The history of the church from our Lords incarnation, to the twelth year of the Emperour Maricius Tiberius, or the Year of Christ 594 / as it was written in Greek, by Eusebius Pamphilius ..., Socrates Scholasticus, and Evagrius Scholasticus ... ; made English from that edition of these historians, which Valesius published at Paris in the years 1659, 1668, and 1673 ; also, The life of Constantine in four books, written by Eusibius Pamphilus, with Constantine's Oration to the convention of the saints, and Eusebius's Speech in praise of Constantine, spoken at his tricennalia ; Valesius's annotations on these authors, are done into English, and set at their proper places in the margin, as likewise a translation of his account of their lives and writings ; with two index's, the one, of the principal matters that occur in the text, the other, of those contained in the notes.

THE SECOND BOOK Of the Ecclesiastical History OF EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS. (Book 2)

The PREFACE.

WHatsoever was necessary to be premised by way of Preface to Our Ecclesiastical History, both concerning the Divinity of the comfortable Word, the Antiquity of the points of our doctrine and Evangelical Politie; and also moreover concerning the Manifestation our Saviour lately made of himself, his Passion and the Election of the Apostles, we have Treated of in the foregoing Book, and briefly summed up the proofs thereof. Now therefore in this, we will diligently look into what fol∣lowed upon his Ascension; partly from what we find noted in Holy Writt, and partly from other Records, which we will mention in due place.

CHAP. I. Of those things which were instituted by the A∣postles, after the Ascension of Christ.

a 1.1 FIRST of all therefore, Matthias, who, as before hath been manifested, was one of the Lords disciples, by lot was e∣lected into the Apostleship of the Trai∣tour Judas. Then, seven approved men were by prayer and imposition of the Apostles hands Ordained Deacons for the publick Admi∣nistration of the Churches affairs; of which num∣ber Stephen was one: who b 1.2 immediately after his Ordination, as if he had been made Deacon onely for this, was the first that, after the Lord, was slain by those very Jews that had been

the Lords murtherers, who stoned him to death: And thus he, being the first of the worthily victo∣rious Martyrs of Christ, gained a Crown c 1.3 an∣swerable to his Name. Then James also, who was termed the d 1.4 brother of the Lord, because he also was called the Son of Jo∣seph: for Joseph was the fa∣ther of Christ, to whom Mary being Espoused, before they came together she was found with child of the Holy Ghost, as the Sacred History of the Gospel doth declare: This same James, I say, who for his eminent virtue the Antients surnamed the Just, was as they relate the first that had the Episcopal seat of the Church at Jerusalem delivered to him. So Clemens affirms in the sixth Book of his Instituti∣ons. For he says, That, af∣ter our Saviours Ascension, Peter, James, and John, al∣though our Lord had prefer∣red them before the rest, did not contend for the Dignity, but chose James the Just Bishop of Jerusalem. The same Author, in the seventh Book of the same work, says this farther of him, The Lord after his Resurrection confer∣red the gift of Knowledge upon James the Just, John and Peter, which they delivered to the rest of the Apostles, and those to the Seventy Disciples, one of whom was Barnabas. But there were two James's; the one surnamed the Just, who was cast head-long from the Bat∣tlement of the Temple, and beaten to death with a Fullers Club: the other was beheaded. Paul makes mention of this James the Just, writing thus: * 1.5 Other of the Apostles saw I none save James the Lords brother. At this time also all that our Saviour had promised to the King of the Osdroënians was fulfilled. For Thomas, mo∣ved thereto by Divine impulse, sent Thaddaeus to Edessa to be a Preacher and Evangelist of the Doctrine of Christ, as from a Record there found we have a little before manifested. He, when he was come thither, did in the Name of Christ both cure Agbarus, and also astonished all the Inhabi∣tants of the country with the wonderfulness of his Miracles. And when he had sufficiently prepared them with such Works, and brought them to an adoration of Christs power, he made them disciples of his wholesome Doctrine. From that very time untill now the whole City of the Edessens has con∣tinued to be Consecrated to Christs Name, enjoy∣ing no trivial evidences of our Saviour's gracious∣ness towards them. And these things are said as from the History of the old Records. We will now return again to Holy Writ: After the Mar∣tyrdom of Stephen, when the first and sorest per∣secution of the Church at Jerusalem by the Jews arose, all the disciples of Christ, except the Twelve onely, being scattered throughout Judea and Sa∣maria, some of them travelling as far as Phoenice and Cyprus and Antioch, as Holy Scripture testi∣fieth, were not able to be so bold as to communi∣cate the Word of Faith to the Gentiles, but Preach't to the Jews onely. At that time * 1.6 Paul also untill then made havock of the Church, en∣tring into every house of the faithfull, haling men and women, and committing them to prison. More∣over * 1.7 Philip, one of those who was ordained Deacon with Stephen, being one of them that were dispersed, went down to Samaria, and being full of the Divine power, was the first that Preach't the Word to those inhabitants. And the Grace of God did so effectually cooperate with him, that by his Preaching he drew after him Simon Magus with many other men. This Simon, at that time very famous, did so far prevail with those whom he had deceived by his imposture, that they thought him to be the great power of God. Then therefore this very person, being greatly amazed at the Miracles Philip wrought by the power of God, craftily insinuated himself, and so far coun∣terfeited a faith in Christ, that he was baptized. The same thing with admiration we see now done by the followers of his most filthy Sect, who creeping into the Church, as their fore-father did, like some pestilent and leprous disease, doe deeply corrupt all those into whom they are any way able to in∣stil that pernicious and incurable poyson which lies concealed within them. But many of them were cast out of the Church, as soon as their vi∣tiousness was discovered; in like manner Simon himself being at length detected by Peter, was de∣servedly punished. Furthermore when the whole∣some Preaching of the Gospel daily increased, Divine providence brought out of the land of Ae∣thiopia a man of great autority under the Queen of that Countrey, for those Nations are according to their countrey fashion governed by a woman, who being the first of the Gentiles, that by Philip, warned of God by a Vision, was made partaker of the Mysteries of the Divine Word; was also the first fruits of the faithfull throughout the world: Returning into his own country he is reported to have been the first publisher of the Knowledge of the great God, and of the com∣fortable Advent of our Saviour in the Flesh: And so by him was really fulfilled that prediction of the Prophet, * 1.8 Aethiopia shall stretch out her hand unto God. At this time, † 1.9 Paul, that chosen ves∣sel, was made an Apostle, not of men, neither by men, but by the revelation of Jesus Christ, and God the Father, who raised him from the dead; being vouchsafed this calling by a Vision, and a voice from heaven which came to him at the Reve∣lation thereof.

CHAP. II. How Tiberius was affected at the Relation Pilate sent him of those things concerning Christ.

WHen the wonderfull Resurrection of our Saviour and his Ascension into Heaven was now divulged among all men; because it was of old customary that the Governours of Provinces should communicate to the Emperour every strange and unusual accident that happened within their charge, that so nothing that was done might escape his knowledge; Pilate acquainted the Emperour Tiberius with the Resurrection of our Saviour Jesus Christ now much talk't of over all Palae∣stine; giving him an account that he had also heard of many other Miracles of his, and how that rising again after he had been dead, he was now by many believed to be God. And they say that Tiberius referred this matter to the Senate, but the relation was rejected by them; upon pre∣tence, that they had not first approved of the

matter; there being an old Law amongst the Ro∣manes, that no one should be deified but by the suffrage and decree of the Senate; but in reality, that the wholesome Preaching of the divine Do∣ctrine might not stand in need of any humane ap∣probation or assistance. When therefore the Senate had rejected the Relation concerning our Saviour, Tiberius persisted in his former judgment, attempting nothing prejudicial to the Doctrine of Christ. Thus much a 1.10 Tertul∣lian, a man incomparably well skilled in the Roman Laws and every way famous, and most renowned among the Latine Writers, in the A∣pologie for the Christians written by him in Latine, but afterwards translated into Greek, does declare in these very words:

b 1.11 And that we may discourse concerning the Original of these Laws, there was an old Decree, that the Emperour should consecrate no God, before he was approved by the Senate. Marcus Ae∣milius knows this concerning his God Albur∣nus. And this makes for our advantage, because among you Divinity is weighed by humane ap∣probation. If God please not man, he shall not be God. Man now must be propitious to God. Ti∣berius therefore, in whose time the Christian Name made its entry into the world, communi∣cated to the Senate the account he had received out of Syria Palestine, whereby the Truth of the Divinity of Christ was made apparent; which he confirmed with his own suffrage. But because the Senate had not approved of it, it was rejected: the Emperour persisted in his judgment, threatning the accusers of the Chri∣stians with death.

Which opinion divine pro∣vidence, according to his dispensation instilled into the mind of Tiberius Caesar, that the Preaching of the Gospel then in its infancy, might without impediment spread over the whole world.

CHAP. III. How the Doctrine of Christ spread in a short time over the whole World.

ANd thus by the cooperation of Divine power, the comfortable Word of God, like the beams of the Sun, on a sudden enlightned the whole world, and presently, agreeable to the Divine * 1.12 Scriptures, the sound of the heavenly Evangelists and Apostles went out into all lands, and their words into the ends of the earth. And indeed in a short time there were throughout all Cities and Vil∣lages Churches gathered, which like a Threshing∣floor filled with Corn, were thronged with in∣finite multitudes. And they, who, deriving their ignorance from their Ancestours and their errours of old, were ensnared as to their souls with the superstitious worship of Idols, as in an inveterate disease, being freed as it were from their cruel masters, and loosned from their heavy bonds by the power of Christ, and the Preaching and Miracles of his disciples, did with scorn reject the multitude of gods brought in by devils, and acknowledged there was one onely God the maker of all things: And him they wor∣shipped with the Holy Rites of true Religion, by that divine and sober way of worship which our Saviour had spread among mankind. When there∣fore the Grace of God diffused it self into the rest of the Nations; and Cornelius of the City a 1.13 Caesarea in Palestine, in the first place together with his whole household, by a Vision from hea∣ven and the Ministery of Peter, embraced the Faith of Christ; and many others of the Gentiles at Antioch did the same, to whom the disciples, dis∣persed upon the persecution that arose about Stephen, Preached the word of God; the Church at Antioch now increasing and prospering, in which many were gathered together, both Prophets from Jerusalem, with whom were Paul and Bar∣nabas, and besides, also other brethren in number not a few: the appellation of b 1.14 Christians then and there first sprang up, as from a pleasant and fertile soyle: and Agabus also, one of the Prophets there present fore-told the dearth that afterwards happened; and c 1.15 Paul and Barnabas were sent to relieve the Brethren by their Ministration.

CHAP. IV. How, after the death of Tiberius, Caius made Agrippa King over the Jews, and punished Herod with perpetual Banishment.

BUt Tiberius, having Reigned about two and twenty years, died. Caius succeeding him in the Empire, presently gave a 1.16 Agrippa the King∣dom of Judea, and made him King over the Te∣trarchies both of Phillip and Lysanias. Besides, not long after he gave him Herods Tetrarchy al∣so, having condemned Herod to perpetual banish∣ment, being together with Herodias his Wife de∣servedly punished for divers enormities: (This was the Herod that was present at our Saviours Passion:) Josephus is a witness of these things also. Moreover in this Emperours time Philo flourished, a man highly esteemed of for his Lear∣ning by many, not onely among us but also among forreigners. He was indeed by Original extract an Hebrew, inferiour to none of those that were illustrious in dignitie at Alexandria. Moreover what and how great pains he bestowed about di∣vine matters, and in the learning of his own Na∣tion, it is to all evidently manifest. Besides, how excellent he was at Philosophy and Humane Lear∣ning it is needless to relate; for he is said to have excelled all of his own time in the Platonick and Pythagorean Philosophy which he much affected.

CHAP. V. How Philo went on an Embassage to Caius upon the Jews Account.

MOreover this man comprized in a 1.17 five Books the calamities that befell the Jews in Caius his Reign; wherein he sets forth both the madness of Caius Proclaiming himself to be god, and also his insolent carriage in his Government in innumerable instances; likewise the di∣stresses the Jews underwent in his Reign; and declares how himself went Embassa∣dour to Rome upon the ac∣count of his Countrey-men that dwelt at Alexandria; and how that reasoning be∣fore Caius for the Laws and customes of his own nation, he obtained nothing besides laughter and reproaches, and narrowly escaped the danger of being put to death. Josephus mentions all this in his eighteenth Book of Antiquities, writing thus much word for word:

Moreover, there hap∣pening a sedition at Alexandria among the Jews that dwelt there and the Greeks, b 1.18 three of each faction were sent Embassa∣dours to Caius. Now A∣pion was one of the Alex∣andrian's Embassadours, who railed bitterly against the Jews, laying many things to their charge, and amongst the rest that they neglected to worship Cae∣sar. For when all the sub∣jects of the Roman Empire built Temples and Altars to Caius, and at all points worshipped him as they did their gods, the Jews onely, said he, accounted it a vile thing to errect Sta∣tues to him, and to swear by his name. When Apion had urged these and many other vehement accusations against them, whereby he hoped, as it was likely, to incense Caius, Philo chief of the Jewish Embassy, a man every way famous, brother to Alexander c 1.19 A∣labarchus, and not unskil∣full in Philosophie, was able and ready with an A∣pologie to answer his Ac∣cusations. But Caius for∣bad him, commanding him to depart immedi∣ately from his presence. And the Emperour was so highly incensed, that none doubted but he would most severely punish the Jews. But Philo being much reviled went out, and, as they say, spake to the Jews that were about him to be of good courage, for although d 1.20 Caius was an∣gry with them, yet he had now really rendred God his Adversarie.

Thus much Jo∣sephus relates. And Philo him∣self, in the account which he wrote of this his Embassy, does exactly relate every particu∣lar thing that was then done. Whereof omitting most part, I will hereunto annex onely so much as shall make it evidently plain to the Readers, that these miseries straightway without any delay befell the Jews upon account of their enormous impieties committed against Christ. First of all therefore he relates, that in the Reign of Tiberius one Sejanus of the City of Rome, a per∣son who then could doe much with the Emperour, did use his utmost indeavour to destroy that whole Nation: and that in Judea, Pilate, in whose time that horrible wickedness was most audaciously committed against our Saviour, attempting some∣thing about the Temple at Jerusalem which yet stood, contrary to the customes and ordinances of the Jews, raised vehement commotions among them.

CHAP. VI. How great miseries befell the Jews after their au∣dacious wickedness committed against Christ.

HE relates further how, after the death of Tiberius, Caius assuming the Government, was every way sorely injurious towards many, but above all he most heavily annoyed the whole Jewish Nation, which in short we may understand from Philo's own a 1.21 words, writing thus word for word.

So great therefore was the extrava∣gancy and pride of Caius's carriage towards all, but more especially towards the Jewish Nation, which he bitterly hated, and appropriated to himself all their b 1.22 Pros∣eucha's in the rest of the Cities, beginning with those at Alexandria, filling them with his own Images and Statues. For in that he suf∣fered others to consecrate Statues to him, he seemed in a manner to dedicate them to himself. And he changed and transformed the Temple at Jerusalem, which hitherto had re∣mained undefiled and dig∣nified with all the privi∣ledges of a Sanctuary, and made it into a Tem∣ple dedicated to himself, causing it thence forward to be called the Temple of CAIUS c 1.23 JUNIOR JUPITER d 1.24 CONSPI∣CUOUS.

Moreover the same Authour, in his second Book which he intitled of e 1.25 Virtues, relates innumera∣ble other calamities, such as are grievous beyond all expression, that befell the Jews dwelling at Alex∣andria••, during the Go∣vernment of the foresaid Caius. To whom Josephus agrees, who notes that those troubles, with which the whole Jewish▪ Nation was molested, began even from the times of Pilate, and from those enormous facts committed against our Saviour. Let us therefore hear what he also declares in his second Book of the Jewish wars, in these f 1.26 words, saying,

Pilate being by Tiberius sent Procurator into Judea, brought into Jerusalem by night the veiled Images of Caesar, which are called his

Statues. As soon as it was day this raised a great commotion among the Jews. For those who were near were astonished at the ••ight, in that their Laws were violated and trampled on. For they account it a detestable thing to place any graven image in the City.

These things if thou comparest with the Evangelical writing, thou shalt understand that that voice they uttered before Pilate, crying out * 1.27 they had no other King but Caesar, was soon g 1.28 after revenged upon them. The same Writer relates another following calamity inflicted on them by Divine vengeance in these words:

After this Pi∣late raised another commotion amongst them; exhausting the stock of the sacred Treasury (it is call'd the h 1.29 Corban) in making a Conduit; wherein the water that was to be brought was at three hundred furlongs distance. For which there was great indignation amongst the po∣pulace: And when Pilate was at Jerusalem, they flockt about the judgment Seat, and be∣gan to exclaim. But he (for he foresaw there would be a tumult amongst them) mingled armed Souldiers, clad like the common people, amongst the multitude, and, forbidding them to use their swords, but commanding them to strike those that cried out with clubs, gave them a sign from his Tribunal. So the Jews were bea∣ten, and many of them killed, some by the blows they received perished, others being troden to death in the croud by those of their own party that fled. And so the multitude, being astonished at the calamity of those that were slain, were silent.

Moreover, the same Writer relates in∣numerable other commotions raised in Jerusalem; and shews, that even from that time forward both the City and all Judea was distracted with Sedi∣tions, Wars, and continual contrivances of mis∣chief following one upon another, untill at last the Siege in the Reign of Vespasian by way of re∣venge befell them. After this manner therefore hath divine vengeance pursued the Jews for their execrable wickedness committed against Christ.

CHAP. VII. That Pilate made himself away.

IT is also worth knowing, how that this same Pi∣late, who condemned our Saviour, in the Reign of Caius, whose times we now Treat of, fell, as it is famed, into so great troubles, that he was a 1.30 forced to be his own Murderer and Revenger, laying violent hands on himself: Divine justice, as it was meet, not long deferring his punishment. This those Grecians do Record, who have written b 1.31 Olympiads, giving an account what was done, and in what time performed.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Dearth that happened in Claudius his time.

BUt Caius having held the Empire not full out four years, Claudius the Emperour suc∣ceeded him. In whose times a Dearth oppressed the whole world, of which those Historians make mention, who are wholly averse from our Reli∣gion. And so the prediction of the Prophet Aga∣bus, of whom there is mention in the Acts of the Apostles, concerning this Dearth that should come upon all the world, was compleated. Luke having in the Acts mentioned this Dearth that happened in the time of Claudius, adds this farther, saying, That the brethren which were in Antioch, every* 1.32 one according to his ability, sent to them who were in Judea by the hands of Barnabas and Paul.

CHAP. IX. The Martyrdom of James the Apostle.

NOw about that time, to wit, in the Reign of* 1.33 Claudius, Herod the King stretched forth his hands to vex certain of the Church: and he killed James the brother of John with the sword. Concerning this James, Clemens, in the seventh Book of his Institutions, relates a memorable Hi∣story, speaking as he had heard from his prede∣cessours.

For he says, that he that a 1.34 accused him before the Judgment-seat, seeing him openly and willingly te∣stifie and declare the faith of Christ, was moved thereat, and professed that he also was a Christian. And so says he, they were both to∣gether led away to suffer. And, as they were going, he besough•••• James to par∣don him; who, after a short deliberation, said, peace be to thee, and kissed him; and so they were both be∣headed together.

Then al∣so, as Holy * 1.35 writ declares, b 1.36 Herod, perceiving that the killing of James very much pleased the

Jews, set upon Peter also, and having put him in bonds, would forthwith have put him to death, had he not been miraculously delivered out of pri∣son by a divine apparition, to wit, by an Angel coming to him by night; being dismist for the mi∣nistration of Preaching. All which happened to Peter by the disposition of divine providence.

CHAP. X. How Agrippa, called also Herod, persecuting the Apostles, presently felt Divine vengeance.

BUt the Kings attempt to do violence to the Apostles remained not long unrevenged; for a chastizing Minister of divine justice pursued him: He therefore, soon after his bloudy plot against the Apostles, going down to Caesarea, as it is related in the Acts of the Apostles, and being there upon the great festival day dressed in a white and Royal garment, made an Oration to the peo∣ple from his lofty throne; and when all the mul∣titude gave a shout with loud acclamations at his Oration, as at the voice of God and not of Man, Sacred writ declares that he was immediately smit∣ten by an Angel, and was eaten up of worms and gave up the ghost. But the consent between Holy writ and the History of Josephus, in the account given of this strange thing is worthy of admiration. In which he, giving evident testimony to the truth in his nineteenth * 1.37 Book of Antiquities does plainly declare this wonderfull thing in these words thus,

The third year of his reign over all Judea was now compleated; when he went to the City Caesarea, heretofore called the Tower of Straton. There he exhibited shewes in honour of Caesar, knowing that a 1.38 Festival to have been instituted for the prosperity of him. Hereun∣to flockt a great multitude of those who were honoura∣ble and excelled in digni∣ty, throughout that whole b 1.39 Province. On the second day therefore of the shews, being clothed with Robes made all of silver admira∣bly wrought, he entred the Theatre early in the mor∣ning. When the silver of his Robes, shining by rea∣son of the beams the rising Sun cast on them made a wonderfull glistering, striking those who steadfastly looked on him with wonder and amazement, presently his flat∣terers, some from one place some from another, cryed out with voices most pernitious to him terming him God; and beseeching him to be propitious to them. Hitherto, said they, we have reverenced thee as a Man, but now we acknow∣ledge thee to be above mortal nature. But the King neither rebuked them, nor rejected their impious flattery, presently after looking up he espied an c 1.40 angel sitting over his head; whom he forthwith understood to be the cause of mis∣chief towards him, having d 1.41 heretofore been the foreteller of his prosperity. A pain that pierced his very heart immediately seized him. He had besides a griping all over his belly, which began with a vehement sharpness, and was continual and without intermission. Looking therefore upon his friends, I your God, says he, am now compelled to end my life; fatal necessity forthwith demonstra∣ting the falshood of your boasting acclamations even now uttered concerning me: I, who by you was stiled immortal, am now snatch't away by death. But that destinie is to be born with which God hath decreed. We have in no wise lived ill, and despicably, but in such splendor as was look't upon to be most fortunate. When he had spoken these words, he was spent with the vehemency of his pain. Being therefore presently carried into the Palace, a rumour was immediately spread abroad that the King was in imminent danger of his life; straightway the whole multitude with their wives and chil∣dren e 1.42 sitting upon spread sackcloth, after their coun∣try fashion, made supplica∣tions to God for the King. Every place was filled with wailings and lamentations. But the King lying in an High-bed-chamber, looked down upon them as they lay prostrate and could not refrain weeping. At length having been for five days space continually tormen∣ted with pains of his Belly, he died, in the fifty fourth year of f 1.43 his Age, and the seventh of his Reign. For first he reigned four years under Caius Caesar, having governed the Te∣trarchie of Phillip three years; in the fourth he had Herods Tetrarchie an∣next: the three last years of his Reign he passed un∣der Claudius Caesar.

Thus far Josephus: wherein, as also in other passages, I much admire him, in that he agrees so exactly with Holy Scripture. But if any one should think that there is some disagreement about the name of the King; both the time and the action doe evidently shew that he was the same per∣son; so that either his name was changed by some mistake of the Transcriber, or else this King had, as many others have, two names.

CHAP. XI. Of the Impostour Theudas and his Associates.

BUt because Luke does moreover in the * 1.44 Acts bring in one Gamaliel speaking in the con∣sultation the Jews had about the Apostles, of one a 1.45 Theudas that arose up in those days boasting himself to be some body, who was slain; and all, as many as obeyed him, were scattered: we also will adjoyn the relation of Josephus concer∣ning this very person. Who, in the Book before cited expresly declares thus much word for word:

When Fadus was Procurator of Judea, a cer∣tain Impostour, by name Theudas, perswaded a multitude of people to take their goods with them and follow him to the River of Jordan. For he said that he was a Prophet, and that he would, by his command, part the waters of the

river, and afford them an easie passage ovér. By such speeches he deceived many. But Fadus suffered them not to take the benefit of their madness, but sent out a body of horse against them, which, falling on them at unawares, part∣ly killed them, and partly took them prisoners. And having taken Theudas alive they beheaded him, and carried his head to Jerusalem.

After this the same writer makes mention of the Dearth which happened in the reign of Claudius, after this manner.

CHAP. XII. Of Helena Queen of the Osdroënians.

a 1.46 AT that time, there happened to be a great * 1.47 Dearth throughout all Ju∣dea. When Queen Helena, buying Bread-corn in Egypt at a very deer price, distributed it to them that were in want.

All which we find a∣greeable to what is related in the Acts of † 1.48 the Apostles; Where we have this moreover, that the disciples which dwelt at Antioch, every man according to his ability, determined to send re∣lief unto the brethren which dwelt in Judea; which also they did, and sent it to the Elders by the hands of Barnabas and Paul. But of this Helena, which Josephus has mentioned, there is an illustrious b 1.49 Sepulchral-monument yet to be seen, standing in the Suburbs of Jerusalem, which is now called Aelia: And she is said to have been Queen of the Adiabeni.

CHAP. XIII. Of Simon Magus.

BUt the faith of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ being now every where diffused a∣mong all men; that enemy of mans salvation, plot∣ting to possess himself of the Royal City, brings thither the forementioned Simon. And, joyning his inchantments to that mans craftiness, he made many that dwelt at Rome his own by inducing them into errour. This Justin evidences; a man very famous amongst the professours of our Reli∣gion soon after the Apostles time; whose worth we will give account of in due place. Let us read what he has writ in his a 1.50 se∣cond Apologie to Antoninus for our doctrine, where he says thus:

And after the Ascension of our Lord in∣to heaven, the Devils sent forth certain men who sti∣led themselves Gods: whom you were so far from per∣secuting that you worshipped them. Amongst them there was one Simon a Samaritane, of the village named Gitton, who in the reign of Claudius Caesar, having performed many ma∣gical wonders by the assistance and art of De∣vils within your City Rome the Metropolis of the Empire, was accounted a God by you, to whom you dedicated an Image, as to a God, in an Island of the river Tiber, between the two Bridges, with this Latine inscription, b 1.51 SIMONI DEO SANCTO, that is, to Simon the Holy God. Him almost all the Samari∣tans, and some of other Na∣tions, confess to be the great God, and worship him, as also one c 1.52 Helena at that time a constant companion of his, who heretofore was a prostitute in the stews of Tyre a City of Phoenicia; and her they term the prime notion (or first concepti∣on) from him.

Thus far he: with whom agrees Irenae∣us in his first Book against Heresies, wherein he sets forth the Life of this man, his impious and most impure doctrine, which it would be superfluous here to relate; since any one that has a desire may fully under∣stand from the foresaid Books of Irenaeus, where∣in these things are accuratly delivered, the original, the life, the grounds and reasons of the false opi∣nions, and the endeavours and purposes not onely of this Simon, but also of all other Arch-hereticks. We have heard that this Simon was indeed the chief Captain, and first Authour of all Heresie. From which time even to our age those who are fol∣lowers of his Heresie, although they pretend to have imbraced throughout their whole Lives, the Christian Religion renowned amongst all men for its modesty and sanctity; yet nevertheless they re∣lapse to the superstitious worship of Devils, which they seem'd to have abandoned, prostrating them∣selves before the Images and Pictures of Simon and his forementioned Helena, whom they wor∣ship with sweet persumes, sacrifices, and oblations. And those things which are transacted in secret a∣mongst them, which, say they, do forthwith strike terrour into the minds of those that at first hear them, and which (to use the terms of their own written oracle) doe make them tremble and shake by reason of astonishment; are in truth full of ter∣rour, amazement of mind, and outragious madness: So that it is impossible not onely to commit them to writing, but even for men of modesty to utter them through their lips, by reason of their excessive

obscenity and uncleanness not to be named. For there is not, nor can there be invented, any thing so impure, which their most lewd Sect does not far surpass; deluding silly women laden with all manner of iniquity.

CHAP. XIV. Of Peter the Apostle's Preaching at Rome.

THe devil that hater of all goodness and most trecherous enemy of mans salvation, at this time produced this Simon the authour and contri∣ver of so much mischief, that he might be the great Antagonist of the divine Apostles of our Saviour. But the Divine and Celestial grace, which is always assistant to its Ministers, by their appearance and presence soon quenched the flame, enkindled by the devil, humbling and depressing by them all haughtiness and swelling pride that exalted it self against the knowledge of God. Wherefore, nei∣ther the devices of Simon, nor of any other which then were hatch't, became any ways prevalent during the age of the Apostles. For the splen∣dour of the Truth vanquished and prevailed a∣gainst all machinations; and the power of the divine Word, which had newly enlightned mens minds from heaven, did both flourish upon earth, and also was conversant and did effectually coope∣rate with the Apostles. Straightway therefore the foresaid Impostour, having the eyes of his mind blinded by a divine and wonderful splendour and light, as soon as he was detected by the Apostle Peter in Judea in what he had wickedly commit∣ted, took a great journey over sea, and fled from the Eastern to the Western parts: concluding that he could no other way live freely, and according to his own mind. Arriving at Rome, by the help and assistance of a devill a 1.53 there lying in wait, he in a short time so far perfected his attempt, that the inhabitants of that City set up an Image to him and worship't him as God. But all succeeded not long according to his mind. For soon after, in the reign of Claudius, the benign and most endearing providence of God brought Peter, that valiant and great Apostle, for courage chief of all the rest, to Rome against this mighty destroyer of man∣kind, who, as a stout Leader of God, armed with celestial weapons, brought that precious merchan∣dise of intelligible light from the East to those that dwelt towards the West: declaring to them that Light and Doctrine comfortable to the soul, to wit, the publication of the Kingdom of heaven.

CHAP. XV. Of the Gospel according to Mark.

WHen therefore he had published to them the divine Word, immediately the power of Simon was extinct, and, together with the man a 1.54 himself, destroyed. But so great a lustre of Pietie enlightned the minds of them that were the hearers of Peter, that they thought it not suf∣ficient barely to hear him once, nor were conten∣ted to have received the publication of the doctrine of the celestial Word by word of mouth and unwritten. Therefore they earnestly entreated Mark, Peters follower, whose Gospel is at this day extant, that he would leave with them some written Record of that doctrine they had heard. Neither did they desist till they had prevailed with the man; and thus they gave the occasion of writing that Gospel, which is called the Gospel according to Mark. When the Apostle Peter understood by the Revelation of the holy Spirit what was done, he was much delighted with the ardent de∣sire of the men, and confirmed that writing by his Autority, that so thenceforward it should be read in the Churches. b 1.55 Clemens in his sixth Book of Institutions relates this passage. To whom the Bishop of Hierapolis, by name Papias, may be ad∣ded as a witness. Furthermore, Peter mentions Mark, in his former Epistle, which, as they say, was written at Rome; Peter himself does inti∣mate thus much (calling Rome by c 1.56 a figure Ba∣bylon) in these words, * 1.57 The Church that is at Babylon elected together with you, saluteth you, and so doth Marcus my son.

CHAP. XVI. That Mark first Preached the knowledge of Christ to the Egyptians.

BUt this Mark a 1.58 going into Egypt is reported to have been the first publisher there of the Gospel he had written, and to have setled Churches in the very City of Alexandria. And further∣more, that so great a multitude both of men and women, who there embraced the faith of Christ, professed from the very beginning so severe and so philosophical a course of life, that Philo vouch∣safed in his writings to relate their converse, their Assemblies, their eating and drinking together, and their whole manner of living.

CHAP. XVII. What Philo relates of the Ascetae in Egypt.

IT is reported that this Philo in the times of Clau∣dius came to be familiarly acquainted with Peter at Rome, who then Preached the Word of God there: neither is this unlikely. For that work of his, of which we speak, being by him elaborated a long time after, does manifestly contain all the Ecclesi∣astical Rules which are to this present observed among us. And seeing he describes evidently the lives of the a 1.59 Ascetae amongst us, he does make it sufficiently perspicuous that he did not onely see, but also very much approve of and admire the Aposto∣lical men of his time, who being, as it is probable, originally Jews, upon that account did then ob∣serve in a great measure the Judaical Rites and customes. First of all therefore, in that Book which he intituled, Of Contemplative life, or, of Suppliants, having professed that he would insert

nothing disagreeable to truth, or of his own head, into that account which he was about to give, he says that the men were called b 1.60 Therapeutae, and the wo∣men that were conversant a∣mong them Therapeutriae: And he adjoyns the reason of that appellation, either be∣cause like Physitians they healed the mindes of those that resorted to them, curing them of their vitious affecti∣ons, or because they worship∣ped the Deity with a pure and sincere service and ado∣ration. Further, whether Phi∣lo himself gave them this name, devising an appellation agreeable to the manners and dispositions of the men; or whether they were really so called from the beginning, the name of Christians ha∣ving not yet been every where spread and diffused, it is not necessary positively to affirm or contend about it. But he attests that in the first place they part with their goods;

saying that as soon as they betake themselves to this course of Philosophizing they put over their wealth and possessions to their re∣lations. Then, casting away all care of wordly matters, they leave the Cities, and make their aboad in gardens and solitary places; well know∣ing the conversing with men of a different and disagreeing perswasion to be unprofitable and hurtfull.

Which thing the Christians of that time seem to me to have instituted out of a generous and most fervent ardour of faith, endeavouring to emulate the Prophetical severe course of life. Therefore in the * 1.61 Acts of the Apostles (which contain nothing but the perfect truth) it is shewed, that all the disciples of the Apostles selling their possessions and goods, divided the price among the brethren according as every one had need, that so there might not be any indigent person among them. For as the Word says, as many as were pos∣sessours of lands or houses sold them, and brought the prizes of the things that were sold and laid them down at the Apostles feet: and distribution was made unto every man according as he had need. After Philo has attested the very same things with these, of the Therapeutae, he adds thus much far∣ther concerning them, word for word saying,

This c 1.62 sort of men indeed is diffused far and wide over the whole world. For it was requisite that both Greeks & Barbarians should be partakers of so excellent a benefit. Egypt especially is full of them, throughout all its divisions, but most of all about Alexan∣dria. But from all places the principal of them retire themselves into a most commodious place above the Lake Maria, situate upon a little rising hill, excellently well seated both for whol∣someness of air and safe conveniency of abiding, as into the Country of the Therapeutae.

Then, after he has described their houses, after what man∣ner they were built, he speaks thus of the Churches they have in divers places.

In every house there is a Chappel called a Semnaeum, and Monaste∣rium, in which alone by themselves they perform the mysteries of an holy life. They bring in thither neither meat nor drink, nor any corporal provisions or necessaries; but onely the Law, and the divine Oracles of the Prophets, and Hymns and such like, whereby knowledge and piety are increased and perfected.

And a little after, he says:

All the interval of time from Sun rising to the Evening they spend in medita∣tions of Philosophie: For reading the holy Scriptures, they Philosophize after their Country way, and expound allegorically. For they sup∣pose that the words are onely notes and marks of some things of a mystical nature, which are to be explained d 1.63 figura∣tively. They have e 1.64 wri∣tings of some ancient per∣sons, who have been here∣tofore famous leaders of their Sect, and have left them many Monuments of that learning which con∣sists in dark and secret ex∣pressions, which they, using as original platforms, doe imitate thereby that course of study.

These certain∣ly seem to be words of such a man as had heard some of our Religion expounding the holy Scriptures. And it is very likely that the writings of those ancient persons, which he says they had, were the Gospels and writings of the Apostles, and cer∣tain expositions of the ancient Prophets, of which sort many are contained both in other Epistles of Paul, and also in that written to the Hebrews. Afterwards Philo thus writeth concerning the new Psalms composed by them.

They do not onely spend their time in contem∣plation, but they f 1.65 compose Songs and Hymns to the praise of God of all sorts of meeter and musical verse, which they write in grave and seemly rhymes.

He relates many other things of them in that Book I men∣tioned: But I judged these fittest to be selected and pickt out, in which certain marks of Church discipline are pro∣posed. But if any one shall think what Philo here says to be in no wise proper to the Evangelical politie, but may be adapted to others be∣sides those I have mentioned; he will certainly be convinced by Philo's following words; in which, if he shall duely weigh the matter, he will re∣ceive a most undoubted testimony of this thing. Now he writes thus:

Having first laid tem∣perance as a certain foundation, they build there∣upon the other Virtues. For none of them takes either meat or drink before Sun set: for they hold it requisite to spend the day in the study of Philosophy, and the night in making necessary provision for the body. Therefore they allot the whole day to study, but allow a very small portion of the night for bodily provision. Some of them forget to eat for three days together, so great is the desire of knowledge that possesses them. But some others

of them are so well pleased with, and feed so richly and deliciously upon the banquets of Wisdom, which sets before them wholsome pre∣cepts as a most sumptuous feast, that they are wont scarce to tast any necessary food in twice that space, to wit, in six days time.

We suppose these words of Philo to be evidently and without all doubt spoken concerning those of our Religion. But if after all this any one shall still persist in a peremptory denyal of these things; he will at length recede from his obstinate difficulty of be∣lief, being perswaded to submit to such manifest demonstrations as are no where to be found but in the Christian Religion, composed according to the rule of the Gospel.

Philo says further there∣fore, that among these men, of whom we speak, there are certain women conversant, many of which continue Virgins being old; not out of necessity, like some of those amongst the Gre∣cian Priests, but voluntarily preserving their chastity out of an ardent affection to and desire of wisdom; in the embraces and familiarity whereof they earnestly affect to spend their lives; having despised all bodily pleasures, and desiring earnestly not a mortal issue, but an im∣mortal; which that mind onely that loves and is beloved of God can of it self bring forth.

After many other expressions, he speaks yet more plainly thus,

Their Expositions of holy Writ are figurative by way of Allegories. For these men suppose the whole Law to be like a living creature; the bare words whereof are, as it were the Body, and the invisible sense, that lies hid under the words, resembles the soul. Which sence this Sect have and doe make it their Reli∣gion earnestly to search into and contemplate, beholding in the words, as in a glass, the admi∣rable•• beauty of the meaning.

There is no ne∣cessity of adding farther here an account of their Assemblies, of the distinct apartments of their men and women, and of their several studies and holy exercises, now in use amongst us, more espe∣cially about the feast of our Lords Passion, when we are wont to practise them in fastings, watch∣ings, and attentive reading of holy Scriptures. All which the man we have so often mentioned, does relate in his writings accurately, after the same manner in which we onely at this time ob∣serve them: Especially he mentions the g 1.66 Vigils of the great Solemnity, the holy exercises therein, and the Hymns we are wont to re∣cite. And how, when one has begun to sing a Psalm harmoniously and gravely, the rest, silently hearkening, doe after sing out in Chorus the latter parts onely of the verses.

And how throughout those days lying in straw upon the ground, they wholly abstain from wine (as he has said in these express words) and eat nothing that has bloud in it: water is their onely drink, and their food is bread with salt and hyssop.

Farther he describes the order and degrees of their Governours, to wit, h 1.67 those who perform the Ecclesiastical Offices, then the Ministrations of the Deacons, and lastly the Epis∣copal presidency over all. He that desires to know these things more ac∣curately, may be therein informed from the fore-mentioned History of Philo. It is there∣fore apparently evident to every one, that Philo writing thus, did mean thereby those first Prea∣chers of the Evangelical doctrine, and the disci∣pline, at the beginning delivered by the Apostles.

CHAP. XVIII. What writings of Thilo's have come to our hands.

MOreover this Philo being a man of a fluent utterance, and abundant in sentences, also lofty and high in contemplations upon the holy Scrip••ures, compiled a divers and variable expo∣sition of the sacred Volumes of holy Writ: partly explaining in a fit and agreeable series and order, the subject matter of the things contained in Gene∣sis, which he entitled The Allegories of the Holy Laws: and partly making particular and distinct explications of those Chapters in Scripture which contain any thing in them that is dubious, with objections thereupon and solutions thereof; which also he fitly entitled Questions & Solutions upon Genesis and Exodus. There are besides elaborate tracts of his peculiarly written concerning certain Problems; such as are, two Books Of Husbandry, and as many of Drunkenness, and some others ha∣ving different and fit Titles: Such is that, a 1.68 Of the things which a sober mind prayeth for, and which it detesteth; and that, Of the confusion of Lan∣guages; and that, Of b 1.69 flight and invention; and that, Of Assemblies upon account of ob∣taining Learning: and con∣cerning this subject, Who is the Heir of Divine things, or, of division into parts equal and their contraries: and al∣so that, Of the three Virtues which with others Moses wrote of. Besides, that, Of them whose names are chang∣ed, and for what reason they are changed; in which Book he says, he wrote Of Testa∣ments the first and the second. There is also another Book of his, Of Removals in journey, or shifting of pla∣ces, and of the life of a wise man perfected ac∣cording to righteousness, or, Of unwritten Laws, and also, Of Giants, and, that God is immutable; also, c 1.70 That Dreams are sent from God, according to the opinion of Moses five Books. And thus many are the Books he wrote on Genesis which have come to our hands. We have also known five Books of his, of Questions and So∣lutions upon Exodus; and also that, of the Tabernacle, and that, of the Decalogue, and those four Books, of those Laws which in specie have reference to the chief heads of the Decalogue; and that, of those beasts fit for sacrifice, and, what be the kinds of sacrifices; and that, of the rewards and punishments propounded in the Law as well to the Good as to the Evil; and, of curses. Be∣sides all these there are extant of his particular

Books, as that, Of d 1.71 Providence, and a discourse compiled by him; e 1.72 Of the Jews, and, of the man leading a Civil life; also, Alexander, or, That Brutes are endowed with Reason. Besides, of this, That every wicked man is a slave, to which fol∣lows in order this Book, That every man studious of Virtue is free. After these he compiled that Book, Of contemplative life, or, of suppliants, out of which we have cited those things con∣cerning the lives of the Apostolical men. Also, The interpretations of the f 1.73 Hebrew names in the Law and in the Prophets, are said to have been done by his diligence. This Philo, coming to Rome in the time of Caius, wrote a Book of Caius's hatred of God, which, by way of Scoff and Ironie, he entituled, Of Virtues; which Book, its said, he rehearsed before the whole Ro∣man Senate in the time of Claudius; and the piece was so taking, that his admirable works were thought worthy to be dedicated to the publick Libraries. At the same time, when Paul travelled from Jerusalem round about to Illyricum, g 1.74 Clau∣dius expelled the Jews from Rome. h 1.75 At which time Aquila and Priscilla, with other Jews, de∣parting from Rome, arived in Asia, where they conversed with Paul the Apostle, then confirming the foundations of those Churches there newly laid by him. Even the Holy book of the Acts teacheth us these things.

CHAP. XIX. What a Calamity befell the Jews at Jerusalem on the very day of the Passover.

BUt Claudius yet ruling the Empire, there happened to be so great a tumult and distur∣bance at Jerusalem on the feast of the Passover▪ that there were a 1.76 thirty thousand Jews slain, being those onely who by force were prest together a∣bout the gates of the Temple and troden under foot by one another. So that that Festival was turned into mourning over the whole Nation, and La∣mentation throughout every family. Thus much also Josephus relates almost word for word. But Claudius made Agrippa, the son of Agrippa, b 1.77 King of the Jews; having sent c 1.78 Felix Procu∣ratour of the whole country of Samaria and Ga∣lilee, and also of the Region beyond Jordan. And when he had raigned thirteen years and eight months, he dyed, leaving Nero his successour in the Empire.

CHAP. XX. What was done at Jerusalem in the Reign of Nero.

NOw in Nero's time, Felix being Procu∣ratour of Judea, Josephus relateth in the twentieth Book of his Antiquities, that there

was again a Sedition of the Priests one against the other, in these words:

There arose also a Sedi∣tion of the chief Priests, against the Priests and the chief of the people of Jerusalem. And each of them forming for themselves a company of most audacious fellows and such as indeavoured to make innovations, behaved themselves as Ca∣ptains; and encountring they railed against each other, and threw stones at one another. There was no body to rebuke them; but, as in a City de∣stitute of a Governour, these things were licen∣tiously done. And so great impudence and pre∣sumptuous boldness possessed the chief Priests, that they dared to send their servants to the thre∣shing floors, and take the Tythes due to the Priests. Whence it came to pass that the poorest of the Priests were seen to perish for want of sustenance. In such sort did the violence of the Seditious prevail over all justice and equity.

And again the same writer relates that at the same time there arose a sort of theeves in Jerusalem, who in the day time, as he says, and in the very midst of the City, killed those they met with; but especially on the Festivals, being mixt among the croud, and hiding little daggers under their garments, they stab'd the most eminent a 1.79 Perso∣nages; and when they fell, these murtherers would dissemble themselves to be of the number of those that grieved. Whereby they were undiscovered, because of the good opinion all men had of them. And first, he says, Jonathan the High Priest was killed by them, and after him many were slain daily, and he says, the fear was more grievous than the calamity, in that every one, as in war, hourly expected death.

CHAP. XXI. Of that Egyptian who is mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles.

AFter these things Josephus adds, having inter∣posed some other words;

But the Egyptian false prophet annoyed the Jews with a greater mischief than these. For he, coming into the Country, being a Magician, and having gotten himself the repute of a Prophet, gathered toge∣ther about thirty thousand men such as he had seduced; and leading them out of the wilder∣ness to the mount called the mount of Olives, prepared by force from thence to enter Jerusa∣lem; and, having vanquished the Roman guards, to seize the principality over the people, resol∣ving to make them his guard who together with him by violence entred the City. But Felix pre∣vented his attempt, having met him with the Ro∣man Souldiers; and all the people joyned their assistance in repelling his injurious violence. So that, the Assault being made, the Egyptian fled with a few, and most of his party were slain and taken prisoners.

These matters Josephus relates in the second Book of his History; and its wor∣thy our a 1.80 observing, together with what is here related of this Egyptian, those things which are declared of him in the Acts of the Apostles: There, in the time of Felix it is said by the chief Captain at Jerusalem unto Paul, when the multitude of the Jews raised a tumult against him; * 1.81 Art not thou that Egyptian which before these days madest an uproar, and leddest into the wilderness b 1.82 four thou∣sand men that were murtherers? But thus much concerning the times of Felix.

CHAP. XXII. How Paul, being sent bound from Judea to Rome, having made his defence, was wholly acquitted.

BUt Festus is by Nero sent as successour to this Felix: in whose time Paul having plea∣ded for himself is carried bound to Rome; Ari∣starchus was with him, whom somewhere in his Epistles he deservedly stiles his fellow prisoner: And Luke, who committed to writing the Acts of the Apostles, concluded his History here, having shewed that Paul lived two full years at Rome, en∣joying in a great measure his liberty; and, that he Preached the Word of God, no man forbidding him: Then, having made his defence, it is more∣over reported that the Apostle travelled again upon account of the ministration of Preaching; and that, coming the second time to the same City, he ended his life by martyrdome in this Emperours Reign. At which time, being in bonds, he wrote the se∣cond Epistle to Timothy, signifying therein both his former defence, and also his approaching death. Take his own Testimonie hereof. At my first answer, says he, no man stood with me, but all men forsook me, I pray God that it may not be laid to their charge: notwithstanding the Lord stood with me, and strengthened me, that by me the Preaching might be fully known, and that all the Gentiles might hear; and I was de∣livered out of the mouth of the Lion. By which words he makes it plainly evident, that at the first time, that his Preaching might be fulfilled, he was delivered out of the mouth of the Lion; speaking, as it was likely, of Nero, because of his cruelty. a 1.83 But afterwards he has not added any thing like unto these words [He shall deliver me out of the mouth of the Lion:] for by the Spirit he saw that his end was now near at hand: wherefore, having said [and I was de∣livered out of the mouth of the Lion] he adds this [The Lord shall deliver me from every evil work and will preserve me unto his heavenly Kingdom] evidently signifying that his martyrdom was at hand; which he more plainly foretels in the same Epistle, saying, For I am now ready to be offered, and the time of my departure is at hand. More∣over in this second Epistle to Timothy, he mani∣festly declares, that onely Luke was then with him when he wrote it; but, at his first answer, that not so much as he was with him then. Whence 'tis aggreable to reason to think, that Luke con∣cluded the Acts of the Apostles at that time, ha∣ving continued the History so long as he ac∣companied Paul. These things we have spoken,

that we may make it manifest that the martyrdom of Paul was not consummated at that first coming of his to Rome; which Luke mentions. For its likely, that Pauls Apology for his opinion was more easily admitted by Nero, he behaving him∣self more mildly at the beginning of his Empire; but proceeding afterwards to the commission of most horrid and villanous Acts, those things a∣gainst the Apostles together with many other persons, were by him taken in hand.

CHAP. XXIII. How James, called the brother of the Lord, was Martyred.

MOreover Paul having appealed to Caesar, and being by Festus sent to Rome; the Jews, who had plotted a design against him, being now disappointed of their expectation, set upon James the brother of the Lord, to whom the Epi∣scopal seat at Jerusalem was given by the Apostles: and of this sort were their villanous practises against him: Leading him forth publickly, they required him to renounce the faith of Christ before all the people. But when he, contrary to the ex∣pectation of all, had spoken freely and with a grea∣ter boldness than they looked for, before the whole multitude, and had confessed that our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ was the Son of God; being no longer able to endure the Testimony of the man, they slew him who was believed by all to be a most just person, by reason of that singular eminence he arrived to, in his leading a Philosophical and pious course of life; taking the vacancy of the Govern∣ment as a fit oportunity for this their Licentious∣ness. For Festus being at that time dead in Judea, that Province was without a President and Procuratour. Now the manner of this James's death, the words of Clemens before quoted by us have manifested; he having declared, that he was cast headlong from the battlement of the Temple, and beaten to death with a club. But moreover, a 1.84 Hegesippus, being one of those who were of the first succession after the Apostles, does in the fifth Book of his Commentaries most accurately relate these things concerning this James, speaking after this manner:

James, the brother of our Lord, un∣dertook, together with the Apostles, the Govern∣ment of the Church; That James who was sur∣named the Just by all even from the times of our Lord untill ours. For many were called by the name of James; but this man was holy from his mothers womb. He drank neither wine, nor strong drink; nor eat any creature wherein there was life. There never came Rasour upon his head; he anointed not himself with oyl, neither did he use a Bath. To b 1.85 Him onely it was lawfull to enter into the Holiest of Holie's: He wore no woollen, but lin∣nen garments; and went into the Temple alone, where he was found upon his knees, making suppli∣cation for the forgiveness of the people: in so much that his knees were become hard and brawny, like those of a Camel, by reason of his continual kneeling to worship God, and to make supplication for the remission of the people. Wherefore, upon account of his most eminent righteousness he was called Justus and c 1.86 Oblias, which signifies in English, the de∣fence and righteousness of the people, as the Prophets declare concerning him. Therefore certain men of the d 1.87 seven Heresies among that people of the Jews, which we have before writ∣ten of in our Commenta∣ries, asked him, which is the e 1.88 gate of Jesus? And he said, that That Jesus was the Saviour. Some of them believed that Jesus was the Christ: but the foremen∣tioned Sects believed nei∣ther the f 1.89 Resurrection, nor that he was to come to reward every man according to his works. But as many as believed, believed by the means of James. Therefore, many of the chief men be∣lieving, there was a com∣motion among the Jews, and Scribes and Pharisees, who said that all the people were in danger to think Je∣sus to be the Christ. Com∣ing altogether therefore unto James they said unto him, we beseech thee restrain the people, for they are in an errour concerning Jesus, supposing him to be the Christ; we entreat thee, perswade all those that come together at the day of the passover, that they may think aright concer∣ning Jesus: For we all put our confidence in thee; and we and all the people bear thee witness that thou art just, and respectest not the person of any man: perswade the multitude therefore that they be not deceived about Jesus: for we and all the people put our confidence in thee: stand therefore upon the battlement of the temple, that from on

high thou mayest be conspicuous, and thy words readily heard by all the people; for upon ac∣count of the passover, all the tribes, together with the g 1.90 Nations are come together. Therefore the foresaid Scribes and Phari∣sees placed James upon the battlement of the Temple, and cried out to him, and said, O Justus! whom we all ought to put our confidence in; because the people are mislead after Jesus who was crucified, declare to us, which is the gate of Christ who was crucified: and he answe∣red with a loud voice, Why do ye question me about Jesus the Son of man? He even sits in heaven at the right hand of great power, and will come in the clouds of hea∣ven. Now when many were fully satisfied and confirm∣ed and glorified God for this Testimony of James, and cryed, saying, h 1.91 Hosan∣na to the i 1.92 Son of David, then the same Scribes and Pharisees said again to one another, we have done ill in exhibiting such a Testi∣mony to Jesus; but let us go up and cast him down, that so the people being terrified may not give cre∣dit to him. And they cried out, saying, O, O, even Justus himself is also se∣duced. And they fulfilled that which was written in Esaiah.

k 1.93 We will destroy the righteous, for he is trou∣blesome to us; wherefore they shall eat the fruit of their doings.

They went up therefore and cast down Justus, and said amongst themselves, Let us stone James the Just; and they began to stone him, for he was not fully dead after his fall, but turning he kneeled, saying, I intreat thee, O Lord God the Father, forgive them, for they know not what they doe. As they were thus stoning of him, one of the Priests of the sons of Rechab the son of l 1.94 Rechabim, testifyed of by Jeremy the Prophet, cried out, saying, m 1.95 cease, what doe ye? Justus prays for us. And one of them, being one of the Fullers, took a leaver, with which he used to squeeze gar∣ments, and smote Justus on the head; and so he was martyred. n 1.96 And they buried him in that place, and o 1.97 his Grave-stone as yet remains neer the Temple. This man was a true and substantial witness both to Jews and Gentiles, that Jesus was the Christ: and soon after Ve∣spasian beset Judea round about, and took the Jews captive.

These things He∣gesippus having related fully and largely, does therein a∣gree with Clemens. But James was a person so admi∣rable, and so much cried up amongst all men for his righ∣teousness, that the most sober men of the Jews were of o∣pinion that this was the cause of the siege of Jerusalem, which immediately followed upon his Martyrdome: and that this siege befell them up∣on no other account than that audacious villany committed against this James; Josephus therefore was not afraid to testifie this in writing, decla∣ring himself in these words:

These things befell the Jews in the way of revenge for James the Just, who was the brother of Jesus called Christ; because the Jews had murthered him, being a most righteous per∣son.

And the same Authour in the twentieth Book of his Antiquities, relates his death in these words:

Caesar, being certified of Festus his death, sent Albinus Procuratour into Judea: But Ananus the younger, who as we said before had gotten the High-priesthood, was a man as to his disposition rash and excessively bold: he embraced the Sect of the Sadduces, who in mat∣ters of judgment are cruell above all the Jews, as we before manifested. Ananus therefore, being such an one as we have described him to be, supposing he had a fit opportunity, in that Fe∣stus was dead, and Albinus yet upon his jour∣ney, called an Assembly of the Judges; into which he caused the brother of Jesus called Christ (whose name was James) with certain others to be brought, whom he accused as vio∣latours of the Law, and so delivered them up to be p 1.98 stoned. But as many as seemed to be the mildest and most modest in the City, and

who were the strictest observers of the Law, were very much offended hereat; and sending privately to the King, they intreated him to write to q 1.99 Ananus▪ to warn him that he should not any more attempt any such thing. For that he had not done this first fact regularly and le∣gally. And some of them also went to meet Al binus journeying from Alexandria, and in∣formed him, that it was not lawfull for Ananus without his consent to assemble the Sanhedrim. Albinus being induced to believe what they said, wrote in great anger to Ananus, threatning that he would punish him. And King Agrippa for this very thing took the High-priesthood from him, which he had held three months, and constituted Jesus the son of r 1.100 Dammaeus High∣priest.

Thus much concerning James, whose the first of those called the general Epistles is re∣ported to be. But you must know it is * 1.101 suspected to be spurious. Therefore not many of the An∣tients have made mention of it, like as neither of that called Jude, being also one of the seven, termed the general Epistles: Yet notwithstanding we know, that these with the rest have been pub∣lickly read in most Churches.

CHAP. XXIV. How, after Mark, Annianus was constituted the first Bishop of the Church of the Alexandrians.

BUt Nero being in the eighth year of his reign, Annianus, the first after Mark the * 1.102 Apostle and Evangelist, succeeded in the publick charge of the Church at Alexandria; b 1.103 being a man be∣loved of God, and in all respects admirable.

CHAP. XXV. Of the persecution in the time of Nero, in which Paul and Peter were for Religion graced with Marty dome at Rome.

THe Empire being now confirmed to Nero, he, giving his mind to the commission of nefarious facts, armed himself against the very worship of the supream God. Indeed, how wicked a person he was, our present leisure will not permit us to describe. But, in as much as many have related in most ac∣curate Treatises those things that were done by him, he that is desirous, may from thence see the cruelty and insolent rage of the man. Whereby having without all consideration destroyed an infinite num∣ber of men, he arrived to such an height of mur∣dering cruelty, that he forbore not his most fami∣liar and most beloved friends; but slew his mother and his wife, with innumerable others that were related to him, as if they had been enemies and adversaries, by sundry kinds of death. This in∣deed also ought together with the rest to have been ascribed to him as one of his titles, That he was the first of the Emperours that demonstrated himself to be an Adversary to the worship due to God. Thus much again Tertullian the Roman does record, saying, after this manner:

a 1.104 Consult your Re∣cords. There you will find that Nero was the first, who with the Imperial sword raged against this Sect then greatly flourish∣ing at Rome. But we even boast of such a beginner of our persecution. For he that knows him, may un∣derstand that nothing but some great Good was con∣demned by Nero.

Thus therefore this man, being pro∣claimed the first and chiefest enemie of God, set upon slaughtering the Apostles. Wherefore they relate that in his time Paul was beheaded at Rome, and also Peter crucified. And the name of Peter and Paul unto this pre∣sent time remaining upon the Burial-places there doth confirm the story. In like manner, even an b 1.105 Ecclesiastical man, by name Caius, who flourisht in the time of Zephyrinus Bishop of Rome, and wrote against Proclus a great defender of the opinion of the Cata∣phrygians, says these very words concerning the places where the sacred bodies of the aforesaid Apostles were deposited:

I am able to shew the Tro∣phies of the Apostles: For if you would go to the c 1.106 Vatican, or to the way Ostia, you will find the Trophies of those who founded this Church.

And

that they both suffered Martyrdome at the same time, Dionysius Bishop of Corinth, writing to the Romans, doth thus affirm:

So also you, d 1.107 by this your so great an admonition, have joyned together the plantation both of the Romans, and also of the Corinthians, made by Peter and Paul. For both of them coming also to our City of Corinth, and having planted us, did in like manner instruct us. Likewise they went both together into Italy, and, having taught there, suffered Martyrdome at e 1.108 the same time.

And thus much I have related, that the History hereof might be yet farther confirmed.

CHAP. XXVI. How the Jews were vexed with innumerable mischiefs, and how at last they entred upon a war against the Romans.

a 1.109 MOreover Josephus, discoursing at large about the calamities that happened to the whole Jewish nation, makes it manifest in express words, amongst many other things, that a great number of the most eminent personages amongst the Jews, having been cruelly beaten with scourges, were cru∣cified even in Jerusalem by the command of Florus. For it happened that he was Procuratour of Judea, when the war at first broke out, in the twelfth year of Nero's Reign. Afterwards, he says, that

after the revolt of the Jews there followed great and grievous disturbances throughout all Syria, those of the Jewish nation being by the inhabitants of every City every where destroyed as enemies, without all commiseration: In so much that a man might see the b 1.110 Cities filled with dead bodies that lay unburied; and the aged together with the in∣fants cast forth dead, and women not having so much as any covering upon those parts which na∣ture commands to be concealed: and the whole c 1.111 Province was full of unspeakable calamities: But the dread of what was threatned was greater and more grievous than the mischiefs every where perpetrated.

Thus much Josephus relates word for word. And such was the posture of the Jews affairs at that time.

Notes

• a 1.1

  At these words we began the first Cha∣pter, fol∣lowing the Autority partly of Rufinus, partly of the King's, Maz. and Fuk. M. SS. for, what goes before is a Preface. Vales.
• b 1.2

  The year wherein Stephen suf∣fered Mar∣tyrdom is not agreed on by all: some say it was the third year after Christs passion, which was the last of Claudius, so Syncellus. Others say he was martyred on the 7^th of the Calend. of Jan. that same year in which Christ suffered. So Scaliger says in his Excerpt. Chronol••g. which he puts out with Euseb. Chronicon. p. 68. and this seems to have been the opinion of Eusebius, as appears from this place. Vales.
• c 1.3

  Stephen, in Greek signifies a Crown.
• d 1.4

  That this James was not the Son of the B. Virgin, nor yet of Joseph by one Escha a former wife; but of Mary the wife of Cleophas sister to the B. Virgin, may thus be made appear: we read Jo. 19. 25. that there stood by the Cross of Christ his Mother, and his Mothers sister Mary the wife of Cleophas, and Mary Mag∣dalen: in the rest of the Evan∣gelists we find at the same place (Matth. 27. 56.) Mary Magda∣len, and Mary the mother of James and Joses; and again at the Sepulchre (Matth. 28. 1.) Mary Magdalen and the other Mary. Wherefore that other Ma∣ry by the conjunction of these Testimonies, appeareth to be the sister of the B. Virgin, to be the wife of Cleophas, and the mother of James and Joses; and conse∣quently James and Joses the bre∣thren of the Lord, were not the sons of Mary his mother, nor of Joseph by a former wife, but of the other Mary, and therefore called his brethren, according to the language of the Jews [See Gen. 13. 8. & 12. 5. & 29. 12.] be∣cause that other Mary was the sister of his mother. See Bishop Pearson on the Creed. p. 176. Edit. Lond. 1669.
• * 1.5

  Gal. 1. 19.
• * 1.6

  Acts 8. 3.
• * 1.7

  Acts 8. 5. &c.
• * 1.8

  Psal. 68. 31.
• † 1.9

  Acts 9. 3•• &c.
• a 1.10

  Tertullian was by birth a Carthaginian; his father was a Centurion, a Deputy-pro-Consul. He wrote many volumes in Latine, of which his Apologie onely was done into Greek, but by whom, it is uncertain: he flourisht un∣der Severus and Antoninus Cara∣calla. Vales.
• b 1.11

  In our translation of this quo∣tation out of Tertullian, we have followed the Original expression of the Authour, according to Ri∣galtius his Edition of him: this Greek translation being not fully expressive of the Authours mind, as Valesius thinks.
• * 1.12

  Psal. 19. 4.
• a 1.13

  It was called Cae∣sarea in Pa∣lestine to distinguish it from Cae∣sarea Phi∣lippi, which was in Phoe∣nice. Vale••.
• b 1.14

  That our Saviours followers were first named Christians in Tiberius his Reign, Tertullian affirms in his Apologie, the place is quoted by Eusebius in the preceding Chapter. Vales.
• c 1.15

  This journey of Pauls to Jerusalem can no way fall upon the times of Tiberius. For Luke writes expresly in the Acts, chap. 11. v. 29, 30. that it happened about that time when Herod Agrippa was smitten by the Angel of the Lord: which it is most certain, happened in Claudius his time. Vales.
• a 1.16

  Caius Cae∣sar about the begin∣ning of his reign made Agrippa King, first of Tracho∣nitis, which was Phillips Tretrarchy. After that, when He∣rod, Te∣trarch of Galilee, by the per∣swasion of his wife Herodias, went to Rome to get the Re∣gal dignity of Caius the Emperour, Caius took from Herod his Tetrarchy of Galilee, and gave it to Agrippa. At length, after the death of Caius, Claudius confirmed the Kingdom to Agrippa which Caius had given him, and gave him also Judea and Samaria, which his Grandfather Herod had. And so the whole Kingdom of Herod the great was possessed by Agrippa. See Philo in Flaccum & in Legat. ad Caium sub sinem; and Joseph. Hist. B. 18. so that Eusebius is mistaken, in that he says, Caius made Agrippa King of Jude••. Vales.
• a 1.17

  There are now extant onely two Books of Philo's con∣cerning this Subject, the one entitled in Flac∣cum, the other de; Légatione ad Caium; so that either Eusebius Forgot their number, or else they were heretofore divided into five Volumes: Neither can any one suspect the other three to be lost: for in those two, we now have, are contained all that happened to the Jews under Caius his Empire. Vales.
• b 1.18

  Philo says there were five Embassadours of the Jews side sent to Rome; See his de Legat. ad Caium sub sinem. These Em∣bassadours were sent upon two ac∣counts, first, the Jews complain∣ed that the Alexandrians defi∣led their Proseucha's by bring∣ing the Emperours Statues into them; and then, that the Alex∣andrians went about to deprive the Jews of their freedom of the City Alexandria. Vales.
• c 1.19

  So the chief Magistrate a∣mong the Jews at Alexandria was called: He held his place as long as he lived; and at his death the Jews chose another into his room. See Philo in Flaccum. Vales.
• d 1.20

  Philo's meaning here is, that Caius indeed was angry with the Jews as to appearance, and in words; but that in reality he did arm God, and set him in array against himself. For, in that Caius would have himself called god, he provoked God to take vengeance of him. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (whence the word here used is derived) is a military term, and signifies, to set an army in array against an enemy. Vales.
• a 1.21

  Philo in Legat. ad Caium a∣bout the end.
• b 1.22

  The Jews had two sorts of places, besides their Temple, (which was for sacrifice) for re∣ligious duties; viz. their Pros∣cuchae, and Synagogucs; the dif∣ference between them was this; the Proseucha was a Plot of ground encompassed with a wall or some other inclosure, and open above; the use of it was properly for prayer; a Synagogue was a cove∣red edifice, where the Law and Prophets were read and expoun∣ded, and the people instructed in divine matters; besides, the Sy∣nagogues were within, the Pros∣cuchae without the Cities. They were in use before the Captivity, as may be gathered from Jos. 24. 26. Psal. 74. 7. See Acts 16. 13. M^r Mede.
• c 1.23

  So Caligula was called, to distinguish him from Jullus Cae∣sar, who was also called Caius, and was deified. Vales.
• d 1.24

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Conspicuous. Va∣lesius translates it praesens; prae∣sentes dii sunt vel qui statim prae∣stant, vel qui coluntur & videntur. Donat. in Terent. Phorm. That is, the Propitious or Conspicuous gods were such, as were at hand, or such as were visible to the worshippers. Hence Antiochus King of Syria was called Epiphanes by his flat∣terers.
• e 1.25

  Valesius thinks that by this Second Book of Virtues must be understood Philo's Book in Flac∣cum; and his reason is, because Philo does no where else but in that Book, relate the calamities that befell the Jews of Alexan∣dria.
• f 1.26

  Jos. Bell. Jud. L. 2. c. 8.
• * 1.27

  Joh. 19. 15.
• g 1.28

  In this place Eu∣sebius is mistaken, in that he thought that those things, which Jo∣sephus re∣lates con∣cerning the images of Tiberius brought in∣to the City of Jerusa∣lem by Pi∣late, hap∣pened after the death of Christ. But Jose∣phus attests (in the 2^d B. of the Jewish wars, and in his 18 B. Antiq.) that this happened at the be∣ginning of Pilates Govern∣ment. Now Pilate was sent by Ti∣berius into Judea in the twelsth year of his Reign. Its absurd therefore to say, that those mis∣chiefs, which befell the Jews long before Christs death, happened to them for no other cause than for their wickedness committed a∣gainst Christ. Besides, Eusebius thought, that one and the same Act of Pilate's was mentioned both by Philo and Josephus. But Josephus speaks of the Images of the Emperour; and Philo, of the guilded Bucklers, which had no image, but onely the name of the Emperour to whom they were dedicated, and Pilate's name that made that dedication. Moreover, what Josephus relates, hap∣pened in the first year of Pilates Government; but, what Philo re∣ports, came to pass when Pilate had been many years Governour. Vales.
• h 1.29

  Corban comes from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which signifies promiscuously to draw nigh, and to offer: the Evangelist renders Corban, a gift (Matth. 15. v. 5.) i. e. that which is presented and consecrated to God in the Temple: it signifies also the place where the Offerings so called were laid up. D^r Hammond.
• a 1.30

  That is, by reason of despair. This is confirmed by Eusebius in his Chronicon; In the third year of Caius Caligula, says he, P. Pilate falling into great trou∣bles killed himself. King Agrippa (apud Philon. in Legat. ad Caium) gives this description of this Pilate, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; That is, he was of an inflexible nature, and withall arrogant and cruel: which testimony is so much the more con∣siderable, because it came out of Agrippa's mouth, who was an eye∣witness of Pilates detestable acts. A character well befitting him that condemned our Saviour. Vales.
• b 1.31

  There were a∣mongst the Grecians, games instituted for the exercise of their youth, to the honour of Jupiter Olympus, neer unto whose Temple they were performed in the Olympian field. The time was (as onely Pindar has reveal∣ed) at the full moon which followed the Summer Solstice. They were celebrated every fifth year: and the interval was called an OLYMPIAD, consisting of four Julian years, and the ódd Bis∣sextile day. The restitution of these Games by Iphitus, is so much more taken notice of than the first celebration by Hercules. That this, which was many years after, is yet accounted for the first Olympiad, upon which the Grecian Chronology fixeth it self, as upon the cer∣tain term, to which their reckoning does refer, See M^r Jo. Gregory of Oxford, de Aeris & Epoch.
• * 1.32

  Acts 11. 28, 29, 30.
• * 1.33

  Acts 12. 1, 2.
• a 1.34

  It was usual for those that were accused, to be brought before the judgment-seat by a Souldier or Apparator: the Greek word (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) will bear that sense, as well as Accuser, but we have translated it Accuser, upon the account of Clemens his following words, saying, that this person asked James forgiveness, which, if he had accused him, he had reason to doe; but had he been onely an Officer or Souldier, and had done no more but brought in James be∣fore the judge, he may seem to have done no more then the duty of his place, what he was commanded; and so needed not have asked James forgiveness. Vales.
• * 1.35

  Acts 12. 3. &c.
• b 1.36

  This He∣rod, called also Agrippa, was eldest son to Aristobulus by Bernice his Wife, daughter of 'Salome Sister to Herod the great: which Aristobulus was eldest son to Herod the great by his Wife Mariamne the Assamonean. See Montagues Acts, and Mon. chap. 4. Sect. 34. So that this Herod was Grandchild to Herod the great. Joseph. Antiq. B. 18. c. 7.
• * 1.37

  Joseph. Antiq. B. 19. c. 7.
• a 1.38

  This Festival was instituted first by Herod the great in honour of Augustus, in the 192 Olym∣piad, says Josephus, (Antiq. L. 16. c. 9.) at the City Caesarea. Agrip∣pa went to Caesarea to celebrate it, in the 4 year of Claudius, at the beginning of the 206 Olympiad. Vales.
• b 1.39

  He means Syria, or (which was part of it) Phoenicia; which was called the Province, to distin∣guish it from Judea where Agrip∣pa then reigned. Indeed Luke says expresly (Acts 12. 20.) that the principal men of Tyre were then present, which Tyre was the chief City of Phoenicia. Vales.
• c 1.40

  Josephus calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an owl: See his words in the B. and chap. last cited.
• d 1.41

  To wit, in the reign of Tiberius: when Agrippa, being in bonds, and leaning against a tree, as he stood before the palace of Tiberius, saw an owl sitting over his head. A German being by, one of his fellow prisoners foretold this to portend great felicity to Agrippa. See the story at large in Joseph. Antiq. B. 18. c. 8.
• e 1.42

  This was the usual posture of the Hebrew mourners. See Job 2. 3. Esai. 47. 5. Lament. 2. 10. Jonah 3. 6, &c. consonant here∣unto, the Reverses of the medalls both of Vespasian and Titus, made for the memory and celebration of the conquest of Judea, were im∣printed with a silent woman sit∣ting on the ground, and leaning her back to a palm-tree, with this inscription, Judaea Capta, i. e. Ju∣dea subdued. Note here that the Reverses made to commit victo∣ries to memory were always writ∣ten upon with some representation of proper respect to the place con∣quered. I know the posture of sit∣ting is a ceremony of Roman la∣mentation too. But it was first used among the Jews, from whom the Romans learned it. M^r Gregory of Oxford. Chap. 4. pag. 25, &c.
• f 1.43

  This man had two sons, and three daughters; his sons were, Agrippa the younger mentio∣ned Acts 25▪ and Drusus who died young. His daughters were, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla, which last married Felix the Pro∣curator of Judea, as we have it in the Acts: Bernice is also men∣tioned in the Acts coming in great pomp with her brother Agrippa to hear Paul. Joseph. Antiq.
• * 1.44

  Acts 5. 36.
• a 1.45

  This Theudas Josephus mentions Antiq. B. 20. c. 5. but that was in Claudius's reign, in the time of Fadus his Prefecture. And so that cannot be the person mentioned in the Acts; for that Theu∣das was be∣fore Judas Galilaeus (Acts 5. 39.) and he was in the time of Cy∣renius's be∣ing Gover∣nour of Syria. That Theudas in the Acts therefore must needs be some other person, whom the Jews had recorded in their writings, and from thence Gamaliel there recites the story, though we have no other record of it. This is the opinion of Scaliger, in L. 6. de Emendat. Tempor. and of Casaubon in Exercitat. 2. c. 18. and of D^r Hammond in his notes on Acts 5. 36. Valesius, in his annotations, dissents from all these learned men, and says that by those words of S^t Luke [after this man rose up Judas of Galilec] is meant, that Judas his insurrection was before that of Theudas; which exposition he confirms by saying, that when ever we begin to reckon from the last, as nearest to us, (so he suppo∣ses S^t Luke there does) we must necessarily place the last person first in such a reckoning, and the first last: so that notwithstanding S^t Luke says (after this man rose up Judas of Galilee) yet Judas his insurrection was long before Theudas's. This he illustrates by two examples of such an expression, one taken out of Tertullian in Apologet. the other out of Clemens Alexandr. Lib. 7. stromat. But then being not able to re∣concile the time of Theudas his insurrection with the time Josephus places it in, to wit, in the time of Fadus his Procuratorship, he says Josephus was mistaken, placing it later than he should have done. For he will by no means allow two Theudas's. Another way he has to make up this difference, that is, he thinks S^t Luke in his expression used a prolepsis, anticipating the insurrection of Theudas ten years, and makes Gamaliel speak that which was agreeable to his present purpose: and thus Eusebius, he thinks, understood S^t Lukes words. The Reader has here the opinion of both sides, and is left to his liberty to believe which he pleases.
• a 1.46

  Joseph. Antiq. B. 20. c. 3.
• * 1.47

  This fa∣mine hap∣pened on the 5 and 6 years of Claudius. Vales.
• † 1.48

  Acts 11. 28, 29, 30.
• b 1.49

  There were three Pyramids standing three fur∣longs from Jerusalem, where the bones of this Helena were buried, says Joseph. Antiq. B. 20. c. 2. he mentions them again in his 6 B. of the Jews wars. Jerom mentions them in his Oration de Obit. B. Paula, and says they were standing in his time. Pausanias (in Arcadicis) reck∣oning up the stately Sepulchers he had seen, admires two above all the rest, to wit, that of Mausolus in Caria, and this of Helena in Judea. This Helena had a Palace in Jerusalem, says Josephus, in the 6 B. of the Jews wars. Vales.
• a 1.50

  This place of Justin is now to be found not in his second but in his first Apologie. Eusebius in citing Justins Apologies follows not the order of our common Edi∣tions. For he always calls that the first which our Editions term the second; and that the second which they call the first: of which more hereafter. Vales.
• b 1.51

  The Learned have long since observed, that Justin, by reason of his unskilfulness in the Latine tongue, was here mistaken; think∣ing that the Image dedicated to Semon Sancus was consecrated to Simon Magus. Tis certain, that image, which Justin had seen in the island of Tiber, was lately dug up, with this inscription up∣on it, Semoni Sango Deo Fidio. Sancus was a God among the Sa∣bins that had the charge of bar∣gains and contracts, whence he had the names of Sangus and Fi∣dius. By him the Romans were wont to swear. Some Samaritans, no doubt, deceived Justin, mak∣ing him believe this Image was dedicated to their Simon Magus▪ Vales.
• c 1.52

  C. Rufinus calls her Selene. Vales.
• a 1.53

  Eusebius speaks of a devil, which had made his residence and fixt his habitation in Rome, being then the me∣tropolis of the whole world. Vales.
• a 1.54

  From these words of Eusebius it is conclu∣ded that the death of Simon Magus happened at Rome in the time of Claudius: for Eu∣sebius writeth that Peter came to Rome in Claudius his reign, and that presently after, Simon's magical arts were by his coming destroyed together with the Authour. Though there be others that say Simon was destroyed in Nero's time. Vales.
• b 1.55

  This place of Clemens is quoted a∣gain by Eusebius in his 6 B. Ec∣cles. Hist. at which place more shall be said of it. Vales.
• c 1.56

  Rome was paral∣lel to Baby∣lon in ma∣ny things. Vales.
• * 1.57

  1 Pet. 5. 13.
• a 1.58

  Eusebi∣us in his Chronic. places Mark's go∣ing into E∣gypt on the second year of Claudi∣us: the Au∣thour of the Alexandri∣an Chro∣nic. and Georg. Syncellus say he went in the third year of C. Caligula: its the opinion of Eutychius Patriarch of Alexandria that Mark went thither in the ninth year of Claudius. Vales.
• a 1.59

  He means not Monks; for they were an or∣der of a la∣ter date. Valesius says they were Chri∣stians, who led a re∣tired, and more severe and strict sort of life: so they were called from that Philosophical term [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which signifies the exercise of virtue and abstinence: and any one that led such a life was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. e. Asceta.] The Reader may have farther satisfaction in this matter in Bishop Montagues Acts & Mon. Chap. 7. where he will find this business discussed at large.
• b 1.60

  That these Therapeutae were not Christians we will shew here∣after. Some think they were Es∣sens; but that is unlikely: for Philo never terms them so in that Book wherein he describes them, but at the very beginning calls them Therapeutae: Besides, the Es∣sens (as Philo himself witnesses in his Apology for the Jews, cited by Euscbius Lib. 8. De preparat.) were onely in Judea and Palae∣stine; but these Therapeutae, he says were scattered all over the (then known) world. Lastly Philo attributes many things to these Therapeutae, which the Sect of the Essens by no means al∣lowed: as for example, that they had women conversant among them called Therapeutriae: now Philo says expresly that the Essens hated womankind. See Philo de vita Contemplat. and Joseph. Hist. of the Jewish wars. B. 2. Chap. 12. Vales.
• * 1.61

  Acts 4. 34, 35, 36.
• c 1.62

  Philo's description of these Therapeutae in these following words can no way agree with the Christian professours in those times. For they were then few in number, neither did they look upon any Country as their own, besides the heavenly Jerusalem. Vales.
• d 1.63

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that's the term in the original. So the Ancient Greeks called that which the lat∣ter call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; that is, an al∣legory, as they term it; when one thing is said, another is to be un∣derstood. Vales.
• e 1.64

  From these words of Philo we may easily perceive that these Therapeutae were not Christians. For the professours of Christianity were then of a very fresh date. Besides, what writings could these be? The Books of the Prophets they were not, for Philo separates them from these, speaking of them a little before: They could not be the Gospels, nor the Epistles of the Apostles, for they were scarce written in Philo's age, however they could not then be called the writings of antient persons, at least by Philo. Vales.
• f 1.65

  The composition of Psalms and Hymns was not in use so ear∣ly in the Church, as these words of Philo must suppose, if we un∣derstand them to be spoken of the Christians: that came in after the times of Antoninus, when learned men began to embrace the Chri∣stian Faith. So that neither can these words of Philo be any ways understood of Christians. The junior Pliny indeed (in his Epistle to Trajan Lib. 10. Epist. 97.) says it was a custome of the Christians in their Coetûs, carmen Christo tan∣quam Deo dicere secum invicem, i. e. to say one with another by turns a verse, or Hymn, to Christ as unto God: But there is a dif∣ference between saying and com∣posing a song or Hymn; and be∣sides, this was long after Philo's time. See D^r Hammonds preface to his Exposit▪ on the Psalms; and M^r Gregory's Posthumous works; Discourse 2^d.
• g 1.66

  Eusebius means that whole week which precedes the feast of Easter, which the Greek Fathers call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the great week, and we the Passion week. But in Philo's Book there is no mention of this feast of Easter. He speaks indeed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of a great solemnity; but by his following words 'tis evident he means the Jewish-feast of weeks, or, our Pentecost. Vales.
• h 1.67

  He means the Presbyters; concerning whom, See Philo, in his said Book, De vitâ contemplat. p. 899. Edit. Par. Vales.
• a 1.68

  This Book of Philo's is not now extant. Vales.
• b 1.69

  In Suidas this Book is called, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ which inscription Suidas took from So∣phronius the interpreter of Jerom. But our excellent M. SS. Maz. Med. Fuk and S^r Henry Savills have it thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Wherefore I agree with Nicepho∣rus, who rightly distinguisht the two Books of Philo: the one of which was entitled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Of flight and choice; the other, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, Of nature and in∣v••ntion. Whence it appears that that Book of Eusebius's, which Nicephorus made use of, was in this place more correct than our copies. Vales.
• c 1.70

  'Tis manifest that Philo wrote three Books on this Sub∣ject, That Dreams are sent from God. The first of which is lost; the second is extant in the Paris Edition of Philo, pag. 465. in the beginning whereof he makes mention of a former Book which he had written on that subject. The third is also extant in the same Edition, pag. 1108. but mispla∣ced. Whether he wrote any more than these three, is un∣certain. Suidas mentions five Books of Philo's De Somniis. Vales.
• d 1.71

  In the Maz. and Fuk. M. SS. its written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 truer; for there was onely one Book that bore this Title. In a M. S. copy of Philo's works in the Libra∣ry of Aus∣purg, this Book of Philo's, De Providen∣tiâ, is con∣founded with ano∣ther of his Adversus Flaccum. Indeed this Book, De Providen∣tiâ, is lost. But there is an eminent fragment of it in Euse∣bius De preparat Libr. 8. cap. Ultim. and in Libr. 7. cap. 21. Vales.
• e 1.72

  I doubt not but it should be written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, For the Jews, for so this Book is quoted by Eusebius in his 8 B. De Preparat. Evan∣gel. chap. 10. where there is a most elegant place produced 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. out of the Apologie of Philo for the Jews. Rufinus confirms this our emendation; who turns this place thus, de Judaeis Apologeticus Liber. Vales.
• f 1.73

  Jerome makes mention of this Book of Philo's, in his interpretation of the Hebrew names. Moreover, Philo having onely interpreted those names that occur in the Law and the Prophets, Origen added afterwards an interpretation of the words and names of the New Te∣stament; supplying that which seemed to be wanting in Philo's Book, as Jerome writes in that Book of his now mentioned. Vales.
• g 1.74

  Eusebius took this out of the Acts of the Apost. chap. 18. v. 2. And Orosius writes, as he had it out of Josephus, that this was done in the ninth year of Claudius. But that place of Josephus which Orosius quotes is not now extant. Therefore Orosius seems to me to have for∣gotten himself. And truely, it is not very likely, that Claudius the Emperour, who had so great a kindness for the Jews, as appears by his many Edicts extant in Josephus, should drive the Jews in particular out of the City. I should rather think, whenas there was a great famine at Rome (which in Eusebius's Chronicon is said to have happened in the tenth year of Claudius) that Claudius expelled all forreiners out of the City, amongst whom were the Jews also. For so Augustus did before; and 'twas frequently practised by the following Emperours, as oft as the City of Rome was in any scarcity of Provision: and so I judge that place of Luke in the Acts is to be understood. But if any one, relying on the Authority of Suetonius (whose words are these, Judaeos impulsore CHRESTO assiduè tumultuantes Româ expulit; in the Life of Claudius. See D^r Hammonds Annot. on Acts 26. v. 31.) does reject this our Opinion, I will not much withstand him. All the Chronologers downwards follow Orosius; as does also Barronius in his Annals. Whom I much wonder at, in that when he had placed this Edict of Claudius on the ninth year of his Reign, he should also cast the Jerusalem Council upon the same year. Which is manifestly re∣pugnant to the History of the Acts of the Apostles. For, after the Je∣rusalem Council, which is related Acts 15, Paul going back to Antioch, delivered the Epistle of the Apostles to the brethren, and is said to have tarried there some time. After this, being parted from Barnabas, he went into Syria and Cilicia, Preaching the Word of God. Then he travelled into Phrygia, Galatia, and Mysia, where he was warned by the Holy Spirit in a dream to sail into Macedonia, and first Preach't the Faith of Christ at Philippi; after that, at Thessalonica and Berea. Sailing thence to Athens, he staied there a good while expecting Ti∣mothy and Sylas; and Preached the Word of God to the Athenians. Then going to Corinth he found Aquila and Priscilla there, who were lately come from Italy thither, upon account of the Edict of Claudius commanding all Jews to depart from Rome, as it is in the 18 chap. Acts. From all this its apparent, that there was a good distance of time between the Council held at Jerusalem, and the Edict of Clau∣dius; in which space all this we have related was dispatcht by Paul the Apostle. In Chronico Alexandrino, the Council at Jerusalem is placed on the sixth year of Claudius; he had better have said, the seventh. For so all things agree exactly. For Paul staid at Antioch the remaining months of that year wherein the Council was; then the following year he travelled through Syria, Cilicia, Phrygia, and Galatia. At length in the ninth year of Claudius, he came into Greece. Vales.
• h 1.75

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, at which time Aquila, &c. for it may be read in two words, thus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as I found it written in the Kings, and the Fuk. M. SS. Vales.
• a 1.76

  The same number he sets down in his Chroni∣con. But Jo∣sephus, in his 2 B. of the Jewish wars says there was some∣what more than ten thousand killed. But in his 20^th B. of An∣tiquities, which work he compiled after his History, he accounts the number of the slain to be twenty thousand. Which number I would rather agree too, because these Books, as I said, were written last by him▪ Vales.
• b 1.77

  This Agrippa the younger, to speak properly, was never King of the Jews. For after the death of Agrippa his father, who dyed the fourth year of Claudius, Claudius took him being very young and kept him with him, neither did he permit him to succeed in his fathers Kingdom. After∣wards, Herod the King of Chalcis being dead, Claudius gave Agrippa his Uncle's Kingdom; which when he had held four years, Claudius in the twelfth year of his Reign gave him Thraconitis, which was the Te∣trarchie of Philip, and also the Kingdom of Lysanias; having first taken Chalcis from him: He transferred to him also the authority over the Temple, and the power of electing the High-priests, which his Uncle Herod had. A little after, Nero added to his Kingdom part of Galilce, as Josephus writes in his twentieth B. of Antiq. Which being thus, its apparent Eusebius was mistaken, who wrote both here and in his Chronicon, that Agrippa the younger succeeded in his fathers Kingdom presently after the death of his father, and was made King of the Jews by Claudius. Although Eusebius says not here expresly that he was by Claudius made King presently after his fathers death. In∣deed, out of Josephus it may be evidently shown that the younger Agrippa was not made King immediately after his fathers death. For in his second Book of the Jewish wars, chap. 13▪ he makes the twelfth year of Nero, wherein the Jewish war began, to be the same with the seventeenth of King Agrippa. Therefore the younger Agrippa began to reign in the eighth year of Claudius. Moreover, I will not deny that he was King of the Jews, seeing he was King of Galilce, and is by Justus reckoned among the Kings of the Jews. But I deny that ever he was King of Judea. For after the death of the Seniour Agrippa, which happened in the fourth year of Claudius, Judea was brought into the form of a Province, and every year the Procuratours of Caesar were sent thither, as Josephus relates. Vales.
• c 1.78

  In the Chronicon of Eusebius, Felix is said to have been sent Procuratour into Judea by Claudius, in the eleventh year of his Reign. But in Scaligers Edition of that work, it is more rightly placed on the tenth year of Claudius. Yet it seems to be truer, that Felix was sent into Judea in the ninth of Claudius. For Tracitus, in his twelfth Book, says, That Felix was lately set over the Jews, (Sulla and Otho being Consuls, which was the tenth year of Claudius:) and in Acts 24. Paul, pleading his cause before this same Felix, which was done on the thirteenth year of Claudius, speaks thus to him: For as much as I know that thou hast been for many years a judge unto this Nation. Moreover Rufinus is mistaken, in that he thinks these are Josephus's words, when as it appears that they indeed are Eusebius's. Vales.
• a 1.79

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; so it is in Jose∣phus. Ge∣lenius ren∣ders it, ene∣mies: which I like not. For Jose∣phus by that term means 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; the most emi∣nent Perso∣nages. Vales.
• a 1.80

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifies properly, to attend too, or observe. In this sense Eusebius uses the word chap. 18. of this Book, and in B. 3. chap. 24. This word occurs in Athenaeus, Polybius, and others. Vales.
• * 1.81

  Acts 21. 38. See Jo∣sephus Antiq. B. 20. c. 6, & 7. See also D^r Hammond on Acts 21. 38.
• b 1.82

  Josephus says there were thirty thousand men: which is so to be understood, as that the number of the whole multitude was 30000, of which 4000 onely were murtherers. And so Josephus will be reconciled to Luke. But I agree not with Eusebius, who writes that this was done in Nero's time. For, in Acts 21, this Egyptian is said to have been overthrown a little before Pauls coming to Jerusalem. Now Paul came thither in the last year of Claudius: which may be gathered from the 24 chap. Acts, where Luke writes that Portius Festus was sent as successour to Felix. Seeing therefore Festus was sent into Judea in the second year of Nero, the overthrow of this Egyptian must necessarily fall on the last year of Claudius. The narration of Josephus, who seems to refer all this to the times of Nero, deceived Eusebius. But Eusebius ought to have considered, that Jo∣sephus does in that place relate all the Acts of Felix together, as well what he did under Claudius, as what under Nero. Vales.
• a 1.83

  Indeed this place is very ob∣scure; and therefore Musculus (as also D^r Hanmer) omitted it. But, having considered upon it long and much, at length I ap∣prehended the true sense of this place. Eu∣sebius therefore says, that from the second E∣pistle of Paul to Ti∣mothy this may be ga∣thered, to wit, that Paul in his first de∣fence was acquitted by the Judges sen∣tence; but afterward at his second defence he was condemned. The former part hereof he apparently manifests in these words [At my first defence no man stood with me;] and whenas he says [I was delivered out of the mouth of the Lyon.] which is as much as if he had said, I was snatcht from Nero's jaws. But Paul speaks far otherwise of his second accu∣sation. For he does not say [The Lord delivered me out of the mouth of the Lyon] as he had said before. For he foresaw, God revealing it to him, that he should by no means any longer avoid the sword of the persecutour, but should end his life by a glorious martyrdom. There∣fore when he had said of his first accusation [I was delivered out of the mouth of the Lyon] concerning his second, with which he was then charged, he adds these words [The Lord shall deliver me from every evil work, and will preserve me unto his heavenly Kingdom] ap∣parently manifesting his death by these words. This is the meaning of this place, which neither the translatours, nor I my self at first un∣derstood. Wherefore in the words of Eusebius, it must be read [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] in two distinct words, or else the accent must be changed, thus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Indeed, in the Maz. M. S. it is thus written [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] in two di∣stinct words. Moreover Jerome, in his Book De Scriptorib. Ecclesiast. has quoted this place of Eusebius, where he speaks of Paul; but he appre∣hended not Eusebius's meaning, as it will be apparent to the Reader. Wherefore Sophronius also, when he translated this place of Jerome, into Greek, omitted some words, which seemed to hinder the meaning. Vales.
• a 1.84

  The first succession of the A∣postles is extended to the times of M. Aurelius Antoninus. For in his Reign Polycarp the disciple of John the Apostle was crowned with Martyrdom. Hegesippus therefore is rightly said to have lived in the first succession of the Apostles, in that he flourished in the Reign of the sons of Antoninus Pius. And coming to Rome when Anicetas was Bishop, he stayed there to Eleutherus's time. In the Alexandrian Chronicle (which I would more willingly call the Antiochian) He∣gesippus is said to have died in the Reign of Commodus. He was there∣fore cotemporary with Ireneus: who also was next to the first successi∣on of the Apostles, as Eusebius testifies, Book 5. chap. 20. Vales.
• b 1.85

  Scaliger, in his Animadvers. Eusebian. p. 178. has examined this whole passage of Hegesippus's, and finds fault with many things in it; which are well worth rea∣ding. See also Dionysius Petavius in Not. ad He••esim 78. Epiphanii, & P. Halloixius, in his Notes on the Life of Hegesippus, chap. 3. Vales.
• c 1.86

  The learned Nich. Fuller, Book 3. chap. 1. of his Miscellan, has thus corrected this place 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. He was called Saddick, and Ozleam, which signifies in English, a just man, and the defence of the people. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Hebrew signifies, a just man. And Ozleam is made up of these two Hebrew words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which signi∣fie, the strength, or, defence of the people; the Letter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being the sign of the Genitive or Dative case with the Hebrews. The ori∣ginal of this appellation is taken from Psalm 28. 9. where we meet with these words in the original, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Lord shall give strength to his peo∣ple. Fullers Miscell. B. 3. chap. 1.
• d 1.87

  This place of Hegesippus, wherein, he says, he wrote con∣cerning the seven Heresies, we shall meet with in the 4 B. of Eu∣sch. Eccles. Hist. where we will speak more concerning them. Vales.
• e 1.88

  By Gate here, is meant no∣thing else, but the way of En∣trance to Christ; which is, by Faith in God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Agreeable hereto its said Psal. 118. 20. This is the gate of the Lord, the righte∣ous shall enter into it. Vales.
• f 1.89

  The Pharisees, who were one branch of these Sects, believed the Resurrection from the dead. Vales.
• g 1.90

  Petavius does here deserved∣ly reprove Scaliger, who had de∣nied, that it was lawfull for any Gentile to be present at the Festi∣vals of the Jews. For besides that place which Petavius quotes; John 12. 20. we are supplied with many testimonies out of Joscphus, to evidence this mat∣ter. Vitellius the President of Syria went up to Jerusalem at the feast of the Passover, and was honourably entertained by the Jews: as we may read chap. 6. B. 18. of Josephus's Antiq. He writes the same concerning Qua∣dratus the President of Syria, B. 20▪ of his Antiq. Vales.
• h 1.91

  This word Hosanna, is a corruption of the Hebrew word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (which signifies, pre∣serve me, or, make me safe.) being the Imperative mood Hiph. with the Assix•• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; derived from the Theme 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. See the original Text of Jer. 17. 14. And also, see Bishop Pearson on the Creed, in his marginal notes, pag. 70. Edit. Lond. 1669.
• i 1.92

  These words, which Hegesip∣pus says the Jews then uttered, ought to be understood of Christ, rather than of James. For when James was set upon the battle∣ment of the Temple, and had de∣clared Jesus to be the Christ and Redeemer of mankind, those that embraced the Faith of Christ be∣gan to cry out, Hosanna, to the Son of David, that is, to Jesus Christ. Vales.
• k 1.93

  So the 72 Translate Esai. 3. v. 10. Their words are these, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 But the Hebrew copy differs much from this Translation, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Which our Translation following, renders thus in English, Say ye to the righteous, that it shall be well with him; for they shall eat the fruit of their doings. Compare the Sept. Translat. of Isai. 3. 10. with the Hebrew Text of that place.
• l 1.94

  As if he had said, one of the Priests, the son of Rechab, of the family of the Rechabites; which last words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] are therefore added, that Rechab, the father of this Priest, might be distinguished from other Rechabs. For many were called by the same name of Rechab▪ but this man, of whom Hegesippus speaks, was of the stock of the Rechabites, spoken of by the Prophet Jeremy, chap. 35. Vales.
• m 1.95

  Epiphanius, in Hares•• 78, writes, that these words were not spoken by the Rechabite Priest, but by Simeon the son of Cleopas. Vales.
• n 1.96

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 so the Kings M. S. reads it; which Stephens followed in his Edit. But our other three M. SS. Maz. Med. and Fuk▪ have it thus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; that is, and they buried him in that place, near the Temple; which read∣ing Nicephorus and Rufinus doe confirm▪ Vales.
• o 1.97

  How can it be that the Grave∣stone, or Monument of this James should remain after the destruction of the City by the Romans? Nei∣ther is that very likely, which He∣gefippus says, to wit, that James was buried neer the Temple. For the Jews used to bury their dead without the City; as appears from the Gospel, and from the Sepul∣chre of Helena, which before we spoke of, at chap. 12 of this Book. Rufinus therefore leaves out this whole clause, in his Version. In the most antient Maz. M. S. I found (at the Grave-stone) this note written in the margin: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; That is, you must know that this Monument was nothing else but a stone not formed into any shape upon which the name of James there bu∣ried was cut: from whence even to this time the Christians set up stones on their Sepulchres, and either write Letters thereon▪ or engrave the sign of the Cross. Vales.
• p 1.98

  What can be more different, yea contrary, than this relation of Josephus, and that of Hegesippus, about James's Martyrdome? For Josephus says, he was condemned in a publick council of the Jews; and Hegesippus, that he was murthered in a sedition and tumult of the people: Hegesippus relates, that he was killed with a Fullers club, in the midst of the City: but Josephus declares that he was stoned; which was always done without the gates of the City. Farther Josephus shews us the year, wherein James died, by these two remarques, to wit, that it was when Ananus was High∣priest, and when Albinus came first into Judea. Eusebius, in his Chro∣nicon, writes that Albinus succeeded Festus in the sixth year of Nero's Empire; and yet the same Authour places the Martyrdome of James on the year following, which manifestly contradicts what Josephus has related: for he expresly says that James was murthered before Albinus came into that Province. Eusebius therefore ought to have included the beginning of Albinus his Procuratourship, and James his Martyr∣dom in the same year. But Baronius denies all this, and proves, that the Martyrdom of James happened on the seventh year of Nero; which assertion he confirms both from the consent of all the Antients, and also from Josephus his History of the Jewish wars B. 2. chap. 12. But I judge that the consent of Jerome, Nicephorus, and others, who wrote from, and followed Eusebius's Chronicon (Eusebius's opinion not being discus'd) is not much to be esteemed of: Now the place in Josephus proves nothing else, than that Albinus was Procuratour of Judea in the fourth year before the Jewish war began, and in the seventh before the City was taken. But from that place in Josephus it cannot be concluded that Albinus began his Procuratourship in the seventh year before the taking of Jerusalem. Yea, it seems truer in my judgment, that Albinus came into Judea in the fourth year of Nero. For Porcius. Festus Governed Judea two years, as appears by his Acts, of which Josephus relates but few▪ To him succeeded Albinus in the fourth year of Nero, and continued there to the tenth of that Emperour, as Eusebius has out of Josephus rightly observed. Therefore James was Martyred in the fourth year of Nero. Epiphanius confirms this our conjecture (in Heres. 78.) where he says James presided over the Church at Jeru∣salem about twenty four years, from the Lords Ascension. Vales.
• q 1.99

  Nicepho∣rus (in his second B. chap. 4.) thinks this Ananus to be the same with that Ananias, who com∣manded Paul to be smitten; of whom Luke speaks Acts 23. 2. But herein he is much out. For Anani∣as the son of Nebe∣d••us (of whom Luke there speaks) was High-priest in Claudi∣us's Em∣pire, from his seventh year to the beginning of Nero's reign; a man that was the most potent of all the Jews in his age, as Josephus testifies in his twentieth book of Antiq. But moreover, that catalogue of High-priests, which is there put down by Nicephorus, is to be made up out of Josephus's Books: And after Joseph the son of Cama, Ananias the son of Nebedaeus is to be placed, of whom Josephus speaks in the 3 chap. of his twentieth book. After him was Ishmael the son Phabaeus, made High-priest by Agrippa juniour. After whom succeeded Joseph, surnamed Cabus, the son of Simon; and then Ananus, the son of Ananus, who is here spoken of. Vales.
• r 1.100

  In Josephus and Nicephorus it is Damnaeus. Vales.
• * 1.101

  Rufinus and Christophorson translated this place so, as if this were the opinion of some; which sense we have followed in our version. But, having now considered the matter better, we think other∣wise, to wit, that Eusebius did absolutely pronounce this Epistle to be Spurious. Jerom (de Jacobo) says thus, Unam scripsit Epistolam, quae & ipsa ab alio quodam sub nomine eius edita asscritur, licet paulatim tempore procedente, obtj••uerit autoritatem: that is, He wrote one Epistle, which is affirmed to have been set forth by another, under his name; though by degrees in process of time it hath obtained autority. Vales.
• * 1.102

  In the Kings M. S. it is written, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, Mark the Apostle and Evangelist; but in the rest of the M. SS. Maz. Med. Fuk and Savil▪ these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. e. Apostle and] are wanting: which neither are in Rufinus's translation. I know indeed, that Mark may deservedly be called an Apostle; in that he was the first that Preacht the faith of Christ to the Alexandri∣ans. Athanasius (in Synopsi) indeed calls Mark and Luke Apostles. Idatius also (in Fastis) stiles Luke and Timothy Apostles. See what we noted above at the last chap. of the first Book. But we doe not here enquire what title Mark deserved, but onely what Euscbius wrote. Vales.
• b 1.103

  This whole clause is wanting in our three M. SS. copies, Maz. Med. and Fuk. and in the translation of Rufinus. But because it was in the Kings M. S. we have put it in. We have also written the name of Annianus with a double ••; from the authority, of the Maz. and Med. M. SS. To which agree Rufinus, Jerom, and others. For Annianus is a Roman name, and is derived from Annius. Vales.
• a 1.104

  He that translated Tertullian's Apologie into Greek, (were it Eusebius, which I think not to be true, or whoever it was;) he under∣stood not Tertullian's words. Nei∣ther is this true of this place onely, but of many others also of Ter∣tullian, which are produced in Greek by Eusebius in this work. Vales. Tertullian's words are these: Consulite commentarios ve∣stros; illic reperietis primum Nero∣nem in hanc Sectam, tum maxim•• Romae orientem Caesariano gladio ••erocisse. Sed tali dedicatore dam∣nationis nostrae etiam gloriamur. Qui enim scit illum, intelligere potest, non nisi grande aliquod bo∣num à Nerone damnatum. Tertul. Apolog. p. 6. Edit. Rigal.
• b 1.105

  The term [Ecclesiastical] is used in three senses. Sometimes its taken for a Christian, and op∣posed to an Heathen, or Gentile: So Jerome in his preface to his Book, De Scriptor. Ecclefias. Some∣times it denotes a Catholick, and is opposed to an Heretick; So Jerome also in his preface to S^t Matthew, and on Chap. 13. Ezechiel. So Origen also, Tome 16. Explanat▪ on S^t John's Go∣spel. Lastly, sometimes it signi∣fies a Clergy-man, and is opposed to a Laick, or Secular person. So Jerome again, in his Epistle to P••••machius, and in his 46 Epist. to Rusticus. I would rather take this word in the second sense here, both because that signifi∣cation of this word is more fre∣quent, and also in regard Eusebius▪ speaking here of Caius's Book against Proclus, gives each of them his proper Epithet; he stiles Cains [an Ecclesiastical man] and Proclus he calls [the defender of the opinion of the Cataphrygians,] i. e. an Heretick. The Sect of the Cataphrygians was divided into two parts; the Ringleader of the one party was Proclus; of the other Aeschynes. So Tertullian, in his Book De praescript. H••••••t. Vales.
• c 1.106

  Peter was buried in the Vatican; Paul in the Vid Ostia. Vales.
• d 1.107

  Dionysius here an∣swers the Epistle of Sot••r and of the Ro∣man Cler∣gie; who, writing to the Corin∣thians, had in a friend∣ly way ad∣monished them, as Eusebius hereafter declares, B. 4. Chap. 23. The same thing Clemens Romanus in his Epistle had before done. Dionysius therefore says to Sot••r; You by this your admonition have again united the Plantation of the Roman and Corinthian Churches heretofore made by Peter and Paul. This I have the more largely explained, because the translatours, and especially Christophorson, have been much mistaken in the Version of this place. Vales.
• e 1.108

  Dionysius does not expresly say that Peter and Paul suffered on the same day, but onely at the same time; which may be so understood, as that there might be an interval of many days between their suf∣ferings. Prudentius [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] says they were both Martyred on the same day, but not in the same year: and that there was a years space between their deaths. With Prudentius agrees Augu∣stine, in his 28 Sermon, De Sanctis; And Arator. Lib. 2. Hist. Apost. But Simcon Metaphrastes takes these words of Dionysius so, as if he said that Peter and Paul were Martyred on the same day together. His words are to be found in Comment, de percgrinat. Pauli ac Petri, apud Surium, Tome 3. Vales.
• a 1.109

  At these words I be∣gan the chapter, following the autho∣ritie of the Kings M. S. But in the Maz. M. S. we found ano∣ther rea∣ding, and a different distincti∣on. For that begins the cha∣pter from these words (which are the conclu∣sion of the foregoing chapter) [And ••hu•• much I have rela∣ted, &c.] and it points the whole place thus, [And thus much I have related that the History here∣of might be yet farther confirmed. Moreover, Josephus, discoursing, &c.] and puts the full point after these words [makes it manifest in express words.] The same reading is observed by the Med. and Fuk. M. SS. But the reading and punctation in the Kings M. S. seems to me to be much better; which both Nicephorus and Rufinus followed. I had almost forgot to put you in mind, that these words [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] in the title of this chapter, ought to be taken adverbially; for so Rufinus translates it; Ut innumeris Judaei malis afflicti sint, ac novissimè contra Romanos arma moverint. Vales.
• b 1.110

  These are the words of Josephus in his second Book of the Jews wars, pag. 814. Edit. Genev.
• c 1.111

  In the original 'tis here 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; in Josephus and Nice∣phorus 'tis written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. By the Province we must in this place understand Judea, which after the death of Agrippa the Elder was reduced into the form of a Province, and governed by Procura∣tours sent from the Emperour. Vales.