∣mised strange and great things to them who are initated, and tor∣mented them with a long ex∣pectation; that by keeping their thoughts thus in suspence, they might beget in them an opinion, and a fear and reverence. Vales.
• e 1.108

  The true reading of this place in the Greek, we owe to the Maz. M. S. according to which reading we have here translated it. Vales.
• f 1.109

  This Province was so called from Arsinoe, who was Queen of it, before it was a Roman Pro∣vince. Vales.
• g 1.110

  '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is the term in the original; I have rendred it docilitatem, aptness to be taught. For auditours are properly said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, when they apprehend the sense of words. Vales.
• h 1.111

  The Greek phrase is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which Va∣lesius renders, ad ea de quibus in∣stituta erat disputatio eniti; and we, to keep close to the points of the Question in hand, or the present question.
• i 1.112

  This phrase 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is truly tran∣slated thus, expansis cordibus, & patefactis, with hearts unfoulded, and as it were spread abroad: but some translate it puris & simplicibus cordibus, with pure and single hearts: which sense though the words may bear, yet it is not so good in this place, as the other Version. Vales.
• k 1.113

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is not put in this place for dispensation, but for the same as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (i. e.) an union, and reconciliation: and so Dionysius uses the word a little before: S^t Paul also in his Epist. to the Colossians, Chap. 2. v. 2. & 19. useth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in this sence. Vales.
• * 1.114

  See B. 3. Chap. 28. pag. 44. note c. & d.
• * 1.115

  Revelat. c. 22. v. 7, 8.
• a 1.116

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is a term pro∣per to the Rhetoricians, as plainly appears by the following word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I think that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 has the same import with dispo∣sitio, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Suidas is the same as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to dispose, or handle. Or we may render it the form and manner of writing: for first he proves the Revelation not to be John's the Apostle, by the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Genius or Nature of the wri∣ter: Then by the stile and mode of writing, that is, by the Phrase, and the sentences. Vales.
• * 1.117

  Revelat. c. 1. v. 1, 2.
• † 1.118

  Vers. 4.
• * 1.119

  1 John c. 1. v. 1.
• † 1.120

  Matth. c. 16. v. 17.
• * 1.121

  Revalat. c. 1. v. 9.
• † 1.122

  Revelat. c. 22. v. 7, 8.
• b 1.123

  We ought to take special no∣tice of this passage concerning the primitive Christians custom of cal∣ling their children, by the names of Peter and Paul, which they did both for the reverence and love they bare to those Saints, and also that their children might be beloved and no less dear in the sight of God then those Saints were. Chrysostom in his Ora∣tion concerning S^t Meletius saith, that the Antiochians had such a reverence and esteem for him, that the parents called their children after his name, that they might have their houses in a manner a∣dorned with his presence. The same father also in his 21 Ho∣mily upon Genesis, adviseth his Auditours that they should not carelesly call their children by their grandfathers or great Grand∣fathers, or some noble Heroes names, but that they should ra∣ther give them the names of some men who were famous for virtue and piety; that the children, by their example, might be excited to an imitation of them. Vales.
• * 1.124

  Acts 1••. 25. and 1••. 5.
• * 1.125

  Acts 1••. 25. and 1••. 5.
• c 1.126

  This is Dionysius's second Ar∣gument, by which he proves that the Gospel and Reve∣lation were not written by one and the same John, for he had urged his first Argument be∣gun at note (a) to this place: now here he begins a second, (viz.) to prove by the words and sentences, and by the placing of the words or method, that they were two distinct persons. For I render this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the placing or modelling of words, ac∣cording to Cicero, though 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in this place may as well com∣prehend the ordering and model∣ling of Sentences, as well as of words. But here we may take notice what an excellent Critick Dionysius Alexandrinus was. For it is the property of a Critick to judge of the writings of the An∣tients, and to discern what is true and genuine, and what spurious and supposititious. Vales.
• d 1.127

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in this place signi∣fies Periods or sentences, by which an entire sense is concluded. Cha∣pters also they may be called, the Greeks also call them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Latines Capitula. Vales.
• e 1.128

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, must I think be rendred here rather the condemnation of the world, then the reproving of the world. In the old Glossary we find 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to signifie judicium. Vales.
• * 1.129

  See Jude vers. 24. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; without any errour, or mistake.
• f 1.130

  By both faculties he means that which the Greeks call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (i. e.) ex∣ternus and internus serm••, which is afterwards mentioned, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the gift of knowledge and the gift of speaking; by which subsequent words the preceding are explained. Vales.
• a 1.131

  Hence we may gather that the 2 books concerning the Promi∣ses, out of which Eu∣sebius has the frag∣ments a∣fore quo∣ted, were Epistles. We may also con∣firm this by a passage in Chap. 22. where Dionysius uses 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which is an Epi∣stolary phrase. But be∣cause these Epistles were something prolix, they were therefore called books. Rufinus truly calls Dionysius's Epistles concerning Baptism, Books, and the four Books against Sabellius here mentioned are nothing else but a longer sort of Epistles, which Eusebius testifies: for he saith that all the rest of Dionysius's books were written in an Episto∣lary form and style. Vales.
• b 1.132

  Dionysius Alexand. in his Epistles against Sabellius seemed not to be Orthodox as touching the Divinity of Christ, and he was ac∣cused of it before Dionysius Bishop of Rome, by some of the Bishops of Pentapolis, who went to Rome. Dionysius Roman. called a Synod, heard the Accusers, and having examined some select Opinions in Dionys. Epistles, he wrote to Dionys. Alexand. desiring him that he would more distinctly declare his faith and opinion concerning those matters. Upon this account Dionys. Alexand. wrote four Epistles to Dionys. Roman. which he intituled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (that is,) concerning the confutation of his Adversaries, and concerning his own Apology or defence of himself. Vales.
• c 1.133

  Eusebius, in his 14^th Book De Praeparat. produces an excellent piece of this Book De Naturâ. It was dedicated, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; this word being dubiously taken to signifie either a son, or any other child or servant, 'tis some difficulty to determine who the person was, to whom it was dedicated, some say to his son: I have here rendred it to a child. For I cannot think that Dionys. was ever married. The like difficulty occurs in Book 6. Chap. 40. Vales.
• d 1.134

  Of these many Epistles written by Dionysius to this Basilides, onely one is now extant, which Theodorus Balsamo has preserved for us. Vales.
• a 1.135

  Here Eu∣sebius is in a gross mis∣take, for Xystus was not Bishop of Rome Eleven Years, but onely two Years and Eleven Months, as we may see in the book De Pontifi∣cibus Ro∣manis, which Cus∣pinianus first published, and that book is most exact in its account of the times of the Pope's from Callistus to Liberius: the same also says Xystus suf∣fered Martyrdom on the eight of the Ides of August: but our Authour neither here, in his History, nor in his Chronicle mentions any thing of Xystus's Martyrdom, which I really admire, and should more ad∣mire, did not I certainly know that Eusebius is not over sollicitous and curious in his History concerning what things were done in the Western parts. Moreover Eusebius in his Chronicle ascribes Eight Years to Xystus, and he says that Dionysius succeeded Xystus in the 12^th Year of Gallienus, and that Maximus succeeded Dionys. Alexandrin. in the 11^th year of the said Gallienus the Emperour. Which is most absurd, whenas 'tis evident that Dionys. Alexand. dedicated his four Books against Sabellius to Dionys. Roman. as our Authour tells us in Chap. 26. of this 7^th Book. Vales.
• a 1.136

  This name Ni∣chomas seems to be abbre∣viated, and should ra∣ther be Ni∣chomedes or Nichoma∣chus. In the old M. S. in the Abbey of Corbie which con∣tains a col∣lection of the Canons; amongst the Bishops which sub∣scribed to the Council of Nice, Nicomas Bishop of Bostra is named the first of the Bishops of the Province of Arabia: but the common M. SS. read Ni∣comachus, and so we find it in the M. S. of C. Justellus, which is of no less antiquity then the other. Vales.
• b 1.137

  We here translate it, divers times, though some Greek Copies read onely 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ but all our M. SS. read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. There were several Synods called against this Paul of Samo∣sata; hence follows the word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which we must in no wise suppose to be superfluous here. Eusebius says there were many Synods assembled at several times, and in every Synod there were many Sessions or Actions. The first Synod against Paul was at Antioch in the twelfth year of Gallienus; of which Synod Firmilianus was President: con∣cerning which see Baronius, Anno Christi 265, and 266. Vales.
• * 1.138

  Anno Christi. 265.
• † 1.139

  See B. 4. Chap. 16. Note (f.)
• a 1.140

  Hence it may be ga∣thered, that the Synod of Antioch was assem∣bled in the beginning of Aureli∣anus's Reign. But I cannot assent to Baronius▪ who says this Synod was called in the se∣cond year of Aureli∣anus. The Council of Ephesus, in pag. 228. utterly destroys this Opinion of Barorius's: for it says that Paul of Samosata was excommunicated 160 years before that time; and if we reckon backwards we shall find, that the year of Claudius and Paternus's Consulship, that is, the year of Christ 270. is the 160 year backwards from the time that book was written, which was, Theo∣dosius 13^th, and Valentinianus 3^d being Consuls. Moreover, if Baronius reckon these things done in the 2^d year of Aurelianus, he must of ne∣cessity make Dionysius to continue Bishop of Rome till that year; but that is contrary to the Authority of the Lib. Pontifical. Farther, in the second year of Aurelianus his Reign, there was a War waged against Zenobia, when Antioch and other Cities were taken, so that 'tis impossible there should be a Synod of Bishops that year there. Vales.
• b 1.141

  Leontius in his first book against Nestorius has a fragment of this disputation. In Theodoret, this Malchion is called Malachion; but falsly: this man gained such honour in this Confutation of Paul, that he was thought worthy to be Cannoniz'd in the Greek Menology at the 28 day of October. Vales.
• a 1.142

  In the Maz. Fuk. Med. and Sav. M. SS. 'tis writ▪ thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 lianus; but in some printed Edi∣tions, 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Amilianus. Also Rifinus, and Niceph. call him Aelianus. Athanasius says there were 70 Fathers in this Synod, who devested Paul of Sa∣mosata. Vales.
• b 1.143

  We ought to take notice of the inscription of this Epistle: for we find here not the names of Bishops onely, but also of Presby∣ters's, and Deacons, and of the Laity also. The same we may see in the Acts of the Council of Carthage, in which Cyprian was President, and in the Council of Eliberis. Vales.
• c 1.144

  Hence we may gather the E∣pistle of Dionys. Alexand. to Paul of Samosata, which is inserted in the 11^th Volume of the Biblio∣theca Patrum, is supposititious, to∣gether with the 10 Propositions of Paul, and Dionysius's Answers to them. For the Fathers of the Coun∣cil of Antioch do here affirm, that Dionys. did not write to Paul, but to the whole Church of An∣tioch. In that Epistle which goes under the name of Dionysius, we find that he wrote to Paul twice. But the stile of the Epistle and Answer is not at all like Diony∣sius's works. So that I am fully perswaded, although Baronius takes that work to be true and Genuine, it is false, and adul∣terate. Vales.
• d 1.145

  The Greek words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] must be translated, sine ullâ Reli∣gionis nostrae contumeliâ, and we have rendred them in English accordingly: but Christoph. scorn'd to follow that excellent version of Rufinus which agrees with us. Vales.
• e 1.146

  The Fa∣thers cal∣led the Rule of faith 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the true rule. See the fourth book of our Au∣thour Eusebius and Chap. 23. where we find the same use of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 exactly with this here. Vales.
• f 1.147

  Extortion is twofold; and is committed either by the terrour of Authority, as when a Souldier, or Magistrate demands any thing; or else by deceit and cunning, when under pretence of favouring, or suc∣couring and helping a man we get something from him. And this latter is that which the Fathers of the Council of Antioch here mean: the Greeks call it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; so here, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; to which the Latine word concussio, and concutere does exactly answer; in which sense they were used among the old Lawyers. We also find the word in the Gospel, where John gives this command to the Souldiers: (viz.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ Luke Chap. 3. 14. And amongst the Grecians, the antient use of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is in the same sence as calumniari. So Aristophanes and Tel••clides, use the word. Vales.
• g 1.148

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is by Langus very well translated praemia accipere, to take bribes: S^t Paul uses that term, Colos. 2. 18. Vales.
• h 1.149

  Although 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 be joyn'd with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Greek, and we have so translated it: (viz.) getting money for doing nothing, making it to be referred to Paul; yet it should rather be referred to the Litigants or people in suit, who gave their money to Paul, for his help and favour in their cause, and so lost it: he never helping them. Vales.
• i 1.150

  This is a Scripture phrase, taken out of 1 Timothy chap. 6. v. 6.
• k 1.151

  These Ducenarii were pro∣curatours; called ducenarii, be∣cause they were such receivers, or Collectours of the Revenues, as had 200 festerces paid them from the Emperour, as a yearly sallary. See Dio, Lib. 53. p. 506. Vales.
• * 1.152

  See Book 5. Chap. 1. note (c.)
• l 1.153

  The Fathers do not here con∣demn Paul because he had a throne; for that was customary amongst Bishops, even from the times of the Apostles, as we may see in Chap. 19. Book 7. con∣cerning the throne of James the brother of the Lord. But for this they condemn him because he erected a Tribunal for himself in the Church, and buil't a high throne, as Rufinus well translates the place, higher then it was be∣fore. Bishops did sit higher then the people; but they had not a Tribunal. Vales.
• m 1.154

  This Secretum was onely proper to Magistrates, and the Judices Majores, or Judges of Life and Death. It was the inner part of the Court of Judgment, and was compassed about with Rails, and Curtains were drawn about it; in it the Judges sate, when they heard the Tryals of Criminals. See my notes on Amm. Marcell. p. 87. Vales.
• n 1.155

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sig∣nifies to shake a linnen cloth, or handkerchief in token of applause; as the Spectatours used to doe in the Theater. Vopiscus says that Aurelianus was the first who gave these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, craria, in English, handkerchiefs, to the people of Rome, that concutiendo, by shaking them, they might signifie their con∣sent in Elections. But Aurelianus borrowed this custom from the Eastern People who long before his time used these Oraria after the same manner. Vales.
• o 1.156

  Eusebius seems here to mean the Chore∣piscopi, which some term Vicarios Episcopi, & Vicarios Episcopos, i. e. Depu∣tys of the Bishop, and Vicar-Bishops. They here make a distinction be∣twixt the Episcopi Civitatum, and Episcopi Pagorum. And these latter, the Fathers here say, sang, or repeated these songs or Hymns in their Ser∣mons, and congregations. See Damasi Epist. concerning these.
• p 1.157

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are here Gesta, or Acta, Publick Acts; such are commonly Registred; but some falsly translate them Commenta∣ries. Now the Acts of this Synod of Antioch were nothing but the Disputation of Malchion against Paul of Samosata; which were Registred by the Notaries. Vales.
• * 1.158

  See Joh. 8. 23.
• q 1.159

  These Subintro∣duced wo∣men were neither Wives, nor Concubines, but a third sort of women; which the Presbyters, &c. kept, not to have children by, nor upon ac∣count of lust, but as 'twas pre∣tended out of a desire of piety. See John Langus's notes on B. 6. Niceph. Eccles. Hist. Chap. 30. These sort of women, Valesius says, were called Sisters; which he was informed of from the third Canon. Concil. Nicen. They were also termed Commanentes. See Je∣rom's Epistle to Eustochius, where he inveys against these sort of women.
• r 1.160

  Here the Fathers accuse Paul because he kept these fair women with him; and because [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] he glut∣ted himself with all sensual de∣lights, as, feasts, drinking, and the like, which are the common in∣centives of lust. Vales.
• s 1.161

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Latines call them, Literas communicatorias, communicatory Letters; the use whereof is very ancient in the Church. They were also cal∣led Formatae, as Augustine, in Epist. 163. attests. There were two sorts of these Letters. One sort was given to the Clergy and Laity that were going to travel, that they might be admitted to Commu∣nion by forrein Bishops. Another sort were those, which Bishops sent to other Bishops, and received from them mutually, to attest and de∣clare their mutual Communion: concerning this latter sort the Synod speaks here. They were usually sent by the new Bishops a little after their Ordination. See August. 162 Epist, and Cyprians Epistle to Cornelius, pag. 92. Vales.
• t 1.162

  Baronius at the year of Christ 272. (in which year he has pla∣ced this Synod of Antioch,) accuses Eu∣sebius of fraud, or ra∣ther of con∣nivence; because he on set pur∣pose (as he says) omitted that Creed which the Fathers made in this Coun∣cil of An∣tioch, which utterly de∣stroyed Ar∣rianism. But Ba∣ronius, as in other pla∣ces, so here also, cause∣lesly accu∣seth Euse∣bius. For that Creed which he there pro∣duceth out of the Acts of the Synod of Ephesus, was not the Creed which was composed by the Fathers of the Council of Antioch, but by them of the Nicene Council. For the more certain demonstration of this, See the 3^d Tome of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus, pag. 378; where this Creed, which Baronius mentions as composed by the Fa∣thers of this Council of Antioch, is expresly assign'd to the Fathers of the Council of Nice. Wherefore that Creed which Baronius, and Binius, following his example, have placed in the Acts of this Council of Antioch, must be razed out. There is also extant an Epistle of this 2^d Synod of Antioch to Paul of Samosata in the 11^th Tome of the Bibliotheca Patrum, which Epistle was written about the beginning of the Session of this 2^d Synod, but Baronius ascribes that Epistle to the first Synod, which cannot possibly be, because of the title, and the per∣sons mentioned in it, and other circumstances. Vales.
• u 1.163

  After the sentence of being deposed was passed against Paul, he kept his Church for some years; and would not obey the decree of the Bishops; relying on the power of Zenobia an Eastern Queen. Theodoret says, in his 2^d Book Haeretic. Fabul. that Paul did flatter her, and used all means possible to get her favour. When Zenobia was conquered, the Christian Prelates petitioned Auretianus, that this Paul, who had conspired with Zenobia against the Romans, might be removed from the See of Antioch, which was done in the third year of Aure∣lianus▪ Vales.
• * 1.164

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the import of which words, being lit∣terally rendred, is the house of the Church: perhaps they mean the Bi∣shops Palace; a little after they call it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which we have rendred the Palace. Valesius renders the first phrase Ecclesiae Domus, and the second Domus.
• a 1.165

  Eusebius, as we here see, derives the name of this He∣retick from the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a mad∣man: The Learned Bishop Pearson, on the Creed, supposes Manes to be a Title rather than a name, and to be deri∣ved from the He∣brew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying, an Here∣tick: see his reasons for this derivation, in his marginal notes at pag. 64. of his Exposition on the Creed; Edit▪ Lond. 1669.
• * 1.166

  See the note on Chap. 14. B 5.
• b 1.167

  The phrase in the original is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which Valesius renders in Orbem Romanum, into the Roman Empire.
• c 1.168

  Manes was not the first Authour of this Heresie, though his fol∣lowers were from him called Manicheans. Indeed, Manes disseminated this Heresie in the days of Aurelianus, or Probus the Emperour: but he had a predecessour, though not a master, called first Terebintbus, afterwards Buddas: which Buddas had a former master, by name Scythianus, who was the first Authour of this Heresie, and lived about the Apostolick times. See the pedegree of this Heresie drawn at large by Epiphanius, Advers. Manicheos; pag. 617, &c. Edit. Petav.
• d 1.169

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, knowledge falsely so called. 1 Tim, 6. 20.
• a 1.170

  This Eu∣tychianus, sate Bishop of Rome 8 years and 11 months as is evi∣dent from the old book of the Popes; in which the years of all the Popes from Callistus are very well digested by the Consuls un∣der whom they began their Pre∣sidencies, and under whom they died. Eusebius here takes away 8 years from Eutychianus and ascribeth them to Xystus. See Chap. 27. note (a.) Vales.
• b 1.171

  This Dorotheus Presbyter of Antioch, Baronius (in his notes on the Roman Martyrology) takes to be the same with that Dorotheus who was a Presbyter of Tyre: but this is a mistake in him; which errour Blondellus undertakes to correct; but in the interim committeth one far worse. For he confounds this Dorotheus Presbyter of Antioch, with Dorotheus, Diocletian's Groom of the Chamber; whose Martyrdom our Authour in the 8 book giveth us an account of: I do not in the least doubt but there were two of this name (viz.) Dorotheus's, one was Presbyter of Antioch, and the other was an Eunuch, Groom of the Chamber to Diocletian. And this may be proved by sufficient argu∣ments. (1.) This Dorotheus, the Presbyter, was not a Martyr; for we find no mention of him as such in Eusebius, and cer∣tainly had he been so, Eusebius would not have omitted him a∣mongst the Ecclesiasticks he reckons up Book 8. chap. 13. who suf∣fered Martyrdom, seeing also he was his master. (2.) This Dorotheus the Presbyter was a man nobly descended, and he bore Of∣fice before he was a Presbyter; but the other Dorotheus was a man of a servile condition, an Eunuch, and Groom of the Cham∣ber to Diocletian. Besides, 'tis impossible that the same man should be a Groom of the Chamber, and a Presbyter; for that was in∣consistent with the Ecclesiastick Canon, and with reason; onely youths of great beauty were chosen to serve in the Emperours Bed∣chamber. Lastly, we read in Eusebius, and others, that Dorotheus the Groom of the Chamber suffered Martyrdom while he had that Office. Hence arose this confusion; both these Dorotheus's were Eunuchs, and both the Emperour's favourites. Vales.
• c 1.172

  The rea∣ding in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Sa••. M. SS. is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, libe∣raliter edu∣catus, he was very well educa∣ted. Vales.
• d 1.173

  This is the same Anatolius (if I mistake not) that Eunapius mentions in the Life of Iambli∣chus; where he says that Iam∣blichus was at first the Scholar of Anatolius, who at that time was esteemed the best Philosopher next to Prophyrius. This An••∣tolius, here spoken of by Eusebius, lived in the same times Prophy∣rius did, and according to Euse∣bius's Character, he was a man well versed in all sorts of lear∣ning. Vales.
• e 1.174

  The phrase, in the origi∣nal is '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Aristotelicae successionis, of the Aristotelick Order. Anatolius being an exellent Philosopher was requested by the Citizens of Alexandria to set up an Aristotelick School, in imitation of the Platonick School long since erected at Athens. The masters of Plato's School were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and were promoted to that place by a publick decree. This School had great annual revenues, raised out of Estates, which learned men left as legacies to this School, which were hence called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In imitation of this School at Athens, there was afterwards founded a Philosophical School at Alexandria, of which that most excellent Philosopher Hierocles was master. See Damascius, in vitâ Isidor. pag. 1058, &c. Vales.
• f 1.175

  This Siege of the Bruchi∣um was in Aureli∣anus's time, as we find asserted in the end of B. 22. of Amm. Marcell. Eusebius in his Chro∣nicle says it happened on the 2^d year of Claudius: for which Scali∣ger reproves and corrects Eusebius, relying on the authority of Mar∣cell. But I had rather follow our Authours opinion here. For that Eusebius mentioned in this chap. and Anatolius were still at Alex∣andria, and could not possibly tra∣vel to Antioch till the siege was raised. But Eusebius, we see, went to the Synod of Antioch, which, as before we proved, was in the second year of Claudius. And intending to return from Antioch, he was detained by the Laodiceans and made Bishop of that place. But if we say that the Bruchium was not taken till Aurelianus's Reign; how could Eusebius, who was at the siege go towards that Synod, and be made Bishop of Laodicea. Vales.
• g 1.176

  Whilest Claudius warred a∣gainst the Barbarians, Zenobia sent Zabda lier Captain, who, by the assistance of Timogenes an Aegyptian seized upon Aegypt, and put a Garrison into Alexan∣dria: but Probus the Roman Ge∣neral, with some assistance of the Aegyptians, who did not affect the Syrians of Palmyra who kept the Garrison, forced them out thence; as Pollia in the Life of Claudius, and Zosimus record. And this, I think, was the time when the Bruchium was besieged by the Romans. Vales. Martinius thinks that this Bruchium, ▪here mentioned as a part of Alexan∣dria, and in the Greek called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was that which the Ro∣mans call the forum frumentarium, or Corn-market; it being deri∣ved from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Annonae prae∣fectus; and that compounded of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, tritici curam ha∣••••o, to have the charge of the wheat: See Martin. Lexicon. Philolog. in the word Bruchion.
• h 1.177

  Christoph. renders the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, here used, Congerere, to lay up Corn; but it must here be rendred quite contrary, to give out, or measure out corn sparingly; which was customary in famines, and in sieges. Vales.
• i 1.178

  Hierony∣mus, in his Chronicle, says that this siege of the Bru∣chium la∣sted seve∣ral years. Vales.
• k 1.179

  These words ought to be separated from the Text of Eusebius, as we have here done in the Translation. For they are a Title as it were, which noteth that the fragment following is out of another Authour. Vales.
• l 1.180

  ▪〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. These words be∣ing imper∣fect, and unintel∣ligible; there must of necessity be something under∣stood. Christoph. conjectures that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Easter, is to be un∣derstood; but that is absurd, for the feast of Easter does never fall on the New-moon of the first moneth. I rather think we ought to read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, you have, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the imperative, reckon the New∣moon, &c. Vales.
• m 1.181

  ▪〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the term which oc∣curs here) does pro∣perly signifie Carceres, the place whence the horse-races were begun. Anatolius therefore calls the first Dodecatemorium, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because from that, as it were from the ori∣ginal and sourse thereof the course of the Planets should begin. Vales. The translation of this Canon of Anatolius's will be scarce under∣stood by the unlearned Reader, because so many terms of Art oc∣cur in it. The Learned Reader, that is desirous of farther satis∣faction herein, may consult Pe∣tavius's notes on Epiphan. p. 188, &c. and Aegydius Bucherius, De Doctrinâ Temporum, pag. 440, Edit. Antv••rp. 1634.
• n 1.182

  That is, from that segment: for although the reading in the Greek Text be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, yet it is to be corrected thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; understand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, segment: so Petavius corrected it in his notes upon Epiphanius pag. 190. Vales.
• o 1.183

  Anatolius here affirms that there were two Agathobulus's, sir∣named the Doctours, or Masters. But I fear he mistakes in affirming them to be antienter then Philo and Josephus. For Eusebius in his Chronicle says, that Agathobulus the Philosopher flourished in the times of Hadrianus, Vales.
• p 1.184

  Rufinus▪ renders '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Aristobulus of Paneas; but he is in a gross errour. I wonder that Scaliger, (in his Animadversions upon Eusebius, pag. 130.) should think, these words of Anatolius ought to be corrected according to Rufinus's translation of them. Bede also follows this corrupt Version of Rufinus, and takes Paniada to be the name of a Jewish writer. Scaliger in the place afore-quoted largely proves that what Anatolius says of Ari∣stobulus (viz. he was one of the 72 Translatours) is false. This Aristobulus was also sirnamed the Master, or the Doctor; as we may see 2 Maccabees Chap. 1. because he was Tutour to King Ptolomy. For I cannot assent to Scaliger, who makes a distinction betwixt that Aristobulus mentioned in the History of the Maccabees, and Aristobulus the Peripatetick, who dedicated his Expositions upon Moses's Law to Ptolomy Ph••lome∣tor. Vales.
• q 1.185

  This book of Enoch is quo∣ted by Jude in his Canonical Epi∣stle. It was an Apocryphal book, and not received amongst the Au∣thentick Scriptures of the Jewes. But the Apostles, and the antient Fathers in imitation of them, have not been afraid to quote Apocryphal books which seemed to confirm the truth. Georgius Syncel. in his Chronicle, quotes an excellent fragment out of this book of Enoch's. Vales.
• * 1.186

  Some Excerptions out of A∣natolius's Arithmetick are yet extant. Vales.
• r 1.187

  We have the like example in Chap. 11. book 6. Where Alex∣ander ruled the Church of Jeru∣salem joyntly with Narcissus. These two are the most antient instances of Assistant Bishops (as they are now called.) These sort of Assistants were first instituted for the ease of Aged Bishops; but afterwards they grew custo∣mary; and were chosen not out of necessity, but ambition and pride: but the Fathers of the Council of Sardis put a stop here▪ to. Vales.
• f 1.188

  Eusebius relates the same thing concerning Eusebius Alexandri∣nus in the beginning of this chapter: (viz.) that he went to the Synod of An∣tioch, which was called upon Paul's account, and in his return was stopped by the Laodiceans, and made Bishop of that place. Now again we find the same con∣cerning Anatolius: which cannot possibly be defended, except we should say that Eusebius died some few days after his Ordina∣tion: but in opposition to that we will produce Hieronymus's au∣thority, who in the second year of Aurelianus writes thus; Eu∣sebius is now famous at Laodicea. Vales.
• t 1.189

  That is, he was not so well affected to the Christian faith, as he was to Philosophy and Gre∣cian learning: some will have the Greek phrase [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] to have reference to some thing else, but thus I understand it. Vales.
• u 1.190

  Musculus and Christophor∣son, because of the false puncta∣tion of this place, translate it otherwise than we have done. They mistook 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for a passive, and thus point it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. all things were restored to their former state by God the preserver, &c. But after a diligent inspection into this place, I think the words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] ought to be referred to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and then the sence will be agreeable to our tran∣slation; to wit, Theodotus, who was elected Bishop by God him∣self the preserver of all things, restored the affaires of the Church to their former splen∣dour. Vales.
• † 1.191

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Some translate these words thus, concerning the School in which he was educated: but I understand them spoken of the School which Pamphilus founded at Caesarea: concerning the Library which he erected at Caesarea, see Hierony∣mus's Catalogue; where he speaks concerning Matthew; see also his Epistle to Marcella. Vales.
• x 1.192

  Christoph▪ takes these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to signifie one book onely: But Eusebius wrote three books of the Life of Pam∣philus. Which Hieronymus attesteth in his book De Scriptoribus Ec∣clesiasticis; and in his Apology against Rufinus. Vales.
• y 1.193

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. (that is,) as we have transla∣ted it, amongst those men who lived nearest to our times, &c. Some will have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to be referred to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, most eminent m••••; but that I cannot approve of. Pierius, and Meletius, of whom Eusebius afterwards speaks, lived even till Constantine's time; concerning Pierius, see Photius and Hieronymus. Rufinus does not call him Pierius, but Hierius. So does the old Roman Martyrology, at the fourth day of November. But this Martyrology, I think, is neither the old one, nor the Roman. For had it been the Roman Martyrology, we should have had mention of none but Roman Martyrs. But in it we have a Cata∣logue of the Martyrs, of all Countreys. That I think (if any desire to know which it is) is the old Roman Martyrology, which Bucherius published with the Canon of Victorius Aquitanus, although that looks more like a Calender, then a Martyrology. There is indeed none which is properly the Roman Martyrology: for that which Gregory the Great mentions in his Epistle to Eulogius, is S^t Hierom's Martyrology, which the Western Church then used, as we shall hereafter at another place demonstrate. Vales.
• z 1.194

  This is the man, whom A∣thanasius in his Speech against the Arrians calls Meletius the great, pag. 291. Where in his Catalogue of the Orthodox Bishops▪ he reckons Meletius Bishop of Pontus for one. Philostorgius in his first book calls him Bishop of Sebasto∣polis in Pontus. He says he was at the Council of Nice with Ba∣silius Bishop of Amasia, and that he sided with the Arrians: but Athanasius in the place above quoted, proves that to be false. Vales.
• a 1.195

  Therefore the name of Me∣letius is derived 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from honey. Gregory Nazianz▪ in his Iambicks calls Meletius the Bishop of Antioch, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• b 1.196

  By these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] he means that the throne of James the brother of the Lord, was pre∣served at Jerusalem till that time, as 'tis recorded Chap. 19. book 7. So also at Alexandria, the Chair, or Throne of Saint Mark the E∣vangelist who first founded the Church of Alexandria, was pre∣served there for a long time. Vales.
• * 1.197

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 literally, the School of the di∣vine faith.
• c 1.198

  There is nothing more frequent in Eusebius then the use of these words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which terms the Christians borrowed from the Philo∣sophers, as I noted Chap. 17. book 2. Note (a.) The Philosophers called those 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who professed a stricter kind of life. Hence it is that Artemidorus in his fourth book chap. 35. calls Alexander the Phi∣losopher 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ascetick Philosophy is opposed to Philoso∣phy which consists in bare words. When the Christians first made use of this name Ascetae, they bestowed it on the Clergy▪ A long time after that, the Monks laid claim to this name. But at the first it was used as was before shown: see Chap. 17. book 2. note (a.) which may be proved by the instance here of Peter, Bishop of Alexandria, and Pierius the Presbyter▪ both whom Eusebius in this Chapter calls Asceta••. Eusebius also Chap. 11. concerning the Martyrs of Palestine, calls Pamphilus the Presbyter, Asceta. Vales.
• d 1.199

  This place ought particular∣ly to be taken no∣tice of, in regard Eu∣sebius here summeth up the time which he hath comprehended in his Ecclefiastick History. He saith that from our Saviour's Birth to the demolishing of the Churches, which was in the nineteenth year of Diocletian, there were 305 years. Also in Eusebius's Chronicle the 305 year of Christ is set opposite to the 19 year of Diocletian. But in Scaliger's Edition, the year in which the Persecution under Diocletian began, is reckoned the 304 year of Christ. Hence arises this difference; Scaliger in his E∣dition of Eusebius's Chronicle, reckons not that to be the first year of Christ in which he was born, but the year following. But Eusebius rec∣kons that to be the first of Christ in which he was born, as I before no∣ted Chap. 5. book 1. note (a.) For Eusebius places his birth on the 8^th of the Ides of January. Indeed, in all the M. SS. of Eusebius's Chro∣nicle (which have the years of Christ annext, particularly in that of Millaine, which is ancienter then any other) that is noted for the first year of Christ in which he was born in Bethlehem of Judea. Vales.