The history of the church from our Lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the Emperour Maricius Tiberius, or the Year of Christ 594 / as it was written in Greek, by Eusebius Pamphilius ..., Socrates Scholasticus, and Evagrius Scholasticus ... ; made English from that edition of these historians, which Valesius published at Paris in the years 1659, 1668, and 1673 ; also, The life of Constantine in four books, written by Eusibius Pamphilus, with Constantine's Oration to the convention of the saints, and Eusebius's Speech in praise of Constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; Valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into English, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes.

THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS. (Book 5)

The PREFACE.

MOreover, Soter Bishop of the Roman Church having presided there eight years, ended his life. In whose place succeeded Eleutherus, the twelfth from the Apostles. It was then the a 1.1 seventeenth year of the Emperour Antoninus Verus; at which time a more sharp persecution being in some parts of the world raised against us by a popular incursion throughout every City; how vast the number was of such persons as were dignified with Martyrdom over the whole world, may be conjectured from what happened in one Province. Which things were by accident put in writing and transmitted to posterity, as being truely worthy of an indelible remembrance. Now the Acts, which contain a most perfect and compleat account of these things, are set down entire in that Collection we made of the Martyrs; which comprehends not onely an Historical relation of what was done, but also Rules and Precepts of Piety and Holiness: But notwithstanding, we will from thence at present make a selection of such passages as are agreeable to the Subject we no whave in hand, and here insert them. Other Historians indeed have wholly made it their business to record in their works Warlike Victories, and Trophies erected against their conquered Enemies; the valour of Generals, and brave exploits of Souldiers, b••smeared with bloud, and polluted with innumerable slaughters, in defence of their Children, Countrey, and Estates: But we, who set forth the History of a Divine society of men, will record upon immortal Monuments, inscribed with indelible Characters, the most pacate Wars, waged for the obtaining of Spiritual peace; and the valiant Acts of those persons who in such encounters contended more for the Truth than their Countrey, and for Religion rather than their dearest Relations: publishing for the perpetual remembrance of posterity, the continued earnestness of those Champions who fought for Piety, their fortitude in undergoing manifold torments, the Trophies erected against the Devils, the victorious conquests obtained over invisible Adversaries, and last of all, their Crowns.

CHAP. I. How many, in the Reign of Verus, underwent most sore Persecution in France for Religion; and after what manner they suffered.

NOw France was the Countrey, wherein the place for performance of the forementi∣oned Combats was appointed. The chief Mother-cities whereof, (and which be more emi∣nently famous than the other Cities there,) are Ly∣ons and Vienna; through both which the river Rhone passes, encompassing with a great and rapid stream that whole Region. The Churches therefore that were most eminent in those parts sent an account in writing concerning their Martyrs to the Churches throughout Asia and Phrygia; relating, after this manner, what was done amongst them: For I will insert their very words:

a 1.2 The servants of Christ

which inhabit Vienna and Lyons in France, to the brethren throughout Asia and Phrygia, which have the same Faith and Hope of Redem∣ption with us; Peace, Grace, and Glory from God the Father, and from Christ Jesus our Lord.

Then, having after this by way of pre∣face premised some words, they begin their re∣lation with these:

Now the ••ore affliction a∣mongst us▪ the great rage of the heathens a∣gainst the Saints, and what the blessed Martyrs endured; we are neither able accurately to ex∣press, nor indeed can it be comprized in writing. For the adversary invaded us with his utmost vi∣gour, shewing forth even then his arrival a∣mongst us, and some beginnings of his future cruelty. For he left nothing unattempted, whilst by way of practise he prepared, and before hand exercised his ministers against the servants of God. So that we were not onely prohibited to come into b 1.3 private houses, the Baths, and the c 1.4 Forum, but it was also by them in∣terdicted that no one of us should at all appear in any place whatsoever. But the Grace of God fought for us against the Devil; which both defended such as were weak, and also set in array against him such men as, like pillars, were firm and immovable, who by reason of their patience in en∣during sufferings, might have been able to have pulled on themselves the whole force of the De∣vil. These persons en∣gaged him hand to hand, undergoing all manner of reproach and punishment; and, accounting the greatest sufferings to be small and trivial, they hastned unto Christ; truly demonstra∣ting, * 1.5 that the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us. First therefore they couragiously underwent whatsoever [a∣buses] were cumulated on them by the whole multitude, to wit, the shouts against them, the stripes, the draggings up and down, the taking away of their goods, the casting of stones at them, their being d 1.6 shut up within their own houses; and all things which an exasperated multitude doe usually undertake against their enemies and adversa∣ries: Then, being brought into the Forum by the Tri∣bune of the Souldiers and the e 1.7 Magistrates of the City, they were exami∣ned in the presence of the whole multitude; and▪ ha∣ving made their confession, were shut up in prison un∣till the arrival of the f 1.8 Pre∣sident. Afterwards, when they were brought be∣fore the Governour, (who exercised all manner of cruelty against us) g 1.9 Vettius Epagathus, one of the brethren, who had arrived to an immense degree of love to God and his neighbour; whose course of life had been so exact and accurate, that although he was a young man, yet he deserved the eloge of Zachariah Seniour; for he had walked in all the Commandments and Ordinances of the Lord, blameless, and was most ready to perform all good Offices towards his neighbour, being full of the zeal of God, and fervent in Spirit: This person, I say, being such an one, was not able to bear those so unjust procee∣dings against us, but was greatly moved with in∣dignation, and requested that he also might be heard to make a defence in behalf of the bre∣thren, [and to manifest] that there was nothing of impiety or irreligion amongst us. But when those about the Tribunal cried out against him, (for he was an eminent personage,) and when the Governour refused the request so justly pro∣posed by him, and onely ask't him whether he also were a Christian; he confest it with a most loud voice, and was received into the number of the Martyrs, being termed by the Governour the Advocate of the Christians: But he had with∣in himself an Advocate, to wit, the holy Spirit, in a greater degree than h 1.10 Zacharias had; which he evidently manifested by his abundant love, in that he was well contented to deposite his own life for the defence of the brethren. For he was, and is, a genuine disciple of Christ, following the Lamb whit hersoever he go∣eth. Then others i 1.11 were diligently proved and exa∣mined; and they were il∣lustrious and ready proto-Martyrs, who with all ala∣crity of mind accomplished the solemn confession of Martyrdom. Moreover, those who were unpre∣pared, unexercised, as yet weak, and unable to under∣goe the severity of so great a combat, were then ap∣parent: of whom about ten in number fell away, which was the occasion of great grief and im∣measurable sorrow to us, and disturbed that alacri∣ty of mind in others who were not yet apprehen∣ded; who although they suffered all sorts of mi∣sery, yet were present with the Martyrs, and de∣parted not from them. At that time we were all in a great consternation of mind, because we were dubious about the [perseverance of such as were to] confess [themselves to be Christians;] not that we feared the torments that were to be inflicted, but, revolving in our minds the issue of affairs, we were fearfull least any one should fall

off from the faith. Now there were daily taken such as were worthy to fill up their number; so that those, who were most eminent in k 1.12 both the Churches, and by whom especially matters here had been settled, were all pickt out and appre∣hended. Some Heathens also, our servants, were seized upon; (for the President did in publick give command that we should all be diligently search't out;) which per∣sons, by reason of the treachery of Satan, being afraid of the torments which they saw the Saints under∣go, the Souldiers inciting them thereto, raised lyes against us, and reported that we used the suppers of l 1.13 Thyestes, and the ince∣stuous carnal copulation of m 1.14 Oedipus, and such other things as 'tis neither lawfull for us to utter, nor to think of, nor to believe, that any such fact was ever commit∣ted among men. These stories being spread a∣broad, all persons were enraged against us; in so much, that if there were any who before had been moderate to∣wards us by reason of affinity or friendship; even these were then greatly displeased with, and mightily incensed against, us. Thus was fulfilled that which our Lord had said, that the time shall come wherein * 1.15 whosoever killeth you, will think that he doeth God good service. From thenceforth therefore the holy Martyrs under∣went such torments as are inexpressible and above all declaration: Satan endeavouring with much earnestness that some slanderous and re∣proachfull words might be uttered by n 1.16 them also. But the whole rage both of the multitude, of the President, and of the Souldiers did in a more violent manner fall upon o 1.17 Sanctus, of Vienna, a Deacon, and upon Ma∣turus, a person indeed who had been lately baptized, but yet proved a coura∣gious Champion of Christ; upon Attalus also, by coun∣trey a Pergamenian, who al∣ways was a pillar and prop of the Churches here; and lastly upon Blandina; by whom Christ demonstra∣ted, that those things which among men seem vile, ob∣scure, and despicable, are by God accounted worthy of great honour, by reason of the love shown to him, which is actually and powerfully manifested, and not in pretence and shew boasted of. For when we were all afraid, and she that was her mistress after the flesh (who also was one of the Champions of the Martyrs) feared, least, by reason of the imbecillity of her body, she should not be able with boldness and freeness to make her confession: Blandina was supplied with so great strength, that those who by turns tortu∣red her all the time from morning till evening, be∣came feeble and weak; and confest themselves overcome, having nothing further to doe to her; they admired also that she yet continued to breathe, her whole body having been mangled and pierced through; and they attested, that one sort of torture was sufficient to have bereaved her of life, much more so many and so great tor∣ments. But this blessed woman, like a coura∣gious Champion, recovered fresh supplies of strength during her confession: and it was a refreshment, and an ease to her, and abated the pain of those torments that were inflicted on her, to pronounce these words, to wit, I am a Christian, and there is nothing of wickedness acted amongst us. But Sanctus, having in an extraordinary, and more than humane, manner, couragiously endured all the torments men could invent, (the impious wretches hoping by rea∣son of the continuedness and exquisiteness of his torments to have heard some undecent expres∣sions from him,) withstood them with so great a degree of courage, that he declared neither his own name, nor that of his Countrey, nor of the City where he was born, nor yet whether he were a servant or a freeman: but to all the inter∣rogatories, he made answer in the Roman tongue, I am a Christian: this he declared time after time successively, instead of [acknowledging] his name, his City, his kindred, or any thing else: neither could the Heathens get any other words out of him. Upon which account the rage both of the President and of the tormentours a∣gainst him was exceeding great, and their en∣deavours to master him were obstinate and earnest. Insomuch that when they had nothing further to torture him with, at last they clapt plates of brass that were red hot upon the most tender members of his body; which parts of his body were burnt indeed; but he stood up∣right without bending of himself at all, was in∣vincible, and continued stedfast and constant in his confessions; being bedewed and strengthened with that celestial fountain of living water which flowed out of the * 1.18 belly of Christ. His body was a sufficient evidence of what had happened, being all over full of wounds, and prints of stripes, p 1.19 bowed and drawn together, and having lost the external form and shape of a man: in which Christ suffering accom∣plished therein great glo∣ry, vanquishing the ad∣versary and demonstrating for the information of others, that there is nothing formidable where the love of the father is, nor any pain where the glory of Christ is present. For when those im∣pious wretches some few days after began again to torture the Martyr, and supposed that if they should make use of the same torments whilst his body was swelled and the q 1.20 wounds thereof in∣flamed, either they might master him, when he could not indure to be touch't by hands, or that he would die under his torments and so strike a terrour into others: not onely no such thing happened concerning him, but also, contrary to the opinion of all men, his body became erect and was repaired in these latter tortures; and he recovered his former shape, and the use of his limbs. So that his being tormented the second time was not a punishment to him, but by the grace of Christ proved to be his r••medy. More∣over, the devil caused one Biblias to be brought forth to punishment, (being one of those who had renounced Christ,) whom he supposed to

be by him already devoured, but was further desirous to have her condemned of blasphemy, constraining her, being now weak and not coura∣gious, to utter some impious expressions con∣cerning us. But she came to her self again at the time of her being tortured, and (as we may so speak,) was awaked out of her profound sleep, being by the present punishment reminded of the eternal torments in hell; and she re∣turned a contradictory an∣swer to r 1.21 those that slaun∣dred us, saying, how should such persons eat little chil∣dren, for whom 'tis un∣lawfull to eat the bloud even of irrational creatures. From that instant she con∣fest her self to be a Chri∣stian, and was added to the number of the Martyrs. But when the punishments of those tyrannous persons were rendred inef∣fectual by Christ, through the patient sufferance of the blessed Martyrs, the devil invented other subtil devices, to wit, the imprisonments of them in darkness, and in the most noisome parts of the prison, the stretching of their feet in the s 1.22 stocks, which were strained to the fifth hole, and such other sorts of punishment as enraged ministers (and therefore full of the devil) doe usually provide for those that are shut up in prison. So that many were suffocated in prison, whom the Lord, manifesting his own glory, was pleased should after that manner depart out of this life. For some (who had been so cruelly tortured, that in all likelyhood they could not possibly live any lon∣ger, although they should have had all methods of cure administred to them,) continued in prison; desti∣tute indeed of humane as∣sistance, but corroborated by the Lord, and strengthen∣ed in body and mind, who also encouraged and com∣forted the rest: But others who were young, and newly apprehended, whose bodies had not before been accustomed to en∣dure tortures, were not able to bear the bur∣then of confinement, but died in prison. Now the blessed Pothinus, who was entrusted with the administration of the Episcopal Office in Lyons, being above the age of ninety years, and very infirm of body, scarce able indeed to draw his breath by reason of his present bodily imbecillity, but corroborated with alacrity of mind through an earnest desire of an approach∣ing Martyrdom; He, I say, was also haled to the Tribunal: his body indeed was both by age and also by his distemper decayed and spent, but his life was preserved in him, that Christ might triumph thereby. He, being carried to the Tribunal by the Souldiers, the Magistrates of the City accompanying him, and the whole multitude raising shouts of all sorts against him, (as if he had been Christ,) exhibited a good testimony: but being asked by the President who was the God of the Christians, he replied, if you be worthy, you shall know. After this answer, he was drag'd up and down after a most inhumane manner, and suffered various sorts of blows and stripes; both those who were neer, exercised all manner of injurious usage to∣wards him with hands and feet, shewing no reverentiall respect to his age; and such as were at a distance cast at him whatever each person had ready at hand: yea, they all accoun∣ted it to be a great offence and an impiety, should any one have been deficient in his inso∣lent usage of him. For by this means they thought they should revenge their gods. And when there was scarce any breath left in him, he was cast into prison, where after two days he expited. But here there came to pass a sin∣gular dispensation of Gods providence, and the immense mercy of Jesus was demonstrated; [an instance whereof] has indeed rarely hap∣pened among the Brotherhood, but which was not at all disagreeable to the skill, and dexterity of Christ. For those who, upon their being first apprehended, renounced the Faith, were themselves also confined to prison, and partook of the same miseries which the Martyrs under∣went: for their denial of the Faith was not in any wise beneficiall to them at that juncture of time. But those who confest themselves to be what they really were, were imprisoned as Chri∣stians, no other crimination being laid to their charge: but these were kept in custody, as being, besides that, murderers and wicked per∣sons, and underwent double the punishment that others did. For the joy of Martyrdom, the hope of the Promises, the Love to Christ, and the Spirit of the Father comforted those: but their conscience did heavily torture these; in so much that * 1.23 in their passage from the prison to the Tribunal their countenances might be ma∣nifestly known and distinguished from all the rest. For those came forth chearfully, their countenances being intermixt with very much of majesty and pleasantness: in so much that their fetters encompassed them with a beautifull comliness, like a bride bedeck't with fringes of gold † 1.24 wrought about with divers colours: and moreover they yielded a scent of the sweet savour of Christ; so that some thought they were anointed with terrestrial oyntment. But these had a dejected countenance, look't unplea∣santly and illfavoured, and were filled with all manner of deformity: moreover they were re∣viled by the very Heathens, as being cowardous and unmanly; having indeed procured them∣selves the crimination of murderers, but lost that most honourable, glorious, and vivifick appel∣lation [of Christians.] Which things when the rest beheld; they were made stedfast; and such as were apprehended did without any thing of dubiousness confess themselves to be Christians, entertaining not the least thought of diabolical consideration.

To these, having interposed some words, they again add, saying,—

Afterwards therefore, their Martyrdoms were divided into all sorts of death: for, having platted one Crown of different colours, and of all sorts of flowers, they offered it to the Father. It was indeed fit, that those couragious Champions, who had under∣gone a various combat, and been egregious con∣querours, should receive the invaluable Crown of incorruption. Maturus therefore, and Sanctus, and Blandina, and Attalus were brought before the wild-beasts into the t 1.25 Amphitheatre, and into

the publick place, where the inhumanity of the Heathens was exhibited; * 1.26 a day for fighting with the wild-beasts being granted purposely upon the account of those of our Religion. And Ma∣turus, and Sanctus, did a∣gain undergoe all sorts of torments in the Amphithe∣atre, as if they had before suffered nothing at all: but the rather, because having already subdued the adver∣sary in many x 1.27 encounters, and being now to engage in a Combat for the Crown it self, they again under∣went such stripes in their passage thither as are custo∣marily inflicted; the being torn and drag'd up and down by the wild-beasts; and whatever else the en∣raged people, some from one place some from ano∣ther, called aloud for, and commanded; and in fine, the Iron chair, upon which their bodies being broyled, filled their noses with the offensive smell of burnt flesh. Neither did they make an end of their cruel∣ty thus, but were yet more fiercely enraged, being de∣sirous to overcome the pa∣tient sufferance of the Mar∣tyrs: But they heard no o∣ther expression from San∣ctus, save that which he had usually uttered all a∣long from the beginning of his confession. These two persons therefore, af∣ter they had continued a∣live a long while under the sufferings of a mighty com∣bat, at last were slain; ha∣ving been made a spectacle to the world throughout that day, instead of all that variety which is exhibi∣ted in the combats of the Gladiatours. But Blan∣dina, being hung upon a piece of wood fixt in the ground, was proposed as food for the wild-beasts to prey upon; who also, (in that she seemed to hang in the form of a Cross,) by her strong and earnest prayer, implanted much alacrity upon the minds of those that were combatants; when they saw (whilst they were undergoing their suffer∣ings,) even with their out∣ward eyes, under the per∣son of their sister, Him who was therefore crucified for them, that he might perswade those which be∣lieve in him, that whosoever suffers for the glory of Christ hath eternal communion with the living God. Now when none of the wild∣beasts would then touch her, she was taken from the stake, and cast again into prison, being reserved for another combat: that so, having been y 1.28 Conquerour in many incounters, she might render the condemnation of the crooked Serpent inexcusable; also she encouraged the brethren, and though she was a person of small esti∣mation, infirm, and despi∣cable, yet having clothed herself with the strength of Christ that great and invincible Champion, she vanquished the adversary in many encounters; and, after a glorious combat, was encircled with a Crown of incorruption. Attalus also was by the multitude most earnestly required to be delivered up to punishment, for he was an emi∣nent person, and by reason of the clearness of his conscience proceeded forth like a Champion prepared for the combat, in that he had been perfectly and throughly exercised in the Chri∣stian discipline, and was always a witness of the truth amongst us: and after he had been z 1.29 lead round the Amphi∣theatre, (a table being car∣ried before him whereon was written in the Roman tongue, This is Attalus the Christian,) and the people had vehemently swell'd with rage and a••∣ger against him; the Presi∣dent having understood that he was a Roman, comman∣ded he should again be com∣mitted to custody amongst the rest that were in prison. Concerning whom he wrote to Caesar, and expected an Edict from him. Now, this interval of time was spent neither idly, nor un∣fruit••ully by them, but by their patient sufferance, the immeasurable mercy of Christ was made apparent: for those members of the Church that were dead, were by the living revived; and the Martyrs conferred * 1.30 kindnesses upon those who were no Martyrs; and there was a great joy begotten in the Virgin Mother [the Church;] she having again received those alive, whom by abortion she had cast forth as dead. For through the means of the holy Martyrs many of those who had renounced the faith, were newly formed in the womb, born again, had their vital heat rekindled in them, and learned to confess themselves to be Christians. And ha∣ving now recovered life and strength, they came before the tribunal, (God, who desireth not the death of a sinner but is indulgent and kindly in∣vites him to repentance, a 1.31 in••using a sweetness in∣to them) that they might again be interrogated by the President. For Caesar had signified by his Re∣script, that those [who confest themselves to be Christians,] should be b 1.32 tortured; but if any re∣nounced the Faith, they

should be dismist from their imprisonment. Now, the publick c 1.33 Assembly here (which is frequented by a numerous concourse of people of all nations that meet together at it) being newly begun, [the President] ordered the blessed Martyrs to be brought before the Tribunal, ma∣king them a gazing-stock, and, by way of ostenta∣tion, producing them as a pompous shew to the multitude. When there∣fore he had again interro∣gated them, as many as were found to have the priviledge▪ of being free of the City of Rome, he or∣dered should be beheaded; the rest were cast to the wild-beasts. But Christ was greatly glorified through those who formerly had renounced the Faith, but then (contrary to the expectation of the Heathens) became to be Confessours: for these persons were interrogated apart, as being, in all probability, forthwith to be set at liberty; but, having confess't themselves to be Chri∣stians, they were added to the d 1.34 number of the Martyrs. Now, they continued without, who never had the least impression of Faith, nor a sense of the Wedding garment, nor a thought about the fear of God; but by their conversa∣tion defamed the way of Truth, that is, were the sons of perdition: But all the rest were added to the Church; during whose examination, one A∣lexander, by countrey a Phrygian, by profes∣sion a Physitian, a person who had dwelt many years in the Gallia's, and was known almost to all men by reason of his love to God, and his boldness and fearlesness in Preaching his word, (for he wanted not Apostolick grace;) standing near to the Tribunal, and by nods en∣couraging them to a confession of the Faith, ap∣peared to those who stood round the Tribunal as if he endured the * 1.35 pangs of childbirth: now the multitude being in a great sume, because those, who had before renounc't the Faith, did now again make confession of it, cried out against Alexander, as if he were the occasion thereof: and the President (having commanded him to be e 1.36 set before him, and asked him who he was, and he having said that he was a Christian) being in a rage, condemned him to be cast to the wild-beasts. And the day following he entred the Amphitheatre together with Attalus; (for the Pre∣sident, to gratifie the multitude, did again deliver Attalus to the wild-beasts:) which two persons, having undergone all the instruments of torment in the Amphitheatre, that were invented to tor∣ture them with, and endured a great combat, were at last f 1.37 run through with a sword. Alex∣ander indeed did neither sigh, nor utter any ex∣pression at all; but in his heart spoke to God, and continued praysing of, and praying to him: but Attalus, when he was set in the Iron chair, and scortched all over, (when the favour of his burnt flesh ascended from his body,) said to the multitude in the Roman tongue, behold, this that you doe, is to devour men; but we neither devour men, nor practise any other thing that is evill: being asked also what name God had, he answered, God has not a name, as man has. In fine, after all these persons, on the g 1.38 last day of the Gladiatours combats, Blandina was again brought forth, together with Ponticus a youth about fifteen years old; (who also were e∣veryday led in, to see the tortures of the rest) and they constrained them to swear by their Idols: but because they continued firm and constant, and contem∣ned their gods, the multi∣tude was so enraged against them, that they neither had compassion on the age of the young man, nor shewed any reverential respect towards the Sex of the woman, but exposed them to all manner of cruell tortures, and made them pass through the whole circuit of torments, now and then com∣pelling them to swear, but were unable to effect that. For Ponticus, being encouraged by his sister, (insomuch that the Heathens perceived it was ••he that encouraged and strengthened him) ha∣ving couragiously undergone all sorts of tor∣tures, gave up the ghost. But the blessed Blan∣dina, the last of all, having like a noble and va∣liant mother encouraged her children, and sent them before as conquerors to the King; af∣ter she had measured over the same course of Combats that her sons had passed through, hastned to them, being glad, and rejoycing at her exit, as if she had been invited to a nuptial supper, and were not to be cast to the wild∣beasts. And after she had been scourged, ex∣posed to the fury of the wild-beasts, and set in the h 1.39 Iron-chair, at last she was inclosed in a net, and thrown before a i 1.40 Bull: by which beast after she had been very much tossed, (ha∣ving been all along wholly insensible of the tortures she underwent, because of her hope and her retaining a firm assent to those things she believed, and also by reason of her familiar con∣verse in prayer with Christ,) she also was run through with a sword: and the very Heathens themselves con∣fessed, that there never was any woman among them, which suffered so many and so great tor∣tures. But their rage and cruelty towards the saints was not thus satiated: for the Savage and Barbarous Nations, having been stirred up by that k 1.41 fierce wild-beast, could not without great difficulty be appeased; but their cruelty was begun afresh, in a new and peculiar manner▪ a∣gainst the bodies of the Saints. For they were so far from being ashamed that they had been vanquished by the Martyrs (because they were destitute of humane reason and consideration,) that their rage was more enkindled; both the President and also the people (like a fierce beast) most unjustly demonstrating the same degree of hatred against us: that the Scripture might be fulfilled, l 1.42 He that is unjust, let him be unjust still,

and he that is righteous, let him be righteous still. For those who had been suffocated in pri∣son, they cast to the dogs; watching continually night and day, least any of us should interre them; then, having exposed the pieces of the bodies, as well what were left undevoured by the wild∣beasts, as what remained unconsumed by the fire, partly torn, and partly burnt, also the heads of the rest together with their trunks, they kept them likewise unburied with a guard of Soul∣diers for the space of many days. And some were full of indignation, and gnashed their teeth at the dead, being desirous to take some further revenge of them. Others insulted over and derided them, extolling their Idols, and attri∣buting the punishment of the Martyrs to them. But those that were more mild, and who seemed in some measure to sympathize with us, up∣braided us very much, saying, where is their God? and what emolument hath this Religion brought them, which they preferred before their own lives? And such variety was there in the Heathens behaviour towards us; but we were affected with a great grief, because we could not hide the bodies in the earth: for neither was the night assistant to us therein, m 1.43 neither would money perswade them, nor could our prayers induce them to grant our request: but they watched the bodies with all imaginable care and diligence, as if they were to gain some great matter, if they should not be buried.

After these words, having interposed some other expres∣sions, they proceed, saying,

The Bodies there∣fore of the Martyrs, having undergone all man∣ner of ignominious usage, and being exposed in the open air for six days space, were afterwards burnt; and being reduced to ashes, were by those impious wretches n 1.44 swept into the River Rhone which runs hard by; that so no remains of them might be any longer visible upon earth. And this they did, as if they were able to have vanquished God, and deprive them of a resurrection; that so (as they said) they might have no hope of rising again; of which being fully perswaded, they introduce a strange and new Religion a∣mongst us, and, contemning the most exquisite torments, doe readily, and with alacrity of mind willingly undergoe death. Let us now see whether they shall rise again, and whether their God is able to assist them, and deliver them out of our hands.

CHAP. II. How the Martyrs beloved of God, kindly recei∣ving such as fell away in the persecution, wrought a cure upon them.

SUch were the Calamities which befell the Churches of Christ, in the times of the foresaid Emperour; from which may be conjectured what also was done in the other Provinces. It is worth our adjoyning hereto some other words out of the same Epistle, whereby the meekness and humanity of the forementioned Martyrs is described in these very words;

Who also were so far followers and imitatours of Christ, (* 1.45 who being in the form of God, thought it not robbery to be equal with God,) that although they were in such an height of glory, and had suffered as Martyrs not once, nor twice, but often, and had been taken from the wild-beasts and a 1.46 committed again to prison, although they had the marks of fire, the scars of stripes, and wounds all over their bodies; yet they neither declared themselves to be Martyrs, nor would they suffer us to call them by that name. But if at any time any one of us, either by letter, or in discourse, termed them Martyrs, they reproved us sharply. For they readily allowed the appellation of Martyr to Christ, (who is the faithfull and true witness, and the first begotten of the dead, and the Prince of the life of God;) they commemorated also those Martyrs who were already departed this life, and said, those are now Martyrs, whom Christ vouchsafed to assume whilst they were making their confession, he having sealed their Martyrdom by their death: but we are mean and humble Confessours: and with tears they be∣seeched the brethren, entreating them, that ear∣nest prayers might be made that they might be perfected: they also in reality demonstrated the power and efficacy of Martyrdom, using much freedom of speech in their answers before all the Heathens, and manifested their excellency by their patient sufferance, fearlesness, and un∣daunted courage: but they refused the appella∣tion of Martyrs given them by the brethren, having been filled with the fear of God.

Again, after some few words, they say;

They humbled themselves under the mighty hand, by which they are now highly exalted: then also b 1.47 they excused themselves to all men, but accused none; they loosed all men, and bound none; yea they prayed for those who tortured them, as did Stephen that perfect Mar∣tyr, [saying,] * 1.48 Lord, lay not this sin to their charge. Now if he prayed for those who stoned him, how much more [is it credible that he prayed] for the brethren?

Again also, after some other words, they say;

For this was the greatest encounter they had with the devil, to wit, upon account of their genuine and sincere cha∣rity; because the Serpent, being strangled, vo∣mited up those alive, whom he supposed he had digested. They did not proudly triumph over those that fell; but bestowed, on such as were in∣digent, those good things with which they aboun∣ded, having motherly bowels of compassion, pou∣ring forth many tears for them before [God] the father. They asked life, and he gave it them; which also they imparted to their friends; being Victours c 1.49 over all, they went to God: having always loved peace, and continually exhorted [us] to it, they departed in peace to God; lea∣ving no grief to their mother, no faction nor dissention amongst the brethren, but joy, peace, concord, and love.

Let thus much be here pro∣fitably placed, concerning the affection of these blessed persons towards those of the brethren that fell; upon account of the inhumane and merciless disposition of d 1.50 those, who afterwards behaved themselves most cruelly towards the members of Christ.

CHAP. III. What a Vision appeared to the Martyr Attalus in his sleep.

MOreover, the same Epistle of the foremen∣tioned Martyrs, contains also another re∣lation worthy to be remembred; which, for the in∣formation of the Readers, we will very willingly in∣sert: Thus it is:

For when Alcibiades, one of the Martyrs, (who led an austere course of life, and in the foregoing part of his life hitherto had fed on nothing at all, but onely made use of bread and water,) attempted to lead the same course of life during his imprisonment; it was revea∣led to Attalus (after the first combat which he finished in the Amphitheatre) that Alcibiades did not well, in his not making use of Gods creatures, and leaving an example of scandall to others. But Alcibiades submitted, fed on all meats afterwards promiscuously, and gave God thanks: For they were not destitute of the grace of God, but the holy Spirit was their directour.

These things were after this manner. Now, when Montanus, a 1.51 Alcibiades, and Theodotus, began, then first of all, to be lookt upon in the opinion of most men as Pro∣phets; (for very many mi∣racles of divine grace, at that time wrought in many Chur∣ches, made most men believe, that they also were Pro∣phets;) and when there a∣rose a dissention concerning these foresaid persons; The brethren that were in Gallia did again sub∣joyn their private opinion also concerning these men, (which was Religious and most Orthodox,) and annexed several Epistles of those Martyrs that had ended their lives amongst them, which, being yet in bonds, they wrote to the brethren in Asia and Phrygia, and also to b 1.52 Eleutherus then the Bishop of Rome, being c 1.53 Embassadours for the peace of the Church.

CHAP. IV. How the Martyrs, by their Epistle, recommended Irenaeus.

BUt the same a 1.54 Martyrs recommended b 1.55 Ire∣naeus (who at that time was a Presbyter of the Church at Lyons) to the forementioned Bishop of Rome, giving the man a very good te∣stimony, as their own words doe manifest, which are these;

We pray that you may in all things and always rejoyce in God, Father c 1.56 Eleutherus; we have entreated Irenaeus our brother and com∣panion to bring you these letters, and we beseech you that you would have him recommended, being a follower of the testament or covenant of Christ. For if we knew that place would pro∣cure any man righteousness, we would chiefly have recommended him as being Presbyter of the Church, which degree he is of.

What need we recount the Catalogue of the Martyrs in the foresaid Epistle; some whereof were perfected by being beheaded, others were cast for food to the wild beasts▪ and others again dyed in prison? Or what need we reckon up the number of the con∣fessours which till that time survived? For he that is desirous, may easily and fully know all these things by taking into his hands that Epistle, which, as I said, is inserted entire into our collection of the Martyrs. And such were the things that hap∣pened in Antoninus's time.

CHAP. V. How God, having from heaven heard the prayers of some of our Religion, sent rain to Marcus Aurelius Caesar.

REport says, that when a 1.57 M. Aurelius Caesar, brother to this Emperour, had drawn up his men in Battalia, in order to a fight against the Germans and Sarmatians, his army was brought into so great a streight by reason of thirst, that he knew not what course to take: and that the Soul∣diers of the Legion of b 1.58 Me∣litina, (so it was called, * 1.59 which Legion, upon account of their faith, has continued from that time hitherto,) kneeling down upon the ground (whilst the Army was setting in aray against the enemy) according to our usual custom in prayer▪ be∣took themselves to the ma∣king supplications to God. Which sight seeming very strange to their Adversaries, report says, that there soon after followed another thing much more wonderfull; ta wit, both a terrible Light∣ning, which put the Enemy to flight and destroyed them; and also a great shower of rain, which fell upon that Army who had prayed to God, and refreshed it, when all the men in it were just ready to perish with thirst. Which story is related both by those Writers, (who are wholly estranged from our Religion,) whose care it was to commit to writing matters done in those times; and 'tis also set forth by our own writers. But the c 1.60 Heathen Historians, because they are ali∣enated

from the Faith, have mentioned the wonder indeed, but confess not that it was done by the prayers of those of our Religion. But our men, in that they are lovers of Truth, have delivered what was done in a plain and ingenuous manner. Amongst which number is Apollinaris; who says, from that time that Legion, which by prayer had wrought that miracle, had a name given it by the Emperour accommodate to what was done, being called in the Roman tongue d 1.61 Fulminea. Tertullian also is a witness of this matter worthy to be cre∣dited, who dedicated to the Roman Senate an Apo∣logie for our faith, (which we have before made mention of;) wherein he confirms this story by a greater and more manifest demonstration. Thus therefore he writes, saying, e 1.62 that the Letters of the most intelligent Emperour Marcus were extant in his time, wherein he attests, that his Army in Germany, being ready to perish for want of water, was preserved by the Christians prayers. He says moreover, that this Emperour threatned those with death, who attempted to accuse them of our Religion. To which the forementioned Writer adds these words also.

f 1.63 What-manner of Laws therefore are these, which the impious, unjust, and cruel persons bring against us? such Laws as Vespasian did not observe, although he had conquered the Jews; which Trajan in part disanulled, forbidding that the Christians should be sought for; which neither Adrian, (although an inquisitive searcher into all things that were curious,) nor he who was surnamed Pius, did make authentick.

But let every one determine concerning these things according to his own pleasure; we will proceed upon the Series of the subsequent parts of our History. Pothinus therefore having finished his life, (together with those that suffered Martyrdom in Gallia,) when he was ninety years old compleat, g 1.64 Irenaeus suc∣ceeded in the Bishoprick of Lyons, which See Po∣thinus presided over. This Irenaeus was, we un∣derstand, an auditour of Polycarps in his younger years. This person setting down (in his third book against Heresies) the succession of the Bishops of Rome, closes his Catalogue with Eleu∣therus, (whose times and actions we now make our researches into) because in his time he com∣piled that elaborate work; he writes thus.

CHAP. VI. A Catalogue of those who were Bishops of Rome.

THe blessed Apostles therefore, having foun∣ded and built the Church, delivered the Episcopal Office to Linus; of whom Paul has made mention in his Epistles to * 1.65 Timotheus. A∣nencletus succeeded him; after whom, in the third place from the Apostles, Clemens had the Bishop∣rick allotted to him; who had seen the blessed Apostles, and was conversant with them; and as yet he had the preaching of the Apostles sounding in his ears, and their tradition before his eyes: and not he alone; for at that time there were many yet remaining alive, who had been taught by the Apostles.

In the times of this Clemens, when no small dissension rose among the brethren at Corinth, the Church of Rome sent a most compleat and agreeable Epistle to the Corin∣thians, joyning them together in peace, and re∣newing their faith, and the tradition they had lately received from the Apostles. And after some few words he says,

Evarestus succeeded this Clemens, and Alexander Evarestus; then Xystus was constituted the sixth from the Apostles: after him Telesphorus, who suffered a glorious Mar∣tyrdom; after him Hyginus; then Pius; after Pius Anicetus: Soter having succeeded Ani∣cetus, Eleutherus is now in possession of the Episcopal Office, in the twelfth place from the Apostles. In this same order and a 1.66 succession, both the tradition of the Apostles in the Church, and also the promulgation of the truth, is de∣scended unto us.

CHAP. VII. That, even to those times, miracles were wrought by the faithfull.

ALl this, being agreeable to what we have de∣livered in the foregoing Books of our Hi∣story, Irenaeus has given his assent to in those five books of his, which he entitled The Confutation and Overthrow of Knowledge falsly so called; in the second book of which Subject he does in these words manifest, that even in his days there re∣mained in some Churches examples of the divine and wonderfull power of God in working mi∣racles, saying;

So far are they from raising the dead, as the Lord and the Apostles did by prayer. And frequently amongst the brother∣hood, (the whole Church of one place having with much fasting and a 1.67 prayer requested) the

soul of the defunct has returned into his body, and the man has had the benefit of life conferred upon him by the prayers of the Saints.

And again, after the interposition of some words, he says;

But if they say, that the Lord wrought such mi∣racles as these in appearance only, not really, we will bring them to the oracles of the Prophets, and from thence demonstrate that all things were thus predicted concerning him, and most un∣doubtedly done by him, and that he onely is the Son of God. Therefore they which are his true disciples, receiving grace from him, doe in his name perform all things for the benefit of the rest of mankind, according as every one of them hath received the gift from him. For some of them do certainly and truely cast out devils; in so much that those very persons, who were clean∣sed from evil spirits, frequently become believers, and continue in the Church. Others have the fore-knowledge of things future, and visions, and utter prophetick predictions. Others by the imposition of their hands heal the sick, and re∣store them to their former soundness: and more∣over, as we said, the dead also have been raised, who continued with us many years after. What shall we say more? We cannot declare the num∣ber of the gifts, which the Church throughout the whole world having received from God, in the name of Jesus Christ who was crucified under Pontius Pilate, does daily perform for the benefit of the Nations; She uses no deceit towards any person, neither does she sell her gifts: for as she has freely received them from God, so she freely ministers them to others.

And in another place the same Authour writes thus;

In like manner as we have heard many brethren in the Church who had prophetick gifts, and by the Spirit spoke all sorts of languages; who also revealed the se∣crets of men, in such cases as 'twas profitable and necessary, and explained the mysteries of God. And thus much [concerning this mat∣ter, to wit] that diversities of gifts continued with such as were worthy, untill those times be∣fore manifested.

CHAP. VIII. After what manner Irenaeus makes mention of the divine Scriptures.

BUt because in the beginning of this work of ours, we promised, that we would produce in due place the words of the ancient Ecclesiastick Presbyters and Writers, wherein they have deli∣vered in writing the traditions concerning the books of the Old and New Testament which came to their hands, (a 1.68 of which number Irenaeus was one;) Come on, we will here ad∣joyn his words; and first what he has said of the sa∣cred Gospels, after this man∣ner;

Matthew published his Gospel among the Hebrews, written in their own Language, whilest Peter and Paul were Preaching the Gospel at Rome, and founding the Church. b 1.69 After their death, Mark the disciple and interpreter of Peter, delivered to us in wri∣ting what Peter had Preached. Luke also, the follower of Paul, compiled in a book the Go∣spel Preach't by him. Afterwards John the disciple of the Lord, he that leaned on his breast, publisht a Gospel, when he lived at Ephesus [a City] of Asia.

Thus much the foremen∣tioned Authour has said in the third book of the foresaid work: And in his fifth book he discourses thus concerning the Revelation of John, and the number of Antichrist's name,

These things be∣ing thus, and this number being extant in all ac∣curate and antient copies, and those very per∣sons who saw John face to face, attesting the truth of these things, even reason doth teach us, that the number of the beasts name according to the computation of the Grecians, is made appa∣rent by the letters contained in it.

And after some other passages, he speaks thus concerning the same John,

We therefore will not run the ha∣zard of affirming any thing too positively con∣cerning the name of Antichrist; for if his name were to have been openly declared in this age, it would have been express't by him who saw the Revelation. For it was not seen long since, but almost in our age, about the end of Domi∣tian's Reign.

Thus much is related by the foresaid Authour concerning the Revelation: He mentions also the first Epistle of John, and pro∣duces many authorites out of it; as also out of the second Epistle of Peter. He not onely knew, but also approved of the book, called Pastor▪ saying,

Truly therefore hath that book said, which con∣tains this, Before all things believe that there is one God, who created and set in order all things, and so forth.

He quotes some words out of the c 1.70 Wisedom of Solomon, say∣ing in a manner thus;

The vision of God procures in∣corruption, and incorrupti∣on makes us neer unto God.

He makes mention also of the d 1.71 sayings of an Apostolick Presbyter, (whose name he has concealed,) and annexes his expositions of the divine Scriptures. Moreover, he makes mention of Justin Martyr and Ignatius, quoting also authorities out of their writings. The same person has promised to confute Marcion, in a separate Volume, by argu∣ments pickt out of his own writings. And concerning the translation of the divinely inspired Scriptures, hear what he writes word for word,

God there∣fore was made man, and the Lord himself saved us, having given the sign of the Virgin. But not as some say who are so audacious as to traduce the Scripture thus, Behold, a young woman shall conceive, and bring forth a Son; as e 1.72 Theodotion the Ephesian has translated it, and A∣quila of Pontus, both Jewish proselytes. Whom the Ebionites having fol∣lowed, say that Christ was begotten by Joseph.

Here∣unto, after a few words, he adds, saying;

For before the Romans had firmly com∣pleated their Empire, (the

Macedonians as yet possessing the Government of Asia,) f 1.73 Ptolemaeus the son of Lagus, endea∣vouring with much care and industry to adorn the Library he had prepared at Alexandria, with the writings of all men, which were ac∣curately compiled, requested those of Jerusalem, that he might have g 1.74 their Scriptures translated into the Greek Language. They (for till that time they were subject to the Ma∣cedonians) sent to Ptole∣maeus the Seventy Seni∣ours, which were the most skilfull persons among them in the Scriptures, and most expert in both the Languages; h 1.75 satis∣fying the Kings desire herein. [Ptolemy] de∣sirous to make tryal of every one of them, and being fearfull least by com∣pact they should agree to conceal the truth of the Scriptures by their tran∣slation i 1.76 separated them one from another, and commanded every one of them to write a transla∣tion: and this he did throughout all the books. When they were come all together into the same place in the presence of Ptolemy, and had com∣pared together the ver∣sion of every particular person amongst them, God was both glorified, and the Scriptures acknowledged to be truely di∣vine: For they all from the beginning to the end, set down the same things in the same words and in the same expressions; in so much that the Gentiles which were present, acknowledged the Scriptures were translated by the inspiration of God. Neither need it seem marvellous that God should doe this; seeing that in the capti∣vity of the people under Nebuchodonosor, (the Scriptures being then corrupted,) when after Seventy years the Jews returned into their own Country, afterwards in the times of Artaxerxes King of the Persians, He inspired Esdras the Priest of the tribe of Levi to recompose all the books of the former Prophets, and restore to the people the Law delivered by Moses.

Thus far Ireneus.

CHAP. IX. Who were Bishops in the Reign of Commodus.

MOreover, Antoninus having held the Empire nineteen years, Commodus assumed the Government. In whose first year Julianus un∣dertook the Prefecture of the Churches at Alex∣andria, Agrippinus having compleated the twelfth year of his Presidency.

CHAP. X. Concerning Pantaenus the Philosopher.

AT that time there was a man, Governour of the School of the Faithfull * 1.77 there, who upon ac∣count of his learning was most eminent, his name was Pantaenus; for from a very ancient custom there had been an Ecclesiastical School among them, which also continued to our days; and we have been informed that 'tis furnished with men who are very able Scholars, and industrious about di∣vine matters: but Fame says that the forementio∣ned Pantaenus was at that time the most eminent person among them, because he was bred up in the precepts and institutions of that Philosophical Sect called Stoicks. Moreover, tis said, he shewed so great a willingness of mind and ardency of affecti∣on towards the [publication of the] divine Word, that he was declared the Preacher of Christs Go∣spel to the Nations of the East, and jorneyed as far as India. For there were many Evangelical Prea∣chers of the Word even at that time, who infla∣med with a divine zeal, in imitation of the Apostles, contributed their assistance to the enlargement of the divine Word, and the building men up in the faith. Of which number Pantaenus was one, and is reported to have gone to the Indians. Where, as 'tis famed, he found the Gospel according to Matthew, amongst some that had the knowledge of Christ there, before his arrival. To whom Bartholomew one of the Apostles had Preacht, and a 1.78 left them the Gospel of S^t Matthew written in Hebrew; which was preserved to the foresaid times. Moreover, this Pantaenus, after many ex∣cellent performances, was at last made Governour of the School at Alexandria; where by his Dis∣courses and Writings he set forth to publick view the Treasures of the divine points.

CHAP. XI. Concerning Clemens Alexandrinus.

AT the same time flourisht Clemens at Alex∣andria, (being laborious together with Pantaenus in the studies of the divine Scriptures,) who had the same name with that ancient Prelate of the Roman Church, that was a disciple of the

Apostles. He (in his book a 1.79 of Institutions) makes express mention of Pantaenus, as having been his Master. To me he seems to mean the same person also, in the first book of his Stroma∣tewn, where recording * 1.80 the most eminent succes∣sours of the Apostolick doctrine by whom he had been instructed, he says thus;

Now this work of mine I have not composed for ostentation▪ but these memoires I have treasured up, as a re∣medie against the forgetfulness of mine old age; that they may be a true representation and a••um∣bration of those lively and powerfull discourses, which I have had the happiness to hear from bles∣sed and truely worthy and memorable persons. Of which one was Ionicus, [whom I heard] in Greece; another in † 1.81 Magna Graecia; the first of them was a Coelo-Syrian▪ the other an Egyptian. Others of them lived in the East: of which one was an b 1.82 Assyrian; the other in Palestine, by original extract an c 1.83 Hebrew.

The last [Master] I met with, (who yet was the first and chiefest in power and virtue, whom I inquisitively sought out and foundlying hid in Egypt,) I did fully acquiesce in, and searched no further. These therefore preser∣ving the sincere tradition of the blessed doctrine, which they had immediately received from the holy Apostles Peter, James, John, and Paul, (like children from the hands of their Parents, al∣though few children be like their Parents) are by Gods blessing come down to our time, sowing those Primitive and Apostolic seeds [of Truth.]

CHAP. XII. Concerning the Bishops of Jerusalem.

AT that time Narcissus, Bishop of the Church at Jerusalem, flourished, a man very fa∣mous amongst many even at this time: he was the fifteenth in succession from the siege of the Jews un∣der Adrian. From which time we have before manifested, that the Church of the Gentiles was first constituted there, after those of the circumci∣sion; and also that Mark was the first Bishop of the Gentiles that Presided over them. After whom the a 1.84 successions of the [Bishops] there doe shew that Cassia∣nus had the Episcopal Chair: after him Publius; then Maximus; and after these Julianus; then Caius; to whom succeeded Symmachus; then another Caius, and again Julianus the second; more∣over Capito, b 1.85 Valens, and Dolichianus; last of all this Narcissus, who in a continued series of succession was the thirtieth from the Apostles.

CHAP. XIII. Concerning Rhodon, and the dissention of the Mar∣cionites, which he has made mention of.

ABout the same time also Rhodon, born in Asia, (who, as himself relates, had been instructed at Rome by Tatianus, whom we men∣tioned before,) wrote many books, and together with others ingaged against the Heresie of Mar∣cion. Which, he relates, was in his time divided into several opinions. He has recorded the Au∣thours of this dissention, and with exquisite dili∣gence confuted the lies invented by every one of them. Hear therefore what he has written in these words.

Wherefore also they disagree amongst themselves, because they are assertours of an opi∣nion which is ill put together. For Apelles, one of their gang, (a 1.86 who boasts of his age and pretends to lead a more abstemous and strict course of life,) confesses there is but one prin∣ciple; but says the Oracles of the Prophets pro∣ceed from an opposite spirit, being induced to be∣lieve this by the responses of a Virgin, possessed with a devil, by name Philumena. But others of them, (in like manner as does Marcion himself, the b 1.87 Mariner) assert there are two Principles; of which number are c 1.88 Potitus, and Basilicus; and these followers of that * 1.89 Wolfe of Pontus, being unable to find out the distinction of things, (which neither could he doe,) have given themselves over to rashness, and have simply and without any thing of demonstration affirmed there are two Principles. Others a∣gain [differing] from these, and running them∣selves into worse [assertions,] suppose there are not onely two, but also three natures. Of which sort Syneros was the ringleader and first founder, as the defenders of his doctrine doe say.

The same Authour writes that he discours't with A∣pelles; he says thus;

For the old man Apelles, ha∣ving had a conference with us, was convinc't that

he maintained many things that were false; upon which account he said ••aith should in no wise be too severely inquired into, but, that every one should persist in what he had believed. For he asserted that those who hoped in [Christ] cru∣cified should be saved, provided they be found doing of good works. He concluded the [que∣stion] concerning God, to be to him (as we said before) the most obscure thing of all. For he affirmed there was but one principle, as our religion [asserts.]

Then, having set forth his whole opinion, he subjoyns these words;

But when I said to him, whence have you this demon∣stration, or for what reason can you affirm there is but one principle, tell us? He answered, that the prophecies confuted themselves, because they uttered nothing that was true: For they dis∣agree, and are false, and opposite to them∣selves; but, how there was but one principle, he profes't he knew not, but was induced onely to think so. After this, when I conjured him to speak the truth, he swore he spoke what was true, to wit, that he knew not how there could be one unbegotten God, but he believed it. I laughed, and reprehended him, because he stiled himself a Doctour, and knew not how to make good what he taught.

But, in the same book which he dedicated to Callistion, the said Rhodon doth confess that he himself was instructed at Rome by Tatianus. Moreover he says, Tatianus com∣piled a book of Questions; wherein Tatianus ha∣ving promised to explain the dark and obscure passages of the sacred Scriptures, this Rhodon pro∣fesses he would set forth the solutions to his Qu••∣stions. There is also extant of this Persons, a Com∣ment upon the six days Work of the Creation. In∣deed, this Apelles uttered many impious expres∣sions against the Law of Moses, in many books speaking irreligiously of the divine Scriptures, and using his utmost diligence to confute, and (as he thought) to overthrow them. But thus much concerning these things.

CHAP. XIV. Concerning the False Prophets of the Cataphry∣gians.

MOreover, that adversary of Gods Church, (who hates goodness, and makes mischief his chiefest delight,) omitting in no wi••e any ways or methods of Treachery towards men, caused new Heresies again to grow up against the Church: the followers whereof crawl'd, like venemous Serpents, all over Asia and Phrygia; and boasted that Montanus was the * 1.90 Paraclete, and that the two women Priscilla and Maximilla, his companions, were his prophetesses.

CHAP. XV. Concerning the Schism of Blastus raised at Rome.

OThers also sprang up at Rome, whom Flori∣nus, degraded from being a Presbyter of the Church, headed. Blastus was in like manner in∣tangled in the same a 1.91 errour. Which two persons drew away many from the Church, and inticed them to imbrace their opinion; each of them severally endeavouring to introduce innovations against the Truth.

CHAP. XVI. What has been committed to memory concerning Montanus, and his False Prophets.

MOreover, That power, which is the de∣fender of the Truth, raised up Apollinaris [Bishop] of Hierapolis, (whom we made men∣tion of before,) and together with him many others, who at that time were eloquent and learned men, as it were a strong and inexpugna∣ble defence against the said Heresie of the Cata∣phrygians. By which persons we have a copious subject left us for this our History. a 1.92 One of the said persons therefore, in the pre∣face to his work against the Cataphrygians, does in the first place shew that he as∣saulted them with unwritten arguments. For he begins after this manner:

Having a sufficient while since been enjoyned by thee, Beloved b 1.93 Avirci••s Marcellus, to write a book against the Heresie of c 1.94 Miltiades, till now I have in a manner continued doubtfull and un∣resolved; not that I wan∣ted ability both to confute falsehood, and also to give evidence to the truth; but I was fearfull and cautious, lest to some I should seem by writing to add to, or make a further determina∣tion about, the doctrine of the new covenant of the Gospel: to which nothing must be added, nor any thing taken away from it, by him that resolves to lead a life agreeable to the Go∣spel it self. But, being lately at Ancyra [a City] of Gala∣tia, and finding the Church d 1.95 then e 1.96 filled with the noise of this New (not, as they call it, Prophecy, but, as it shall be demonstra∣ted,) False Prophecy; as well as I was able, (God assisting me,) I discourst f 1.97 frequently in the Church many Days both concer∣ning these very things, and also about other [points] proposed by them: inso∣much that the church did greatly rejoyce, and was confirmed in the Truth; but the adversaries were at that time confuted, and g 1.98 the enemies of God made

sorrowfull. When therefore the Presbyters of that place requested me to leave some written Record of what had been spoken against those adversaries to the Word of Truth; h 1.99 (Zoticus Otrenus our fellow Presbyter being then present also▪) I did not indeed doe that; but promised, that, (by the assistance of the Lord,) I would write here, and send it quickly and carefully unto them.

Having said these words and some others after these in the Preface of his book, he proceeds, and sets forth the Authour of the fore∣said Heresie after this manner.

This their stub∣born contention therefore against the Church, and this New Heretical separation [from it] had this original. There is said to be a certain Village in that i 1.100 Mysia [which borders upon] Phrygia, called by the name of Ardaba. There, they say, one of those who had newly embraced the Faith, by name Montanus, (when Gratus was Proconsul of Asia,) by reason of his immoderate desire after, and love for, the chief place, gave the adversary an entrance in∣to himself, and was filled with the devil; and being on a suddain possest with a ••urious and frantick tem∣per of mind, became per∣fectly mad, and began to utter strange and barba∣rous expressions, foretel∣ling what was to come; [a thing which is] con∣trary to the order and in∣stitution of the Church received from antient tradition, and [propagated] by a continued succession. Now, of those who at that time were at the hearing of his counterfeited expres∣sions, some with indignation rebuked him, as being moved by, and possest with, a devil and a spirit of errour, and as being a disturber of the multitude; they prohibited him also to speak; [for] they were mindfull of the Lords * 1.101 pre∣monition and his menaces, [whereby we are com∣manded] with vigilancy to beware of the coming of false Prophets. But others, as if they had been inspired by the Holy Ghost and with the gift of Prophecy, conceiving also very high thoughts of themselves, and being unmindfull of the † 1.102 Lords premonition, provoked that infatuating, flattering, and seducing spirit [to speak;] and being en∣ticed and deceived by it, forbad it should any more be silen••'t. By this art, or rather by this method of subtilty and mischief, the devil plot∣ted destruction against those who were disobe∣dient to [the Lords premonition;] and, being undeservedly honoured by them, he excited and enkindled their minds, which had k 1.103 forsaken the true Faith. For he stir∣red up two other women, and filled them with a counterfeit spirit: so that they (like the fore-men∣tioned person) uttered ex∣travagant, foolish and strange expressions; and those who delighted in and boasted of that mat∣ter, that spirit pronounced blessed, and puft them up with the greatness of the promises. Sometimes also, making use of conjecturall and credible ar∣guments, he condemned them publickly, that so he might also seem a l 1.104 reproving [Spirit.] Those few, who were deceived, were Phrygians. But this insolent spirit taught them to revile the whole Church under heaven, because this spirit of false Prophecy received neither honour from, nor found any way of entrance into it. For when the faithfull throughout Asia had met often and in many places of Asia upon this account, and had inquired into this new doctrine, and deter∣mined it to be prophane, and rejected this He∣resie, they were expelled out of the Church, and interdicted communion [with the Faithfull.]

Having related thus much in the beginning [of his work] and subjoyned, throughout that whole book, a confutation of their errour; in his se∣cond book he says these words concerning the death of the forementioned persons.

Whereas therefore they have termed us the Murderers of the Prophets, because we have not admitted of their prattling and lying Prophets, (for these, they say, are those whom the Lord promised to send his people,) let them answer us for God's sake, is there any one of those, (most excellent!) who even from Montanus and his women began to speak, that hath been persecuted by the Jews; or slain by the impious? not one: Is there any one of them who has been apprehended and crucified for the name [of Christ?] None at all. Neither hath any of their women been scourged in the Synagogues of the Jews, or stoned: [not one of them] any where or in any wise▪ yea, Montanus and Maximilla are said to have dyed another manner of death. For, tis famed, both these persons, incited there∣to by that furious spirit, hanged themselves; not together, but each of them at the time of their death, as tis strongly reported. And so they dyed and put an end to their lives after the same manner that the traitour Judas did. In like manner also common ••ame says, that that admirable [fellow] Theodotus, who was as it were the first m 1.105 Procura∣tour of that they stiled their Prophecie, was pos∣sest with a n 1.106 false ec••tasie of mind, as if at some time or other he should be lifted up, and assumed ••nto hea∣ven; and that having gi∣ven himself wholly up in∣to [the power of] that spirit of errour, he was thrown into the air [by him,] and dyed misera∣bly. 'Tis said indeed, that this thing was thus done; but in as much as we saw it not, we doe not suppose (O Macarius!) that we certainly know any thing hereof. For peradventure Montanus, Theodotus, and the foresaid woman dyed after this manner, perhaps they did not so die.

A∣gain, in the same book he says the holy Bishops of that time did attempt to confute the spirit which was in Maximilla; but were pro∣hibited by others, to wit, those that were favourers of that spirit: He writes thus;

And let not the spirit in Maximilla say

[to me,] (o 1.107 as 'tis related in the same book of Asterius Urbanus,) I am driven as a wolf from the sheep. I am not a wolf. I am the Word, the Spirit, and the Power: but let him evidently manifest and prove that Power in the Spirit; and let him by that Spirit compell those that were then present to con∣fess that they tried and conferred with that bab∣ling spirit; [I mean] those approved men and Bishops, Zoticus of the Town Co∣manes, and Julianus of Apamea: whose mouths p 1.108 Themison and those of his party having stopped, would not suffer that ly∣ing spirit to be reproved by them.

Again, in the same book, (having interposed some words to confute the false Prophecies of Maxi∣milla,) he evidences both the time when he wrote these things, and also mentions her predictions, wherein she had foretold there should be Wars and Commotions; the falsehood of which [predictions] he reprehends in these words,

And has not this lie been already made apparently manifest? For to this day 'tis more than thirteen years, since this woman died; and yet there has not been either a particular, or an universal war in the world. Yea rather, by the mercy of God, the Christians have had a firm and lasting peace.

And thus much out of his second book. Out of the third I will also add some few words, where he says thus to those who boasted, that many even of their [party] had suffered as Martyrs.

When therefore they can return no answer, having been confuted in all passages we have mentioned, they endeavour to flee to the Martyrs; saying they have many Martyrs, and that is a certain and undoubted evi∣dence of that power by them called the Pro∣phetick spirit. But this, in my judgment, is much more untrue. For some [followers] of other Heresies [doe boast] they have many Martyrs, and yet we shall not, I think, upon this account embrace their opinion, nor confess they have the truth amongst them. Those also who first followed the Heresie of Marcion, called Marcionists, say they have very many Martyrs of Christ, and yet they doe not in truth acknowledge Christ himself:

And after some few words, he subjoyns hereunto, saying,

Where∣fore also, as often as those of the Church, being called to [undergoe] Martyrdom for the true Faith, have by accident happened into company with some of those of the Phrygian Heresie, who are called Martyrs, they dissent from them, and, having avoided all communion with them, are perfected by a glorious Martyrdom; for they are unwilling to give their assent to the spirit of Montanus and his women: and that this is true, 'tis manifest from what has been done in our times in [the City] Apamea, scituate on [the River] Meander, by Caius and Alexander of Eumonia, who suffered Martyrdom.

CHAP. XVII. Concerning Miltiades, and the books he compiled.

IN the same book he makes mention of one Miltiades, a writer, who also wrote a book against the foresaid Heresie: having therefore cited some words of those [Hereticks,] he pro∣ceeds, saying;

Having found all this in a certain book which they wrote in answer to a book of our brother a 1.109 Alcibiades's, wherein he proves, that a Prophet ought not to speak in an extasie of mind, I epitomized them.

A little after this, in the same book, he enumerates the Prophets of the New Testament; amongst whom he recounts one Ammias, and Quadratus, he says thus,

b 1.110 but a false Prophet in a false extasie, (whose con∣comitants are licentious∣ness and audaciousness,) takes his beginning indeed from a voluntary igno∣rance, but ends, as I have said in an involuntary mad∣ness of mind: they shall not be able to show any of the Prophets, either un∣der the Old, or New Te∣stament, who was inspired after this manner [by such a spirit.] They shall not boast of Agabus, nor of Judas, nor of Silas, nor of the daughters of Philip, nor of Ammias in Phila∣delphia, nor of Quadra∣tus, nor of many others which do not at all belong to them.

Again, after some few words, he says thus,

For if, as they say, Montanus's women suc∣ceeded in the gift of Pro∣phecy after Quadratus and Ammias in Philadel∣phia, let them show us, who among them have been the successours of Monta∣nus and his women. For the Apostle is of opinion that the gift of Pro∣phecy ought to continue in every Church untill the last Advent [of our Lord.] But they are unable to shew [any Prophet,] although this is now the fourteenth year since the death of Maximilla.

Thus far he. Now that Miltiades, whom he mentions, has left us other monuments of his diligence about the divine Scriptures, both in the books he composed against the Gentiles, and also in those against the Jews; having pro∣secuted each subject particularly in two Volumes. Moreover also, he made an Apology for the [Christian] Philosophy, which he profest, [and dedicated it] to the c 1.111 Presidents of the Provinces in that Age.

CHAP XVIII. How Apollonius also confuted the Cataphrygians, and whom he has made mention of.

APollonius also, an Ecclesiastick writer, im∣ploying himself about a confutation of that called the Cataphrygian Heresie, which in his time

was prevalent in Phrygia, composed a peculiar Volume against them; wherein he does both word by word disprove the false Prophecies vented by them, and also laies open the life and manners of the Founders of that Heresie, [shewing] how they behaved themselves. Hear what he says, in these very words, concerning Montanus.

But who is this new Doctor? His works and do∣ctrine doe demonstrate: this is he who has taught a dissolution of marriages: who has im∣posed a 1.112 Laws of fasting; who has named Pepuza and Tymium (little Cities of Phrygia) Jerusalem; being desirous to gather together their men from all parts; who has con∣stituted exactours of mo∣ney; who, under the name of oblations, has subtilly mask't his taking of gifts; who gives stipends to those that Preach up his doctrine, that so by stuffing of the paunch the doctrine he professes may thrive and prevail.

Thus much [he says] concerning Montanus. Concerning his Prophetesses, a little after these words he writes thus;

We have de∣monstrated therefore, that these principal Pro∣phetesses, for the time they were filled with the Spirit, forsook their husbands: how falsly then doe they speak, who term b 1.113 Prisca a virgin? Then he goes on, saying: Does not the whole Scripture seem to you to prohibit a Prophet to receive gifts & money? When therefore I see a Prophetess receive Gold, and silver, and rich garments, how can I choose but abhor her?

Again, af∣ter some words, he says this concerning one of those whom they call Confessours.

Moreover, Themison, who has covered himself with a c 1.114 specious pretext of ava∣rice, (he who would not bear the d 1.115 sign of confes∣sion, but rid himself of his bonds by a great sum of money, when as upon that account he should in future have behaved himself sub∣missively,) does [not∣withstanding] boast him∣self to be a Martyr, and has been so audacious, as, in imitation of the Apostle, to write a general Epistle, for the instruction of those who have behaved themselves more like true believers than he, but does [therein] defend the Tenets of his own vain Doctrine, and speaks impiously of the Lord, his Apostles, and holy Church.

Again, he writes thus concerning others, who amongst them have been honoured as Martyrs;

But that we may speak of no more, let the Prophetess answer us concerning Alexander, who terms himself a Martyr, with whom she feasts, whom many of them pay a reverence to. Whose rob∣beries, and his other audacious facts (for which he has been punished) we need not speak of since they may be seen in that place where the publick e 1.116 Registers are kept. Which therefore of these two forgives the others sins? Does the Prophet [pardon] the Martyrs robberies, or does the Martyr [forgive] the Prophets ava∣rice? For when as the Lord has said, * 1.117 Provide neither gold, nor silver, neither two coats, these persons, wholly on the contrary, have commit∣ted heinous sins in possessing themselves of things that are forbidden. For we will evidence, that those which they call Prophets, and Martyrs, have extorted money not onely from the rich, but also from the indigent, from Orphans, and Widdows. And if they are confident [of their innocency] herein, let them stay, and decide the matter with us concerning these things, that so, if they shall be convinced, for the future they may leave their viciousness. For the fruits [that is, the deeds] of a Prophet must be ap∣proved. For a tree is known by its fruit. That therefore those who are desirous may know the truth concerning Alexander, judgment was past upon him at Ephesus by Aemilius Frontinus the Proconsul [of Asia] not for the name [of Christ,] but the robberies he had audaciously committed, being at that time an f 1.118 Apostate from Christ. Then, after he had counterfeited [a profession of] the name of the Lord, and deceived the faithfull [brethren] there, he was dismist; but his own Church, where he was born, admitted him not, because he was a thief. Those who are desirous to know all matters con∣cerning him, may have recourse to the publick Register of Asia [where they will find them.] And yet the * 1.119 Prophet does pretend himself ig∣norant of this man, whom he has converst with for many years. Having evidently shown what this man is, we have also by him declared the im∣posture of the prophet. We are able to de∣monstrate the like in many other things. But if they have any confidence in themselves, let them undergoe the test.

Again, in another place of the same work, he adds these words con∣cerning those Prophets they boast of:

If they deny that their Prophets have received gifts, let them confess this, [to wit] if they be con∣vinced that they have taken gifts, they are not Prophets: And then we will produce infinite demonstrations hereof. 'Tis necessary that all the fruits of a Prophet should be approved of: tell me, does a Prophet g 1.120 colour [his hair?] does a Prophet paint his eye∣brows with * 1.121 Stybium? does a Prophet make it his business to deck and adorn himself? does a Prophet play at tables, and at dice? does a Prophet put money to usury? Let them con∣fess ingenuously whether these things are lawfull or no? But I will demonstrate they are done amongst them.

The same Apollonius does relate in the same work, that at that time of his writing that book, it was h 1.122 fourty years since Montanus undertook [to vent] his forged Prophesie. And

again, he says, that Zoticus (whom the former Writer made mention of) resolved to oppose Maximilla, who then feigned her self to Pro∣phesie at Pepuza, and attempted to reprove the Spirit she was moved by; but that he was for∣bidden by those that were her favourers. He makes mention also of one Thraseas, who at that time was a Martyr. Moreover he says, as from tradition, that our Saviour commanded his A∣postles, they should not for the space of twelve years depart from Jerusalem: he quotes authori∣ties also out of the Revelation of John: and re∣lates that John, by the divine power raised a dead man to life at Ephesus. And he says many other things, whereby he sufficiently and fully sets forth the deceit of the foresaid pernicious heresie. Thus much Apollonius.

CHAP. XIX. Serapion's [Opinion] concerning the Heresie of the Cataphrygians.

BUt Serapion, (who, as report says, was a∣bout this time Bishop of the Church of An∣tioch after Maximinus,) makes mention of the writings of Apollinaris against the foresaid he∣resie: he mentions him in that Epistle he wrote to a 1.123 Caricus and Ponticus; wherein, refuting the same heresie, he subjoyns these words;

And that you may see, that the operation of that dis∣sembling party called the b 1.124 New-prophesie is abo∣minated c 1.125 by all the Brotherhood in the world, I have sent you also the Letters of Claudius Apolli∣naris of most blessed memory, who was Bishop of Hierapolis in Asia.

In that same Epistle of Serapion's, are contained the subscriptions of se∣veral Bishops. One of whom has subscribed thus, I Aurelius Cyrenius Martyr wish You health: another, after this manner, Aelius Publius Ju∣lius Bishop of d 1.126 Develtum a Colony of Thracia: As God liveth who is in heaven, Sotas of blessed memory, who e 1.127 was at Anchialus, would have cast out Priscilla's devil, but the Hypocrites would not suffer him. In the said Letters are extant the subscriptions of many other Bishops, written with their own hands, who were of the same o∣pinion with these. And of this sort were the mat∣ters appertaining to the said [Hereticks.]

CHAP. XX. What Irenaeus wrote against the Schismaticks at Rome.

a 1.128 I Renaeus composed several Epistles against those at Rome who adulterated the sound law of the Church: He wrote one to Blastus concerning Schisme; another to Florinus con∣cerning b 1.129 Monarchy, or, that God is not the maker of Evil. For Florinus seemed to be a maintainer of that opinion: upon whose ac∣count, (being afterwards lead into the errour of Valenti∣nus,) Irenaeus compiled that work of his, [entitled,] c 1.130 concerning the number eight. In which piece he intimates himself to have lived in the first succession after the A∣postles: there also at the close of that work, we found a most profitable d 1.131 note of his, which we judged usefull to be inserted into this our History; it is thus;

I ad∣jure thee (who shall tran∣scribe this book) by our Lord Jesus Christ, and by his glorious coming to judge the quick and dead, that you compare what you shall transcribe, and correct it diligently ac∣cording to that copie whence you shall tran∣scribe it; and that in like manner you transcribe this adjuration, and annex it to [thy] copy.

And let thus much have been profi∣tably said by him, and re∣lated by us, that we may al∣ways have [before our eyes] those antient and truely holy men, as the best pattern of a most accurate care and diligence. Moreover, in that Epistle (we spake of) which Irenaeus wrote to Florinus, he makes mention of his being con∣versant with Polycarp, saying;

These opinions, (O Florinus!) that I may speak sparingly, doe not appertain to sound doctrine;

these opinions are dissonant from the Church, and drive those

who give their assent to them into the greatest impiety; these Sentiments even the Hereticks, who are without the Church, have not dared to publish at any time; these opinions the Presby∣ters, who lived before our times, who also were the disciples of the Apostles, did in no wise de∣liver unto thee. For I saw thee (when being yet a child I was in the Lower Asia, with Poly∣carp,) behaving thy self very well in the Pa∣lace, and endeavouring to get thy self well esteemed of by him. For I remember the things then done, better than what has happened of late. For what we learnt being children, increases together with the mind it self, and is closely united to it. In so much that I am able to tell even the place where the Blessed Polycarp sate and discourst; also his e 1.132 goings out and comings in; his manner of life; the shape of his body; the discourses he made to the populace; the familiar converse, which, he said, he had with John, and with the rest who had seen the Lord; and how he rehearsed their sayings, and what they were, which he had heard from them concerning the Lord; concerning his miracles, and his doctrine, according as Polycarp re∣ceived them from those, who with their own eyes beheld the Word of life, so he related them, agreeing in all things with the Scriptures. These things, by the mercy of God bestowed upon me, I then heard diligently, and copied them out, not in paper, but in my heart; and by the grace of God I doe continually and sincerely ruminate upon them. And I am able to protest in the presence of God, that if that blessed and Apostolick Presbyter should have heard any such thing, he would presently have cried out, and f 1.133 stopped his ears, and according to his usual custom would have said; Good God! For what times hast thou reserved me, that I should suffer such things! and he would have run out of the place, where he was either sitting or standing, should he have heard such words as these. And this may be manifested from those Epistles of his, which he wrote either to the neighbouring Churches to confirm them, or to some brethren to admonish and exhort them. Thus far Irenaeus.

CHAP. XXI. How Apollonius suffered Martyrdom at Rome.

AT the same time of Commodus's Empire, our affairs were converted into a quiet and se∣date posture; peace, by the divine grace, encom∣passing the Churches throughout the whole world. In which interim the saving Word [of God] al∣lured * 1.134 very many of all sorts of men to the religious wor∣ship of the universal God. So that now many of those at Rome, who were very eminent both for riches and descent, did, together with their whole housholds and fami∣lies, betake themselves to [the attaining of] salvati∣on. But this could not be born with by the envious devil, that hater of good, being by nature malicious. Therefore he a 1.135 arms himself again, inventing va∣rious Stratagems against us. At the City Rome there∣fore, he brings before the judgement seat b 1.136 Apollo∣nius, a man who was at that time one of the faith∣full, and very eminent for his Learning and Philosophy; having stirred up c 1.137 one of * 1.138 his ministers, who was fit for such a [wicked enter∣prize] to accuse this person. Now this wretch, having un∣dertaken this accusation in an unseasonable time, (for, according to the d 1.139 Imperial Edict, the informers against those that were [Christians] were to be put to death;) had his legs forthwith bro∣ken, and was put to death, Perennis the Judge having pronounc't this sentence a∣gainst him: but the Mar∣tyr, most beloved by God, (after the Judge had e 1.140 ear∣nestly beseeched him by ma∣ny entreaties, and requested him to render an account [of his Faith] f 1.141 before the Senate,) having made a most g 1.142 elegant defence before them all for the faith he profest, h 1.143 was, as it were by a decree of the Senate, condemn'd to undergoe a capital punish∣ment. For by an ancient i 1.144 Law 'twas establisht a∣mongst them, that those [Christians] who were once accused before the judgment∣seat, should in no wise be dismist, unless they receded from their opinion. More∣over, he that is desirous to know Apollonius's speeches before the Judge, and the an∣swers he made to the interro∣gatories of Perennis, the oration also which he spoke before the Senate in defence of our faith, may see them in our collection of the suf∣ferings of the antient Mar∣tyrs.

CHAP. XXII. What Bishops flourisht at that time.

MOreover, in the tenth year of Commodus's Reign, Eleutherus, having executed the Episcopal office a 1.145 thirteen years, was succeeded by Victor. In the same year also, Julianus having compleated his tenth year, Demetrius undertook the Government of the Churches at Alexandria. At the same time likewise Serapion, (whom we spake of a little before,) flourisht, being the eighth Bishop from the Apostles of the Antiochian Church. At Caesarea in Palestine presided Theo∣philus; and in like manner Narcissus (whom we made mention of before) at that time had the pub∣lick charge over the Church at Jerusalem. At Corinth in Achaia, b 1.146 Bacchyllus was then the Bishop, and at the Church of Ephesus, Polycrates. Many others, 'tis likely, besides these were emi∣nent at that time; but we, at it was meet, have onely recounted their names, by whose writings the doctrine of the true faith has been derived down to us.

CHAP. XXIII. Concerning the Question then moved about Easter.

AT the same time no small controversie be∣ing raised, because the Churches of all a 1.147 Asia supposed, as from a more antient tradition, that the * 1.148 fourteenth day of the Moon ought to be ob∣served as the salutary feast of Easter, [to wit] the same day whereon the Jews were commanded to kill the Lamb, and that they ought always b 1.149 on that day, (what∣ever day of the week it should happen to be,) to put an end to their fastings: when as [notwithstanding] 'twas not the usage of the c 1.150 Churches over the rest of the world to doe after this manner; which usage, being received from Apostolick tra∣dition, and still prevalent, they observed, [to wit] that they ought not to d 1.151 put an end to their fastings on any other day, save that of the resurrection of our Saviour: upon this account Synods and assemblies of Bishops were convened. And all of them with one consent did by their letters inform the [Brethren] every where of the Ecclesiastick decree, [to wit] that the Mystery of our Lords resurrection should never be celebrated on any other day but Sunday, and that on that day onely we should observe to conclude the Fasts before Easter. There is at this time extant the Epistle of those who then were as∣sembled in Palestine, over whom e 1.152 Theophilus Bishop of the Church in Caesarea, and Narcissus [Bishop] of Jerusalem, presided. In like man∣ner, another [Epistle] of those [Assembled] at Rome concerning the same question, having Victor the Bishops name prefixt to it: also [another] of those Bishops in Pontus, over whom f 1.153 Palmas, as being the most antient, presided. Al∣so [an Epistle] of the Churches in Gallia, which Irenaeus had the oversight of. Moreover, of those in Osdroëna and the Cities there; and g 1.154 a private Letter of Bacchyllus's Bishop of the Corinthian Church; of many others also; all which having uttered one and the same opinion and sentiment, proposed the same judgment; and this we have mentioned, was their onely definitive determi∣nation.

CHAP. XXIV. Concerning the disagreement [of the Churches] throughout Asia.

OVer those Bishops in Asia, who stifly main∣tained they ought to observe the antient usage heretofore delivered to them, presided Poly∣crates: Who, in the Epistle he wrote to Victor, and the Roman Church, declares the tradition de∣rived down to his own times in these words:

We therefore observe the true and genuine * 1.155 day; having neither added any thing to, nor taken any thing from, [the uninterrupted usage delivered to us.] † 1.156 For in Asia the great lights are dead, who shall be raised again in the day of the Lords Advent▪ wherein he shall come with glory from heaven, and raise up all his Saints, [I mean] Philip, one of the 12 Apostles, who died at Hie∣rapolis, and his two daugh∣ters, who continued Virgins to the end of their lives; also his other daughter, having whilest she lived been inspired by the holy Ghost, died at Ephesus. And moreover, John, who leaned on the Lords breast, and was a Priest, wearing a a 1.157 plate of Gold, and was a Martyr, and a Doctor: this [John I say] died at Ephesus. More∣over also, Polycarp Bishop at Smyrna and Martyr, and b 1.158 Thraseas of Eusmema, Bishop and Martyr, who died at Smyrna. What need we mention c 1.159 Sagaris Bi∣shop and Martyr, who died at Laodicea? And more∣over d 1.160 Papirius of Blessed memory, and e 1.161 Melito the Eunuch, who in all things was directed by the sug∣gestion of the holy Spirit, who lies at Sardis, ex∣pecting the [Lords co∣ming to] visit him from heaven, when he shall be raised from the dead? All these kept the day of Ea∣ster on the fourteenth day of the Moon, according to the Gospel: in no wise violating, but exactly fol∣lowing the rule of faith. And moreover, I Polycra∣tes, the meanest of you all, according to the tradition of my kinsmen, some of whom also I have fol∣lowed: for f 1.162 seven of my relations were Bishops, and I am the eighth; all which kinsmen of mine did al∣waies celebrate the day [of Easter] when the people [of the Jews] g 1.163 removed the Leaven. I therefore, brethren, who am Sixty five years old in the Lord, and have been conversant with the bre∣thren disperst over the world, and have read the whole Scripture through, am not at all terrified at what I am threatned with. For those, who were greater than I, have said, * 1.164 We ought to obey God rather than men.

To these words, speaking of all the Bishops who were present with him when he wrote, and were of the same opinion with him, he adjoyns thus much, saying,

I could make mention of the Bishops who are present with me, whom you h 1.165 requested me to convene, and I have called them together: whose names should I an∣nex [to this Epistle,] they would be very nu∣merous; all which persons having visited me, (who am a mean man) did by their consent approve of this Epistle; well knowing that I have not born these hoary hairs in vain, but have alwaies lead my life agreeable to the precepts of the Lord Jesus.

After this, Victor the Bishop of Rome, did immediately attempt to cut off from the com∣mon unity the Churches of all Asia, together with the adjoyning Churches, as having given their assent to heterodox opinions; and i 1.166 by his letters he publickly declares, and pro∣nounces all the brethren there to be wholly excommunicate: but this pleased not all the Bishops: therefore they per∣swade him to the contrary, [advising him] to entertain thoughts of Peace, of Unity and love of Christians among one another. Moreover their Epistles are now extant, wherein they have sharply reproved Victor. Among whom Irenaeus, having writ∣ten a Letter in k 1.167 the name of those brethren in Gallia, whom he presided over, does indeed maintain, that the my∣stery of our Lords. Resur∣rection ought to be celebra∣ted onely on a Sunday; but does in many other words seasonably advise him not to cut off whole Churches of God for observing an an∣tient custom derived down to them by tradition: to which words he adjoyns thus much;

For the controversie is not onely concerning the day; but also concerning

the very l 1.168 form of the m 1.169 Fast: for some sup∣pose they ought to n 1.170 Fast o 1.171 one day, others p 1.172 two, others more; q 1.173 others computing forty [con∣tinued] hours of the day and night make [that space] their r 1.174 day [of Fasting:] and this variety in observing [the Fast] has not been begun in our age, but a long while since, in the times of our Ancestours: s 1.175 who being (as 'tis probable) not so diligent in their Presidencies, pro∣posed that as a custom to their successours, which was introduced by sim∣plicity and unskilfulness. And yet nevertheless all these maintained mutual peace towards one another, which also we retain. Thus the variety of the Fast com∣mends the consent of the faith.

Hereto he adjoins a relation, which I will suta∣bly insert in this place; it is thus:

And the Presby∣ters, who, before Soter, Presided over that Church which You now go∣vern, I mean Anicetus, and Pius, Hyginus, Telesphorus, and Xystus, these persons [I say] neither observed it themselves, nor did they per∣mit those t 1.176 with them [to observe it.] Never∣theless, although they themselves observed it not, yet they maintained peace with those that came to them from those Churches wherein it was obser∣ved. But the u 1.177 observation of it, amongst those who kept it not, seemed to have much more of contrariety in it. Neither were any persons ever excommuni∣cated upon account of this form [of the Fast:] but the Presbyters, your pre∣decessours, who observed it not, † 1.178 sent the Eucharist to the [Presbyters] of those Churches which ob∣served it not: and when x 1.179 Polycarp of blessed me∣mory came to Rome in the times of Anicetus, and there had been a small controversie between them concerning some other things, they did straight∣way mutually embrace each other; having not desired to be contentious with one another about this y 1.180 head: For neither could Anicetus perswade Polycarp not to observe it, because he had always kept it with John the disciple of our Lord, and the other Apostles with whom he had been conver∣sant: nor did Polycarp in∣duce Anicetus to observe it, who said he ought to retain the usage of the Presbyters that were his predecessours. These things being thus, they received the communion together.

And Anicetus permitted Polycarp, (to wit, out of an honourable respect to him) to z 1.181 conse∣crate the Sacrament in his own Church; and they parted peaceably one from another; as well those who observed it, as those who obser∣ved it not, retaining the Peace and Communion of the whole Church.

Indeed, Irenaeus, being truly answerable to his own name, was after this manner a Peace-maker, and advised and asserted these things upon the account of the Peace of the Churches: The same person Wrote not onely to Victor, but sent Letters also, agreeable hereunto, to several other Governours of Churches, con∣cerning the said controversie which was then raised.

CHAP. XXV. How all with one consent unanimously agreed about Easter.

MOreover, those [Bishops] of Palestine, (whom we mentioned a little before) to wit, Narcissus and Theophilus, and with them Cas∣sius Bishop of the Church at Tyre, and Clarus [Bishop] of that at Ptolemais, together with those assembled with them, having treated at large concerning the tradition about Easter, derived down to them by succession from the Apostles, at the end of their Epistle they adjoyn thus much, in these very words:

Make it your business to send Copies of this our Epistle throughout the whole Church, that so we may not be blamed by those, who do easily seduce their own souls: we also declare to you, that they celebrate [Easter] at Alexandria on the same day that we doe: * 1.182 for Letters are conveyed from us to them, and from them to us; so that we observe the holy day with one consent and together.

CHAP. XXVI. How many [Monuments] of Irenaeus's Polite Ingenie have come to our hands.

a 1.183 BUt, besides the fore-mentioned works and Epistles of Irenaeus's, there is extant a most concise and most necessary book of his against the Gentiles, entituled concerning Knowledge. And another, (which he dedicated to a brother, by name Marcianus,) [containing] a b 1.184 Demonstration of the Apostolick Preaching. And a Book of Various c 1.185 Tracts, wherein he makes mention of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and that called The wisdom of So∣lomon, and quotes some sentences out of them: And thus many are the [writings] of Irenaeus, which came to our knowledge. But Commodus having ended his Government after he had reigned thir∣teen years, Severus obtained the Empire, Pertinax having not Governed full out six months after the death of Commodus.

CHAP. XXVII. How many also of [the works of others] who then flourished, [are come to our knowledge.]

INdeed, very many Monuments of the virtuous and laudable diligence of those antient and Ec∣clesiastick men which then [flourisht] are to this day preserved amongst many: But [the works] of those, whom we our selves could a 1.186 discern to be such, are, Heraclitus's [Comments] upon the A∣postle, and the [Book] of b 1.187 Maximus con∣cerning that question so much talk't of amongst Hereticks, whence evill proceeds: and concer∣ning this that matter is made. Also Candi∣dus's piece, on the six days work; and that of Apion upon the same Subject. In like manner, S••xtus's book Concerning the Resurrection; and another piece of Arabianus's; and of very many more; whose times wherein they lived, because we want assistances from the proof thereof, we can neither commit to writing, nor yet c 1.188 declare any memorable passages [of their's, in this our Histo∣ry.] There are also come to our hands the books of many others, whose very names we are unable to recite: all which were indeed Orthodox and Ec∣clesiastick [persons] as the interpretations of the Sacred Scripture [produced] by every one of them doth demonstrate; but yet they are un∣known to us, because what they have written has not their name prefixt to it.

CHAP. XXVIII. Concerning those, who from the beginning were de∣fenders of Artemon's Heresie; what manner of persons they were as to their moralls, and how that they were so audacious as to corrupt the Sacred Scriptures.

IN an Elaborate piece of one of those Authours, composed against the Heresie of Artemon, (which Heresie Paulus Samosatensis has again at∣tempted to revive in our age,) there is extant a certain Relation very accommodate to the Hi∣story we now have in hand. For the a 1.189 Book now cited, evincing that the foresaid Hereste, which as∣serts our Saviour to be a meer man, was an inno∣vation of a late date; (because the indroducers of it had boasted it was very ancient,) after many [argu∣ments] brought to confute their blasphemous lie, has this Relation word for word;

For they affirm that all the Ancients and the very Apostles received and taught the same things which they

now assert; and that the Preaching of the truth was preserved till the times of Victor, who from Peter was the thirteenth Bishop of Rome; but from the times of his successour Zephyrinus the truth has been adulterated. Peradventure this saying of theirs might seem probable, did not in the first place the Sacred Scriptures con∣tradict them, and then the writings of some bre∣thren antienter than the times of Victor, which books they wrote in defence of the truth, against the Gentiles, and against the Heresies of their own times. I mean the [writings of] Justin, Miltiades, Tatianus, and Clemens, and of many others: in all which books the Divinity of Christ is maintained. For who is he that is ignorant of the books of Irenaeus, Melito, and the rest, which declare Christ to be God and man? The b 1.190 Psalms also and Hymns of the brethren, written at the beginning by the faithfull, doe set forth the praises of Christ the Word of God, and attribute Divinity to him. Seeing therefore this Eccle∣siastical opinion has been manifestly declared for so many years since, how can it be that the [An∣tients] should have preacht that doctrine, which these men assert, untill the times of Victor? How can they choose but be ashamed of framing such lies of Victor; when as they know for certain that Victor excommunicated Theodotus the Tanner, the Founder and Father of this Apostacy which denies God, who first asserted Christ to be a meer man? For if Victor were (as they say) of the same opinion with that, which their blasphemie does maintain, why did he proscribe Theodotus the Inventour of this Heresie?

And such was the face of affairs in the times of Victor: to whom, having presided in his publick charge ten years, Zephyrinus was made successour about the ninth year of Severus's Empire. [Further,] the Person that compiled the foresaid book concerning the Authour of the now-mentioned Heresie, relates another thing which was done in the times of Zephyrinus, in these very words; I will therefore advertize ma∣ny of the brethren of a thing done in our Age; which, had it happened in Sodom, would, I sup∣pose, have put those inhabitants in mind of [Re∣pentance.]

There was one c 1.191 Natalis, a confessour, who lived not a long time a goe, but even in our times; this man had been seduced by Asclepiodotus, and another Theodotus, a Banker; both which Per∣sons were disciples of Theo∣dotus the Tanner, who before had been excom∣municated, as I said, by Victor then Bishop, for this doctrine or rather madness: Natalis was perswaded by them to be d 1.192 Elected a Bishop of this Heresie, upon the consideration of a Salary, whereby he was to receive of them monthly an hundred and fifty pence. Being therefore be∣come one of their associates, he was by visions [in his sleep] frequently admonished by the Lord: For our compassionate God and Lord Jesus Christ was unwilling that he, [who had been] a witness of his own sufferings, should perish whilest he was under excommunication. But after he was regardless of the visions [in his sleep,] being beguiled with the bait of pri∣macy among those [of that Sect,] and of filthy lucre, (which is the destruction of many men,) at last he was scourged by the holy An∣gels, and sorely beaten all night long. In so much that he arose very early, and having put on sackcloth, and besprinkled himself with ashes, in great hast, and with tears in his eyes, he cast himself down before Zephyrinus the Bishop, falling down not onely before the feet of the Clergy, but of the Laity also; and with his tears moved the compassionate Church of the Mercifull Christ: and after he had used much intreaty, and shown the e 1.193 prints of the stripes he had received, with much difficulty he was admitted into the communion [of the Church.]

Hereunto we will also annex some other words of the same Writers concerning these [Hereticks;] they are these:

They have impudently a∣dulterated the Sacred Scriptures; they have re∣jected the Canon of the Primitive faith; and have been ignorant of Christ: they are not in∣quisitive after that which the holy Scriptures say, but bestow much labour and industry in finding out such a Scheme of a Syllogism, as may confirm the System of their impiety: And if any one proposes to them a Text of the divine Scriptures, they examine whether a f 1.194 connex, or disjunctive form of a Syllogism may be made of it: leaving the holy Scriptures of God, they studie Geometry; being of the earth they speak of things terrestrial, and are ignorant of him who g 1.195 comes from above: therefore a∣mongst some of them Euclids Geometry is with great diligence stu∣died; Aristotle and Theo∣phrastus are admired; and in like manner h 1.196 Galen is by others of them even adored: what need I say, that these persons, (who make use of the Arts of Infidels for the confirma∣tion of their Heretical o∣pinion, and by the craft of Atheists adulterate the sin∣cere authority of the divine Scriptures,) are most re∣mote from the faith? Hence 'tis that they have impudently laid their hands upon the divine Scriptures, saying they ought to be corrected; he that is desirous may be in∣formed that I speak not this falsely of them. For would any one examine the Copies, which they have gotten together, and compare them one with another, he would find that they disa∣greed very much. For the Copies of i 1.197 Ascle∣piadotus agree not with those of Theodotus. Many such Copies as these may be procured; because their disciples have with much labour and curiosity written the corrections (as they call them, that is, the corruptions) of every one of their [Masters.] Again, the Copies of Hermophilus agree not with these now men∣tioned; and those of Apollonides differ one

from another. For he that shall compare them will find that those Copies first put forth k 1.198 by him doe very much disagree from his other [Copies] which he did afterwards again wrest and deform. How much of audaciousness there is in this wicked fact, 'tis probable they themselves are not ignorant: for ei∣ther they doe not believe the divine Scriptures to have been dictated by the holy Spirit, and then they are Infidels: or else they ac∣count themselves wiser then the holy Ghost; and what are they then but mad∣men? For they cannot deny this audacious fact to have been done by their own selves, because [the Copies] have been written out by their own hands: l 1.199 Neither did they receive such Copies as these from those who were their in∣structours; nor yet can they shew the Copies out of which they transcribed these things. But some of them have not indeed vouchsafed to adulterate the Scriptures, but having wholly rejected both the Law, and the Prophets, m 1.200 by a Lawless and Atheistical doctrine under a pretext of Grace, they are fallen into the deepest pit of destruction.

And let thus much be after this manner related, concerning these things.

Notes

• a 1.1

  The per∣secution of the Christi∣ans in the Reign of Marcus ra∣ged not e∣very where at the same time; nor was it en∣ded in one years space. In Asia it began first in the se∣venth year of M. ••nto∣ninus; and that not by the Edict of the Em∣perour, but by a tumul∣tuous in∣surrection of the populace against them: where it lasted to the end of that Emperours Reign, as 'tis evident from these words in Melito's Apology [For from that time the power of the Roman Empire began to be eminently great, and was much augmented: of which Empire you by succession are the most acceptable inheritour that could be wisht for, and shall so continue together with your son, &c. See chap. 26. B. 4. note (f.)] Now, Commodus was by his father received as his partner in the Empire, when Melito presented this Apology to the Emperour. His being made Colleague in the Empire, 'tis evident, happened about the latter end of M. Antoninus's Reign: wherefore the persecution of the Christians in Asia must necessarily have lasted till that time. But this persecution was more sharp and violent in Asia, in the Gallias, and in other Pro∣vinces, in the seventeenth year of the said Antoninus, as Eusebius does here say expresly. See Baronius, ad annum Christi 179. Vales.
• a 1.2

  There a∣rises here a double question; (1.) Why this Epistle was written joyntly by the two Churches, that of Vienna, and that of Lyon••? (2.) Why the French wrote in Greek to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia? As to the first, I suppose it was for this reason done, because the Churches of Vienna and Lyons were joyned together, not onely by vicinity of place, but also by the bonds of mutual love. And seeing they had together been engaged in the same Persecution, they joyntly wrote an Epistle concerning their own Martyrs. Besides, both Pro∣vinces seem at that time to have been under the jurisdiction of one President; which may be conjectured from hence, because as well they of Vienna, as those of Lyons, are in this Epistle said to have been by the President apprehended, and condemned for the Faith of Christ. These therefore are the reasons why they wrote joyntly. For that which some have supposed, (to wit, that then there was but one Bishop of Vienna and Lyons) is easily confuted out of this Epistle, which says that Pothinus was Bishop of Lyons, but not of Vienna. Moreover, those of Lyons doe, out of respect, set the name of those of Vienna first, whenas notwithstanding they of Lyons wrote the Epistle concerning the things which were done at their own City. Which re∣spect also may seem to be attributed to the antiquity, and nobility, of the Colonie at Vienna. As to the second query, we may understand from this Epistle, that there were many Grecians in the Church of Lyons, as was Attalus, and Alexander the Phrygian, and Alcibiades, who was by original extract a Phrygian also, as I think: also Iren••us was born in Asia, and, when he was very young, had, together with Florinus, been an auditour of Polycarps at Smyrna; as he himself evidences. The very name also of Pothinus the Bishop shews him to be originally a Grecian. 'Tis no wonder therefore, that those who came out of Asia into the Gallia's, should write to their brethren that were in Asia con∣cerning their affairs; from whom, as 'tis probable, they had before re∣ceived that Epistle concerning the Martyrdom of Polycarp, and others. I suppose Irenaeus to have been the Authour of this Epistle, who at that time was a Presbyter of the Church at Lyons. Vales.
• b 1.3

  The term in the original is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which signifies onely pri∣vate houses, from which the Chri∣stians were then driven, that is, from the houses of their friends, re∣lations, &c. For I agree not with Rufinus, who thought that the Christians were prohibited to in∣habit their own houses. Vales.
• c 1.4

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the term in the original; which signifies any pro∣miscuous or popular assembly; these (setting aside the sacred assemblies, which are otherwise expressed) are principally of two sorts, either (1.) to buy and sell, or (2.) to resort for justice; and the word here used commonly signifies both, or either of these, (1.) a fair or market, (2.) a place of judicature, an hall, or court of judgment. The Ro∣mans termed this place Forum; which word they used in the same latitude that the Grecians did 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. At this place, and here∣after, we have made use of the Latine term in our translation; and we therefore put this note in here, that the English Reader might understand the meaning of it.
• * 1.5

  Rom. 8. 18.
• d 1.6

  Here in the first place is re∣counted the injurious usage, which the Christians suffered from the whole multitude; wherein impri∣sonment can have no place. For the Judges, and not the people, had power to imprison those that were guilty. Rufinus therefore translates [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] concludi, i. e. to be shut up. For the hea∣thens shut up the Christians with∣in their own houses, and would not suffer them to come abroad. Vales.
• e 1.7

  He means the muncipal Ma∣gistrates, who were also called the duumviri. Although the term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (here used) is usually meant of those judges which have the power of the sword; (See Ulpian. in tit. de Jurisdict.) yet it de∣notes the municipal Magistrates also, who, as the Civilians phrase it, have modicam coercitionem. Vales.
• f 1.8

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the term that occurs here) has a general signification. For all Governours of Provinces are so called, be they Procuratours, Proconsuls, or Deputies of Caesar. It may therefore be deservedly questioned of which of these three sorts the Governour of the Pro∣vince of Lyons was▪ Indeed, I think he was the Deputy of Caesar, Which I am induced to suppose (1.) because there is mention here made of the Tribune of the Souldiers. For that agrees very well with the Deputy of Caesar▪ who lookt after the Military affairs. (2.) In the old inscription, which Gruter speaks of, pag. 427, he is termed Deputy of the Lugdunensian Province. See Gruter. Inscript. p. 427. Lastly, Spartianus (in Severo) attests, that the Province of Lyons was in the Reign of M. Antoninus governed by Deputies of Caesar. And perhaps in this Epistle of those of Lyons, Severus is meant: for he was Deputy of the Lugdunensian Province under Marcus. Junius Blesus also (whom Tacitus in the B. 1. of his History calls Governour of Gallia Lugdunen∣sis) was Deputy of this Province; and so was Vitrasius Pollio in the times of Adrjan. Vales.
• g 1.9

  This Martyrs name should be writ∣ten with a double ••, as it is in the Maz. and Fuk. M. SS. For Vettius is a Roman name, and occurs in Cicero, and Juvenal▪ Vales.
• h 1.10

  They mean Za∣chariah the Priest, the father of John the Baptist, whom they call Seniour, comparing Epagathus, a young man, with him. Vales.
• i 1.11

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the term here used. It seems to be a Metaphor taken from Champions, who be∣fore they engaged in the com∣bat, were wont to be examined and proved, whether they were free men, and of the age that Cham∣pions should be. And those that were admitted to the combat, were said 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ such as were repu∣diated 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ the examina∣tion it self was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as I collect from this place. Indeed this Epistle is very full of Athletical terms, as 'tis manifest from this place▪ and as we will shew more plainly hereafter. Vales.
• k 1.12

  To wit, in the Church of Vienna and in that of Lyons. But these words are in an especial manner to be taken notice of, be∣cause from them it appears mani∣festly, that the Church of Vienna, as well as that of Lyons, had at that time its Bishop. For by an∣tient writers it is not called a Church unless it be a mother-Church, which we call a Cathedral. Ado Viennensis (in his Chronicon) says Justus was Bishop of Vienna at that time; who having been macerated with a long Exile, was at last Crowned with Mar∣tyrdom. Vales.
• l 1.13

  The story goes, that this Thyestes eat part of his own son; whom Atreus his brother (to be revenged of him for committing adultery with his wife) made ready, and set before him.
• m 1.14

  He (not knowing her to be so) married his own mother Jo∣cast••, (having before out of igno∣rance slain his own father Laius,) of whom he begat four sons.
• * 1.15

  Joh. 16. 2.
• n 1.16

  The servants of the Chri∣stians (before mentioned) being afraid of the tortures they were threatned with, had confest that the Christians killed infants, and committed incest: and here the devill endeavoured, that the Chri∣stians themselves, which were ap∣prehended, should after the same manner calumniate the Christian Religion. Therefore the Judges tortured them all manner of ways, that they should confess, that they eat children, and committed in∣cest. Upon this account Blandina (as hereafter it follows) cried out amidst her tortures—I am a Christian, and there is nothing of wickedness acted amongst us. Vales.
• o 1.17

  This Sanctus was born at Vienna, but was a Deacon of the Church at Lyons. Vales.
• * 1.18

  See Joh. 7. 38.
• p 1.19

  That is, by reason of the greatness of his tortures. For they who were tortured in the Eculeus (the description of which Engine see in Turnebus his Advers. L. 4. c. 39.) were forced to bow their heads very much. Vales.
• q 1.20

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the term in the ori∣ginal. Ru∣finus (as by his Ver∣sion ap∣pears) read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. wounds; which rea∣ding seems to be right. Vales.
• r 1.21

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; thats the reading of the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil. M. SS. And 'tis bet∣ter than 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. the Tormentours, as 'tis in Robert Stephens Edit. They are meant here, who calumniated the Chri∣stian Religion; or at least those, who, by reason of the sharpness of the tortures, renounc't it, and confest that the Christians killed infants, and committed incest. Vales.
• s 1.22

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; i. e. in the stocks, see chap. 16. B. 4. and the note there, con∣cerning this term. The fashion of this Engine for punishment, and the manner how persons were punished in it, seems to have been this. It was a piece of tim∣ber, wherein five paire of holes were made, at a certain distance one from the other: into these holes (as it were into boots) they put the feet of offenders, and fastned them therein with cords and fetters. The meaning of [their feet being strained to the fifth hole] is, they forced them to stradle so wide, as to put their feet into the last pair of holes; which posture, (those holes being at the greatest distance one from the other) was the sharpest degree of torture in this Engine. Vales.
• * 1.23

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the phrase, i. e. in their passage from their con∣finement to the place of judicature. Vales.
• † 1.24

  Psal. 45. 10.
• t 1.25

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. By this term the Amphitheatre seems to be understood▪ For it can't be referred to [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] because the preposition is repeated, thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. This is the reading of the Maz. Med. Fuk. & Savil. M. SS. Vales.
• * 1.26

  The meaning of this place is, that the President, or Deputy, of the Province of Lyons granted the people an extraordinary shew of fighting with the wild beasts; a day being appointed for that purpose, because of the Chri∣stians, who were condemned to the beasts. For the Romans had set days for these Spectacles, which fell on the month of December, as may be seen in the Calender of Heruuartius. Except on these days, i•• was unlawfull for the be∣stowers of these sports, or for the duumviri (on whom the charge of these shews was imposed) to exhibit these spectacles of fight∣ing with wild-beasts to the peo∣ple. But those judges, who had the power of the sword and of condemning persons to the beasts, exhibited these shews as often as they pleased, that they might de∣light the people by destroying of offenders. Vales.
• x 1.27

  We noted before, that many Athletical terms were made use of in this Epistle. Amongst which is to be accounted the term [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which occurs here. For the Champions, who were to con∣tend in the games, were wont to be drawn forth by lot, which, af∣ter what manner it was done, Lucian (in Hermotimo) tells us. There was a little silver box, dedicated to the God that pre∣sided over the Games, into which the Lots were cast. Upon two the Letter A was written; upon other▪ two the Letter B, and so on. Then the Champions drew these Lots out of the box. Those two, who drew ••orth the Lettter A, engaged one with the other, and sought in the first place: and this was the [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.] In like manner, they that drew the Letter B, engaged one another in the second place. So the Lot and the Ur•• assigned every one his Antagonist. He that vanquished his adversary, was not immediate∣ly Crowned, but engaged in ano∣ther encounter with those others who had conquered their adver∣saries, untill there remained onely one Victour over all. Upon which account they drew Lots several times. Hence 'tis, that in the Farne••ian inscription (which Gru∣ter speaks of pag. 314.) one Asclepiades is said to have got∣ten the victory in many encoun∣ters, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; i. e. after the first or second casting of Lots ha∣ving vanquished the Antagonist•• the second, or third time. For this was usual for that reason I men∣tioned, as often as there were ma∣ny couples of Champions. For the conquerours engaged one ano∣ther, and there was a second and third drawing of Lots amongst them, untill the victory remained to one. And this is that which, in this Epistle, is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Vales.
• y 1.28

  It should be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.] So 'tis in the Med. M. S. and in Nicophorus. See Peter Faber, in his first book Ago∣nistici, chap. 24. Note, also, that Blandina, being a servant, was crucified; for that was the pu∣nishment of servants. Vales. Ro∣bert Stephens reads [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.]
• z 1.29

  The Gladiatours and the Bestiarii, before they began the encounter, were wont to be led about in the presence of the spe∣ctatours. See Lucian, in Toxari. This was usually done not onely with those who let themselves out to play prizes, but also with those offenders, which were condemned to the sword, and to the wild∣beasts. So Martial, Traducta est gyris, nec cepi•• arena nocentes. Vales.
• * 1.30

  That is, by making intercession for them, &c. Vales.
• a 1.31

  The term in the o∣riginal is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] which is used as well in an active as passive sense. 'Tis a Metaphor taken from the wild-olive-tree, which being gra••••ed, grows sweet; of which S. Paul speaks. Vales.
• b 1.32

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Lexicogra∣phers differ very much in their giving the signification of this term (which here occurs.) Stephens (in his Thesaurus,) renders it, fustibus concidi, i. e. to be beaten with clubs: Varinus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. to be beheaded: The Etymologicon (publisht by Sylbergius) says it signifies, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 no•• barely to be put to death, but to be killed with the Tympanum, which is •• piece of wood called a cudgell: The Reader will find a large and learned account of this term, and of this engine of torture, in D. Hammonds note on Hebr. 11. 35. Where he makes it appear, that this sort of punishment was very painfull, contumelious, and capital.
• c 1.33

  The pub∣lick mee∣ting, from all parts of Gallia, up▪ on account of the sports and games, was at Lyons, at the Altar consecrated to Augustus. This Altar was con∣secrated when Julius Antonius and Fabius Africanus were Con∣suls, on the Calends of August, as Suetonius says, in the life of Claudius. Dio writes, that these games were continued in his time. Hence 'tis collected, that the Martyrs of Lyons suffered in the month of August; but not all in one day, as 'tis evident from this Epistle. Vales.
• d 1.34

  In the Kings M. S. and, in Rob. Stephens Edit. the reading here is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] But in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil. it is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] i. e. number. See note (x) in this chap. Vales.
• * 1.35

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the phrase in the ori∣ginal; tis S. Pauls expression, Galat. 4. 19.
• e 1.36

  Rufinus translates this passage thus, qui à Praeside in medium statui Jussus, i. e. who being commanded by the President to be set before him. Which translation pleases me best. For [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which is the word here used, does properly signifie, to set before the Judge; in which sense also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is used. Vales.
• f 1.37

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rufinus translates it, ju••ulat•• sunt, that is their throats were cut; I would rather have it thus ren∣dred, they were run through with a sword. For it was the custom that the Con∣fector should ••••ay the bestiarii; as we noted before, in the Martyr∣dom of Polycarp, B. 4. chap. 15. Vales.
• g 1.38

  Hence it's mani∣fest that the sports of the Gladiatours were wont to be exhibited for the space of some days, at Lyons, at that famous as∣sembly of all Gallia, before the altar of Augustus. Besides these sports of the Gladiatours, there was a day granted by the Presi∣dent for fighting with wild-beasts, on account of the Christians, as 'tis expressely said in this Epistle. For I suppose, that these two terms, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 are not to be confounded, though the Latines comprehend them both in one word, to wit, Munus. Vales.
• h 1.39

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the Greek term; which Rufinus translates craticu∣lam, i. e. a Grid-iron: it is the same, which before is called the Iron-chair, on which the Martyrs being set, were broyled, as it were on a Gridiron. Thus the Chri∣stians were used before they were cast to the wild-beasts. Vales.
• i 1.40

  Amongst the sports of an Am∣phitheatrical shew this was one; a Bull was brought in, to whom (being first enraged) they cast offenders inclosed in a net; whom, like balls, he tossed on high. Mar∣tials verse on this subject are well known, Taurus ut impositas jact at ad astra pilas. Vales.
• k 1.41

  That is the devill; the Greek word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] signifies, a wild-beast; but [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] is often ta∣ken for the devill. Vales.
• l 1.42

  Rev. 22. 11. where instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] as the reading in the original is here; we now read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. He that is unjust, let him be unjust still; See the original of the Text.
• m 1.43

  These words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. neither would mo∣ney per∣swadethem] are not in our three M. SS. Maz. Med. and Fuk. the Kings M. S. and Robert Stephens E∣dit. doe re∣tain them. Vales.
• n 1.44

  The Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil, M. SS. read it thus [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. were swept into the Ri∣ver Rhone: but the rea∣ding of the Kings M. S. of Stephens Edit. is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. i. e. were strewed, &c. Vales.
• * 1.45

  Philip. 2. 6.
• a 1.46

  S^r Henry Savil, at the margin of his M. S. copy, has mended this place thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. and had been cast to the wild-beasts, and taken from them again; Which emendation is put in the margin of the Geneva Edit. Indeed Christo∣phorson read this place thus, as appears from his translation; but 'tis uncertain whether he did it by conjecture, or from the authority of some old copies. Our M. SS. alter not the reading here. Moreover▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (which is the term in the original) signifies in this place, to be cast again into prison; in which sense 'tis twice used in the fore∣going chapter. Vales.
• b 1.47

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Muscu∣lus translates it truest, thus, omni∣bus rationem fidei suae reddebant, i. e. they gave all men an account of their faith: it may be rendred thus, they excused themselves to all: for that's the proper signi∣fication of '〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• * 1.48

  Act. 7. 60.
• c 1.49

  The Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS. read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. over all, Vales.
• d 1.50

  He means the Nova∣tians, who afterwards excluded such as fell in time of persecution from all hope of abso∣lution. Vales.
• a 1.51

  This Alcibiades must be di∣stinguished from Alcibiades men∣tioned a little before in this chapter. He, that is first named in this place, was a companion of the B. Martyrs of Lyons. This person here was (together with Montanus and Theodotus,) a ring∣leader of the Sect of the Cataphry∣gians. Concerning whom see chap. 16, & 17 of this book. Vales.
• b 1.52

  Eleuthe∣rus Bishop of Rome, was first de∣ceived by the Montanists, who craftily hid their errour under the pre∣tence of a felgned plety. Moreover, being moved thereto by the let∣ters and exhortations of the Martyrs of Lyons, he wrote an Epistle to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia, concerning the receiving of the Montanists into the Church. But being soon after admonished by one Praxeas of Asia, he revoked his pacifick letters which he had sent; and, following the authority of his predecessour Anicetus, refused to admit of a new Prophecy. So Tertullian, in his book, against Praxeas. Vales.
• c 1.53

  That is, the brethren of Asia and Phrygia, as well as Eleutherus, were Embassadours for the peace of the Church, See B. 3. chap. 24. note (a.)
• a 1.54

  Blondell (in his Apo∣logy, chap. 8. p. 26.) denies that the Martyrs of Lyons wrote to Eleutherus▪ For he af∣firms that the Mar∣tyrdom of Pothinus, and the Lugdunen∣sians, hap∣pened on the seventh year of Marcus the Emperour, on the year of Christ 167; at which time Soter was▪ Bishop of Rome. The Martyrs of Lyons▪ therefore could not write to Eleutherus who then had not succeeded Soter. But our Eusebius does refute Blondell, saying plainly, That the same Martyrs recommended, &c. Vales.
• b 1.55

  Valesius, in his note here, will not allow that Irenaeus did actually goe this journey to Rome; the Martyrs indeed, says he, had desired him, and he had promised to undertake it; but the heat of the per∣secution coming on, and he being fixt in the presidency over that Church, could not be spared personally to undergoe it. But since Eusebius clearly intimates, and S^t Jerom (in Catalogo) and Ba∣ronius (at the year of Christ 179) doe expresly affirm that the Mar∣tyrs sent him upon this errand, 'tis safest to grant his journey thither▪ thought it must be while he was yet Presbyter, for so they particularly say he was in their Epistle to the Bishop of Rome, part of which our Eu∣sebius has here inserted. See the learned D^r Cave's Apostolici; in the life of S. Irenaeus; pag. 165. Edit. London, 1677.
• c 1.56

  The Kings, Maz. and Fuk. M. SS. read Eleutherus; as doe also Nicephorus and Rufinus. But there are some who call him Eleutherius. Vales.
• a 1.57

  Eusebius is here much mistaken, who says, that M. Aurelius was brother to Antoninus the Empe∣rour, whenas M. Aurelius Antoninus was one and the same person. His Adoptive brother was not named Marcus, but Lucius Aelius Verus, as all men know. But he, who fought against the Germans and Sarmatians (to whom God gran∣ted a sudden shower to allay his Souldiers▪ thirst,) was not L. Aelius Verus, but M. Aurelius Antoninus, as all Historians do attest; which our Eusebius does confirm also in his Chronicon, where he says this was done in the 14^th year of Antoninus, that is, four or five years after the death of L. Aelius Verus. Vales.
• b 1.58

  Melitina is a Countrey of Cappadocia, scituate between Com∣magenes and Cata••nia, sayes Strabo in his 12 Book; who also relates, that that Country had no Cities. But afterwards Melitina became a famous City, which, upon a new division made of the Provinces, was attributed to Armenia the less; so says Amm. Marcelinus, who al∣ways calls it Melitina. Vales.
• * 1.59

  That is, the name of that Legion; he means not the very persons, which then were in it.
• c 1.60

  Some of the Hea∣then writers, who have mentioned this thing, say the Rain was procu∣red by the inchantments of Magicians; others assert it to have been done by the prayers of Marcus the Emperour. So Capitolinus in the life of Marcus, and Claudian in the sixth Consulate of Honorius. More∣over, they have set down the very words of the prayer, that Marcus used, which are these, Hanc dextram ad t••, Jupiter, tendo, quae nullius unquam sanguinem fudi••; i. e. I stretch forth ibis right hand to thoe, •• Jupiter, which never shed the bloud of any man. Vales.
• d 1.61

  That is, the Light∣ning Le∣gion. Scali∣ger has long since remark't, (in his A∣nimad. Eu∣seb.) that the Legion was not named Ful∣minea upon account of this mira∣cle, for it was so cal∣led long before An∣toninus's time. Dio Cassius makes this evident, in his 55 B. where he reckons up all the Le∣gions. Al∣so, the old inscription, produced by Scali∣ger, con∣firms this. Wherefore, as to the miracle of the rain, ob∣tained by the prayers of the Chri∣stian soul∣diers, we doe readi∣ly give cre∣dit to the attestation of Apollinaris▪ and Tertullian; but Apollinaris has not yet perswaded me to believe, that the Legion Melitina was named the Lightning Legion upon that account. Some may object, that there was indeed a Legion, called the Lightning Legion, before Antoninus's time, but that he gave the Legion Melitina that name also, because of the benefit he received by their means. But, if it were so, it ought to be called the second Lightning Legion: and yet Dio makes no mention of any such Legion, although he reckons up exactly all the Legions enrolled by the former Emperours. Moreover, Dio says, that the Light∣ning Legion had its station in Cappadocia, which agrees very well with the Legion Melitina. In the book called Notitia Imperii Romani, the prefecture of the 12 Legion, termed Fulminea, at Me∣litina, is reckoned under the disposition of the Duke of Armenia. Whence tis collected that Melitina was not the name of the Legion, but of the Town, wherein the 12 Legion, called Fulminea, abode. But 'twas not usual to give the Legions their denomination from the places where they were in Garison, but from the Countreys wherein they were inrolled. Therefore, what Eusebius says concerning the Legion Melitina, seems to me scarce probable. Besides, Rufinus purposely omitted this name of the Legion, as I suppose, because he knew that Melitina was the name of a Town in Armenia the less, where∣in the 12 Legion, called Fulminea, kept guard in his time. But (that I may freely say what I think) it seems not very probable to me, that a whole Legion of Roman Souldiers should at that time be Christians; which yet Eusebius seems to affirm: who errs in this also, because he has not produced the place of Apollinaris, nor shown the book wherein he wrote these things. But the words, with which Eusebius closes this whole story, doe sufficiently shew, that he himself doubted of the truth of this matter: for thus he says, in this chap. Let every one determine concerning these things according to his own pleasure. Vales.
• e 1.62

  Tertullians words are these; At nos è contrario èdimus protecto∣rem; si litera Marci Aurelii gravissimi Imperatoris requirantur, quibus illam Germanicam sitim Christianorum forte militum precationibus impe∣trato imbriodis cussam contestatur. Tertul. Apol. pag. 6. Edit. Regal. Paris 1634.
• f 1.63

  Quales ergo leges istae▪ quas adversus nos soli exequntur impii, injusti, turpes, truces, vani, dementes? Quas Trajanus ex parte fru∣stratus est, vetando inquiri Christianos: quas nullus-Hadrianus, quan∣quam curiositatum omnium explorator▪ nullus Vespasianus, quanquam Judaeorum debellator; nullus Pius; nullus Verus impressit. Tertul. Apol. pag. 6, and 7. Edit. as before. We have added these words of Tertullian here, that the learned Reader may see how different the translation, Eusebius here quotes, is from the original copies of Ter∣tullian, which we now have.
• g 1.64

  Baronius has placed the election of Irenaeus to the See of Lyons on the year of Christ 180. For after the death of Pothinus, which happened in the year 179, he says that See was vacant till the heat of the persecution was over. Vales. D^r Cave, in his Chronological Table, says Pothinus died in the year of Christ 177, to whom succeeded Irenaeus the year following.
• * 1.65

  2 Tim. 4. 21.
• a 1.66

  Our M. SS. co∣pies read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I doctrine; I would ra∣ther read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] succession; as Christophorson, S^r Hen. Savill▪ and the old Translatour of Irenaeus read it. Vales.
• a 1.67

  The M••••▪ Med. Fuk. and Savill M. SS. read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, prayer; the Kings M. S. and Robert Stephens, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 purity. Vales.
• a 1.68

  These words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. of which num∣ber Irenaeus was one] seem to be superfluous, and written in the margin onely, by some Scholiast. But they are in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil. M. SS. Vales.
• b 1.69

  Irenaeus, in that he affirms here that The Gospel according to Mark was written after the death of Paul and Peter, does contradict what Eusebius related before▪ at the 15^th chap. of the second book: where he says Mark's Gospel was publish't at Rome, whilest Peter was alive, and approved of by that Apostle. But 'tis no wonder that the antient fathers disagree amongst themselves in this matter: seeing we have almost nothing of certainty about the writing of the sacred Gospels, save that they are four, and written by four several Authours. But when, or for what reason they were written, and whether the Gospel of S. Matthew were first penned in Hebrew, its not very evident. Vales.
• c 1.70

  All the ancient Ecclesiastick Writer▪ (as before was noted) call that book the Wisedom of Solomon, which we now call the Proverbi. But that B. entitled now the Wise∣dom of Solomon, is Apocryphal. Vales.
• d 1.71

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (the term here in the original) does properly signifie, the sayings of wise men, which are repeated by heart. Vales.
• e 1.72

  Irenaeus is the ancientest wri∣ter that makes mention of Theo∣dotion. Wherefore we will see, if from hence we can make out the time when Theodotion lived. Epi∣phanius (in his book de ponderib.) says Theodotion flourished under Commodus, and then put forth his translation. The Chronicon of Alexandria follows Epiphanius's opinion, and says he publisht that work in the sixth year of the Em∣perour Commodus. I Judge Theo∣dotion to be somewhat ancienter. For, seeing Irenaeus has mentioned him in his books against Heresies, (which books, tis manifest, he wrote when Eleutherus was Bishop of Rome, for he says so in the 3^d B. of tha•• work,) we must necessarily grant that Theodotion flourisht before Eleutherus was made Bishop of Rome. Vales.
• f 1.73

  Some of the An∣cients doe declare that the Greek translation of the holy Scriptures was per∣formed under Ptolemaeus the son of Lagus; others mention it to have been done under Ptolemaeus Philadelphus. Which latter opi∣nion in that 'tis confirmed by the authority of the greater number of writers, has at last prevailed. Anatolius says the translation of the 72 was made both in the Reign of Ptolomy the Son of La∣gus, and also in that of his suc∣cessour Philadelphus: which to me seems very probable. For, seeing Aristobulus, Josephus, and Tertullian doe say in express words, that Demetrius Phalereus put Ptolomy upon this business; and it being manifest that the said Demetrius was in great favour with, and authority under, Ptolomy the son of Lagus, and died soon after him, we must necessarily say that this translation (if it were done by the procurement of Demetrius) was begun in the Reign of Ptolomy the son of La∣gus. And, seeing that Philadel∣phus reigned about two years to∣gether with his father, being made his Colleague in the King∣dom, therefore perhaps 'tis re∣lated that this translation was made under both the Princes. Vales. The Learned Petavius is of the same opinion with Vale∣sius, in this matter; as may be seen from his Annotations on E∣piphanius's Book de ponderib. pag. 379. Edit. Paris. 1622.
• g 1.74

  Cle••oens Alexandri∣nus says the 72 Seniours translated all the books (as well those of the Law, as those of the Pro∣phets) of the Scri∣pture into Greek. To whom a∣grees The∣odoret, in his Preface to his com∣ment on the Psalms, O∣lympiodorus, and almost all other writers. But Aristobulus and Josephus, both Jewish writers, doe intimate that the Law onely was by them turn∣ed into Greek. Aristobulus's words may be seen B. 13. of Eusebius de praparat▪ and Josephus's in his Preface to his Antiquities. But to this it may be answered, that the Jews, under the name of the Law, doe sometimes comprehend the Prophets also. See Ma••ius's Preface to the Greek Edition of Joshua. Vales.
• h 1.75

  Valesius reads this passage thus [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. satisfying the Kings desire herein.] He says Christophorson read this place so, and S^r Hen. Savill in his M. S. But the Kings, the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS. (as he says) and Robert Stephens, in his Edit. read it thus [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. God having done according to his own will. We follow Valesius; but leave the Reader to his liberty.
• i 1.76

  Justin the Martyr (in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to the Gentiles) says the 72. Seniours were by Ptolomy put into so many cells; the ruines of which he saw at Alexandria: Epiphanius (in his book de ponderib.) says the King placed them two and two in a cell. These words of Irenaeus agree best with Justin's account of this matter. Others there are, who deride this whole story about the cell; because neither Josephus, nor Aristeas, nor Philo make any mention of them. See Petavius's Annotat. on Epi∣phanius, pag. 378. Edit Paris; and M^r Gregorie's discourse (of Ox∣ford) concerning the 70 Interpreters.
• * 1.77

  At Alex∣andria.
• a 1.78

  Rufinus, and Jerome (in catalo∣go) doe say, that Pantaenus, returning from India to Alexan∣dria, brought with him that Gospel of S^t Matthew in Hebrew. But Eusebius does not say so. For by that which he adds, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] he meanes onely thus much, viz. that than Copy of Bartholomew's was preserved untill Pantaenus came into India. So Nicephorus expounds Eusebius's words B. 4. chap. 32; but I assent not to Nicephorus, in that which he says further, to wit, that that Go∣spel of S^t Matthew, which Pantaenus found in India, was dictated there by Bartholomow. I rather believe that Copy was brought thither by Bartholomew, out of Judea. Further, Jerom (in catalog.) says, the Gospel of S^t Matthew, written in Hebrew, was preserved in the Li∣brary of Cafarea (collected by Pamphilus the Martyr.) even in his time. But I doubt 'twas the Gospel according to the Hebrews, which the Nazareans used. For some thought, that this Gospel of the He∣brews was the original Copy of S^t Matthews Gospel▪ but that's a mistake. Vales.
• a 1.79

  These books of Clemens's contained a short and compendi∣ous exposi∣tion of both Te∣staments, says Pho∣tius, in his Bibliotheca. But, be∣cause of the errours with which they a∣bounded, they were disregar∣ded, and at length lost. Neither is there any other rea∣son, in my opinion, why the books of Papias, He∣gesippus, and others of the An∣cients, are ••ost. Yet the Excer∣pta out of Theodotus, which are extant after his Stromatewn, seem to be taken out of his Institutions; which I wonder no body has taken no∣tice of before. This I conclude to be true, both because in those Excerpta out of Theodotus there are the same things said of Christ, which Photius attests he read in Clemens's books of Institutions; and also because the Authour of those Excerpta does, about the end of them, call Pantaenus Master. Now Pantaenus was Clemens's Master, as Eusebius says in this chapter; whom Clemens in his Institutions, does often quote, as Photius relates. Vales.
• * 1.80

  Or, the most eminent persons of the Apostolick succession.
• † 1.81

  It was that part of Italy, which since is called Cal••bria.
• b 1.82

  Valesius thinks this person was Tatianus, Justin the Martyrs Scholar; Baronius says 'twas Bardesanes, of whom see B. 4. chap. the Iast; but he was no Assyrian; for he was of Edessa, the chief City of O••droena.
• c 1.83

  Baronius says, this was Theophilus Bishop of Caesarea; but I ra∣ther think him to have been Theodotus; which I conjecture from hence, because the Epitome of Clemens's institutions is entitled, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. the Epitome of Theodotus his Oriental Doctrine.] For Clemens calls that the Oriental Doctrine, which he learned from his masters in the East. I have two argu∣ments to perswade me, that Clemens does not here mean Theophilus of Caesarea; (1) Theophilus was contemporary with Clemens, for he flourisht in the times of Victor Bishop of Rome, as we are informed by our Eusebius. (2) None of the antients ever said that Theophilus was an Hebrew, or, which is all one, a Jew. Vales.
• a 1.84

  The most famous Churches, especially those which were foun∣ded by the Apostoles, did with great care keep the successions of their Bishops laid up amongst their Archives, recording their names, and the day of their deaths, in a pair of Writing-tables. These our Eusebius had diligently examined, ••s appears from this place; and he has digested the Bishops of the principal Sees from the authority of these tables onely. Wherefore, the successions of Bishops which are recounted in the History and Chronicles of Eusebius are highly to be prized, as being the ancientest, and most certain. Vales.
• b 1.85

  Before this Valens, the names of two Bi∣shops are wanting, to wit, Maximus, and Antoninus, which were omitted by the negligence of the Transcribers▪ For seeing Eusebius affirmed Narcissus to have been the fifteenth Bishop of Jerusalem from Mark, and the thirtieth from the Apostles; that can't be unless you add two Bishops here. Eusebius indeed, in his Chronicon, after Capito the twenty sixth from the Apostles, reckons Maximus, and An∣toninus; after these Valens, and Dolichianus▪ and then Narcissus. Georg. Syncellus and Nicephorus doe agree with Eusebius; onely be∣tween Julianus and Capito they insert one Helias, whom Eusebius does not admit of. Vales.
• a 1.86

  Rufinus does well translate this pas∣sage thus, qui absti∣nentiae & senectutis praerogati∣v••usus, &c. who making an advan∣tage of his abstinence and old age, &c. For [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] does usual∣ly signifie abstinence and a more strict course of life. But I understand not how A∣pelles could boast of his continen∣cy; who was reject∣ed by Marcion, because he was a fornicatour, and afterwards retreated to Alexandria▪ as Tertullian affirms in his book de praescription. Wherefore let us see whether the word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] does not signifie something else here; it sometimes denotes the Office of a Decurio, or, Captain over ten horsemen; for these Commanders are by the Graecians called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as I have observed in my notes on Amm. Marcellinus. Also, a man may conjecture, that this place should be written thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. his venerable hoary ha••rs and old age. For Apelles was commonly cal∣led old man; and so Rhodon terms high in this chapter. Eusebius fa∣vours our conjecture, B. 6. chap. 39. where speaking of Alexander the Bishop, he uses this very phrase. Vales.
• b 1.87

  The Kings M. S. and Stephens Edition doe here insert these two words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; the mariner] but they are wanting in the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS. Indeed Tertullian, in his book de praescription, does testifie that Marcion was at first a Mariner▪ ubi ••unc, says he, Marcion Ponticus nauclerus, Stoica studiosus? Vales.
• c 1.88

  The Kings M. S. and Robert Stephens Edition call this man's name Potimus; the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savill M. SS▪ term him Potitus▪ so does Rufinus, in his Version▪ and Theodoret B. 1. H••r••t. Fab. Vales.
• * 1.89

  He means Marcion; see B. 4. chap. 11.
• * 1.90

  That is, the holy Ghost; whom S^t John, in his Gospel, does, several times call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, comforter. See Jo. 14. 6.
• a 1.91

  Rufinus, and Cristo∣phorson sup∣posed the term [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] to signifie er∣rour•• Nicephorus takes it in such a sense as to signifie, a discharging; and thought that Blastus, as well as Florinus, was degraded from being a Presbyter. Vales.
• a 1.92

  The opinions of Writers are various and different, concerning this person, whose authority Euse∣bius quotes in this chapter. Ru∣finus, Nicephorus B. 4. chap. 23. and Baronius thought it was A∣pollinaris of Hierapolis, whom Eusebius mentioned a little be∣fore. Jerom (in his book de Scriptor▪ Eccles.) supposed him to be Apollonius, and afterwards thinks 'twas Rhodon. Apollinaris of Hierapolis was not the Au∣thour of this book, 'tis from hence manifest, because he wrote against the Cataphrygian Heresie when it newly arose, as Eusebius attests at the end of B. 4. But this unknown authour compiled his books after the death of Monta∣nus, Maximilla, and Theodotus, as appears by the fragments of them quoted in this chapter. See Hal∣loixius in his notes on the life of Apollinaris, chap. 3. Vales.
• b 1.93

  In the Greek Menology at the 22 of October, mention is made of the holy Averci••s, (so Nicepho∣rus calls him B. 4.) Bishop of Hierapolis, a worker of Miracles. Halloixius put forth this persons, life in Greek, Tome 2. concer∣ning the famous Writers of the Eastern Church. Vales.
• c 1.94

  Why this Authour without a name calls the Her••sie of the Cataphrygians, the Sect of Miltia∣des, rather than of Montanus, 'tis hard to be determined. For he means not here that Miltiades, of whom Eusebius speaks in the following chapter. For he wrote for the Catholick Truth against the Cataphrygiant. The Learned Lan∣gus, who translated Nicephorus, at this place put in Alcibiades in stead of Miltiades. Indeed Alci∣biades is by Eusebius (B. 5. cha. 3••) named amongst the principal A∣bettours of the Cataphrygian He∣resie. Therefore we must either read Alcibiades here, or Miltiades there. Vales.
• d 1.95

  The Kings M. S. and Nice∣phorus (B. 4. chap. 23.) in stead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. throughout Pontus] reads it [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. the Church of the place,] to wit, Ancyra. Vales.
• e 1.96

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ that is, filled with the noise of, &c. For the whole Church of that place ••ounded with the rumour of this New Prophecy, inasmuch as, by reason of the strangeness of this great matter, all men talk't of it. Hence it appears, that the gift of Pro∣phecy was in those times rare and unusual in the Church; seeing that the Prophecy of Montanus which then arose, stirred up at that time such commotions in the Church. Which certainly had not happened, had the gift of Prophecy been then common in the Church. Vales.
• f 1.97

  S^r H••n. Savill (in the margin of his Copy) made it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ i. e. continually, daily: so Christophorson read it. Vales.
• g 1.98

  The reading of the Fuk. and Savill M. SS. is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. the enemies of God. So he calls the Montanists, because they were the introducers of a new Paraclete, or holy Ghost. Vales.
• h 1.99

  This Zo∣ticus Otre∣nus must be distingui∣shed from Zoticus of Comanes the Bishop, whom this Authour men∣tions hereafter in this chapter. For he of Comanes was the antien∣ter of the two. Vales.
• i 1.100

  There were here∣tofore two Mysia's, (as also two Phrygia's,) says Strabo, B. 12. The one called the Greater, which Strah•• calls Olympone; the other the less, which Ptolemy calls Hel∣lespon••ia. Both of them bordered on Phrygia. Whence arose the Greek proverb [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] concerning which see Erasm. Adag. p. 171. Edit. Wech••lian. There was also another Mysia in Europe, which the Latines call Masia, but the Greeks always My∣sia. To difference this Mysia therefore from the other, 'tis stiled here [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. that Mysia which borders on Phrygia; or Mysia in Asia. In the Maz. M. S. this Town is cal∣led Ardabab. Vales.
• * 1.101

  Or, di∣stinction, for the term in the original is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• † 1.102

  See Mat. 24. 11.
• k 1.103

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 'Tis a Metaphor taken from women, who leaving their husbands bed, go by stealth to that of the Adul∣terer. For [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] to sleep, i•• often used for these adulteries, as it occurs frequently in sacred Writt. Vales.
• l 1.104

  Montanus, or rather the devil who spoke through the mouth of Monta∣nus, knew, that 'twas predicted by the Lord, that the spirit of God, at his coming should re∣prove the world of ••in. There∣fore, the devil, that he might make his Auditours believe he was the true Spirit of God, did sometimes reprove, and rebuke them. Vales.
• m 1.105

  Amongst the Montanists there was a certian Chest, into which those of their party put money, which was for the main∣tenance of the Prophets. Theo∣dotus was the first that look•• after this Chest; whom this Authour does therefore call the procuratour of their Prop••ecy. Montanus with his Prophetesses was otherways a great co••ener, who under a pre∣tence of offerings, scraped much money together. He usually gave salaries to the Preachers of his doctrine. 'Twas necessary there∣fore he should have his Treasury, and one to oversee and look after it, who also might deliver out the stipends to such as Montanus or∣dered should be paid. Vales.
• n 1.106

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies, to be seized with a false extasie or trance. For there are true extasies; such was Peter's Act. 10; and Pauls, when he was caught up to the third heaven. There are also false extasies amongst hereticks, which this Authour does elegant∣ly call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 These false extasies di••te•• little from madness, because the devil is the procurer of them: but those which pro∣ceed from the divine spirit doe not at all disturb the state of the mind, but are calm and pleasant, as Epiphanius says (in Heres. Ca∣taphryg.) Vales.
• o 1.107

  These words with∣in this pa∣renthesis seem to me to be a Scholion, which some old Scholiast, or Eu∣sebius himself put in the margin of his book at this place. Besides, from hence it may be collected that Asterius Urbanus was the Au∣thour of these three books against the Cataphrygians, and not Apol∣linaris, as Rufinus and Christo∣phorson supposed. Vales.
• p 1.108

  This was a great man a∣mongst the Montanists, who boa∣sted himself to be a Confessour, and a Martyr; and was so auda∣cious, as, like an Apostle, to write a general Epistle to the Churches, in recommendation of this New Prophecy. Apollonius speaks much concerning this man in the fol∣lowing chapter. Vales.
• a 1.109

  In the foregoing chapter we observed that the name [Miltiades] was put for [Alcibiades.] On the contrary, here [Alcibiades] is crept into the Text of Eusebius, instead of [Miltiades.] In Nice∣phorus tis [Miltiades;] but nei∣ther he, nor Christophorson, under∣stood this place. Vales.
• b 1.110

  Rufinus, and Baronius, were mistaken, in that they supposed these following words were taken out of Miltiades's book. For this nameless Authour quotes nothing out of Miltiades's book, but one∣ly out of the Cataphrygians answer to Miltiades's book: which thing translatours understood not. Now the meaning of this place is this▪ there is a great difference between the true Prophets, and the false. For the true Prophets, who were filled with the spirit of God, did foretell things future in a quiet and serene temper of mind. But the false Prophets, as was Monta∣nus, uttered what they said in a raging and mad temper of mind. Indeed this was the chief ob∣jection of the Ecclesiasticks a∣gainst the Montanists, who boa∣sted they were inspired with a Prophetick spirit, because they Prophecied in an extasie. But we read that no Prophet either under the Old or New Testament did ever Prophecy in an extasie. Therefore Miltiades wrote a book against them, which was thus entitled [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. a Prophet ought not to speak in an extasie of mind. See Epiphanius, advers. Haeres. Montanist. chap. 2. & 4; and Chrysostom. Homil. 29. on the 1 Epist. Corinth. Vales.
• c 1.111

  Jerom, Refinus, and other Translatours thought Miltiades dedicated his Apology to the Roman Emperours, called here [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] But because at that time there was onely one Roman Emperour, (to wit, Commodus,) I judge the Governours of Provinces are here rather meant. For the term [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] does commonly signifie the Presidents of Provinces. To these therefore Miltiades dedicated his Apology, as did Tertullian afterwards; who calls this Miltiades, the Rhetorician of the Churches. Vales.
• a 1.112

  Montanus instituted three ••ents every year, and besides them, two weeks of abstinence, wherein nothing but dry meats were to be eaten. So Tertullian, in his book, de jejuniis, and Jerom, in his Epistle to Mercella. Apollo∣nius objects here against Monta∣nus, his instituting fasts by a Law; not that 'tis a fault to observe fasts; or as if 'twere not lawfull for some in the Church to pro∣claim fasts: for the Apostle S^t John appointed a three days fast ••t Ephesus, before he betook himself to the writing his Go∣spel. But Montanus had no power to proclaim a fast, being an He∣retick, an excommunicated per∣son, and no Presbyter. Apollo∣nius therefore does deservedly blame him, because of his own head, not by Apostolick tradition, he instituted fasts. Vales.
• b 1.113

  In the Maz. Med. Fuk. M. SS. and in Ni∣cephorus, this woman is called Prisca: which is confirmed by Rufinus, Tertullian, and Firmili∣anus, Robert Stephens calls her Priscilla. Vales.
• c 1.114

  The Montanists covered their avarice under the pretext of Re∣ligion, and specious term of Ob∣lations, as Apollonius says a little before in this chapter. Vales.
• d 1.115

  Christophorson thought the Cross was meant here: but doubt∣less Apollonius means bonds, which Themison could not endure for Christs sake. For that which he calls [the sign of confession] here, in the next words he terms [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] bonds. Vales.
• e 1.116

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the term in the original. At Athens there was an house so called, be∣hind the Temple of Minerva Polias, wherein the publick treasury was laid. So says Harpocration, on that word. In all the Temples there was such a place, as Varro asserts, B. 4. But here this term must mean the publick Registry, where the publick Records are kept. Vales.
• * 1.117

  Mat. 10. 9, 10.
• f 1.118

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the term, which Rufinus translates [an Apo∣state.] Vales.
• * 1.119

  He means Montanus.
• g 1.120

  The Greeks call that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which the Latines term, crines tingere seu rutilare, to die, or make the hair red. To doe which they made use of ashes which had been put into lye, as Varro says▪ See Hesychius in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• * 1.121

  That is, a kind of colouring stuff, which is used to make the eye-brows black.
• h 1.122

  I perceive now why Eusebius places Apollonius after the Authour without a name, of whom he spake in the foregoing Chapter. For because that anonymous authour says he wrote his books fourteen years after the death of Montanus and Maximilla; and in regard Apollonius does here say Montanus broacht his new Prophecy 40 years before he wrote; therefore Eusebius sup∣posed Apollonius to be a later writer than that anonymous Authour: In which, as I judge, he is much out. For Apollonius wrote his book whilest Montanus, and his mad Prophetesses Priscilla and Maximilla, were yet alive, which appears from these passages [Let the Prophe∣tess answer us concerning Alexander, who terms himself a Martyr, with whom she feasts, &c] and again [And yet the Prophet does pretend himself ignorant of this man whom he has converst with for many years] Eusebius quotes in this Chapter. Apollonius therefore does not say, 40 years were past from the death of Montanus, when he wrote this book; but onely, that Montanus had set a broach his false Prophecy 40 years before he went about to write this book against him. Let us suppose therefore Montanus to be thirty years old when he set up to be a Prophet; he could not be above 70 years old when Apollonius wrote his book against him. Neither had he Maximilla and Priscilla for his companions, as soon as ever he began his heresie; but, as I judge, they were ensnared by him a long while after. Vales.
• a 1.123

  Eusebius (in his 6^th B. cha. 12.) calls these men [Pon∣tius and Caricus.] Jerom (in Catalogo) calls them Carinus, and Pon∣tius. Vales.
• b 1.124

  So the Ancients termed the prophesie of Montanus and his associates; as may be seen from Tertullian, de Jejuniis; Jerom, in Catalogo; Firmilian, in his Epistle to Cyprian; and the old Authour quoted by our Eusebius, chap. 16. of this B. Vales.
• c 1.125

  The reading of the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savill M. SS. agrees with our translation, to wit, [by all the Brotherhood in the world.] The Kings M. S. and Robert Stephens read it thus [by all the Brotherhood in Christ, over the whole world.] Vales.
• d 1.126

  Debeltum, or Develtum, a Colony in Thracia, is mentioned by Geographers, and in the old Coyns, which John Tristan put forth. Anchialus also, hereafter named, is a City of Thracia, sufficiently known. But why should the subscriptions of the Bishops of Thracia be put to the Epistle of Serapion Bishop of Antioch? If I may make a con∣jecture, I suppose the Bishops of Thracia had written an Epistle to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia against Montanus's Prophecy; wherein they gave their opinion thereof, after the same manner that those of Vienna and Lyons did, as our Eusebius related before. That these sub∣scriptions were put to the bottom of some Epistle, 'tis apparent from Cyrenus's subscription here mentioned. But 'tis no way likely that those Bishops did subscribe Serapions Epistle; (1) because Eusebius does not say so, but onely that the subscriptions of many Bishops were contained in Serapions Letter, as was also Apollinaris's Epistle to the said Serapion. For Serapion did this with good advisement, that he might confute the heresie of Montanus by the authority of many Bishops. (2) How could the Bishops of Thracia subscribe the letter of a Bishop of Antioch? 'Tis most probable therefore, as I said, that the Bishops of Thracia had with a joynt consent written to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia. Vales.
• e 1.127

  That is, Bishop of Anchialus, a City of Thracia, as we said be∣fore. This Sotas the Bishop, hearing of this new Prophecy, sailed out of Thracia into Phry∣gia, where having seen Priscilla, not filled with the holy Spirit, but actuated by the devill, he undertook to cast him out of her by Exor∣cism. Not onely Sotas, but also many other Bishops went at that time into Phrygia, to examine that new Prophecy, says the Anonymous authour, chapt. 16. of this B. Moreover, we may observe, that Sotas, was dead, when Aelius Julius wrote this; which is shown by the word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] a term which the Greeks use when they speak of a dead person: had Sotas been alive; he would doubtless have con∣firmed this thing by his subscription. The same term Serapion uses, when he speaks of Apollinaris, who also was then dead. Vales.
• a 1.128

  Here we began the 20 chapter; following therein Rufinus, Mus∣culus, and Christophorson. The Kings, the Maz. and Fuk. M. SS. begin the chapter from these words [And of this sort were the matters, &c.] which are the close of the foregoing chapter. Vales.
• b 1.129

  The antient Christians did frequently use this term; as often, as they disputed against the Gen∣tiles, under which title they put forth many books, to shew that there was one God, the maker and King of all things, which term [to wit, Monarchy] they ascribed to God the father; but [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. the dispensation, and administration] they assigned to the Son and holy Ghost; so Tertullian, (in his book against Praxeas,) and Tatianus, (adver∣sus Graecos.) There is a book of Justin the Martyrs, now extant, which has this title. Moreover, from this title of Irenaeus's book we may conclude, that Florinus asserted two principles, and em∣braced the opinions of Cerdo and Marcion, affirming one to be the Authour of Good, the other of evil. Vales.
• c 1.130

  See Irenaeus, and Epiphanius, concerning a work of Valentinus's, which bears this title. Vales.
• d 1.131

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the term in the original. Those notes which were set at the margin of M. SS. that the reader might understand some∣thing remarkable occurred there, were properly so called. There∣fore we translate it [adnotationem, i. e. a note.] This note is now to be found in many Greek M. SS. exprest onely by the two first let∣ters, thus [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.] which doe sig∣nifie [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. note.] This adjuration of Irenaeus's did so well please Eusebius, that he put it at the beginning of his Chronicon. Vales.
• e 1.132

  All our M. SS. and Nicepho∣rus, doe read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. his goings out] and so we tran∣slate it. Vales.
• f 1.133

  It was the custom of the primi∣tive Chri∣stians, (when they heard any impi∣ous expres∣sion in a fa∣miliar dis∣course, which was disagree∣able to the rule of the Catholick faith,) forthwith to stop their ears, and run away. See Irenaeus (B. 3, Against Heresies, chap. 4;) and Jerom, B. 1. against Rufinus. Vales.
• * 1.134

  Or, every soul of all sorts of men. For that's the import of the Greek, if it be exactly rendred. Valesius translates it [ex omni∣genere hominum quàm plurimos, i. e. very many of all sorts of men.
• a 1.135

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; i. e. he unclothed himself; 'tis a metaphor taken from champions, who, being to engage, strip't themselves, and studied by various arts and subtilties tò vanquish their Adversaries. Vales.
• b 1.136

  This A∣pollonius was not the same person with him, mentioned chap. 16. of this book. Jerom (in Catalogo) calls him a Roman Senatour. Eusebius does not say▪ he was one of the Senate, in this place. But more of this hereafter. Vales.
• c 1.137

  Jerom (in his book de Scri∣ptor. Ecclesiast.) Supposes the per∣son here spoken of to be Apollo∣nius's servant; and calls his name Severus. Vales.
• * 1.138

  That is, the devil having stir∣red up one of his own instruments, or, ministers, &c.
• d 1.139

  He means the Rescript of Mar∣cus, mentioned chap. 13. B. 4. See that place, and the notes upon it. Rufinus thought the Edict of Tra∣jan, (which Eusebius mentions B. 3. chap. 33,) or the Rescript of Adrian, (see chap. 9. B. 4,) to Minucius Fundanus; was here meant. Vales.
• e 1.140

  The judges, who interrogated the Christians that were brought before them, were wont to per∣swade and entreat them to have a regard for their own safety, by em∣bracing the worship of the heathen Gods. There are infinite Exam∣ples hereof in Tertullian, Euse∣bius, &c. Vales.
• f 1.141

  From this passage I am in∣duced to think that Apollonius was of the Senatorian order, as Jerom has said. Who upon the informa∣tion of some desperate fellow (whose name is unknown) was brought before Perennis, the Pre∣fect of the praetorium, (i. e. the officer to whom the oversight of the Souldiers was committed) as being a Christian; being ask't by the Judge what order he was of, and making answer that he was of the Senatorian order, Perennis com∣manded him to give an account of his faith before the Senate. Which when Apollonius had with much eloquence done, by the sen∣tence of the Senate he was put to death. Why may we not there∣fore believe Jerom, who (in his book de Ecclesiast. Scriptor, and in his Epistle to Magnus) has said in express terms, that Apollonius was a Senatour? And although Eusebius does not expresly say so here; yet from this relation of his thus much may be collected. Besides, Jerom might have read the Acts of Apollonius's suffering, to which Eusebius does here refer us. In which Acts, tis probable, Apollonius was called a Roman Senatour, and was said to have been betrayed by his servant. These Acts were written at Rome in Greek, by men that were Grecians, after the same manner as the Acts of the Lugdunensian Martyrs were written in Greek. Vales.
• g 1.142

  Jerom (in his book de Scriptor. Eccles.) misunderstanding this place of Eusebius, has accounted Apollonius, amongst the Ecclesiastick Writers. But Eusebius onely says, that Apollonius made a most elegant oration before the Judges in defence of the faith he profest, not that he wrote an Apology. Scaliger takes notice of this mistake of Jerom's in his Animadvers. Eusebian. p. 208. But he has there altered the reading of part of this place in Eusebius, thus [But the Martyr, most beloved of God, after he had beseech't the Judge by many intreaties, that he might have leave to give an account of his faith before the Senate.] Which emendation is contradicted by all our M. S. copies, and by reason it self. Vales.
• h 1.143

  All Translatours have rendred this place without taking any no∣tice of the particle [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] in their Versions; supposing it to be use∣less. Which as I judge, is not true: first because the Senatours were not Judges, neither had they Jurisdiction. [2] Perennis, who was the Judge in this cause, had remitted Apollonius to the Senate, not that the Senate should give judgment upon him, but that Apollonius should give them an account of his religion: He honoured the Senate so far, that he would not condemn a Senatour, before the Senate had had cognizance of his crime. When therefore the Senate had heard Apollonius, their answer was, that the man should be judged according to the Law. After this Apollonius was punished with death, by the sentence indeed of Perennis himself, but by the decree of the Senate, because the Senate had heard him, and given their consent that he should be condemned. Vales.
• i 1.144

  He means the Rescript of Trajan, which Eusebius mentions B. 3. chap. 33, at the latter end. See the place and the note upon it. Vales.
• a 1.145

  In his Chronicon Eusebius assigns fif∣teen years to Eleu∣therus, and continues his Presi∣dency to the last year•• of Commodus. Between which two accounts of his there is a great dis∣agreement. Vales.
• b 1.146

  Nice pho∣rus calls him Bac∣chylus. But sometimes diminutive terms, such as this is, are written with •• double L. Vales.
• a 1.147

  The rea∣ding of the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savill M. SS. is [the Churches of all Asia,] as we have translated it. Asia may be ta∣ken in a threefold sense; sometimes 'tis taken for the third part of the world; sometimes for a Province, divided into nine Jurisdictions, which was governed by a Roman Proconsul; at other times 'tis more strictly taken for that region which lies by the River Meander. In these words of Eusebius, 'tis, in my judgment, to be taken in the second sense, to wit, for a Pro∣vince which a proconsul gover∣ned. Vales.
• * 1.148

  That is, the fourteenth day after the appearance of the new Moon: for the religious part of the Jewish Calendar was concer∣ned in these appearances of the new Moon, the reports whereof were made by the country people. See the whole manner hereof de∣scribed particularly, by the Learned Doctor Cudworth, in his excel∣lent discourse concerning the true Notion of the Lords Supper, pag. 67. See also M^r Jo. Gregory of Oxford, in his discourse concerning Upper∣rooms. p. 14, &c.
• b 1.149

  The Learned Arch-Bishop Usher, in his dissertation prefixt before Ignatius's Epistles, thap. 9. says, that the Asiatics, who celebrated Easter, with the Jews, on the first day of unleavened bread, passed over that day with mourning and fasting; after which day was ended, they concluded their Lent-fast. Which opinion Eusebius does here contradict, in that he affirms expresly, that the Asiatics did put an end to their fastings on the 14^th day of the first month, although it were not Sunday. Vales.
• c 1.150

  Here Eusebius does plainly declare that the Asiatics onely did at that time celebrate Easter with the Jews; but that all the other Churches observed that festiyal on another day. Wherefore I dis∣sent from Halloixius, Arch-Bishop Usher, and others, who suppose that the Syrians, Mesopotamians, and Cilicians, did then keep Easter at the same time with the Asia••ics. 'Tis evident that the Syrians and Mesopo∣tamians, were then right in their sentiments about this matter, which appears from their councills here mentioned by Ensebius. For O••droena is a part of Mesopotamia: But afterwards they fell to the Jewish obser∣vation of this Festival, and that before the Nicene Councill, as Athana∣sius asserts. On the contrary, the Asiatics forsaking their former errour, embraced the sounder opinion in their observation of Easter; which they did before the Nicene-Councill, as appears from Constantines Epistle, which Eusebius relates B. 3. chap. 18, and 19. of Constantines life. Vales.
• d 1.151

  It was questioned amongst the An∣tients, at what hour the Fast be∣fore Easter was to be concluded; some were of opinion, that it was to be con∣tinued to the daw∣ning of Ea∣ster day, after the Cock∣crowing, as may be seen in E∣piphanius, and Cle∣mens: o∣thers thought it was to be finished on the Satur∣day▪ even∣ing before Easter-day; So Cyrill, in Homil. Paschal. Vales.
• e 1.152

  The Bishop of Caesarea, (before the Nicene Council, and a long∣time after,) had the dignity and honour of a Metropolit••••, and presided in all the Councils of Palestine, as being Bishop of the chief See. Ne∣vertheless, the Bishops of Jerusalem had a respect shown them; theirs being the Apostolick Church, which first had a Bishop. Therefore the Bishops of that See were not under the Bishops of Caesarea, but were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. were, as to their priviledges, independent of the See of Caesarea. See the seventh Canon of the Nicene-Council. Vales.
• f 1.153

  He was Bishop of Amastris in Pontus, of whom Dionystus Bishop of Corinth makes mention, in his Epistle to the Church of Amastris, which Epistle our Eusebius speaks of B. 4. chap. 23. There was one, which bore the same name, (to wit, Palmas) of the consular order, whom Adrian commanded to be killed; so says Spartianus. Moreover, Eu∣sebius says, this Palmas presided, as being the most antient Bishop, not that he was a Metropolitan. For Heraclea not Amastris, was Me∣tropolis of the Cities of Pontus. But in the Ecclesiastick Councils the precedency was different, according to the diversity of times and places. The plainest and most reasonable cause of precedency was, that the antientest Bishop should take place of the rest. Afterwards the Bishops of the Metropolitan Churches had that honour given them▪ Vales.
• g 1.154

  Jerom (in his book de Scriptor. Ecclesiast.) expounds this place so, as if Bacchylus had convened a Council in Achaia, apart by him∣self: for in this sense he takes the term [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] here used by Eu∣sebius: But there may another sense be given hereof, to wit, that Bacchylus wrote a private Epistle in his own name concerning Easter, not a Synodicall Letter, as the rest did. Eusebius (Book 6. chap. 11.) calls a private Lettor, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• * 1.155

  He means Ea∣ster-day.
• † 1.156

  Eusebius quotes part of this E∣pistle at the 31 chap. of his 3^d B. The Lear∣ned Reader, upon comparing of the original Greek, here, and at the said 31 chapter, will find some small difference: upon which ac∣count our Version of the two pla∣ces differs; for we translated them as we found them.
• a 1.157

  See B. 3. Chap. 31. note (d.) But the Jewish use of this plate of Gold can't be meant here; for John was neither High∣priest amongst the Jews, nor yet of the sacerdotal race. Poly∣crates mentions 3 things of John; 1. That he was a Priest, 2, a Martyr; 3, a D^r, or Evangelist, Now as he was a Doctor of Christ, and a Martyr for him; so also must he be understood to be a Priest of Christ. 'Tis probable those first Christian Priests, in imitation of the Jewish High∣priests, did wear a plate of Gold, as a badge of honour. Epiphanius (in Heres. Nazaraeor.) says James the brother of our Lord, who was ordained the first Bishop of Jeru∣salem, wore such a plate of Gold on his forehead. The same is said of Mark the Evangelist in a M. S. concerning his suffering. Vales.
• b 1.158

  This is Thraseas the Martyr, whom Apollonius mentions in his Book against the Cataphrygians; whose words our Eusebius quotes chap. 18. of this book; Rufinus says he suffered Martyrdom at Smyrna. Vales.
• c 1.159

  Melito Bishop of Sardis makes mention of this Martyr, in his Book concerning Easter; in those words which our Eusebius quotes B. 4. chap. 26. This Sagaris was Bi∣shop of Laodicea in Asia; in whose times the Question concerning Ea∣ster was raised at Laodicea. Vales.
• d 1.160

  In the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS. this mans name is thus written, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Papirus.] Tis a Roman name. Polycrates does not say where this Papirius was Bishop. But I find in Simeon Me∣taphrastes, (in the Life of Polycarp) that this Papirius was successour to Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna. Vales.
• e 1.161

  Polycrates does here stile Melito, an Eunuch, that is, in our Saviours explication, one of those, who make themselves Eunuchs for the Kingdom of heavens sake; who are content to deny themselves, and to renounce the lawfull plea∣sures and comforts of the world, for the service of Religion. Je∣rom (de Scriptor. Ecclesiast.) attests that this Melito was by many ac∣counted a Prophet. Vales.
• f 1.162

  Rufinus thought that seven of Polycrates's Ancestours, or Re∣lations, were Bishops of Ephesus. But Polycrates does not say they were all Bishops of Ephesus; we may suppose they were Bishops in several Cities of Asia. Vales.
• g 1.163

  In the Kings, and Maz. M. SS. this place is plainly written thus [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. when the people removed the Leaven. So Rufinus read this place, as appears by his Version; viz. Qui omnes ita observarunt hunc diem ut conveniret cum illo quo fermen∣tum Judeorum populus ausert; i. e. All which so observed this day, that it might agree with that wherein the people of the Jews removed their Leaven. I wonder why Robert Stephens read it [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 when the people prepared, &c?] For on the 14^th day of the first month, the people did not prepare, but cast away their Leaven. See Exod. 12. 18. Vales.
• * 1.164

  Acts 5. 29.
• h 1.165

  Hence 'tis appa∣rent that Victor Bishop of Rome had written to Polycrates to convene the Bishops of Asia; and threatned to excommunicate him, unless he obeyed his deter∣mination about▪ Easter. As to his menaces, Polycrates answers I am not at all terrified at what I am threatned with. Vales.
• i 1.166

  Valesius (in his note at this place) is of opinion that Victor did not excommunicate the Churches of Asia; but onely en∣deavoured, and threatned, to doe it. The reasons he brings for this are these: (1) Euseblus says ex∣presly [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. he endeavoured to cut off from the communion, &c.] (2) The E∣pistles written to Victor by Irenaeus and other Bishops doe shew that the sentence of excommunication was not then pronounc't by Victor; for thus Eusebius writes concer∣ning Irenaeus's Letters [But does in many other words seasonably ad∣vise Victor not to cut off whole Churches, &c.] (3) Photius (in Biblioth. chap. 120.) writes that Irenaeus wrote many letters to Victor, perswading him not to ex∣communicate any one for their dissent about the observation of Easter; therefore, before Irenaeus wrote, Victor had excommunica∣ted no body: now, it cannot be supposed that Victor did it after receipt of Irenaeus's. Letters; for then Eusebius would have made mention of it; but he intimates the contrary to all this, calling I∣renaeus [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] i. e. Peace∣maker, because his Letters re∣stored Peace to the Church. These are Valesius's reasons. On the contrary, Socrates, (B. 5. chap. 22.) Halloixius in his life of Irenaeus, pag. 668; and D^r Cave in the Life of Irenaeus pag. 168; are of opinion, that this sentence of excom∣munication was actually pronounc't by Victor. Their main argument for this, is grounded on these words of Eusebius, which here follow [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which we have thus rendred [And by his Letters be, i. e. Victor, publickly declares, and pronounces all the brethren there to be wholly excommunicate.] Which, whether it does not outweigh all that Valesius has said to the contrary, is left to the determination of the Learned Reader.
• k 1.167

  This Epistle therefore of Irenaeus's was a Synodical Epistle▪ because 'twas written in the name of the Churches of France, the chief City whereof then was Lyons. This Epistle is mentioned by Eusebius, in the foregoing chapter: for I judge it to be one and the same Epistle, because 'tis unlikely there should be two Synods convened in so short a time, to determine of one and the same mat∣ter. Vales.
• l 1.168

  Irenaeus says, that at that time there was a two fold dissention in the Church; the first concerning Easter day; the second about the form of the Fast; i. e. how many days were to be kept as a Fast; for so he explains himself in the follow••ng words. For all, as well those who celebrated Easter on the Sunday, as those who, with the Jews, kept that festival on the fourteenth day of the Moons appearance, did agree in this, to wit, that they Fasted before Easter. Which Fast, as well as the Feast of Easter, they had received from Apostolick Tradition: See Eusebius, book 2. chap. 17. And the notes there. Vales.
• m 1.169

  Amongst the antient Christians there were three kinds of Fasts: the first was the Fast on Wednesdays, and Frydays, which ended at the 9^th hour of the day, (i. e. at three a clock in the afternoon,) after the end of the Station, or Holy communion. The second sort was the Lent-fast, which ended about the evening. The third sort was the strictest of all, and lasted to the cock-crowing; which was there∣fore by the Greeks called [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] in Latine Superpositio. E∣piphanius (in his Expositio fidei Catholic. at the end of his books, against Heresies) does plainly distinguish these 3 sorts of Fasts. So does Dionysius Alexandrinus, in his Epistle to Basilides. But now, it may be demanded, which of these 3 sorts of Fasts Irenaeus does here speak of? 'Tis manifest, he means not the first sort; for he evidently speaks of a whole days Fast, some suppose, says he, they ought to fast one day, &c. Dionysius Alexandrinus, and Epiphanius, (in the pla∣ces before mentioned) seem to be of opinion, that Irenaeus means the 3^d sort of Fast. Vales.
• n 1.170

  These words of Irenaeus are variously understood. Bellarmine thinks he speaks of Lent. Cardinal Perron supposes he speaks of the week that precedes Easter: which opinion is confirmed by Dionysius Alexandrinus, and Epiphanius, in the places before cited. Vales.
• o 1.171

  Without doubt Irenaeus means, the Friday of the Great week; (i. e. the week before Easter;) on which day was kept a publick Fast, says Tertullian, in his book De Orat. and in that De Jejunio. Vales.
• p 1.172

  To wit, on the Preparation day, (which we call Good-Friday,) and on the Great Sabbath (i. e. the Saturday before Easter.) For on these two days all persons, except the sick, were wont to Fast, says Tertullian, in his book De Jejunio. Vales.
• q 1.173

  The Kings, Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS. doe read and point this place thus [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.] And Musculus has faithfully tran∣slated it thus [alii quadraginta horas diurnas & nocturnas computan∣tes, diem suum statuunt.] whom we follow in our Version of this place; having rendred it thus [others computing forty continued] hours of the day and night make that [space] their day [of Fasting.] This reading is doubtless the truest: For Irenaeus having said that some Fast one day, others two, others more; what need is there of his adding this [others Fast fourty days.] when as in those words of his [others Fast more days] fourty days are comprehended? Besides, if the stop be put at [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, fourty,] (as 'tis in the Savil. M. S. and in Rufinus and Christophorsons translations) to what shall the following words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c.] be referred? If they be referred to those that Fast fourty days, (as 'tis certain they must) then 'twill necessarily follow, that those who Fast fourty days during that time doe eat nothing at all, seeing that they account their Fast must be con∣tinued all the hours of the night, as well as of the day. Having made out the true reading of this place, we come to explain the meaning of it. Irenaeus therefore says, that some Fasted fourty continued hours of the day and night. Some think this Fast of fourty hours was kept by them in memory of that space of time which was between the Death of Christ and his Resurrection: which space of time contained about fourty hours; to wit, from the 6^th hour of the preparation day (that is, between 12 and 3 a clock on Good-Friday) to the dawning of Ea∣ster-day: But I suppose 'twas kept in honour and memory of Christs fourty days Fast in the wilderness. Three things may be collected from these words of Irenaeus. (1) That the Fast before Easter was usually observed in the Church from the very times of the Apostles. (2) This Fast was celebrated in honour and memory of Christ's Fast: (3) That the space of time, allotted for this Fast, was various and different▪ But we ought always to remember that Irenaeus does here speak of the Fast of Superposition, (See note (m) in this chap.) which the Chri∣stians usually observed throughout the Great-week; (i. e. the Pas∣sion-week:) the Fast in which week being once admitted, the Fast of Lent must also be admitted: for the week before Easter is part of Lent. Sometimes indeed we see the Fast of this week is distinguisht from the Lent Fast; (as in Epiphanius's Expositio fidei, &c.) but 'tis not so distinguisht, as if it did not really belong to Lent; but 'tis distinguished from it, as the part is from the whole. The reason of this distinction is twofold; (1) it was kept with a more strict Fast, to wit, the Fast of Superposition, as we shewed before, (note m.) (2) this week does pro∣perly belong to Easter. For the Feriae (or Days) of it have their denomination from the following Sunday, as shall hereafter be mani∣fested. Hence 'tis called the Great-week; the reasons of which term Chrysostom does give in his 30 Homily on Genesis. This Week began from the second Feria, (i. e. Monday,) says Cyrill in Homil. Paschal. and Epiphanius in A••rianis. Vales.
• r 1.174

  In the o∣riginal 'tis [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. their Day [of Fasting.] But Irenaeus did doubtless write [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. their Fast.]
• s 1.175

  Irenaeus would shew here whence so great a diversity about the Fast before Easter arose. He says therefore, that it proceeded not from any law given by the A∣postles or Christ; but did by de∣grees grow in use; and afterwards some Bishops, being too remiss in those things belonging to disci∣pline, made that a custom, which was introduced by simplicity and singularity, and left it to be ob∣served by their successours. In this sense Socrates took Irenaeus's words here, as appears from what he says B. 5. chap. 22. Vales.
• t 1.176

  In Turne∣bus and Moreus's book, at the margin 'tis mended thus [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] i. e. with them. So Rufinus reads this place, as appears by his Version. Vales.
• u 1.177

  The sense of this place is this; Although the observing, and not observing of any custom are in themselves contrary; yet as often as he that observes the custom is conversant among those who observe it not, this diversity will be much more apparent. Vales.
• † 1.178

  The Bishops were wont, in the time of the Festivity of Easter, to send the Eucharist to other Bishops, in the name of a bene∣diction. This custom was at length forbidden in the Council of Laodi∣cea. chap. 14. Vales.
• x 1.179

  Though the exact time of Polycarps coming to Rome cannot precisely be defined, yet will it in a great measure depend upon A∣nicetus's succession to that See, in whose time he came thither. Now 'tis evident, that almost all the antient Catalogues place him be∣fore Soter, and next to Pius, whom he succeeded. This suc∣cession Eusebius (in his Chronicon) places on the year of Christ 154; (a computation doubtless much truer than that of Baronius, who places it on the year 167;) and agreeable to this the Chronicle of Alexandria places Polycarp's co∣ming to Rome, in the year 158; in the 21 of Antoninus the Empe∣rour. See D^r Cave's life of S^t Po∣lycarp. pag. 115.
• y 1.180

  Valesius (in his note on this place) denies that Polycarp came to Rome concerning the difference about the Paschal solemnity; for it was, he says, some other con∣troversies, that brought him thi∣ther. But Irenaeus's express words are (if our Eusebius has rightly represented them, in B. 4. chap. 14.) that Polycarp came to Rome and discourst Anicetus [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] i. e. upon account of a certain contro∣versie concerning the day whereon Easter was to be kept. 'Tis true, Irenaus says (in this chapter) there was a difference between them [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. concerning some other things; but this does not hinder, but that the other was his main errand to Rome.
• z 1.181

  That is, Anicetus had so great a re∣spect for the vene∣rable Poly∣carp, that he permitted him, in his own pre∣sence to consecrate the Sacra∣ment in his own Church. Vales.
• * 1.182

  The Maz. Fuk. and Savil. M. SS. read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. For Letters, &c.] The Letters about Easter are meant here. The Acts of this Synod of Caesarea are extant in Bede, in his book concerning the vernal Equinox; which some look upon to be Spurious; but I think they are in no wise to be despised. Baronius accounted them to be genuine. Vales.
• a 1.183

  The cha∣pters of this fifth book, were, even in our M. S. Copies, ve∣ry much disordered; but we have put them into due order, from the authority of Rufinus; with whom agrees the Kings, and the Maz. and Fuk. M. SS. For those copies begin the chapter at these words, with this Title [How many [Monuments] &c.] but they call it chap. 28. when as 'tis truly the 26; as appears from the Index of the chapters prefixt before the Book. The cause of the mistake was, that the Titles of the former chapters were set down twice in the foresaid Copies, through the negligence of the Transcribers. Vales.
• b 1.184

  The reading in the original is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Valesius thinks it should be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Demonstration.]
• c 1.185

  Rufinus translates it [dialogos, dialogues] Jerom renders it [Tractatus, Tracts.] It may be taken to signifie Sermons or Discourses to the people: for in that sense our Eusebius takes the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in his 6B. chap. 1••. and in the 36 chap. of that book he calls Origens homilies [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] Vales.
• a 1.186

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. (which is the term here) does properly signifie, in∣ternoscere, ac distin∣guere, i. e. to discern, or distin∣guish. The import of Eusebius's words is, that those Writers which by some certain mark be was able to distinguish from here∣tical au∣thours, were Heraclitus, Maximus, &c. Rufinus and Jerom, instead of Heraclitus, read Heraclius. Our Historian does here relate, first the Ecclesiastick Writers of that time, whose names he knew: afterwards he mentions those, whose books were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 extant; but their names were unknown. Vales.
• b 1.187

  The Title of Maximus's Book was, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, concern••ng matter: it was composed by way of Dialogue. Eusebius quotes a most excellent piece of it in his last chap. of his 7 B. Preparat, Evang. where he gives the Authour this Elogue: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. Maximus, a person in no wise obscure for his Christian life and conver∣sation, Wrote a seasonable piece entitled, concerning matter. Vales.
• c 1.188

  Eusebius does usually quote some passages out of those Au∣thours works which he mentions: So he did, as we see, out of Irenaeus, Clemens, Hegesippus, Papias, and others; whenever he knew the time of the Authours Writing. But in these Writers, whom he mentions in this chapter, Eusebius says he could not perform this, because he could not certainly know the times they lived in, but was in want of arguments and proofs thereof. Vales.
• a 1.189

  Nicepho∣rus (B. 4. chap. 2••.) says, the name of this book (the Au∣thour whereof is unknown) was The Little La∣byrinth: Photius (in Biblioth. chap. 48.) relates that Caius was the Authour of this book; and makes it not the same book with the Little Labyrinth: But Theodoret (B. 2. Heret. Fabul.) confi••ms Nicephorus's opinion, and mentions this very story of Theodotus the Tanner, and Natalis the Bishop, atte••ting he had taken it out of the book called Th•• Little Labyrinth. Vales.
• b 1.190

  Hence it appears, that 'twas an antient custom in the Church to compose Psalms and Hymns in honour of Christ. Pliny (in his Epistle to Trajan) mentions this usage amongst the Christians; as we have already observed, at B. 2. chap. 17.
• c 1.191

  Perhaps this person was that Caecilius Natalis, who by a dis∣pute of Octavius Januarius's be∣fore Minucius Faelix at Rome was converted to the Christian Faith; as Minucius Faelix relates, in his dialogue. Indeed, the name, the time, and the profession of this Person doe all agree to make this probable. Vales.
• d 1.192

  The Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savill M. SS. read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. to be e∣lected.] The Kings M. S. and Rob. Ste∣phens read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. to be called.] Vales.
• e 1.193

  Valesius says those stripes are meant here, which Natalis had undergone for the confession of Christ; Quas, says he, pro Christi confessione per••ulerat: Indeed Na∣talis is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a con∣fessour, at the beginning of this story; and afterwards 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Martyr or Witness: but perhaps the Authour might mean here the stripes, which the story says he re∣ceived from the holy Angels.
• f 1.194

  These are Logical terms: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is properly such a pro∣position, as this [if it be day, there is light.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is such an one as this [either it is day, or it is light.] See Diogen. Laert. in Zenone. Vales.
• g 1.195

  He speaks of the last advent of our Saviour; which the Antient fathers usually speak of not as future, but present. Vales.
• h 1.196

  Galen wrote books concer∣ning the forms of Syllogisms, and concerning the whole systeme of Philosophy, as appears from the catalogue of his works. From this place 'tis evident that Galen is a very antient Authour, which may be collected not onely from the Testimony of this Writer, but from many others, who have made him contemporary with Aristotle, The∣ophrastus, and Plato. See Alex∣ander Aphrodis. B. 8. Topic. at the beginning. Vales.
• i 1.197

  Some call him Ascle∣piades; but Nicephorus and Rufi∣nus term•• him Ascle∣piadotus. A little after this instead of [Apol∣lonius] we read [Apollonides] as did Rufinus, and Nicepho∣rus. Vales.
• k 1.198

  S^r Henry Savill in the margin of his M. S. had made it [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by him.] Our other M. SS. read it [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by them.] But the former reading is the best: for the Authour speaks onely of Apol∣lonides here; affirming that he put forth two Editions of the sa∣cred Scriptures▪ the latter of which differ'd very much from the for∣mer. Vales.
• l 1.199

  The fol∣lowing words [Neither did they re∣ceive such Copies as these from those who were their instructours; nor yet can they shew the Copies out of which they transcribed these things] are wanting in the Kings M. S. I think them not very necessary: but they are in the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS. and in Rufinus's version. Vales.
• m 1.200

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. by, or, by reason of, is here to be understood. These Hereticks, under a pretence of the Grace given by the Gospel, rejected both the Law, and the Prophets: upon which account he calls their doctrine Lawless and Atheistical. Vales.