The history of the church from our Lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the Emperour Maricius Tiberius, or the Year of Christ 594 / as it was written in Greek, by Eusebius Pamphilius ..., Socrates Scholasticus, and Evagrius Scholasticus ... ; made English from that edition of these historians, which Valesius published at Paris in the years 1659, 1668, and 1673 ; also, The life of Constantine in four books, written by Eusibius Pamphilus, with Constantine's Oration to the convention of the saints, and Eusebius's Speech in praise of Constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; Valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into English, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes.

THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History of EVSEBIUS PAMPHILUS. (Book 4)

CHAP. I. Who were the Bishops of the Roman, and Alex∣andrian Churches in the Reign of Trajane.

ABout the a 1.1 twelfth year of Trajan's Em∣pire, Cerdo the Bishop of the Alexan∣drian Church, * 1.2 whom we a little before mentioned, departed this life: and Pri∣mus, the fourth from the Apostles, was elected to the publick charge of that Church. At the same time also, Evarestus having finished his eighth year, Alexander undertook the Bishoprick of Rome, who was the fifth in succession from Peter and Paul.

CHAP. II. What the Jews suffered in this Emperours time.

MOreover, the Doctrine and Church of our Saviour flourishing daily, increased more and more: but the calamities of the Jews were augmented by continual mischiefs following one upon another. For, the Emperour entring now upon the eighteenth year of his Reign, there arose again a commotion of the Jews, which destroyed a very great number of them. For both at Alex∣andria and over all the rest of Egypt; and more∣over throughout Cyrene, they being stirred up as it were by some violent and contentious spirit, raised Sedition against the a 1.3 Greeks and Gentiles with whom they dwelt. And they increasing the Faction very much, on the ensuing year enkindled a great War; Lupus was at that time Governour of all Egypt: Moreover it happened that in the first encounter they were too hard for the Greeks; who flying to Alexandria, took the Jews that were in the City alive, and slew them. But those Jews who inhabited Cyrene, being frustrated of assistance in the war from them, persisted to in∣fest and destroy the countrey of Egypt and all its b 1.4 Prefectures, by pillages and robberies, one Lucuas being their Leader. Against whom the Emperour sent Marcius Turbo with horse and foot, and also with Navall forces: he in many ingagements, having made the war against them long and tedious, de∣stroyed many Myriads of Jews, not onely of those of Cyrene, but also of those of Egypt, who flockt to∣gether to give assistance to their King Lucuas. But the Emperour suspecting that those Jews in Meso∣potamia would also set upon the inhabitants there, commanded c 1.5 Lusius Quiet us to clear that Province of them. Who ingaging with them, destroyed a very great number of them that dwelt there: for which successfull piece of service he was appointed Deputy of Judea by the Emperour. And thus much those heathens, who committed to writing the trans∣actions of those times, doe almost in the very same words relate.

CHAP. III. Who, in the time of Adrian, wrote Apologies in de∣fence of the Faith.

WHen Trajan had held the Empire twenty years compleat, excepting six months, Aelius Adrianus succeeded in the Government. To whom Quadratus dedicated and presented a book, wherein he had comprized an Apology for our Religion; because certain malicious men en∣deavoured to molest the Christians. This work is still extant amongst many of the brethren, and we also have it. From which book may be seen perspicuous evidences of the man's understanding, and of his truely a 1.6 Apostolical faith and sound doctrine. The same Writer makes his own anti∣quity sufficiently evident, by what he relates in these very words;

The works of our Saviour were always conspicuous; for they were true. Those that were healed, such as were raised from the dead, did not onely appear after they were healed, and raised; but also were afterwards seen of all: and that not onely whilest our Sa∣viour was conversant upon earth, but also after he was gone they continued alive a great while; in so much that some of them survived even to our times.

Such a person indeed was Quadra∣tus. Aristides also, a faithfull man of that Re∣ligion profest by us, left in like manner, as Qua∣dratus did, an Apologie for the faith, dedicated to Adrian. And this mans book is, to this day, preserved by many persons.

CHAP. IV. Who were ennobled with the Title of Bishops over the Roman, and Alexandrian Churches in this Emperours time.

IN the third year of Adrians Empire, Alexan∣der the Bishop of Rome died, having compleat∣ed the tenth year of his administration. Xystus was successour to him: and about that time, Pri∣mus dying in the twelfth year of his Presidency over the Alexandrian Church, Justus succeeded him.

CHAP. V. Who were Bishops of Jerusalem from our Saviour, even to these times.

MOreover, the space of time which the Bishops of Jerusalem spent in their Presidency over that See I could in no wise find preserved in writing. For, as report says, they were very short lived: But thus much I have been informed of from old records, that unto the Siege of the Jews in Adrian's time, there were in number fifteen successions of Bishops there: all whom, they say, were by birth Hebrews, who had sincerely embraced the knowledge of Christ; in so much that by those, who were then able to give judgment as to such matters, they were approved to be worthy of the Episcopal Office. For that whole Church at Jerusalem was made up of be∣lieving Jews, who had continued steadfast in the faith from the Apostles times even to the then Siege: wherein the Jews, revolting again from the Romans, were vanquished and destroyed by no small wars. The Bishops therefore that were of the circumcision then ceasing, it will be now requisite to give a catalogue of them in their order from first to last. The first therefore was James called the brother of the Lord; after him the se∣cond was Simeon; the third Justus; the fourth Zaccheus; the fifth Tobias; the sixth Benjamin; the seventh John; the eighth Matthias; the ninth Philip; the tenth Seneca; the eleventh Justus; the twelfth Levi; the thirteenth Ephres; the fourteenth a 1.7 Joseph; the fifteenth and last Judas: And thus many were the Bishops of the City of Jerusalem, from the Apostles to this time we are now treating of; all which were of the Circum∣cision. But now, Adrian being in the twelfth year of his Empire, Telesphorus the seventh from the Apostles, succeeded Xystus, who had com∣pleated the tenth year of his Episcopal Office over the Romans; and within a years space and b 1.8 some months Eumenes, the sixth in order, succeeded in the Presidency over the Alexandrian Church; his immediate predecessour there having sate eleven years.

CHAP. VI. The last Siege of the Jews in the time of Adrian.

BUt when the rebellion of the Jews again in∣creased exceedingly, * 1.9 Rufus the president of Judea, having had auxiliary forces sent him from the Emperour, marched out against them; and, making use of their madness and desperation as an occasion of his sparing none, he slew Myriads together both of men women and children; and by the Law of war reduced their country to ser∣vitude and subjection to the Romans. The Leader of the Jews at that time was by name Barchochebas, a name indeed that signifies a Star, but otherwise he was a man that was a murderer and a robber: who by reason of his name did monstrously pre∣tend to his followers, being a 1.10 slaves, that he was a star come down from heaven to enlighten them who were now oppressed with servitude. But, the war growing sharp in the eighteenth year of Adrian's Empire at the City b 1.11 Bet∣thera, which was the best for∣tified place, and not far di∣stant from Jerusalem; and the Siege continuing a long time; the innovatours also having been utterly destroyed by famine and thirst; and the authour of this their madness undergone

condigne punishment; from that time that whole Nation was c 1.12 altogether interdicted to enter into the country about Jerusalem: the Law, Edict, and Sanctions of Adrian having commanded them, that they should not so much as from a far off be∣hold their paternal soyle. Ariston of d 1.13 Pella re∣lates this. Thus the City being made destitute of the Jewish Nation, and wholly cleared of its old inhabitants, was possessed by forreigners that dwelt there, and e 1.14 afterwards made a Roman City; and, changing its name, was, in honour of the Em∣perour Aelius Adrianus, called Aelia. And, when there was a Church there gathered of the Nations that dwelt in it, Mark was the first who, after the Bishops of the circumcision, undertook the publick administration of matters there.

CHAP. VII. Who at that time were the Authours of false doctrine.

NOw, the Churches throughout the whole world shining like most bright stars, and the faith in our Saviour and Lord Jesus Christ flourishing among all mankind, the Devil that hater of good, as being always the enemy of truth, and most malicious impugner of mans salvation, using all his arts and stratagems against the Church, at first armed himself against it with outward per∣secutions: But then afterwards being excluded from them, he made his assaults by other methods, ma∣king use of evil men and Impostours as being the pernitious instruments for destroying of souls, and ministers of perdition: devising all ways, whereby these impostours and deceivers, cloath∣ing themselves with the title of our Religion, might both lead into the Pit of destruction, those of the Faithfull whom they had enticed to them∣selves, and also divert such as were unskilfull in the Faith from the way that leads to the com∣fortable Word, by such means as they attempted to put in practise. From that Menander therefore, whom we a little * 1.15 before manifested to have been the successour of Simon, there was hatcht a Ser∣pentine breed, double mouthed as it were, and double headed, which constituted the Founders of two different and disagreeing Heresies; Saturninus, by birth an Antiochian, and Basilides, an Alexan∣drian; whereof the former in Syria, the other in Egypt, set up Schools of most detestable Heresies. Moreover, Irenaeus makes it manifest that Satur∣ninus feigned mostly the same things that Me∣nander did; but that Basilides under a pretext of more mystical matters, most mightily enlarged his inventions, forming monstrous and fabulous ficti∣ons for the making up of his impious Heresie. There being many Ecclesiastical men therefore, who at that time were defenders of the Truth, and eloquent main∣tainers of the Apostolical and Ecclesiastical doctrine, some of them forthwith comprized in writing ex∣planatory accounts of the fore-manifested Heresies, which they left as cautions and preventions to po∣sterity: of which there is come to our hands a most strenuous confutation of Basilides, of A∣grippa Castor's, a most eminent Writer in those times; wherein he discovers the horrible imposture of the man: disclosing therefore his secrets, he says that he made four and twenty books upon the a 1.16 Gospel, and that he coun∣terfeited for himself Prophets named by him b 1.17 Barcabbas and Barcoph, and some c 1.18 o∣thers who never were in be∣ing; and that he gave them barbarous names to astonish those who were admirers of such things; and that he taught that it was a thing indifferent to taste of meats offered to Idols, and that in times of persecutions those did not imprudently who ab∣jured the Faith: and that, after the manner of the Py∣thagoreans, he injoyned a five years silence to his followers: the foresaid Authour having recounted these things and o∣thers like them concerning this Basilides, hath most di∣ligently detected and brought to light the errour of the fore∣mentioned Heresie. But Ire∣naeus writeth also, that Car∣pocrates, the father of another Heresie termed the Gnostick Heresie, was cotemporary with these. These Gnosticks thought that those magical de∣lusions of Simon's were not to be exposed covertly as he did, but publickly and openly; boasting of amorous potions accurately and curiously made by them, and of certain spirits that were causes of Dreams, and d 1.19 Familiars, and of certain other such like delusions, as if these were the greatest and one∣ly excellent things. And agreeable hereunto they taught, that those who would arrive to perfection in their mysteries, or rather detestable wickednesses, must act all things that were most filthy and un∣clean; being no other ways able to avoid the Ru∣lers of the world (as they call them) unless they distributed to all of them their dues by most filthy and detestable acts of obscenity. The devill there∣fore who delights in mischief, making use of these instruments, it came to pass that he both miserably enslaved such as were seduced by them, and so led them into destruction; and also gave those Na∣tions that were unbelievers a great occasion of a∣bundantly slandring the divine doctrine; a report arising from them being diffused to the reproach∣full detraction of the whole Christian Religion. Upon this account therefore chiefly it happened than an impious and most absurd suspition con∣cerning us was spread abroad amongst those who

then were unbelievers; as if we used detestable carnal copulation with mothers and sisters, and fed upon nefarious meats. But these crafts of the devil's did not long succeed with him; the truth asserted and confirmed its self, and in process of time shone forth most clearly and apparently. For these devices of the adversaries, being repelled by their own force, forthwith became extinct; Heresies of a different sort newly designed and cut out, and succeeding one after the other, the former forthwith melted and fell away, and being dissolved into kinds that were of divers sorts and fashions, were, some one way, some another, de∣stroyed. But the brightness of the Catholick and onely true Church, being always the same and so continuing stedfast and like it self, was greatly in∣creased and augmented; the gravity, the sincerity, the ingenious freedom, the modesty, and purity of an holy conversation and Philosophical course of life shooting forth a splendour over all Nations both Grecians and Barbarians. That reproachfull detraction therefore wherewith our Religion had been overspread, was instantly suppressed. Where∣fore our doctrine continued to be the onely, and the e 1.20 prevailing opinion among all men, and was confessed to be most eminently flourishing upon account of its gravity, its prudent modesty, and its divine and wise precepts: in so much that no one hitherto hath been so audacious, as to charge our faith with any foul slander, or any such reproach∣full detraction, as those our old adversaries were formerly ready and willing to make use of. But moreover, in these times the truth again produced many that were its defenders, who engaged these impious Heresies, not onely with unwritten argu∣ments, but also with penned demonstrations.

CHAP. VIII. What Ecclesiastical Writers there were in those times.

AMongst which flourished a 1.21 Hegesippus, out of whom we have quoted many words in our foregoing books, when we delivered some passages of those things done in the Apostles times from his relation thereof. He therefore having in five books set forth the certain relation of the Apo∣stolick doctrine in a most plain series, evidently shews the time wherein he flouri∣shed: writing thus concer∣ning those who at first set up images—For whom they made Monuments and Temples, as untill now they doe. Of which number is Antinous the ser∣vant of Caesar Adrianus, in honour of whom there is a sacred b 1.22 game instituted, called Antinoium, which is cele∣brated now in our days. For Adrian also built a City, and named it Antinous, and in∣stituted c 1.23 Prophets. At the same time also Justin, a sincere lover of the true Philosophy, as yet spent his time about, and was studious in, the writings of the gentile Philoso∣phers: he in like manner declares this very time, in his Apologie to Antoninus, writing thus; We judge it not absurd here to mention Antinous also who lived very lately; whom all men through fear have undertaken to worship as a God, not with∣standing they evidently know who he was, and from whence he had his original. The same Authour, mentioning also the war then waged against the Jews, adds thus much; For in the d 1.24 late Jewish war, Barchochebas, who was the Head of the Jewish Re∣bellion, gave command that the Christians onely should be most cruelly tormented, unless they would deny Jesus Christ, and blaspheme. But moreover, de∣claring in the same book, his own conversion from the gentile Philosophy to the worship of the true God, that it was not done by him rashly and unad∣visedly, but with judgment and consideration, he writes thus;

I also my self, being much addicted to and affected with the Platonick Philosophy, hear∣ing the Christians calumniated, and seeing them undaunted at death, and at what ever else is ac∣counted terrible, thought it impossible that such men should live wickedly and be given to vo∣luptuousness. For, what sensual or intemperate person, and one who accounts humane flesh good food, could willingly embrace death, which would deprive him of his desires? and would not rather use his utmost endeavour to live con∣tinually in this life, and conceal himself from the Magistrates? much less would he volunta∣rily offer himself to be put to death.

Moreover the same Authour relates, that Adrian (having received letters from that most eminent Gover∣nour e 1.25 Serenius Granianus concerning the Chri∣stians, setting forth how unjust it was they should be slain uncondemned, meerly to gratifie the cla∣mours of the people, when no accusation appeared against them) wrote an answer to f 1.26 Minucius Fundanus Proconsul of Asia, wherein he com∣manded that no one should be put to death with∣out a judiciary prosecution, and an accusation lawfull and allowable. And Justin there pro∣duceth the copy of the Rescript in Latine, the lan∣guage wherein it was originally written. But before it he premiseth these words;

g 1.27 And al∣though from the letter of the most excellent and renowned Caesar Adrianus your father, we might request you would give command, that the judiciary proceedings against us be made ac∣cording as we desire; yet we crave this, not so much because it was commanded by Adrian, but, in regard we know and understand our petition to be just: And moreover, that you may per∣ceive what we say herein to be true, we have in∣serted the copy of Adrian's letter;

which is thus. To these words Justin hath annexed the Latine copy of the Letter; which we, as well as we could, have done into Greek, after this man∣ner.

CHAP. IX. The Rescript of Adrian, that we Christians should not be unjustly prosecuted.

TO Minutius Fundanus. I received a letter, written to me, from that eminent person Serennius Granianus, your predeces∣sour.

Indeed, this business, a I judge, is not to be passed by undiscussed; least both the Chri∣stians be molested, and also an occasion of do∣ing mischief given to Sycophants. Wherefore if the men of your Province can by a due way of complaint openly charge the Christians with any accusation, and so doe it, as that they ap∣pear and answer it before the seat of judicature; let them make it their business onely to take such a course as this against them; but let them not use a 1.28 tumultuous outcries and clamours. For its most requisite, if any person preferr's a com∣plaint, that you should have the cognisance of the matter. If therefore any one does accuse them, and make out that they doe any thing con∣trary to the Laws, doe you give sentence ac∣cording to the nature of the offence. But if it be certain, that any does frame an accusation meerly out of a malicious detraction, doe you determine according to the heinousness of the crime, and take care that due punishment be inflicted on him.

And thus much concerning the Rescript of Adrian.

CHAP. X. Who in the Reign of Antoninus were Bishops of the Roman and Alexandrian Sees.

BUt, Adrian having paid the dues of nature after he had reigned one and twenty years, Antoninus, surnamed Pius, succeeded in the Ro∣man Empire. In whose first year Telesphorus departing this life in the eleventh year of his pre∣sidency, Hyginus assumed the Episcopal Govern∣ment of the Roman Church. Moreover, Irenaeus relates that Telesphorus ended his life with a glo∣rious Martyrdom; manifesting in the same place, that in the times of the aforesaid Hyginus Bishop of the Romans, flourished at Rome both Valentinus the introducer of his own Heresie, and also Cerdo the Founder of the errour of the Marcionites; his words are these.

CHAP. XI. Concerning those who were Arch-Hereticks in these times.

FOr Valentinus came to Rome when Hygi∣nus was Bishop there: but he flourisht in the times of Pius, and continued to those of Anicetus. Cerdo also, who was master to Marcion, flourisht in the times of Hyginus who was the a 1.29 ninth Bishop; he went into the Church, and openly confessing his errour, so continued at Rome; sometimes teaching privately, other while a∣gain acknowledging his errour; but being now and then reprehended for his impious doctrine, he b 1.30 with∣drew himself from the as∣sembly of of the brethren.

Thus far Irenaus, in his third book against He∣resies. Moreover, in his first book he again says this concerning Cerdo:

But one Cerdo, deriving the original of his errours from the Tenets of Simon, came to Rome in the times of Hyginus (who was the ninth that in the Episcopal suc∣cession from the Apostles had that See) and taught, that that God, who was Preacht under the Law, and by the Prophets, is not the father of our Lord Jesus Christ: For the one is known, the other unknown; the one is just, the other good: Marcion of Pontus, an impudent blasphe∣mer, succeeding him, did mightily propagate that opinion.

But the same Irenaus, having sounded the bottom of that immense depth of matter, full of various errours, which Valentinus, had put together, does fully discover the secret and occult deceit and wickedness, that like a Serpent lurking in its hole, lies hid within him. More∣over, he says there was at the same time another person (by name Mark) who was most expert at Magical delusions: and further, he declares their prophane rites of initiation, and their most de∣testable mysteries in these very words;

For some of them prepare a nuptial-bed, and perform a secret ceremony by pronouncing some words over such as are to be initiated; and a marriage, they say, thus made by them, is spiritual, and conformable to the celestial nuptials: But others of them bring [those that are to be initiated] to the water, and dipping them, use this form of words, In the name of the unknown Father of all, In the truth the Mother of all, In Him who descended upon Jesus: Another sort of them pronounce Hebrew names, to put those that are to be initiated into the greater consternation.

But Hyginus dying, c 1.31 after he had been Bishop four years, Pius undertook the Government of the Roman Church. Moreover, at Alexandria Mark was chosen Pastour, Eumenes having sat there thirteen years compleat. Which Mark dying after he had presided there ten years, Celadion assumed the Government of the Alexandrian Church: and at Rome, Pius departing this life in the fifteenth year of his presidency, Anicetus was preferred to that See. In whose time Hege∣sippus relates that he himself came to Rome, and continued there untill Eleutherus was made Bishop. But at that time flourished Justin and was singularly eminent, one that in a Philosophi∣cal habit was an assertour of the Divine Word, and earnestly contended for the Faith in his writings: who, in the d 1.32 book he wrote against Marcion, mentions the man to be alive at that time when he com∣piled that work. His words are these;

And one Mar∣cion of Pontus; who now at this time teacheth his followers, and instructs them [to believe] there is another God grea∣ter than him that made the world. This man also, assisted by devils hath perswaded many throughout the world to speak blasphemy, to deny the Maker of the universe e 1.33 to be the Fa∣ther of Christ, and to affirm there is another

greater than he that made it: And all their followers, as we said, are called Christians, af∣ter the same manner as the name of Philosophers, derived from Philosophie, is in common given to all that profess it, though they differ as to their Sects and Opinions.

To this he adds fur∣ther, saying,

We have compiled a book against all the Heresies that ever were, which, if you be willing to read it, we will deliver to you.

The same Justin, having wrote many elaborate works against the Heathens, dedicated also some other books, containing an Apology for our faith, to the Emperour Antoninus, surnamed Pius, and to the Roman Senate: For he dwelt at Rome: But in his Apologie, he makes known himself, who and whence he was, in these words.

CHAP. XII. Concerning Justin's Apologie to Antoninus.

TO the Emperour Titus Aelius Hadria∣nus Antoninus Pius Caesar Augu∣stus, and to Verissimus his son the Philosopher, and to Lucius (By a 1.34 Nature son of Caesar the Philosopher, but by Adoption son to Pius) the lover of Learning: To the sacred Senate also, and people of Rome, I Justin the son of Priscus, the Grandchild of Bacchius, who were of b 1.35 Fla∣via Neapolis a City of Syria-Palestine, make my Request and c 1.36 Petition in behalf of those men (being my self one of them) who are un∣justly hated and most injuriously treated by all mankind.

And the same Emperour, being addrest too by other brethren, Inhabitants of Asia, who were vexed with all manner of mole∣stations by the men of their own Province, voutsafed to send this Edict to the d 1.37 Common-Council of Asia.

CHAP. XIII. The Rescript of Antoninus to the Common Coun∣cil of Asia, concerning our Religion.

THe Emperour Caesar a 1.38 Mareus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus Armenicus, Ponti∣fex Maximus, Tribune of the People XV, Con∣sul III. to the b 1.39 Common [Councill] of Asia, sendeth greeting. We know indeed that the Gods doe take care, this sort of men should not continue undis∣covered. For it is much more sutable for them to punish such as resuse to pay them Adoration, than for you. You confirm those, whom you molest and dis∣quiet, in their opinion which they have embraced, whilest you accuse them of impiety. And it would please them much more to seem to be accused and put to death for their own God, than to live: upon which ac∣count they are become con∣querours, and doe willingly lose their lives, rather than they will be induced to doe what you command them. But concerning the Earth∣quakes, which either have been or yet doe happen, it will not be inconvenient to advertise you (because you despond and are out of heart when such accidents come to pass) to compare c 1.40 your [manner of life and behaviour] with theirs. They [at such times] put a greater confidence in God; but you, du∣ring the whole time (upon which account you seem to us to err through ignorance) neg∣lect the Gods, and are careless both of all other [religious performances,] and also of the wor∣ship of the immortal God: And the Christi∣ans, who adore him, you are enraged at, and persecute even to death. Concerning these men many Governours of Provinces heretofore wrote to d 1.41 our most divine father. To whom he re∣turned answer, that such men should not be mole∣sted, unless it appeared they attempted any thing preju∣dicial to the State of the Roman Empire: And ma∣ny also have given us in∣timation concerning these men, whom we answered pursuant to our Fathers decree. If therefore any one shall still persevere to give disturbance to any one of these sort of men, because he is a Christian, the party accused shall be acquitted, although it evidently appears he is a Christian; but the accuser shall be obnoxious to punishment.

This Edict was e 1.42 publisht at Ephesus in the

f 1.43 publick assembly of Asia. That these things were thus done, Melito Bishop of the Church at Sardis (who flourisht in the same times) does evidently attest, by what he has said in his most usefull Apologie, which he made to the Emperour Verus, for our Religion.

CHAP. XIV. Some memoires of Polycarp the disciple of the Apostles.

AT this time, Anicetus presiding over the Roman Church, Irenaeus relates that Poly∣carp (who till now survived) came to Rome and discourst Anicetus about a question that arose con∣cerning Easter-day. And the same Authour de∣livers another relation concerning Polycarp, (in his third book against Heresies) which I judged re∣quisite to adjoyn to what has been mentioned con∣cerning him; it is thus:

And Polycarp, who was not onely instructed by the Apostles and conversant with many that saw Christ, but also was by the Apostles ordained Bishop of the Church of Smyrna in Asia (whom we also saw in our younger days; for he lived to a great age, and being very antient, ended his life by a glorious and most renowned Martyrdom) This Polycarp, I say, continually taught what he had learned of the Apostles, such points as the Church now teacheth, and such onely as are true: all the Churches throughout Asia doe attest this, and also all those who to this day have been successours to Polycarp; who doubtless is a witness much more worthy to be credited, and gives a firmer assurance to the truth, than either Valentinus, or Marcion, or any other Au∣thours of corrupt opinions. This Polycarp, coming to Rome in the times of Anicetus, con∣verted many of the foresaid Hereticks to the Church of God, declaring that he had received the one and onely truth from the Apostles, which was taught by the Church. And there are some yet surviving, who heard him relate, that John the disciple of the Lord going into the Bath at Ephesus to wash himself, and seeing Ce∣rinthus in it, leapt out having not bathed him∣self, but said, let us make hast away, least the Bath fall, Cerinthus that enemy of the Truth being within it. This same Polycarp also, when Marcion on a time came into his presence and said to him a 1.44 Take acquain∣tance of us, returned him answer, I take notice of thee to be the first begot∣ten of the devill. So ex∣ceedingly cautious were the Apostles and their disci∣ples, not so much as by speech to have any con∣verse with such as were corrupters of the Truth; as Paul also said, * 1.45 A man that is an heretick, after the first and second admonition, reject: knowing that he that is such, is subverted, and sinneth, being condemned of himself. There is extant also of this Polycarp's a most incomparable Epistle, written to the Philippians; from which those who are desirous to be carefull about their own salvation, may learn the character of his Faith, and the publication of the Truth.

Thus far Irenaeus. But Polycarp, in his said Epistle to the Philippians, which is still extant, quotes some authorities out of the first Epistle of Peter. Moreover Antoninus, surnamed Pius, having compleated the two and twentieth year of his Reign, died; and was succeeded by M▪ Au∣relius Verus (who also was named Antoninus, and was his son) and his brother Lucius.

CHAP. XV. How, in the Reign of Verus, Polycarp, together with others, suffered Martyrdom in the City of Smyrna.

AT this time, when most sore persecutions were stirred up in Asia, Polycarp ended his life by Martyrdom: [The account of] whose death (as it is yet extant in writing) we judged most requisite to be inserted into this our History. It is an Epistle, written from the Church over which he presided to the Churches throughout a 1.46 Pontus, which sets forth the sufferings of Poly∣carp in these words:

The Church of God which is at Smyrna, to the Church at Philomelium; and to all the congregations of holy Catholick Church every where, the mercy, peace and love of God the Father, and of our Lord Je∣sus Christ be multiplied: we have written unto you, brethren, both concerning others who suffered Mar∣tyrdom, and also about the blessed Polycarp; who by his own Martyrdom sealed up, as it were, and put an end to the persecution.

b 1.47 Af∣ter these words, before their relation concerning Polycarp, they give an account of the other Martyrs; describing their constancy of mind du∣ring their torments:

For those, they say, who stood round were astonished, when they saw them first lacera∣ted with scourges even as deep as their in-most Veins and Arteries; (insomuch that the hidden parts of their bodies, and their bowels were vi∣sible;) then laid upon the shells of a sort of Sea∣fish, and on some very sharp heads of darts and Javelins strewed on the ground, and undergoing all sorts of punishments and torments; and in fine, thrown to the wild beasts to be devoured.

But most especially they relate, that Germanicus was most signally couragious, who being c 1.48 corroborated by divine grace, overcame that fear of bodily death implanted by nature on the mind of man. For when the Proconsul, de∣sirous by perswasion to pre∣vail upon him, proposed to

him his youthfullness, and earnestly entreated him that, being young and in the prime of his years, he would have some compassion on himself: he made no delay, but readily and couragiously enticed the wild beast to devour himself, and almost forced and stimulated it, that he might the sooner be dis∣mist out of this unrighteous and wicked life. Im∣mediately upon his glorious death, the whole mul∣titude, greatly admiring the couragiousness of the divine Martyr, and the fortitude of all the other Christians, on a sudden began to cry out, de∣stroy the impious: Let Polycarp be sought after. Moreover, there▪ following a great tumult upon these clamours, a man, by name Quintus, by ex∣tract a Phrygian, lately come out thence, seeing the wild beasts, and the other tortures they threat∣ned to make use of, was daunted and disspirited, and at length gave way to a desire of saving his life. The contents of the foresaid Epistle doe manifest, that this Quintus (together with some others) ran with too much rashness, and without any religious consideration, to the place of judicature; but being forthwith apprehended, he gave all men a signal example, that none should be so audacious, as to precipitate themselves into such dangers with∣out a considerate and pious circumspection. But thus far concerning these men. Now the most admirable Polycarp, when he first heard these things, was not at all disturbed, but continued to keep himself in a steadfast, serene, and unmoved temper of mind; and resolved with himself to continue in the City. But his friends and those who were about him, beseeching and entreating him, that he would withdraw himself, he was pre∣vailed with, and went out of the City to a coun∣trey-house not far distant therefrom; where he abode with a small company, spending the time day and night (being intent upon nothing else) in continued prayers to the Lord; wherein he craved and made humble supplications and requests for the peace of all the Churches throughout the world: For that was his constant and continual usage. Moreover, three days before his appre∣hension, being at prayer in the night time, and fal∣ling into a sleep, he thought he saw the pillow, whereon his head lay, on a sudden consumed by a flame of fire. Whereupon being awaked out of his sleep, he forthwith expounded the vision to those who were then present, and having little less than predicted what was in future to be, he expresly declared to those that were about him, that he should be burnt to death for [the testimony of] Christ. Further, when those that sought for him used their utmost care and diligence to find him out, he was again constrained through the love and af∣fection of the brethren to remove, as they say, to another countrey house. Whither his pursuers soon after came, and catcht up two boys that were there; by the one of which, after they had scourged him, they were conducted to the house where Poly∣carp lodged; and coming in the evening, they found him reposing himself in an upper room. Whence he might easily have removed into another house, but he would not, saying, The will of the Lord be done. Moreover, when he understood they were come, as that Epistle relates, he went down, and with a very chearfull and most milde countenance talked with the men: insomuch that they (to whom Polycarp was before unknown) thought they saw a wonder, when they beheld his exceed∣ing great age, and his venerable and grave d 1.49 be∣haviour; and they admired so much diligence should be used to apprehend such an old man. But he, making no delay, presently ordered the table to be spread for them: then he invites them to a sumptuous feast, and requested of them one hours space, which he might without disturbance spend in prayer: when they permitted him that, he arose and prayed, being so full of the grace of the Lord, that those who were present and heard him pray were struck with admiration, and many of them altered their minds and were now very sorry that so venerable and divine an old man was forthwith to be put to death. Afterwards, the foresaid E∣pistle contains word for word this subsequent re∣lation concerning him,

But after he had ended his prayer (wherein he made mention of all per∣sons who at any time had been e 1.50 conversant with him, both small and great, noble and obscure; and also of the whole Catholick Church throughout the world) the hour of his departure being now come, they set him up∣on an Asse, and brought him to the ••ity on the day of the f 1.51 great Sabbath: He∣rod the g 1.52 Eirenarch and his father Nicetes met him; who taking him up into their Chariot, as they sate together, endeavoured to perswade him, and said: For what harm is it to say these words, Lord Caesar, and to sacrifice, and so to evade punishment? He at first made them no answer; but, they continuing to be importunate with him, he said, I will never doe what you endeavour to induce me to. They, despairing of perswading him, gave him opprobrious language, and thrust him out of their Chariot so hastily, that in his going down be very much bruised the fore part of his leg. But he, no more concerned than if he had suffered no harm, went on chearfully and made hast, being brought [by a guard] to the † 1.53 Stadium: but (there being so great a noise made in the Stadium that few could perfectly hear) this voice came from heaven to Polycarp as he entred the Stadium, Be couragious, Polycarp, and behave thy self valiantly: no person indeed saw him that spoke, but many of us Christians heard the voice. When therefore he was brought before the Tribunal, a great shout was made, because the multitude heard Polycarp whas apprehended. After that, when he was come near him, the h 1.54 Pro∣consul asked him whether he were Polycarp;

and when he had confessed he was, the Procon∣sul endeavoured to perswade him to renounce [Christ] saying, have a reverent regard to thine age (and some other words agreeable hereto, which 'tis usual for them to speak) swear by the fortune of Caesar; change thy mind; say, destroy the impious: But Polycarp, beholding with a grave and severe countenance the multitude that was in the Stadium, stretched forth his hand to∣wards them, and sighed, and looking up towards heaven, said, destroy the impious. When the Governour was urgent with him, and said, swear and I will release thee, speak reproachfully of Christ; Polycarp made answer, I have served him these eighty and six years; during all which time he never did me injury; how then can I blaspheme my King, who is my Saviour? But when the Proconsul was again instant with him, and said, swear by the fortune of Caesar; Polycarp said, because you are so vain glo∣rious as to be urgent with me to swear by the fortune of Caesar, (as you call it) pretending your self ignorant who I am; hear me plainly and freely making this profession; I am a Chri∣stian: now if you are desirous to learn the do∣ctrine of Christianity, allow me one days space, and you shall hear it. The Proconsul said, per∣swade the people: I have thought good▪ (an∣swered Polycarp) to give you an account; for we are taught to attribute due honour (such as is not prejudicial to our profession) to Magistrates and powers which are ordained of God; but I judge them unworthy of having an account given them of our faith. The Proconsul said, I have wild beasts, to them I will cast thee, unless you alter your mind: Command them to be brought forth (said Polycarp) for our minds are not to be altered from better to worse; but we ac∣count that change good, which is from vice to virtuous actions. He said again to him, since you contemn the wild beasts, I will give order that you be consumed by fire, unless you change your mind. You threaten me (replied Poly∣carp) with a fire that burns for an hour, and soon after becomes extinct; but you are ignorant of that fire of the future judgment and eternal punishment, which is reserved for the impious; but why doe you make delays? Order * 1.55 which you will to be made use of upon me. When he had spoken these and many other words, he was filled with confidence and joy, and his coun∣tenance was replenished with a comely grace∣fullness: in so much that he was not onely not overwhelmed with terrour at what was said to him, but (on the contrary) the Proconsul stood astonished; and sent the Cryer to make Proclamation thrice in the midst of the Sta∣dium, Polycarp professeth himself to be a Chri∣stian: at which words uttered by the Cryer, the whole multitude both of Heathens and Jews who were inhabitants of Smyrna, in a most furious rage and with a great noyse cryed out, This is the Teacher of Asia, The Father of the Chri∣stians, The destroyer of our Gods, who gives command to many men not to sacrifice, nor adore the Gods. Having said these words they cryed out and requested Philip the k 1.56 Asiarch to let forth a Lyon upon Poly∣carp. But he made answer, that that was not lawfull for him to doe, because the Amphitheatrical shews, or the hunting of the wild beasts were concluded. Then they all cryed out with a joynt consent, that Polycarp should be burnt alive. For it was neces∣sary that the vision which appeared to him upon his pillow should be fulfilled; when, being at prayer, he saw that burning, he turned to the brethren that were with him and said Prophe∣tically, I must be burnt a∣live. These things therefore were with no less celerity done then they had been spoken; the multitude im∣mediately brought together wood and dried branches of trees out of their shops, and from the Baths; but the Jews especially most readi∣ly (as it was their usage) assisted in this business. Now when the pile of wood for the fire was made ready, Polycarp, having unclothed himself, and unloosed his girdle, endeavoured also to put off his own shoes; a thing which before he ne∣ver did, because every one of the faithfull continually strove who should soonest touch his skin: for he was always reverenced for his godly course of life, even before he came to be gray∣headed, presently therefore all the l 1.57 instruments pre∣pared

for the fiery pile were applied to and put about him; but when they went about to nail him to the stake, he said, Let me be as I am; for he that gives me strength to endure the fire, will also grant that I shall continue within the pile unmoved and undisturbed by reason of my pain, even without your securing me with nails: so they did not make him fast to the stake with nails, but onely bound him to it. He therefore, having put his hands behind him, and being bound, (as it were a select Ram, pickt out of a great flock, to be offered as an acceptable Holocaust to Almighty God) said; Thou Father of thy well be∣loved and blessed Son Jesus Christ, through whom we have received the knowledge of thee! Thou God of Angels and powers, and of the whole Crea∣tion, and of all the generation of the Just who live in thy presence! I bless thee because thou hast vouchsafed to bring me to this day and this hour, wherein I may take my portion among the number of the Martyrs, and of the cup of Christ in order to the resurrection both of soul and body to eternal life, in the incorruption of the Holy Spirit; among whom let me (I beseech thee) be this day accepted in thy sight, as it were a sa∣crifice fat and well pleasing to thee, according as thou hast prepared, foreshewed, and fulfilled, thou God of truth who canst not lie; wherefore also I praise thee for all these things, I bless thee, I glorifie thee, through the eternal Highpriest Jesus Christ thy well beloved son, through whom to thee together with him in the Holy Ghost be glory both now and for ever A∣men: m 1.58 When with a loud voice he had said Amen, and made an end of pray∣ing, the officers who had the charge about the fire, kindled it; and when there arose a great flame, we (who were permitted to see it, and who are hitherto pre∣served alive to relate to others what then happened) saw a wonderfull sight. For the fire, composing it self into the form of an arch or half circle (like the fail of a ship swelled with the wind) immured within a hollow space the body of the Martyr; which, being in the middle of it, lookt not like burnt flesh, but like gold, or silver refining in a fur∣nace; and forthwith we smelt a most fragrant scent, as if it had been the smell of frankincense, or of some other of the pretious sweet scented spices. In fine therefore, when those impious wretches saw the body could not be consumed by the fire, they commanded the n 1.59 Confector to approach it, and sheath his sword in it; which when he had done, there issued forth so great a quantity of bloud, that it extinguisht the fire; and the whole multitude admired, in that there was so great a difference shewed between the infidels and the Elect. Of which number this most admirable person was one, who was the Apostolical and Prophetical doctour of our age, and Bishop of the Catholick Church at Smyrna. For every word, which pro∣ceeded out of his mouth, either hath been, or shall be fulfilled. But the envious and malevo∣lent devil, that deadly enemy to the generation of the just, understanding the couragiousness of his Martyrdom, and his unblameable conversation even from his youth, and [perceiving] that he was now encircled in a Crown of immorta∣lity, and had most undoubtedly obtained the glorious reward of his victory; the devil, I say, used his utmost diligence that his body should not be born away by us Christians, although many of us were desirous to doe it, and to have o 1.60 been conversant with his sacred dead body. Some therefore suggested to Ni∣cetas the father of Herod, but the brother of p 1.61 Dalcis; do address to the Gover∣nour, that he would not give us his body; least (as they said) they leave him that was crucified, and begin to worship this person: and this they spoke upon ac∣count of the suggestion and importunity of the Jews, who very diligently watcht us when we were about to take his body out of the fire: but they were igno∣rant, that we could ne∣ver at any time relinquish Christ (who suffered for the salvation of all those throughout the world who were to be saved) nor yet worship any other. For we adore him as being the Son of God; but we have a worthy affection for the Martyrs (as being the disciples and fol∣lowers of the Lord) because of their most ex∣ceeding great love shown to their own King and Master; whose q 1.62 companions and fellow disci∣ples we wish our selves to be. The Centurion therefore, perceiving the contentious obstinacy of the Jews, caused the body to be brought forth, and (as 'tis customary with them) burnt it: and so we at length gathered up his bones, more highly to be prized than the most pretious gemms, and more refined than the purest gold, and deposited them in a decent place of burial: whereat being assembled together, the Lord grant we may with joy and gladness celebrate the r 1.63 Birth-day of his Martyrdom, both in memory of those who have heretofore under∣gone and been victorious in this glorious conflict, and also for the instruction and preparation of such as here∣after shall be exercised therein. Thus much con∣cerning the blessed Polycarp, who together with s 1.64 twelve Philadelphians was crowned with Mar∣tyrdom at Smyrna: who alone is so eminently famous and memorable a∣mongst all men, that e∣ven the heathens every∣where doe make mention of him:

t 1.65 Such was the

glorious exit of the admirable and Apostolick Po∣lycarp, whose story the brethren of the Church in Smyrna have in the fore-cited Epistle recorded: and to the same writing concerning him are an∣nexed other Martyrdomes undergone at the same City of Smyrna, and at the * 1.66 same period of time wherein Polycarp suffered. Amongst which num∣ber Metrodorus, supposed to be a Presbyter of the Sect of the Marcionites, was burnt to death. But the most famous and eminent Martyr of those times was one Pionius. Whose particular professions, boldness and freeness in speaking, Apologies and most learned orations in defence of the faith, made both before the people and in the presence of the Governours; and moreover, his affectionate in∣vitations and encouragements to those who in time of persecution fell into temptation, and the conso∣latory speeches he used to such brethren as made him visits during his imprisonment; and further than all this, the torments, and besides them the exquisite tortours he endured, his being nailed to the stake, and his fortitude amidst the fiery pile, and lastly his death which was subsequent to all these miraculous sufferings: whosoever are de∣sirous to know all these particulars, we remit them to the Epistle (which contains a most am∣ple account concerning him) which we have in∣serted into that collection we made of the sufferings of the Primitive Martyrs. Moreover there are extant the Acts and Monuments of others who suf∣fered Martyrdom at Pergamus, a City of Asia, to wit, of Carpus and Papulus, and of a woman named Agathonica, who after many and most emi∣nent confessions of our faith, were made perfect by a glorious death.

CHAP. XVI. How Justin the Philosopher, asserting the Chri∣stian Religion at the City of Rome, suffered Martyrdom.

AT the same time also Justin, of whom we made mention a little before, having pre∣sented a 1.67 a second Apology to the foresaid Empe∣rours in defence of our faith, was crowned with divine Martyrdom; Crescens the Philosopher (whose life and manners were answerable to the appellation of a Cynick; of which Philosophical Sect he was a follower) formed and contrived the treacherous plot against him▪ because Justin con∣futed him often in several disputes had in the pre∣sence of many auditours, at length by his own Martyrdom he obtained the reward of that truth he was an assertour of. Thus much, this most studious follower of the truth (perceiving before hand what was about to befall him) does, in his foresaid Apology, expresly predict in these same words;

b 1.68 And I also my self doe expect to be treacherously betraied by some one of those cal∣led [Philosophers] and c 1.69 put in the stocks▪ and perhaps by Crescens that illiterate fellow, and one who is a lover of vain glorious boasting: for the man is unworthy the name of a Philosopher, be∣cause he declares in publick such things as he is alto∣gether ignorant of, and affirms the Christians to be impious and irreligious persons, meerly to please and delight the multitude; d 1.70 committing herein a great errour: For, in that he in∣veighs against us, having never read the doctrine of Christ, he is abominably wicked, and much worse than the vulgar sort of men, who most frequently are cautious in their discourses concerning those things they are ignorant in, and avoid speaking falsely there∣of. But if he has read our doctrine, and understands not the majestick sublimity thereof; of if he understands it, and behaves himself thus because he would not be suspected [to be a Christian:] then he is far more base and wicked, in that he makes himself the slave of popular applause and irrational fear. For I would have you to know that when I proposed to, and asked him some such questions as these, I perceived and was convinced he indeed under∣stood nothing at all: and that you may know I speak what is true, I am ready (if those our dis∣putations have not come to your knowledge) to propose the queries again even in your presence. And this exercise will by no means be misbe∣coming your Imperial Majesty. But if both my questions, and also his answers have been made known to you, then it will be apparently manifest to you that he is altogether ignorant of our Religion. But if he understands it, but dares not freely declare himself because of his auditours; he is no Philosopher, (as I said before,) but is manifestly evidenced to be an affector of popular applause, and has no esteem for that most excellent e 1.71 saying of Socrates [to wit, that no man is to be preferred before the truth.]

Thus far therefore Justin▪ And, that he was put to death (according to his own prediction) by a treacherous plot, of which Crescens was the framer▪ Tatianus (a man who in the former part of his life had been a f 1.72 teacher of Rhetorick, was well read in the Grecian learning, and obtained no small repute by his being conversant therein; who also has left in his works many monuments of his Inge∣nuity) does relate in the g 1.73 book he wrote against the

Grecians in these words;

And the most ad∣mirable Justin said truely, that the foresaid persons were like thieves.

Then, interposing some words concerning these Philosophers, he ad∣joyns thus much;

Indeed Crescens, who had made his nest in the great City [Rome,] was most notorious for the sin of buggering boys, and above all men most addicted to covetousness: and he, who exhorted all men to despise death, did so mightily dread it himself, that he made it his business to procure Justin to be put to death, (as judging that to be the worst of evils) because he Preacht the truth, and manifestly proved, that the Philosophers were gluttons, and de∣ceivers. And this indeed was the true cause of Justins Martyrdom.

CHAP. XVII. Concerning those Martyrs, whom Justin makes mention of in his Apology.

THe same Justin, before his own Martyrdom does in his a 1.74 first Apology make mention of some others who suffered as Martyrs before him▪ which words of his, because they are accommodate to our Subject, I will here recite: He writes thus

A certain woman had an husband who led a lasci∣vious and libidinous course of li••e; she her self also had formerly been addi∣cted to lightness and a dis∣honest behaviour; but af∣ter she had been acquain∣ted with the doctrine of Christ, she became modest and chast, and made it her business to perswade her husband to live in like man∣ner continently and chast∣ly; advertizing him of the Christian precepts, and de∣claring to him the future punishment in eternal flames prepared for such as lead an obscene and disorderly course of life. But he, per∣severing in his wonted la∣sciviousness, by such his doings, alienated his wife's affection from him. For the woman at last judged it a wicked thing for her to cohabit with an husband who wholly practised all manner of lustfull courses, contrary to the law of nature, and disagreeable to justice and honesty; and therefore she resolved to be divorced from him. But the woman was obe∣dient to the instructions of her friends▪ who ad∣vised her to continue married a while longer, in expectation that her husband would in future alter his mind, and ere long lead a more regular course of life; so she constrained her self and continued with him. But after this, her husband, having made a journey to Alexandria, was dis∣covered to have committed more notorious acts of lewdness; the woman therefore (fearing▪ that by her continuing married to him▪ and by her being his confort at bed and board, she should▪ be partaker of his wickednesses and impieties) sent him that which we call a bill of divorce, and de∣parted▪ from him. But this excellent fellow her husband (who ought to have rejoyced, be∣cause his wife (who formerly had committed lewdness with servants and mercenary fellows▪ and took delight in drunkenness and all manner of vice) did now both desist from those wicked doings, and also desired him to leave them off; which because he would not doe she was di∣vor••'t from him.) drew up an accusation against her, and said she was a Christian. And she pre∣sented a b 1.75 Libell to thee, O Emperour; where∣in she requested liberty might be allowed her first to set in order her domestick affairs; after which settlement she promised to put in an answer to her accusa∣tion. And You granted the womans Petitions. But her (heretofore) husband, being within that c 1.76 space unable to say any thing a∣gainst her, set upon one Ptolemaeus (whom d 1.77 Ur∣bicius put to death) who had been the womans in∣structour in the Christian Religion, after this man∣ner: he perswaded a Cen∣turion, who was his friend, to apprehend Ptolemaeus, and having put him in bonds, to ask him this one question, whether he were a Christian? And Ptole∣maeus, (being a lover of truth, and no deceitfull per∣son, nor falsifier of his own judgment) confessing that he was a Christian, the Centurion caused him to be bound in fetters, and afflicted him with a long imprisonment. At length, when the man was brought before Urbicius, he was again asked this one question, whether he were a Christian? And he▪ assuredly knowing that he should obtain glory and hap∣piness by the doctrine of Christ, again made profession of that divine and virtuous institution. For, he that denies himself to be a Christian, declines the confession of that Religion, either because he is a disallower as well as a denier of it, or in regard he knows himself to be unworthy of, and estranged from its Rules and Precepts: neither of which can happen to him that is a true Christian. When therefore Urbicius had given command that Ptolemaeus should be led a∣way to be put to death, one Lucius, (who also was a Christian,) considering the injustice of the sen∣tence

that was pronounc't, spake thus to Urbi∣cius; what reason is there that thou shouldst have condemned this man, who is neither adul∣terer, nor fornicatour, nor murderer, nor thief, nor robber, and who is not in any wise convi∣cted of any other wicked fact, but onely owns and acknowledges the appellation of a Chri∣stian? Such judiciary proceedings as these, O Urbicius! are misbecoming both Pius the Emperour, and the son of Caesar the Phi∣losopher, and also the sacred Senate. But Ur∣bicius made Lucius no other answer, onely said thus to him, you also seem to me to be such an one, and when Lucius had said that he was, Ur∣bicius again gave command that he also should be led away to be put to death: Lucius ac∣knowledged himself much oblieged to him; for I shall be delivered, said he, from such wicked masters, and goe to a gracious God, who is my Father and King. And a third, stepping forth, was also condemned to undergoe the same pu∣nishment.

After this, Justin does pertinently and agreeably induce those words (which we quoted before) saying,

And I also my self doe expect to be treacherously betrayed by some one of those called [Philosophers] and so forth.

CHAP. XVIII. What books of Justin's are come to our hands.

THis person has left us many monuments of his learned and most accomplisht a 1.78 under∣standing, and also of his sedulous deligence about divine matters, full of variety of profit: to which we will remit such as are lovers of learning, after we have usefully remark't such of them as are come to our knowledge. The first therefore of his books is his supplication to Antoninus sur∣named Pius, and his sons, and to the Roman Senate, in behalf of our Religion: the second con∣tains another Apology for our faith, which he presented to Verus (who was successour to, and bore the same name with, the foresaid Emperour Antoninus) whose times we are now giving an account of. There is also another book of his against the Gentiles; wherein he treats at large, both of many questions that are usually dispu∣ted both amongst us and the Gentile-Philoso∣phers; and also declares his opinion concerning the nature of Spirits; which 'tis of no impor∣tance for us here to insert. And further there is another work of his against the Gentiles come to our hands, which he entitled, A confutation: and besides these another, concerning the Monarchy of God; which he confirms not onely by the Authority of the sacred Scriptures, but also from the testimo∣nies of the Writers amongst the Gentiles. Moreover he wrote another book, the title whereof is Psal∣tes: and another, containing b 1.79 some short notes concerning the soul; wherein he proposes divers questions pertinent to the explication of that Sub∣ject, and produces the opinions of the Philosophers among the Gentiles, which he promiseth to con∣fute, and to set forth his own opinion thereof in another work of his. He also composed a Dia∣logue against the Jews, being a conference which he had at the City of Ephesus with one Trypho the most famous person amongst the Jews at that time. In which book he manifests, after what manner divine grace incited him to embrace the doctrine of the true faith; and with what sedulous earnestness he before that set himself about the study of Philosophy, also with how great an ardency of mind he was laborious in finding out the truth. Moreover, in the same book he relates concerning the Jews, how that they formed trea∣cherous plots and contrivances against the doctrine of Christ; and useth these express words to Try∣pho;

So far were you from a repentance of your impious doings, that you chose out some men fit for such a design, and at that time sent them forth from Jerusalem over the whole world, to publish this, that there was an impious Sect called Christians sprung up; and to divulge the same reproaches, which all those that are ig∣norant of our Religion doe now fasten upon us: so that, you are not onely the authours of your own wickedness and errour; but also give the sole occasion thereof to all other men.

He says also, in the same work, that the gifts of Prophecy even in his time shone forth upon the Church. More∣over, he has mentioned the Revelation of John, and says expresly 'twas written by that Apostle. Also he recites severall testimonies of the Prophets, which, in his dispute with Trypho, he evinces were cut out of the Bible by the Jews. Several other works also of his are extant among many of our Christian brethren. Further, the Books of this person were so highly esteemed by the Antients, that Irenaeus quotes some expressions of his; partly in his fourth book against Heresies, where he produces these words of his; And Justin ••ays well, in his book against Marcion, I would not have credited the Lord himself, if he had Preached any other God than him, who was the Maker of the world: and partly, in his fifth book of the same work, where he quotes these words of his; It was well spoken of Justin, to wit, that before the coming of our Lord, Satan never durst blaspheme God, because till then he did not cer∣tainly c 1.80 know his own condemnation. And let thus much be here necessarily said by us, to incite such as are lovers of learning, to have an high esteem for, and accurately to read over, his books. Thus far concerning Justin.

CHAP. XIX. Who, in the Reign of Verus, presided over the Churches of Rome, and Alexandria.

NOw the foresaid Emperour being in the eighth year of his Reign, Anicetus, having compleated the eleventh year of his Episcopal dignity over the Roman Church, was succeeded by Soter. And moreover, Celadion, having pre∣sided fourteen years over the Church at Alexan∣dria, Agrippinus was his successour in that See.

CHAP. XX. Who then Governed the Church of Antioch.

AT that time also Theophilus, the sixth from the Apostles, flourisht in his Presidency over the Church at Antioch▪ for Cornelius, suc∣cessour to Heros was the fourth that presided there; after whom Eros, in the fifth remove from the Apo∣stles, succeeded in that Episcopal See.

CHAP. XXI. Concerning the Ecclesiastical Writers who flourisht in that Age.

IN those times Hegesippus flourisht in the Church, of whom we have made frequent mention in the foregoing book; and Dionysius Bishop of the Corinthians; also one Pinytus Bishop of the Cretians. Moreover, Philippus, Appollinaris, and Melito; Musanus also, and Modestus: and lastly Irenaeus. All which per∣sons wrote books that are come to our hands, con∣taining the sound doctrine, and true faith, delivered by the Apostles.

CHAP. XXII. Concerning Hegesippus, and those he makes men∣tion of.

MOreover, Hegesippus, in his five books of Hi∣storicall memorials, which are come to our hands, has le••t a most full and compleat account of his own faith and opinion. Wherein he declareth, that travelling as far as Rome, he discourst with many Bishops, and from them all heard one and the same doctrine. You may please to hear him (a 1.81 after some words of his concerning the Epistle of Clemens to the Corinthians) continuing his discourse thus;

And the Corinthian Church con∣tinued in the true faith untill Primus came to be Bishop there: with whom I had some discourse in my voyage to Rome, and was conversant with the Corinthians a sufficient time; wherein we received mutual refresh∣ment from the true faith. But arriving at Rome, I b 1.82 staied there till Anice∣tus's time, whose Deacon Eleutherus then was: after Anicetus succeeded Soter, and next to him Eluthe∣rus. Now in every suc∣cession [of Bishops] and throughout each City the doctrine is conformable to what the Law, the Prophets, and our Lord Preach't.

And the same Authour sub∣joines an account of the He∣resies which were broacht in his age, in these words;

And after James the Just had suffered Martyrdom (as the Lord had also) for the preaching of his do∣ctrine, Simeon the son of Cleophas (which [Cleo∣phas] was Uncle by the mothers side to our Sa∣viour) was constituted Bishop in his room; whom all preferred to be second Bishop there, because he was the Lords c 1.83 Cousingerman by the mothers side. Upon which account that Church was stiled a Virgin; for it was not hitherto cor∣rupted with vain opinions. d 1.84 Thebuthis (be∣cause he was not made a Bishop) was the first that began to vitiate it. This man was e 1.85 one of those that took his rise from the seven Sects, which were amongst the [Jewish] peo∣ple: of which Simon was another, from whom the Symoni••ns; and Cleobius, from whom the Cleobi∣ans; f 1.86 and Dositheus, from whom the Dositheans; and Gortheus, from whom the g 1.87 Gortheans; and Masbo∣theus, from whom the Masbotheans, had their denomination: from these also came the Menandri∣ans, and the Marcionists, and the Cartocratians, and the Valentinians▪ and the Basilidians, and the Sa∣turnilians; each of which men in particular was an introducer of his own o∣pinion. From these came the false Christs, the false-Prophets, and the false-A∣postles; who rent asunder the Unity of the Church by their corrupt opinions brought in against God, and his Christ.

Moreover, the same Writer gives an account of the Heresies which were heretofore amongst the Jews▪ in these words;

There were divers Sects and Opinions in▪ the Circumcision among the children of Israel, which were opposite both to the h 1.88 tribe of Ju∣dah, and also to Christ; to wit, the i 1.89 Essaeans, the k 1.90 Galilaeans, the Hemero∣baptists, the l 1.91 Masbothe∣ans, the Samarit••s, the Sadducees, and the Phari∣sees.

And he writes many other things, of which we have partly made mention be∣fore, and inserted his rela∣tions in their proper and op∣portune places and times. Al∣so, he produces several pas∣sages out of the Gospel ac∣cording to the Hebrews, out of the Syriack, and particu∣larly out of the Hebrew tongue; whereby he plainly intimates himself to have been converted from being a Jew to the faith of Christ. He makes mention also of other things as contained in the un∣written

traditions of the Jews. Now, not onely he, but also Irenaeus, and all the Antients, doe call the Proverbs of Solomon, the book of Wisdom that m 1.92 contains the Precepts of all Virtue: and, trea∣ting of those books which are termed The Apocry∣pha, he relates that some of them were forged by certain Hereticks in his times. But we must now proceed to another Writer.

CHAP. XXIII. Concerning Dionysius, Bishop of the Corinthians, and the Epistles he wrote.

ANd first we are to speak of Dionysius: who had the Episcopal Chair of the Corinthian Church; and liberally and copiously communi∣cated his divine labours, not onely to those com∣mitted to his charge, but also to such as inhabited Countreys remote and at a great distance: rendring himself most serviceable and usefull to all persons, by those general Epistles he wrote to divers Churches. Of which number one is that to the Lacedaemoni∣ans, containing the first rudiments of, and institu∣tions in, the true Faith; and moreover an exhorta∣tion to Peace and Unity. Another of them is that to the Athenians, which is excitatory to Faith, and to lead a life answerable to the Precepts of the Go∣spel: in which point he reproves the negligence of [the Athenians] who had in a manner aposta∣tized from the Faith, since the time that Publius their Bishop suffered Martyrdom, during the per∣secutions which then happened: he makes men∣tion also of a 1.93 Quadratus, who was constituted their Bishop, after the Martyrdom of Publius; and attests, that by his labour and industry, the congregations [of the Christians] were re-assem∣bled, and the ardour of their faith revived, and re-kindled. He relates moreover, that Dionysius the Areopagite (who was converted to the Faith by the Apostle Paul, according to the account gi∣ven in the Acts of the Apostles,) was made the first Bishop of the Atheni∣an Church. There is also extant another Epistle of his to the Nicomedians, wherein he impugneth the Heresie of Marcion, and strenuously asserts and defends the exact Rule of Truth: He wrote likewise to the Church at Gortyna, and to the rest of the Churches in Creet; and commends Philip their Bishop, because the Church under his charge was renowned for many signal acts of fortitude; and admonishes them to use caution against the deceit and perversness of Hereticks: And in the Epistle he wrote to the Church of Amastris, together with the other Churches throughout Pontus, he mentions Bac∣chylides and Elpistus, as being the persons that incited him to write: he annexes likewise seve∣ral expositions of holy Scripture, and by name mentions Palma their Bishop. He recommends to them many things concerning marriage and chastity, and commands those that recover from any lapse whatsoever, (whether vitiousness, or Heretical errour) to be affectionately received. In the same Volume is contained another Epistle to the Gnossi∣ans, wherein he admonishes Pinytus the Bishop of that Church, not to impose the heavy yoak of conti∣nency upon the brethren, as if 'twere necessary; but to have a regard to the infirmity of most men. To which Pinytus returning an answer, does greatly admire, and extol Dionysius; but withall exhorts him, that in future he would impart stronger food, and nourish up the people under his charge by sending again to them some letters that contain more perfect and solid doctrine; least, being con∣tinually accustomed to such milky expressions, they should grow old in a childish discipline. In which Epistle, both the Orthodox Faith of Pinytus, and his sollicitude for the proficiency of those under his care; his eloquence also, and understanding in di∣vine matters, is most accurately and to the life re∣presented. Moreover, there is extant an Epistle of Dionysius's to the Romans, superscribed to Soter, at that time the Bishop there: out of which it's not amiss here to insert some words, wherein he much commends the usage and custome of the Ro∣mans, observed by them even untill the times of the persecution raised in our own b 1.94 age; he writes thus;

For this hath been your custome even from the beginning [of your conversion to Christianity] to be divers ways beneficial to all the brethren, and to send relief to most Churches throughout every City; sometimes supplying the wants of such as are in necessity; at others, fur∣nishing those brethren with necessaries that are condemned to work in the mines. By such charitable gifts, which from the beginning you have been accustomed to transmit to others, being Romans, you retain the custom received from your Roman fore-fathers. Which usage your blessed Bishop Soter has not onely dili∣gently observed, but greatly improved; being both instrumental and ready in the conveyance of your bounty designed for the Saints; and al∣so comforting with blessed words (as a ten∣der and affectionate father does his children) those brethren that come as c 1.95 strangers to you.

In the same Epistle also he makes mention of the Epistle of Cle∣mens to the Corinthians, and manifests that 'twas very an∣tiently customary to recite it publickly in the presence of the Church: for he says;

d 1.96 This day therefore, being the holy day of the Lord, we have now passed over, wherein we read over your Epistle; which (as also the former Epistle of Clemens's written to us) we continuing to read henceforward, shall abound with most ex∣cellent Precepts and instructions.

Further, the same Writer speaking of his own Epistles which by some forgers were corrupted, says thus;

For I wrote some Epistles, being thereto requested by the brethren: but the emissaries of the devil have filled them with darnell; expunging some passages out of them, and adding other some; for whom a Woe is reserved. Its no wonder therefore, that some attempt to adulterate the holy writings of the Lord, since they have basely falsified such as are of an inferiour authority.

Besides these, there is extant another Epistle of Dionysius's, written to Chrysophora a most faithfull Sister, to whom he writes what is agreeable, and imparts to her such Spiritual food as is convenient for her. Thus much concerning the writings of Dionysius.

CHAP. XXIV. Concerning Theophilus, Bishop of the Antio∣chians.

THere are extant of this Theophilus's (whom we declared to have been Bishop of the An∣tiochian Church) three books written to Auto∣lycus, containing the first rudiments of the Faith. He has another Tract also extant, entitled, Against the Heresie of a 1.97 Hermogenes, wherein he quotes authorities out of the Revelation of S ^t John: there are besides some other books of his, wherein are delivered the first principles of our Faith. More∣over, whenas in that age the Hereticks (like dar∣nell) did nevertheless corrupt the pure seed of the Apostolick doctrine, the Pastours of Churches were every where very earnest and industrious to chase them away (being as it were savage and wild beasts) from the sheep of Christ; partly by admonishing and exhorting the brethren; and partly by encountring valiantly with the Hereticks themselves; whom they either confuted by dint of arguments and unwritten questions propounded face to face; or else disproved their opinions by written Treatises most accurately compiled. That Theophilus therefore did, together with others, engage these Hereticks, 'tis manifestly apparent from that elaborate piece, (not unworthy of him∣self) which he wrote against Marcion; which book, together with those other we have re∣counted, is at this present time extant. Further, Maximinus, the seventh from the Apostles, suc∣ceeded this person in the Bishoprick of the Antio∣chian Church.

CHAP. XXV. Concerning Philippus and Modestus.

MOreover, Philippus (who, as we are informed by the words of Dionysius [even now quoted] was Bishop of the Church at Gortyna) compiled also a most elaborate piece against Mar∣cion. So likewise did Irenaeus, and Modestus. But this person last named did most excellently (even better than the other Writers) detect the errours and frauds of the man, and exposed them to the view of the world. Several others also wrote, whose Labours are to this day with exquisite care preserved by many of the brethren.

CHAP. XXVI. Concerning Melito, and what he has made men∣tion of.

ALso, at that time Melito, Bishop of the Church at Sardis, and Apollinaris Pre∣late of the Church at Hierapolis, flourished and were eminently famous. Each of which persons did severally dedicate an Apology written in de∣fence of our faith to the foresaid Roman Emperour, who reigned at that time. The Books of each of them, which are come to our knowledge▪ are these that follow. Two books of Melito's concerning Ea∣ster; one of his, a 1.98 concerning the true way of converse, and of the Prophets: another, con∣cerning the Church; and a third, concerning the Lords day: Moreover, one, con∣cerning the nature of man, and another, about the frame and composure of man▪ and one, concerning the b 1.99 obe∣dience of the senses and their subjection to faith; and moreover, one book, con∣cerning the soul, the body and the mind: a book, con∣cerning Baptism; one, of Truth; one, concerning the c 1.100 Origination and Genera∣tion of Christ: his book of Prophecy, another, concern∣ing Hospitality; and that entitled, The k••y: besides one, concerning the Devil, and, of the Revelation of John; and another, about the incarna∣tation of God; and lastly, his Apology to Antoninus. Now, in his books concerning Easter, to wit, in the begin∣ning of that work, he de∣clares the time when he wrote, in these words,

Ser∣vilius Paulus being Pro∣consul of Asia, at that time when Sagaris suffered Mar∣tyrdom, there arose a great controversie at Laodicea concerning Easter, which happened to fall on those days in its due season: at which time I wrote these books.

Clemens Alex∣andrinus makes mention of this book, in his piece con∣cerning Easter; which book of Melito's was, as he says, the occasion of his compo∣sing that work. Now, in that book dedicated to the Em∣perour, he relates what was acted against us Christians in his Reign.

For now, says he, that sort of men who are pious and holy are persecuted, (a thing which was never before done) and molested with new Decrees throughout all Asia. For most impudent in∣formers, who are desirous to possess themselves of other mens goods, taking an occasion from the Imperial Edicts, doe openly commit robberies, and day and night take away the goods of inno∣cent persons.

And, after some words, he con∣tinues, thus;

Now if all this be done by Your command, let it pass for an orderly and due way of proceeding. For a just Emperour can never decree or authorize any thing that is unjust: and we willingly undergoe the reward of such a death. This request onely we hum∣bly make to you, that you your self would first

take cognizance of d 1.101 them that are sufferers of this vexatious molestation; and then deter∣mine impartially, whether they are worthy of punishment and death; or deserve to live in peace and quietness. But if this Decree, and this new Edict (which ought not to have been established against the most barbarous enemies) does not proceed from You, then we more earnestly beseech You, not to be unmindfull of us, nor permit us to be any longer infested with these publick Rapines.

Then, after the interposition of some words, he adds thus much;

For this Sect of Phi∣losophy, which we profess, at first flourisht amongst the e 1.102 Barbarians. But when, in the Reign of the Great Augustus Your Progeni∣tour, it began to be eminent and conspicuous in Your Provinces; it brought with it most for∣tunate and prosperous success to Your Empire. For from that time the power of the Roman Empire began to be eminently great, and was much augmented. Of which Empire You by succession are the most acceptable Inheritour that could be wish't for, and shall so continue, to∣gether with your f 1.103 Son, if you will be the defender of that Religion which was nursed up together with Your Empire, which took its beginning under the Reign of the Great Au∣gustus; and which your Ancestours did together with other Religions both esteem, and reverence: And this is a most certain evi∣dence that our Religion (which flourisht together with your happily begun Empire) brought with it publick success and prospe∣rity; to wit, that from the time of Augustus's Reign no unsuccessfull accident hath intervened; but on the contrary such splendour and magnificence hath always artended Your Empire, as is agree∣able to the desires and prayers of all men. Of all the Emperours, onely g 1.104 Nero and Domitian (induced thereto by the perswasion and advice of some malevolent persons) endeavoured to fix a calumny and reproach upon our Religion. From whom that false and malicious detraction happened to be conveyed down to succeeding times, agreeable to the usage of the rude multi∣tude, which irrationally gives credit to such groundless rumours. But Your pious An∣cestours corrected their ignorance: and by frequent Rescripts reproved such as audaci∣ously attempted to be insolent and vexatious to∣wards those of our Religion. Amongst whom Your Grandfather Adrian wrote both to Fun∣danus Proconsul of Asia, and also to many other [Governours of Provinces;] and h 1.105 your Father, even at that time when You were his Colleague in the Empire, wrote to the Cities that they should not raise tumults, nor commit any insolencies against us; namely to the Larisseans, to the Thessalonians, the Athenians and to all the Grecians. But we most confidently per∣swade our selves that You (who retain the same opinion concerning us that your Ancestours had; yea, who are enclined to be much more gracious and mild towards us, and to entertain wiser and discreeter thoughts concerning us,) will doe whatsoever we request of you.

This passage is extant in the fore mentioned Apo∣logie of Melito. The same Authour (in that book of Extracts and Collections written by him) does, at the beginning of that work, make a Catalogue of those books of the Old Testament that by general consent are acknowledged as Ca∣nonical: which Catalogue I judged necessary to be here inserted: It is word for word thus.

Me∣lito to Onesimus the brother sendeth greeting. Whereas, because of your love to, and dili∣gence bestowed about, the word of God, you have often requested me to make you some short Collections and excerptions both out of the Law and the Prophets about those things that belong to our Saviour, and all the Articles of our Faith; and moreover, you being very de∣sirous to have an accurate account of the books of the Old Testament, how many they are in number, and in what order they were written; I have made it my business to doe all this, and to satisfie your desire herein. For I well know with what an ardour of faith you are enflamed, and how earnest your desires are after know∣ledge; and that, by reason of your love of God, you greatly prefer these before all other things, striving earnestly to obtain eternal salvation. When therefore I travelled into the East, and came into that Countrey where these things were heretofore Preacht and done, I made an accu∣rate inquiry about the books of the Old Testa∣ment, a Catalogue whereof I have herewith sent you. Their names are these: The five books of Moses, to wit, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomie: Joshua, Judges, Ruth▪ the four books of the Kings, the two books of the Chronicles: the Psalms of David, the Proverbs of Solomon, which is also called the book of Wisdom, Ecclesiastes, the song of Solo∣mon, Job, the prophecies of Esaiah, and Jere∣miah: one book of the twelve [minor] Pro∣phets, Daniel, Ezechiel, Esdras. Out of these I have made some short Collections, which I have divided into six books.

But thus much con∣cerning the writings of Melito.

CHAP. XXVII. Concerning Apollinaris, Bishop of the Hierapoli∣tane Church.

a 1.106 ALthough several books written by Apolli∣naris are extant among many men, yet these onely of his are come to our knowledge; to wit, His Apology to the foresaid Emperour; his five books against the Gentiles; his two books

concerning truth; and his b 1.107 two books against the Jews. Also, those books he wrote afterwards against the Heresie of the c 1.108 Cataphrygians; which not long after occasioned great dist••••bances; but at that time it began to make its first appearance▪ Mon∣tanus with his false Prophets then laying the foun∣dation of his Errour. And this is what we had to say concerning Apollinaris.

CHAP. XXVIII. Concerning Musanus, and his Writings.

THere is extant of Musanus's (whom we mentioned a little before) a most sharp piece written by him to some brethren, who turned to the Heresie of the Encratitae; which then first sprang up, and introduced •• new and most perni∣cious false opinion into the world. Tatianus, as report says, was the Authour of this Heresie.

CHAP. XXIX. Concerning Tatianus and his Heresie.

VVE mean that Tatianus, whose words we quoted a little before, treating con∣cerning the admirable Justin; who, we told you, was a disciple of that Martyr's. Irenaeus evidences this in his first book▪ against Heresies, where he writes thus concerning this Tatianus and his He∣resie

From a 1.109 Saturninus and Marcion sprang those Hereticks called Encratitae, who taught that marriage was unlawfull; rejecting that Primitive institution of God, and tacitely accused him, because he created Male and Female for the propagation of Mankind. They were assertours also of an abstinence from the eating those things, that (as they termed them) had life; shewing hereby their ingratitude towards God who Created all things▪ They deny likewise that the first man was saved. And this is a Tenet lately invented amongst them, of which impious assertion one Tatianus was the first broacher. Who having been an Auditour of Justin, as long as he converst with him, disclosed no such false opinions: but after his Martyrdom, he revolted from the Church, and being arrogant and pu•••• up with the conceit of his being an b 1.110 Ecclesiastical Doctour (as if he were better then any body else) he was the composer of a new form of Doctrine of his own ma∣king, inventing stories a∣bout invisible ages, in the same manner as Valentinus did: and asserting with Marcion and Saturninus, that Matrimony was no∣thing less than corruption and whoredom; and fra∣ming some new arguments to disprove the Salvation of Adam.

Thus far Irenaeus [concerning the Heresie of the Encra∣tit•• which then was broacht.] But not long after, one whose name was c 1.111 Severus did consolidate and strengthen the foresaid Heresie, and so was the occasion that the followers of that Sect were called, by reason of his name, Severiani. They approve indeed of the Law, the Prophets and the Gospels, expounding the sentences of holy Scri∣pture according to a peculiar sense and meaning of their own; but they speak reproachfully of the Apostle Paul, and reject his Epistles; neither doe they admit of the Acts of the Apostles. But Tatianus, their first founder, put together a con∣fused heap of collections extracted out of the four Gospels, which he entitled a d 1.112 Dia••••ssarωn, i. e. a Gospel made up of the four Gospels: which book is at this time extant in the hands of some men. They say also, that he was so audacious as to alter some sayings of the Apostle Pauls, and to express them in more elegant terms, undertaking to correct the composition and order of his phrase. He left a very great number of books; among which, his e 1.113 book against the Grecians is look't upon to be an excellent piece, and is com∣mended by most men: in which work, giving an account of the series of times in the former ages of the world, he has made it evident that Mo∣ses and the Prophets amongst the Hebrews, were much more antient, than all the famous men a∣mongst the Grecians. Indeed that book of his seems to be the best and most usefull piece of all his writings. But thus far concerning these things▪

CHAP. XXX. Concerning Bardesanes the Syrian, and those books of his that are extant.

FUrther, in the Reign of the same Emperour, when Heresies were numerous in a 1.114 Mesopota∣mia, one Bardesanes a most eloquent man in the Syrian tongue, and an excellent disputant, wrote some Dialogues against Marcion and several o∣thers, who were Authours and assertors of diffe∣rent Opinions, which he publisht in his own coun∣try language; as also many other works which his Scholars (for he had very many Auditours, and was a powerful maintainer of our faith) translated out of the Syriack into the Grecian language. A∣mongst which is his Dialogue concerning Fate, written to b 1.115 Antoninus, an incomparable piece. 'Tis said he wrote several other Tracts, upon occasion of the persecution at that time raised against us. This man was at first a follower of Valentinus's; but having mislik't that Heresie, and confuted ma∣ny of the fabulous Tenets of the founder thereof, he was satisfied in himself that he had turned to a truer opinion: but notwithstanding he did not wholly clear himself of the filth of his ancient Heresie. Moreover, at the same time Soter Bishop of the Roman Church departed this life.

The End of the Fourth Book of the ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.

Notes

• a 1.1

  In the Chronicon of Eusebius, the begin∣ning of Pri∣mus's being Bishop of Alexandria falls upon the tenth year of Trajan. Al∣so the beginning of Alexanders being made Bishop of Rome is placed on the tenth year of Trajan. But in the digesting of the years of the Bishops both of Rome, and also of other Cities, I have observed that Eusebius's Chronicon does often dissent from his Ecclesiastical History. Whether it be the fault of the Transcribers, or of Jerome the Tran∣slatour, or of Eusebius himself▪ I cannot positively affirm: for in so great a diversity its difficult to assign the cause of the mistake. But, seeing that the Ecclesiastical History was written by Eusebius after his Chronicon wheresoever such a disagreement occurs, that seems rather to be followed, which is asserted in the Ecclesiastical History. Vales.
• * 1.2

  Book 3. chap. 21.
• a 1.3

  The Jews, who dwelt in the Cl∣ties and Towns with the Grecians and Gen∣tiles, and had equal freedom thereof with them, did fre∣quently disagree with them; tumults being u∣sually rai∣sed by rea∣son of their different religions. For the Grecians scorned that the Jews should be fellow-ci∣tizens with them and enjoy the same privi∣ledges they did; on the other hand, the Jews would not live in a meaner condi∣tion, than the rest of the Citizens did. Hence arose frequent con∣tentions, both in Egypt, and also in Syria, as Philo, and Josephus doe attest. Therefore in our translation we have inserted both [Grecians and Gentiles] because one word seemed not to suffice. For the Jews did not onely assault the Grecians, but the Natives also of Egypt and Lybia: nor again, the Gentiles onely, but the Christians likewise, of whom there was then no small number in Egypt and Cyrene. Vales.
• b 1.4

  This destroying of all Egypt and Lybia by the Jews, besides Dion, Orosius mentions, in his 7 B. Vales.
• c 1.5

  This man was a Moor, not of the Province of Mauritania, but of the barbarous Moors, who were Allies of the Roman Empire. At first he commanded a Troop of Moors; not long after he was condemned for his lewdness, and in disgrace cashired. But afterwards in the Dacick war▪ when the Army stood in need of the assistance of the Moors, he did a brave piece of service. Upon which account being rewarded and honoured, he did more and braver exploits in the second Dacick war. At length, in the Parthian war, which Trajan waged against the Parthians, he was so valiant and fortunate, that he was chosen into the Pretorian order, bore a Consulship, and Governed the Province of Palestine, which promotion first made him to be envied, then hated, and at last ruined him. Thus much Dion Cassius relates, in Excerpt. Vales.
• a 1.6

  The phrase in the original is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. of his A∣postolical right divi∣sion. This word oc∣curs (2 Tim. 2. 15.) In the Old Testament the Greek translatours use of the word be∣longs to a way or path to goe in, which was wont to be cut out that it might be fitter for use; thence the Latine phrase, viam secare, i. e. to cut a way, that is, to goe before and direct any in their journey. And with the word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, right] joyned with it, it is to goe before one, and direct him in the straight way to such a place. Hence the Syriack version of the New Testament renders this phrase in Timothy [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] recte praedicare sermonem, i. e. rightly to Preach the word. Fullers Miscellan. B. 3. chap. 16.
• a 1.7

  Eusebius, in his Chro∣nicon, calls him Joses. So Joseph the bro∣ther of the Lord, of whom Mat∣thew and Mark speak in their Gospels, is by Jerom and others called Jo∣ses. Ephres also is, by Nicephorus, called Ephrem. Vales.
• b 1.8

  Or, one month; for so Rufinus seems to have read in his copy. Vales.
• * 1.9

  His name was Tinius Rufus. Eu∣scbius, in his Chronicon, says this re∣bellion hap∣pened on the 16 year of Adrian; at which time the said Rufus was Presi∣dent of the Province of Judea. Vales.
• a 1.10

  He calls the Jews slaves, be∣cause of their poverty and base∣ness of birth; for most of them were descended of those captives, who were fold under Titus. Vales.
• b 1.11

  Or, Biththera; there was a Town called Betthar, which was two and fifty miles distant from Jerusalem; another Village there was called Bethar, which was twelve miles off Jerusalem: both these Jerome calls Bethoron. Vales.
• c 1.12

  The same is attested by Tertul∣lian, Apo∣loget. c. 16; by Celsus, in the latter end of B. 8 of Origen a∣gainst him; and by Gre∣gor. Naz. in his 12 Orat. One∣ly, on one day (that whereon Jerusalem was taken and destroyed by the Romans) the Jews out of all nations were wont to meet in Palestine, and, having paid a sum of money to the Souldiers, they entred into that part of the City where Solomon's Temple here∣tofore stood; and there they bewailed the destruction of the City and Temple. See Scaliger, in Animadvers. Euseb. p. 198. Vales.
• d 1.13

  That was a City of Syria, which, after the destruction of Jerusa∣lem by Titus, was the seat of the Bishops of Jerusalem; as Eusebius testifies. This Ariston of Pella wrote a book entitled a Dispute of Ja∣son and Papiscus; this book Origen makes mention of in his 4 B. against Celsus: but the Preface of it is onely now extant amongst the works of Cyprian. Vales.
• e 1.14

  Euscbius is here doubly mistaken; both in that he says Jerusa∣lem was wholly destroyed in Adrian's time; and also because he thought that Aelia Capitolina was built by the same Adrian after the Siege of Betthera. As to the first; its evident from Josephus, that Jerusalem was totally destroyed by Titus, in so much that it was ploughed. As to the second, Aelia was so far from being built by Adrian after this Victory obtained over the Jews, that this war was begun by the Jews upon that very account. For when the Jews saw the Soyle of their City occupied by strangers; and perceived that in that very place where the Temple had been, Jupiter Capitolinus was worshiped and sacrificed to; being not able to endure that, they took Arms, and began this war which Eusebius here relates. Which was begun in the 16 year of Adrian, and ended the 18 of his Empire. But Aelia Capitolina was built long before, to wit, in the second year of Adrian. From whose times to those of Constantine the Great it was always called Aelia. But from the time of Constantine the Great it recovered again the name of Jerusalem, both upon the account of the honour of that name, and also because of its prerogative, being the first Episcopal Seat. Vales.
• * 1.15

  Book 3. chap. 26.
• a 1.16

  Eusebius says not upon what Gospel Basilides wrote these, books, perhaps Basilides made these books upon his own Go∣spel; for he wrote one, and set his own name to it, and called it [the Gospel according to Basili∣des] as Origen attests in his 1 Homil, on Luke; and Jerom in his Preface to S. Matthew. These books were called Basilides's Exe∣geticks. Clemens (lib. 4. Stromat.) quotes some places out of the 23^d of these books. Vales.
• b 1.17

  Or, Barcabas: upon these Prophets, Barcabbas and Barcoph, Isodore the son of Basilides wrote some books of Expositions, as Cle∣mens Alexandr. shews, B. 6. Stro∣mat. Vales.
• c 1.18

  Eusebius speaks here of those Prophets whom Basilides seigned for himself. Our Authour is right in his saying that Basilides's Here∣sie sprang up in Adrian's Reign. For then the Hereticks began to creep out of their holes: they thought (the Apostles being all dead) that they had then an opportune time to divulge their errours. Vales.
• d 1.19

  So they were cal∣led, because they were supposed to be assistant to men; and kept them from di∣seases, and unfortu∣nate acci∣dents. Ma∣gicians had such spirits as these at their com∣mand, by whose help they did miraculous things. Vales.
• e 1.20

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the term in the original, hence the Christian Religion was by the heathens called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. the pre∣vailing o∣pinion; and the Chri∣stians were termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by Porphyrius, in his book de Oraculor. Philosoph. which place Eusebius quotes, in his 9^th B. Preparat. Evangel. cap. 10. Vales.
• a 1.21

  In my o∣pinion He∣gesippus is not rightly placed in the times of Adrian; neither doe his words, here quoted by Euse∣bius, evince so much. It's certain, Hegesippus wrote his books when Eleutherus was Bishop of Rome, as he himself attests in the 22 chap. of this book. He was contempo∣rary therefore with Irenaeus, who then composed his Elaborate books against the Heresies. In∣deed our Eusebius, retracting as it were his former opinion, does, in the 21, and 22 chapt. of this book, place Hegesippus in the times of Marcus Antoninus. Vales.
• b 1.22

  Which was celebrated every fifth year, at Mantinea in Arcadia, says Pausanias, in Arcad. Vales.
• c 1.23

  Amongst the Egyptians, the chief Priest, who was over the o∣ther Priests, and distributed to them the Revenue of the Temple, was called a Prophet. For the first Officer of the temple was the Cant••r, then the Horoscopus, after him the Scriba, then the Vestitor: last of all the Propheta took his place, who carried a water-pot in his bosom. See Epiphan. in 3 B. advers. Haeres. &c. Concerning these Prophets of An∣tinous instituted by Adrian there is mention made in an old Greek in∣scription, quoted by Casaubon in his notes on Spartianus. Wherefore its no wonder that Antinous, deified by Adrian, had his Prophets, seeing he was worshipped chiefly by the Egyptians. Vales.
• d 1.24

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. i. e. in the Jewish war which was not long since. For the Greek word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] is some∣times used in such a sense, as to signifie [nuper] i. e. lately. In which sense Justin uses it, when he speaks of Antinous in this chapt. Vales.
• e 1.25

  Or, Se∣rennius; he was Pro∣consul of Asia, and predeces∣sour to Minutius Fundanus in that Go∣vernment. Vales.
• f 1.26

  It may be deservedly questioned, why Adri∣an answer∣ed not Gra∣nianus from whom he received these letters but wrote to Minu∣tius Fun∣danus his successour: the reason, as I sup∣pose, might be this; either Gra∣nianus died soon after he wrote to Adrian; or else he left that Go∣vernment; For the Proconsuls were annual. Vales.
• g 1.27

  Justin, in his second Apologie, as 'tis now commonly written, p. 99. Vales.
• a 1.28

  He means the out∣cries, which the people were wont to make in the Thea∣tres, - The Christians to the Ly∣ons! as Ter∣tullian at∣tests. Some∣times it so happened that the Proconsuls and Governours were forced to yield to these tumultuous clamours, though unwilling to it of themselves. Wherefore the Emperour Adrian admonisheth Fundanus the Proconsul not to suffer himself to be induced by such requests to the persecution and slaughter of the Christians. It was an old custom in the Roman Empire, for the populace both in the City and in the Provinces, as oft as they met at the publick shews, to ask of the Emperour, or Governour what they had a mind to, with loud outcries all at once. Instances hereof are frequent in the Writers of the Roman History. Vales.
• a 1.29

  These words of I∣renaeus are extant in his 3 B. chap. 4. where the old translatour seems to have read the eighth: which reading is most agreeable to trenaeus, as ap∣pears from the 3 chapt. of the same book; where he, reckoning up the Roman Bishops, counts Hyginus the eighth from the Apostles. But in the 1 B. of Irenaeus chap. 28. its written [the ninth] so also in Epiphan. in Haeres. Cerdon. and in the Epistle of Cyprian to Pomp••ius. Vales.
• b 1.30

  Irenaeus does not say he was excommunicated; but that he sepa∣rated himself from the Church; whence it appears, that Cerdo con∣demned himself, in his own judgment, and so prevented the sentence of the Church. Vales.
• c 1.31

  Rufinus seems to have readit otherwise; for he tran∣slates it thus; Quarto au∣tem Episco∣patûs sui anno cùm decessisset Hyginus, &c. i. e. Hyginus dying in the fourth year of his being Bishop, &c. Vales.
• d 1.32

  Our Eusebius forgot himself here, in that he says, that these following words of Justins were taken out of his book against Marcion; they are taken out of Justins second Apologie; pag. 70. Edit. Paris. Vales.
• e 1.33

  These words [to be the Fa∣ther of Christ] are wanting in the common Editions of Justin; and they seem to be superfluous. Marcion asserted, there were two Gods, the one the Creatour, by whom this world was made▪ the other superiour to him; who framed the better and more excellent things: this God, he said, we ought to confess, and to deny the other. This is the meaning of Justins words: to whom agrees Epiphan. in Haeres. Marcion. Marcion held, that that most High God was the Father of Christ; and that Christ came down from heaven to repre∣hend the other God the maker of this world, whom he called the God of the Jews. Vales▪
• a 1.34

  Lucius was by Na∣ture the son of Aelius Verus Cae∣sar whom Adrian a∣dopted. He dying, A∣drian ado∣pted An∣toninus Pi∣us▪ upon this condi∣tion, that Pius should adopt Mar∣cus and Lu∣cius; as Spartianus and Capitolinus doe declare. But others say, that Lucius was adopted by Marcus; so Capitolinus in the life of Mar∣cus. Wherefore in these words of Justin, can be no other person meant by Caesar the Philosopher, than Aelius Verus, whom Adrian adopted. For Justin says, that Lucius was by nature the son of Caesar the Philosopher, and the adoptive son of Antoninus Pius. Now, its evident, Lucius was Aelius Verus's own son: therefore by Caesar the Philosopher must be meant Aelius Verus. But there are two things which seem to withstand this exposition of this passage. The first is, the surname of Philosopher is no way agreeable to Aelius Verus. In∣deed, Aelius Verus (who was adopted by Adrian) was a learned man, and studious, especially in Poetry, as Capitolinus says in his life: but his Moralls were in no wise agreeable to the study and profession of Philosophy. Then further, if Justin would here mean Aelius Verus why does he not mention his name? For the Appellation of Caesar the Philosopher seems not sufficient to evidence him to be meant; in as much as that appellation might be common to Marcus also. We could easily clear our selves of these difficulties by admit∣ting the reading of the four M. SS. Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil. where this place is thus written [And to Lucius the Philosopher, by nature the son of Caesar] which reading Casaubon approves of, in his notes on Spartianus. But we judge it not to be good. For it follows in Justin [the lover of Learning] where you see, Marcus and Lucius have each their Epithetes: Marcus is termed [the Philosopher] and Lucius [the lover of Learning] Vales.
• b 1.35

  Neapolis, a City of Palestine, is called Flavia, because there was a colony brought thither by Flavius Vespasianus. Before, it was called Sichem. Yet Pliny does not say there was a Colony there. After∣wards, the Emperour Severus deprived it of its priviledges, and reduced it to a village, because it favoured Nigers side. Vales.
• c 1.36

  In the Original 'tis [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] Rufinus translates it [postula∣tum, i. e. a Petition] The Greek word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] signifies, to goe to the Emperour, and make a request to him; which was most com∣monly done in writing: There is extant a form of such a Petition (presented by Marcellinus the Presbyter to Theodosius Augustus) which Syrmondus published lately: it begins thus; Deprecamur man∣suetudinem vestram; i. e. We earnestly intreat your Graciousness, &c. Vales.
• d 1.37

  See note B. in the following Chapter.
• a 1.38

  Eusebius is mistaken in attribu∣ting this Rescript to Antoninus Pius, whenas it was M. Aurelius's (as appears by the Title) writ∣ten in the first year of his Reign, when he was Consul III. See Onuphrii Fast. ad ann. Vrb. 914. The testimony of Melito (which Eusebius produces to confirm his opinion in this point) destroys it. For Melito, in his Apologie, reckons up all the Rescripts of Antoninus Pius in favour of the Christans; to wit, his Epistle to the Lariseans, to the Thessalonians, the Athenians, and to all the Gre∣cians: Now if this Rescript to the Common Council of Asia had been Antoninus Pius's, doubtless Melito (being of the Province of Asia) would not have omitted it. For he could not be ignorant of it, since it was publisht at Ephesus: and, when he had reckoned up the other Rescripts of Pius, why should he not make mention of this, which was written to the people of his own Province? Vales.
• b 1.39

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Councill, is to be understood. For the Afians had a Common. Councill of the whole Province, to which each City sent its Representatives; as Aristides declares, in the 4. of his Orat. Sacr. And the same Au∣thour says there, that this Coun∣cill met in the upper Phrygia, that is, at Apamea, or Synnada. Yet, as it seems, they met in other Cities. There were, in the other Roman Provinces, such Councills as these. Vales.
• c 1.40

  It should be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Your: as it is in Ju∣stins Apo∣logie, at the end. Vales.
• d 1.41

  Although this Rescript be not Antoninus Pius's; yet it's here produced in an opportune place. For in it is mention made of that Epistle which Antoninus Pius wrote to the Governours of Pro∣vinces, when they enquired of him what they should doe with the Christians. Melito makes mention of this Epistle of Pius's; whose words Eusebius quotes in chap. 26. of this 4 book. Vales.
• e 1.42

  To some Laws, in the Codex Theodosian. there is put [P. P.] which mark signifies that that Law of the Emperour was made Publick in such a City. For the Em∣perours, as oft as they would have any Edict be taken notice of and known to all, were wont to write with their own hand this word [Pro∣ponatur, i. e. Let it be Publisht.] Vales.
• f 1.43

  That is, in the room or place where the Councill met. It may also be taken for the Temple which the Province of Asia built in honour of Rome and Augustus. There is extant an old Coin of Clau∣dius Augustus, whereon there is a Temple to be seen with this Title [R. & AUG.] and this inscription [COM. ASIAE.] on both sides of the Temple. This Temple, I suppose, was at Ephesus, where∣in all the Cities of Asia met to solemnize their Religious Rites for the prosperity of the Emperour and the Roman People: and this Temple was for the use of all Asia in common, being built at the publick charge. Vales.
• a 1.44

  In the Original the term is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which in this place is the same almost in signification with the word [Salutare, i. e. to Salute] For therefore would Marcion have had himself taken notice of, that he might be sa∣luted. So, antiently in the Church, when the Faithfull approacht the holy Table, the Deacon was wont to cry aloud often [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. acknowledge one another] to wit, least any pro∣phane person or Jew should come to the Sacrament. Vales. S. Paul uses this term (1 Cor. 16. 18.) where our translation renders it [acknowledge.]
• * 1.45

  Tit. 3. 10. 11.
• a 1.46

  Instead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. throughout Pontus, the reading, as I judge, should be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Every where: which is confirmed by the inscription of the Epistle, which is thus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. i. e. every where, &c. Neither is there any mention of the Churches of Pontus in the title of this Epistle. For Philo∣melium is not a City of Pon∣tus, but of Lycaonia, as Pliny says, or (as others) of Pisidia. For so in the Acts of the Council of Chal∣cedon, one Paul, a Philomelian, is named among the Bishops of Pisi∣dia. Vales. In Robert Stephens Edit. it is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. through∣out Pontus.
• b 1.47

  This whole Epistle, concer∣ning the Martyrdom of Polycarp, is put out by the Learned Bishop Usher. Our Eusebius does not in∣sert the whole Epistle; the Lear∣ned reader may see it entire in that Edit. of Bishop Ushers.
• c 1.48

  In Bishop Ushers Edit. of this Epistle this place is diffe∣rent from what tis here. The words there are these [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; i. e. For the most couragious Ger∣manicus strengthened the imbe∣cillity of others by his great patience in undergoing the Tortures.
• d 1.49

  Or, coun∣••enance; for in Rob. Stephens Edit. it is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] But in the Kings M. S. it is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; i. e. behaviour, or, carriage;] as we translate it. Vales.
• e 1.50

  In the Maz. and Med. M. SS. in stead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. which happened, &c.] the reading is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. which had been conversant] and so Rufinus read this place, as appears from his Version: and the old Translatour of this Epistle, put forth by Bishop Usher, is found to have read it so likewise. Vales. In Rob. Stephens Edit. it is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. which had happened to him.
• f 1.51

  So it was called whenever the first day of the feast of unleavened bread fell on the Sabbath day. See Jo. 19. 31. & 7. 37. For that which among the Jews is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a feast, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the day of solemn assembly in any feast, (and such were the first day, and the last of the feast of tabernacles, the first and seventh of the feast of unlea∣vened-bread, and the day of Pen∣teoost) is by the Jews, writing in Greek, called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a great day. So the 72 render it▪ Isa. 1. 13. where we read calling of assemblies. Se•• Scalig. proleg. de Emend. Temp. p. 6, & 7. Bishop Usher (in his tract De anno Ma∣cedon. chap. 3.) says that the great Sabbath, mentioned here, was that which immediately preceded Ea∣ster; the Learned reader may see the Authour and his reasons.
• g 1.52

  It was the office of this Magi∣strate to apprehend seditious per∣sons, and disturbers of the publick peace, and, having before sent their indictments, to bring them to the places of judicature: so says August. in his 140, and 159 Epist. Hence 'tis here said, that Herod, the Irenarch of Smyrna, took up Polycarp into his Chariot, whom he had commanded to be found out and apprehended by his guards. These Irenarchs were made of some of the members of the Court of Judicature, as the 49^th Law in the Codex Theodos. does shew. At last Theodosius Ju∣nior wholly abolished that office in the East: his constitution is extant in the Codex Theodos. They had under their command horse∣men, and the Diogmitae, [i. e. pursuers] a sort of Souldiers that were lightly armed, and so more expedite to pursue and take such as were thieves. Vales.
• † 1.53

  That was the place where their sacred games and shews were exhibited.
• h 1.54

  This Pro∣consul's name was Statius▪ Quadratu•••• for so 'tis truly Printed in the old Latine translation of this Epistle, which the most learned Arch B. Usher published. This man, as •• judge, was the same person with L. Statius Quadratus, who was Consul in the reign of Antoninus, anno ur••. condit. 895. Aristi•••••• makes mention of this Proconsul of Asia, in the first and fourth of his Sacred Orations: where he also calls him a Rhetorician. I doubt not therefore but he was the same man with Quadratus the Consul, who, as Philostratus says, was the master of Varus Sophista, who was wont to declaim extemp••re upon any subject given; and was a great emu∣latour of Favorinus Sophista. In what year he bore the office of Pro∣consul of Asia, Aristides indeed says not. But that, as it seems to me, may be made out from his relation. For, in the 4 of his Orat. Sacr. Aristides says, that a little after that Plague which raged in Asia, Sc∣verus was Proconsul. Eusebius, in his Chronicon, places that Plague on the 8 year of M. Aurelius Antoninus. Therefore Severus was Procon∣sul of Asia in the 9 of M. Aurelius. When he was Proconsul, Aristides writes, that he received letters out of Italy from the Emperours; to wit, from the seniour Augustus and his son: where by the name of Augustus he understands Mareus; and the son of the Emperour is Commodus, who was then called Caesar. Next before Scverus, Pollio was Procon∣sul, as Aristides attests in the same place; and immediately before Pollio, our Quadratus was the Proconsul of Asia: for so says Aristides in the same Oration. So that Quadratus was Proconsul of Asia in the 7 of Marcus's Empire. On which year also Eusebius, in his Chro∣nicon, places the Martyrdome of Polycarp. They are in an errour therefore, who say the Martyrdome of Polycarp happened on the ninth of Marcus. For, whereas tis manifest from the attestation of Aristides, that Quadratus (under whom Polycarp suffered) bore the Procon∣sulate of Asia in the seventh year of Marcus, the death of Polycarp is ne∣cessarily to be placed on the same year. Vales.
• * 1.55

  To wit, either the fire, or the wild beasts. For the reading in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil. M. SS. is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] in the plural number; and so we translate it. Vales.
• k 1.56

  These Asiarchs were the Priests of the community (or whole body of inhabitants) of the Province of Asia: for as the people of Asia had Temples built by common charge, sacred games, sacred feasts in common, and a Common-council; so also they had a Priesthood called Asiarchia, that is, the common priesthood of Asia; and those who executed this sacerdotal office (which consisted in the managing their publick sports or spectacles) were termed Asiarchs. These Asiarchs were elected after this manner: each City of Asia, at the beginning of every year (that is, about the Autumnal equinox) had a publick meeting, wherein they appointed one of their own Citizens to be an Asiarch; then they sent De∣puties to the Common-council of the Province, who declared to them his name whom they had made choice of at home: after which the Common-council chose about ten to be Asiarchs, out of the number of all those, whom each City had elected to that of∣fice. See Aristides, in Orat. Sacr. 4tâ. Now the difficulty is, whi∣ther all these, who were elected, by the Common-council, execu∣ted this office altogether, or whi∣ther onely one of them was Asiarch; Valesius thinks there was but one Asiarch; his reasons are these; though more than one were elected by the Senate of Asia, yet that per∣haps was done that out of them the Roman Proconsul might choose one, as he usually did in the Election of the Irenarchs: again, the Senate might elect more than one, because if the first that was chosen Asiarch should die, before he had ended his year, there might be another to supply his place: lastly, that there was but one Asiarch every year, is apparent from the words at the lat∣ter end of this Epistle (which Euse∣bius leaves out in his quotation, but the learned reader may see them in Arch B. Ushers's Edit▪ of it) where 'tis said, Polycarp suffered under Philip the Asiarch, and Sta∣tius Quadratus Proconsul of Asia. This is the opinion of Valesius, and these are his reasons for it. On the other side, the incomparably learned Usher affirms that there were more Asiarchs than one at the same time; which he collects from Acts 19. 31. with whom agrees the learned D^r Hammond in his Paraphrase and Notes on that Text, and also M^r Jo. Gregory of Oxford, pag. 49. of his works, Edit. Lond. 1665. This office (says Valesius) was very chargeable, therefore the richest persons were elected to it. Hence 'tis that Strabo affirms, that the Asiarchs were commonly chosen out of Trallis, the Citizens whereof were the wealthiest of all Asia.
• l 1.57

  That is, the stake, (to which such as were to be burnt were bound) the Nails, the Ropes, and the Tunica molesta (mentioned by Juvenal) which was a Coat, daubed all over with Pitch and Brimstone, and put upon the Person who was to be burnt, Vales.
• m 1.58

  From this passage I con∣jecture, that Polycarp said this foregoing prayer of his with a low voice; but pronounced A∣men aloud. That this of old was the custom of the Christians (that is, loudly to resound the Amen at the end of the prayer) the rite now observed in the Church does de∣monstrate, to wit, that after each prayer repeated by the Priest, all the people doe with a loud voice answer Amen. Vales.
• n 1.59

  This officers charge was (not to fight with the wild beasts, as the Bestiarii did, but) to dis∣patch them, if at any time they were enraged, and like to endan∣ger the spectatours, as sometimes it happened. They were also cal∣led Lancea••ii. Vales.
• o 1.60

  The phrase in the Original is this [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (says Hesy∣chius) oi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i. e. They are said to communicate, who distribute to one another, and they that par∣take and receive from one another, whether friendship, or knowledge. Whence it appears that the word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] is appliable to friendship or society; which the primitive Christians exprest to the Martyrs, &c. departed, when, meeting yearly at the place where their sacred reliques were inter∣red, they celebrated the anni∣versary day of their Martyrdom: thus they maintained a friendship or society (as it were) with the departed Martyr. The following words of this Epistle doe declare the resolution of the Church of Smyrna about the celebration of the day of Polycarps Martyrdom, after this manner, and also the reason of that their so doing.
• p 1.61

  Or, Alce, for so it is in Bi∣shop Ushers Edit. Vales.
• q 1.62

  In the learned Ushers Edit. 'tis [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] that is, compani∣ons; from the verb [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] used here in the same sense, as we said (note o.) it is sometimes taken to signifie.
• r 1.63

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the origi∣nal phrase: so the primitive Christians called the days where∣on the Martyrs suffered, because at their deaths they were born sons (as it were) and heirs of the Kingdom of Glory.
• s 1.64

  This pas∣sage is o∣therwise (and truer) in B. Ushers Edit. thus [who together with those of Phila∣delphia was the twelfth that suffer∣ed Martyrdom in Smyrna.] So that, those Martyrs of Philadelphia were not 12 in number but 11 onely; and Polycarp was the twelfth. Vales.
• t 1.65

  Eusebius purposely omitted the conclusion of this letter, as being unserviceable to his present de∣signe; and because he had inserted the entire Epistle into another work of his, to wit, into his book concerning the sufferings of the Primi∣tive Martyrs: the learned Reader may see this whole Letter (as be∣fore we intimated) put forth by Arch B. Usher, from the conclusion whereof he may observe, (1.) that this Epistle was not written im∣mediately after Polycarps Martyrdom, but that there was some distance of time between that and the writing thereof: for the Philomelians, hearing a report of the suffering of Polycarp, sent Letters to the Church of Smyrna, desiring an account of all particulars that happened at the suffering of this B. Martyr: which those of Smyrna willingly undertook, and wrote them this Letter, most part whereof Eusebius quotes in this Chapter. (2.) That Polycarps Martyrdom is there called Evangelical; and the reason is given, to wit, because Polycarp fled from those who pursued him, (agreeable to the example of our Saviour.) Lastly, 'tis observable therefrom, that Polycarp was Mar∣tyred the 2^d day of the month Xanthicus, that is, the 7^th of the Calend. of March. Vales. But Arch B▪ Usher dissents (in this particular, that is, concerning the day of Polycarps Martyrdom) from Valesius, as the learned reader may see in his notes on that Epist. and in his tract De Anno Solar, Maced. & Asian.
• * 1.66

  Eusebius is here much mis∣taken in that he thought, Pionius, Metrodo∣rus, Carpus, and the rest suffered in the Reign of M. An∣toninus, at the same time when Polycarp was Mar∣tyred; for 'tis mani∣fest from the Acts of Pionius, Carpus, and Papulus, that they were Mar∣tyred in the Reign of Decius. Vales. See Usher, in his book De Anno Solar. Ma∣ced. & A∣sian. cap. 3.
• a 1.67

  Eusebius mentions this second Apology of Justins in the follow∣ing chapter and so does Jerom in his work De Script. Ecclesiast. But in the vulgar E∣ditions of Justin's works, his Apologies are prepo∣sterously placed: for that which in the Printed Copies is put in the second place▪ should be placed first; and that which in those Editions is set first, and dedicated to the Roman Senate, should be placed last; which we shall more fully manifest hereafter. Vales.
• b 1.68

  This passage of Justin's is now extant in his first Apology; pag. 46. Edit. Paris. Graco-Latin. Vales.
• c 1.69

  The Maz. Fuk. & Med. M. SS. interpose here the preposition [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. in] which we have followed in our transla∣tion. The term [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] we have rendered [stocks;] in which sense this word is frequently used in Eusebius; for example, in the be∣ginning of his 5 B. The learned Petavius (in his notes on The∣mistius, Orat. 9.) remarques that the word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which there occurs, is the same in signification with [nervus, i. e. a kind of stocks] For these sort of fetters were made of wood. Vales. The same word is used Acts 16. 24. where our translatours render it thus [And made their feet fast in the stocks.]
• d 1.70

  In the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS. the reading is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; i. e. Cre∣scens did very ill, to defame the Christians, (the points of whose religion he was altogether igno∣rant of) meerly to win the ap∣plause of the multitude. Vales. In Rob. Stephens Edit. it is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c. i. e. Crescens did this to please and delight the erroneous multitude.
• e 1.71

  He means that incompa∣rable saying of Socrates, that is in Plato's works: which Valesius thought good to insert into his translation; (supposing it was left out by the negligence of the tran∣scribers of Eusebius;) and we also have exprest it in our Version; but it is not in this original Edit. of Eusebius, nor in Rob. Stephens Edit. and is therefore Printed in a different Character.
• f 1.72

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is the term in the original; which though it▪ be some∣times taken in that signification Eusebius here uses it in; yet by other Writers (and particularly by Tatianus in his book here quoted by Eusebius, about the end of it) it is used in such a sense, as to com∣prehend all the learning of the Grecians, and the Liberal Sciences. Vales.
• g 1.73

  This work of Tatianus's is extant at the latter end of Justin Martyrs works, Edit. Paris. 1636. It is there called Tatiani Assyr••i contra Graecos oratio. This passage here quoted by Euseb. occurs p. 157, 158. where the translatour renders these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] in Megalopol••••: but we, following Valesius, have translated it thus [in the great City, i. e. Rome.]
• a 1.74

  It should be [in his second Apo∣logy, &c.] as the lear∣ned Peta∣vius has conjectured (in his notes on Heres. 46. Epiphan.) For Eusebius does not recount the Apologies of Ju∣stin in the same order wherein they are now Printed. For that which in the ordinary Editions is termed the second, and is dedica∣ted to Antoninus Pius, Eusebius calls the first, as appears from chapt. 12. B. 2. and from chapt. 12, and 18. B. 4. And that, which in the vulga▪ Editions is said to be his first Apology, and is dedicated to the Senate, Eusebius calls the second, (See chap. 16. of this book.) and says (chap. 16. and 18, of this 4 B.) it was presented to M. Aurelius Antoninus, after the death of Pius. As to the or∣der of Justins Apologies I agree with Eusebius, and doe grant that to be the latter which is in the vul∣gar Edit. inscribed to the Senate. But whereas Eusebius says, Ju∣stins former Apology was presen∣ted to M. Aurelius Antoninus; I cannot assent to him. For, in the beginning of that Apology Justin says, that the woman (which was a Christian) being ac∣cused by her husband, presented a Petition to the Emperour [and she presented a Libell to these O Emperour:] (see these words in this chapter.) Now if that Apology had been presented to the Successou••s of Antoninus Pius, as Eusebius thinks it was, doubtless▪ Justin would have used the plural number, and said [To You, O Emperours:] For Marcus and Verus were both Emperours together. Again, Justin says, that one Lucius, seeing Ptolemeus a Christian led away to be put to death, used these words to the Judge [these judiciary proceedings are misbecoming both Pius the Emperour, and the son of Caesar the Philo∣sopher, &c.] (in chap. 12. of this 4^th B. the reading is better, thus, [and the Philosopher] which is confirmed by our M. SS.) Who there∣fore sees not, that Antoninus Pius is meant in these words? For his surname [Pius] evidently shews so much; and [the Philosopher son of the Emperour] manifestly confirms this our opinion. Lastly, Ur∣bicus the Prefect (See note d. in this chap.) whom Justin there mentions, lived in the times of Antoninus Pius. For he was that Lollius Urbicus, who, being the Emperours Deputy, appea••ed the Re∣bellion of the Brittans, as Capitolinus relates in the life of Antoninus. Apul••ius (in the beginning of his Apology) affirms that this Lollius Urbicus was Prefect of the City in the Reign of Pius. These are the reasons by which I am induced to affirm, that the latter Apology of Justin was not presented to M. Aurelius, but to Antoninus Pius: under which Emperour he suffered Martyrdom, and not under Mar∣cus Aurelius, as Eusebius here places his Martyrdom: But, in his Chronicon (whom Georg. Syncellus also follows) he seems to place it in the Reign of Antoninus Pius; and so does Mich. Glycas, in Annal. Vales. M^r Tho. Lydiat, in his Emend. Temp. says Justin suffered un∣der this Emperour Antoninus Pius.
• b 1.75

  That is, a Petition, wherein the woman re∣quested of the Empe∣rour, that the proceedings a∣gainst her might be deferred, which delay was usually granted as well to the accused, as to the Accusor. See Cod. Theod. Tit. 36. ut intra annum, &c. Vales.
• c 1.76

  To wit, which was prefixt by the Emperour; who had granted the womans Petition, in regard it was reasonable and just. Vales.
• d 1.77

  This Urbicus was Prefect of the City; whose sentence, pro∣nounced against the two Chri∣stians Ptolemaeus and Lucius, was the occasion of Justins writing this Apology. He was called Q. Lollius Urbicus, as an old in∣scription at Rome attests. See Apulcius, in desens. su••: yet, 'tis strange that in all our Copies he is written Urbicius. In Justin he is now and then rightly called Ur∣bicus, to wit, in the beginning of his Apology, and a little after that. Vales.
• a 1.78

  Or, mind; as it is in the Kings M. S. Vales. In Robert Stephens Edit. tis [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. under∣standing.
• b 1.79

  The term in the ori∣ginal is [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] in Nicepho∣rus, 'tis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The antient Graecians called [Scholia] some short notes; and distinguish't them from Exegeticks: for Exegeticks were long and large exposi∣tions, and explained the whole work of a writer: but Scholia were put to explain particular words, or to expound one sentence. Some∣times, Scholia are called short expositions of more obscure words and sentences. Such were Cyrill's Scholia concerning the incarnation of the onely begotten son of God, which are now extant, and are nothing else but some short explications of the more obscure questions concerning the Incarnation. And of this sort was Justin's book of the soul; to wit, some questions and opinions, concerning the nature and origin of souls; to which were added Justin's exposition and demonstration thereof. Jerom calls them Excerpta, which Origen termed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Vales.
• c 1.80

  Epiphae∣nius seem•• to have been of the same opi∣nion. In his Panarium (lib. 1. Heres. 39. pag. 289. Edit. Petav.) he proposeth to us, as a certain truth, that the devil, before the coming of Christ,—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was in hopes of grace and pardon; and that out of this perswasion of his, he never all that while shewed himself ••••••actory towards God: but that having understood by the manifestation of our Saviour, that there was left him no hopes of salvation, he from thenceforth had grown exceedingly enraged▪ doing as much mischief as possibly he could against Christ, and his Church. But this opinion (as the learned Petavius has observed in his note on that passage) vulgò non probatur, i. e. is not generally approved of, as true.
• a 1.81

  In stead of [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.] as it is in the Kings M. S. and in Rob. Stephens Edit. it should be [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. after some words; as we translate it. Vales.
• b 1.82

  S^r Henry Savil, at the Mar∣gin of his M. S. made it [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] that is, I staied there. In Robert Stephens Edit. 'tis [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.] Whe∣ther the learned Knight cor∣rected this passage from his own conjecture, or by the autority of some M. S. copie, is to me uncertain: However this emen∣dation is very necessary. Fur∣ther, Eusebius quotes this pas∣sage of Hegesippus's in chap. 11. of this book; between which place and this here there seems to be some disagreement. For Eusebius writes there, that He∣gesippus came to Rome in the times of Anicetus, and staid there till Eleutherius was promoted to that See. But Hegesippus him∣self does not say so here, onely, that he staied at Rome untill A∣nicetus was Bishop there. There∣fore Hegesippus came thither a∣bout the latter end of Pius's Reign. Vales.
• c 1.83

  See note (a) on c. 11. book 3.
• d 1.84

  In the Kings, the Maz. and Fuk. M. SS. his name is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Thebuthis. In Rob. Stephens Edit. he is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Thebulis. Rufinus, in his Version, calls him Theobutes, and Thobutes. Vales.
• e 1.85

  That is, he was one that ga∣thered up his errours from the false opinions of those seven Sects amongst the Jews; as did also Simon, Cleobius, Dositheus, &c. Vales.
• f 1.86

  Some think that this Dositheus was much antienter than these times he is here mentioned to have lived in: Drusius (in Res∣pons. ad Minerval S••raii, cap. 10.) asserts he lived in the times of Sennach••rib King of Assyria; and Jerom is of that opinion, as ap∣pears by what he says in Dialog. Advers. Luciferian. But Scali∣g••r, (in Elencho tribaeres.) and Origen (book 1. against Celsus) affirm he lived since our Saviours incarnation, and was co-tempora∣ry with Simon Magus. See Photii Bibliothec. cap. 230. Vales.
• g 1.87

  Or, Goratheans: for so these Hereticks are named in the Kings, Maz. Med. Fuk. and S^r Henry Sa∣vills M. SS. Vales.
• h 1.88

  By this passage Hegesippus seems to have thought the tribe of Judah clear of all Sects and Heresies; so that none of that tribe were followers of the Essens, Sadducees, and Pharisees, &c. But this is very improbable. Hege∣sippus said it only in favour of that Tribe, from whence Christ sprang. Vales.
• i 1.89

  These were the seven Sects amongst the Jews; of which Hege∣sippus makes frequent mention, as may be seen from some quota∣tions out of him, which occur in the foregoing books. Justin (in disputat. advers. Triphon.) men∣tions them, but calls them by other names, to wit, Sadducees, Genists, Merists Galilaeans, Hel∣lenians, Pharisees, and Baptists. Epiphanius terms them, Scribes, Pharisces, Sadducees, Essens, Na∣zareans, Hemerobaptists, and He∣rodians. Vales.
• k 1.90

  Judas Galilaeus was the ori∣ginal authour of this Sect, (says Josephus, Antiq. B. 18. chap. 2.) who▪ having joyned Saddock, a Pharisee, to him, sollicited the people to defection, telling them, that God was to be their onely Prince and Master, and no mortal to be acknowledged as such; that the requiring a Tax from them, if it were by them paid, was a manifest profession of servitude, and that 'twas their duty to vindi∣cate their liberty; by which means he raised a great Sedition among the Jews, and was the cause (under pretence of defending the pub∣lick liberty) of innumerable mischiefs to the nation. See Joseph. Antiq. B. 18. chap. 2.
• l 1.91

  They are called also Marboneans and Morboneans; they must be distinguisht from those whom Hegesippus mentions a little before; for these here were one of the seven Sects amongst the Jews; but those were propagated from the seven Sects; as were also the Simonians, Dositheans, &c. Vales.
• m 1.92

  Indeed, Jerom gives this Epithet to that B. called the Wisdom of Jesus the son of Sirach, (in his Preface to the books of Solomon) his words are these: Fertur & panaeretos Jesu filii Sirach liber, & alius pseudepigra∣phus, qui sapientia Solomonis inscribitur. Quorum priorem Hebraicum reperi; non Ecclesiasticum, ut apud Latinos, sed parabolas pranota∣tum, &c.
• a 1.93

  This Quadratus, I judge, is not the same person with that Quadratus, the disciple of the Apostles, mentioned by Eusebius (book 3. chap. 37.) For the Quadratus last named was not a Bishop, as it plainly appears from the foresaid place of Eusebius. But, that Quadratus (spoken of by our Authour at the beginning of this fourth book) who pre∣sented an Apology to Adrian for our Religion, was the disciple of the Apostles, as Eusebius, in his Chronicon, expresly affirms. Now this Quadratus here spoken of (who was Bishop of the Atheni∣ans) must, as I said, be distingui∣shed from Quadratus the disciple of the Apostles: for this latter lived not beyond the times of Adrian; but he that was Bishop of the Athe∣nians, governed that Church in the times of M. Antoninus, as 'tis evi∣dent from Dionysius's Epistle to the Athenians▪ for he speaks of him, as being his co-temporary▪ Now Dionysius Bishop of Corinth flou∣risht in the Reign of M. Antoni∣nus▪ Vales.
• b 1.94

  He means the perse∣cution in Diocletians Reign. Vales.
• c 1.95

  Dionysius means those bre∣thren, who usually came from remote Countreys to Rome, to procure some relief for such as in their own Countrey were in distress, and necessity. Vales.
• d 1.96

  To this fragment of Dionysius's Epistle to the Roman Clergy is to be joyn∣ed that o∣ther passage of the same Epist. quo∣ted by our Eusebius (chap. 25. B. 2.) Vales.
• a 1.97

  Concer∣ning this Hermogenes▪ and his He∣resie, see Ba∣ronius, ad annum Chri∣sti 170. But, I cannot give my as∣sent to him, as to what he af∣firms, viz. that Her∣mogenes taught in Asia. Vales. The He∣resie of this Hermoge∣nes is re∣lated by Theodoret (Heret. fab. L. 1. cap. 19.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. This Hermogenes asserted, that the body of the Lord was deposited in the Sun: and that the devil and the civil spirits should be turned into matter. The Seleuciani and Hermiani taught the same; to wit, that the body of Christ ascended no farther than the sun; the occasion of which assertion they took from those words of the Psalmist, Psal. 19. 5. which in S. Jeroms translation is thus rendred, in sole posuit tabernaculum suum: but in the Psalms used in our Liturgy 'tis thus worded, In them hath he set a tabernacle for the sun. See D^r Ham∣mond on that Text. The same opinion Gregory Nazianzen attributeth to the Ma••icheans: Epist. 1. ad Cledonium, and S. August. Tract. 34. in Joh. This opinion is more largely and clearly set down, but without a name, in the Catena patrum on Psal. 18. where 'tis said, that these [Hereticks] assert, that after his resurrection, our Saviour deposited his body in the sphere of the sun, to be preserved there till his se∣cond coming.
• a 1.98

  In all ou•• M. SS. copies this title [concerning the true way of con∣verse and of the Prophets] evi∣dently appears to be the title but of one book. Jerom (in his book de Eccles. Scriptor. which is al∣most wholly▪ taken out of Euse∣bius) entitles this piece of Me∣lito's thus [de vitâ Propbetarum▪ i. e. concerning the life of the Pro∣phets. Vales.
• b 1.99

  Melito wrote a book upon this subject, because there were some Hereticks who asserted, that such men as were carnal, believed by the help of their senses; but those who were spiritual believed by reason. So Heraclio expounded that Text in S. Johns Gospel (c. 4. 48.) Except ye see signs and wonders, ye will not believe. Which words Heraclio said, were proper∣ly directed to those, who by works and their senses had the nature of obeying, but not of believing through reason. Origen (Tome 13. Enarrat. on S. John's Gospel) men∣tions, and confutes this opinion: where he declares, that neither spi∣ritual nor carnal men can believe, unless it be by sense. Vales.
• c 1.100

  In the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS. and in Nicephorus, this book of Melito's is intitled [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c.] i. e. concerning the Origination, &c. which reading▪ we doubt not but is true. Ru∣finus, as appears by his Version, and Robert Stephens, as may be seen in his Edit. read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] i. e. concerning Faith, &c. The ancient Fathers, who lived before the Nicene Council, meant (by the word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉]) not onely such a creation as is made out of nothing, but also all sort of pro∣duction whatsoever, and there∣fore the divine origination of the Word. Those words of the Apo∣stle (Colos 1. 15.) The first born of every creature, they asserted, were to be understood of the eter∣nal generation of the Son. Vales. But as D^r Hammond observes in his notes on that Text, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. first born, is used some times for a Lord, or person in power, who hath the priviledge of the first born, dominion over all his brethren▪ and according to this notion (continues he) 'tis used commonly in scripture for a Prince, or principal person. See Psal. 68. 27. Job 18. 13. Or it may peculiarly refer to his resur∣rection, in which he was the first born from the dead. See Ham∣mond on Colos. 1. 15.
• d 1.101

  These words are to be un∣derstood of the Christi∣ans; which appears from what follows. For Melito desires of the Emperour, that he would first look into and examine the cause of the Chri∣stians; and then determine, whe∣ther they deserved to be punished, or rather preserved in safety. Vales.
• e 1.102

  So he terms the Jews, a∣mongst whom the Christian Re∣ligion first sprang up. Upon this account Porphyrius (whose words Eusebius quotes book 6. chap. 19. of this work) termed the Chri∣stian Religion [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] i. e. an audacious Sect that had its beginning amongst Barba∣rians. Vales.
• f 1.103

  From this place it is evident, that Melito the Bishop presented his Apology to M. Antoninus after the death of Aurelius Verus. For, if Verus had been then living, when Melito wrote this Apology, he would doubtless have mentioned him here; and in stead of these words [together with your son] would certainly have said [together with your brother.] For L. Verus was the adopted brother of M. Aure∣lius. Seeing therefore, Melito does here mention onely the son of M. Antoninus (to wit, Commodus) tis manifest, as I said, that this Apolo∣gy was presented to Marcus after the death of L. Verus. And there∣fore Eusebius (in his Chronicon) places it on the 10^th year of M. Aurelius, to wit, the year after Ver••••'s death. Vales.
• g 1.104

  The same is asserted by Tertul∣lian (Apo∣loget. cap. 5.) whose words our Eusebius quotes, partly at chap. 25. B. 2. and partly at chap. 20. B. 3.
• h 1.105

  The Re∣script of Antoninus Pius (who is here meant) in savour of the Christians, is not now extant. 'Tis men∣tioned in the Restript of M. Aurelius Antoninus to the Cities of Asia, which Eusebius has set down in chap. 13. of this book. Vales.
• a 1.106

  In our M. SS. Maz. Med. and Fuk. there is in this place no beginning of a new chapter, but this 27 chapt▪ which treats concerning Apolli∣naris, and the following chapt. concerning Musanus, are both annext to chap. 26. the title whereof in our said M. SS. is this [concerning Melito, and what he has made mention of, Apollinaris, and Musanus;] which division Robert Stephen•• followed in the body of this fourth book. For in the Contents prefixt before this 4^th book, he follows the Kings M. S. and makes three chap. here, to wit, one of Melito, another concerning Apollinaris, and a third concerning Musanus: but in the body of that book he follows the Med. M. S. (as he always does in this particular) and has put no distinction of a new chap. here; but hath made all the three chapters into one. We following the autority of the Kings M. S. have divided them into three chap. and the same was done before, in the Geneva impression of Eusebius's History. Vales.
• b 1.107

  These words [His two books against the Jews] are not in the Maz. Med. nor Fuk. M. SS. nor in that copy Rufinus made use of, as appears from his Version: nor yet in Jeroms B. de Eccles. Scriptor. where he reckons up all Apolli∣naris's books. But Nicephorus mentions the•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his History. Vales.
• c 1.108

  M^r Tho. Lydya•• (in his Em••••d. Tempor.) says this Heresie began in the times of M. Aurelius and L. Verus; the Authour where∣of was Montanus.
• a 1.109

  The Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil. M. SS. and also Nice∣phorus, call him Satur∣ninus. Epi∣phanius and Theodoret name him Saturni••us; and Hege∣fippus terms those Here∣ticks, which had their name from him, Satur∣••ilians. See chap. 22. of this B. 4. Vales.
• b 1.110

  Jerom (in his book de Scri∣ptor. Eccles.) takes the word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] in such a sense as to signifie a master of Eloquence. Such an one Tatianus was before his conversion to the Christian Religion, as may be seen from chap. 16. of this 4^th book. But I rather think, that by [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] (which is the term in the original) should be meant [an Ecclesia∣stical Doctour] which sense of that term the following words of Irenaus doe confirm; for he says, he was the composer of a new form of Doctrin of his own making. Vales.
• c 1.111

  Epipha∣nius makes this Severus to be ancienter than Tatianus; which is a mistake, as 'tis evi∣dent from these words of Eusebius. Iren••us makes no mention of this Severus. Theodoret (in his first book Haeret. fabul.) has rightly placed Severus after Tatianus. Vales.
• d 1.112

  Epiphani∣us (in Hae∣res. 46.) says, this work of Tatianus's is by some called the Gospel ac∣cording to the He∣brews. But that Gospel is more an∣cient than Tatianus. For Hege∣sippus, who flourisht some years before Ta∣tianus, makes men∣tion of the Gospel according to the Hebrews, as Eusebius tells us, chap. 22. of this book: Papias also quotes a passage out of that Gos∣pel, as our Authour asserts about the close of the 3^d book. Vales.
• e 1.113

  That is, his Oration against the Grecians, which is extant at the latter end of Justin Martyrs works. Edit par. 1636. At pag. 171. he begins the proof of this point, viz. the Antiquity of Moses and t•••• Prophets.
• a 1.114

  Tatianus who was the Founder of the He∣resie of the Encratita, lived in Mesopota∣mia, and there pub∣lisht his Heresie, as Epipha∣nius attests. And the same may be con∣cluded from what Theodore•• write••, to wit, that he found a∣bove 200 copies of the Gospel made by Tatianus in the Churches of Osdro••na. Vales.
• b 1.115

  It's doubtfull whether An∣toninus the Emperour, or one of that name, who was a follower of Ta∣tianus's, be here meant. It is not likely that Bardesanes should dedi∣cate his books to the Roman Emperour, which he wrote in the Syriack language. Besides, Eusebius (in his 6 B. de prapara••.) does de∣clare that Bardesanes dedicated his Dialogues to his followers and friends. Vales.