The history of the church from our Lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the Emperour Maricius Tiberius, or the Year of Christ 594 / as it was written in Greek, by Eusebius Pamphilius ..., Socrates Scholasticus, and Evagrius Scholasticus ... ; made English from that edition of these historians, which Valesius published at Paris in the years 1659, 1668, and 1673 ; also, The life of Constantine in four books, written by Eusibius Pamphilus, with Constantine's Oration to the convention of the saints, and Eusebius's Speech in praise of Constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; Valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into English, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes.

THE SIXTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS. (Book 6)

CHAP. I. Concerning the Persecution under Severus.

MOreover, when Severus stirr'd up Persecution against the Churches in every place throughout all the Churches; noble Martyrdoms were perform'd by the Champions of Religion; but [the number of the Martyrs] at Alexandria far exceeded the rest, the a 1.1 choicest of the Cham∣pions having been conveyed thither out of all Egypt, and Thebaïs, as to the noblest stadium of God; who in reward of their most patient suffering divers sorts of Torments, and several ways of death, were encircled with crowns from God: amongst whom Leonides, said to be the father of b 1.2 Origen, was beheaded, and left his son very young. And here 'twill not be unseasonable briefly to relate what zeal and affection he bore to the c 1.3 Gospel from this time of his childhood, and for this reason especially, because his fame is much celebrated by all men.

CHAP. II. Concerning Origens virtuous course of life from a Child.

NOw should any one undertake accurately and at his leisure to commit to writing this man's life, he must say much, and a strict col∣lection of all passages concerning him, would re∣quire even a particular Subject; but our aim at present is to abbreviate most things, and in short, and as well as we can we will give an ac∣count of some few passages concerning him; re∣lating what things have been manifested by some Epistles, or by the discourse of those his Scholars, who were alive till our times. The passages con∣cerning Origen (as one would say) even from his Cradle seem to me worth remembrance. Severus therefore being in the tenth year of his Reign, and Laetus being Governour of Alexandria and the rest of Aegypt; Demetrius also having lately taken upon him the Episcopal Office over the Churches there, after Julianus; when the flame of Persecution now raged grievously, and many thousands were Crown'd with Martyrdom, such a desire of Martyrdom possess'd the soul of Origen being yet very young, that he would expose him∣self to dangers, and was very ready, and willing to rush forward, and leap into the combate: so that now he was not far from death, had not the Divine and Celestial providence, for the good of many, hindred and restrained his willingness to die, by

his mothers meanes. First therefore she intreated him like a Suppliant, and beseech't him to take pitty of her motherly love: but when she saw him more intent upon his purpose, and when he under∣stood his father was apprehended and imprison'd, he was wholly possess'd with a desire of Mar∣tyrdom: wherefore she hid all his cloathes, and by this meanes necessitated him to abide at home: but he, seeing he had no way left, (the alacrity of his mind surmounting the ripeness of his years,) could not be at rest, but compos'd a most per∣swasive Epistle concerning Martyrdom, and sends it to his father, in which he thus exhorts him word for word, saying, [Father,] take heed: let not your care for us make you change your resolution. Let this be noted as the first token of Origen's a∣cuteness of wit from his childhood, and of his most sincere zeal for Religion. For he had already got no small stock of knowledge in the doctrine of the faith, continuing whilst he was yet a child, to exercise himself in searching the holy Scriptures; about which he was not a little laborious; his father having taken great care, both in in∣structing him in the Liberal a 1.4 Sciences, and also in these not slightly: where∣fore he always perswaded him to exercise himself in the study of holy things, ra∣ther than in the Learning of the Greeks, enjoyning it him as a daily task to learn some∣thing by heart out of Scri∣pture and repeat it: nor was the child unwilling, or slack in the performance, but most cheerfully laboured in these things, so that the simple, and common readings of the sacred Scriptures could not satisfie him, but he would search after something more, and even from that time busi∣ly enquired into the more profound meanings thereof: Insomuch that he troubled his father by asking him, what was the true meaning of such a sentence of Scripture inspir'd by God. He seemingly before his face reprov'd him, admonishing him not to search into any thing above the capacity of his years, nor [to enquire] any further then the plain meaning [of Scripture.] But he privately with himself rejoyc'd exceedingly, and gave the greatest thanks to God the Authour of all good, that he youchsaf'd to make him the father of such a child: and 'tis reported, he has often stood by the child as he slept, and laying his breast bare, would kiss it with reverence, as if the sacred Spirit of God had been inshrin'd in it, and accounted himself blessed for his happy off-spring. These, and such like, they record, were the passages concerning Origen in his childhood: But when his father was now crowned with Martyrdom, he is left desolate (together with his mother and younger brothers, six in number,) being no more then seventeen years of age: Moreover his fa∣ther's estate having been confiscate, he was brought into extream want of necessary subsistance, toge∣ther with his relations, but God thought him worthy of his providence. And he obtains enter∣tainment and rest from a woman who was very rich in respect of her estate, and very eminent otherways. Moreover; (who carefully mini∣stred to a very famous man, one of that Heretical Sect then at Alexandria, but by birth an Antio∣chian.) Him the foresaid woman having adopted for her son, kept him with her and shew'd kind∣ness to him in a most especial manner. But Origen, though forc'd to converse with the said [He∣retick] yet from that time shew'd powerfull proofs of his sound Opinion concerning the Faith. For when great multitudes of people, not onely Hereticks, but also them of our Religion, flock'd to Paul (for this was the mans name) be∣cause he seem'd to be a person of great elo∣quence; [Origen] could never be induced to assist him in prayer: always from a child observing the Cannon of the Church, and abo∣minating the doctrines of Heresies, (as he himself in express words somewhere says▪) and having been educated in the Greek learning by his father at first, after his death he devoted himself wholly and more earnestly to the study of the Liberal Sciences; so that he was furnished with an b 1.5 indifferent skill in the Art of Grammar; and having profest this Art soon after his father's death, he got plenty of necessaries, considering the age he was then of.

CHAP. III. How Origen being very young Preach't the word of Christ.

a 1.6 WHilest he yet applied himself to his School, (as he in his Writings re∣cordeth,) no one residing at Alexandria b 1.7 to teach the Principles of Chri∣stianity, but all being driven away by the threatning per∣secution: some of the Hea∣thens resorted to him, to hear the word of God. Of which number he notes Plutarchus to have been the first; who when he c 1.8 had lived a virtuous secular life, was crown'd with divine Martyrdom. The se∣cond was Heraclas Plutar∣chus's brother, who having un∣der him shew'd many instances of a Philosophical and severe course of life, was honour'd with the Bishoprick of Alex∣andria after Demetrius. He was now in the eighteenth year of his age when he was master of the Catechetical School; in which he made great proficiency in the per∣secutions during the time of Aquila's Prefecture over A∣lexandria. At which time he purchas'd to himself a famous name amongst all them who were well affected towards the Faith, for the singular friendship and alacrity which he shew'd to all the holy Martyrs known, and un∣known. For he convers'd not onely with such as were in bonds, nor with them who

had been examined untill their last sentence, but with those blessed Martyrs also who, after that was pronounc't, were led to Execution; making use of great boldness he went to meet dangers: so that the furious multitude of the Heathens standing round, were frequently not far from stoning of him, when he boldly came forth, and with great freeness of speech communed with the Martyrs, and kissed them, had not he once miraculously escap'd, having the Right-hand of God for his assistance. The same divine and heavenly Grace at other times again and again (so that tis impos∣sible to say how often,) preserv'd him from them who then lay'd wait for him, because of his ex∣ceeding cheerfulness and confidence in Preach∣ing the doctrine of Christ: Indeed, so great was the hostility of the Infidells against him, (because such multitudes were instructed by him in the things which appertain to the holy faith,) that having made a d 1.9 concourse, they set Souldiers to watch about the house in which he abode. And the Persecution against him waxed so hot daily, that all the whole City of Alexandria could no lon∣ger secure him; he removes indeed from house to house, but is driven from all pla∣ces, because of the multitude which through him were made Proselytes to the Di∣vine Doctrine. For his com∣mon actions contain'd the most admirable Rules of the truest Philosophy: indeed, (as the common say∣ing is) such as his doctrine was, such was his manner of life, and such as his manner of life was, such he demonstrated his doctrine to be: by this means especially, together with the Divine power assisting him, he induced many to a zealous imitation of him. But when he saw many Scho∣lars now flocking to him, (the exercise of Ca∣techising being committed solely to him by De∣metrius, who was Bishop of the Church,) sup∣posing the teaching of Grammar disagreeable to his studies in divine Learning, he forthwith breaks off his Grammar School, as unprofitable and contrary to the Sacred learning. Then entring into a pru∣dent consideration with himself, how he might not stand in need of assistance from others, he sold all the Volumes he had of e 1.10 Antient Heathen Wri∣ters, which were most elabo∣rately compil'd, and was con∣tent with four * 1.11 oboli a day that were brought him by the buyer. For many years he persevered in this Philo∣sophical course of life, de∣priving himself of all f 1.12 mat∣ter [which might nourish] youthfull lusts; both under∣going no small labour of severe exercise in the day∣time, and also assigning to himself the greater part of the night for his study in the holy Scriptures, patiently per∣severing in the most Philoso∣phical life imaginable. Som∣times he inur'd himself to the exercises of fasting; at other times to houres measur'd out for his repose; which he would by no means enjoy upon a bed, but made it his business to take it on the bare ground, for he, thought those Evangelical Words of our Saviour ought most especially to be observ'd, which exhort us not to g 1.13 have two coats nor to wear shoes, nor to be sollicitous about the cares of the time to come. More∣over, with a courage far greater then his age, he pa∣tiently endur'd both cold and nakedness, and came to that height and extremity of want, that he made those of his acquaintance admire exceeding∣ly. And he caus'd grief in many, who entreated him that they might communicate of their estates to him, because they saw him bring such labours on himself for the Gospel's sake, but he remitted no∣thing of his patience. 'Tis reported he walk'd upon the ground barefoot many years, in no wise wearing any shoes. And also for many years he abstained from the use of wine, and from all other things, ex∣cept necessary sustenance, so that now he fell into a great danger of spoiling and turning his h 1.14 stomach. He deservedly excited most of his Scholars to imitate him, shewing them, who look'd upon him, such examples of a Philosophical life; In∣somuch that now, not onely the i 1.15 vulgar unbe∣lieving Heathens, but also they who were learned Philosophers, were k 1.16 through him brought to submit themselves to his doctrine. And it came to pass that they who receiv'd by him in the bot∣tom of their hearts sincerely the faith of the Gospel, were famous in the time of the then Perse∣cution: so that some of them after apprehension, finished their lives by Martyrdom.

CHAP. IV. How many of those who had been instructed by him, became Martyrs.

THe first of them was the aforementioned Plutarchus, whom (when he was led to Execution) * 1.17 he of whom the discourse is, ac∣companied to the last hour of his life, and again wanted little of being kill'd by the men of his own City, as seeming the cause of Plutarchus's death. But then also the providence of God preserv'd him. Next to Plutarch the second of Origen's disciples, that was a Martyr, was Serenus. Who by fire gave a triall of the faith which he had re∣ceiv'd. Heraclides was made the third Martyr of the same School. The fourth after him was a 1.18 Heron. Both which persons were beheaded, the former of them while he was yet learning the Principles of Christianity, the latter when he was newly b 1.19 Baptiz'd. Besides these, another Serenus, dif∣ferent from the former, is declared the fifth Champion of Piety [who came out] of this School. Who, 'tis reported, was punish'd with the loss of his head, after a most patient suf∣ferance of many Torments. And of women,

c 1.20 Heraïs, who as yet was learning the Principles of Christianity, did, as he himself somewhere says, depart this life, having received Baptism by fire.

CHAP. V. Concerning Potamiaena.

LEt Basilides be reckoned the seventh among these, who lead the most renown'd Potamiae∣na to Execution, concerning which woman, even yet there is a famous report amongst the inhabi∣tants of those Countries, for that she combated many times with her lovers, in defence of the chastity and virginity of her body; for which she was famous: (for besides the vigour of her mind, there flourisht in her a comliness of body:) who, having suffer'd many things for her faith in Christ, at last after grievous Torments and hor∣rible to be related, was together with her mother Marcella consumed by fire. Moreover they say that the Judge, (whose name was a 1.21 Aquila,) after he had inflicted grievous stripes upon every part of her body, threatned at last he would deliver her to the b 1.22 Gladiatours to abuse her body. But she (having con∣sidered of the matter some short time,) being asked what her determination was, return'd [they say] such an answer, as thereby she seem'd to speak some thing which was accounted impious amongst them. Forthwith therefore she receiv'd the de∣finitive sentence [of the Judge,] and Basilides one of the Military Apparitors, took and lead her to Execution: but when the multitude endeavour'd to molest and reproach her with obscene words, he prohibited them, c 1.23 thrust∣ing away them who re∣proach'd her, shewing much commiseration, and huma∣nity towards her. She taking in good part the mans com∣miseration shown towards her, exhorts him to be of good courage, for when she was gone hence she would entreat her Lord for him, and within a little while she would make him a requital for what he had done for her. When she had spoken these things, they say she valiantly underwent death, hot scalding pitch being leisurely, and by little and little poured upon all the several mem∣bers of her body, from the sole of the foot, to the crown of the head; such was the combat fought by this famous virgin. But not long after▪ Ba∣silides upon some occasion being desir'd by his fellow-soldiers to swear, avouch'd twas not law∣full for him to swear at all; for he was a Chri∣stian, and he openly confess'd it: at first they thought he onely spake in jest; but when he con∣stantly maintain'd it, he is brought before the Judge, and after he had made profession of his stedfastness before him, he was put into bonds: And when some of the brethren in the Lord came to him, asking him what was the cause of this sudden, and unexpected change, he is repor∣ted to have said, that Potamiaena, three days after her Martyrdom, stood by him in the night, put a crown about his head, and said, she had entreated the Lord for him, and had obtain'd her request: And within a little while the Lord would take him upto himself. After these things the brethren imparted to him the d 1.24 Seal of the Lord, and the day after, being famous for his testimony of the Lord, he was beheaded; they relate, that many more throughout Alexandria came thick at that time to the doctrine of Christ; to▪wit, such as Potamiaena had appear'd to in their sleep, and e 1.25 invited them to be converted to the Gospel: But for these things let thus much suffice.

CHAP. VI. Concerning Clemens Alexandrinus.

a 1.26 CLemens, who succeeded Pantaenus, was Ma∣ster of the Catechetick School at Alexan∣dria, till this time. So that Origen when he was a boy was one of his Scholars: Moreover, this Clemens, committing to writing the subject of that work of his entitled Stromateis, in his first Volume explains the series of times, and determines his computation at the death of Commodus. So that it is plain those books were elaborated by him in the Reign of Severus, the History of whose times this book of ours contains.

CHAP. VII. Concerning Judas the Writer.

AT this time also liv'd Judas another Writer, who commented upon the Seventy Weeks in Daniel, and puts an end to his computation of the times at the tenth year of Severus's Reign. His Opinion was that even at that time the coming of Antichrist, which was so much talk'd of, drew nigh. So great a disturbance did the raising of the Persecution then against us cause in many mens minds.

CHAP. VIII. Concerning the bold Act of Origen.

AT this time while Origen perform'd the Office of Chatechizing at Alexandria, an act of an unripe and youthfull mind was commit∣ted by him, but which withall contain'd a most manifest token of Continence, and true faith; for he taking these words [some * 1.27 Eunuchs there are which have made themselves Eumuchs for the King∣dom of Heaven's sake] in the more simple mea∣ning, unadvisedly like one of his juvenile years, thinking it both his duty to fulfill our Saviours words, and also [considering] that during his youthfull years he was to converse not onely with men, but women about the things which appertain to God: that he might exclude the Infidels from all suspition of obscene slanders, his mind was full bent to perform really our Saviour's words, taking great care that it might escape the knowledge of many of his familiars: but 'twas impossible for him al∣though he was desirous, to conceal such a fact. But when Demetrius understood it, as being then Governour of the Church there, he both greatly admires him for his boldness, and also, (having commended his alacrity of mind, and sincerity of faith,) forthwith encourages, and excites him to a more diligent imployment about the duty of Catechizing: for such at this time was [Deme∣trius's] opinion of this act: but no long time after, when he saw Origen doe well, and that he was famous, and well reported of by all men; being affected with the frailties of Mankind, he endeavoured by letters, sent to all the Bishops in the world, to describe what was done as a most absurd action. a 1.28 For the Bishops of Caesarea and Je∣rusalem, the most approved and most famous of all the Prelates in Palestine, judging Origen worthy of dignity and the highest pitch of ho∣nours, had by imposition of hands ordain'd him Presby∣ter. Therefore when he had ascended to great honour, and had purchas'd a name amongst all men in all pla∣ces, and no small fame for his virtue, and wisdom; Demetrius, being furnisht with no other accusation, made a great and malicious complaint against that act which he had done in his youth. Daring also to in∣volve the Bishops in his ac∣cusations who had promoted him to the Office of a Pres∣byter. These things were done a little after. But then Origen b 1.29 freely and without any impediment perform'd his Office of teaching the divine doctrine to all that came to him by day or by night: laboriously spending all his time either in divine learning, or upon them who came to him. c 1.30 After Severus had held the Empire eighteen years, his son Antoninus suc∣ceeds him. At this time there [lived] one d 1.31 Alexander, one of their number who had be∣hav'd themselves manfully in the Persecution, and also by the providence of God had been preserv'd after their combats during their confessions; him we before manifested to have been Bishop of the Church in Jerusalem. Now because he was famous for his confession of Christ in the time of the Per∣secution, he is promoted to the afore-mentioned Bishoprick, whilest Narcissus, his predecessour was yet alive.

CHAP. IX. Concerning the Miracles of Narcissus.

THe Inhabitants of this Diocess report ma∣ny Miracles of this Narcissus, by tradition derived from a continued succession of the Bre∣thren: Amongst which they relate such a like Miracle as this done by him; 'tis reported that on the great vigils of Easter the Ministers oil fail'd them, for which great pensiveness of mind having seized the whole multitude, Narcissus gave command to them who took care of the Lights that they should draw water out of the well which was nearest at hand, and bring it to him, which being forthwith done, he prayed over the water, and commanded them to pour the water into the Lamps with a sincere saith in the Lord. When they had done this also, contrary to all reason and expectation, by a miraculous and divine power, the nature of water was changed in∣to the a 1.32 fatness of oil. Some small specimen of this mi∣racle then done, has been preserv'd amongst many of the brethren for a long time, even from that to our age. They also relate several o∣ther things worth remem∣brance cencerning this mans life. Amongst which there is such a [story] as this: Some vile fel∣lows who could not endure this persons vigour, and his perseverance in leading of a pious life, fearing least when they were caught they should suffer punishment, because they were conscious to themselves of many evil actions, they [resolve to] prevent him by patching up a plot against him, and utter a grievous calumny against him. Then, that they might perswade the hearers to credit them, they confirm'd their accusations with oaths: one of them swore it was true which he said, or he wish'd he might be consum'd by fire; another, if 'twas not true, that his body might be wasted by some terrible unhappy b 1.33 disease; and the

third, that he might be depriv'd of his sight: but none of the faithful gave heed to them although they swore thus, because Narcissus's continency was alwaies resplendent amongst all men, and his course of life most eminently virtuous and pious; but he being in-no-wise able to endure the wicked∣ness of what had been said against him; and, be∣sides this, for a long time being desirous to em∣brace a Philosophical life; retired from the whole Congregation of his Church, and liv'd many years lying hid in solitudes and in obscure fields. But the great Eye of justice could not quietly wink at what was done: But was quickly reven∣ged upon these wicked men by those curses with which they had bound them∣selves, being c 1.34 forsworn a∣gainst themselves. The first therefore was burnt toge∣ther with his whole fami∣ly, the house in which he liv'd being burnt in the night by d 1.35 the fall of a little spark of fire upon it, which upon no occasion given came out of it. The second person's body was totally infected from the bottom of his feet to his head with the disease he had punish'd himself with. But the third, seeing the end of the two former and fearing the unavoidable ven∣geance of the all-seeing God, e 1.36 publickly confess'd to all what they had plotted together in common amongst themselves, and he pin'd away with so great complaints, repenting of what he had done, and never ceas'd weeping so long, till he lost both his eyes. And these suffer'd such punishments for their lying accusation.

CHAP. X. Concerning the Bishops of Jerusalem.

WHen Narcissus was retired, it being al∣together unknown where he was, 'twas the opinion of the Bishops of the bordering Churches that they should proceed to the Ordina∣tion of another Bishop. This mans name was Dius. To him having presided no long time Ger∣manio was successour. Gordius succeeds him, in his time from some place or other Narcissus a∣gain appear'd, as risen from death to life, and is immediately invited by the Brethren to his Bi∣shoprick; all men admiring him much more both for his retreat, and also for his Philosophick [course of life:] But above all for the revenge which was vouchsaft him from God [upon his Accusers.]

CHAP. XI. Concerning Alexander.

NArcissus being no longer able to officiate by reason of his very great Age, the provi∣dence of God by Revelation made known to him in a vision by night, call'd the fore-mention'd Alexander Bishop of another Church to be coad∣jutour in the discharge of his Office. By this Revelation therefore, as if he had been warned by some Oracle from God, Alexander made a jour∣ney to Jerusalem from Cappadocia (where he had before been honour'd with a Bishoprick,) upon ac∣count both of praying there, and also of seeing the places: The Brethren there receiv'd him most kindly; and would not permit him to return home, because of another Revelation, made known also to them by night, and a a 1.37 voice most plainly utter'd to some who were the most eminent for piety amongst them. For it told them if they went out of their gates, they should meet him who was predetermin'd by God to be their Bishop. When they had done this with the Common b 1.38 consent of the Bishops who Govern'd the Churches round about, they forc'd him of necessity to continue there. Indeed, Alexander himself, in his own Epistles to the Anti∣noites which are preserv'd a∣mongst us till this time, makes mention of Narcissus's pre∣sidency together with him, writing thus word for word, at the end of that Epi∣stle:

Narcissus salutes you who before me govern'd this Episcopal See, and he now is my c 1.39 Associate in prayer, being an hundred and sixteen years old, and exhorts you to be of the same mind with me.

These things were thus done. Now when Serapion was dead, A∣sclepiades succeeded in the Bishoprick of the Church of Antiochia. And he also was famous for his confes∣sions in the time of Persecu∣tion. Alexander also makes mention of his consecration, writing thus to the Antio∣chians:

Alexander the servant and prisoner of Je∣sus Christ, sendeth greeting in the Lord to the Blessed Church of the Antiochians. The Lord made my bonds easie and light in the time of my d 1.40 imprisonment, when I heard that by divine providence Asclepiades (a man most fit by reason of the worthiness of his faith) was intrusted with the care over the holy Church of the Antiochians:

he signifies that he sent this Epistle by Clemens, writing on this manner, at the End.

I have sent these letters to you, (my Lords and Brethren) by e 1.41 Clemens a bles∣sed Presbyter a virtuous and approved person; whom ye have known, and shall know better: who, while he was here, by the providence, and care of God confirmed and increas'd the Church of the Lord.

CHAP. XII. Concerning Serapion, and his Books that are extant.

'TIs likely that other monuments of a 1.42 Serapion's studiousness and learning are preserv'd a∣mongst other men; but those [writings▪] onely came to our hands which he wrote to one Domninus, a man who in the time of Per∣secution fell from the faith in Christ to the Jewish su∣perstition. And what he wrote to Pontius, and Caricus Ecclesiastical men; and other Epistles to other persons. Another book also was compos'd by him, concerning that Book Intituled The Gospel according to Peter; which Book he wrote to confute the Errours in that, for some mens sakes in the Church of b 1.43 Rhosse, who, taking an oc∣casion from the foresaid Go∣spel, inclin'd to Heterodox doctrines. Out of which Book 'twill not be unfit to set down some few words, in which he sets forth the opinion he had concerning that Book, writing thus;

For we, my brethren, doe admit of Peter and the other Apostles, as of Christ himself; but, like wise men we reject those writings which are forg'd in their c 1.44 names, knowing that we have receiv'd no such [Books.] For I, when I came to you▪ thought all of you had adhered to the Right faith. And when I read not the Gospel which was offer'd me, that bears Peters name, I said, if this be the onely thing which seems to breed this dejected spirit in you, let it be read. But now understanding, from what has been told me, that their minds were covered with some Heresie, I will make haste to come to you again; wherefore, brethren, ex∣pect me suddenly: But we, Brethren, have found out what heresie Marcianus was of, for he contradicted himself, not understanding what he said, which you shall understand by some things which have been written to you. For we have been able to d 1.45 borrow this very Gospel of some who have been continually exercised in it, (that is of some of their successours who preceded Marcianus, whom we call Doceti, for many of [Marcianus's] Tenets are derived from their doctrines,) and read it; and we find indeed many things agreeable to the true doctrine of Christ: but some things that are particularly to be excepted against and avoided, which also we have here subjoyned upon your account.

And thus much concerning Serapion's Books.

CHAP. XIII. Concerning the writings of Clemens.

CLemens his a 1.46 Stromata's, which are in all eight books, are extant amongst us, which books he thus intituled, The variegated contexture of b 1.47 discourses of Titus Flavius Clemens concerning all things which appertain to the know∣ledge of the true Philosophy: of the same number with these are his books intitul'd Institutions: in which he by name mentions Pantaenus, as be∣ing his Master, and he writes down his c 1.48 opinions he had receiv'd concerning the scope of Scripture, and explains his traditions: he has also an Hortatory discourse to the Gentiles. And three books In∣titl'd the Tutor. And another book of his with this title, What Rich man can be sav'd? And a book concerning Ea∣ster. Disputations also con∣cerning the Fasting▪ And concerning detraction. And an exhortation to patience to those who were newly baptiz'd. And a book intitl'd the Eccle∣siastick Canon, or against those who Judaized, which book he dedicated to Alexander the fore-mention'd Bishop. Moreover, in his Stromata he does not onely compose mis∣cellaneous discourses out of the holy Writings, but he also mentions some things out of the Gentile Writers, if any thing seems profitable which was spoken by them: he also explains various o∣pinions [which occur] in several books both of the Greeks, and Barbarians. He moreover con∣sutes the false opinions of the Arch-hereticks. He laies open much of History, affording us large subject-matter of several sorts of learning▪ A∣mongst all these he intermixes the Philosophers Opinions. Hence he fitly made the Title Stro∣mata, answerable to the subject of the book. In the same book he produces authorities out of those Scriptures which are not allow'd of [as Canonical;] out of that which is call'd The Wisdom of Solomon, and out of the book of Jesus the son of Sirac. And out of The Epistle to the Hebrews. And out of the [Epistles] of Bar∣nabas, Clemens, and Jude. He also makes men∣tion of Tatianus's book against the Grecians, and of Cassianus, d 1.49 who also made a Chronographie. Moreover, he mentions Philo, e 1.50 Aristobulus, Jo∣sephus, Demetrius, and Eupolemus, Jewish Wri∣ters; who all have prov'd by their writings, that

MOSES, and the Originals of the Jewish Na∣tion are ancienter then any thing of antiquity amongst the Grecians. And this mans books afore-mention'd are stuff'd with very much excel∣lent learning, of several kinds. In the first of these books he saies concerning himself, that he was born next to the first successours of the Apostles. He promises also in them that he would write Com∣mentaries upon Genesis. And in his book con∣cerning Easter, he confesses he was constrained by his friends to commit to writing [for the bene∣fit of] posterity those traditions which he had heard from his Ancestours. In that same book also is mention'd Melito, Irenaeus, and some others, whose explications he sets down.

CHAP. XIV. What Writings Clemens has mentioned.

THat I may speak briefly, in his a 1.51 Instituti∣ons he makes b 1.52 short explications of all the c 1.53 written word of God, not omitting those Scri∣ptures whose authority is d 1.54 questioned by some: I mean the Epistle of Jude, and the other e 1.55 Catho∣lick Epistles, and that of Barnabas, and that which is said to be the Revelation of Peter: And The Epistle to the Hebrews, which he affirms to be Paul's, but was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew tongue; which when Luke had with much care and pains translated, he publisht it for the [use of the] Grecians. Wherefore we may find the stile of the translation of this Epistle, and Of the Acts of the Apostles to be the same.

f 1.56 But 'twas for a very good g 1.57 reason, that this Title [Paul the Apostle] was not set before it, for he (saies he) writing to the Hebrews who were possest with a prejudice against, and a suspicion of him, very wisely did not prefix his name at the beginning, least he should cause an aversion in them to his Epistle. But a little after, he continues, saying; Now, as a blessed Presbyter said, because the Lord, being the Apostle of the Almighty, was sent to the Hebrews, Paul through modesty, in that he was sent to the Gentiles, does not entitle himself the Apostle of the Hebrews, both in reverence to the Lord, and also because 'twas over and above his duty that he writ to the Hebrews, being the Preacher and Apostle of the Gentiles.

Again Clemens in the same books writes a tradition con∣cerning the order of the Gospels which he re∣ceiv'd from the Elders before him, and it is this:

Those Gospels, he said, which contain the Genealogies were written first. And this was the occasion of writing Marks Gospel: when Peter Preach'd the word publickly in Rome, and declared the Gospel by the Spirit, many who were there present entreated▪ Mark, (who had been his follower h 1.58 a long time, and remembred what he had said,) that he would write down the things which had been spoken. When he had compos'd the Gospel, he imparted it to those who had intreated it of him. Peter having understood this, i 1.59 used no perswasives either to hinder him, or to incite him to it. But John, being the last of all, when he saw how those things which appertain'd to Christs humanity were already manifested in the Gospels, was mov'd [to the enterprise] by his k 1.60 acquaintance, and being inspir'd by the Spirit, he wrote a Go∣spel concerning Christ's Divinity. Thus much Clemens.

But again, the said Alexander in an E∣pistle of his to Origen, mentions Clemens, and Pantaenus also, as men who were his familiars: he writes thus.

For this, as you know was the will of God, that the friendship, which was be∣gun betwixt us from our Ancestours, should not onely remain inviolable, but also become more fervent and firm. For we know those blessed Fathers who went before us, with whom we, after a short time shall be joyn'd, I mean the truely blessed Pantaenus my Master, and the holy Clemens my Master, who also profited me much; and if there be any others like them, by whom I came to the knowledge of you, my most excellent Lord and Brother:

And after this manner were these things. Moreover, Adam∣antius (for that also was Origen's name,) in these times, when Zephyrinus Presided over the Church of Rome, l 1.61 travell'd to Rome, (as he himself some where says) having a desire to see the most antient Church of the Romans: where he made no long stay, but return'd to Alexandria. And with all diligence there perform'd his custo∣mary duty of Catechist, Demetrius the then Bi∣shop of those Churches exciting him to it, and little less then beseeching him to labour earnestly for the utility of the Brethren.

CHAP. XV. Concerning Heraclas.

BUt when he perceived himself not supplied with sufficient strength both for the more profound study of Divinity, for his researches into, and interpretation of the holy Scriptures, and moreover for the Catechizing of them who came to him; (having scarce time to breathe, so many flocking together to him; One company after another coming from morning to evening to his School;) he divided the multitudes, and electing Heraclas, one of his familiars, made him his assistant in Catechizing; a man who was very studious in Divinity, most eminently skilfull in other Learning; and one who was not unex∣perienced in Philosophy. He commits the instru∣ction of the New-beginners to him, but reserves to himself the hearing of those who had made some proficiency.

CHAP. XVI. What Pains and Study Origen bestowed about the Holy Scriptures.

ORigen now intended to make such accurate researches into the Holy Scriptures, that he learn't the Hebrew tongue. And bought the a 1.62 Authentick Scriptures writ∣ten in Hebrew letters, which were extant among the Jews. And he search'd after other Editions of Translatours of the Sacred Scriptures besides the Seventy. And he sought out some other Versions be∣sides those b 1.63 Common ones of Aquilas, Symmachus and Theodotion, different from them, which he, having searcht out, first brought to light, from I know not whence, nor out of what Corners, having been forgotten for a long time: concerning which, because he was uncertain who were the Authours of them, by reason of their obscurity, he onely Noted this, that one of them was by him found at c 1.64 Nicopolis near Actium; and another, at some other place. Moreover in his Hex∣apla of the Psalms, after those four excellent Editions, he adds d 1.65 not onely a fifth, and sixth, but also a seventh Version; and upon one of them again he has Noted, that it was found at Jericho in an Hogs-head, in the times of Antoni∣nus the son of Severus. When he had thus Col∣lected all these Versions into one body, and di∣vided them into e 1.66 Verses, f 1.67 having placed them directly one against the other, together with the g 1.68 Hebrew Text, he left us those Copies which are call'd h 1.69 Hexapla. He i 1.70 afterwards prepared a∣part by themselves, Aquila's, Symmachus's and Theodotion's Edition, together with the Septuagint [and put them out] in his Tetrapla.

CHAP. XVII. Concerning Symmachus the Translatour.

MOreover, We must understand that this Symmachus, one of the Translatours, was an Ebionite. For there is an Heresie called the Heresie of the Ebionites, who say that Christ was born of Joseph, and Mary, and suppose him to have been meer Man, who also stiffly affirm that the Law ought to be strictly observ'd accor∣ding as the Jews kept it, as we have before made known somewhere in our History. Symma∣chus's Commentaries are even yet extant; in which he seems to confirm the foresaid Heresie,

a 1.71 disputing strongly against Matthew's Gospel: Origen tells us that he receiv'd these together with other interpretations of Symmachus's of the Scri∣ptures, from one Juliana, upon whom, he saies these books of Symmachus's devolved by right of succession.

CHAP. XVIII. Concerning Ambrosius.

AT this time Ambrosius (a 1.72 who favour'd the Valentinian Heresie) being convinc'd by the truth Preach'd by Origen, and having his mind cleared as it were with light, assents to the do∣ctrine of the Orthodox faith of the Church. And (Origen's fame being nois'd abroad every where) several men of great learning flock'd to him, in∣tending to make tryal of this man's sufficiency in the Scriptures. Also infinite multitudes of Here∣ticks, and not a few Philosophers, and them most famous, gave b 1.73 diligent attention to him, almost like Schollars learning from him besides Divinity, those things which appertain to * 1.74 External Philo∣sophy: For he initiated c 1.75 those, whom he per∣ceived to have acute parts into Philosophical Lear∣ning: Teaching them Geometry, and Arithmetick, and the other previous Sciences. Also guiding them into the knowledge of the various Sects a∣mong Philosophers: explaining the writings that are amongst them, and Commenting on and searching into all things. So that even amongst the Gentiles this man was openly declared to be a great Philosopher. He also incited many of meaner capacities to the study of the Liberal Sciences: telling them that from hence would ac∣crue to them no small fitness and preparation for the Contemplation of the divine Scriptures: for which reason he esteem'd the study of Secular and Philo∣sophical literature most necessary for himself.

CHAP. XIX. What things have been recorded concerning Origen, [by the Gentiles.]

THe Heathen Philosophers who flourish'd in his Age are witnesses of his great proficiency in these studies: in whose writings we have found frequent mention of this man; [some of them] both dedicating their books to him, and also delivering up their private labours to his Censure, as to a Master. But I need not speak of these things, when as a 1.76 Porphyrius, (who liv'd in Sicilie [almost] till our Age, having writ∣ten some books against us, and in them endea∣voured to cavill at the holy Scriptures, when he had mentioned those men who made expli∣cations upon them) was unable in any wise to cast any base aspersion upon their Opinions, and through want of Arguments betakes himself to railing, and reviles the Commentators. Of whom he attempts chiefly to re∣proach Origen, saying, that when he was young, he knew him; but he unawares com∣mends the man; partly by speaking the truth in some things where he could not do otherwayes; and partly by lying, wherein he thought he should escape being de∣tected. Sometimes he ac∣cuses him as being a Chri∣stian; by and by, he ad∣mires, and describes the ac∣cession he made to Philo∣sophick Literature. Hear therefore what he says word for word:

Some men, de∣sirous to find out not a de∣fection from the pravity of the Jewish Scriptures, but an explication [of the obscurities in them] have betaken themselves to ex∣positions, which have no agreement nor coherence with those Scriptures, and which contain the Authour's approbation and praise, rather than a defence of those strange Sectaries. For, having boasted that what things were plainly spoken by Moses were obscure Riddles, allowing them the Authority, and quoting them as divine Oracles full of hidden Mysteries; And having b 1.77 bewitched the judge∣ments and minds of men, with their pride, they af∣terwards put forth their Expositions.

Then after some few words he saies;

Let an example of this ab∣surdity be taken from a man whom I saw, when I was c 1.78 very young, being a person then of great repute, and yet eminently renowned upon account of his writings which he left behind him, I mean Origen, whose re∣nown is very much spread a∣broad amongst the teachers of those Doctrines. For this Man, having been an d 1.79

of that Ammonius, who in our Age made a great proficiency in Philosophy; as for his knowledge in Philosophick Literature he pro∣fited much by this Master. But as concerning a right course of life, he undertook a way quite contrary to him: for Ammonius, having been educated a Christian by Christian Parents, when he arriv'd to understanding, and, [the knowledge of] Philosophy, quickly betook himself to a course of life which was agreeable to the Laws. But Origen being a Gentile and brought up in the Learning of the Grecians, diverted to the e 1.80 Impu∣dence of the Barbarians. Being devoted to this [Re∣ligion] he f 1.81 corrupted both himself, and also that proficiency he had made in Philosophick Learning: as to his manner of life he liv'd like a Christian, and contrary to the Laws: but in respect of his Opinions concerning things, and concerning God, he imi∣tated the Grecians, g 1.82 sub∣stituting the sayings of the Heathens in the room of those strange fables. For he was continually con∣versant in Plato's [works,] and in those of h 1.83 Numenius and Cronius, and he revol∣ved the works of i 1.84 Apollo∣phanes and k 1.85 Longinus, and l 1.86 Moderatus, and Nicomachus, and the works of all the famous men amongst the Pythagoreans, he also made use of the works of m 1.87 Chaeremon the Stoick, and of n 1.88 Cornutus's books, when he had learn'd from them the Allegorical mode of ex∣plaining the Grecian My∣steries, he appli'd it to the Jewish Scriptures.

These are Porphyrius's words in his third book of that piece he wrote against the Christians; who has said the truth con∣cerning the mans hard study and great learning; but here∣in he has plainly lied, (for what would not he say who wrote against the Christians?) in that he saies, that [Ori∣gen] was converted from a Heathen to a Christian, and that Ammonius fell from a pious course of life to the Heathenish way of living. For, (as our History has be∣fore manifested) Origen kept the Christian Doctrine re∣ceiv'd from his Ancestours: And the precepts of the divine Philosophy re∣main'd uncorrupted, and unshaken in Ammonius even till his death; as his works even to this pre∣sent doe testifie; he being famous amongst most men for his books which he left behind him: as for example, that book which is thus Intitl'd concerning the concord of Moses, and Jesus, and those other books of his, whatsoever sort they be of, which are found▪ amongst lovers of learning. Let what we have said therefore be an Evidence both of the de∣traction of this lying Accuser, and also of Origens great knowledge in the Grecian learning. Con∣cerning which, Origen (in an Epistle of his, where∣in he makes an Apologie for himself, to some who blam'd him for his too great studiousness about this sort of learning) writes these words:

When I imploy'd my self wholly in the Scri∣pture, the fame of my progress in Learning spreading it self every where, there resorting to me sometimes Hereticks, at othertimes those who studied the Grecian Learning, and especially such as were skilled in Philosophy, I thought it convenient to make researches into Hereticks Opinions, and into whatsoever things are re∣ported to be said by Philosophers concerning the truth: this we did, both in imitation of Pan∣taenus, who profited many before us, (who was furnished with no small stock of provisions of this sort:) And also of Heraclas, who at this time sits among the Presbyters of Alexandria; o 1.89 whom I found with a Philosophy Master, under whom he studied diligently five years before I began to be an Auditour of his do∣ctrine. And for this rea∣son, he wearing a common habit before, put it off, and put on a p 1.90 Philosophical habit, which he q 1.91 retains

to this day, neither does he desist from a studious reading of the books of the Learned Grecians.

This he said in defence of the studious diligence he used about the Grecian [Learning.] At this time while he made his abode at Alexandria there came a Souldier who deliver'd Letters to Deme∣trius, the Bishop of that Church, and to the then Prefect of Aegypt, from the Governour of Arabia, that they should send Origen to him with all speed that he might impart to him his doctrine. He was therefore sent by them, and came to Arabia. But in a little time, having finisht those things which were the cause of his coming, he again re∣turn'd to Alexandria. Within some interval of time, there being kindled in Alexandria no small war, he withdrew out of Alexandria, and judging there was no safe dwelling for him in Aegypt, he went to Palestine, and made his abode in Caesarea; where the Bishops of those parts intreated him, although he was not yet Ordain'd Priest, to discourse and to expound the holy Scriptures r 1.92 publickly in the Church. This will be evidene't by what Alexander, Bishop of Jerusalem, and Theoctistus Bi∣shop of Caesarea wrote con∣cerning him to Demetri∣us, who thus excuse him.

[Your s 1.93 Holiness] has added in your Letters that this thing was never heard of nor done till this time [to wit,] that Laicks should Preach in the pre∣sence of Bishops. I t 1.94 know not how you came so ap∣parently to misrepresent the truth: For they are in∣vited to Preach to the peo∣ple, (when they are found fit to profit the brethren) by the holy Bishops. For example, Euelpis [was in∣vited to Preach] by Neon at Laranda: and so was Paulinus by Celsus at Iconium. And Theodorus by Atticus at u 1.95 Syn∣nada, who were our blessed Brethren. And 'tis not incredible that the like was done in other places, though we never knew it.

On this manner was the above nam'd Origen honour'd▪ though he was yet x 1.96 young, not onely by his fa∣miliars, but also by forreign Bishops. But De∣metrius again recalling him by Letters, and urging his return to Alexandria by persons that were Deacons of that Church, he return'd thither, and there executed his accustomed Office.

CHAP. XX. What Books are now extant of such as Wrote in these times.

AT this time flourish'd many Learned Eccle∣siastick persons, whose Epistles, which they wrote to one another 'tis an easie thing to meet with, being preserv'd till this present. For they have been kept even in our Age in the Library of the City Aelia, which was built by Alexander, who presided over the Church which is there▪ Out of this Library we our selves have gather'd to∣gether matter for this subject now in hand▪ Beryllus, Bishop of Bosira in Arabia, being one of them, left, together with his Epistles and Com∣mentaries, a 1.97 Several other monuments of his Polite Ingenie. In like manner did b 1.98 Hippollitus, who presided over another Church somewhere; there came also to our hands a disputation attem∣pted by one c 1.99 Caius, a most eloquent man, at Rome in the times of Zephyrinus, against Proclus who was a defender of the Cataphrygian Heresie. In which dispute, he silencing the adversaries rashness and boldness in composing new Scri∣ptures, mentions onely thirteen Epistles of the divine Apostle [Paul,] not accounting that to the Hebrews amongst the rest: Indeed even till this present 'tis thought by some of the Romans that that Epistle was not written by this Apostle.* 1.100

CHAP. XXI. What Bishops were eminent in those times.

BUt now Macrinus succeeded Antoninus after he had Reign'd seven years and six moneths, who having continued [Emperour] about a year, another Antoninus again assumes the Ro∣man Empire. In the first year of his Reign Ze∣phyrinus Bishop of Rome departed this life, having held that [Episcopal] charge eighteen years compleat. After him Callistus presides in the Bi∣shoprick. He having survived five years, leaves the [care of the] Church to Urbanus. After this Alexander the Emperour succeeds in the Ro∣man Empire, Antoninus having Reigned onely four years. At this time Philetus succeeded As∣clepiades, in the Church of Antioch: Now [A∣lexander] the Emperour's mother whose name was Mamaea, being a most pious woman, and Re∣ligious

in her conversation, (Origen's same be∣ing now every where so spread abroad, that it came even to her eares,) was mightily desirous to see the man, and to make tryal of his knowledge in Divine matters, which was so admir'd by all men: She therefore making her abode at An∣tioch, sends a military guard for him: when he had spent some time with her, and had demon∣strated to her most things which tend to the glory of God, and the power of the divine Doctrine, he hastned to his wonted charge.

CHAP. XXII. How many of Hippolytus's works are come to our hands.

AT this time also Hippolytus, amongst many other works of his, compil'd a book also a 1.101 concerning Easter. In which having explain'd the Series of Times, and set forth a Cannon of sixteen years, concerning Easter, he determines his computation at the first year of Alexander the Emperour. Now the rest of his works, which came to our hands are these: Upon the six daies Work. Upon those things b 1.102 which followed upon the six daies Work. Against Marcion. c 1.103 Upon the Canticles. Upon some Chapters of Ezekiel. Concerning Easter. d 1.104 Against all Heresies. And many more which you may find preserv'd amongst many men.

CHAP. XXIII. Concerning Origen's Studiousness, and how he was honour'd with the dignity of Priesthood.

a 1.105 ABout this time was the beginning of Ori∣gen's writing Commentaries upon the holy Scriptures: Ambrosius chiefly inciting him to it by innumerable instigations, not with supplications and bare words onely, but also with most plenti∣full supplies of all things necessary: For there were alwaies by him when he dictated, more in number then seven Notaries, which at set times chang'd courses with one another. Neither was there a less number of them which wrote books fair, together with Girls who had been instructed to write nearly and handsomely. To all these Ambrosius libe∣rally afforded a sufficient supply of all things ne∣cessary. And indeed he conveigh'd into Origen an unspeakable alacrity, in his study and labour about the divine Oracles. By which means chiefly he induced him to write Commentaries: whilest these things were in this posture, Pon••ianus succeeds Urbanus who had been Bishop of Rome eight years: And Zebinus [succeeds] Phi∣letus in the Bishoprick of Antioch. At which time, (the necessitie of the b 1.106 Churches Affaires constraining him) Origen made a journey through Palestine into Greece; And received the Order of Priesthood at Caesarea, by the imposition of the hands of the Bishops there. But what combustions were hereupon rais'd concerning him, and what c 1.107 Decrees were made by the Prelates of the Churches upon these commotions: And what ever else he, continuing to be of great esteem con∣tributed to the Preaching of the divine Word: [these things] requiring a distinct Volume, we have in some measure declared in the second book of our Apologie, which we wrote in defence of him.

CHAP. XXIV. Concerning the Expositions he made at Alexandria.

BUt 'twas necessary for us to have annex'd these a 1.108 to the things afore-mention'd; for in his sixth book of his Expositions upon John's [Gospel] he declares he com∣pos'd those five first books while he yet liv'd at Alex∣andria. But onely b 1.109 twenty two books of his works up∣on that Gospel are come to our hands. In his ninth book also upon Genesis (for there are twelve in all) he manifests that he did not onely write those first eight books at Alexandria, but also those Com∣ments upon the twenty five first Psalms: And moreover▪ those Comments upon the Lamen∣tations, five books of which came to our hands. In which books there is some mention of his

books upon the c 1.110 Resurrection: those also are two Volumes. Indeed he also wrote his books De Principiis, before his removal from Alexandria. He also compos'd those books intitl'd d 1.111 Stromata, which are ten in Number, in that City in the Reign of Alexander, as his e 1.112 Annotations written with his own hand, and prefixt before those books do manifest.

CHAP. XXV. After what manner Origen has mentioned the Books of the Old and New Testament.

BUt in his Explication of the first Psalm, he has exhibited a Catalogue of the holy Scriptures of the Old Testament, writing on this manner word for word.

a 1.113 We must un∣derstand that, as the He∣brew Traditions say, there are b 1.114 twenty two bookes of the Old Testament; just so many in number as they have letters.

A little after he adds, saying;

These are the twenty two books ac∣cording to the Hebrews. That which we give the Title of Genesis to, is by the Hebrews, from the be∣ginning of the book en∣titl'd Bresith, that is, in the beginning. Exodus, Velles∣moth, that is, these are the names. Leviticus, Vaicra, that is, and he hath called. Numbers the Hebrews call c 1.115 Hammisphecodim. Deu∣teronomie, Helle-haddaba∣rim, that is, these are the words. Jesus the Son of Nave, [in Hebrew] Je∣hosue Ben Nun. Judges, Ruth, are by them compre∣hended in one book, and call'd Sophetim. The first and second of Kings, a∣mong them one book, termed Samuel, that is, called of God. The third and fourth of Kings, amongst the Hebrews one book, call'd Vammelech David, that is, the Kingdom of David. The first and second book of Chronicles, in one Volume, call'd Dibre Hajamim, that is, The words of Days▪ Esdras the first and second book, by them made one book call'd, Esra, that is, A helper. The book of Psalms, Sepher Tehillim [in Hebrew.] So∣lomon's Proverbs, in Hebrew, Mis••oth. Eccle∣siastes, Coheleth. d 1.116 The Song of Songs, Sir▪ H••si∣rim. e 1.117 Esaias, Iesa••a, Hie∣rimas with his Lamenta∣tions, and his Epistle, all in one book, call'd Jermia. Daniel, [The Hebrews also call] Daniel. Eze∣chiel, Jeezchel, Job, Job; Ester, Ester also among the Hebrews. Besides these there are (but not of their number) the Maccabees, which are intitl'd Sarbet Surbane-el.

These Origen has set forth in the afore∣said work. But in the first book of his Comments upon Matthew's Gospel, obser∣ving the Canon of the Church, he attests there are onely four Gospels, in these words:

As I f 1.118 have un∣derstood by Tradition, there are four Gospels, which, and onely which are to be allow'd with∣out contradiction by the Church of God under hea∣ven. As for the first, 'twas written by one Mat∣thew formerly a Publican, but afterwards an Apostle of Jesus Christ, he publisht it, being written in He∣brew, for the sake of those Jews who believ'd. The second is Mark's Gospel; who wrote it as Peter ex∣pounded to him; whom also he confesses to be his Son, in his Catholick E∣pistle, and in these words, g 1.119 The Church which is at Babylon elected together with you saluteth you, and so doth Marcus my Son. And the third is the Gospel according to Luke, which is commended by Paul, he wrote it for the sake of the Heathens. Lastly S^t John's Gospel. And the same Writer in the h 1.120 fifth book of his Expo∣sitions upon John has these words concerning the A∣postle's Epistles. Paul be∣ing made a fit Minister of the New Testament, not in the Letter, but in the Spirit, he who i 1.121 fully Preacht the Gospel from Jerusalem round about to Illyricum, wrote not to all those Churches which he taught; But to those to whom he wrote he sent [Epistles that con∣tained] but a few verses. But Peter k 1.122 on whom the

Church of Christ was builded, against which the gates of hell shall not prevail, left but one E∣pistle which is acknowledg'd to be his. But let us grant that the second is his too, for it is question'd whether it be his or not. But what must we say of John, l 1.123 he who lay in Christ's bosome? He left behind him but one Gospel, [though] he professes he could have written m 1.124 so many books, as the world could not have contain'd. He also wrote the Revelation: be∣ing commanded to be silent, n 1.125 and not to write the voices of the Seven Thunders. He also left to posterity a very short Epistle. But let us grant that the second and third were his: for all men do not allow them to be genuine: both of them doe not contain above an hundred verses.

Besides, he discourses thus concerning the Epistle to the Hebrews in his Homilies upon that Epistle.

For the stile of that Writing en∣titled The Epistle to the Hebrews, has nothing of that plain homeliness of the Apostle [Paul,] who confesses himself to be unlearn'd in his speech, that is, in his manner of Expression. But this Epistle as to the composition of the stile favours much of the Grecian eloquence, this every one will confess who knowes how to judge of Stiles, which are different. Again, the sentences of this Epistle are admirable, and no∣thing inferiour to those books which are acknow∣leg'd to be Apostolick. And this every one will assent to as true, who gives attention to the reading of the Apostles writings.

After the interposition of some words, Origen addes these, saying: o 1.126

This is my Opinion that the sen∣tences, are the sentences of an Apostle: but the Phrase and Composition is some ones else, who committed to writing the words of the Apostle, and as it were illustrated with Explications the words of his Master. If any Church therefore accounts this to be Paul's Epistle, let it be com∣mended even for so doing: for the Antients did not inconsiderately declare it to be Paul's E∣pistle. But God alone truely knows who wrote this Epistle. But of those written records which are come to our hands, some ascribe the writing of this Epistle to Clemens who was Bishop of Rome; others to Luke who wrote the Gospel, and the Acts. But thus far concerning this.

CHAP. XXVI. How Heraclas succeeded in the Bishoprick of Alexandria.

IT was now the a 1.127 Tenth year of the Reign of the afore-mention'd Emperour [Alexander,] in which Origen departed from Alexandria to Cae∣sarea, and left the care of his Catechetick School to b 1.128 Heraclas: and not long after dy'd Demetrius, the Bishop of the Church of Alexandria, having con∣tinu'd in that Office fourty three years compleat. Heraclas succeeded him. At this time Firmilianus, Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia was very famous.

CHAP. XXVII. How the Bishops had him in admiration.

* 1.129 HE had so great an esteem for Origen, that he both invited him into the Countries of his Province for the good of the Churches; and also at another time went into Judaea to visit him, and to stay some time with him, to improve him∣self in the knowledge of Divine matters. Besides, Alexander Bishop of Jerusalem, and Theoctistus Bishop of Caesarea, at all times (as one may say,) were attentive to him, as if he had been their Ma∣ster, and permitted onely him to expound the holy Scriptures, and to perform all other things apper∣taining to Ecclesiastick doctrine.

CHAP. XXVIII. Concerning the Persecution under Maximinus

MOreover, Maximinus Caesar succeeded A∣lexander the Roman Emperour, after he had Reign'd thirteen years. He, because of his hatred to Alexander's family, which consisted of many believers, rais'd a Persecution, and gave command that onely the Prelates of the Churches should be slain, as the Authours of the Preaching of the Gospel. And at that time Origen com∣pos'd his book concerning Martyrdom, which he Dedicated to Ambrosius, and Protoctetus, a Pres∣byter of the Church of Caesarea. Because no tri∣vial peril and afflictions seized on them both during the times of this Persecution. Fame Records the illustrious eminenty of these men for their confes∣sion [of the Christian faith,] a 1.130 when Maximinus had not Reign'd above three years. Origen re∣markes the time of this Persecution, both in the twenty second book of his Expositions upon John, and in several of his Epistles.

CHAP. XXIX. Concerning Fabian, how unexpectedly he was Elected by God Bishop of Rome.

GOrdianus having succeeded Maximinus in the Roman Empire, Anteros succeeds Pontia∣nus, who had been Bishop of the Church of Rome six years. And Fabian succeeds him after he had perform'd the Office for a month. They report that after the death of Anteros, Fabian, together with some others of his acquaintance, came out of the Countrey to Rome to sojourn there: where he unexpectedly came to be elected Bishop, through the Divine and Celestial Grace. For when all the Brethren were assembled together in the Church, in order to the Election of one who should succeed in the Bishoprick, and many of them had intentions of [Electing] several emi∣nent and worthy men, Fabian being there present, no one so much as thought of him. But on a sud∣den, as they report, a Dove came flying from above, and sate upon his head, which seem'd to be a representation of the Descent of the holy Ghost upon our Saviour in the shape of a Dove: upon which all the people, being at the same time moved as it were by the divine Spirit, cry'd out with all imaginable alacrity and one common con∣sent, * 1.131 He is worthy: And without any delay they took him, and set him in the Bishops Chaire. At that time also Zebinus the Bishop of Antioch dying, Babylas succeeded in the presidency. He∣raclas also takes upon him the [Episcopal] charge of the Church at Alexandria, after De∣metrius b 1.132 had executed that Office for fourty three years. And Dionysius succeeds in the Cateche∣tick School there, who also was one of Origen's Scholars.

CHAP. XXX. Who were Origen's Schollars.

WHilest Origen executed his accustomed duty at Caesarea, many, not onely Na∣tives of that Countrey, but also infinite others, from places most remote, forsaking their own Countries, resorted to him to be his disciples. The most eminent of them, we understand, were Theodorus, (who was also call'd Gregorius, one of the most famous Bishops in our Age,) and his brother Athenodorus. He by perswasion in∣duc'd them (being too much addicted to the love of the * 1.133 Roman and Greek Learning, having infus'd into them a love of Philosophy,) to exchange their former studies, for the study of Divinity: when they had convers'd with him five years com∣pleat, they made so great an improvement [of their knowledge] in the divine Scriptures, that while they were both as yet young, they were judg'd worthy of the Government of the Churches in Pontus.

CHAP. XXXI. Concerning Africanus.

AT this time Africanus, a 1.134 the Author of the books entitled Cesti was very famous; there is exstant an Epistle of his written to Origen, in which he suspects the History of Susanna in Daniel, to be spurious, and fictitious. Origen very fully answers this Epistle. There also came to our hands five books of this same Africanus's Annalls, written with great care and accuracy. In which books he says he took a journey to A∣lexandria, because of the great same of Heraclas; who, as we before signifi'd, was intrusted with the care of the Church there for his eminent know∣ledge in Philosophie, and other Heathen Lear∣ning. There is also exstant another Epistle of this same Africanus's to Aristides, concerning the dis∣agreement which is thought to be betwixt Mat∣thew and Luke, in the Relation of Christ's Ge∣nealogy. In which he manifestly demonstrates the consent of the Evangelists, out of an History which came to his hands; which [Epistle] we also took, and placed it in the first * 1.135 book of this work in hand, being its proper place.

CHAP. XXXII. What Expositions Origen wrote at Caesarea in Pa∣lestine.

ABout this time Origen wrote his [Com∣ments] upon Esaias, and those upon Eze∣kiel at the same time, of which books, there came to our hands thirty five Volumes upon the third part of Esaias, unto the Vision of the four footed beasts in the wilderness: And twenty five Volumes upon Ezekiel, which were all he wrote upon the whole Prophet: making his abode at that time at Athens, he finish'd his Commentaries upon Eze∣kiel: He also begun his Comments upon the Canti∣cles, and there proceeded in them to the fifth book:

but he afterwards return'd to Caesarea, and there finish'd them, being ten books in number. But what necessity is there at present to write an exact Catalogue of this mans works, which requires a work it self; which we have also written in our a 1.136 History of Pamphilus's Life, the blessed b 1.137 Mar∣tyr of our times. In which, endeavouring to prove how great Pamphilus's care and love towards sacred Learning was, we have publish'd the Cata∣logues of Origen's works, and of several other Ecclesiastick Writers which he Collected. From whence, he that is desirous, may have a full infor∣mation concerning all the Monuments of Origen's labours which came to our hands. But now we must proceed to the subsequent series of our Hi∣story.

CHAP. XXXIII. Concerning the Errour of Beryllus.

BEryllus, who was mention'd a little before, Bishop of Bostra in Arabia, subverting the Ecclesiastick Canon, endeavour'd to induce some new Doctrines alienating from the Faith; daring to affirm that our Lord and Saviour, before his * 1.138 coming amongst men a 1.139 had no proper different sub∣sistence: Neither any Godhead of his own, but onely the Deity of the Father residing in him. Many disputes and conferences having been held by the Bishops against this man about that point, amongst the rest Origen was call'd; at first he en∣ters into a friendly discourse with the man, that he might discover what his Opinion was, which when he understood by his discourse, he reprehended him being not Orthodox; and having convinc'd him by Arguments and Demonstrations, he took him as it were b 1.140 by the hand, and set him into the way of the true Doctrine, and reinstated him in his former found opinion. There are also written monuments extant to this day both of Beryllus, and also of the Synod which was convened upon his account, which contain Origen's questions pro∣posed against him, and the disputes holden in his Church, and all that was done at that time. Infinite other Memoirs the Antients of our times have deliver'd to Posterity concerning Origen: which I intend to omit, as not pertinent to this pre∣sent subject; but what things concerning him, are necessary to be known, may be read at large in that c 1.141 Apology for him which was written by me, and Pam∣philus the holy Martyr of our times: which we, fel∣low-labourers, carefully and joyntly compos'd up∣on the account of some of his quarrelsome Accusers.

CHAP. XXXIV. Concerning Philip the Emperour.

WHen Gordianus had held the Roman Em∣pire six complete years, Philip, together with his son Philip, succeeded him. The report is, that he, being a Christian, upon the day which is the last of the Vigils of Easter, was desirous to be a partaker, together with the congregation, of the prayers of the Church: but could in no wise be permitted to enter into the Church by him who was then Bishop, before he had made a ge∣neral confession of his fins, and recounted him∣self amongst their number, who were a 1.142 reckon'd the Lapsed, and stood in the place of penitents: for had he not done this he would not have been ad∣mitted by the Bishop, because of his many offences: and 'tis reported that he willingly b 1.143 obey'd, and demonstrated in his deeds, the sincerity and de∣voutness of his affection towards the fear of God.

CHAP. XXXV. How Dionysius succeeded Heraclas in his Bi∣shoprick.

IT was the third of Philip's Reign in which Heraclas dyed, after he had Govern'd the Church sixteen years, and Dionysius succeeded him in the Bishoprick of Alexandria.

CHAP. XXXVI. What other books were written by Origen.

AT this time therefore, the faith (as it was meet) daily encreasing, and our doctrine being boldly preach'd amongst all men, Origen ('tis said) was now above sixty years old: and because he had now gotten a most excellent habit of speaking through long use and exercise, he permit∣ted the Notaries to * 1.144 write his discourses which he delivered in publick, but never before this time would he suffer that to be done. About this time

he wrote eight books against a book of b 1.145 Celsus the Epicurean, intitled The word of Truth. He also wrote twenty five Volumes upon Matthew's Go∣spel: and those upon the Twelve Prophets, of which books we have found onely twenty five. There is also extant an Epistle of his to Philip the Em∣perour, another to his wife Severa: and several others to divers other persons: which being scat∣tered here and there, in several mens hands, as many of them as we could find preserved, being above an hundred in number, we have collected and digested into proper books by themselves, that they may not hereafter be again dispers'd. He wrote also to c 1.146 Fabian Bishop of Rome, and to several other Prelates of Churches concerning his own Orthodoxie: you have also the declarations of these things in the sixth book of the Apology we wrote in defence of him.

CHAP. XXXVII. Concerning the dissention of the Arabians.

AGain, about the same time there sprang up in Arabia Introducers of another Opinion alienating from the Truth. These affirm'd that mens souls even in this present life expired toge∣ther with their bodies, and were turn'd to cor∣ruption together with them: but that they should again revive together with the bodies at the time of the Resurrection. No small Synod being call'd together upon this account, Origen is a 1.147 again sent for thither, and having disputed publickly con∣cerning this question, he managed the cause so well, that those who before were fallen into errour, changed their sentiments.

CHAP. XXXVIII. Concerning the Heresie of the Helcesaïts.

AT that time also sprang up another perverse Errour, call'd the Heresie of the Helcesaïts, which was stifled in its birth. Origen mentions it in a 1.148 his Homily to the people upon the eighty second Psalm, in these words,

Lately there came one, highly conceited of himself for his ability, to defend that Atheistical and most wicked Opinion, call'd the Opinion of the b 1.149 Helce∣saïts, which lately was raised in opposition to the Church. I will explain to you what evil things that Opinion asserts, that ye be not drawn away by it. It reject's somethings of every part of the Scripture, but makes use of some Texts both out of the Old, and also out of the Evangelical Scripture: it rejects the A∣postle [Paul] wholly. It says 'tis an indif∣ferrent thing to deny [the Faith.] It ••olds also that upon necessity c 1.150 a wise man would deny [Christianity] with his mouth, but not with his heart also at the same time. They also carry about with them a book, which they say, fell down from heaven; and every one that hears it, and believes it, shall obtain Remission of sins: a Remission different from that which Jesus Christ bestowed.

But let thus much suf∣fice concerning these things.

CHAP. XXXIX. Concerning what happened in the times of Decius.

BUt in the mean while Decius succeeds Philip, after he had Reigned seven years; who because of his hatred towards Philip, rais'd a Persecution against the Churches. In which Fabian being Martyr'd at Rome, Cornelius succeeds in that Bishoprick. And Alexander the Bishop of Jerusalem in Palestine, is again brought before the Governour's Tribunal for Christ's sake. And was very famous for his second confession at Cae∣sarea, where he was imprisoned: being now a∣dorned with a venerable old Age, and reverend gray haires. After his noble and famous testi∣mony before the Governour's Tribunal, he ex∣pired in Prison, and Mazabanes was pronounced his successour in the Bishoprick of Jerusalem. Also Babylas Bishop of Antiochia died (in like man∣ner as did Alexander) in prison after his confession, and Fabius is preferred to be Bishop of that Church. Moreover how many, and how great [afflictions] happened to Origen in this Per∣secution, and what was the end of these things, (the Devil with all his forces enviously setting himself in opposition to this man, and fighting against him with all subtilty and power, assailing him particularly above all those who were set upon at that time:) how many, and how great things he also suffered for the Doctrine of Christ, as bonds, and bodily torments, the punishment of the Iron Chain in the inmost recesses of the Prison: how he was put upon the a 1.151 Rack, his feet for

several days being stretch'd so wide as to the distance of four holes: how valiantly he sustain'd the menaces of fire, and all other [Tortures] inflicted by his Enemies: what also was the exit of these things: (the Judge with his utmost power earnestly endeavouring * 1.152 that he might not be slain.) Lastly, what expressions he left behind him, and how comfortable to the b 1.153 comfortless: [All these particulars] many of his Epistles do both truly and accurately comprehend.

CHAP. XL. Concerning what things happened to Dionysius.

I Will also Record some things concerning Dio∣nysius, out of his Epistle to Germanus. Where speaking concerning himself, he makes this relation:

I speak in the presence of God, and he knows that I lie not. I never made my escape a 1.154 of my self, nor without the Divine appointment. But before, to wit, at the same time when the b 1.155 De∣cree for the Persecution came out from Decius, Sabi∣nus sent out his c 1.156 Deputy to make inquisition for me; and I stay'd at home four days, expecting the arrival of the Deputy: But he went about searching all places; both high-ways, Rivers, and fields, where he thought I might be conceal'd, or where he conjectur'd I might have gone: but he was so blinded, that he found not my house. Nei∣ther could he imagine that I should stay at home when there was inquisition made for me. And at length after the fourth day, (when God had commanded me to depart thence, and had miraculously ••opened a way for me) I, and my d 1.157 servants, and many of the Brethren, went out together. Now that that was a special act of God's Providence the sequel declar'd, in which peradventure I was profitable to some.

Again, after the interposition of some words, he relates what happened to him after his flight, in these words:

I my self, (and my companions) be∣ing much about the time of Sun-setting appre∣hended by some Souldiers, was brought to Ta∣posiris. But Timothcus, according to the pro∣vidence of God, was not with us, neither was he taken: But when he at last came, he found the house empty, and Souldiers keeping Guard about it, and us reduced to slavery.

After some other words he saith thus.

What now was the order and manner of this miraculous act of provi∣dence? (I will tell nothing but truth.) A cer∣tain e 1.158 country man met Timothy as he was flying, and thus disturb'd in mind; and he in∣quired of him the reason of this great hast; he told him the real truth. When the man had heard his relation, (he was then a going to a marriage feast, and 'tis customary amongst them to tarry all night at such meetings,) he went his way, and coming into the house, told the story to those that were set at the table: All of them with an unanimous earnestness (as if it had been by a compact amongst them) rose up together, set a running, and with great clamours came speedily upon us. The Souldiers who guarded us being by them forthwith put to flight, they came upon us as we were, and [found] us lying upon f 1.159 Couches without any fur∣niture on them; I (God knows) at first supposing them to be thieves, who came thither for prey and pillage, continued lying on the Couch, naked as I was, excepting onely a lin∣nen garment which I had on; and offered to them my other cloathes, which lay by me: But they bid me arise, and come out immediately. Then under∣standing what was the cause of their coming thither, I cry'd out, intreating and beseeching them to depart and let us alone. But if their intent was to do me a kindness, I begg'd of them to behead me, and by that means to prevent those who brought me prisoner thi∣ther. While I thus cry'd out (as my com∣panions and fellow-sufferers in all my troubles doe know) they compell'd me to rise up: I threw my self on my back upon the ground; but they took me by the hands and feet, and dragg'd me out: There follow'd me those who are my witnesses of these things, Caius, Faustus, Peter, Paul; g 1.160 who took me together with that Couch upon their shoulders, and convey'd me out of the village; and having set me upon an Ass un∣saddled, they carried me away.

These things Dionysius relates concerning himself.

CHAP. XLI. Concerning those who suffer'd Martyrdom at Alex∣andria.

THe same man in an Epistle of his to a 1.161 Fabius Bishop of Antioch, gives this account of the combats of those Martyrs who suffer'd at Alexan∣dria in the times of Decius.

The Persecution amongst us did not begin at the time when the Imperial Edict was issued out, but preceded it one whole year. For a Soothsayer, and b 1.162 a Poet

(whoever he was who so endamag'd this City,) had stirr'd up, and encouraged the tumults of the Heathens against us, exciting them to their Countrey Superstition. They being prick't forward by him, and having obtained free power of acting all mischief, thought it the most acceptable service * 1.163 and worship of their Gods to slaughter us. First of all therefore they lay hands upon an old man named Metrá, and bid him pronounce some Atheistical words, and because he obey'd them not, they beat him with clubs, and prick'd him in the face and eyes with sharp Reeds, and when they had led him into the Suburbs, they ston'd him to death. Af∣terwards they dragg'd a believing woman call'd Quinta, to the Temple of their Idol, and com∣pell'd her to fall down and worship: but she turning away her face, and abominating it, they bound her feet, and dragg'd her through the City, which is pav'd with sharp stones, and having dash'd her against Millstones, and scourg'd her, they led her to the same place without the City, and ston'd her. Afterwards all with one ac∣cord violently broke into the houses of pious men, and every one of them ran to their Neigh∣bours, whom they knew, and plunder'd and rob'd them; their goods which were of greater value they c 1.164 purloin'd, but the lumber, and what was made of wood they cast forth, and burnt in the streets: so that the City seem'd as if it had been taken by an enemy: but the Brethren withdrew themselves thence and privately fled; and (like those S^t Paul speaks of) * 1.165 took joy∣fully the spoyling of their goods. And not one of them that I know of, except one who somewhere fell into their hand, renounc'd the Lord till this time. Moreover, at that time they took a most admirable Virgin who was antient, call'd Apol∣lonia, and buffeting her on the cheeks, they dash'd out all her teeth. And when they had built a pile of wood before the City, they threat∣ned to burn her alive, except she would repeat together with them some d 1.166 profane words. But she, having begged a little re∣spite, being let loose, forth∣with leapt into the fire, and was consum'd to Ashes. They also apprehended Se∣rapion as he was in e 1.167 his house, and having tortur'd him with grievous tor∣ments, and broken all his joints, they cast him down headlong out of an upper room. There was now no way for us, not the common highway, not so much as any narrow street, through which we could securely pass either by day, or by night: Every body proclaiming at all times, and in all places, that who∣soever would not repeat those blasphemous words, he should be dragg'd away, and burn't immediately. After this man∣ner these things continu'd for a great while: Afterwards followed Sedition, and a Civil war, which [seized▪] these wretches, and re∣turned the cruelty they us'd towards us upon themselves. And we had a little breathing time, their fury towards us being some∣thing appeas'd. But presently news came of the f 1.168 translation of that Empire, which had been more favourable to us: and much fear of a threatning storm appear'd. And now arrived the [Imperial] Edict, almost like that fore∣told by our Lord, g 1.169 re∣presenting those most ter∣rible [times] in so much that even the Elect, if it were possible, should be discouraged. Indeed all were put in great fear. Immediately many of them who were more eminent, yielded up themselves [to their Idolatry] through fear: others, who h 1.170 had to doe in the management of the Publick Affairs, were forc'd through the neces∣sity of their offices [they held;] and they induced others of their acquain∣tance, who, being summon'd by name, repaired to their impure and profane sacri∣fices. Some looked pale, and trembled, as if they themselves were about to have been sacrifices and victimes, not sacrificers to their Idols. So that they rendred themselves the sub∣ject of laughter to the mul∣titude that stood round a∣bout them: because they de∣monstrated themselves to all, to be fearfull both of death and of sacrificing: But others of them ran to the Altars more willingly, protesting very confident∣ly that they never were Christians before. Con∣cerning whom the Lords prediction is most true, that they shall hardly be saved. As for the rest, some of them adhered to the one or the other of those parties we have mentioned; some fled away; others were ap∣prehended. And of these [though] some pro∣ceeded so far as till [they came to] bonds and imprisonment, and others of them had been im∣prisoned several days; yet before they were brought to the tribunal, they renounc'd [the Faith.] Some of them after they had persisted some time in suffering torments, yet for fear of what might follow renounc'd [their Religion.] But the stedfast, and blessed Pillars of the Lord, being strengthened by him, and having received power and patience equal and answerable to their strong faith, became admirable witnesses of his kingdom. The first of which was Ju∣lianus a Gouty man, who could neither goe nor stand; he, together with two other men who carried him, was brought before the Judge: one of those persons straightway deny'd [Christ.] But the other whose name was Cronion, but was sirnamed Eunus, together with the old man Julianus, having confessed the Lord, rode upon Camels through the whole City (which you know is very large) and were scourged as they sate on high, and at last in the presence of all the multitude standing round, they were consum'd

by an i 1.171 exceeding hot fire. A Souldier who at∣tended on them as they were lead [to the stake,] thrust away all those who abused them, and when the people exclaim'd against him, this most valiant champion of God (by name Besas) was call'd in question, and after he had behav'd himself nobly in a great combat in defence of Piety, he was beheaded. Also another man, a Libyan born, (both according to his name, and also agreeable to the divine benediction truly stil'd k 1.172 Macar,) after much ex∣hortation of the Judge to a renunciation, being nothing subdu'd therewith, was burned alive. After these Epimachus, and Alexander, after a tedious imprison∣ment, which they endur'd, having suffered infinite sorts of tortures, as * 1.173 iron scrat∣chers, scourges, were also burned to death with un∣slaked lime: with them al∣so four women: Ammo∣narium, an holy Virgin (whom the Judge for a long time and with much ear∣nestness tortured, because she had before hand said she would utter nothing he should enjoyn her,) when she had verified her promise, she was led to execution. Now the rest were these. Mercuria a most virtuous and venerable Ma∣tron: and Dionysia the mother of a numerous issue, but did not love her children more then the Lord: l 1.174 also another Ammonarium. The Judge being now ashamed that he tortured them yet in vain, and that he was thus overcome by women, slew them with the sword, before they under∣went the tryall of tortures. For Ammonarium their lea∣der had suffered torments for them all. Heron also, and m 1.175 Ater, and Isidorus, Aegyptians, and with them Dioscorus, a lad of about fifteen years of age, were set before the Judge. Who first of all endeavoured to deceive the youth with words, as thinking him flexible and easie to be perswaded; he endea∣voured also to force him by torments, [sup∣posing] him to be remiss and inclineable to yield; but Dioscorus was neither mov'd with perswasions, nor yielded he to torments. When [the Judge] had most barbarously torn the rest with stripes, and they persisted, he delivered them also to the fire, but he dismiss'd Diosco∣rus, because he was lovely in the eyes of the people, and he also himself admired him for his most prudent answers to his questions: Saying, he allow'd him space for repentance because of his tender age. And now the most excellent Dioscorus continues with us, reserved for a greater and more lasting combat. Also one Nemesion, another Aegyptian, was falsly accu∣sed as a companion of theeves: but having before the Centurion cleared himself of this accusation brought against him, as being most absurd, he was impeach'd as being a Christian, and brought bound before the Governour: who, (most unjust man,) having inflicted upon him double as many torments and stripes, as upon the theeves, [commanded] him to be burnt a∣mongst theeves: Blessed man! Who was ho∣noured after Christ's example. Moreover, a whole n 1.176 file of Souldiers, to wit, Ammon, and Zeno, and Ptolomy, and Ingenuus, and with them the old man Theophilus, stood together before the place of judicature. And when a certain man was accused for being a Christian, and in∣clined to a renunciation [of his Religion,] they standing by gnashed upon him with their teeth, made grimaces at him with their counte∣nances, stretched out their hands, and shewed mimick and antick gestures with their bodies; [in so much that] all mens eyes were turned towards them: before any one came to lay hands on them, they ran to the o 1.177 place where the accused usually sate, confessing themselves to be Christians: Upon which, the Governour and the Assessours were surprized with a great fear. The accused seem'd most couragious at what they were about to suffer, but the Judges trembled. So they went out of the place of judicature in a kind of Pomp and State, and rejoyced at the testimony [they were to give to the Faith,] God p 1.178 making them to triumph gloriously.

CHAP. XLII. Concerning some other things which Dionysius relates.

SEveral others were torn in pieces by the Heathens, both in the Cities, and in the Countrey Villages: one of them I will hear speak of for examples sake. Ischyrion was a Mer∣cenary * 1.179 Officer under one of the Magistrates. He, whom he served, injoyned him to sacrifice: but when he obeyed him not, he was injurious to him; when he still persisted to be disobe∣dient, he basely reproacht him. After he had patiently sustained all this, he took a great stake, and having run it through his guts and bowels, murdered him. What need I to reckon up the multitudes, which wandered in deserts and mountains, and dyed by Pestilence, thirst, and cold, and by diseases, thieves, and savage beasts? such of them as survived are witnesses of their choice and victory: but I will adde one fact for a manifestation of the truth hereof. There was one Chaeremon a very aged man, Bishop of the City called Nile, he together with his wife

fled unto the mountain a 1.180 Arabius, but never re∣turned; neither could they, or any thing of their bodies ever be found, although the Brethren searched all places careful∣ly. Also many about this mountain Arabicus were taken captives and inslaved by the barbarous b 1.181 Sara∣cens: some of which were with much difficulty re∣deem'd with great sums of money; but others of them are not yet [re∣deem'd] even at this time. Now (my Brother) I have not at large related these things to no purpose, but that you may see how great, and how grievous miseries happened to us, which they who have most ex∣perienced, do best under∣stand.

Afterwards, after some few words he makes an addition to all this, saying;

Therefore those divine Martyrs, (who are now Assessours with Christ, colleagues of his kingdom, and are c 1.182 partakers of his judgement, giving sentence together with him,) during their being amongst us, received to themselves some of the brethren who were lapsed, and lay con∣vict as having sacrificed to Idols: And when they had seen their conversion and penitence, judging it might be acceptable to God, who in no wise willeth the death of a sinner, but rather that he repent, they admitted them, and d 1.183 brought them together, and received them into their congregation, and e 1.184 communicated with them in prayer, and in eating. Now, therefore (Brethren) how doe you counsel us concerning these things, what must be done by us? Shall we be of like mind, and of the same Opi∣nion with the [Martyrs?] Shall we observe their de∣termination, and the favour they [shewed such per∣sons?] and shall we be in∣dulgent towards them, to whom they were merci∣full? Or shall we render their sentence unjust, and make our selves examiners and Judges of their Opi∣nion? grieve their goodness and clemency? and de∣stroy the Order [which is constituted?]

Dio∣nysius very advisedly annex'd these words, dis∣coursing concerning them, who in the times of Persecution had lapsed through infirmity of mind.

CHAP. XLIII. Concerning Novatus, what manner of person he was as to his moralls; and concerning his Heresie.

FOr Novatus, a Presbyter of the Church of Rome, being puffed up with pride against these * 1.185 men, as if there were no further hopes of salva∣tion left for them, although they perform'd all things appertaining to an unfeigned conversion, and a sincere confession, constituted himself the Ringleader of a peculiar Sect, of those who by reason of their haughty minds stil'd themselves † 1.186 Cathari. Upon this account a very great Synod was assembled at Rome, consisting of sixty Bishops, but of Presbyters and Deacons [the number] was greater. And when the Pastours of each re∣spective place in the rest of the Provinces, had consulted by themselves concerning what was to be done; a 1.187 This Decree was promulged to all:

That Novatus, together with all those who imitated his pride, and who presum∣ptuously assented to his un∣charitable and most inhu∣man Opinion, should be accounted as alienated from the Church: but that the Brethren who were fallen into the calamity [of the lapsed,] should be healed and cured by the remedies of▪ repentance.

There came to our hands the E∣pistles of Cornelius Bishop of Rome, to Fabius Bishop of Antioch: which set forth the Acts of that Synod at Rome, and the Opinions of all those in Italy, and Africa, and the Provinces there. There are also extant other Epistles written in Latine, by Cyprian and those Bishops' assembled with him in Africa: by which it appears that they consented to the relieving of those who were fal∣len into Temptation, and that the Authour of this Heresie ought with good reason to be expelled out of the Catholick Church, together with all those who had been seduced by him. There is also annex'd to these b 1.188 another E∣pistle of Cornelius's concer∣ning the Decrees of that Synod: and also another concerning the mischievous Acts of Novatus. Part of which, nothing hinders but that we may here insert, that so they who read this work, may have a perfect know∣ledge in all things concerning Novatus. Cornelius there∣fore, informing Fabius what a man this Novatus was as to his course of life, writes these very words:

But that you may the better un∣derstand how this admi∣rable fellow heretofore co∣veted a Bishoprick, and concealing this his hot am∣bition

continued undiscovered, for a cove•••• for his folly, usually from the beginning having the Confessours in his company, I will make this de∣claration to you: c 1.189 Maxi∣mus a Presbyter of our Church▪ and Urbanus, which men have the se∣cond time acquired great renown to themselves for their confessions, Sidonius also, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, a man who has most patiently en∣dured all sorts of tortures through God's mer••y; and having corroborated the weakness of the flesh through the strength of his faith, utterly vanquished the adversary: These men [I say,] when they had made enquiry in∣to the man, and d 1.190 detected his subtilty and de∣ceit, his perjury and lyes, his unsociableness and wolfish friendship, returned to the holy Church; and divulged all his subtile devices, and his vil∣lanies (which he had kept conceal'd within himself for a long time, refusing to declare them) in the presence both of a suffi∣cient number of Bishops, and also of a great many Presbyters and Laicks; Lamenting, and repenting, because, having been seduced by this subtile and wicked beast, for some small time they had abandoned the Church.

After some few words, he also adds this (

Dear Brother) What a wonderfull change and alte∣ration we saw made in a short time in him? For this most excellent fellow, (who affirmed with ter∣rible protestations and oathes, that he did not in the least cove•• the Office of a Bishop,) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •• sud∣den appears a Bishop, as if he had been e 1.191 thrown into the midst by an Engine. For this brave Doctour, who [pretended himself] to be a Main∣tainer of the Church discipline, when he endea∣voured by force to acquire to himself, and su••re∣ptitiously to steal the Bishoprick which was not as∣sign'd to him by God, ••hose for his confidents two men, who despaired of salvation, that he might send them into some little corner, and the most despicable part of Italy, and there delude three Bishops, who were simple and unlearned men, by a certain fraudulent enterprise, affirming and protesting that with all possible speed they must post to Rome, that all the disagreement which had been there, might by their mediation, toge∣ther with the other Bishops, be composed. When f 1.192 they arrived, being (as we said before) per∣sons unexperienced in the plots and subtilty of these wicked m••n, having been shut up close by some per∣sons like himself who were assign'd for that purpose, at ten of the clock he com∣pell'd them, being drunk and dozed with over much wine, to give him the Bishoprick by g 1.193 an imagi∣nary and an ineffectual imposition of hands: And he laid claim to that by craft and subtilty, which did in no wise appertain to him. One of those Bishops not long after return'd to the Church, bewailing and confessing his sin, whom, through the mediation of all the people then pre∣sent, h 1.194 we received into the communion of the Laity. We ordain'd successours for the other two Bishops, and sent them away to pos∣sess their Sees. i 1.195 This main∣tainer therefore of the Go∣spel, knew not that 'twas meet there should be but one k 1.196 Bishop in the Church of Rome. In which he was not ignorant (for how could he be?) that there should be l 1.197 46 Presbyters, seven Deacons, Seven sub-Deacons, Clerks 42; Exor∣cists, Readers, together with Janitors, 52. Widows, and m 1.198 indigent persons, which could not maintain themselves, above a thou∣sand and five hundred. All these the grace and bounty of the Lord maintain'd. But neither could so great multitude, so necessary in the Church, (a congre∣gation which by Gods pro∣vidence is both rich, and numerous, together with a great and innumerable mul∣titude of people,) make this man ashamed of this so desperate an attempt, or deter him from proceeding in it, or recall him into the Church.

And again, after some other words, which intervene, he adjoyns these.

But come on, let us in our following words declare, in what works of his own, or what good practices he was so confident, as to aspire to a Bishoprick. Was it upon this account, that from the begin∣ning he had been conversant in the Church, and had fought many combats in defence of it, and had been in many and great perils upon account of Religion? No; this is nothing so. For the devil who had entered into him, and for a long time dwelt in him, was the occasion of his being a believer. He being relieved [thereof] by the Exorcists, fell into a grievous distemper, and it being supposed that he would die immediately, he received Baptism, (* 1.199 being besprinkled with water,) on the bed whereon he lay: (if that

can be termed Baptism:) Neither, when he had escaped that sickness, did he afterwards receive the other things which the o 1.200 Canon of the Church injoyneth should be received: nor was he p 1.201 sealed by the Bishops imposition of hands; which if he never received, how did he receive the holy Ghost?

And again, a little after, he saith;

This man in the time of Persecution, through timerousness and a desire of life, deny'd that he was a Presbyter. For being desired and intreated by the Deacons that he would come out of his Chamber, in which he had shut him∣self up, and succour the Brethren as far as it was meet and possible for a Presbyter to succour the distressed Brethren, who wanted assistance; he was so far from complying with the Deacons who intreated him, that with great indig∣nation he went his way, and departed. For he said he would no longer▪ be a Presbyter; but was a fa∣vourer of another kind of Philosophy.

Having ran over some few passages, he makes this addition hereto in these words:

For this ex∣cellent fellow has deserted the Church of God, in which▪ after he had re∣ceived Baptism, he was q 1.202 vouchsafed the degree of Presbyter by the favour of the Bishop, who by impo∣sition of hands Ordain'd him Priest. Who being r 1.203 denyed [Orders] by all the Clergy, and many of the Laity, (because it was not lawfull for one who had been baptized in his bed by reason of some infirmity, as he was, to be admitted into s 1.204 any sacred Order,) the Bishop in∣treated licence might be granted him to Ordain this person onely.

To these impious acts he afterwards subjoyneth this other, the worst of all his wicked exploits▪ saying thus▪

For he made oblations, and distributed to every one a part thereof, which when he had t 1.205 deli∣vered; instead of blessing them, he compelled the wretched men to swear, holding the hands of him that received with both his hands, and not letting them go, till the persons had sworn, pro∣nouncing these words: (for I will here make use of his own words:) Sweat to me by the body and bloud of our Lord Jesus Christ, that thou wilt never desert me, and revolt to Cornelius▪ So the miserable man was not permitted to taste, before he had u 1.206 cursed himself. And at the receiving of the bread, instead of saying † 1.207 Amen, he says, I will never return to Cor∣nelius.

Again, after some other words he says thus:

Now you must understand he is stript naked of all his followers, and le••t de∣solate. The Brethren daily deserting him, and returning to the Church: And x 1.208 Moses a blessed Martyn, (who lately amongst us suffered a fa∣mous and admirable Martyrdom,) taking no∣tice in his life time▪ of this man's impudence and folly, y 1.209 deprived him of communion, toge∣ther with the five▪ z 1.210 Presbyters, who with him had voluntarily separated themselves from the Church.

Now at the end of his Epistle, he makes a catalogue of those Bishops who were present at Rome, and condemn'd the folly of Nova∣tus. He also gives an account of their names, and the name of every ones particular Church, in which he Govern'd. He does also expresly men∣tion those, who were not then present [at Rome,] but by letters approved of the sentence of the fore∣said Bishops, together with their names, and the names of the Cities, from which each of them wrote. Thus much Cornelius has recorded in his Epistle to Fabius Bishop of Antioch.

CHAP. XLIV. Dionysius's story concerning Serapion.

DIonysius Bishop of Alexandria sent Letters to this same Fabius, who was something in∣clining to this Schism, and having discours'd seve∣rall things concerning repentance in his Letters to him, and also related the combats of some who had undergone Martyrdom a little before at Alex∣andria, amongst other stories, he relates a mira∣culous thing, which I thought necessary here to insert into this our History, it runs thus:

I will here propose to you one example which hap∣pened amongst us. There was amongst us one Serapion an old man, a believer: who for a long time had lived blameless: but in the time of per∣secution he lapsed; he often petitioned for par∣don, a 1.211 but no body gave at∣tention to him, because he had sacrificed. Being taken with sickness, he remained for the space of three days speechless, and senseless: be∣ing a little refreshed on the 4^th day, he called his daugh∣ters son to him, and said, Child, how long do you de∣tain me? I pray make hast, and absolve me quickly, call one of the b 1.212 Presbyters to me: And when he had spoken these words, he was again speechless. The child ran to the Presbyter. It was now night: and the Presbyter also was sick, and not able to come. But (because I had before given command, that those peo∣ple who were dying, if they desired it, and c 1.213 espe∣cially if they had before humbly requested it, should be d 1.214 absolved, that they might depart with a lively hope) he e 1.215 gave to the Child a piece of the Sacrament, bidding him to f 1.216 moisten it in water, and put it into the old man's mouth▪ the child 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with it. And when he approached, before he came in •• Sera∣pion again recovered himself a little, and said, Child thou art come, the Presbyter was not able to come; but doe thou perform quickly what he injoyn'd thee, and let me depart. The boy moistned it in water, and put it into his mouth immediately. And when he had swal∣lowed it by little and little, he straightway gave up the Ghost. Is it not plain that he was pre∣served, and his life prolonged till he was ab∣solv'd, that his sin being quite blotted out, he might for the several good works he performed, be g 1.217 acknowledged [by Christ.]

Thus much Dionysius.

CHAP. XLV. Dionysius's Epistle to Novatus.

LEt us now see what the same person wrote to Novatus, who about this time disturbed the fraternity of the Roman Church. Take notice therefore how he writes to him, because he pre∣tended that some of the Brethren were the Au∣thors of his Apostacy and Schism, and how he yielded to it, being compelled by them.

Diony∣sius sendeth greeting to our Brother a 1.218 Novatus. If you (as you say) were seduced unwillingly, you should manifest it by a voluntary return. For bet∣ter it were to endure any thing whatever, then that the Church of God should be rent asunder. Nor were Martyrdom less honoura∣ble if a man suffer death before he will yield to raise Schism in the Church, then if he undergoe it ra∣ther than he will yield to sacrifice to Idols. Yea in my opinion 'tis much more glorious, for in that case man suffers Martyrdom for his own soul's sake onely: but in this he undergoes it for the sake of the whole Church. Wherefore now, if you can per∣swade, or compel the Brethren to return to con∣cord, your good deed will be greater then your crime; for this will not be imputed to you: but that will be commended. But if you can effect nothing upon the disobedient, save your own soul. I wish you health, and that you may embrace Peace in the Lord.

These things he wrote to Novatus.

CHAP. XLVI. Concerning Dionysius's other Epistles.

HE also wrote an Epistle concerning Repen∣tance to them a 1.219 in Aegypt: in which he layeth down his Opinions concerning the lapsed, and makes distinctions in the degrees of faults. There is also extant a particular book of his concerning Repentance, to Conon Bishop of the Church of Hermopolis. And another b 1.220 objurgatory E∣pistle to his flock at Alex∣andria. And amongst them there is an Epistle written to Origen concerning Mar∣tyrdom. And an Epistle to the Brethren at Lao∣dicae, over whom Thelymidres was Bishop: He also writ concerning Repentance to the Brethren in Armenia, over whom c 1.221 Meruzanes was Bi∣shop. He writes to all these, and also to Cor∣nelius Bishop of Rome, after he had received his Epistle concerning Novatus. Where he declares that he was invited by H••l••nus Bi∣shop of Tarsus in Cilicia, and those who were with him: and also by Firmili∣anus Bishop of Cappadocia, and by Theoctis••us Bishop of Palestine, to meet them at the Synod at Antioch, where some men endeavoured to establish the Novatian Schism. d 1.222 Moreover he sends him word that he had heard Fabius was dead, and that Demetrianus was appointed to be his suc∣cessour in the Bishoprick of Antioch. He also writes con∣cerning the Bishop of Jerusalem in these very words:

Also blessed Alexander being in pri∣son, there died a happy death.

There is extant besides this, another Epistle of his sent by Hippoly∣tus to the Brethren at Rome, concerning the e 1.223 Office of a Deacon. He also wrote another to them concerning Peace, and concerning Repentance like∣wise. And again he wrote another to the Con∣fessours there, who even at that present were fa∣vourers of Novatus's Opinion. He also sent to those same men two other Epistles, after their return to the Church. He also compiled many more Epistles written to divers persons, wherein he has left to them, who at this time studiously peruse his Works, variety of profit.

The End of the Sixth Book of the Ecclesiastical History.

Notes

• a 1.1

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, lectis∣••imi, i. e. the choi∣cest, 'tis the nearest significati∣on of the word, but does not fully ex∣plain it, for the word imports something more. See Viger. I∣diot. pag. 195.
• b 1.2

  'Tis a critical dispute whether the Greek word be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with an Aspirate, or a Tenuis: some say 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 because 'tis derived from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 maturè and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 natus, i. e. born in a fit sea∣son: and for this reason the Med. Maz. and Fuk. M. SS. always write it with an Aspirate. Vales.
• c 1.3

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Eusebius always uses both for the Gospel, and the Christian Religion, as in▪ Chap. 3, and 5. of this Book, and this Rufinus renders divinae legis studia: Christoph. Sacrarum literarum studium; and Musculus translates it divin••m doctri∣nam. Vales.
• a 1.4

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, are the words in the Ori∣ginal: the Greeks, call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Liberal Arts which children learn'd; but Phi∣losophy, by the testimonies of several Authours is not included in that phrase, as Diogenes Laer∣tius, Clemens Alexan. and Eusebius himself in chap. 18. B. 6. do assert; hence is that Ariston Ceus, a no∣ble Philosopher, says, they who place all their studie, in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, are like Pen••∣lopes Woers, who when they were repuls'd by the Mistress, courted the Maid. Oratours also exclude Rhetorick out of this number; but some include both, who mis∣take; for the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies aliquid in trivi•••• positum, vulgare, i. e. what is trivial and vul∣gar; now Philosophy and Rheto∣rick are more noble Sciences: hence Demosthenes uses 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for mean and base Of∣fices. Vales.
• b 1.5

  The Med. Maz. Fuk. and Savill M. SS. read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. no indifferent skill.] Vales.
• a 1.6

  Some di∣spute there is concer∣ning the beginning of this chapter: Valesius (whom we follow) follows the division of Rufinus, but Christo∣phorson begins it at these words [when Origen was 17 years old,] the Kings M. S. something lower then Valesius, [when he was 18 years old.] Fuk. M. S. at these words, [his father's estate being consiscate.]
• b 1.7

  This word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies originally, insono, to sound: this preposition [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] makes it, be∣ing a verb Neuter, to have an Active signification, and he is pro∣perly said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 who tells us any thing which he would teach us by way of instruction: hence it signifies to teach the rudiments, or first grounds of an Art, but pecu∣liarly to teach the principles of Christian Religion which we call Catechising in English, fitly made out of the Greek. Some say Hea∣then Authours knew not this use of this word, but they mistake, for Lucian uses it in this sence, to teach the Rudiments of any Art. Stephan. Lexicon.
• c 1.8

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. after he had lead a pious secular life: this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is by Christians used to signifie secularem, vitam agere. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is seculum, as Chrysostom uses it in his 23^d Homily on the Epistle to the Romans, where he calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 them whom we call Laïcks, to distinguish them from the Clergy, in these words; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In this sence must the word here be under∣stood; one of Origen's disciples liv'd a pious secular life being a Laick, the other was a Clergy∣man. Vales.
• d 1.9

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. having made a concourse: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies an Assembly or Tumul∣tuous crowd met together to Plot mischief or raise Sedition. Ru∣finus and Christophorson will have these words to be referr'd to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Souldiers, which is im∣proper and improbable; we must without doubt understand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Infidells, as best agreeing with the propriety of the Greek, and sence of the place: but Nicephorus, worst of all, explains the place thus, as if Origens disciples, fearing the outrages of the tumultuous popu∣lace, should get a guard of Sol∣diers for their own safety. Vales.
• e 1.10

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Rufinus translates, his Li∣brary of Heathen Writers; better then Christophorson, who takes this phrase of Eusebius's to signifie onely the books of old Oratours: as if the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were never us'd for Grammar and Philo∣sophy, but for Orations onely; or as if Origen parted with his old Oratours onely, and not with his Grammarians, and Philosophick books also. Musculus says they were notes upon Authours ga∣ther'd by Origen and compos'd into Volumes; but Rufinus's Version is most natural. Vales.
• * 1.11

  Or, five ••••••ce.
• f 1.12

  This word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 primarily sig∣nifies any matter of which 4 thing is made; but amongst Divines it peculiarly signifies the filth and dregs of this world, out of which proceed unlawfull lusts, desires, and contempt of God.
• g 1.13

  The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to have, is left out in the Greek; but must neces∣sarily be added.
• h 1.14

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here signifies the stomach; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Galen and Dioscorides, is us'd as here, for the spoyling, or turning, of the stomach, to wit, when it loaths any thing; in Latine 'tis termed subversio stomachi. Vales.
• i 1.15

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the vulgar; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, bo∣mines ex trivio.
• k 1.16

  The Med. M. S. leaves out [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] i. e. by his meanes; and reads onely 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by his doctrine; which is the better reading: for the place seems to be corrupted, this [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] creeping out of the Margin into the Text; or out of the line following into, this place. The Kings, and the Maz. M. SS. alter nothing here, but the Fuk. M. S. reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• * 1.17

  That is Origen.
• a 1.18

  Christo∣phorson calls him Heronex.
• b 1.19

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. newly Ba∣ptized. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Gregory and Chrysostom, and many other di∣vines is pecullarly us'd in this sence to Baptize, and rendred by the Translatours Baptizare.
• c 1.20

  I long since con∣jectured it should be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] in one word, not [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] two words; which conjecture I found confirmed by the Kings, and Fuk. M. SS. Rufinus agrees hereto, who translates this place thus, Sed & mulicres plurimae, in quibus Hera quaedam Catechumena. 'Tis a proper name derived from Juno, who is called in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: whence comes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Heraiscus, the name of an Egyptian Philosopher, concerning whom see Suidas. The Greoks celebrate the memory of this Herais on the fourth, or rather the fifth day of March, as 'tis in the Menologie set forth by Canisius. I am not certain whether this person be the same with Irais the Alexandrian Virgin, who in the Roman Martyrologie is said to have suffered Martyrdom (to∣gether with some others) at the City Antinoe on September 22. In Cardinal Sirletus's Menologie, at the fifth of September these words occur; Natalis B. Martyris Rhaïdis, quae igne consumpta est; i. e. the birth-day of the B. Martyr Rhaïs, who was burnt. This is the same whom Eusebius mentions here. Therefore there were three Heraïs's; the first is she mentioned in the Menaeum, at the fifth day of March: the second Heraïs is the Catechumen, of whom mention is made in the Me∣nologie, on the fifth of September: the third Heraïs the Egyptian Vir∣gin, born at a place called Tamma; whose fathers name was Peter, a Presbyter: she suffered Martyrdom when she was twelve years old, as 'tis in the M••n••um, at the 23^d of September: where she is called Hieraïs: in the Roman Martyrologic she is termed, Iraïs. Vales.
• a 1.21

  This Aquila was Gover∣nour of Aegypt, as Euscbius be∣fore relates in the 3^d Chapter: at which time Origen was in the eighteenth year of his age. Vales.
• b 1.22

  The Gladiators were com∣monly noted to be lascivious wicked men; therefore Aquila threatned to deliver her to them, thinking she, who had such spe∣cial care of her chastity, would rather revolt from her faith, then hazard the purity of her bo∣dy, by being put into their power.
• c 1.23

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 properly signifies to fright birds away, but here, as also in Demosthenes, it signifies to thrust aside out of the way, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Demost.
• d 1.24

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Euse∣bius means Baptism.
• e 1.25

  Rufinus translates this place so as to make Potamiaena Origen's scholar; neither dare we con∣tradict him in that. For although Eusebius does not mention it particularly, yet we may gather so much from this his narration; for, reckoning up the Martyrs which were of Origen's School, he adds to them Basilides and Potamiaena; whence 'tis collected these two also were his disciples; and though we cannot for certain say Basilides was, yet 'tis probable Potamiaena might be one of them. Vales.
• a 1.26

  There is little con∣nexion be∣twixt this and what he said be∣fore. Cle∣mens was not then the Cate∣chist at A∣lexandria; but Origen, Clemens's, Scholar. Moreover concerning Clemens, and his books, Eusebius writes in the foregoing book. And Caius in his little Labyrinth▪ reckons him among the Ecclesiastick Writers which writ in the time of Victor; the words of Caius are at the end of the 5^th Book: there∣fore Rufinus rightly places this and the following chapter in the 3^d Chapter of this book where he speaks of Demetrius the Bishops committing the office of Catechizing to Origen. Vales.
• * 1.27

  Matth. Chap. 19. v. 12.
• a 1.28

  Eusebius here laies open the the reason why Demetrius who was formerly so much Origen's friend, should now so persecute him by his letters; which was, because the Bishops of Caesarea and Jerusalem had ordain'd him Priest. In which thing no small injury was done to Demetrius, both by the Bishops, and Origen; by Origen because he had yielded to be ordain'd by forreign Bishops; and by the Bishops, because by doing this they had translated the Catechist of Alexandria into their Church. Moreover, there arises a difficulty not to be pass'd by, viz. why two Bishops together should ordain Origen? By this means he had power to sit in two Churches, and to communicate with other Priests. See the 23. and 27. cha∣pters following; where this con∣jecture is confirm'd. 'Twas the ••••der when either Deacons or Priests were ordain'd, some Bi∣shops should be present, that the ordination might be more solemn, (saies Innocentius in his Epistle to Marcianus the Bishop.) Photius, in Biblioth. Chap. 118. says that Theoctistus solemniz'd the ordina∣tion, but Alexander gave his ap∣probation. Christophorson also says these were the names of the Bishops; Theoctistus was Bishop of Caesarea, and Alexander of Je∣rusalem. Vales.
• b 1.29

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the word here) has several significations; Rufinus explains it thus, when a man has free power to do a thing all impediments being remov'd; which ex∣planation seems best; for, before Origen made himself an Eunuch, for fear of a scandalous report he had reason to be cautious of conversing with women, and teaching them; but when he had unman'd himself, as he did, he might do it freely without suspicion. Vales.
• c 1.30

  Rufinus's old book which was in the Church at Paris begins a new Chap∣ter here, and so does Christo∣phorson. Vales.
• d 1.31

  Concer∣ning this Alexander, Eusebius, in his Chronicle, in the 12 year, of Severus's Reign, which was the second year of this Persecution, writes thus. Alexander was accounted famous for his confession of the Name of the Lord. Vales.
• a 1.32

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, into the nature or quality of oil; we should rather read it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the fatness of oil. Rufinus translates it thus, aquae naturâ in olei pinguedinem versâ, and in Moraeus's book 'tis so corrected in the margin; the Fuk. M. S. also reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• b 1.33

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ru∣finus renders thus, Regio morbo: But Langus calls it morbus sonticus, the falling sickness. Christophorson, morbus scevus & faedus, an un∣fortunate, or cruel and filthy disease; which comes nearest to Rufinus's Version: for by this morbus Regius he means the Leprosie, as ap∣pears by what follows. For in the 10 Book and 25 chapter he speaks thus of Eunomius; vir corpore & anima Leprosus, & interiùs, exteriús∣que morbo Regio corruptus. Gregorius Nyssenus also in his first Book against Eunomius certainly affirms he was a Leper. pag. 307. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He who goes into another mans house not invited, and keeps not the filthiness under his own Roof, considers not what natural abhorrence they who are sound have towards those who are infected. Hieronymus in the Life of Hilario speaks thus, of his Scholar Adrianus, post aliquantum temporis computruit morbo Re∣gio. Vales.
• c 1.34

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The interpreters seem not to have rightly understood this place. Eu∣sebius's meaning is this, those perjur'd men did not forswear themselves against Narcissus, but against themselves, alluding with∣out doubt to that of the Psalmist, he ly'd mischief to himself; For craft often falls upon the Author's own head, though he intends it for another. Vales.
• d 1.35

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Nicephorus thinks 'twas the snuff or spark which fell from a candle. Christo∣phorson and Musculus render the place, as if fire had fell from hea∣ven upon this perjur'd man's house, but Eusebius confutes that, saying it came 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• e 1.36

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 makes a publick confession. So the Kings M. S. reads, but the Med. and Fuk. M. SS. read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which tense the following word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 confirms. Vales.
• a 1.37

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Christophor∣son, and Musculus alter the rea∣ding thus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which also Nicephorus follows▪ but the reading ought not to be alter'd. Rufinus very well cor∣rects this story of Eusebius's (which he makes something ob∣scure) thus. He sales that that Revelation concerning Alexander was sent by God to Narcissus and other holy men; but the voice was heard by all men; here Ru∣finus, like a good interpreter, lightly corrects what the Authour saies amiss. Vales.
• b 1.38

  Nicephorus and Hieronymus write that Narcissus also con∣sented; which without doubt he did. Here are two things con∣trary to the Canon of the Church committed in the Election of Alexander, first his translation from one Bishoprick to another, secondly that he was joyn'd as an assistant to another Bishop while he was yet alive which was afterwards forbid in the Council of Sardis. Vales.
• c 1.39

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rufinus and Christo∣phorson doe not translate this place well; but Hieronymus renders it truly according to the sense, though not word for word, he translates it thus: Narcissus salutes you who before me govern'd this Bishoprick, and now governs the same in prayers with me. Alex∣ander's meaning was undoubtedly this; that, Narcissus onely assisted him in prayers, but in no other part of the Office of Bishop. Which makes him adde that he was an hundred and sixteen years old, signifying thereby that he per∣form'd the Office, and Narcis∣sus being very old had onely the Title, and name of Bishop. Vales.
• d 1.40

  Alexan∣der wrote this Epistle in the heat of Persecu∣tion while he was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 prison, be∣fore he was elected to the Bishop∣rick of Je∣rusalem, as appears by these words, cal∣ling himself the prisoner of Christ. Hence Eusebius does not well by reckoning, in his Chronicon, Asclepiades's Consecration in the first year of Antoninus Caracalla: for Asclepiades was Consecrated when Alexander was in Prison; which Eusebius in his Chronicle saies, hap∣pen'd in Severus's Reign. Vales.
• e 1.41

  Hieronymus (in Catalogo) conjectures this to be Clemens A∣lexandrinus. Clemens Alexandrinus certainly liv'd till the times of Severus, and travelled into these Countreys, as he witnesses in the first book of his Stromatewn, he was also a familiar friend of Alexander the Bishop, for to him he dedicates his work concerning the Canon of the Church, as Eusebius writes in the 13 Chapter of this book. Vales.
• a 1.42

  The Greeks write this name Se∣rapion with an ••, thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; but the Latines with an e. So the Greeks write 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but the Latines Serapin. This name is always writ thus in the Med. Maz. and Fuk. M. SS. Vales.
• b 1.43

  This Rhosse is a City of Cilicia▪ it lyes upon the right hand to them who sail into the Gulf of Issus. Some write this Cities name with a single s, So Stephanus in his tract De Urbibus, and Theodoret in his Religious History, Chap. 10, and 11. The name of this place in Plutark is corrupted; for he calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Orossus. Vales.
• c 1.44

  The Maz. Med Fuk. and Savill's M. SS. read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. in his name. So Rufinus seems to have read it. Se∣rapion, also a little lower saies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Origen in his Commen∣taries upon the 13^th Chapter of Matthew makes mention of this Gospel of Peter. Vales.
• d 1.45

  Here Se∣rapion saies he bor∣row'd this Gospel from the successours of some of those He∣reticks who were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Doceti, of which He∣reticks Marcianus was one; the Translatours take no notice in this place of that Hereticall Sect called the Doceti. They held that Christ was not really incarnate, nor did truely suffer, but in opinion onely▪ Clemens Alexandrinus in his 7^th book Stromat. and also Theo∣dores in his book Divinorum Decretorum mentions them. The Ring∣leader of this Sect was one Julius Cassianus, as Clemens tells as in his third book. Vales.
• a 1.46

  Rufinus very well translates this Title 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 thus, Opus varie con∣textum. Plutark calls some books of his, which are part History, and part Poetry, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Eu∣sebius takes the books to be so call'd from the divers sorts of matter which they treat of, and so says Baronius in his Annals, and Suidas in his History: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Greek signifies Carpets or Hangings which were woven of divers colours: hence these books are metaphorically entitl'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from the mixture of things they treat of: for he inter∣mixes Grecian, Barbarian, and Latine Opinions, confutes Here∣ticks, and composes a kind of a various History. Photius Bib∣lioth.
• b 1.47

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (which is the term here,) are such writings as contain onely the heads, and some particulars of some special things, or as Cicero in Verrem says, sunt scripta quae▪ domi continentur, nec in vulgus efferuntur: but now the word has got a larger signifi∣cation.
• c 1.48

  Langus renders this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dictates, Musculus verbal∣ly, Excerptions, Rufinus, exposi∣tions, and Christophorson Com∣mentaries upon the Scriptures, but none of them sufficiently explain the propriety of the word: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are the sence and meanings of Scripture. So Origen uses is in his 4^th book de principiis Chap. 2. speaking of the double sence of Scripture, that is the literal, and the spiritual sence, and so also does Methodius, Epiphanius and Dionysius. Alexandrinus use the term. Vales.
• d 1.49

  These words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, made Rufinus believe, that the preceding person Tatianus wrote a Chrono∣graphie as well as Cassianus▪ but we must in no-wise think that true. Vales.
• e 1.50

  Some Copies read, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but in all our M. SS. and in Ni∣cephorus 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. This Aristobulus here is that same Aristobulus the Peripatetick who wrote books of the Explications of the Mosaical Law to Ptolomy Philometor, as Eusebius records in his Chronicle, and he produces a fragment of these books, in his 8^th book Praeparationis, Origen also mentions something of these books in his 4^th book against Celsus, pag. 204. Vales.
• a 1.51

  For the explication of the ti∣tle of this book; See the note (a) upon the 11^th chap. of the 5^th book, where 'tis prov'd by several quotations, that the true ren∣dring of this title is In∣stitutions, or, Infor∣mations.
• b 1.52

  This phrase 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Langus translates compendio∣sam enume∣rationem, Musculus, contractas explicatio∣nes. And so Christo∣phorson al∣so: but Rufinus calls them compendiosas dissertiones. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 therefore is the same as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which words Photius uses in that sence, that is explications, interpretations; though 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies narrations onely. Vales.
• c 1.53

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, according to Hesychius's interpretation, is rendered the written word, aliquid Scripto constans. Hesych.
• d 1.54

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are Scriptures, whose authority is que∣stion'd, disputed of, and by some contradicted, we must not therefore call them Apocrypha, as Rufinus does, for Apocrypha are those which are certainly false and compos'd by Hereticks; but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are those which some approve of, others not: of which here Eusebius gives us a Catalogue, some of which in S^t Hieromes Catalogue are accounted Apocryphal, as the Revelation of Peter, which is concluded to be undoubtedly false. Vales.
• e 1.55

  Catholick Epistles are those which were not written to certain persons, particular Cities, or Provinces, but to whole Nations, and the Universal Church. Thus Themison, one of Montanus's disciples, impudently wrote a Catholick Epistle, like an Apostle, to the Univer∣sal Church, as Apollonius testifies book 5. chap. 16. Eusebius also mentions Dionysius Bishop of Corinth's Epistles to 4 Cities; which he calls Catholick. The Revelation of Peter which Eusebius mentions here, is quoted in Theodotus's excerptions which is printed at the end of Cle∣mens's Stromata: hence 'tis plain that these Collections of Theodotus are nothing else, but f••agments of Clemens's Hypotyp••seωn. Vales.
• f 1.56

  This quotation Clemens has out of Macarius.
• g 1.57

  This reason also S^t Hierome confirms upon the first chapter of the Epistle of Paul to the Galatians, where he says that S^t Paul does not after his accustomed way prefix his name before this Epistle, be∣cause he was about to speak of Christ, and thought it not fit to call himself an Apostle where Christ also must be stil'd an Apostle. Vales.
• h 1.58

  Though this word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] sig∣nifies a far off; yet here it must be re••dred as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for a long time; which word Ni∣ceph. Cal. uses in this place, in∣stead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.] Vales.
• i 1.59

  All Co∣pies read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and so also does Ni∣ceph▪ but Christophor∣son boldly alter'd the reading, saying, that this passage impugned the autho∣rity of the Gospel. Eusebius relates this story in the 2^d book at the 14^th chapt. o∣therwise; saying, that Peter was migh∣tily pleas'd with the Gospel which was written by Mark and confirm'd it, appointing it should be read in the Churches. But if we weigh the words of Euscbius and Cle∣mens carefully, these places will appear not in the least contradictory, as Christophorson says they are: for although S^t Peter, as Clemens says, did neither openly prohibit no•• further him; yet he may be said to have tacitly approv'd of what he had done. Rufinus has very well translated the place, whom we ought to imitate, because by his translation he explains it very well, rendring it thus, licet fieri ip∣sum non jusserit tamen factum non prohibuit: by which 'tis very plain that he did not disallow of it. Vales.
• k 1.60

  This Hieronymus attests, speaking of John, in his Preface to his Commentaries upon S^t Matthew. Vales.
• l 1.61

  Baronius places Origen's coming to Rome, on the year of Christ 220; which was the first year of the Reign of Elagahalus the Empe∣rour: but we must in no-wise yield to this▪ seeing that Eusebius says he came to Rome in Antoninus Caracalla's Reign. Baronius also affirms that he came again to Rome in the Reign of Philip the Empe∣rour, that is in the year of Christ 248: but we must not believe Ba∣ronius in this; for Eusebius, who carefully and truely wrote the History of Origen, makes no mention of Origen's second coming to Rome: but rather seems to confute this of Baronius, saying thus, that Origen sent Letters concerning the profession of his faith▪ to Fabi∣anus, who was Bishop of Rome, therefore Origen went not to Rome, as Baronius says, onely sent Letters to Fabianus the Bishop of Rome. But hence arises Baronius's mistake; he follows Porphyrius, who, in his life of Plotinus, mentions one Origen, who was Plotinus's and Herennius's School-fellow; but this is not that Origen Adamantius which we mean here; but another Origen, therefore we must carefully make a distinction betwixt these two Origens▪ which we will shew hereafter. Vales.
• a 1.62

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Budaeus calls ex∣emplaria, Copies, by which we doe any thing or make any thing▪ Valesius translates this Phrase [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] the Au∣thentick Scriptures; because, says he, Eusebius's meaning is plainly the same, for he implies thus much, that these were not the very first Copies which were writ by Es∣dras; but Authentick in respect of the Septuagint, and other Tran∣slatours; and he says this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is commonly rendred in Latine Authenticas: but Christo∣phorson translates it the old copies.
• b 1.63

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies proper∣ly curru tero, hence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 via curru trita, the high∣way 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, hence Metaphorically (as the Latine word tritum does to which it exactly answers) it sig∣nifies aliquid vulgare, that which is trite, or common; 'tis some∣times written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as here in Eusebius.
• c 1.64

  In the Med. Maz. Fuk. M. SS. we find 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but 'tis not so well as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sig∣nifies Ludi Actiaci, but Nicopolis had not it's name from those Games; but from the Promontory near which it was scituate, 'twas called Nicopolis near Actium. Vales.
• d 1.65

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a sixth and seventh] I read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not onely a fifth and sixth, but also a seventh;] and judge this emendation to be altogether neces∣sary. For Eusebius, having before spoken of a fifth and sixth Edition found by Origen, here adds this further, that Origen put a seventh into the Copies of his Hexapla of the Psalms. Therefore his Edition of the Psalms was seven-fold. But because this seventh Edition▪ had onely the Psalms, Origen altered not the Title of his Edition, to wit, Hexapla. This amendment and exposition of ours is evidently con∣firmed by Johannes Zonaras, in his History of the Emperour Severus. See the Authour's words. But that which Zonaras there adds, to wit, that the seventh Edition was found at Jericho, is not expresly said by Eusebius here. Epiphanius (in his Book De ponderib.) and Athana∣sius (in Synopsi,) affirm that the fifth Edition was found at Jericho in an Hogs-head: But Nicephorus thought that both the sixth and seventh were found there. Although the particular Authours of this fifth and sixth Edition are unknown; yet 'tis manifest they were Jews: which is asserted by Hierom, in his B. 2. Advers. Rufinum. Vales.
• e 1.66

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the term here) sig∣nifies ver∣ses, or such parts of the Text as con∣tain an en∣tire sense. Hierom was the first amongst the Latins, who divided his translation into verses: See his Preface to Isaiah. This he did in imitation of Origen, who had done the same in his Hexapla. Origen herein had a regard to the profit of the Readers. For what is thus distinguisht by verses, is both more easily understood, and also more readily gotten by heart. Besides, this distinction was altogether necessary in order to a comparing of the Greek Editions. Origen's example was after∣wards followed by many; who did the same in the New-Testament, which Origen had done in the old. Vales.
• f 1.67

  This was another of Origen's inventions, to wit, the placing of the translations one against the other; that so▪ if one differed from another, it might be presently discerned by one view. See Hierom, in his Preface to Chromatius, upon the Chronicles. Vales. See a Scheme of Origen's contrivance herein in D^r Cave's life of Origen, pag. 228.
• g 1.68

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the term which occurs here) signifies properly Annotation▪ See B. 5. Chap. 20. note (d.) but Eusebius does here call the Hebrew Text, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because 'twas prefixt before the six Greek Translations; in like manner as in Comments the words of the Au∣thour are prefixt before the exposition: this term▪ [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] signi∣fies not onely the exposition, but the text, at which the exposition is set. Vales.
• h 1.69

  From this place 'tis evident, that this work of Origen's was called Hexapla, because there were six Greek translations contained in it, be∣sides the Hebrew Text, which was written in two columns two manner of ways, in the one in Hebrew, in the other in Greek Letters. See Epiphan. Haeres. Originist. cap. 3. And the reason why this work was thus termed, is plain; for, as the Tetrapla were so called, be∣cause they contained four Greek translations collected into one body; so the Hexapla were thus termed, because they comprehended six Greek Versions, to wit, that of Aquila, Symmachus, the seventy two, Theodotion, and lastly the fifth and sixth translation. But the He∣brew Text must not be reckoned amongst the Versions; that being the original. Zonaras (in his History of the Emperour Severus) is of the same opinion with us, and explains this place of Eusebius (though he mentions not his name) as we doe. Vales.
• i 1.70

  The Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS. have it written [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉;] which is all one as if Eusebius should have said [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. after the Edition of his Hexapla, having prepared, &c.] For when Origen perceived that his Hexapla required too much cost and labour, he composed his Tetrapla, (which were more ready and▪ useful▪) having taken away the two Editions of the Hebrew Text, and the fifth, sixth, and seventh translation. Hi∣therto it has been the opinion of the Learned, that Origen made his Tetrapla before his Hexapla: Usher (in Syntag. de Sept. Interpret. cap. 5.) and Salmasins (in his book De Lingud Hellenist.) are of this opinion. But this passage in Eusebius, (as it is corrected by the Authority of our M. SS. Copies) does wholly confute it. Vales.
• a 1.71

  The Ebionites admitted onely S^t Matthew's Gospel to be genuine: but that Gospel of the Ebionites was not the same Gospel of S^t Mat∣thew which we now have, but a forged one, and which wanted the Genealogie of Christ, as Epiphanius declares (in Heres. Ebion.) For the Gospel according to the Hebrews, which they made use of, (as Eusebius saies B. 3. chap. 25. where see note (c.) they called the Authentick Gospel of S^t Matthew. These words therefore [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] we have rendred thus [disputing strongly against Matthews Gospel,] to wit, ours, and the true Gospel of S^t Matthew. From this Symmachus the Ebionites were afterwards termed Symmachians, because he strongly asserted their opinions. Vales.
• a 1.72

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is elegantly us'd for alicujus partibus fa∣vere, to be a favourer of such a mans par∣ty: So Eu∣ripides in Hecuba, when Po∣lyxena speaks to her mother saying, '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, A∣gamemnon is on our side•• thus much for the Phrase. Now that Ambrosius was of Va∣lentinus's Sect, or at least fa∣vour'd that opinion, O∣rigen testi∣fies in the Proaemium of his fifth Tome of Explications on S^t John's Gospel, where he commends Ambrosius for relinquishing those dangerous principles. But some will have Ambrosius not to have been a Valentinian, but a Marcionist, and Epiphanius is of that opinion. Vales.
• b 1.73

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here signifies to give attention to any one, so as to learn something from him, or to come often to any one, to learn as Scholars; and therefore he adds 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, almost like Scholars. Vales.
• * 1.74

  That is, Grecian Philosophy.
• c 1.75

  That is, who were his Scholars. Vales.
• a 1.76

  Eunapius, in his vitâ Philosopho∣rum, saies this Por∣phyrius was a Tyrian by birth, and was first call'd Malchus, which in Syriack signifies a King: but afterwards, by his Master Longinus a Platonick, whom he was an Auditour of at Athens, he was call'd Porphyrius, which signi∣fies one cloath'd in purple, a king; because Kings onely wore the true 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. S^t Hierom saies he was a Jew, born in the City of Batanaea; thence he calls him Bataneotes or Batanaetes: Socrates attests that this man was once a Christian, but could not endure the reproofs of those Christians who reprov'd him, and therefore turn'd an Apostate. Lactantius, who liv'd in his time, saies he wrote his books against the Chri∣stians in the same year the Em∣perour pull'd down the Churches; but S^t Hierom affirms he left his Master Plotinus, and Rome, and went to Sicily for his healths sake, and dwelt at Lilybaeum; where he wrote those books: but we ought rather to believe Lactan∣tius, who liv'd in his time. S^t Au∣gustine says there were two Porphyrius's; one who liv'd in Sicily a famous man; and ano∣ther who wrote against the Christians: but all agree that 'twas one and the same Porphy∣rius the Platonick who liv'd in Sicily and wrote against the Christians. Baronius's Annals.
• b 1.77

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; their own judgment, and understanding being bewitched or misleaden by their pride. So Langus, Rufinus and Christophorson understand these words: but Valesius otherwise. He saies Porphyrius's meaning was this, that the Authours of these expositions through the lof∣tiness of their words bewitch'd or inchanted the minds and judge∣ments of their hearers, and then impos'd upon them with their ex∣positions. Vales.
• c 1.78

  'Tis probable Origen was seen by Porphyrius in his younger daies, in the City of Tyre, where Origen, having left Alexandria, staid some time. For Porphyrius was a Tyrian; and he was a young man at the same time when Origen made his abode at Tyre. But Porphyrius could by no means see Origen at Alexandria when he was an old man; because when Origen left Alexandria he was not compleat fifty years old. Vales.
• d 1.79

  We must believe Porphyrius, whenas he so expresly affirms here, that Origen Adamantius (so he was called) was an Auditour of Ammonius Alexandrinus. But amongst the Auditours of Ammonius there was at that time another Origen, School-fellow to Herennius and Plotinus; mentioned by Porphyrius (in vitâ Plotini,) by Lon∣ginus (in his book de fine,) by Eunapius, and Hierocles (in his book De Providentia.) Baronius (in his Annals,) and Lucas Holstenius (in 2 and 6 cap. De vitâ Scriptisque Porphyrii,) supposed this Origen to have been the same person with Origen Adamantius. But I dissent from them, for these two reasons especially. (1.) Longinus the Philo∣sopher (in his book De fine) reckons Ammonius and Origen, (Pla∣tonick Philosophers) among those, who would not commit to writing their Opinions for the benefit of posterity, but thought it sufficient to deliver them by word of mouth to their Auditours. If any thing be written by any of them, (these are the words of Longinus,) as indeed Origen did wrote one book De Daemonibus, it is very little: for they seemed not to have made it their business to write books. These words cannot be supposed to have been spoken of Origen Adamantius, who, 'tis manifest, was a Voluminous Writer, as the Catalogue of his works recorded by Eusebius does manifest▪ Moreover, Porphyrius (in these words of his here quoted by Eusebius) saies Origen was eminently re∣nowned upon account of his writings which he left behind him. (2.) Por∣phyrius (in his life of Plotinus, not far from the beginning,) has these words: But when Herennius, Origen, and Plotinus, had agreed amongst themselves, that they would not publish the Opinions of Ammonius, which having heard from him they approved of as most especially pure and refined; Plotinus was as good as his word: but Herennius first broke the compact; and afterwards Origen followed him: But Origen wrote nothing besides a book concerning Daemons, and a piece in Gallienus's time, wherein he proved that the King was the onely Poet. This last book Origen wrote in praise of Gallienus the Emperour, to commend his Po••tical faculty. For Gallienus was given to Poetry; and there are some nuptial verses of his extant amongst the fragments of Petronius Arbiter. Now, if it be true, that this Origen, School-fellow to Plotinus, wrote this book un∣der Gallienus the Emperour, doubtless he must necessarily be distin∣guished from Origen Adamantius. For Origen Adamantius survived not the times of Gallienus, but died when Gallus and Volusianus were Emperours, in the year of Christ 252, having compleated the sixty ninth year of his age. Vales.
• e 1.80

  The Heathens▪ call'd the Christians and Jews Religion barbarous, as Justin, Tatianus and others affirm: So they ter∣med every thing which was not Grecian. Porphyrius calls this bar∣barous Impudence, to despise the Roman Gods, and the Emperour's Edicts, to be forc'd by no Tor∣ments or Persecutions to sa∣crifice to those Heathen Gods. Vales.
• f 1.81

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cauponari, to sell Wine or to keep a Victualling-house. Now because these Cauponae us'd to cheat the buyers by mixing and dashing their Wines, and so enrich themselves; this word is us'd to adulterate or corrupt; as here, and likewise in holy Writ, in the 2^d Epistle to the Corin∣thians Chap. 2. 17. we find, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 not cor∣rupting the Word of God. Vales.
• g 1.82

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Porphyrius takes this Metaphor from Huck∣sters, who, by counterfeiting false wares for true, circumvent the buyers: for [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] signifies to suborn, to lay one thing for an∣other: hence 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Changling a false child left in the place of one taken away. Thus Porphyrius saies Origen plaies the Huckster. Vales.
• h 1.83

  Origen quotes this Numenius in his books against Celsus: he was a famous Pythagorean, born at Apamea in Syria. Longinus, in his book De Fine, mentions these Philosophers, Numenius, Cronius and Mo∣deratus; who, he saies, connected Pythagoras's and Plato's Opinions together. Cronius's book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is quoted by Nemesius in his book De Naturâ Hominis Cap. 2. Vales.
• i 1.84

  Apollophanes is call'd by Stobaens, in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the son of Aegimius. Vales.
• k 1.85

  This was Cassius Longinus who has onely one book exstant at this day, entitl'd De sublimi Genere dicendi; most men think he was a Grammarian: but he profess'd Philosophy, as Suidas and others testifie: he was Porphyrius's Master in Platonick Philosophy at Athens. He liv'd in Origen's time, and was younger then him, and died a long time after him, 'tis a wonder therefore that Porphyrius should reckon him amongst the antient Philosophers. Vales.
• l 1.86

  This Mo∣deratus was born at Gades now call'd Cales, an Island on the South side of Spain without the Straits of Gibraltar: he wrote eleven books 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Concerning Nicomachus; See Photius, and Suidas. Vales.
• m 1.87

  Chaeremon was a Stoick Phi∣losopher: Origen, in his books against Celsus quotes Charemon's book De Cometis: he taught Philo∣sophy at Alexandria, and Diony∣sius Alexandrinus succeeded him in his School. See Suidas in Dio∣nysio. Vales. Of this Chae∣remon, see Martials Epig. book 11. Epig. 57.
• n 1.88

  This Cornutus Aser Leptita∣nus taught Philosophy at Rome in the Reign of Claudius Nero: he wrote many things concerning Philosophy, and Eloquence: Per∣sius dedicates his fifth Satyr to him, as to his Master: he wrote a book De Graecorum Theologia, which is cited by the Etymologist in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But the name is cor∣rupted by Aldus Manutius and call'd Phornutus. Vales.
• o 1.89

  We may from these words gather that Heraclas and Origen had the same Philosophy Master, which Porphyrius affirms was Am∣monius the most famous Philoso∣pher of that Age. Vales.
• p 1.90

  The Philosophick habit was the Pallium, or Cloak; which was the usual Badge of the Greek Phi∣losophers, different from that which was worn by the ordinary Greeks; which those Christians still kept to, who before their conversion had been professed Phi∣losophers: this our Eusebius affirms of Justin the Martyr (B. 4. Chap. 11.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, one that in a Philosophick habit was an assertour of the divine Word.
• q 1.91

  Hence we may conjecture that the Clergie had at that time no peculiar habit; seeing that Heraclas, a Presbyter of Alexandria and afterwards Bishop, always retain'd his Philosophick habit. Vales.
• r 1.92

  Hence 'tis conjectur'd, that Origen Catechiz'd at Alexandria in a private Auditory, and not publickly in the Church; for had he before taught in the Church, Demetrius could not have brought this as an objection against Alex∣ander, and Theoctistus. Where∣fore Rufinus mistakes, who sa••es Demetrius permitted him to Ca∣techize publickly in the Church. Vales.
• s 1.93

  He writes to Demetrius the Bishop in the third person; un∣derstanding 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Your Holiness. And without doubt had we the whole Epistle we should find these words to precede. Vales.
• t 1.94

  Alexander Bishop of Jeru∣salem was a very eloquent man, and without doubt wrote this E∣pistle himself, which makes him use the first person here: but the letter was writ both in his name, and in the Bishop of Caesarea's. Vales.
• u 1.95

  This Syn∣nada is a very noted City of Phrygia, and as Ste∣phanus, in his book De Urbibus writes, it ought to be written with a dou∣ble (n,) though some write it with a single one, it is deriv'd from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 c••∣habito, to dwell together, because many flock'd from Macedonia to dwell together there, from whence it was first call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but was corrupted by the interposition of (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) There is also some old pieces of Caracalla's Coin with this inscription 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hence it appeares these Synnadenses were Doricks mix'd with Ionians, for they were originally Macedoni∣ans, and therefore Doricks, though they liv'd in the midst of Ionia. Vales.
• x 1.96

  Origen was about 30 years old when he came into Palestine▪ for according to our Eusebius's account in this place, he went thither about the end of Antoninus Caracalla's Reign. Vales.
• a 1.97

  Christo∣phorson translates this phrase 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 libellos ex variis Scriptori∣bus excer∣ptos, tan∣quam flos∣culos i. e. books like flowers, selected out of divers Authours. 'Tis true, the Antients call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 things selected, or excerptions out of any Authour, such are Origen's Philocaliae: Such also are Apulcius's libri floridorum. But this signification does not well agree with this place; because Eusebius does not mention that Beryllus selected them out of any books. And likewise he adds 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Se∣veral. And 'tis not likely that Beryllus should compose several books upon so slight an Argument: therefore 'tis better to translate it (as we have done) elegantis ingenii monumenta, i. e. monuments of his Polite Ingenie. He seems to mean Hymins and Poems. And in this sense, P••rynicus uses this word in his Epistle to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Vales.
• b 1.98

  Georgius Syncellus, Nicephorus and others affirm that this Hip∣polytus was Bishop of Portua: Theodoret who quotes him much, terms him a Martyr, and a Bishop, but does not mention where: Gelasius, in his book, De Duabus Naturis stiles him a Martyr, and calls him Bishop of the Metropolis of Arabia. Vales.
• c 1.99

  This Sect of the Cataphrygae was divided into two parts; the leader of one part of them was Proclus, and over the other parties Aeschines was their chief, as Tertullian attests. Those which adher'd to Proclus were call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Proclus's men; as Tertullian again witnesses. Hence we may safely conclude, that Proclus was a Grecian. Besides, Caius wrote against this Proclus in Greek: where∣fore we must not assent to Baronius, who says that this Proclus and Proculus the African, who as Tertullian saies wrote against the Va∣lentinians, were one and the same person. Now if these were one and the same, why should Tertulliam call one of them Proculus a Latine name, and the other 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greek: concerning Caius's book against Proclus, see Photius's Biblioth. But Theodoret instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 writes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, this book of Proclus was a Dialogue in which Proclus was brought in defending Montanus's Prophecie. See the 3^d book of this Ecclesiastick History, Chap. 31. Vales.
• * 1.100

  ^d Eusebius before in the 3^d book, and 3^d Chapter disputing about Pauls Epistles, says that some rejected the Epistle to the Hebrews as false, averring that the Church of Rome question'd the Authority of that Epistle. Amongst the Roman Authors, who doubted the Autho∣rity of this Epistle, Hippolytus the asore nam'd Bishop of Portu•• may be reckoned; for he in his book against Heresies, has affirm'd that the Epistle to the Hebrews is not Paul's the Apostles. Vales.
• a 1.101

  Hippoly∣tus's Ca∣non Pascha∣lis is ex∣tant till this day, which Jo∣seph Scali∣ger has in∣serted into his book De Emen∣datione Temporum. And Aegi∣dius Bu∣cherius translated it into Latine, but neither of them takes notice that this Canon is onely a part of the book which he wrote Concerning Easter. And through his inadvertency Scaliger blames this place of Eusebius, and saies that Hippolytus's Canon does not end at the first year of Alexander's Reign, but begins there: which is really true: but Eusebius does not speak concerning the Canon which Hippolytus annex'd to his books, but concerning the book it self, which ends at the first year of Alexander the Emperours Reign. Vales.
• b 1.102

  He means the second Chapter of Genesis, as Scaliger notes. Where also he reproves Hieronymus as if he had been ignorant of it, but unde∣servedly: for when Hieronymus says he wrote upon Genesis, he means as well his books on the Hexameron, as those on the Post-Hexameron. Vales.
• c 1.103

  Theodoret in his book call'd Eranistes quotes this book of Hippo∣lytus. Vales.
• d 1.104

  Concerning this book of Hippolytus's, See Photii Biblioth, Chap. 121. This book was written against 32 Heresies; the first of which was the Dosithean, the last the No••tian Heresie. Which He∣resies Irenaeus having confuted in his Sermons, Hippolytus his Schollar wrote an Epitome thereof. Stephanus Gobarus has often quoted this piece of Hippolytus's, as appears from his 7, 10, and 13. chap. B. 2. Vales.
• a 1.105

  Here the Maz. M. S. and that most excel∣lent Copie of Rufinus which we have often quoted, begin this chap. 23. But Rufinus's book instead of chap. 23. calls it the 20. Hieranymus takes these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] in a bad sence, as if Origen had set himself to write in emulation of Hippolytus; and referrs 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to Hippolytus▪ which is not so, for we must understand 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which thing is common, and so the sence is plain, to wit, from this time. Vales.
• b 1.106

  Rufinus's Version may here well serve instead of a Com∣ment upon this place, who has rendred it thus, he was intrea∣ted by the Churches of Achaia to come thi∣ther to con∣vince Here∣ticks, who grew strong in those parts. So also says Hieronymus in his Ca∣talogue. Vales.
• c 1.107

  Eusebius ought here to have recited the decrees of the Bishops against Origen, as being matter most accommodate to an Ecclesiastick History; and might better have omitted other things concerning him, and have inserted these, as most pertinent: but we ought not to blame Eusebius for this omission here, because it had been super∣fluous, having before declared them in his second book De Defen∣sione Origenis: which books some men, through their immoderate hatred to Origen, envied us the use of. There is nothing of Eusebius, and Pamphilus the Martyrs Apologia Origenis extant, except some fragments which Photius preserv'd as it were from shipwrack. He, in his Biblioth, chap. 118. says that there were two Synods summon'd against Origen; the first decreed that Origen should be banisht out of the Church of Alexandria, but did not divest him of his Priest∣hood: the second, which was assembled by Demetrius, consisting of Aegyptian Bishops, degraded Origen from the Office of a Priest, to which Decree almost all the Bishops of the world subscrib'd, as Hie∣ronymus says, whose words Rufinus relates in a Apolog. Hironymus also adds that he was not onely depos'd but also excommunicated by Demetrius. But this Decree of Demetrius's was ineffectual, for two reasons, first, because he issu'd it out against him, in his absence, with∣out any legal citation; and secondly, because this sentence was not confirm'd by the Authority of many Bishops, particularly not by the Bishop of Rome. Wherefore Origen still retain'd his Priests-Office, and continued Preaching in the Church, as Eusebius witnesses in this book, and Pamphilus in his first book Apologiae Originis. Vales.
• a 1.108

  He means, he ought to have ad∣joyned these things to what he has said in his second book of his Apology. Vales.
• b 1.109

  There were thirty four books of Origen's Expositions upon John, as Hieronymus says; but onely nine are now remaining, which are still divided into thirty∣four. Vales.
• c 1.110

  Hierony∣mus in his Apology makes this short Cata∣logue of Origen's Works •• 13 books upon Genesis, two books of Mystical Homilics: Excerptions upon Exo∣dus: Excerptions upon Leviticus: Also Monobiblia: four books De Principiis: two books concerning the Resurrection; and two other Dialogues concerning the Resurrection. Methodius the Bishop wrote an excellent book of the Resurrection, against Origen's books upon the same subject, as Hieronymus in his book De Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis, and Maximus in his Scholia upon Dionysius's Ecclesiastick Hierarchy, do testifie: there are excellent fragments of this Methodius's book of the Resurrection, in Epiphanius against the Origenists, and in Photius's Biblioth. And I think 'tis for no other reason, that Eusebius never mentions this Methodius, (whereas he mentions several Ecclesiastick Writers far inferiour to him,) but this, that he wrote against Ori∣gen: Eusebius, being a very great favourer of Origen, could not endure this man's name in his History, because he was not his friend. Vales.
• d 1.111

  Hieronymus in his Epistle to Magnus the Roman Oratour, says Origen wrote these ten books in imitation of Clemens; for the Argu∣ment of these books and Clemens's afore-mention'd are alike. Hierom also cites a piece of these books in his Apology against Rufinus not far from the beginning. Vales.
• e 1.112

  Translatours did not understand what these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in this place is the same as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, written with his own hand. The Lawyers call a Will 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which is written with the Testatour's own hand, and not onely confirm'd by his subscription. So Eusebius here calls those notes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ which were written with Origen's own hand, and either prefix'd or annexed to every Tome. For 'twas usuall for Authours to note something with their own hands either at the beginning, or end of their books. Vales.
• a 1.113

  This whole quotation is to be seen in Origen's Philocalia; chap. 3. but that place of the Philocalia must be corrected by this, for there 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is read. And this is the common mistake of all Editions that they writ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 when the word fol∣lowing begins with a vowel. But in all good Copies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is written, although a vowel follow. Vales.
• b 1.114

  Victorimus upon the Apoca∣lyps says, there are twenty four books of the Old Testament; twen∣ty two you may▪ find io Theodotus his Excerptions. Some reckon'd twenty two, some twenty four books of the Old Testament: hence arose this different account saith Hieronymus, because some rec∣kon'd the book of Ruth, and that of the Lamentations of Jeremiah in the Catalogue of Scriptures apart by themselves. Others, as Hilarius says, added Tobias, and Judith to make 24 books of the Old Testament; Epiphanius says, that some reckon'd up twenty seven books of the Old Testament. Vales.
• c 1.115

  I know not what Copy Ro∣bert Stephens follows, who here reads it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. for in the Kings, the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is the reading. Vales.
• d 1.116

  Some books adde this clause, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not as some think the Song of Songs. This we have omitted in our Edition, but 'tis in the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS. and also in the King's Copy, and in Rufinus's Translation of this place. Vales.
• e 1.117

  In this Catalogue the book of the twelve minor Prophets is left out. Hence it comes to pass that although Origen promises to reckon up twenty two books, we can find but one and twenty. In Rufinus's Version this book is reckon'd immediately after the Canticles. So also Hilarius and Cyrill of Jerusalem doe reckon them. The books of the holy Scripture are recounted here in a different order to Epiphanius, Hieronymus, and Melito's recko∣ning of them: but Hilarius in his Prologue to his Commentaries upon the Psalmes, agrees all a∣long with Origen; and no won∣der, for that Prologue is al∣most all of it a Translation of Origen's Comments upon the Psalms. Vales.
• f 1.118

  These are Origen's own words, and so Rufinus, Langus and Musculus Translated them: one∣ly Christophorson thought they are Eusebius's own words: to whom we cannot consent, although in the Maz. and Med. M. SS. after the word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] there is a final distinction; but in the King's Copy the whole clause is con∣tinned without any distinction. Moreover, besides this place quo∣ted by Eusebius, Origen also in another place (that is, in the be∣ginning of his Comments upon Luke) says there were four Go∣spels onely which were allowed by the Catholick Church. Vales.
• g 1.119

  1 Pet. 5. 13.
• h 1.120

  This place of Origen, which Eusebius here quotes, is in the Preface to the fifth book of his Ex∣positions upon John; the greatest part of this Preface is extant in the fifth Chapter of his Philocaliae, Therefore this place here quoted by Eusebius must be joyn'd to that fragment. In that Preface Ori∣gen raises this dispute, whether many books are to be written con∣cerning Sacred things? And he proves it from Ecclesiastes 11. 12. Also he brings for proof the ex∣amples of holy men, Prophets and Apostles, who wrote very little. But these examples the Collector of the Philocaliae on set purpose omitted, as he himself confesses. Vales.
• i 1.121

  Rom. 15. 19.
• k 1.122

  Matthew the 16 Chap. and ver. the 18. See D^r Hammond upon the place.
• l 1.123

  S^t John's Gospel c. 13. v. 23, and 25.
• m 1.124

  John 21. 25.
• n 1.125

  See Apo∣caly p. 10. 4.
• o 1.126

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifies to remember, to repeat a thing by heart, as Schollars do who re∣peat their Master's Dictates, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signi∣fies to illu∣strate, or make a thing plain by short Scholia's, or Explications▪ that is to explain obscure words, by other words more common and known. The Translatours, and especially Christophorson, seem by their Versions not to have understood this passage. Origen says, that the sentences of The Epistle to the Hebrews, are the Apostles own; but the words and composition of the whole Epistle are some bodies else, who recorded the sayings of the Apostle, and, like a Scholiast, explained them more elegantly. See Chap. 18. B. 4 note (b.) Vales.
• a 1.127

  In the Maz. Med. Fuk. & Sa∣vil. M. SS. and in Nicephorus, instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Tenth] it is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Twelfth.] In Eusebius's Chronicon this remove of Origen from Alexandria to Caesarea is (in some Copies) placed on the 12 year of Alexander, as Pontacus attests. Eusebius does strangely disagree from himself, who in his Chronicon Records this removal of Origen a year, or two years after the death of Demetrius. But here he says Origen removed from Alexandria a little before Demetrius dyed. This last account I suppose to be truest. For after Demetrius's death, Origen had no reason to leave Alexandria: especially when Heraclas, one of Origen's Schollars succeeded Demetrius. Besides, Eusebius relates in this Chapter, that when Origen departed from Alexandria, he left his Catechetick Office to Heraclas. Whence it appears, that Origen de∣parted from Alexandria a little before Demetrius pronounc't the sen∣tence of Excommunication agaisnt him. For after that sentence 〈◊〉〈◊〉 could not hold his Office of Catechist in the Church of Alexandria Baronius therefore has done well in amending Eusebius's Chronicon, in placing Origen's departure from Alexandria on the Tenth year of A∣lexander's Reign, and the death of Demetrius on the year following. But he mistakes in saying Demetrius pronounc't the sentence of Ex∣communication against Origen a year before he left Alexandria; which we have evidently refuted. For since Origen kept his Office of Catechist till such time as he resigned it to Heraclas at his departure, 'tis plain he departed before the sentence of Excommunication was pronounc't against him. Moreover, when Origen understood he was Excommunicated by Demetrius in the Synod of the Bishops, he wrote a letter to his friends at Alexandria, in which he inveighs against Demetrius and the rest of the Bishops. Jerom (in B. 2. Advers. Rufin.) quotes part of this Letter. Further, Origen had once before retired to Caesarea, in the times of Antoninus Caracalla; but was in a short time honourably recalled by Demetrius to Alexandria, as was before related. But afterwards, when he went into Achaia, pas∣sing through Caesarea-Palestine, he was there ordained Presbyter, Vales.
• b 1.128

  Heraclas, as 'tis be∣fore related Chap. 15. was Ori∣gen's As∣sistant one∣ly: but after his departure, he was Catechist. Vales.
• * 1.129

  Firmili∣anus.
• a 1.130

  Christo∣phorson did not at all understand the mean∣ing of this place, for he thinks that Ambrosius, and Protoctetus were afflicted for the Name of Christ about the end of Maximinus's Reign: but Eusebius does not say so; he onely means thus much, that the Persecution continu'd all Maximinus's Reign, but that his days were shortned, as the Scri∣pture says of Antichrist. Moreover, this Persecution begun when Maximin was Emperour, (after a long continu'd Peace in the Church,) because of frequent, and most dreadfull Earthquakes, which the Hea∣thens, as they usually did, imputed to the Christians. Firmilianus in his Epistle to Cyprian attests this: See Baronius at the year of Christ, 237. Vales.
• * 1.131

  This was the com∣mon accla∣mation at the Electi∣on of Bi∣shops, of which we have many examples in Philo∣storgius, in his tenth chapter of the 9^th book. And in the relation of what things were done at Eradius's Election, (recorded in Augustine's Epistles) these acclamations are read, which were then us'd: they cry'd out twenty times, Dignus, & justus est, he is worthy and just; and five times, bene meritus, bene dignus est, he is very deserving, he is very worthy. Vales.
• b 1.132

  The Med. Maz. and Fuk. M. SS. adde these words, had executed that Office for fourty three years: but the Kings M. S. and Rufinus own them not. Vales.
• * 1.133

  Eusebius means by the Roman Learning, the Civil Law, which Gregory learn't at the City Berytus, at that time when Origen perswaded him to nobler studies, as he, in his Oration to Origen testifies: The same thing also Origen attests in his Epistle to Gregory, Chap 13. of his Philocal. Vales.
• a 1.134

  I suppose that these words, (viz.) the Authour of the books entitl'd Cesti, ought to be raz'd out, for the clause is neither in Rufinus's Version, nor in Hie∣ronymus. Besides, it seems ri∣diculous when he here speaks of an Ec∣clesiastick Writer, to mention those books first, which contain'd nothing else, but certain Medicines made up of Herbs, Metals, Ma∣gick figures, Charms, and the like: for, as Suidas witnesses, these Cesti contain nothing else, and have their Title from Venus's Cestus, or Girdle, because they treat of love affaires. Besides, this Africanus, the Authour of these Cesti; seems to be a distinct person from Afri∣canus the Chronologer, whom Eusebius mentions, for as Suidas says, this Authour of the Cesti was a Libyan by birth, and was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But Scaliger in his Animadversions upon Eusebius calls him Sextus Africanus. But perhaps that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Suidas ought to be made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And so he may be call'd Africanus Cestus from the title of his books, even as Clemens was call'd Stromateus. But this Africa∣nus the Chronologer was born in Palestine says Eusebius's Chronicle; and in a town call'd Emmaus, and his name was Julius Africanus, this Africanus was a Christian, but the other was a Heathen, as appears by his books. There was also another Julius Africanus who wrote a book De Apparatu Bellico, which book in the M. S. Copy of the King's Library has the title of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and under that title it is quoted by Politianus in his Miscellanies. The Grecians indeed were proud in prefixing titles before their books, they seem therefore to call those books Cesti which were fill'd with knowledge of divers kinds, like the Cestus, which amongst the Grecians signifies a Girdle wrought of divers colours: for that same reason were Clemens's books call'd Stromata. Vales.
• * 1.135

  Book 1. Chap. 7.
• a 1.136

  Eusebius wrote three most ele∣gant books concerning Pamphilus the Mar∣tyr's Life, as Hierony∣mus witnes∣seth in his 1. Apology against Ru∣finus; where he also quotes a piece of that work, out of the third book; lie also men∣tions those books in his Epistle to Marcella; 'twas in Eusebius's third book De Vitâ Pamphili, wherein he wrote a Catalogue of Origen's works. Vales.
• b 1.137

  The Med. and Fuk. M SS. read it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, all in one word, not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Greeks call those 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 who were both Martyrs, and Priests: therfore Pamphilus being a Presbyter, and a Martyr, may well be stil'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Greeks in their Me∣nologie•• have three sorts of Martyrs, some they call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. great Martyrs: some 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. holy Martyrs, others 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is the Bishops, or sometimes Presbyters who suffer'd Martyrdome: all the rest they call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, barely Martyrs: there is also another title yet, namely, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; but this is onely proper to Stephen, and Th••••la he being the first of men, and she the first of women which were crown'd with Martyrdom. Here we may see what decency the Greeks use in comparison of the Latines; they give Epithe••s to their Saints, with which, as with titles they are honour'd, distinguished from other men. Vales.
• * 1.138

  That is, before his incarna∣tion.
• a 1.139

  This Phrase 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is no∣thing else but diffe∣rence of sub∣sistence, which may appear by the words of Gregori∣us Nyssenus in his book De Diffe∣rentiâ Sub∣sistentiae, & Essentiae. Beryllus seems to take 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to signifie a person, af∣ter the manner of his times, which confounded these two terms, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 concerning the true signification of them, see Socrates's Ecclesiastick History, book 3 chap. 7. where these terms are largely discus'd. Beryllus erred in that he believed Christ had no proper per∣sonality before his incarnation; but he was orthodox in that he holds Christ had not a Godhead proper to himself, onely the Godhead of the Father residing in him; for the Godhead of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, is all one, the Glory equal, the Majesty coeternal▪ otherwise there would be three Gods, not one God: therefore if this were Beryllus's opinion he may be excused: but he erred in that he asserted the Son by himself is not properly God, but has onely a derivative divinity from the Father. For if he asserted that the Son subsisted not personally before his incarnation, it follows that he deprived him of his Divinity. Vales.
• b 1.140

  ▪〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here may be best explain'd by the words of Nice∣phorus, who says, he regain'd him gently, and calmly. Vales.
• c 1.141

  Hierony∣mus in his Catalogue, and also in his first A∣pology a∣gainst Rufinus says, Eusebius wrote six books in defence of Origen, Rufinus translated the first of these books, and put it out under the name of Pamphilus the Martyr; for which he is most severely reprov'd by Hieronymus, for that he set forth a book of Eusebius's, (whom Jerome always calls an Heretick) under the name of Pamphilus the Martyr. But R••••inus may make answer for▪ himself from these words of Eusebius, who says that that Apology was written by both of them. Which also Photius confirms with his Testimony; Photius's Biblioth. Chap. 120. From this book, as well as from Eusebius's own words, we may gather, that Origen had many Enemies and opposers, because of the newness of his opinions. The chiefest of them was Methodius, concerning whom, and the reason why he is not mentioned by Euse∣bius in his History, see B. 6. Chap. 24. note (c.) Vales.
• a 1.142

  ▪〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here sigu••fies an∣numero••, I am reckon'd amongst. Vales.
• b 1.143

  This story concerning Philip the Emperour, whom Babylas would not admit into the Church, being then Bishop, is told by the Authour of Chron. Alexand. and also by Chrysostom in his Oration concerning holy Babylas; but he does not name the Emperour. Vales.
• * 1.144

  Pamphi∣lus the Martyr in his first book of his Apo∣logy attests this of him. Vales.
• b 1.145

  There were two Celsus's, both Epi∣curean Phi∣losophers, one of them lived in the Reign of Nero; the other about the times of Antoni∣nus, as Ori∣gen writes in his first book against Celsus: it was against this latter Celsus that Origen wrote eight most elegant books, which are still extant. This is the same Celsus, to whom Lucian Dedicates his book called, Alexan∣der, or, the false Prophet; being intreated by him to write the Life of that Impostor. In the end of that book, Lucian speaking to him, plainly demonstrates him to be an Epicurean. In the same place also he seems to mention Celsus's book intitled, The True Discourse. Vales.
• c 1.146

  Hieronymus in his 65^th Epistle mentions this Epistle of Origen's to Fabian. Vales.
• a 1.147

  'Twas said be∣fore, Chap. 33. that Origen was sent for in∣to Arabia by the Bishops, to dispute against. Beryllus: wherefore this was the second time that Origen was called thither to dispute. Vales.
• a 1.148

  Origen wrote three sorts of books up∣on the Scri∣pture, Com∣mentaries, Scholia, and Homilies. His Comments he wrote for the sake of the Learned, and his Scholia also: but upon those books which did not require long and tedious Comments he made Homilies, adapted to the Peoples capa∣city. And this is that which Sedulius aims at in his preface to his Opus Paschale. See Hieronymus in his Prefaces to Isaiah, and Mat∣thew, and also in his Preface to his Comments upon The Epistle to the Galatians: where he mentions this threefold work of Origen's; onely instead of the word Homilia he uses Tractatus, i. e. discourses, which is all one: for Tractatus in Latine is the same as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Greek. Concerning this threefold work of Origen, Rufinus speaks in his Epistle to Ursacius, which he prefixes before his translation of Origen's book upon Numbers. Vales.
• b 1.149

  Theodoret in his second book Fabularum Hareticarum, Chap. 7. calls these men 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and says they were so call'd from one Elcesa••. Epiphanius names him Elxaeus, a false Prophet, who joyn'd himself to the Ebionites, and was Authour of a strange, uncertain, and an unfix'd Opinion concerning Christ: which he relates, and which little differs from Theodoret's story in the place quoted. Hence it appears that this Elxaeus, and Elcesai are one and the same man. Epiphanius, in his Haresi Ossenorum, calls him Elxai, and says he lived in Trajan's time. At first, he says, he put forth a book full of Divine wisdom, and a Pro∣phesying spirit: But afterwards he affirmed 'twas no sin for a man to sacrifice to Idols, in the time of Persecution, if so be he do it not with his whole heart. The same also Origen here relates of these Elcesaits: but Epiphanius more plainly demonstrates this in his Haresi Samps••orum, where he says that these Elcesaei (which we prov'd were the same as Elcesaits.) had one Elxaeus, or Elxai Authour of their sect. Wherefore Scaliger in his Ele••chus Chap. 27. err's, where he says that this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the same person with Essaeus; and that these Elcesaei or Elcesaits are the same as Essaei: then which nothing is more absurd Vales.
• c 1.150

  The Transla∣tours, Ru∣finus, Lan∣gus, and Christo∣phorson knew not the use and propriety of this Phrase [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] and so misinterpreted it: the word signifies no more then, qui sapit, or sapiens, a wise man: See that old verse of He••iod. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and to wise men. Vales.
• a 1.151

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies (as we before noted) the same as nervm, a paire of stocks, wherein the feet are put: but in this place 'tis used for Eculeus, a Rack: for, Eusebius in this place means, that Origen, being put upon the rack, patiently sustain'd the threats of fire, and other torments. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 therefore in this place signifies the same as the Latine word Eculaeus, which the word added, (viz.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sufficiently sheweth, for as often as this term signifies Stocks, or Shackles, we read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 onely; but when it signifies the Rack, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is commonly added▪ as here we find it to be. Vales.
• * 1.152

  That is, the Judge was desi∣rous to prolong his life, that so he might undergo the more Tortures.
• b 1.153

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are the comfortless, or helpless; which some Translatours did not understand; this transposition in Eusebius is com∣mon. Eusebius here says nothing of the Aethiopian, who was suborn'd a∣gainst Origen; or concerning his denial of the Faith: Baronius with good reason thought these things were fabulous; But Nemesius, in his book De Naturâ Hominis, Chap. 30. confirms that Narration of Epiphanius's. Vales.
• a 1.154

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (i. e.) Not by my own counsel, not on my own accord. But the Fuk. M. S. and Georgius Syncellus's Chronicle read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Maz. and Med. M. SS. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Med. M. S. begins this Epistle where we have begun it. Vales.
• b 1.155

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is here taken for the Decree of the Persecution: and accordingly we have translated the place. Vales.
• c 1.156

  Erumentarii milites were Soul∣diers sent to seek after offenders, and to pick up all rumours and news. Constantine put down this sort of Officers; they were also Deputies under Governours of Pro∣vinces, such an one was this Fru∣mentarius, whom Dionysius here mentions. Vales.
• d 1.157

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Muscu∣lus and Christoph. translate Liberi, Children, which in∣terpreta∣tion I doe not ap∣prove of. Vales.
• e 1.158

  Christo∣phor. tran∣slates 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 indigena, one born and bred in that Countrey, the Tran∣slatour of Georg. Syncell. calls it incola; neither of them rendring it well: for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are Country men, Rustick••. So in the Greek Councils we find, o•• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in stead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The Countrey Presbyters. The Maz. Med. and Fuk M. SS. instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, so also does Alexandrinus use 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for Rusticks. Vales.
• f 1.159

  Sc••mpodia are low beds such as are used in great houses to this day, onely to sit in; call'd Couches. So Libanius in his own Life uses the word: where he saith, pag. 47. that at home he us'd to lye upon a bed, but in the School he lean'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, upon a Couch. Hence 'tis plain those Couches were made for the ease of sick people▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies unmade, without any fur∣niture upon it. So Martial in his Apophor••tis, speaking of sheets,

  Nudo stramina nè toro pater••nt, Junctae nos tibi venimus sor••r••s.

  Vales.
• g 1.160

  We must refer this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who took me up, to Caius▪ and the rest of the Presbyters, and not to the Riotous Countrey men, as Christophor▪ does. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies together with the Bed or Couch on which he lay. Dionysius says nothing here of what hapned to him after the Rusticks forc'd him to leave Taposiris, having beaten the Guard: but in his Epistle to Domitius and Didymus, which is in the 7^th book, and 11^th Chapter, he saith, that he and Peter, and Caius were separated from the rest of their Company, and abode in a desert and dry place of Libya. Dionysius liv'd an Exile till the death of Decius the Empe∣rour, and from that desert place he wrote Letters to Domitius and Didymus. Vales.
• a 1.161

  The Med. Maz. and Fuk. M. SS. call this man Fabia∣nus, not Fabius▪ so also Ru∣finus names this Bishop of Antioch. Vales.
• b 1.162

  I have tanslated [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] a Poet: first, because there is great familiarity betwixt Poets, and Pro∣phets, for the Diviners or Soothsayers us'd to deliver their Oracles in verse. Besides, the Aegyptians were chiefly delighted with Poetry, which Eunapius takes notice of. Moreover, no people were more ma∣licious towards the Christians then these Soothsayers, moving the Peo∣ple to Persecute them, and encouraging them by their Oracles. Vales.
• * 1.163

  These words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, worship of their Gods] ought, as I suppose, to be ex∣punged: for they disturb the sense, and were added by some Scholiast, to explain the preceding term [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 service. Vales.
• c 1.164

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to purloin; See Tit. 2. 10.
• * 1.165

  Heb. 10. 34.
• d 1.166

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, are the terms here: what the words were, 'tis hard to conje∣cture: in his Epistle to Germanus he calls them [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 im∣pious words;] and in this Epistle [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, horrid words.] Vales.
• e 1.167

  Here we read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. in his own house, but Nicephorus very ill reads 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Concerning this Serapion, Bede, and Usuardus speak at the 14^th of November. Where they say he suffered in the Reign of Decius; but they might better have said in the Reign of Philip. For Dionysius in this Epistle to Fabius expresly affirms that Sera∣pion, and some other Martyrs, suf∣fer'd before the death of Philip the Emperour. The same errour is committed in all Martyrologies concerning Apollonia the Virgin, which say she suffer'd in the time of Decius upon the 9 day of Fe∣bruary. Vales.
• f 1.168

  Here he means the death of Philip the Emperour, who behav'd himself gently and kindly toward the Christians: therefore what pas∣sages are here next related, happened in the last year of the Reign of Philip: which thing Dionysius intimates in the be∣ginning of this Epistle, where he says, the Persecution began a year before the Emperours E∣dict came out: but Christoph. did not understand this place, he rendring [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] the alteration of the Em∣perours mind towards us. Baro∣nius follows this errour of his, at the year of Christ▪ 253. Chap. 102. Vales.
• g 1.169

  In the Kings M. S. and Stephanus's Edition, instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is read, but in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil. M. SS. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the term, which is a great deal better as I think. For Dio∣nysius here means that this De∣cree of Decius was so terrible, that it seemed to represent those most dreadfull times of An∣tichrist, foretold by our Saviour. Vales.
• h 1.170

  Christophor. mistakes in his translation of this place. I have rendred here [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] as if it had been [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] the Decu∣rions or Magistrates: for these always assembled themselves at the reading of the Emperours Edicts in the Courts, and first of all executed his commands; hence they were compell'd to be present at the reading of this decree, and immediately after it was read, to sacrifice to the Gods, according to the injunction of the Decree. Vales.
• i 1.171

  This 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 may be rendred vi∣vae calcis incendio, a fire of unslaked lime; so also we may translate the same phrase which is us'd a little after this, speaking of Epi∣machus and Alexander, where he says, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ instead of which phrase Nicepho∣rus uses 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with lime. In Menaeo, on the 30^th day of Octo∣ber, there is mention of these Mar∣tyrs, Julianus, Cronio, and Ma∣carius, where the words are, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; burning lime being poured upon them. Vales.
• k 1.172

  Macar is derived from the Greek term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which sig∣nifies blessed: Dionysius seems here to allude to those words of our Saviour, Matt. 5. 10. Blessed are they which are persecuted for righ∣teousness sake, &c. Rufinus tran∣slates this place thus, Alius qui∣dam, vir nominis sui Macarius, gente Lybicus. Vales.
• * 1.173

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the term in the original: it signifies properly any kind of iron-instrument to make incision: Dionysius does here mean by it, an engine wherewith they scraped the flesh from off the bones of the Christians.
• l 1.174

  These words [al∣so another Ammona∣rium.] I have added out of Ru∣finus: for Dionysius said there were four women; but we find but three, except, according to Rufinus, we adde these words. Vales.
• m 1.175

  Instead of Ater in Georg. Syncellus, and Niceph. we find Aster▪ in Rufinus 'tis Arsinus; in the old Roman Martyrologie, which is mostly taking out of Rufinus, he is called Arsenius, at the 19^th of the Kalends of January. Vales.
• n 1.176

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Ru∣finus ren∣ders a Troop of Souldiers; him Chri∣stophorson also fol∣lowes: but I had ra∣ther tran∣slate it a file of men. Some may perhaps think that these Soul∣diers were the Pre∣fects Appa∣ritours, and other offi∣cers, be∣cause they stood be∣fore the judgment seat, but I rather think they were legionary Souldiers of that legion which kept Garison at Alexandria, and were under the Command of the Emperours Deputy-Governour of Aegypt; for at that time he who was the Emperour's Prefect in Aegypt, had not onely power in Civil affaires, but also in Military. In the old Roman Martyrologie the birth-day of these Martyrs is set down on the 13^th of the Kalends of January. Vales.
• o 1.177

  By this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is meant Subsellium, i. e. the place on which the Criminals while they are examin'd by the Judge sate. It is in some places call'd Ambon, or Pulpitum. Vales.
• p 1.178

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rufinus translates thus, God thus trium∣phing by his Saints; hence we may suppose he read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Musculus and Christophorson follow this translation of Rufinus: but we must take notice and see whether Dionysius meanes not by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ which I think he does, and there∣fore have so translated it. Vales.
• * 1.179

  '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (from whence the term [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] which here occurs, is derived) signifies one that looketh to another mans business, and that has the charge of his affairs committed to his care.
• a 1.180

  Herodo∣tus men∣tions a mountain, called Arabius; which Ptolomy and others call Troicus. Christophorson therefore does not well in calling it a mountain in Arabia. 'Tis a little after called Arabicus, from its vicinity to Arabia. Vales.
• b 1.181

  This place ought to be taken notice of for this one thing: for of all the Writers which came to our hands, there is none (that I know of) who is ancienter then Dionysius Alexandrinus, that men∣tions the Saracens. Indeed Am∣mianus Marcellinus says in his 14^th book, that he mention'd the Saracens amongst the Acts of Prince Marcus. So also says Spar∣tianus, (in Nigro) saying they were conquered by the Roman Souldiers. Vales.
• c 1.182

  It was the opini∣on of the Ancient Fathers, that Martyrs should be Christs Assessours, and should judge the world together with him. So says Eulogius, Bishop of Alexandria, in his 5^th book a∣gainst the Novatians: but Pho∣tius in his Biblioth. reproves this Opinion. (Photius says) that those words of S^t Paul in the 1 Epistle to the Corinthians 6. 2. Know ye not that the Saints shall judge the world? must not be un∣derstood as if the Saints were to be judges with Christ: Paul, says he, onely meaneth thus, that other men who had not lived so piously should by the Saints means he condemned. As it is in the Go∣spel, The men of Ninevie, and the Queen of the South shall rise up in judgement against wicked men, and condemn them, Matth. 12. 41. Photius took this Exposition out of Chrysostome; but Eulogius's Opinion seems the truer to me. For if the Martyrs are now col∣leagues of Christ in his kingdom, Why may not they be partakers of his judgment? Moreover, Christ expresly promised the Apostles, That they should sit on twelve thrones, judging the twelve tribes of Israel, Matth. 19. 28. Vales.
• d 1.183

  This place must be rendred according to our translation; though Langus and Christoph▪ translate it, as if the Martyrs ad∣mitted the Penitents into the Church: which they could not doe, being in bonds. Moreover the Bishops onely had power of reconciling Penitents, the Martyrs could onely intercede for them, and write commendatory letters in their behalf; though this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 may be rendred passively, as in the 3^d Chap. of this 6^th book. Vales.
• e 1.184

  Communion in the Church is twofold, of Prayer, and of the Sa∣craments, that of the prayers was granted to Penitents after a certain time; but the Communion of the body of Christ was not granted except to them who were reconcil'd after long time of repentance. But Dionysius here means private Communion; now that I call private Communion, which was granted to any one by some private persons and not by the Bishop, whose power and duty it was to grant it. The thing these private persons granted, was this; these Martyrs and Confessours permitted penitents who desired their pitty and inter∣cession, to pray to God with them. Vales.
• * 1.185

  That is, the lapsed.
• † 1.186

  That is, the pure.
• a 1.187

  Rufinus translates this phrase 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Decre∣tus significatur quid facto opus esset, but the other Translatours in my Opinion turn it better, by tran∣slating it thus; Decernitur ab omnibus. Vales.
• b 1.188

  Rufinus confounds, and mix∣eth this Epistle with that which Eusebius afore mentioned, for he owns but two Epistles of Corne∣lius, Hieronymus in his book, De Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis, reckons up four, but Eusebius in this place gives us an account of three onely. The first, and the third seem as if Cornelius had writ them in Greek, which may be proved by several Arguments, for Eusebius quotes several things out of the third Epistle, but does not in the least signifie that it was ever translated out of Latine into Greek, which thing he al∣ways does as often as he quotes any Latine Authours. Moreover, in this very Chapter Eusebius sig∣nifies that the first Epistle was writ in Greek, for speaking of it, he adds that there was another E∣pistle of Cyprian annex'd to it, which was written in Latine. Which clause certainly he had not added, had not Cornelius's Epistle been written in a contrary Language. Vales.
• c 1.189

  Concerning this Maximus the Presbyter, Urbanus, and Sidonius Confessours, how they deserted Novatianus, and were converted to the Church, see Cornelius the Pope's Epistle to Cyprian. There was also at the same time another Maximus Presbyter of the Church of Rome, whom Novatianus Im∣ploy'd as Embassador to Cyprian into Africk, together with Ma∣ch••us▪ and others: Afterwards the Schismaticks made this Maximus a Bishop in Africk, as Cyprian in his Epistle to Cornelius tells us, Vales.
• d 1.190

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sig∣nifies to catch a man in the very act of Robbery, whilest the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or things which he hath stolen are yet in his hands, hence it signifies to being any plot, robbery or any other wickedness to light, to bewray, or disclose. Vig••r. Idi••••. pag. 27.
• e 1.191

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the phrase here in the ori∣ginall) has the same import with [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which is a proverbial speech in Greek, and signifies, ex insperato, improvis••; i. ••. unlooks for, or on a sudden. See Erasm. A∣d••g. pag. 46. Edit. F••ob••••.
• f 1.192

  The••dores in his 3^• book of his H••••••••le. Fabu••. Chap. 5. w••••tes, that Novatus himself went into Italy to fetch th••se Bishops, and when he, with the Bishops upon their journey, came into some town or other, he forced them to Ordain him, which those Bi∣shops complain'd of when they came to Rome; but this Epistle of Cornelius refutes that story of his. Vales.
• g 1.193

  Go••••••••ius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this a•• imper∣fect, and ineffectual Ordination, because it was solemniz'd by Bishops of another Diocess, and not by those Bishops who had the right and power of Ordaining the Bishops of Rome, which were the Bishops of Ostia, T••bu•• and others; 'twas also ineffectual and vain, because it was done by men who were drunk, by force, at the tenth hour of the day, none of the Clergy, or people being present, and lastly, because another Bishop was before regularly Ordain'd. Cornelius both here, and in his Epistle to Cyprian, says Novatianus was Ordain'd by thr•••• Bishops, whereas P••••ia••••s says, in his a^d Epistle to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, he was Ordain'd by the letters commendatory of the Confessours: but these differences we may thus reconcile. Novatianus was named to be the Bishop, by the Epistle of the Confessours, but was afterwards Conse∣crated by three Bishops. Vales.
• h 1.194

  Hence we may gather that Cornelius degraded the Bishops which assisted in the Consecration of Novatianus, and also excom∣municated them all, except one who by the mediation of the peo∣ple, obtain'd the Priviledge of the communion which the Laicks have: Which was to kiss the Bishop after they had taken the Eucharist of him, as Hieronymus, and Paulus Diaconus affirm. Vales.
• i 1.195

  This is spoken Ironically of Novatianus, because he himself (as Cyprian in his first Epistle to Cornelius witnesseth) boasted he was a Defender of the Gospel of Christ. Vales.
• k 1.196

  The same words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] are in the Epistle of Corne∣lius to Cyprian: where the Con∣fessours, who deserted Novatianus, use these words, as a renunciation of their former Principles, by this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is here meant the Church of Rome. Vales.
• l 1.197

  Hence we may gather how many Churches there were then at Rome, for every Presbyter had his particular Church; so that if there were 46 Presbyters, there were also 46 Churches: See Ba∣ronius in the year of Christ 57. Vales.
• m 1.198

  Some Editions read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, others 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: but with∣out doubt the true reading is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, as Rufinus ren∣ders it, indigent persons, or as the Roman Clergy explain it, persons who could not maintain themselves. Chrysostome in his 67^th Homilie upon Matthew, saith, that the Church of Antioch in his days, though it had but small revenues, yet reliev'd above 3000 widows and virgins daily, besides strangers, Lepers, and Prisoners: and be∣sides Clerks, whom it supplied with meat and cloathing. Vales.
• * 1.199

  This word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ru∣finus very well renders p••••••u••us, be sprinkled; for people which were sick, and baptiz'd in their beds▪ could not be dipped in water by the Priest, but were sprinkled with water by him: this Baptism was thought imperfect, and not solemn for several reasons. Also they who were thus baptiz'd were called ever afterwards Cli••i••i, and by the 12^th Canon of the Council of Neo••••s••re••, these Cli••i••i were pro∣hibited Priesthood. Chrysostome describes this sort of Baptism in his 60^th Homily Tome the 2^• (to the Catechumen••▪) Cyprian, In his 76^th Epistle▪ ••old•• this Baptism to be lawfull, and perfect. Vales.
• o 1.200

  The Ca∣non was this, that they who were bapti∣zed in their beds, if they recovered again, should afterwards go to the Bishop, that be might supply what was wanting in that Baptism; No∣vatianus is here accused by Cor∣nelius, because, after his recovery he never 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the Bishop for the completion of Baptism, as the Canon of the Church injoyneth: for it is expresly commanded in the 47^th Canon of the Council of Lao∣dicea, and in Chap. 38. of the Council of Eliberis. Vales.
• p 1.201

  Rufinus thinketh that by this phrase [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] is meant the Chrism, but I rather think he means the imposition of hands, by which the Bishops gave the holy Ghost to them who were baptiz'd. Cy∣prian, to Jubaianus, confirms our Interpretation. 'Tis true 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies to sign, or mark, it also signifies, to lay hands on, as Innocentius uses it in his 3^d and 6^th Chap. to Decentius, and Marcus in his life of Porphyrius Bishop of Gaza, and Ambrose (or whosoever it is who is the Au∣thour of those books) upon the 4^th Chap. of Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians. This sealing of the baptized was sometimes per∣form'd with the Chrism, (that is) when the Person, in case of approaching death, had been baptiz'd by some of the inferiour Clergy, and not anointed; but if he had been perfectly baptized before, onely imposition of hands by the Bishop was required, as the Canon Arausicanus tells us. Hence I conjecture arose the custom of not using the Chrism in Baptism amongst▪ the Nova∣tians, (as Theodoret tells us they did no••, in his third book Haeret▪ Fabul.) because their Ringlea∣der Novatianus received Baptism without the Chrism. Vales.
• q 1.202

  Hence we may gather that Novatianus immediately received Priests Orders being never Or∣dained Deacon, or Subdeacon: which thing was at that time customary in the Church, as we may see in Origen and others. Vales.
• r 1.203

  Formerly Bishops could not Ordain Priests without the con∣sent of the Clergy, and People. Now concerning the requiring of the peoples votes in the Election of Presbyters, the Nicene Fathers themselves do evidence that, in their Synodical Epistle to the Bishops of Aegypt. Out of several places of that Epistle we may ga∣ther, that the consent of the people was required in the Ordination of Clergy men. The holy Fathers also in that same Epistle deprive those Bishops who adhered to Meletius the Schismatick, of all authority of proposing their names to the people, who were to be admitted into holy Orders, and onely granted it to those Bishops who were pure from all Schism. For, in those days, the Bishops gave up the names of them who were to be Ordain'd to the people, that if they had any thing to object against any of them, they might attest it openly; as we may read in the Sacramentarium of Gregory the great. There is also an excellent passage in S^t Chrysosto•••• ••pon this same thing in his 18^th Homily upon the 2^d Epistle of Paul to the Corinthians. We have the whole solemnity excellently describ'd in the Sacramentarium of Gregory the Great, pag. 236▪ upon which place consult the Annotations of that most learned man Hugo Menardus. Vales.
• s 1.204

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies a Degree or Order of them who have any Office in the Church. So Cornelius calls 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Presbytership. Eu∣sebius, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 very often use 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for the Dignitie of a Bishop▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies any degree whatsoever. Vales.
• t 1.205

  It was the proper du∣ty of the Priest to deliver the Eucharist, and the Cup into the hands of the Receivers. See Chry∣sostom's 46 Homily upon Mat∣thew: in the 2^• Council of Or∣leans, Chap. 15. the Deacons are forbid to presume to deliver the body of Christ to the belie∣vers, when the Priest is present. Vales.
• u 1.206

  Every oath has a curse an∣nexed to it, which though it is not al∣ways ex∣pressed (as in this place) yet may be ta∣citly under∣stood; which thing the Latine Transla∣tours did not take notice of, and hence they make 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to signifie▪ before he had devoted himself to him, (i. e.) as they supposed to Novati∣anus: but I had rather read it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 with George Syncellus. The meaning of the place then is this, that the unhappy man was not permitted to tast, before he had solemnly cursed himself. Vales.
• † 1.207

  This phrase [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, instead of saying Amen] has the same import with what Cornelius has said a little before, viz. [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, instead of blessing him.] For the faithfull (when they received the Eucharist from the hands of the priest) used to answer Amen, after the Priest, delivering the Sacrament, had said, The body of our Lord, &c. See Ambros. in his B. 4. Chap. 5. De Sa∣crament: Cyrill of Jerusalem, in his last Catechism: and August. B. 12. Chap. 10. against Faustus. Vales.
• x 1.208

  Concerning this Moses, a Presbyter of Rome, Cyprian in his E∣pistles does speak frequently. After the Martyrdom of Fabianus Bishop of Rome (who suffered Anno Christi 250) this Moses was apprehended, (together with Maximus the Presbyter and Nicostra∣tus the Deacon,) cast into prison, where after 1•• Months, and 11 days, he dyed. See Cyprian's 15^th Epistle to Moses and Maximus. Vales.
• y 1.209

  Moses being a Presbyter had no authority to excommunicate his fellow-Presbyters: all he could doe was to separate himself from their communion, when they came to visit him in prison. This phrase here [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. he deprived him of communion] the ancient writers frequently used, when they spake of those Pres∣byters, who abstained from communion with others. See Paulinus in the Life of S^t Ambros. Moses's depriving of Novatianus of com∣munion was, I suppose, done by him a little before his death. For at first Moses the Confessour had communion with Novatianus: and when the Clergy of Rome wrote that Epistle to Cyprian (which among Cyprian's Epistles is accounted the 31,) Moses then had communion with Novatianus▪ for both of them subscribed that Epistle. More∣over, Novatianus himself wrote an Epistle, as Cyprian attests in his E∣pistle to Antonianus: from which Epistle we may perceive the wit and eloquence of Novatianus; for that Epistle, we must confess, is a most elegant piece; and it was written when Moses had been a year in pri∣son, as may be collected from Cyprian's Epistles to Moses. Vales.
• z 1.210

  Who these five Presbyters were, who with Novatianus made a Schism, 'tis to me unknown. I can't think that Maximus the Presby∣ter and Confessour, who with Urbanus, Sidonius, Nicostratus, and the rest of the Confessours were reduced by Novatianus, adhered to his party any long time▪ For Maximus and the rest of the Confessors went over to Novatianus's party after Moses's death. Indeed Nova∣tianus separated himself from the Church before Moses's death, which happened in February, Decius 3, and Etruscus being Consuls: but the confessours did not betake themselves to Novatianus's ••ide till after Moses's death. So great was the power and authority of Moses. Be∣sides, 'tis evident the Confessours were not dismist of their imprison∣ment till Moses was dead; for why should they be freed rather than Moses? Therefore they became Novatianus's followers after Moses's death. One Maximus, name-sake to Maximus the Presbyter and Con∣fessour, seems to have been one of these five Presbyters; whom No∣vatianus sent as his messenger afterwards into Africa. Vales.
• a 1.211

  He means that none of the Clergy, or Laity, were moved with his entreaties so as to think him worthy of absolution. (For the people's suffrages were requi∣red when any one was to be re∣ceived into the Church, who for any fault had been excommuni∣cated.) And the Bishop himself sometimes asked the Consent of the people. The people also did often intercede for the penitents to the Bishop, as we may see in the preceding Chap. in the Epistle of Pope Cornelius to Fabian Bishop of Antioch. Vales.
• b 1.212

  Some one may perhaps ask why Serapion did not rather send for the Bishop, whose Office it was to reconcile penitents. The Bi∣shop had given this authority to the Presbyters for fear least he being absent any one should die without absolution and the Com∣munion. See Epiphanius in his Heresic of the Arrians. This cu∣stom of committing this authority to the Presbyters was usual in all great Cities. Vales.
• c 1.213

  This was the Decree of the African Synod about the same time that Dionysius wrote these things. Vales.
• d 1.214

  In the Savil, and Fuk. M. SS. before this word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] there are some words inserted which also Christophor. inserts in his translation: it may appear from this place that the Sacrament was delivered to such penitents in case of necessity, without the reconcilia∣tory imposition of hands. And this communion was called, the via∣ticum. See Canon the 77 and 78 of the 4^th Council of Carthage, and the 39^th Carton of the first Council of Arausica: this Communion was called also dispensatoria, because it was granted to dying peni∣tents, before the completion of the full time appointed for Repen∣tance, and if the penitent communicant recovered, it was perfected after his recovery by imposition, he compleating his time of repentance. Vales.
• e 1.215

  This that Dionysius here says concerning the giving of the Eu∣charist to the boy to carry to the sick person, ought not to seem strange, for it was frequently done a long time after; So that S^t U∣dalric thought it necessary expresly to prohibit it, in his Synodical speech which Gretser published together with the Life of Gre∣gory the seventh Chap. 20. But that which Gretser takes to be S^t U∣dalric's Oration, I found lately to be the Synodical Epistle of Rathe∣rius Bishop of Verona to his Clergy. And so 'tis intitled in the old Laudunensian M. S. Vales.
• f 1.216

  Rufinus translates this phrase 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 thus, he commanded it should be given him being dip∣ped. So the An∣tients us'd to dip the Consecra∣ted bread in water, as Adaman∣nus witnes∣seth in his 2^d book concerning the Miracles of S^t Columba, Cap. 6. And Bede also in the life of S^t Cuthbert, Chap. 31. and in his Poem upon the same man's life; and several other Ecclesiastick Writers. But the Eucha∣rists being put into the mouth of sick persons, is mentioned in the 76^th Canon of the 4^th Council of Carthage; which Canon is, concer∣ning sick persons, who desired repentance, but were speechless before the Priest came to them. See the contents of that Canon. Vales.
• g 1.217

  Langus, Wolfius and Musculus render 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in this place by the Latine word confiteri; which▪ in my opinion, is intolerable. Christoph. renders it, in numerum Confessorum referri, to be reckoned amongst the Confessours: which Translation▪ I like, if it be understood thus▪ referri •• Christo, to be reckoned by Christ. For Dionysius alludeth to Christ's words in the Gospel. He who shall confess me before men, him will I also confess before my Father, &c. Matth. 10. 32. Vales.
• a 1.218

  Hieronymus, in his Catalogue▪ where he relates the beginning of this Epistle, instead of Novatus more truly writes Novatianus. And so in George Syncellus's Chronicle we read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Rufinus says that Dio∣nysius wrote two Epistles after the same Copy; one to Novatus, an∣other to Novatianus; and at the end of Dionysius's Epistle to Nova∣tus, which Eusebius here rehears∣eth, he addes thus much, and he wrote these same words to Nova∣tianus: which words are no where found in the Greek Text. The Greek writers being deceived through the likeness of the names, make a confusion betwixt No∣vatus, and Novatianus, using them both to signifie one and the same person. Our Authour Eusebius is also guilty of this mistake. Vales.
• a 1.219

  Hierony∣mus in his book, con∣cerning the Ecclesiastick Writers, saith, that Dionysius wrote this Epistle about Repentance, and the order, or degree of sins, to the Ar∣menians. Vales.
• b 1.220

  Musculus and Christophor▪ translate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an horta∣tory Epistle; but not well; Eu∣sebius uses the same word in his former books. Vales.
• c 1.221

  In the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS. in∣stead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 he was Bishop of Armenia the less, as I think. Vales.
• d 1.222

  We must understand this News was written in the same Epistle▪ and not in another, as Christo∣phorson thinks. Vales.
• e 1.223

  Rufinus translates 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 de Mini∣steriis, as if the Epistle were so in∣titled, be∣cause it treated concerning the Mini∣sters of the Church. Jacobus G••ar, who published Georgius Syncellus, and illustrated him with his Notes, thinks that this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was a kind of an Ecclesiastick Epistle, as were the Synodical, the Dimissory Epistles, and the like: but I rather affent to Rufinus, that it was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because i•• treated concerning the Duty of a Deacon. Vales.