The Roman history from the building of the city to the perfect settlement of the empire by Augustus Caesar containing the space of 727 years : design'd as well for the understanding of the Roman authors as the Roman affairs / by Laurence Echard ...

THE Roman History.

BOOK I.

The Regal State of ROME, From the Building of the City, to the Overthrow of that Kind of Government.

Containing the Space of 245 Years.

The INTRODUCTION.

Of the Original of Rome, and its Inhabitants.

I. IN relating such great and remarkable Affairs as those of the Romans, it will be necessary to give some Account of the Original of that People: And, to make the Account as clear and intelligible as I can, it may not be amiss first to observe, that that Country which was anci∣ently call'd Italy, of which Rome was afterwards the chief City, did not contain above one half of what now goes by that Name. But as small as it was, it contain'd many distinct Nations and People; the principal of which were the Aborigines, Sabines, He∣trurians,

or Tuscans, Umbri, Samnites, Campani, Apulii, Calabri, Lucanii, and Brutii; and others of inferior Note which were often dependant on these. As for the rest of what is now call'd Italy, that was principally possess'd by the Gauls, who had driven out the Hetruri∣ans, and settl'd themselves in these Parts; being di∣stinguish'd into several Names, as the Senones, the In∣subres, &c. This Part went by the Name of Gallia Cis-Alpina and Togata, to distinguish it from that Gaul which is now call'd France, and was almost the same with the present Lombardy: The chief Inhabitants of it, besides the several Nations of the Gauls, were the Ligures and the Veneti.

Of all the foremention'd People, the Aborigines, af∣terwards call'd by the Name of Latines, were of prin∣cipal Note; not upon the account of any particular Excellency, but as being better known, and much more enquir'd after by all Historians. These were of the Posterity of the Oenotrians, a Grecian People of Arcadia, who had driven out the Siculi, the first Inha∣bitants of these Parts of Italy. They possess'd the Country of Latium,* 1.1 a small Country along the Ri∣ver Tiber, about 30 Miles in length, and 16 in breadth, containing near a fourth Part of that little Province in the Pope's Dominions now call'd Campagna-di-Roma. We find these govern'd by their own Kings nigh 200 Years before the destruction of Troy, and above 1300 before Christ; the first Kings we hear of in Italy, or in all Europe, except Greece. These Kings kept their Courts at Laurentum, a City about 5 Miles off the Mouth of the River Tiber; and were Go∣vernors of a mixt People: For first, some Pelasgians out of Thessaly settled among 'em; soon after, Saturn from Creet, who fled from his Son Iupiter, which oc∣casion'd their changing of their Names to Latines,* 1.2 à latendo, from his lying hid there; next Evander from Arcadia, then Hercules from Greece, with their several Followers.

But the last who settled in this Country, accord∣ing to Dionysius, were some Relicts of the Trojans, under the Conduct of their Prince Aeneas, who had left his native Country, and his inrag'd Enemies, to seek out Foreign Habitations. These were about 1200 in all, tho' some will allow but half that Num∣ber; and arriv'd in these Parts three Years after the destruction of Troy, and above 400 before the building of Rome, A. M. 2824. Aeneas at his first landing, was very civilly entertain'd by Latinus, the King then reigning, as a Person of great Renown, who not on∣ly treated him honourably, but gave him his only Daughter Lavinia in Marriage. This occasion'd a War between him and Turnus, a Prince of the Rutuli, their near Neighbours, who had formerly made Pre∣tensions to her; but these Wars soon ended in Tur∣nus's death, which did not only free Aeneas from a Rival, but secur'd his Kingdom, which Latinus gave him for his Daughters Portion after his decease. A••∣neas thus settled, soon after built the City of Lavini∣um, in honour of his Wife, about five or six Miles East of Laurentum, where he kept his Court; and the more to oblige his Subjects, caus'd both them and his own Country-men to be call'd by the common Name of Latini: But ingaging in a bloody War with Mezentius, a King of the Hetrurians, he was slain, after a short Reign of four Years. His Subjects, in honour to his Memory, dedicated a Chappel to him, under the Title of Iupiter Indiges.* 1.3

Upon the death of Aeneas, his Son Ascanius succeeded him in the Throne; but Lavinia, being left with Child by him, out of fear fled to the Woods, and was there deliver'd of a Son, who from the place of his Birth had the Name of Silvius. Thirty Years af∣ter the building of Lavinium, Ascanius left it to his Mother-in-Law, and founded Alba-Longa, about 12 Miles North of it, which he made his Seat. Ascani∣us had a Son call'd Iulus, from whom came the fa∣mous

Family of the Iulii;* 1.4 this Son after his Mo∣ther's Death, contended with Silvius for the King∣dom, but the People, judging that to belong to Lati∣nus's Race, gave the Kingdom to Silvius, and the Priesthood to Iulus, in whose Family it thenceforth continu'd. After Silvius, succeeded 13 Kings of the same Race, for nigh 400 Years, who all had their Seats at Alba, and many of them likewise had the Name of Silvius: These Kings were as following; Aeneas Silvius, who reign'd 31 Years, Latinus, who reign'd 51, Alba 39, Capetus I. 26, Capys 28, Cape∣tus II. 13, Tiberinus 8, Agrippa 24, Alladius 19, Aven∣tinus 37, Procas 23, Amulius 42, and Numitor, who was the last King of Alba. Except the two last, we have but little remarkable concerning these Kings, only Tiberinus gave Name to the River Tiber,* 1.5 by be∣ing drown'd in it, it being before call'd Albula; and Aventinus gave Name to Mount Aventine,* 1.6 one of the seven Hills of Rome.

These were call'd the Kings of Alba, or of Old La∣tium, which scarce contain'd the sixth part of what was call'd Latium in Augustus's Reign;* 1.7 which then comprehended not only the Old Latini, but also the Rutuli, Aequi, Hernici, Volsci, and Arunci. This Kingdom, tho' very Small, according to the Dimen∣sions before given of it, was very Fruitful, Populous, and full of Towns; and Alba it self was a great and flourishing City, and had been the Mother of thir∣ty Latine Towns, when it was destroy'd by Tullus Ho∣stilius the third King of Rome.

II. But to come close to the Roman Story, Amu∣lius and Numitor,* 1.8 the two last of these Kings, were Brothers; and it was agreed between 'em, that Nu∣mit••r the Eldest, should have the Kingdom, and Amulius the Treasure and Gold that was brought from Troy. But Money having the Advantage of meer Authority, Amulius soon got his Brother out of

his Kingdom; and, to secure it to himself against the Pretensions of his Posterity, caus'd his Son Lausus to be Murther'd in a pretended Hunting, and his Daugh∣ter Rhea to be made a Vestal Virgin. In the fourth Year of her Priesthood, going to fetch Water, she was met and ravish'd by some Lover, or probably by Amulius himself, rather, as was suppos••d, to serve his other Designs, than to gratifie his Lust. But for the Honour of the Cause, the Fact was laid upon Mars, in whose Grove it was committed, who came to her, as they will have it, in a most dreadful man∣ner with Thunder and Lightning. Rhea proving with Child, was deliver'd of two Boys, and thereupon was condemn'd to Death, or perpetual Imprison∣ment, and her Children were thrown into the River. But the Wind and Stream were both so favourable, that at the fall of the Water, they were left safe upon dry Ground, and there happily found by Faustulus, Amulius••s Herds-Man, and suckled by his Wife Lau∣rentia, who, for her Infamous Life, was call'd Lupa; and this probably might occasion the famous Story of their being nourished by a Wolf: The Names of these Twins were Romulus and Remus.

The Children, grown up, prov'd Active and Cou∣ragious, suitable to the Greatness of their Birth; but the Meanness of their Education gave 'em occasion of falling out with some of Numitor's Herds-Men; in which contest Remus was taken Prisoner, and brought before the King. Upon which Faustulus discover'd to Romulus all the Particulars of his Birth and hard Usage from Amulius; begging him to be assistant in the Rescue of Remus. Romulus soon drew together a great Number of Herds-Men and inferiour People, who hated Amulius, whom he divided into Compa∣nies, consisting of an hundred Men each; every Captain carrying a small Bundle of Grass and Shrubs ty'd to a Pole. The Latines call such Bun∣dles Manipuli; from whence it is, that in their Ar∣mies

they call their Captains Manipulares.* 1.9 Remus gaining upon the Citizens within, and Romulus make∣ing Attacks from without, Amulius not knowing what Expedient to think of for his Security, in that Amazement and Distraction, was taken and slain; the Brothers settling their Grand-Father Numitor in his Throne, after he had been depos'd forty two Years.

The Affairs of Alba succeeding thus prosperously,* 1.10 the Young-Men, ambitious of Glory, were desirous of Founding a City in the Place where they were brought up; which Design was approv'd of by their Grand-Father, who appointed 'em Land, with such of his Subjects as he knew were of his Brother's Fa∣ction; and likewise gave free Liberty to all others who were willing, to settle themselves in this new Colony. Most of the Trojans came in, (of which there remain'd fifty Families in Caesar's Time, as Dionysius informs us) and also all the Inhabitants about the Palatine-Hill, where the City was built, which was about 14 Miles North-West of Alba, upon the River Tiber. For the more speedy carry∣ing on this Work, the People were divided into two Parts, who were to work by way of Emulation: But what was design'd for a considerable Advantage, prov'd a greater Inconveniency; for it gave birth to two Factions, whereof one preferr'd Romulus, and the other Remus; which swell'd 'em with the ambitious Desires of Preeminence. This soon appear'd in their Disagreement about the Place of Building, Romulus contending for the Palatine, where they were brought up, and Remus for the Aventine-Hill. Upon which, the Matter was brought before their Grand-Father Nu∣mitor, who advis••d 'em both to go apart, and ob∣serve the flying of Birds; and the most Fortunate of the two shou'd be counted the Founder of the Co∣lony. They both took their Stations upon their own

Hills, and Remus first had a flight of 6 Vultures, but Romulus having, or pretending to have, double the Number, both were saluted by the Title of King. This widned the Breach, and the Contention grew so hot as to come to a Battel, wherein Remus was worsted and slain, with several others, particularly Faustulus and his Brother Plistinus. But it is likewise said, that before the Battel, Remus gave his Brother many great Provocations, particularly by leaping over his Wall, to ridicule him for the Lowness of it.

Romulus, now sole Commander, and Eighteen Years of Age, began the Foundation of Rome in the fourth Year of the sixth Olympiad, according to Varro's Account, which was in the Year of the World 3252, the sixth Year of Iotham King of Iudah, and the seventh of Pekah King of Israel, 431 Years after the Destruction of Troy, 120 after the Building of Carthage, 214 before the Beginning of the Persian Empire, and 752 before Christ; And having got Au∣gurs, and such sort of People from Hetruria, he set a∣bout it with much Ceremony, on the 21 Day of A∣pril, according to Plutarch, which Day the Romans Anniversarily kept Holy, calling it their Country's Birth-Day. He took in the Mount Palatine only, and with a Heifer and a young Bullock, plow'd up a Fur∣row where the Wall was design'd; which Custom was afterwards observ'd by the Romans, both in the building and razing of Cities; and where-ever a Gate was to be made, the Plow was lifted up, which occasion'd it to be call'd Porta, a portando aratrum: All within this Line was call'd Pomaerium,* 1.11 from Post-Mu∣rum, or Pone Maenia. The City was almost square, containing at first about 1000 Houses, and was nigh a Mile in Compass, with four Gates, namely Roma∣nula, Ianualis, Mucionis, and Carmentalis; and a small Territory belonging to it of 7 or 8 Miles long.

Thus we see Rome in its Original, a small incon∣siderable beggarly Place, with Dominions still of less

Note; which yet from this mean and contemptible Beginning became Mistress of the World; being first founded and supported by its Kings, then strengthened and enlarged by its Consuls, and at last brought to its utmost Perfection by its Emperors. As for the Arts and Contrivances, the Policy and Cun∣ning, the Strength and Valour, and the gradual Pro∣ceedings, with the extraordinary Fortune, which contributed to make the Romans Masters of such vast and powerful Dominions, these are the Subject of this following History.

CHAP. I.

From the Building of the City, to the Death of Romulus, the first King of Rome.

Containing the space of 37 Years.

I. ROmulus having thus Founded the City of Rome,* 1.12 by his Grand-Father's Advice, left the Choice of the Government to the People, who immediately made him King, according to Dionysius; and he re∣ceiving it as a Gift from them, his Power became the more plausible and undisputable. The Number of the Colony consisted of about 3000 Foot, and 300 Horse; and the first Method he made use of to increase this Number was his Building a Temple to the Asylaean God, which he made a Sanctuary to all Malefactors and discontented Persons, who there∣upon came in great Numbers from all the Neigh∣bouring Parts. He divided the People into three Parts,* 1.13 which were call'd Tribes, that is to say Thirds; and each Tribe was divided into ten Curiae, which were much the same as our Parishes, as the Tribes were like our Wards; each Curia having its proper

Temple and Sacrifices, and a Priest call'd Curio over it, and over all an Arch-Priest call'd Curio Maxi∣mus. Each Curia was likewise by Romulus subdivided into ten Decuriae,* 1.14 over which were appointed distinct Officers. According to the number of the Curiae, he divided the Lands into thirty Parts, reserving one Portion for Publick Uses, and another for Religious Ceremonies. In all Matters of Importance, for many Years, the People gave their Votes according to the Curiae, and to what the major Part of the Cu∣riae agreed, was reckon'd the Resolution of the whole Assembly, each single Man having a Vote; and this made that Assembly call'd Comitia Curiata.* 1.15

Romulus made also another Distinction of the Peo∣ple, according to their Honour and Dignity, which was into Patritians and Plebeians:* 1.16 The former, as be∣ing Elder and more nobly descended, were to take care about the Religious Rites, bear Offices of Ma∣gistracy, administer Justice, and be assistant to the King in his Government: The latter to till the Fields, feed Cattel, and follow Trades; but not to have any Share in the Government, to avoid the Inconve∣niencies of a Popular Power. To bind the Principal each to the other, he recommended certain of the Plebeians to the Protection of the Patritians, liberty being given to the Plebeians to chuse their own Pa∣trons.* 1.17 The Duty of these Patrons was to advise their Clients in Points of Law, to manage their Suits, to take care of 'em, absent and present, as their own Children; and by all Ways and Methods to secure their Peace and Happiness. On the other side, the Duty of the Clients was to help their Patrons with Mo∣ney upon many Occasions, to ransom them or their Sons if taken Prisoners, and to bear the Charges of their Magistracy, and other honourable Imploy∣ments. They were never to accuse each other, or take contrary Sides; for if they did, any one might lawfully kill them without Examination. So that this

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Patronage was an Obligation as effectual as any Con∣sanguinity or Alliance; and it was the Glory of the Nobility to have a great Number of Clients, and to treat 'em civilly. This Patronage had admirable Ef∣fects towards the firm Union of the People, for above 600 Years after, till Caius Gracchus broke the Peace of the City: And because the Plebeians in the City receiv'd such Advantage from this Constitution, in imitation thereof, afterwards all Colonies, Confede∣rate and Conquer'd Cities, had their Patrons, to whom frequently the Senate wou'd remit such Controver∣sies as were brought before 'em, and ratifie their Judgment.

After this, Romulus chose 100 Men out of the Patritians to assist him in the Government. This number he call'd a Senate,* 1.18 either from their Age or Vertue, or, a sinendo, because nothing was transacted without their Permission. Such of the Fathers as he enroll'd or enter'd into this Venerable Assembly,* 1.19 he call'd Patres Conscripti, as Dionysius right∣ly observes; and, to make up this Number, he chose three out of each Tribe, and as many out of each Curia; over all which he plac'd a particular Magistrate, to whom he committed the Government of the City when he was absent in the Wars; and this Magi∣strate was call'd Praefectus Urbis.* 1.20 After this, he imme∣diately proceeded to settle the Authorities of King, Senate, and People. The King's Office at home, was, To take care of the Religious Rites; to preserve the Laws and Customs; to decide the chief Causes between Man and Man, and refer the less Matters to the Senate, into which he had an Inspection; to call the Senate, assemble the Peo∣ple, first giving his own Opinion, then ratifying what was approv'd of by the major Part: Abroad, and in the Wars, He had absolute Authority. The Senate's Office was, To debate and resolve about such things as the King propos'd, which were decreed by the Majority of Voices. To the People he committed three Things; To create

Magistrates, make Laws, and resolve about any War that was propos'd by the King; yet still in such a manner as the Authority of the Senate always interpos'd.

The next thing that Romulus did, was to take care of a Guard for his Person; and therefore he order'd the Curiae to chuse him out 300 lusty young Men, ten out of each;* 1.21 and these were call'd Celeres, à ce∣leritate from their Activity and Readiness to assist the King upon all Occasions. They were commanded by a Tribune or Colonel,* 1.22 call'd Tribunus Celerum, three Centurions, and other Inferiour Officers. This Com∣pany, with their Spears, defended the King in the City, and in Battels were the foremost Leaders, Charging first and Retreating last. Besides these, he had for his Attendance,* 1.23 twelve Lictors or Sergeants, who punish'd Offenders, and executed his Com∣mands; these always going before him in Publick, with their Bundles of Rods, call'd Fasces, and their Axes, signifying different Punishments, according to Mens different Crimes. Thus Romulus, with all the Industry and Prudence imaginable, took care to settle the State, being very exact in Justice, and forbid∣ding all sordid Arts and Trades, especially such as were subservient to Luxury, which being left wholly to Slaves and Strangers, the Romans for many Years scorn'd to be concern'd in 'em. This is the Form of the Common-wealth, as Romulus first establish'd it, which in general was so excellent, that it was ad∣mir'd by Dionysius above all the Constitutions, even of his own Country-men the Grecians; and by its Healthfulness, and robust Constitution, had all the manifest Signs of a thriving and long-liv'd State.

II. Romulus, finding he was encompass'd with se∣veral powerful Nations,* 1.24 who, with envious Eyes be∣held the extraordinary Growth of his City, and ob∣serving how much it was fill'd by Fugitives, who had no Wives, he bethought himself of Means to contract

Alliance with his Neighbours, and to procure Wives for his Subjects, which was his second Device to en∣crease the City: Therefore, by Advice of his Grand-Father Numitor, and the Consent of the Senate, he proclaim'd a Solemn Feast and Publick Games, in Honour of Neptune, thro' all the Country thereabouts. This immediately occasion'd a great Concourse of all sorts of People, who came flocking in, with their Wives and Children, from several Neighbouring Pla∣ces, to behold these Pompous Shows, together with the new City. In the mid'st of the Solemnity, up∣on a Signal given, the Romans, with their drawn Swords, seiz'd on such Virgins as they cou'd most conveniently catch, and by main Force carry'd 'em to their Houses. The Number of these amounted to 683, for whom Romulus chose so many Husbands, and marry'd 'em after their own Country Rites, making 'em sign a Covenant or Agreement, with the Ceremonies of Fire and Water; which Custom continu'd among the Romans for many Ages.

This Act was highly resented by most of their Neighbours, especially the Sabines, who were prin∣cipally concern'd; but their Backwardness in their Preparations made the Cities Caenina, Antemna, and Crustumium, begin the War first. The two former (three or four Miles North of Rome, and Inhabited by the Aborigines) Romulus soon subdu'd, with the Death of their King Acron, whom he slew in a single Combat; and afterwards the latter, a Colony of Alba, a little way within the Country of the Sa∣bines. The Lands were divided between some of the Romans and the old Inhabitants, of whom 3000 were made Free of Rome, without losing their former E∣states; so that the Foot-men of the City were now much increas'd. For this Victory Romulus first Tri∣umph'd, and bringing home the Spoils of King A∣cron,* 1.25 which the Romans nam'd Opima Spolia, or Royal Spoils, he design'd a Spot of Ground upon Mount

Capitoline for a Temple to Iupiter Feretrius,* 1.26 so call'd either à ferendo to bear, or rather from ferire to strike; and this was the Place where the Capitol afterwards stood. The Valour of Romulus and his good Con∣duct in this War, together with his Clemency to the Conquer'd, had so great Effects, that not only many eminent Men went over to him with their Families, (amongst whom was Caelius, who gave Name to a Hill in the City) but some whole Nations commit∣ted themselves to his Protection, and receiv'd Colo∣nies from Rome.

This notable Success was a great Disappointment to the Sabines,* 1.27 who resolving to correct their former Carelessness by double Diligence, assembled them∣selves at Cures their Metropolis, proclaim'd War against Rome, and made choice of Tatius their King for Ge∣neral. On the other side, Romulus made all possible Provision for Resistance, fortifying the Capitoline and Aventine Hills, and receiving Auxiliary-Troops, both from Hetruria and his Grand-Father Numitor. The Sabines to have the fairer Pretence, first demanded Re∣stitution of the Virgins, and to have the Authors of the Injury deliver'd up to them; but receiving no satisfactory Answer, both Armies drew out into the Field, the Sabines, being 25000 Foot, and 1000 Horse, and the Romans 20000 Poot and 800 Horse; a great Number for a new built City. Tatius encamp'd be∣tween the Capitoline and Quirinal, but found 'em too well fortify'd to be attack'd; but one Tarpeia, Daugh∣ter to Tarpeius, Governour of the Capitoline, call'd to his Men from above, and agreed to betray the Place into their Hands, which was in a short Time effected. What she requir'd of 'em, as a Reward for this, was what they wore on their left Arms, meaning their Bracelets; but they threw their Targets upon her, which they wore on their left Arms, and press'd her to Death. From hence this Hill was call••d Tarpeius, till the building of the Capitol, which made it lose the

Name, except that part of it which was call'd the Tarpeian Rock, from whence they threw Malefactors down headlong.

The Sabines, now Masters of the Capitoline, had the Advantage of continuing the War at their pleasure; and for a long time only light Skirmishes pass'd be∣tween both Parties, with little or no Advantage to either side: But the Tediousness and Charge of the War so wearied out both Romans and Sabines, that they very much desir'd a Peace, but neither side wou'd stoop to sue for it. Thus they continu'd for a very considerable time, till both resolving to do their utmost, they came to a general Battel, which was re∣new'd several Days with almost equal Success. In the last Contest, the Romans were much worsted in the beginning, and fled to the Palatium; but rallying and renewing the Fight with Success against the Sa∣bines, the Women who were stolen and marry'd to the Romans, and the cause of this War, through the Per∣suasions of Hersilia, one of the principal among 'em, ran desperately into the midst of the Darts and dead Bodies, with their Children in their Arms, and their Hair about their Ears, making such lamentable Shrieks and Out-crys, that both Armies immediately desisted. These became Mediators, and made Peace between the Fathers and Son-in-Laws, after the War had lasted six Years. The Articles were, First, That Romulus and Tatius shou'd reign jointly in Rome,* 1.28 with equal Power and Prerogative: Secondly, That the City from Romulus shou'd still be call'd Rome, but the Ci∣tizens Quirites,* 1.29 from Cures the native Place of Tatius: Thirdly, That now the two Nations shou'd become one, and as many of the Sabines as were willing, shou'd be made Free of Rome.

The City being now much increas'd by the Num∣ber of the Sabines, Mount Capitoline was taken in, built upon, and laid out for their Habitation. Romu∣lus chose out 100 of the most noble of the Sabines,

and added 'em to the Senate, so that it now consisted of 200 Persons.* 1.30 The Legions, (so call'd ab eligendo, because they were choice select Men) which before contain'd 3000 Men, were now encreas'd also to 4000, whence a Legion was call'd Quadrata; yet af∣terwards a Legion compris'd as many Men as was found convenient for the Service of the Common-wealth. Several new Feasts were instituted upon the account of this Union, as Matronalia, Carmentala, &c. and a particular Respect was had to those Women who procur'd this happy Reconciliation, and several Privileges were allow'd 'em, particularly they were exempted from all Work unless Spinning and ma∣king of Cloth. Now the Tribes were call'd by distinct Names; the first Rhamnenses, from Romulus; the se∣cond Tatienses, from Tatius; and the third Luceres, from the Lucus or Grove where the Asylum stood. For five Years the two King's reign'd quietly and peaceably together; but in the sixth, Tatius prote∣cting some of his Friends who had robb'd and plun∣der'd the Lavinians, and killing the Ambassadors who were sent to demand Satisfaction, was slain by the Lavinians at his going to sacrifice there. Romulus, like a generous Prince, made Satisfaction to the injured Persons, and bury'd Tatius in Rome very honourably.

III. Romulus,* 1.31 once more sole Monarch of Rome, march'd against Fidenae, and subdu'd it, a Town five Miles off Rome, that had seiz'd on Provisions coming thither in time of Famine; and soon after, he took Cameria, an Alban Colony not far distant; into both which he sent a sufficient Number of Romans to in∣habit 'em, according to his usual Custom. Then he punish'd the Crustumini, who had kill'd their Planters which he had plac'd among 'em; and over all these he obtain'd a second Triumph. The Action of Ro∣mulus against the Fidenates was extremely resented

by the Veientes their Neighbours, who immediately by an Embassy requir'd the Romans to withdraw their Garrison, and restore the Inhabitants to all their former Privileges. These Veientes were one of the twelve Nations of Hetruria, a powerful People, inhabiting a strong City, and of extraordinary Largeness, situated upon a craggy Rock about twelve Miles North of Rome. Their Demands be∣ing rejected, they began their Acts of Hostility, and both Armies met at Fidenae; where, after two sharp Engagements, Romulus became Conqueror. The Veientes were now forc'd to betake themselves to In∣treaties, and so enter'd into a League with the Ro∣mans for 100 Years,* 1.32 upon these Articles; To quit a seventh part of their Dominions, with their Salt-pits nigh the River, and to give up fifty Hostages of the most consi∣derable Families. Romulus for this, triumph'd a third time, leading with him their General, an aged Man, who had so badly perform'd his Duty, that he was afterwards personated by an old Man in all Tri∣umphs.

This was the last War manag'd by Romulus, who after that imploy'd most of his Time in settling the Government, and placing it upon the surest Founda∣tions. He made many good and profitable Laws, most of which were unwritten. Particularly he made one concerning Marriages, where the Authority of the Husband was so well and conveniently settl'd, that for 520 Years, a Divorce was not known in Rome. He gave Fathers absolute Power over their Sons, to sell, imprison, scourge, or kill 'em, tho' in never so great an Office, and that as long as they liv'd. He appointed no Punishment for real Parricide, but call'd all Murder by that Name; thinking the latter a destable Crime, but the other impossible: And it was a indeed Crime never known in Rome for 600 Years. For the Peoples Way of Living, he enjoy'd two Courses of Life, Warfare and Husbandry, equally dividing the Lands,

Slaves, and Money, taken from the Enemy; he appointed a Market once in nine Days, which from thence was call'd Nundinae.* 1.33 When any Town was taken, he suffer'd no Prisoner of Man's Age to be slain or sold, or their Lands left untill'd, but order'd a Colony from Rome to cultivate them, and some of the Strangers to be admitted to the Freedom and Privileges of the City; and this was his third Contrivance to encrease the City. As to Controver∣sies that might arise upon any Injuries, he immedi∣ately decided 'em, or referr'd 'em to others, infli∣cting speedy Punishments according to the Nature of the Crime. Finding publick Spectacles to have a great Influence upon the People, he set up his Judg∣ment-Seat in the most conspicuous Place in the Fo∣rum, where his Guard of 300 Celeres, and his twelve Lictors with their Rods and Axes, in view of all the People, scourging or executing Malefactors, occa∣sion••d an extraordinary Awe and Respect.

In the latter end of his Reign, whether swell'd with the Imagination of his former Successes and present Security, or carry'd away with some pleasing Notions of Arbitrary Government, he began to grow very Tyrannical, inlarging his Prerogative beyond those Bounds he had formerly set to it, and making use of the Senate only to ratifie his Commands. Tho' he was extreamly belov'd by the common Peo∣ple, yet these Actions gain'd him the Hatred of the Nobility and Senate, and brought him to an untime∣ly Death; he being torn in pieces, as is generally be∣liev'd, in the Senate House, the Senators carrying his Body out by Piece-meal under their Gowns to pre∣vent Discovery. The Senators took an occasion from the Secrefie of the Fact, and the Concealment of the Body, to persuade the Multitude that he was taken up among the Gods; and Iulius Proculus, one of the chief of the Nobility, did almost put all out of doubt by swearing solemnly, That Romulus appear'd

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to him, and told him, It was the Pleasure of the Immor∣tal Gods to have him continue among Mankind, till he had founded a City whose Empire and Glory shou'd far surpass all others. He ••ad him farewell, and tell his Subjects, that by their strict Exercise of Temperance and Fortitude, no human Power shou'd e'er withstand the Roman Arms; and he wou'd always be a propitious God to 'em, under the Name of Quirinus.* 1.34 The Day, in which he was said to be taken up, was kept after that as a great Holy-Day; and a Temple was built in Honour of him on one of the Seven Hills, from him call'd by the Name of Quirinalis.

He reign'd 37 Years, in which space he very much advanc'd the State of the City, leaving in it 46000 Foot and 1000 Horse; a happy Increase for so short a time. After his Grand-Father Numitor's decease, the Kingdom of Alba fell to him, which he govern'd by Deputies; and the more to please that People, he allow'd 'em the Privileges of a Free-State, which probably occasion'd the Senate to bear his Encroach∣ments the worse. So now the Roman Dominions con∣sisted of a considerable part of the Sabines Country, a small part of Hetruria, and a mix'd part of Latium.

CHAP. II.

From the Death of Romulus to the Death of Numa Pompilius, the Second King of Rome.

Containing the Space of 44 Years.

I. ROmulus being dead,* 1.35 or, as some are pleased to believe, taken up; the City was greatly di∣vided about the Election of another King; but lest

these Discords shou'd occasion Anarchy and Confusi∣on in the Common-wealth, the Senate agreed to di∣vide themselves into Decurys or Tens, and that Decury which was chosen by Lot should exercise the Regal Authority for fifty Days, each Man governing in his Turn five Days, the Authority then falling to another Decury;* 1.36 and this they call'd an Inter-regnum. This Government continu'd a whole Year, till the People at last began to murmur, saying, It was a Trick of some few who intended to get the Power into their own Hands, and that for one pretended Tyrant they had now got 200 real ones; therefore they resolv'd that a King shou'd be chosen. In the Election great Contests a∣rose between the Romans and Sabines, each believing it reasonable to have one of their own Country; 'till at length they came to this Conclusion, That the Par∣ty which elected shou'd chuse one out of the Body of the other, so by that means the elected Prince might be oblig'd to favour both Parties, one for their Votes, and the other for their Alliance. It falling to the Romans to chuse, the Patritians fix••d upon Numa Pompilius, a Sabine, a Person of about forty Years of Age, who by the Consent of the People was elected King. Numa then resided at Cures, being a Person of the greatest Vertue, Knowledge and Abilities of that time, and had withdrawn himself from the Noises and Troubles of the World; therefore Ambassadors, one a Roman, and the other a Sabine, were dispatch'd to him to offer him the Kingdom.

The Ambassadors finding him with his Father and Kinsman Marcius, by their Speakers, Proculus and Vale∣sus, told him the occasion of their coming: To whom the elected King made this philosophical and modest Answer: Since every Alteration of a Man's Life is gene∣rally hazardous in the Attempt, as well as dangerous in the Consequence; it wou'd be the highest Indiscretion for one, who, in his own Opinion, is sufficiently Happy, to endea∣vour, or admit of any Change; tho' there were nothing

more in it than the preferring a turbulent and uncertain Life, before a constant Quiet and certain Security. For my part, Romans, I must freely tell you, That I am not only dis∣courag'd, but even deterr'd from accepting your generous Of∣fers, even by what is commonly reported of your famous Ro∣mulus, who was not only suspected of contriving Tatius's death, but was likewise suppos'd to fall himself by the Rage of the Senate. And if Romulus himself, sprung, as they say, from Divine Race, miraculously preserv'd, and as mi∣raculously brought up, labour'd under such vast Inconvenien∣cies; how successful can I hope to be, begotten by a mere Mor∣tal, and brought up the ordinary Way, when I come to struggle with such insuperable Difficulties? Besides, you much mistake your Person, as well as forget your Interest and Glory, when you think I can be any ways serviceable to you: For my Temper naturally leads me to Peace, to Books, and the Wor∣ship of the Gods; but you Romans require a vigorous and active King, who may diligently cherish that Warlike Hu∣mour which your late Success has excited: And therefore such a Prince as shou'd come to inculcate Peace, Iustice, and Re∣ligion into the Minds of a Martial Nation, must of neces∣sity appear not only strange and ridiculous to the World, but also mean and despicable to his Subjects.

The Romans were much surpriz'd at this Answer, but still were very urgent with him to accept of the Kingdom; in which they were not a little assisted by his Father and Marcius, who return'd him this Reply: Tho' you remain contented with your present fortune, and court neither Riches nor Power; yet you may reasonably imagine that such large Talents of Iustice, Moderation, and Piety, were never given you by the Gods to lie useless and conceal••d: And you are sensible these are Vertues that can ne∣ver have a greater Influence upon Mankind, than when they so publickly appear in the Person of a King. Tatius, tho' a Foreigner, was highly esteem'd by the Romans, and the Memory of Romulus, was so precious to 'em, that after his decease, they voted him Divine Honours: And if the Affecti∣ons of the People shou'd break out into a furious Desire of War,

what can better manage the Reins of that Passion than such a moderating Hand as Yours? And who knows but that the People, being ever Victorious, may be satiated with the Spoils and Trophies they have gain'd, and gladly entertain a mild and peaceful Prince, who being a lover of Iustice and Equity, may settle the City in a strong and inseparable Union, and in a sure and lasting Happiness? These Rea∣sons and Persuasions, together with the Ambassadors Entreaties, at last prevail'd upon Numa to accept of the Kingdom; and after a solemn Sacrifice he went for Rome. He was met by the Way by the Senate and People, who with a general Consent invested him with the Regal Authority; and so universal was the Joy, that they seem'd not so much to receive a King, as the addition of a new Kingdom.

II. Numa being a Person of extraordinary Wis∣dom and Policy,* 1.37 as well as Devotion, thought it most convenient to raise and strengthen that City by wholsome Laws, and Religious Customs, which had been founded upon War and Bloodshed; judging it as necessary to employ a People well at home, as to exercise 'em abroad. The first thing he did was to disband the Royal Guard of the 300 Celeres, lest the Maintenance of such a Force might seem to argue a Diffidence of them that chose him, saying, That he wou'd not Rule over that People of whom he conceiv'd the least Distrust.* 1.38 Next he built a Temple to Ianus, which was always to stand open in time of War, and to be shut in time of Peace, as it continu'd all his Reign; which, as some observe, never hapned but four times from his Reign to that of Tiberius Caesar. To the two Flamens or High-Priests of Iupiter and Mars, he added a third of Quirinus or Romulus; and to this Prince also is ascrib'd the bringing in of the Pontifices,* 1.39 whereof he himself was one, and officiated accordingly. He also ordain'd the Vestal Virgins,* 1.40 being four in Num∣ber, to whom he gave very great Privileges; par∣ticularly

when they went abroad they had the Fasces carry'd before 'em, and in their Walks, if they met with a Malefactor leading to Execution, they had the Power of freeing him from Death, upon Oath given that the Meeting was meerly Accidental. He also Instituted the Orders of the Salii and the Feciales,* 1.41 Priests devoted to Mars; the former were to carry those Sacred Shields call'd Ancilia, and the latter to judge of the Equity of War, and proclaim it with much Ceremony.

This Prince, tho' naturally averse to all Wars, yet consider'd that Peace and Security might too much soften and degenerate the Minds of the Multitude; therefore he us'd his utmost Endeavours to imprint on their Minds the Notions of Religion and Vertue, and the due Reverence of God: And to gain the more Credit and Obedience to his Constitutions, he pretended he had often and immediate Converse with the Goddess Eg••ria, and wou'd be often telling them that strange Visions and Apparitions were seen, and Prophetick Voices heard; which Stories had great and remarkable Effects upon a People so super∣stitiously inclin'd. Yet his Religion was of a refin'd Nature, being much like that of Pythagoras afterwards; and as he taught, That the Principle of all Things was not to be perceiv'd by Sence, nor was liable to Motion, but was Invisible, Immortal, and to be apprehended by the Understanding alone; so Numa forbad the Romans to use the Image of any God, which represented him under the Form of a Man, or any other living Crea∣ture: And this was strictly observ'd in all their Tem∣ples and Sacred Places, for 170 Years at the least; they holding it a great Crime to liken such superiour Beings to Things so much below 'em.

For the Encouragement of Agriculture, he divided those Lands which Romulus had gain'd in War among the poorer sort, causing his Subjects to apply them∣selves to Husbandry, and by such kind of Employ∣ments

to cultivate their Minds as well as the Earth: Then he divided all the Lands into several Parcels, to which he gave the name of Pagi,* 1.42 or Boroughs; and over every one of these he ordain'd a Chief, or Arbitrator in Judicial Causes. And that he might take away all Distinction of Roman and Sabine, which threatn'd the State with endless Factions and dange∣rous Divisions, he divided all the Inhabitants accord∣ing to their several Trades and Occupations, making e∣very Art a particular Company and Society, and appoint∣ing to every one their respective Courts and Privile∣ges; and this was his Master-piece in Politicks. He much abated the Rigour of that Law made by Romu∣lus concerning the Power of Fathers over their Chil∣dren, making it unlawful for 'em to sell their Sons after Marriage, because it was very unjust that a Wo∣man who had marry'd a Free-Man shou'd be con∣strain'd to live with a Slave. He also prescrib'd Rules concerning Mourning; a Child of Three Years, and so upwards to Ten, was to be mourn'd for so many Months as it was Years old; and the longest time of Mourning for any Person, was not to exceed the term of Ten Months: Which also was the Time appointed for Widdows, before which, they cou'd not, without great Indecency, marry again; but in case Circumstances were such as not to admit of so long a Term, they were first to sacrifice a Cow with a Calf for Expiation of their Fault.

One of the principal Things done by this Prince was the Reformation of the Year, which, in Romulus's Time was much out of Order, some Months having more than 35 Days, and some fewer than twenty. Numa finding the Solar Year to exceed the Lunar by eleven Days, doubled these eleven Days, and every other Year inserted a Month after February, consist∣ing of 22 Days, which was by the Romans call'd Mercedonius,* 1.43 because it was the usual time for paying of Wages. He likewise chang'd the Order of the

Months, making Ianuary and February the first and second Months, which were the two last in Romulus's Days.* 1.44 Ianuary had its name from Ianus, the most ancient God or King in Italy. February was so call'd from the Expiations which us'd to be in it, signify'd by the wor'd Februa. March, so call'd from Mars, the suppos'd Father of Romulus, which, upon that account, had been plac'd first. April from Aphrodite or Venus, because of the Superstitious Worship which was perform'd in it, when the Women were crown'd with Myrtle. May, so nam'd from Maia, the Mother of Mercury, to whom this Month was made Sacred. Iune, from Iuno, or as some will have it, from Iu∣ventus, because the Season is warm, and, as it were, Iuvenile. The rest had their Names from their Order, as Quintilis, Sextilis, September, October, Novem∣ber, and December; only Quintilis and Sextilis were afterwards turn'd into Iuly and August, by the Em∣perors Iulius Caesar and Augustus.

Numa was marry'd to Tatia, King Tatius's Daugh∣ter, by whom he had one Daughter nam'd Pompilia; and after a Reign of 43 Years, being above 80 Years old, he dy'd, and was bury'd with great Honour and Solemnity. He forbad his Body to be burnt, as it was usual in those days, but was bury'd in a Stone Coffin, under the Hill Ianiculum; and the Books of his Ceremonies were laid by him in another, being Twelve, written in Latin, and as many in Greek: These were taken up about 400 Years after; and because it was thought a piece of Impiety to com∣municate such Mysteries to the Multitude, were burnt by Order of the Senate. He kept the State in such a constant Peace, by his prudent Management, as did very much contribute to the Strength and Security of the City, and he much improv'd and polish'd the rough Genius of the Roman People.

CHAP. III.

From the Death of Numa, to the Death of Tullus Hostilius, the Third King of Rome.

Containing the space of 33 Years.

I. UPon the Death of Numa,* 1.45 the Government once more devolv'd upon the Senate, and after several Interreges, Tullus Hostilius was created King by the universal consent of all People. He was Grandson to the famous Hostilius, who, in Romulus's Days had behav'd himself very Valiantly against the Sabines in the Citadel, and had Marry'd the Daugh∣ter of Hersilia. He was of a bold and fiery Temper, and one who often sought and greedily embrac'd all Occasions of War; led to it partly by his own proper Inclination, and partly by the Glory and Renown of his Grand-Father. As he thought the Love of his Subjects the most necessary thing to carry on the De∣signs of a Warlike Prince; so in the beginning of his Reign he purchas'd the good Opinion of the Poorer sort, by dividing to them, Man by Man, that Portion of Land which his Predecessors, the two former Kings had kept to bear their Charges, saying, That his own Inheritance was sufficient for his own Ex∣pences. That none of these might want Room, he enlarg'd the City, and took in the Hill Caelius, where he also had his Palace; and all such as had now gotten Ground, and wanted Habitations, built upon it; so the City encreas'd in Bulk every day.

It was not long before this Prince had a fair Op∣portunity of War offer'd him,* 1.46 for Cluilius, Governour or Dictator of Alba, envying the Growth of Rome, had procur'd some Persons to Rob and Pillage in the Roman Territories, knowing they wou'd revenge the Injury; which, when they did, he perswaded the Albans, that they had receiv'd a great Affront, and caus'd 'em to take up Arms: But that there might be some Appearance of Reason, and for the greater For∣mality, Ambassadors were sent to Rome to demand Restitution. Hostilius presently perceiv'd the Design, and well knowing that they who first refus'd Satis∣faction, wou'd bear the greatest Blame, by nobly treating the Ambassadors, cunningly delay'd giving Answer, till he cou'd send to demand Restitution at Alba. His Ambassadors receiv'd a sharp Repulse from Cluilius at Alba, upon notice whereof, Hostilius gave Audience to the Alban Ambassadors, telling them, How he had receiv'd such an Answer from Alba as ar∣gu'd the League broken; whereupon he proclaim'd a just and necessary War against the Albans, which he wou'd carry on to the utmost. Both Parties made all possible Preparations, and drew out their Forces a∣bout five Miles from Rome, to a Place afterwards call'd Cluilius Ditch; where, when they expected to have decided the Quarrel, Cluilius was found dead in his Tent, but whether by a natural or violent Death is uncertain. In his Place was chosen Metius Fuffetius, a Person who had no other Qualifications to recom∣mend him to this Office, besides his turbulent Spirit, and his being as great an Incendiary as his Prede∣cessor.

At the same time the Fidenates and Veientes, who in Romulus's days had submitted to the Romans, and in Numa's Reign were preparing and seeking for an Op∣portunity to shake off their Yoak, had now drawn their Forces together at Fidenae, with Design to fall upon both Romans and Albans, after they had weak∣ned

themselves in Battel. The News of these Prepa∣rations at first put the Armies to a stand, and made 'em both decline Fighting for a while; till at last Fuf∣fetius fearing these People, and Hostilius desiring to pu∣nish them, came both to a sort of an Accomodati∣on; agreeing, That for the Safety of both Nations, the Quarrel shou'd be decided by a Combat of three Persons on each side, and the Conquering Party shou'd obtain the Preemi∣nence and Command over the other. These Proposals were no sooner ratify'd, but many Valiant Persons, ambitious of the Honour of serving their Country, offer'd themselves to be the Combatants, but cou'd not be accepted of, others being before agreed upon: For it hapned that one Segvinius of Alba had formerly two Daughters, one marry'd to Curiatius an Alban, and the other to Horatius a Roman, who being both with Child at the same time, were deliver'd of Three Sons at a Birth. Now, to these two Ternions of Brothers was this great Combat committed, as being of equal Years, Strength, and Courage; and all Mat∣ters of Consanguinity and private Affections dis∣penc'd withal.

Now was the Fate of Rome to be decided by Six Persons only, which rais'd all Peoples Hopes and Fears to a more than ordinary Pitch: The Lists were prepar'd between the two Armies, Judges were ap∣pointed, and the Combat perform'd with extraordi∣nary Pomp and Solemnity, and with as much Cou∣rage and Resolution on both Sides. The Curiatii were in a short time all wounded, but two of the Horatii were slain downright, and the third, unhurt, left to oppose three Adversaries. At this the Albans gave a great Shout; but he, not the least daunted, cunning∣ly retreated as tho' he had wholly fled, and drawing 'em out severally, so as to have but one against him at once, he slew 'em all, and Rome became Con∣queror. At his return to the City, his Sister met him with many provoking and reproachful Words,

for imbruing his Hands in the Blood of his Cozen-Germains, whereof one was contracted to her; up∣on which Horatius, elevated with the Honour of his Conquest, and transported with the Love of his Country, slew her upon the Spot. For which Fact, when he was accused, Hostilius avoided giving Judg∣ment himself, but hereupon created those Officers, call'd Duumviri,* 1.47 for Capital Punishments, and they Condemn'd him: But there lying an Appeal from these Officers to the People, they gave him his Life at the Request of his Father, who esteem'd it as a great and Heroick Act, and gave his Daughter Igno∣minious Burial, for a dreadful Example to all who pre∣ferr'd Private Respect before the Publick Good. Ho∣stilius dealt very gently with the Albans, but, not∣withstanding, for the Advantages gain'd over them, had a Triumph.

II. The Fidenates and Veientes,* 1.48 finding that they were like to be call'd to an Account for their treache∣rous Practices, now broke into open Rebellion; and Fuffetius enrag'd at the Event of the late Com∣bat, and hoping to free himself from the Roman Power, privately encourag'd 'em with large Pro∣mises of Assistance if they stood in need of it. The Romans and Albans now made up one Army, and were advancing towards the Fidenates and Veientes; but, upon their nigh Approach, Fuffetius, who had laid all his Designs before-hand, drew off all the Alban Troops on one side, with a Resolution of joining with the prevailing Party. The Romans, apprehending the danger of their Separation, and fearing some Treachery, were greatly discourag'd at it; but Hostilius, tho' satisfy'd of the Villany, im∣mediately gave it out as publickly as he cou'd, That it was done by his Order, and was all a Stratagem to sur∣prise the Enemy: At this unexpected Report the Fidenates and their Companions were quite disheartned, upon

Suspicion of their Friends Infidelity, and, in a short time were put to the Rout by the Romans; for which Victory Hostilius triumph'd a second Time. After the Battel, Fuffetius join'd with the Romans again, like one that had done nothing amiss; but Hostilius, assem∣bling the whole Body of the Albans, and then laying before them all his treacherous Practices and villa∣nous Designs, caus'd him to be torn in pieces by Horses; having before-hand sent Marcus Horatius to Alba, who utterly demolish'd that City, and trans∣planted the Inhabitants to Rome. Thus fell the City of Alba, once famous for its Riches and Number of Inhabitants, after it had flourished 487 Years.

Rome grew much in Strength, Riches, and Gran∣deur out of the Ruins of Alba; Mount Caelius being appointed for the Inhabitants that came from thence; and the King allowing 'em all the Roman Privileges. He chose the Nobility of the Albans into the Senate, particularly the Tullii, Servilii, Quintii, Geganii, Curiatii, and the Claelii; and that he might out of those new People make some Addition to the Strength of eve∣ry Order, he chose ten Troops of Horse out of the Albans: In Confidence of this his Strength, after an ••••ntire Reduction of the Fidenates, he declar'd War against the Sabines,* 1.49 who before had committed seve∣ral Robberies upon the Romans that traded with 'em. He met 'em at the Wood call'd Malitiosa Sylva, where, especially by the help of his Horse who broke all ••heir Ranks, after a short Engagement, he entirely defeated 'em, forcing 'em to beg Peace; over whom ••e obtain'd a third Triumph. The Latines were not yet quiet, refusing to pay Obedience to the Romans, which occasion'd several Contests; but this War was manag'd with great Moderation, no Battel ••eing fought, no Town taken or plunder'd besides Medallia, which Hostilius punish'd for an Example, ••ecause it had receiv'd a Roman Colony in Romu∣••us's time.

This War lasted most of the rest of his Days, and in the latter end of his Reign, Rome was much in∣fected with Plagues and Famines, and as much frightn'd with Prodigies. Then Hostilius began to think of bringing in the Religious Ceremonies of Numa, which he had all this time took little Notice of; but soon after he died, after a Reign of 32 Years; some say by Lightning, with his whole Fa∣mily, tho' more probably by some treasonable Pra∣ctices. In this Reign, the 300 Celeres were again re∣assum'd, which had been dif-us'd in the last; and the City was very much increas'd, tho' the Dominions were little different from those in Romulus's Days, on∣ly they seem'd to have a surer Footing in some Places than before.

CHAP. IV.

From the Death of Hostilius to the Death of Ancus Marcius, the Fourth King of Rome.

Containing the space of 24 Years.

I. AFter the Death of Tullus Hostilius,* 1.50 the State fell into an Interregnum, as formerly; and in a short time, Ancus Marcius was made King by the Inter-Rex and Senate, and was confirm'd so by the People. He had his Surname Ancus from his crooke•• Arm, which he cou'd not stretch out in length, as Fe∣stus has it: He was Grand-Son to Numa, the second King of Rome, by Pompilia his Daughter, and Marcius his Kinsman, who was the Son of that Marcius who had persuaded Numa to accept of the Kingdom, and after Numa's death had kill'd himself because he did

not succeed him. This Prince was much of the same Temper with his Grand-Father Numa; and considering that much of the Religion, and many of the Ceremonies had been neglected in the last Reign, he set himself to restore them to their former Use. For that reason he insinuated to the People, that the Diseases, Pestilence, and other innumerable Calami∣ties which had lately befallen the City, together with the disasterous End of Hostilius, proceeded from want of Devotion and a Neglect of their Gods. He highly commended the Orders and Institutions of Numa, and wou'd be often shewing the great Blessings of the State, and how much it flourish'd under that happy Reign; advising his Subjects to return to their Hus∣bandry and more peaceable Employments, and to lay aside all Sorts of Violence, and all Profit that arises from War and Bloodshed.

The State thus setled,* 1.51 he expected, as his Grand-Father had done, to pass his time free from all Wars and Troubles; but he soon found his Designs cross'd, and was compell'd to be a Warrior against his Will, and was scarce ever free from publick Perils and Trou∣bles. He had scarce began his Reign, and modell'd the Commonwealth, when the Latines contemning him as a sluggish Prince, and unfit for Military Af∣fairs, made Incursions into the Roman Territories. Upon which, he was oblig'd to make all necessary Preparations for a War, proclaiming it according to the Ceremonies appointed by his Grand-Father Numa. First an Ambassador was sent to the Frontiers of the Agressor's Country, who in a Woollen Shash, and a peculiar Dress, and likewise in a solemn Form of Speech, demanded Satisfaction; which not being granted in 33 Days, after a Consultation with the Se∣nate, the Feciales or Heraulds were immediately sent in their proper Habits,* 1.52 with Javelins headed with Iron, or all bloody and burnt at the end; where in the Presence of three young Men at least, they in

the Name of the Gods and People of Rome, solemn∣ly proclaim'd War with that Country, and then threw their Javelins into their Confines. This Cu∣stom was brought in by Numa, the Rules whereof were taken from the Aequicoli, a very ancient People.

Ancus began this War with good Success, and first took Politorium by Storm, a Town of the Latines, 14 or 15 Miles South-East of Rome; the Inhabitants of which, according to the usual Custom, he transplan∣ted to Rome, allowing them the Privileges of Free Citizens. And whereas the old Romans inhabited the Palatine, the Sabines the Capitoline, and the Albans the Caelian, he granted the Aventine Hill for the La∣tines to possess; the number of whom were encrea∣sed, upon the subduing of Tellene and Ficania, two La∣tine Towns nigh Politorium, which he took soon af∣ter. He is a little time likewise took Medallia, a Place of considerable Strength, and also Politorium a∣gain; for the Latines finding it empty had possess'd themselves of it, which made Ancus intirely demolish it. The Latines, inrag'd at their Losses, made greater Preparations for the next Campaign; but, at several times, he ruin'd their Designs, broke their united Forces,* 1.53 forc'd 'em to beg Peace, and obtain'd a Tri∣umph over 'em. Not long after he subdu'd the Fide∣nates, Veientes, and the Volsci, who had fallen out with him; and likewise such of the Sabines, who, not ha∣ving felt the strength of Rome, had sorely repin'd at the exceeding Growth of an upstart City. These latter he overthrew again,* 1.54 and obtain'd over them a second Triumph.

II. Ancus did not only perform many great Acts abroad, but also did many noble Works at home: First upon the Account of the Success of his Arms, he re-built the Temple of Iupiter Feretrius after a more stately and magnificent manner than before. He fortify'd the Hill Ianiculum, on the other side of

the River Tiber, for the greater strengthening of the City, and to prevent its being a Refuge for Enemies, uniting it to the City with a wooden Bridge over that River. He likewise made a large Ditch call'd Fossa Quiritium, which was no small Defence against such as came from the Plains. And now, the City having receiv'd a vast Increase, seeing that such Mul∣titudes of People of all sorts cou'd not but produce many Criminals, he built a large Prison for Male∣factors in the Heart of the City, just facing the Fo∣rum, to be a Terror to their growing Boldness. He did not only enlarge the Pomaerium of the City, but likewise its Dominions; for having taken from the Veientes the Maesian Forest, his Territories reach'd to the Sea,* 1.55 upon which, at the Mouth of the River Tiber, he built a Town call'd Ostia, nigh ten Miles South of Rome, to secure the Advantages of Trade to his Subjects; for thither Commodities being brought by Ships, were in lesser Vessels convey'd up the Tiber to this City; and about this Town, many Salt-pits were made.

This Prince, as well as his Predecessors, was very ready and careful to incourage Strangers; and by reason of the frequent Advancement of such, and the great Privileges they receiv'd, many came daily hither, and often such as were of good Note. Among these Lucumon an Hetrurian was one, a Person of great Accomplishments as well as large Possessions, who came hither from Tarquinia in Hetruria, with his Wife Tanaquil, and several Followers. He was Son to De∣maratus a rich Merchant of Corinth, who had left his Country upon the account of the Troubles at that time, and settled in Tarquinia, where marrying a no∣ble Matron, he had this Son, besides another who died Childless. Lucumon finding no Incouragement in his own Country, being the Son of a Foreigner, remov'd to Rome, where by his Hospitality and Bounty he soon became known to the King; having

now taken upon him the Name of Lucius, adding that of Tarquinius from the Place of his Birth. He was ho∣nourably treated by Ancus, to whom he generously offer'd his whole Patrimony for the Publick Good, and by that means obtain'd Freedom for himself and Followers, with Lands both for Building and for Su∣stenance. Ancus in a little time chose him into the Senate, for he was greatly esteem'd by the King, and as much belov'd by the People; no Man being more hardy in War, or more prudent in Councel.

Ancus bestow'd most of his latter Time in inrich∣ing his Subjects and improving the City, and at the end of 24 Years Reign he died; a Prince not inferior to any of his Predecessors, either for the Glory he gain'd in Peace or War. He left behind him two Sons, both under Age, which he committed to the Guardianship of the foremention'd Lucius Tarquinius, as the fittest Person he cou'd employ in such an Of∣fice. The Roman Dominions were now encreas'd beyond what they were in the last Reign, by a lar∣ger Part of Hetruria taken from the Veientes, and a much better Footing in Latium.

CHAP. V.

From the Death of Ancus Marcius, to the Death of Tarquinius Priscus, the Fifth King of Rome.

Containing the space of 38 Years.

I. ANcus being dead, the Senate receiv'd Power from the People,* 1.56 to order the Affairs of the Commonwealth, and created certain Interreges, as formerly. In this short Interregnum, Tarquin was ex∣tremely

busie about the Election of a King, having great hopes of it himself: Therefore to remove all Obstacles to his Designs, he sent Ancus's two Sons out a Hunting, the eldest being then nigh 14 Years of Age, and assembling the People, he made a plausible Speech to 'em, wherein he plainly begg'd the King∣dom, urging the Examples of Tatius and Numa; the first an Enemy as well as a Stranger, and the second whol∣ly unacquainted with the City; whereas he himself was so great a Friend to the City, that he had spent all his Riches upon it; and so well acquainted with it, that he had been train'd up several Years both in Civil and Military Affairs under their King. Then he cunningly insinuated his past Services, and insisting more than ordinary upon his Liberality, he obtain'd the Kingdom, being the first who obtain'd it by his own ambitious seeking. At the beginning of his Reign, the better to gain the Love of the Common People, he chose out 100 of the Plebeians, who for Valour or Wisdom were most Eminent, and added them to the Senate, which made up the Number 300; those of Romulus's Crea∣tion being call'd Patres Conscripti, these were call'd Patres minorum Gentium;* 1.57 that is, Senators of a lower Rank. He likewise encreas'd the Number of Vestal Virgins from four to seven; but Plutarch says there were but two before.

His first War was with the Latines,* 1.58 from whom he took several Towns, among the rest Collatia, a Place five Miles North-East of Rome; over which pe plac'd his Nephew Aruns Tarquinius for Governour, the Post∣humus Issue of his Brother, surnam'd Egerius from his want of Patrimony, and Collatinus from the Place, which Surname continu'd to his Posterity. Notwith∣standing the Latines great Supplies from Hetruria, he soon forc'd 'em to beg Peace; and then turn'd his Arms against the Sabines, who had again risen up a∣gainst Rome. Both Armies met upon the Banks of Anio, where the Romans made use of a Stratagem, by

sending a Party of Men, to burn a great Heap of Wood that lay by the River-side, and to throw it in; which being driven forwards by the Wind, much of the flaming Wood got hold on the Wood of the Bridge, and set it on fire. This not only terri∣fi••d the Sabines while they were engaging, but when they were routed, hinder'd their Flight, their Bridge being burnt down; and therefore many of 'em, tho' they escap'd the Sword, perish'd in the Water; whose floating Arms being carry'd down the Tiber to Rome, discover'd the Victory there, almost before the News cou'd be carry'd. Tarquin proceeded to march into the Sabine Territories, where the Sabines, tho' with small Hopes, met him with an undisciplin'd Ar∣my; and being defeated a second time, they were forc'd to beg Peace.* 1.59 Over the Sabines, Tarquin ob∣tain'd his first Triumph.

Soon after the Sabine-War was finish'd, all Hetruria (or rather the Neighbouring Parts) combin'd against him, upon the Account of his detaining some Prisoners of theirs whom he had taken among the Sabines. They had made a Law among themselves, That whatever Town refus'd to join against the Romans, shou'd not be accounted of their Body; and they soon after possess'd themselves of Fidenae, a Roman Colony. But he was so successful against 'em, as to overthrow 'em in several Battels, and upon his preparing for another Campaign, they were humbled, and to purchase Peace, they own••d him for their Prince; and, in to∣kens of Allegiance, sent him all the Ensigns of So∣vereignty which their Kings were usually adorn'd with: These were a Crown of Gold, an Ivory Chair, a Sc••p••re with an Eagle on the top, a Purple-Coat wrought with Gold, and a Purple-Gown pink'd, almost like the Robes of the Persian and Lydian Kings, only it was not four-square, but of a semi-circular Figure. From hence also came the R••bes and Coats us'd by the Au∣gurs and Heralds, with many of their Ornaments us'd

in Rome afterwards; the Axes they had before, tho' now they receiv'd 'em again.* 1.60 Over these People Tarquin triumph'd a second time. This War finish'd, which continu'd nine Years, he fell a second time up∣on the Sabines, who now alone contended with the Romans for Superiority, over whom he obtain'd a third Triumph; and providing for another Expedi∣tion, they yielded, whom he receiv'd on the same Terms with the Hetrurians.

II. Tarquin was no less mindful of strengthning the City at home, than of enlarging his Domini∣ons abroad; for when he found leisure, he built the Walls of the City, which before were patch'd up in haste, with large square Stone, each consisting of a Load Weight. Then he took care of the other publick Buildings of the City, adorning the Forum with lofty Portico's, Galleries, and Shops, being a Prince much delighted with stately Buildings and noble Sights.* 1.61 He likewise made many Cloacae or Common-Sewers, to drain the City, and carry the Filth of it into the Tiber; a Work of such vast Charge and La∣bour, that when they were afterwards stopp'd, the Censors spent a Thousand Talents only to clear 'em; a Work likewise so admirable, that Dionysius thinks, that from the Magnificence of these, as well as their Aquaeducts and High-ways, the Grandeur of the Roman Empire appear'd. In the Circus Maximus, that vast Place for Games and Exercises between the Palatine and Aventine Hills, he caus'd Seats to be rais'd for the Spectators, with great Skill and Charge; and like∣wise distinguish'd all their Places according to their several Ranks▪ and Dignities. In the Sabine War he vow'd a Temple to Iupiter, Iuno, and Minerva, if he got the Victory; for that reason afterwards he, with wonderful Cost levelled the Rock on the Capitoline, and form'd a Plat for building it, but liv'd not to go on with it any further; and this was the beginning of the Capitol.

Tarquin had design'd after these things, to have added three Centuries of the Celeres to those three Instituted by Romulus, but was forbidden by Actius Naevius to alter the Constitutions of that King; therefore without creating of new Centuries, he doubled the Number of the former. This Naevius was the most famous Augur that Rome ever knew; and Tarquin one time, to try him, ask'd him, If what he had in his Thought might be done; he answering in the affirmative, Tarquin jeeringly told him, He thought of cutting a Whetstone with a Razor: Naevius ••ad him strike hard, and he cut it through. This much en∣hanc••d the Reputation of Augury, especially of Naevi∣us's Skill therein; but his being suddenly miss'd soon after, was a great Prejudice to Tarquin: For the two Sons of Ancus Marcius, grudging him their Father's Throne, accus••d him to the People of the Death of this Augur; but his Son-in-Law answer'd their Objections, and clear'd him of that Scandal. Mis∣sing their Design, they pretended Repentance, and were easily receiv'd into Favour; but three Years after, they disguised several of their Companions like Shepherds, and appearing in Court, pretended a Quarrel, and demanded Justice of the King. Tarquin appearing, they set upon him, and kill'd him; but were soon caught, and receiv'd their just Reward.

Thus fell Lucius Tarquinius, for distinction surnam'd Priscus, after the last Tarquin had obtain'd the King∣dom, in the Eightieth Year of his Age, after he had Reign'd 38 Years, and done many and great Ser∣vices to the Common-Wealth. The Roman Great∣ness and Magnificence began to appear much more in this Reign than in the former; and this King was the first that ever Triumph'd in a Chariot: Like∣wise the Roman Dominions were much encreas'd in this Reign, by a larger Authority in the Sabines Country, and by some considerable Additions in Hetruria and Latium.

CHAP. VI.

From the Death of Tarquinius Priscus, to the Death of Servius Tullius, the Sixth King of Rome.

Containing the Space of 44 Years.

I. TArquinius Priscus being dead,* 1.62 Servius Tullius his Son-in-law, succeeded him: which Tullius was Son to Ocrisia, a considerable Woman taken Prisoner by Tarquin at Corniculum, a Town in Latium, and given to his Wife Tanaquil; where she was deliver'd of Tullius, surnam'd Servius, in remembrance of her Bondage, her Husband being slain at the taking of the Town. Tullius being an Infant in his Cradle, a Flame of Fire is said to have appear'd and encom∣pass'd his Head; which rais'd great Expectations in Tanaquil, a Woman much esteem'd for such kind of Knowledge. She brought her Husband to so good an Opinion of him, that he both gave him Educa∣tion, and in time made him his Son-in-Law. When the King grew old, he manag'd his Publick Affairs for him both abroad and at home, with that Valour, Prudence, and Integrity, that he gain'd the highest Esteem of all People. Tarquinius having no Sons, but only two Grand-sons, both Infants, Tanaquil much desir'd that Tullius shou'd succeed him, there∣fore she kept his Death private for a while, pretend∣ing he was only dangerously wounded, till Tullius had prevail'd with the People to banish the Marcii. Being thus secure of that Faction, he carry'd out Tarquin as newly dead, to be bury'd; and as Tutor or Guardian to the young Children, executed the

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Office of King; which Tanaquil, out of the Window, had told the People was her Husband's Will, when she feign'd him still alive. The Patritians were much concern••d at this, not knowing how to come to an Election, since they perceiv'd the People wou'd not approve of their Choice, but wou'd be all for Tul∣lius; so they thought it better to let him Reign in an unlawful Manner, that they might ever have a just Pretence against him, than by stirring to procure him a legal Title.

Tullius discovering all their Designs and Practices, immediately assembled the People in the Forum, where appearing with his Mother, Mother-in-Law, the two Children, and all his Kindred, in deep mourning, and all the utmost signs of sorrow, he shew'd the People how sad and lamentable his Condition was, through the Contrivances of the Patritians against him, which he had no otherwise deserv'd than by his good Services to his Country. That they had design'd to recall the Marcii, who had treasonably Murder'd Tarquin, and to expose the Posterity of him whose Mem••ry ••ught to be so precious to 'em, as well as himself, to the same Cruelty: But if it was the Pleasure of the People, he wou'd freely give up all Pretensions; and rather than offend them, undergo the se∣verest Hardships. A great Clamour immediately arose, mix••d with the Prayers and Tears of those who besought him to retain the Government; and some, who were provided before-hand, began to cry out, He was to be chosen King, and the Curiae were to be call'd to the V••te; which thing was instantly resolv'd by the Multitude. He thank••d 'em very heartily for being mindful of the Benefits receiv'd from him, and promi∣sed to pay their Debts, and divide the publick Lands among such as wanted, if they wou'd elect him King; and thereupon he appointed a day for the Assembly. At the Comitia Curiata, he was chosen King by the Votes of 'em all, in spite of all the Opposition of the Senate, who refus'd at last to confirm the Choice, as their Cust••m was.

II. Not long after his Settlement,* 1.63 according to his Promise, he divided the publick Lands among the poorer Sort; and in the Curiata Comitia, preferr'd fifty several Laws concerning Contracts and Injuries. He very much enlarg'd the City, taking in three Hills to the four former, namely, the Quirinal, the Viminal, and the Esquiline; on the latter of which he dwelt himself, and compass'd the whole Seven with a stately Wall: Some say the Walls were never ex∣tended further, tho' vast Suburbs were afterwards ad∣ded. After this, he divided the City into four Parts, and instead of three, made four Tribes, which he call'd by the names of Palatina, Suburana, Collina, and Esquilina. As Romulus, according to their Seats and Communions in Sacrifices, distinguish'd the Peo∣ple into Tribes and Curiae; so Tullius, according to their Estates and Riches, distinguish'd 'em into six Ranks call'd Classes.* 1.64 His principal Design was to know how many were fit to bear Arms, and what Trea∣sure might be supply'd for Wars and other Uses. These Classes were each divided into Centuries (the Word here signifying such a particular Division,* 1.65 and not 100 Per∣sons) which made up 193 in all. The first consisted of such as were worth 110000 Asses, (each answering to obq of our Money) and contain'd 98 Centuries, the Equites or Knights being reckon'd in: The second va∣lu'd at 75000 Asses, containing 22 Centuries, taking in Artificers; the third at 50000 Asses, containing likewise 22 Centuries; the fourth at 25000 Asses, con∣taining 20 Centuries; the fifth at 11000 Asses, con∣taining 30 Centuries; and the sixth consisted of the rest of the poorer Sort and Multitude, excepting Ser∣vants and Slaves, which made up but one Century.

The constant way of levying Men and Money,* 1.66 was, for the future, according to these Centuries, each Century such a quantity; so that the middle Rank having fewer Centuries, and yet more Persons than

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the richer, went to War by Turns, and paid but lit∣tle Tribute; and the poorer Sort scarce bore any Share at all. This seem'd very just to him, that they who were most concern'd shou'd take most Pains, and bear the greatest Charge; the Romans at that time maintaining themselves in the Wars without any Pay from the Publick. But to the richer Sort, who sustain'd most of the Charge and Danger, the King made a sufficient Recompence, by giving 'em much the larger Authority in the Government, which he Politickly brought about this way: Formerly the Matters of the greatest Concern, namely, The Creation of all Magistrates, making or repealing of Laws, and de∣creeing of Peace and War, were all voted in the Comitia Curiata; where every particular and private Person having an equal Vote, the Plebeians being most nume∣rous, had in a manner the whole Power in their Hands. But Tullius, upon these and the like occasions, assembled the People according to their Centuries, which were call'd Comitia Centuriata,* 1.67 where the Ple∣beians must of necessity be out-voted, having little more than the Shadow of Authority; which they, for many Years, were sufficiently satisfy'd withal; either for that they perceived not the Design, or ra∣ther, because they were thereby freed from the great∣est part of the Charges, Troubles, and Dangers of the Publick.

After the Census or Tax, Tullius first instituted the Lustrum to be Celebrated,* 1.68 so call'd à luendo, from Paying. On a certain day after the Valuation or Cen∣sus, he ordain'd all the Citizens to meet in the Cam∣pus Martius, all in Armour, each Man in his proper Class and Century; where, by solemn Sacrifices, the City was Expiated or Lustrated. This great Solemnity was call'd Salitaurilia, or rather Suovetaurilia, because a Hog, a Sheep, and an Ox were there Sacrific'd. These things perform'd, the Lustrum was finish'd, which, because of the continual Change of Mens E∣states,

he order'd shou'd be reiterated every five Years; so that the old and proper Lustrum contain'd five Years compleat, which was as often as this Tax or Valuation, call'd Census, was made; tho' afterwards the Iulian Lustrum contain'd but four. Tullius held the Lustrum four times in his Reign, and at the first were found 84700 free Citizens; but, to encrease their Number, he brought in the Custom of making Slaves Free of the Common-wealth, either for their Money or their Deserts, who being Manumitted, he distributed into the four Tribes of the City. Slaves, as was hinted before, had never any Vote in the Go∣vernment, and these were either made or born so; the former sort were taken in War, thence properly call'd Mancipia;* 1.69 and the latter sort came of Parents who were such, or of the Mother only.

Besides the Division of the City it self, this Prince took an extraordinary Care about the Roman Domi∣nions, dividing the whole Territory into 26 Parts, which he likewise call'd by the name of Tribes; and these he again distinguish'd into their several Pagi, appointing for 'em their respective Officers and Places of Worship, as Numa had done when the Dominions were much smaller. In his way of judging of Con∣troversies, he gave away much of the Kingly Prero∣gative; for whereas the former Princes call'd before themselves all Controversies, and took Cognizance of Crimes committed against private Persons, as well as the Publick, he separated their Causes, making him∣self Judge only of such as respected the Common-wealth, referring the Quarrels of particular Persons to others, to whom he prescrib'd Laws and Rules to go by; and if any Controversie arose between particu∣lar Towns, it was to be decided by the Judgment of others. After he had thus order'd the Common-wealth, he caus'd the Latines to build a Temple to Diana, upon the Aventine-Hill, at which place they shou'd meet and Feast every Year, and so preserve

themselves as one Body Politick in Unity and Con∣cord. To all these things we may add, that he was the first who Coin'd Money in Rome, stamping it with the Image of a Sheep, whence it had the Name of Pecunia,* 1.70 whereas the Romans before this time us'd it in a rude Lump or Mass.

III. At the same time that Tullius was settling and ordering the Affairs of the Common-wealth at home, he was often employ'd in many and conside∣rable Wars abroad: For the Hetrurians looking upon him as an obscure Man, and a private Person, re∣fus'd to pay him Obedience, and renounc'd the League made with his Predecessor Tarquin. He had Wars with 'em for 20 Years successively, overthrew 'em in many Battels, and Triumph'd over 'em three several times; the first time in the Year 182, the second in 186, and the third time in 188. And at last he so weakned and harras'd them, that they were willing to beg Peace of him, which he granted 'em upon the same Terms that Tarquin before had impos'd upon 'em; only from three of the twelve Nations, namely, the Veientes, the Caeretanes, and the Tarquinii, which had been Principals in the Revolt, he took part of their Lands, and divided 'em among such as were lately made free of Rome. At the fi∣nishing of these Wars, he built two Temples, both dedicated to Fortune, one to Fortuna Bona, and the o∣ther to Fortuna Virilis. In the latter end of his Reign he design'd to have laid down his Office, and restor'd absolute Liberty, with the Care of the Common-wealth to the People, and was preparing a Model for that purpose, but liv'd not to perform it; for be∣ing old, and not far from the natural Period of his Life, he was slain by his Daughter and Son-in-Law, after this manner.

Tullius had two Daughters, whom he marry'd to Tarquin's Grandsons, Lucius Tarquinius and Aruns Tar∣quinius.

The first, of a proud tyrannical Nature, had a very modest good Wife; and the last, of a mild sweet Temper, had a haughty wicked Woman. Lu∣cius inrag'd at Tullius for possessing his Grand-Father's Throne, and finding his Brother's Wife of a fiery Temper, and rather more cruel than himself, agreed with her to change Husbands; both promising to di∣spatch their Consorts, which they soon effected, and were marry'd together. After this, they resolv'd the utter Ruine of the King, raising what Factions they cou'd against him, alledging his illegal Title, then claim'd the Crown as Heirs to Tarquin. But Tullius by his great Modesty and prudent Management, de∣feated all their Designs, and came off with great Ho∣nour, both with the Senate and the People; which brought Lucius to a feign'd Repentance on his side, and that produc'd a real Reconciliation on the King's. Lucius, cover'd with this Disguise, took an opportuni∣ty one day, when most of the People were out of the City, to go to the Senate-House, with the Robes and Royal Ensigns as King; and getting together such of the Fathers as were his special Friends, he boldly took Possession of the King's Throne. Tullius unadvised∣ly with a few Followers hastned thither, and going to thrust him out, Lucius threw him down the Stairs. The old Man, hardly recovering his Spirits, was led homewards in great Disorder, when Lucius's Wife coming to see the Event, saluted her Husband King, and advis'd him to send after Tullius, and dispatch him; which was immediately perform'd. In her Pas∣sage home, coming to the Place where the Body lay, weltring in Blood, and as yet almost gasping, her Charioteer stood still, startl'd and amaz'd at the In∣humane Spectacle, not having Room to pass by it: Whereupon she in a Rage threw her Footstool at his Head, and in a barbarous manner forc••d him to drive her over it; the Place which before was call'd Cyprius Vicus, was after this Act call'd Sceleratus.

This was the End of Servius Tullius, a Prince of e∣minent Justice and Moderation, after a prosperous Reign of 44 Years; but the less pity'd upon the Ac∣count of his undue Admission to the Crown, which made most of the Patritians espouse his Successor's part; especially since he was about altering the Go∣vernment, which wou'd have prov'd the Weakning, if not the Ruine of their Authority. He left the Roman Dominions in much the same Condition as they were in the last Reign, only he got a larger Footing in Hetruria.

CHAP. VII.

From the Death of Servius Tullius, to the Banishment of Tarquinius Superbus, the Seventh King of Rome, which caus'd the Dissolution of the Regal State.

Containing the space of 25 Years.

I. LUcius Tarquinius, having barbarously murder'd his Father-in-Law,* 1.71 obtain'd the Kingdom by meer Force and Violence; and by his Tyrannical and Imperious Carriage, soon got the Surname of Superbus, as that of Priscus, for distinction sake, was given to his Grand-Father. He wou'd not permit the King's Body to be publickly interr'd, lest the People shou'd rise and cause some dangerous Distur∣bances, he alledging, That Romulus dy'd without Bu∣rial. He murder'd such as he suspected to be of Tul∣lius's Faction; and fearing the natural Consequences of his Tyranny, he kept a stronger Guard than or∣dinary about his Person. All Controversies whatso∣ever

he decided himself, assisted by his intimate Friends; and executed, banish'd, and fin'd, all at his own Pleasure. He endeavour'd to establish his Tyranny with the more Security, by great Alliances, marrying his Daughter to Octavius Mamilius, the greatest Man among the Latines, being descended from Telegonus the Son of Ulysses by Circe; and by his false Accusations and a cunning Device, caus'd 'em to stone Turnus Herdonius, who had discover'd to 'em his Baseness and Villany. He neither consider'd the Consent of the Senate or People; but much dimi∣nish'd the Authority of the former by the Murder of many of the higher Rank, whose Wealth he seiz'd on for his own use, resolving to chuse no more in their Places, that their Power might decrease in∣sensibly, and in time be worn out.

Among those whom he murder'd for their Estates, Marcus Iunius was one; a most eminent Man among the Romans, descended from the Companions of Ae∣••eas, and marry'd to Tarquina, Daughter to Tarquinius Priscus, by whom he had Lucius Iunius. This Lucius was nobly educated, and had an admirable Wit and Knowledge, with a profound Judgment and Under∣standing; but after Tarquin had privily murder'd his Father and his eldest Brother, the better to save him∣self, and revenge his Father, he counterfeited him∣self a Fool, and thence had the Surname of Brutus. Tarquin thinking his Folly real, despis'd the Man; and having possess'd himself of his Estate, kept him as an Ideot in his House, suffering him to converse with his Children, not out of any Respect as a Kins∣man, but to make 'em Sport by his ridiculous Words and Actions. It hapn'd in the time of a great Pesti∣lence, he sent his two Sons Sextus and Titus to con∣sult the Oracle, and with them Brutus, as a Compani∣on for their Diversion. The Sons were well pleas'd with his Company, and laugh'd very heartily to see him offer a wooden Staff to Apollo, wherein he had

secretly convey'd Gold. The young Men having ex∣ecuted their Father's Commands, enquir'd of the O∣racle, Which of them shou'd be Prince of Rome? It was answer'd, He who first shou'd kiss his Mother; which the Sons misunderstanding, agreed to do it both at their return, and reign jointly together. But Brutus, knowing the meaning of the Oracle, as soon as they arriv'd at Italy, pretended to fall down by chance, and kiss'd the Earth, which is the common Mother of all Men. After this, he ever made it his Business to find Opportunities of ruining the Tyrant, and re∣storing the Liberties of Rome; all which he carry'd on by a profound Secrecy and a wonderful Dissimu∣lation.

II. Tarquin being a Warlike Prince, first march'd a∣gainst the Sabines, who refus'd to pay him Obedience, and soo reduc'd them to Submission; over whom he obtain'd a Triumph.* 1.72 Soon after, he began a War with the Volsci, a People bordering on Latium, which con∣tinu'd with some little Intermissions above 200 Years: From these he took Suessa-Pometia, a conside∣rable City about 26 Miles South-East of Rome, where he found great Spoils and Plunder; and over them he obtain'd a second Triumph. Next he fell upon Gabii,* 1.73 a City of great Note, 10 or 11 Miles East of Rome, which had taken part with Suessa-Pometia: He invested it, but meeting with great Difficulties, he caus'd his eldest Son Sextus to counterfeit Desertion, upon Pretence of barbarous Usage from his Father; who being honourably receiv'd by the Gabines, by his cunning and insinuating Behaviour, got to be their Governour. After some time he sent to his Fa∣ther to know what Measures to take; Tarquin took the Messenger into the Garden, and, in imitation of Thrasybulus the Milesian, cut down the tallest Poppies before his Face, then dismiss'd him without any o∣ther Answer. Sextus, knowing the meaning of all

that, put to death the most principal Citizens, and easily betray'd the Place into his Father's Hands.* 1.74 Af∣ter this, Tarquin made a League with the Aequi, a neighbouring People between the Volsci and the Sa∣bines, and renew'd that with the Hetrurians.

Tarquin, having gain'd great Riches and Spoils from Suessa-Pometia, resolv'd to set about the Temple his Grand-Father had design'd; and when he found some Respite from War, he employ'd a great number of Workmen about it.* 1.75 At their digging to lay the Foundation, a Man's Head was found bleeding a∣fresh, belonging to one Tolus, which gave the Name of CAPITOL to the Building.* 1.76 It was seated upon a high Crag or Rock on Mount Capitoline, which from Romulus's time had been call'd Mons Tarpeius, and before that Saturnius. It was eight Acres in compass, 200 Foot long, and as many broad wanting 15 Foot, its height being equal to its length; a most magni∣ficent Building, dedicated to Iupiter in Chief, but containing three Temples within the same Walls, the middle belonging to Iupiter, and the other two to Iuno and Minerva, all under the same Roof. It had a noble Front, looking towards the South, to the grand Forum, the most frequented part of the whole City. It had also a stately Porch or Gallery, with three Rows of Pillars, each side having a double Row; and to this they ascended by an hundred Steps, with large Spaces between several of 'em. To carry on this great Work, Tarquin employ'd much of the Publick Money and Stock, and likewise the Labour of the Common People; but the Building was not finish'd till two Years after his Banishment.

The Building of the Capitol was not only counted a great Ornament to the City, in respect of Magni∣ficence, but was likewise look'd upon as a very great Blessing upon the account of Religion: And in the same Reign another, as great in their Opinion, hapned likewise to the Romans, which was this. A certain

strange Woman came to the King, offering to fell him nine Books of the Sibylline Oracles.* 1.77 He refu∣sing to buy 'em at her Rate, she departed, and burning three of 'em, return'd, demanding as much for the six remaining. Being laugh'd at for a Mad-Woman, she again departed, and burning half of 'em, return'd with the other three, still asking as much as at first. Tarquin, surpriz'd at the Strangeness of the Thing, immediately sent for the Augurs to know her Meaning; who much blam••d him for not buying the nine, and advis'd him to buy the three at the same Rate. The Woman, after the Sale and Delivery, ad∣vising him to have a special care of 'em, vanish'd, and was never after seen, as Dionysius relates the Story. Tarquin chose two Men out of the Nobility to keep them, to whom he allow'd two Publick Servants; but afterwards, in the time of the Common-wealth, they were kept with the greatest Care imaginable, fifteen of the most eminent Persons of the Nobility being chosen and appointed to keep 'em in a Stone Chest, in a Vault under the Capitol; and these were exempted from all other Burthens both Military and Civil; and for them only it was lawful to look in 'em. These Magistrates from their Number were afterwards call'd Quindecemviri.* 1.78 These Oracles were consulted by the Senate's Decree in times of Sediti∣ons, Plagues, and any Publick Calamities; and were kept here till they perish'd with the burning of the Capitol.

III. The People being so much employ'd for four Years together about the building of the Capitol,* 1.79 be∣gan to make some Complaints; but Tarquin, to sa∣tisfie 'em, but especially to recruit his own Coffers, proclaim••d War against the Rutili, a People joining to the Latines, the Volsci, and the Sea, pretending they had receiv••d and entertain'd some Roman Exiles; and upon that account he invested Ar dea, their Me∣tropolis,

a City 16 Miles South-East of Rome. While he lay before this Place, his Son Sextus, with Tarqui∣nius Collatinus, the Son of Egerius Priscus's Nephew, and some of the Principal Courtiers, were drinking toge∣ther in the Camp; where there hapned a Discourse concerning their Wives, each Man praising his own to a very high Degree, which occasion••d a kind of a Quarrel. Collatinus told 'em, it was in vain to talk, when their Eyes might so soon convince 'em how much his Lucretia excell'd the rest, if they wou'd but immediately put it to a Tryal; whereat they all cry'd, Come on, and being well heated with Wine, they took Horse with∣out Delay, and posted for Rome, From which Place they rod to Collatia to see Lucretia, where coming late at night, they found her, not like the rest of their Wives, spending her Time in Ease and Idleness, but in the midst of her Maids hard at Work. Her Good∣ness and Modesty, as well as her Shape and Beauty, so charm'd 'em all, that they unanimously gave her the Preferrence. Here Collatinus made a noble En∣tertainment for his Guests, and the next Day retur∣ned with 'em to the Camp.

Sextus, now inslam'd by Lucretia's Beauty, and the more by the Reputation of her fam'd Chastity, was resolv'd to enjoy her up••n any Terms; therefore, within few days after, he went privately with one Servant to Co••lacia, where he was kindly entertain••d by her, and without any suspicion, lodg'd in the House. At Midnight he found Means to convey himself into her Bed-Chamber, approach'd her Bed-side with his drawn Sword, and rudely laying his Hand on her Breast, threatned her with present Death if she offer'd to stir or speak. The poor Lady, affrighted out of her Sleep, and seeing Death so nigh, was in the greatest confusion imaginable; but Sextus at first, with all the Prayers and Intreaties, told her the Violence of his Passion, withal, endeavour'd to corrupt her with the glittering Promises of Empire and a Crown, but all

in vain. At last he told her, If she wou'd not yield, he wou'd first kill her, then lay his own Slave dead by her side, and report it was for surprizing her in Adultery with him; by which means he obtain'd his End; and in the Morning he departed. Lucretia, inrag'd at this bar∣barous Usage, immediately sent for her Father from Rome, and her Husband from the Camp; desiring them to bring with them some particular and special Friends, for a most dreadful Mischief, and that of the vastest Importance, had befall'n her. With her Father Lucretius came Publius Valerius, and with her Hus∣band, Lucius Iunius Brutus, formerly mention'd; who finding her in her Chamber, in a most lamentable and desperate Condition, she told 'em the whole Matter, and rejecting all Thoughts of Comfort, she most solemnly adjur••d 'em all with the most power∣ful Perswasions imaginable, To revenge her Cause to the utmost, and immediately with her Knife stabb'd her self to the Heart, as the truest Instance she cou'd give of her real Chastity.

The whole Company were stricken with a Mixture of Sadness and Amazement at the Greatness, as well as Strangeness of the Act; but while they were la∣menting over the dead Body, Brutus catching at this Opportunity, now threw off his long Disguise, giving them to understand, How far different he was from the Person they always took him for; and further shew'd 'em most manifest Tokens of the Greatness of his Spirit, and the Depth of his Policy. He told 'em, That Tears and Lamentations cou'd never he heard, whilst Vengeance cry'd so loud; thereupon, in a great Rage, going to the Body, and drawing the bloody Knife from out the Wound, swore by Mars, and all the Celestial Powers above, Utterly to exterminate Tarquin with his Impious Wife and Fr••ge••y, to prosecute them and all their Friends with the utmost Rage of Fire and Sword, and never after to suffer the Tarquins or any other to reign in Rome. Then he deliver••d the Knife to the rest, who, all

wondring at so extraordinary a Change in Brutus, swore as he had done; and turning their effeminate Sorrow to a masculine Fury, they resolv'd to follow his Instructions, and extirpate Kingly Government. Brutus, as soon as he could, procur'd the Gates of the City to be shut, that all might be kept secret from Tarquin, till such time as the People might be assembled, the dead Body expos'd, and a publick De∣cree for Tarquin's Banishment procur'd.

The Senate being assembled, all shew'd their Wil∣lingness to banish Tarquin, but at first had very diffe∣rent Opinions concerning the new Modelling of the Government, which probably might make it a tedi∣ous Business. Brutus represented to 'em the absolute Necessity of a quick Dispatch, and immediately pre∣scrib'd 'em a Form of Government; shewing them, That before Tarquin's violating his own and his Prede∣cessors Oath, Rome had been happy and famous, both for her Acts abroad, and her Constitutions at home; and that the Regal Power had at last been dangerous, and al∣most destructive to the Security of the State, and the Safety of the People; and therefore was not to be trusted in one Man's hands, but two were to be chosen, who shou'd govern with equal Authority and Command. Then, because Names alone were offensive to many People, he thought that of Kingdom was to be left off, and the other of Common∣wealth to be assum'd; and, instead of the Title of King and Monarch, some more Modest and Popular was to be invented; as likewise were some of their Ensigns to be laid aside, and others to be retain'd. That the main and only thing to keep these Magistrates in Order, was, to prevent their perpetual Power; and if they were Annual, after the manner of Athens, each might learn both how to be Sub∣ject, and how to Govern. Lastly, That the Name of King might not be wholly lost, the Title was to be given to one who shou'd be call'd Rex Sacrorum,* 1.80 who having this Honour for Life, and Immunity from Warfare, shou'd only concern himself with those Religious Rites which the King had Charge of

before. The Particulars of this Speech were all ap∣prov'd of by the Senate, who immediately issued out a Decree for the King's Banishment in this Form, That the Tarquinii should be banish'd with all their Off∣spring, and that it should be Capital for any one to speak or act for their Return.

Brutus having procur'd thus much, the Comitia were immediately a••sembled by him, and the Body of Lu∣cretia, all dismally bloody, brought, and set there for a pittiful Spectacle to all the People. There Brutus, to their great Surprise, discover'd himself, telling 'em the Reasons of his long and strange Dissimulation, and the great Occasion of their present Meeting, withal shewing 'em the Senate's Decree. Then he fell to enumerating all the several Crimes and Villa∣nies of Tarquin, particularly, That he had Poyson'd his own Brother, Strangled his Wife, Murder'd his lawful So∣vereign, and fill'd Di••ches and Common-Sewers with the B••dies of the Nobility: That he came to the Kingdom on Usurper, and continu'd in it a Tyrant; being treacherous to his greatest Friends, and barbarous to all Mankind: That his three Sons were of a Temper as Insolent and Tyrannical as himself, especially the Eldest, of which they now had a s••d and doleful Instance before their Eyes. That since the King was absent, and the Patricians all resolv'd, neither Men, M••ney, nor Foreign Aid shou'd be wanting to 'em, had they but Courage for the Enterprize. Urging withal, that it was a shame to think of Commanding the Volsci, Sabines, and Nations abroad, and be Slaves to others at home; and to maintain so many Wars to serve the ambiti∣ous Ends of a Tyrant, and not undertake one for their own Liberty. And that as for the Army at the Siege, their own Interest in all Respects w••u'd oblige 'em to joyn in what ever was agreed upon in the City.

The Multitude, transported with the Hopes of Li∣berty, and charm'd with the Person and graceful Behaviour of Brutus, with loud Acclamations gave their Assent, and immediately call'd for Arms. Lu∣cretius

was appointed Inter-rex for holding the Comitia, who strait adjourn••d it to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Campus Martius, where Magistrates were elected in their Armour. There he nominated Brutus and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, to exercise the Regal Power, as they before had agreed on among them∣selves, and the Centuries confirm••d 'em by their Suf∣frages. In the mean time, Tarquin having heard something of these Transactions, came riding in all haste to the City, with his Sons, and some of ••is most trusty Friends, to prevent the Mischiefs that threatned him; but finding the Gates fast shut, and the Walls full of Armed Men, in great Grief he return••d to the Camp. But Brutus foreseeing his sudden Coming, had industriously got before him to the Army another Way, and acquainted them with the Decree both of Senate and People, pressing 'em hard to a Revolt. Immediately their Suffrages were call'd over accord∣ing to their Centuries, and they unanimously agreed to do exactly as their Friends in the City had done; so that when Tarquin return••d, they refus'd to admit him. Thus frustrated of his Hopes, he went to Ga∣bii, or to Caere in Hetruria, now Grey-headed, having reign'd 25 Years.* 1.81 Herminius and Horatius, Chief Com∣manders of the Army, made a Truce with the Ene∣my for 15 Years, and raising the Siege before Ardea, return'd to Rome with all their Forces.

IV. Such was the End of the Regal State of Rome, 245 Years after the Building of the City, in the first Year of the 68th. Olympiad, A. M. 3496, 31 Years after the Ruine of the Babylonian Empire, and the setting up of the Persian, 179 before the beginning of the Macedonian, and 507 before our Saviour Christ, occasion'd by a Man who knew neither how to go∣vern according to the Laws, nor yet to reign against them. The Roman Dominions now contain'd most of Old Latium, with the greatest part of the Sabines Country, a considerable part of Hetruria, particu∣larly

of the Veientes, Caeretanes, and Tarquinii, besides some small Parts of the Volsci and Aequi; being much about 40 Miles long and 30 broad; a Spot of Ground not so large by a fourth part as either the Dukedoms of Modena, Parma, or Mantua, and not much larger than the Territory of the Commonwealth of Luca: so that this was rightly term'd by Historians, the Infancy of Rome, especially since most of these Parts were both able and ready to Revolt upon every little Occasion, as the Romans often found afterwards; so that it cost 'em many Years trouble, and many hazardous Wars before they cou'd wholly subdue 'em, and much enlarge their Dominions.

If we look upon the City it self at this time, we may find it encreased after a far greater Proportion than formerly, and its large Extent, its numerous Inhabitants, and its magnificent Structures, were happy Fore-runners of its future Grandeur and Em∣pire. And these, together with the wise Instituti∣ons of its Prince, and the great Prudence and Gra∣vity of its Senate, were the main Supporters and Preservers of it, in the midst of so many envious Neighbours and powerful Enemies; tho' indeed the Inhabitants themselves were an extream rough and unpolish'd People, little acquainted with Know∣ledge and Learning, and far unlike their Successors in Skill and Conduct: Their Engagements were more like so many Tumults than real Battels, where Ob∣stinacy in Fighting generally supply'd the place of Discipline in War; only they had the good Fortune to deal with Neighbours who had more Barbarity and Ignorance than themselves. In short, what may truly be affirm'd of the old Romans, is, they were a People of most extraordinary Courage and Fierceness, a People of prodigious Hardiness and Austerity of Life, a People of indefatigable Industry, and wonderful Lo∣vers of their Country; and from these main Springs afterwards proceeded many great and noble Actions.

Before the Conclusion of this First Book, to make the Roman History as clear and intelligible as possible, it may be convenient to give a Hint of the several Countries the Romans afterwards became Masters of. First Gaul, which was then inhabited by an uncivi∣liz'd, tho' a Warlike People, was broken and divided into a great number of petty Governments. Spain and Germany was much in the same Condition, and Britain not much better, as likewise was Dacia and Illyricum. Greece was in a most flourishing wealthy Condition, under several Monarchs of Renown, and powerful Common-wealths, but not long after be∣came subject to the Macedonian Empire. Asia Minor was almost in the same Condition, then subjected to the Persian, and next to the Macedonian Empires, but at last partly freed from the latter. Armenia was a considerable Monarchy. Syria, Chaldea, Assyria, and Mesopotamia, were all powerful States, but successive∣ly subject to the Persian and Macedonian Empires, the first of which prov'd a separate Kingdom. Iudaea was a small but noble Kingdom. Egypt was also a flou∣rishing Kingdom, subject to its own Kings. Africa was a powerful and growing Common-wealth, who had Sicily in a great measure. As for Italy it self, that was divided among many petty Nations and People, as was observ'd in the beginning.

The End of the First Book.

THE Roman History. BOOK II.

The Consular State of ROME▪ From the Beginning of that Go∣vernment, to the Ruine of it by the first Triumvirate.

Containing the Space of 449 Years.

CHAP. I.

From the Banishment of the last King, to the first Dictator; which was the first Inter∣mission of the Consular Power.

Containing the space of 10 Years.

I. THE State of Affairs in Rome was now wholly alter'd,* 1.82 and the Government quite chang'd; Restoration of Ancient Priviledges was the Peoples constant Discourse, and an odd mixture of Fury and Cunning ran through the whole Body of the Nation, which caus••d 'em to put down Kingly Government, and set up that of Consuls.* 1.83 These High Officers were two in

Number, first call'd Praetors, next Iudices, and after∣wards Consuls, à Consulendo, from Counselling or Con∣sulting the Common Good of the People: They were yearly elected by the People in the Centuriata Comitia, out of the Patricians, being Persons no less than 43 Years old, or nigh, and of excellent Qua∣lifications, as long as there was little or no Corrupti∣ons. The Consular Power was at first equal to the Regal, till in a short time Poplicola brought in the Li∣berty of Appealing to the People: Yet, after this, their Authority was very large, for they were the Heads of the People and Senate, superiour to all other Magistrates, govern'd the State, dispos'd of the Publick Revenues, ad∣minister'd Iustice, call'd and dismiss'd the Senate, and all General Assemblies, had all the Laws enacted in their Names, led Armies, appointed Officers, treated with all Foreign Princes and Ambassadors, and transacted many o∣ther Things in their own Names. They had also the Roy∣al Ornaments us'd by the Kings, as the Golden Crown, Sceptre, Purple Robes, White Robes the twelve Lictors, with the Axes and Fasces, the Ivory and Curule Chairs; only to prevent the People's Jealousies, the Crowns and Sceptres were never us'd but upon extraordinary Days of Triumph; and commonly one was attended by the Axes, and the other by the Rods, changing each Month. The first Consuls were L. Iunius Brutus, and L. Tarquinius Collatinus, who had been the Authors of this Settlement; and they immediately reviv'd the Laws of Servius Tullius, concerning Publick Meetings and Assemblies, with other things that conduc••d to the Satisfaction of the common sort, who look'd upon their ancient Rights as newly recover'd.

Before Affairs were perfectly settled in the Com∣mon-wealth, some Ambassadors from Hetruria arriv'd at Rome, in behalf of the late King Tarquin, who was now so mortifi'd, and so sensible of his Mismanage∣ment, that he made very large Promises of observing all regular Administration for the future, If they

wou'd receive him as their lawful King. When this Pro∣posal cou'd not be heard, the Ambassadors only de∣sir'd, That he might have his Goods return'd him, at least such as were his Grand-father Priscus's, who had deserv'd no Ill at their hands. But Brutus very violently oppos'd that Demand, as being almost as dangerous as the o∣ther, he esteeming it no good Policy to furnish an E∣nemy with Money against themselves; however his Collegue Collatine most readily comply'd with it, but putting it to the Vote, it pass'd in the Negative, the Voices being very nigh equal. The Ambassadors meeting with no Success, according to their Instructi∣ons, made several plausible Excuses for tarrying in Rome longer than ordinary; and in that time, by their cunning Management and fair Promises, found means to draw over some of Collatine's Family to their sides, namely, two of the Aquilii, and three of the Vitellii, together with Brutus's two Sons, Titus and Tiberius. These, with some other, all join'd in a Conspiracy, keeping their private Meetings at the House of the Aquilii, there to consult about, and manage their De∣signs, which were to kill both the Consuls, and to en∣deavour to re-inthrone Tarquin.

These Conspirators cou'd not long conceal their Practices, but were discover'd by a Slave call'd Vin∣dicius, who had accidentally hid himself in the same Room, fearing to be found there, and not having time to come out. Now Vindicius, fearing to disco∣ver this strange Accident to either of the Consuls, upon the Account of such a nigh Relation, went di∣rectly to Valerius, afterwards call'd Poplicola, a great Assistant in this Revolution, and laid open the whole Plot. Valerius was much startled at the Dis∣covery, therefore to proceed warily, he first secur'd the Slave to have him in readiness; then sending his Brother Marcus to beset the King's Palace, and watch all the Servants there, he himself, with his Friends and Clients went to the House of the Aquilii,

where he seiz'd on several Letters writ to Tarquin by these Conspirators. The Aquilii being abroad, met 'em at the Gate, where they endeavour'd to recover the Letters by force of Arms; but Valerius, by the help of his Followers, violently dragg'd 'em to the Forum, where he found some of the King's Servants with other Letters, who had been likewise forc••d thi∣ther by his Brother Marcus. The People throng'd on all sides, but the Consul's Sons drew the Eyes of the whole Multitude upon 'em, and several Tumults were like to arise, till both the Consuls came, and ascend∣ing the Tribunal, appeas'd all.

Vindicius was immediately sent for by Valerius's Or∣der, and coming before the Consuls, he related the whole Story at large, and for a greater Proof against 'em, the Letters were read publickly before all, Brutus all the while inwardly burning with Rage and Fury. The Accused Parties pleaded nothing for themselves, but all stood wonderfully astonish'd, and in a profound Silence; till at last some, to flatter Brutus, propos'd Banishment as a sufficient Punishment, and Colatine's Tears, with Valerius's Silence, gave the Prisoners great Hopes of Mercy. But Brutus at last rose up, with a stern Majesty, and a Resolution to do something that the World shou'd wonder at, he call'd aloud to both his Sons, Canst not thou, O Titus, nor thou, Tiberius, make any Defence against these Crimes, now laid to your charge? This Question he put to them three several times, and receiving no Answer, he turn'd himself to the Lictors and Executioners, saying, Now 'tis your Part to perform the rest. Nor could all the Sentiments of Paternal Pity, nor all the sad pleading Looks of the People, nor yet the lamentable Complaints of the unhappy Youths, move the Firmness of his Resolution; but presently the Lictors seiz'd on the two Young Men, and strip∣ping 'em, ty'd their Hands behind 'em, then tore their Bodies with Scourges, and presently after beheaded 'em; Brutus all the time gazing on the cruel Spectacle

with a most steady Look and unalter'd Countenance, while the Multitude look'd on with a strange Mixture of Pity and Amazement. Brutus after this Execution immediately departed out of the Assembly, leaving the rest of the Criminals to the Discretion of his Collegue.

Collatine's Backwardness in punishing the Prisoners, encourag'd the Aquilii to desire some time to answer, and to have their Slave Vindicius deliver'd up to 'em, and not to continue in the hands of their Accusers. Collatine was ready to do both, and to dismiss the As∣sembly, when Valerius, who had the Slave in his hands, wou'd neither deliver him, nor suffer the People to break up without censuring the Accused; but imme∣diately laid hands on the Aquilii, and sent for Brutus, exclaiming against Collatine's partial Dealings, where∣upon the Consul in a Rage commanded the Lictors to take away Vindicius, who laying hold on him by Violence, were assaulted by Valerius's Friends, the People all the while crying out for Brutus. Upon his appearing, Silence being made, he told the People, He had already shewn himself a sufficient Lover of his Country by his Iustice to his Sons, and left the other Delinquents to them, giving leave to every Man to speak freely. They immediately put it to the Vote, and condemn'd 'em to be beheaded, which was presently executed. Col∣latine finding the People so enrag'd at him, partly for the sake of his nigh Relation to Tarquin, and partly for his unfortunate Behaviour in this Business, willingly resign'd his Place, and departed the City. Valerius was strait chosen Consul in his room, who, to reward Vin∣dicius, made him Free, allowing him some Privileges above former Freed Men; and from him a perfect and full Manumission was afterwards call'd Vindicta.* 1.84 This done, the Consuls divided Tarquin's Goods among the People, demolish'd his Palace, and laid the Campus Martius, which he had kept to himself, open as be∣fore, where happening to be Corn which had been

newly cut down, they threw it into the River; and after that the Trees that grew there, which fastning in the Ground, and stopping the Rubbish that was brought down by the Stream, at last grew into an Island,* 1.85 which they call'd Insula Sacra.

II. Tarquin now finding all his Endeavours ineffectu∣al,* 1.86 drew together a considerable Army of Hetrurians, and advanced towards Rome. The Consuls likewise drew out theirs to oppose him, and upon their joyning, the two Generals, Aruns the Son of Tarquin, and Brutus the Consul, imprudently singled out each other, and fighting with more Zeal and Fury than Conduct and Discretion, were both Slain. A very bloody Battel follow'd between both Armies, which the Night parted, but with such equal Fortune, that neither Par∣ty had much reason to boast; but in the Night-time, either from a Voice out of a Grove, as the common Story goes, That the Hetrurians had lost one Man more than the Romans, or from some other extraordinary Fright, the Enemy abandon'd their Camp, and be∣ing fallen upon by the Romans, were nigh 5000 taken Prisoners, having lost 11300 in the Battel before. For this Victory, Valerius triumph'd at his return to the City, after a more magnificent Manner than any before him; whose Example was always observ'd by Posterity. Soon after, he bury'd his Collegue Brutus with great Honour, he himself making a Funeral O∣ration in his Commendation; and this Custom was continu'd in Rome for the future, upon the Death of all great and memorable Persons. There was such an universal Concern through all the City for Brutus's Death, that the Women by general consent mourn'd for him a whole Twelvemonth, which was two Months more than Numa had appointed.

Valerius now sole Governour, deferr'd the Election of another Consul, that he might the more easily settle the Common-wealth himself; but the People

complaining, and fearing another Tarquin, he soon let 'em see their Mistake by his Courteous Behaviour and ready Compliance with all their Desires, even to the demolishing his own House, which they thought too large and stately for him. His courteous and obliging Carriage, and his Bowing to the People in the Assembly, got him the name of Poplicola. He first fill'd up the Senate, which wanted 164 Per∣sons; then made several Laws in favour of the Peo∣ple, and for the Retrenchment of the Consular Power. By one, he allow'd an Appeal from the Consuls to the People. By another, he made it Death for any Man to take any Magistrate's Office without the Peoples Consent. A third, gave Relief to poor Citizens, by ta∣king away the payment of Tribute. Another punish'd Disobedience to Consuls, and appointed a Penalty of five Oxen, and two Sheep; a Sheep being in those days valu'd at ten Oboli, (each Obolus 1 d. 1 q.) and an Ox at a hundred. Another Law gave Power to any Man to kill the Person unheard, who affected the Supreme Power, if he cou'd demonstrate the Crime. The last Law was for the Creation of two Quaestors or Pub∣lick Treasurers,* 1.87 who were to take care of the Publick Monies and Contributions, and appointed the Tem∣ple of Saturn for the Aerarium or Treasury. These Officers were so nam'd à quaerendo, because they en∣quir'd after the Publick Money, and likewise after Ma∣lefactors. Some say Romulus and Numa had their Quae∣stors, but then they were for Punishment, such as were afterwards the Triumviri, for Capital Matters. This Quaestorship was the first step to the Offices of Magistracy, and they were likewise to keep the Mili∣tary Ensigns in the Treasury, to sell Plunder and Booty, lodge and carry out Ambassadors, and seve∣ral other things of the like Nature. Their Number was afterwards very much encreas'd, till in the time of Iulius Caesar they came to forty, some being us'd for the Armies, and others for the Provinces. Of

which, these two of the first Creation were term'd Urbani, the rest Provinciales, and Militares.

Poplicola having thus setled Affairs, held an Assem∣bly for the Election of another Consul; where Lu∣cretius, the Father of Lucretia, was chosen, to whom, as being the Elder, Poplicola granted the Fasces, or Bundle of Rods, which respect of Age was ever ob∣serv'd by their Successors. Lucretius dying a few days after his Creation, was succeeded by M. Horatius, in whose time the Capitol was finish'd, and the Dedica∣tion of it fell to Horatius, much against Poplicola's will, who was forc'd to be abroad in the Wars at the same time. This was perform'd with great Pomp and Solemnity, and with as great a Concourse of People of all sorts. In the same Year was the first League made between the Romans and Carthaginians, according to Polybius; wherein it was provided, that the Romans shou'd not Sail beyond the Fair Promontory, which lay before Carthage towards the North; but were allow'd to Traffick in all that Part of Africa on this side the Promontory, as also in Sardinia, and that part of Sicily that was then under the Carthagi∣nians. From whence it appears, that the Carthagini∣ans look'd upon Africa and Sardinia as all their own, but Sicily only in part; but the Romans included in this League only Latium, making no mention of the rest of Italy, which was not then in their Pow∣er. In a little time after Horatius's Election, the time coming for new Consuls to be made, Poplicola was chosen a second time, and with him Lu••retius Tricipitinus, in whose time a Census being perform'd, 130000 were cess'd and valu'd, besides Widows and Orphans.

III. Before Poplicola's second Consulship was expir'd,* 1.88 Tarquin after his last Defeat, had betaken himself to the Clusini, one of the twelve Nations of Hetruria, and had procur'd Porsena, King of Clusium, and of

great Power, to undertake his Quarrel. Poplicola to appear as magnificent as this King, founded the City Sigliucia, or rather Signia, while he was approaching, which he fortify••d with great Expence, and planted it with a Colony of 700 Inhabitants. But Porsena march'd directly to Rome, laid a close Siege to it, and made a furious Attack upon the Place; in which Contest the two Consuls with much difficulty repul∣sing the Hetrurians, were both wounded and carri'd off. Upon which the Romans were much dishearten∣ed, and flying in great Disorder, were closely pur∣su'd by the Enemy to the Bridge, who wou'd also undoubtedly have enter'd the Town with 'em, had not Horatius Coecles, with only Herminius and Lartius, most valiantly oppos'd 'em. Coecles defended the Pas∣sage with a wonderful Bravery, till his own Party found time to break down the Bridge, then cast himself arm'd, as he was, into the River, and swam over to his Friends, having receiv'd a Wound with a Spear in his Passage over. Poplicola, to reward him for this extraordinary Piece of Service, gave him several great Privileges, and appointed a Statue to be erected to his Memory in the Temple of Vulcan. Porsena held the Siege a long time, and reduc'd the City to great Straits; but Poplicola, now exercising his third Consulship, together with his last years Collegue, drew out his Forces, engag'd the King, overthrew him, and kill'd 5000 of his Men.

Nevertheless, the Siege continud'd, till Mutius, a Man of a most undaunted Courage, resolving to attempt the Life of Porsena, tho' amidst his own Soldiers, put on a Tuscan Habit, and using that Language, came into the Camp, where by a Mistake he stabb'd the King's Secretary, who sat nigh him, instead of the King himself. Being apprehended, and ready to be exa∣min'd, he like a Person more dreadful to others than fearful himself, told 'em, That he was a Roman, and knew as well how to suffer as to act. Upon which he

couragiously thrust his Right-hand into the Fire, in∣tending to punish it for so great a Mistake, all the while beholding Porsena with a steady and angry Countenance, who struck and amaz'd at the great∣ness of his Resolution, dismiss'd him with much Applause, and reach'd him his Sword back from his Throne. Mutius taking it with his Left-hand (whence he had the Name of Scaevola) told the King, That the Nobleness of his Generosity had more van∣quish'd him than all the Terrors of his Threats; and that in requital he wou'd reveal a Secret to him, which no Tor∣ments shou'd ever have extorted from him: That Three hundred Romans in the Camp were now waiting for his Life; that the first Attempt was appointed for him; but now he was extreamly satisfy'd that he had so happily miss'd killing a Person, whose Magnanimity better entitl'd him to the Friendship, than the Hatred of the Roman Nation. P••rsena hearing this, was immediately inclin'd to an Accommodation, not out of Fear of the 300 Men, but in Admiration of the Roman Courage. Poplicola was well pleas'd with the Proposal, and agreed to make him Arbitrator between Tarquin and the Peo∣ple; but Tarquin resolutely refus'd to admit of any Judge; much less Porsena, Who, as he said, had pro∣mis'd him Aid, and now basely falsify'd his Word. Por∣sena, angry at this, immediately made Peace with the Romans upon these Articles, That the Romans shou'd quit those Tuscan Lands, which they had taken from the Veientes, rest••re all Prisoners, and receive all their Deserters.

For the ratifying this Peace the Romans depos'd Twenty Hostages, Ten young Men, and as many Virgins, among which was Valeria, the Daughter of Poplic••la. All Acts of Hostility ceasing, Claelia, a bold Virago, and one of the Hostages, got from her Keepers, and at the Head of the rest of the Virgins, swam over the River Tiber, amidst the Darts of the Enemies; and being all got home, they presented themselves be∣fore

Poplicola; but he fearing the dangerous Conse∣quences such an Act might occasion, sent them all back to Porsena; which Tarquin understanding, laid an Ambuscade for them and their Convoy, but they were rescu'd by Aruns, Porsena's Son. Porsena exami∣ning them, was so much taken with the extraordinary Courage and good Behaviour of Claelia, presented her with one of his own Horses sumptuously equip'd, and gave her Power of disposing of a set number of the Hostages, which she did with much Discretion, chu∣sing out the Youngest, as being less able to bear In∣juries and Hardships. Then to give a further Testi∣mony of his great Respect to the Romans, besides other pieces of Magnificence, he commanded all his Soldi∣ers to leave the Camp with only their Arms, deliver∣ing to the Romans his Tents well furnish'd with Pro∣visions and Riches. On the other side, the Romans to shew their Gratitude, and to preserve his Memory, erected a Statue for him by the Senate House; and another to Claelia, as Livy relates it, which was a Maid on Horseback, in the Street call'd Via Sacra; giving likewise to Mutius a Field beyond the Tiber, after∣wards call'd Mutia Prata. Thus ended the Hetrurian War, much to Tarquin's Dissatisfaction; and soon after Herminius and Lartius, who had so bravely de∣fended the Bridge, were together chosen Consuls.

IV. A Year or two after,* 1.89 the Sabines began to be very troublesome, making Incursions into the Roman Territories. M. Valerius being one of the Consuls, by the Instructions of his Brother Poplicola, obtain'd great Honours, overthrowing 'em twice, the last time kil∣ling 13000, with little or no Loss to the Romans. Be∣sides his Triumph, he had the additional Honour of a House built for him at the publick Charge. The Year following, when Poplicola was Consul the fourth time, the whole Nation of the Sabines joyn'd in Con∣federacy with the Latines against Rome; but Appius

Clausus, an Eminent Man among the Sabines for Riches, Valour, and Eloquence, being much against the War, first retarded their Preparations, then after a short time came over to the Romans with 5000 Fa∣milies of his Friends and Dependants. These had a considerable quantity of Land, and large Priviledges allow'd 'em, besides their Freedom, especially Clausus himself, who was made also a Senator; and the Claus••, afterwards call'd Claudii,* 1.90 became as great a Family as any in Rome. Soon after this, the Tribes of the Roman State were encreas'd from Four to One and twenty, and one of the four in the City was call'd Tribus Clau∣dia, from the foremention'd Appius Claudius; and this remarkable Change happ'ned in the 250th Year of this City, but upon what Account, and by whose Means it was effected, Historians are very silent.

The Sabines having made all necessary Preparations, advanc'd with all the Troops to Fidenae, laying an Am∣buscade of 2000 Foot; whereof Poplicola having some Notice by Deserters, he divided his Forces into three Parts, and taking the advantage of a Mist, fell upon the Enemy on so many Sides, that only the nigh Di∣stance of Fidenae sav'd 'em from being all cut off; the Romans obtaining large Plunder, and Poplicola a noble Triumph. Not long after, Poplicola having ended his Consulship, dy'd; and the People, as well upon the account of his Poverty, as to shew their Respect to so great and serviceable a Person, decree'd he shou'd be bury'd at the Publick Charge, and by a favour pe∣culiar to that Family alone, within the City. This was perform'd with an equal Mixture of Pomp and Sorrow; the Women, by a general Consent, mourn∣ing for him a whole Year, as they had before done for Brutus.* 1.91 In the same Year, Posthumius and Meneni••s being Consuls, the Sabines once more drawing toge∣ther a numerous Army, march'd up almost to the Walls of Rome. As the Consuls advanc'd towards 'em, Posthumius fell into an Ambuscade, lost many

of his Men, and narrowly escap'd himself; which unfortunate Disadvantage put the Citizens into so great a Consternation, that they ran back with all speed to their Walls, expecting when the Enemy shou'd attack the City: But the Enemy making no such Attempt, they march'd out again, resolving to redeem their lost Credit; and Posthumius more con∣cern'd than the rest, behav'd himself nobly, and to∣gether with his Collegue, obtain'd a notable Victory, which had been finish'd with the entire Ruine of the Sabines, had not the Night interpos'd.

For the greatness of this Victory, the Senate de∣creed Menenius a full Triumph; but Posthumius, by reason of his ill Success in the beginning, had only an inferior one,* 1.92 which the Romans call'd Ovation, so nam'd from the Letter O, as it is said, which the Sol∣diers in way of Joy were wont to eccho at their re∣turn from Victory, whereas in Triumphs they cri'd Io Triumphe!* 1.93 Now an Ovation differ'd from a Triumph, properly so call'd, in these Particulars; namely, that in an Ovation, the General enter'd the City on foot, and not in a Chariot; that he was met only by the Knights and Gentlemen, not by the Senators in their Robes; that he himself had only the pretexta toga, the ordinary Habit of Consuls and Praetors, and not the Robe interwoven with Gold: And lastly, That he had not a Sceptre in his Hand, but had only Lau∣rel, and a Wreath of Myrtle on his Head.* 1.94 The Year following, Cassius and Virginius being Consuls, the Sabines receiv'd another great Overthrow at Cures, 10300 being kill'd, and 4000 taken Prisoners; which Defeat forc'd 'em to beg Peace, and pur∣chase it with Corn, Money, and part of their Lands. While Cassius did this good Service against the Sabines, his Collegue Virginius subdu'd the Camarinaeans, who had revolted, and having executed the Ring-Leaders, he sold the rest, and demolish'd the City: And thus ended the Contests with the Sabines for a while.

V. Tarquin still restless and unsatisfy'd,* 1.95 by the As∣sistance of Mamilius Octavius, his Son-in-Law, stirr'd up the whole Body of the Latines to declare War against Rome; and moreover, had procur'd Fidenae to revolt. But the Senate prudently declin'd making War with all the Latines, well knowing that many of 'em were rather inclin'd to live in Peace; therefore at first they block'd up Fidenae, which had receiv'd some of Tarquin's Forces. Tarquin meeting with no greet Success, now endeavour'd to accomplish his De∣signs a more easie Way, by fomenting Differences and Quarrels between the Rich and Poorer sort of Rome; for the effecting of which, he happen'd on a very con∣venient Opportunity for his purpose. For about this time, the common People, who were burden'd by U∣sury, were much dissatisfi'd with the present State of Affairs, especially with the unreasonable Severity of Creditors, who generally seiz'd upon the Body of their Debtors, and us'd 'em worse than Slaves. Tarquin being sensible of all this, sent certain of his Friends with good quantities of Gold, giving 'em some in hand, and promising more after the King's Restoration, and thereby procur'd a Conspiracy of many poor Citizens, and discontented Slaves. But the whole Matter was soon discover'd to Sulpicius, one of the Consuls, who after he had return'd a very civil Denial to the Latin Ambassadors, then present about Business, by a Wile drew the Conspirators into the Forum; where incom∣passing 'em about, he put 'em all to the Sword.

These dangerous Stirs being thus allay'd for a time, the Consuls of this and the following Year look'd abroad, and in no long time Fidenae was yielded to Largius Flavius. The Latines now inrag'd at the Loss of this Town, began to complain of their principal Men; which Opportunity Tarquin and Mamilius so far improv'd, as to procure all the Latin Cities, 24 in number, to declare War against the Romans; withal

ingaging them, that none shou'd forsake the Interest of the Associates, nor make any separate Peace, which they seal'd with dreadful Oaths and Curses against them who shou'd break the Confederacy, who were to be held as Enemies by all the rest.* 1.96 The Latines made extraordinary Preparations, as likewise did the Romans, but the latter cou'd procure no Auxiliaries abroad, therefore were forc'd to rely all upon their Domestick Strength, which Necessity made the bet∣ter sort more couragious and valiant. But in levy∣ing Men, to the great surprize of the Consuls and Senate, the poorer sort and Debtors, which were very numerous, refus'd to list themselves, except their Debts were all remitted by a Decree of Senate; nay, some began to talk of leaving the City, since they cou'd have no happy Life while they were there.

The Patritians endeavour'd to appease the Multitude by gentle words, but all in vain; upon which the Se∣nate fell into a serious Debate about this weighty Mat∣ter. There are some for a free Remission of all Debts, as the safest and securest Method at that Jun∣cture; others urg'd the dangerous Consequences of this Condescention, advising 'em to list such as wou'd give in their Names, and slight the rest. Between these two Extreams, several other Methods were propos'd; but at length this Order prevail'd, That all Suits and Processes concerning Debts shou'd cease till this War was fi∣nish'd. This Expedient, tho' in some measure useful, had not the intended Effect upon the unruly Minds of the Multitude, therefore the Senate was put upon another. Whereas by the Laws of Poplicola, the Con∣sular Authority was much restrain'd and diminish'd by the Appeal to the People, so that no Man cou'd be oblig'd to go into the War against his Will; therefore they found it necessary at this time, as well as upon the account of the Wars abroad, as the Troubles at home, to create a particular Magistrate, from whom shou'd lie no Appeal, and who for a set Time shou'd be the

sole Governour. This Supream Officer was call'd Dictator; Largius Flavius was the first that was crea∣ted by the Senate; and this was the first Intermission of the Consular Power, about ten Years after their first Creation, and afterwards prov'd the Ruine of the Popular State, and the bringing in of Mo••archy a second time.

CHAP. II.

From the Creation of the first Dictator, to the great Retrenchment of the Consular Power by the Tribunes of the People.

Containing the space of 5 Years.

I. NOW was the Consular Power for a while laid aside,* 1.97 and another Officer made, who had more Power than both the Consuls; so nam'd à di∣ctando, from dictating or commanding what was to be done. He was also call'd Magister Populi, and Praetor Maximus, and was always created in the Night-time by the Senate's Order, and Nomination of the Consuls without the People; and was gene∣rally made, either upon some urgent Occasion of War and Sedition, or in the times of Plagues and Famines, or for the Celebration of some particular Games, or whenever else there was need of a sudden and extraordinary Command; and this was often∣times a Means of preserving the Roman Common∣wealth from Ruine. His Authority was absolute, he had Power of Peace and War, to levy Forces, to lead 'em out, to disband 'em, and to act all things according to his Pleasure, without referring them to the Senate; and upon his Creation, all other Magistrates, except the Tribunes

of the People, laid down their Offices, and the whole Government was left in his Hands. He had 24 Bun∣dles of Rods carry'd before him, with as many Axes, and he punish'd as he pleas'd without any Appeal; hence this Office came to be so terrible, that the Edict of a Dictator was observ'd as the Command of a Deity. But then this extraordinary Power was li∣mitted both by Time and Place; for the Office was never to continue above six Months; nor was the Dictator allow'd to march out of Italy, nor ever on Horseback without leave, to shew that the Roman Strength lay in the Infantry. The Dictator upon his Creation, always made choice of another Officer, one that had either been Consul or Praetor, to assist him;* 1.98 this Officer was call'd Magister Equitum, who had chief Command over the Horse-men, as the Di∣ctator had over the Roman People. In the Dictator••s Absence, this Master of the Horse executed his Place in the Army; if present, he Commanded the Horse, yet so as to be obedient to the Dictator's Orders, and never to fight either contrary to, or without his Commands.

Largius Flavius, one of the Consuls for this Year, being, as was said before, made Dictator, chose Sp. Cas∣sius for his Master of the Horse, who had been Consul in the Year 252, and immediately appear'd in Publick with his 24 Axes and Rods before him; which soon chang'd the Face of Affairs in the City. Ha∣ving with these and other Ensigns of Power terrify'd and stopp'd the Seditious Murmurs of the Multitude, he began the Census, after the Pattern of Servius Tul∣lius the sixth King, according to the Tribes, taking the Names and Ages of such as were cessed, and of Chil∣dren. In a short time, the Fear of losing Freedom and Estates, so far prevail'd, that 150700 of full Age gave in their Names, which he distributed into four Parts, taking one for himself, ordering a second for his Master of the Horse, and the two remaning to two Persons Commissioned on purpose, one of which

was to continue in the City for the Defence of it Affairs thus setled, he sent some private Ministers, who dealt privately with several Latine Cities, and procur'd 'em to suspend the War, and make a Truce for one Year, notwithstanding the great Oppositions made by Tarquin and Mamilius, for whose sakes they undertook the Quarrel. Upon this, Largius return'd home with his Army, and before his six Months were out, he laid down his Office, and the Consular Pow∣er took place again, no Citizen being punish'd ei∣ther by Death or Banishment, or cruelly us'd in all that time; and this Carriage was imitated by his Suc∣cessors for many Ages; and notwithstanding the Vastness of this Authority, it was very rarely abus'd; nor was the Commonwealth any ways prejudic'd by it, till Sylla's time.

When the Truce between the Romans and Latines was at an end, both Parties prepar'd to take the Field, the former chearfully, and the latter unwillingly. The Latins were so strong, that the Romans thought it convenient to create a Dictator,* 1.99 and accordingly Vir∣ginius the Senior Consul nominated Posthumius his Col∣legue, who chose Ebutius Helva for his Master of the Horse; and hastning his Levies, divided his Troops in∣to four Parts, reserving one to himself, assigning the second to Virginius, the third to Ebutius, and the fourth to Sempronius, who was to defend the City. Upon Intelligence that the Latines had taken the Field, Post∣humius advanc'd with all speed to the Lake Regillus, 14 Miles East of Rome by Tusculum, where he fortifi'd himself against the Enemy, who as yet were not all u∣nited, but expected Aid from the Volsci. The Romans divided themselves into three parts, and were so con∣veniently posted as to cut off all Provisions from the Latine Camp, designing to starve 'em; but the News of the March of the Volsci alter'd their Measures, making 'em resolve to engage. The Roman Army consisted of 24000 Foot, and 1000 Horse, and the Enemy of 40000

Foot, and 3000 Horse, Tarquin's Son Titus command∣ing the main Body, his Brother Sextus the Left Wing, and Mamilius the Right: Posthumius stood against Ti∣tus, Ebutius against Sextus, and Virginius against Mami∣lius, and so began a bloody Battel. Florus says that Posthumius cast one of the Ensigns among the Enemy, that his Men might be the more eager to fall upon 'em and recover it; and that Ebutius commanded the Bridles to be taken off the Horses, that they might Charge with the greater Violence and Fury. The Vi∣ctory at last fell on the Romans side; and the Battel was fought with so much Bravery and Courage, that it was reported that the Gods themselves were pre∣sent, particularly Castor and Pollux mounted on milk white Steeds. The Latines lost Mamilius and Sextus, and were so broken, that scarce a fourth Part of 'em escap'd; and from the Place of this Victory, Post∣humius obtain'd the Sirname of Rhegillensis; ma∣ny others likewise gaining great Honour, particular∣ly Caius Marcius, afterwards call'd Coriolanus.

After the Battel was over, the Volsci arriv'd at the Camp, whereof one Party was for attacking the Romans now weary; but another Party, willing to ingratiate themselves with the Conquerors, prevail'd to send to the Dictator, to let him understand, That they came to his Assistance. But Posthumius convinc'd 'em of their Falshood by their own Letters which he had intercepted, and giving leave to the Messenger to return, whom the Multitude wou'd have pull'd in pieces, resolv'd to fall on 'em the next Day; but in the Night they abandon'd their Camp and fled. The Latines, now in a very bad Condition, sent in the humblest manner imaginable to beg Peace of the Ro∣mans; and their Ambassadors with so many Tears and submissive Intreaties laid all the Blame on the Nobility, that the Motion of Largius prevail'd in their behalf for the former League to be renew'd. Thus ended all the Wars made upon the Tarquin's ac∣count,

which had been carry'd on for 13 Years. As for Tarquin himself, the only Person left of all his Family, now abandon'd by the Latines, Hetrurians, Sabines, with the rest of the Neighbouring People, who all refus'd to harbour him, he went into Cam∣pania to Aristodemus Prince of Cuma, where he shortly after dy'd, being about 90 Years of Age, and the last King that Rome ever saw.

II. Upon the finishing of this War,* 1.100 Posthumius laid down his Office, and Appius Claudius the Sabine, and Servilius Priscus were made Consuls for the Year fol∣lowing; and now the Courts of Justice were again open'd, and Processes against Debtors reviv'd. This caus'd great Disturbances among the Common Peo∣ple, the Plebeians alledging their Inability of paying their Debts upon the account of their Losses by the Enemies Incursions, and their want of Tillage; which Plea their Creditors likewise made use of, shewing that these Losses were such as made the remitting of their Debts impossible; which occasion'd many Tumults and Quarrels. The Consuls endeavour'd to divert these threatning Mischiefs, by making War against the Volsci, who had lately assisted the Latines; but none of the Plebeians wou'd List themselves, making grie∣vous Complaints against the intollerable Severity of their Creditors, and declaring, That they had ventur'd their Lives to preserve the Liberty of the State abroad, and in requital were made Slaves by their Countrymen at home. Now Servilius was willing to comply in some measure with the Poor, but Appius very hotly oppos'd it as the most dangerous Remedy in the World; and the Disa∣greement of the Consuls added much to the com∣mon Calamity. However, the Senate at last was forc'd to have recourse to the Popularity of Servi∣lius, who with fair Words and Promises perswaded the People into the Field; where when he had by his good Services deserv'd a Triumph, the Honour was

deni'd him by the Insinuation of his Collegue Appius, who represented to the Senate, That by bearing and com∣plying with the Multitude, he had impair'd the Dignity of his Order. The People now expecting the Perfor∣mances of Servilius's Promises, were wholly disap∣pointed by Appius's Contrivances, which doubled their Rage, and made 'em carry all things by open Force, rescuing their Companions out of the hands of the Serjeants, holding Secret Cabals, denying ever to touch a Weapon till their Burdens were remov'd.

These dangerous Stirs put the Senate to a great stand; Appius still urg'd, That nothing ought to be granted to the Rabble; and the better to quell the Disturbances, procur'd a Dictator to be created,* 1.101 which most suppos'd wou'd be himself: But the present Consuls made choice of M. Valerius, a popular Man, supposing that the Terror of the Office alone wou'd perform the Work, and that a Person of a mild and moderate Temper wou'd best manage it. Valerius chose Servilius the late Consul for his Master of the Horse, and he minding the Pleasure of the People more than his own Authority, told 'em, That if they wou'd freely fol∣low him, not only what they justly requir'd concerning their Debts, but other Rewards shou'd be granted 'em; by which means he procur'd ten Legions to be listed. With these he march'd against the Volsci, Aequi, and Sabines, who were all up in Arms; and having reduc'd 'em, he divided some Lands he had taken from the Volsci, among the Soldiers. At his return he requested the Senate, that his and their Promises might be made good, but was check'd for his too great Compliance with the Multitude; and because he was an old Man, above Seventy, unfit as he said to contend, and unwilling to shew his utmost Authority, he imme∣diately laid down his Office. This more inflam'd the common People, who now had their private Con∣sultations, designing to separate themselves from the

Patritians; which when the Senate perceiv'd, order was given to the Consuls not to disband the Army, pretending that the Sabines and Aequi had new Designs against Rome. Now the Soldiers being strictly bound by their Oath, call'd Sacramentum, at their first Listing, cou'd not forsake their Standards; but the Consuls having their Camps nigh each other, by the Advice of one Sicinius Bellulus, they all remov'd to one of them; and then taking away the Ensigns and Stan∣dards from the Consuls, they retir'd to a Mountain afterwards call'd Mons Sacer, three Miles North of Rome by the River Anio, now call'd Taverone.

Upon this News, the whole City was in a strange Consternation and Tumult; insomuch that the Pa∣tritians fear▪d least Civil Wars shou'd insue, for the Plebeians growing extream high, many of 'em left the Town and flock'd to the Army, tho' the other hinder'd it as much as possible. The Fathers had great Contests among themselves, some pleading for the Multitude, others urging nothing but right down Force; till the former sort prevail'd to send a Mes∣sage to the Armies, desiring 'em To return home, and declare their Demands; withal promising 'em, To for∣get their Crimes, and to reward their good Services. But this Message was receiv'd with disdainful Words, and violent Complaints, intermix'd with threatning Lan∣guage; which the more sensibly afflicted the Fathers, as not knowing which way to procure a Reconcilia∣tion, since they cou'd no longer keep the People in the City from going over to the Army. Now was the time for electing of new Consuls at hand, but the Stirs were so violent,* 1.102 that no Candidates (so cal∣led, because they su'd for the Place in white Gar∣ments) wou'd stand for the Office, nor any accept of it; till at last the Consuls by their sole Authority appointed Posthumius Cominius,* 1.103 and Sp. Cassius, who had been Consuls before, and were equally in favour with the Nobility and Commons.

The Consuls immediately call'd the Senate, and consulted 'em about the Return of the Commons. Agrippa Menenius, a very discreet Person, and a great Orator in those days, urg'd the great Necessity of a Com∣posure, and a Compliance with the People, since the Ro∣man Dominions cou'd neither be encreas'd, nor yet preserv'd without the Inferior sort. Valerius the last Dictator se∣conded him, and upbraided the Senate for not believ∣ing him when he foretold these Distempers; that now they ought to heal the Wound before it was gone too far; that there were several Reasons the Roman People had to separate themselves from the better sort, all which had great and plausible Appearances of Iustice. But Appius, accord∣ing to his usual Manner, violently declaim'd a∣gainst the Insolence of the Mob, and the Imprudence of the Senate in any sort of Compliances; that if they granted these Things when Enemies, which they refus'd when Friends, they wou'd not rest here, but require a Communication of all Honours, and what not? So that at last the whole Power of the State wou'd come into the hands of the Rabble. This Speech so pleas'd and transported some of the young∣er sort of his Party, that nothing cou'd be determi∣ned by reason of the Heats on both Sides. This put the Consuls upon dismissing the Senate for that time, admonishing the younger sort, to carry themselves more modestly for the future, or else they wou'd prefer a Law to limit a certain Age for Senators; exhorting likewise the graver sort to Concord, letting them know, That they had a Way to end the Controversie, by referring the Mat∣ter to the People, who had a Right to judge of it, as a Case of Peace and War. Upon which, the Senate broke up.

At the next Meeting, the Senate almost unani∣mously agreed to treat with the People, tho' Appius op∣pos'd it what he cou'd; and Menenius with nine others were Commission'd with full Power to compose the Differences. At their first arrival at the Camp, their Proposals cou'd not be heard through the Instigations of two cunning and turbulent Fellows, Sicinius and

Lucius Iunius, who out of Conceit had likewise affe∣cted the Name of Brutus; but by degrees they were so far appeas'd as to listen to the Commissioners. Menenius finding the Rage and Violence of the People too great to hearken much to Rhetorick, bethought himself of a more effectual Way, and such as was more likely to make Impression; therefore laying aside his former Way of Speeches and Oratory, after a short Promise or two of discharging all disabled Debtors, he in a plain and familiar Way began thus: Once upon a time, the Members and Parts of Man••s Body fell out with the Bel∣ly, alledging, that they were all forc'd to toil and moil to provide Necessaries for the Belly, whilst that liv'd idle and lazy in the Midst of the Body, and did nothing but enjoy its Pleasures. Whereupon they resolv'd that the Hands shou'd not lift the Meat to the Mouth, nor the Mouth receive, nor yet the Teeth chew it; by which Means while they endea∣vour'd to famish the Belly, they themselves and the whole Body were all starv'd for want of the Nourishment they re∣ceiv'd from it. This Story, and his home Applicati∣on of it, had so great an Effect upon the People, that they unanimously cry'd out, He shou'd lead 'em h••me without Delay.

The Multitude were so well satisfi'd, that they were ready to depart with no other Security than the bare Words of the Commissioners; but Iunius Brutus before-mention'd, kept 'em from that, alledging, That tho' they were gratefully to acknowledge the kind Of∣fers of the Senate, yet some Persons of revengeful Tempers might notwithstanding reserve their Anger for a more convenient Opportunity; and that therefore it was necessary for the Security of the Commons, to have certain Officers created Yearly out of their own Body, whose Power shou'd be to give Relief to such Plebeians as were injur'd, and suffer none to be defrauded of their Rights. This was greatly ap∣prov'd of by the Multitude, and closely insisted on and urg'd to Menenius and his Fellow Commissioners; who thought it not proper to yield to a Matter of

that great Consequence without leave from the Se∣nate, but demanded time to know their Pleasures. Upon the Debate of this Matter in the Senate House, Valerius thought the Favour was to be granted to the Commons, but Appius most violently oppos'd it, in∣voking the Gods, and truly foretelling, What vast Troubles and Calamities the Granting it wou'd certainly bring upon the Common-wealth; yet the Majority, wea∣ri'd out with the present Misfortunes, and desiring Peace, gave it in Favour of the People, and Com∣missioners were immediately dispatch••d to ••em with the Resolution of the House. The Commons by the Advice of Menenius, first sent to have a Religious Confirmation of this Privilege from the Senate, and afterwards in the Assembly of the Curiae, or Curiata Comitia, elected I. Brutus and Sicinius Bellulus, to whom they afterwards join'd C. and P. Licinius, and Icilius Ruga, which made five in all.

These Officers were call'd Tribunes of the People, ei∣ther because they were elected by the Tribes,* 1.104 or be∣cause they were first made out of the Tribunes or Co∣lonels of the Soldiers. They were first five in Num∣ber, 37 Years after, five more were added, and this number of Ten so continu'd; and they were always elected by the Plebeians, and ever out of their Body, ex∣cept once, and most commonly of the lower sort, till by a Law made afterwards, they were order'd to be created out of such of the Plebeians as were Senators. They had the Power of Interposing, and the Design of that Power was to relieve the Oppressed, and to be a Shield to keep off all Evil and Mischief. They null'd all such Decrees and Commands of the Senate and Con∣suls as they reckon'd unjust, and of all other Magi∣strates, except the Dictators; and to shew their Rea∣diness to protect the meanest, their Doors stood open Night and Day to their Complaints. They at first had their Seats plac▪d before the doors of the Senate-House, tho' afterwards they enter'd in, where examining the

Decrees of the Fathers, they either interpos'd by the word Veto or Vetamus solemnly pronounc'd, or else sign'd 'em with the Letter T, which made 'em pass. They procur'd themselves to be accounted Sacrosancti, so as by a Law made they were free from all manner of Compulsion, and were inviolable, either by Word or Deed, and s••evere Penalties laid on such as broke it; and lest the People shou'd afterwards repeal this Law, they made all the Citizens take the most solemn Oath imaginable to preserve it intire and untouch'd. As for the Ensigns of their Office, they had no Toga Pretexta, Lictors or Curule Chair, but only a sort of a Beadle, call'd Viator, went before 'em. The want of these Attendants, their not entring at the beginning of the year, and their not laying down their Office upon the Creation of a Dictator, made some hold 'em to be no Magistrates, but rather a Curb and Restraint to all others. Notwith∣standing the disproportionate Greatness of these Tri∣bunes Power, it was considerably limited by these two Things, which they scarcely perceiv'd at the Begin∣ning: The first was their Confinement to the City Walls, out of which they had no authority; neither was it lawful for 'em to be absent from the City a day, Dion says not an hour: The second was their Number, for any one of the ten had a Negative Vote, and this was the only effectual means to moderate the Power which they afterwards assum••d; the Patritians generally pre∣vailing with one of the ten to be of their side, which was sufficient to hinder the Designs of all the rest.

This was the first great Retrenchment of the Consu∣lar Power, besides what had been caus'd by Poplicola before: and now the Commonwealth was turn'd from an Aristocrac•• to a Democracy, or at least to a Mixture of both. The Awe which this Sacrosanct Magistracy had upon most People, gave 'em occasion afterwards to enlarge their Power and Authority, and to be∣come most extravagantly Imperious, assembling and dismissing the Senate, imprisoning the Consuls, and

the like, as shall be more particularly shewn after∣wards: So that they often prov'd the Cause of many dangerous Seditions and Tumults, and were the greatest Disturbers of the Peace of the Common∣wealth, insomuch that they were by some Authors call'd Pestes Reipublicae. This remarkable Innovation on the Government hapned in the 260th Year of the City, 46 after the Ruine of the Babylonian, and the Beginning of the Persian Empire, and in the third Year of the 71st Olympiad.

CHAP. III.

From the Creation of the Tribunes of the People, to the Second Intermission of the Consular Power, by the Decemviri.

Containing the space of 42 Years.

I. THE Commons having got a Confirmation of the Office of Tribunes from the Senate,* 1.105 ob∣tain'd further, that they might yearly chuse two out of their own Body, to assist these Officers. These were first call'd Ministers and Assistants of the Tribunes, but afterwards Aediles, ab Aedibus curandis, because one part of their Office was to take care of the Repairing the Publick Buildings,* 1.106 Aqueducts, and Common-Sewers, especially the Temple of Ceres, where all the Plebiscita or Ordinances of the Commons were kept, of which they had an Oversight. Besides the care of the Publick Buildings, they were by the Permission of the Tribunes to determine some particular Con∣troversies; to look after such as held more Land than the Laws allow'd 'em; to accuse such Matrons as liv'd Scandalously; to punish excessive Usur••rs, and

Extortioners; to restrain Tipling and Gaming-houses; to Fine Persons for lewd and uncivil Words or Acti∣ons; to Correct false Weights and Measures; to pro∣vide Bread-Corn and Oyl in the time of Famine, and to see that the same was not hoarded up, nor the Markets forestall'd; as also to take care that necessa∣ry Provisions were sent to the Armies, and the like. About 127 Years after, were added two more out of the Patritians, call'd Aediles Curules, who shall be spoken of in their proper Place.

After the Commons had obtain'd these Officers, and what else they desir'd, they readily listed themselves to go against the V••lsci, under Posthumius the Consul. He soon took Longula and Polustia from 'em, then invested Corioli, a strong City, and the Metropolis of the Nati∣on; but the Antiates marching to its relief, he left part of his Army under T. Largius, and with the other ad∣vanc'd to give the Enemy Battel. Largius in the mean time attempting to Storm the Town, the Besieg'd re∣ceiv'd him with so much Courage and Vigour, that the Romans were driven back to their Trenches in great Disorder; but Caius Marcius, a valiant Patritian formerly mention'd, with a small Party, most coura∣giously stood the Enemies Shock, and with a wonder∣ful Bravery forc'd 'em back into the Town, whom he follow'd so close at their Heels, that he went in with 'em: By which the Besieg'd were so terrifi'd, that not considering their own Numbers, they fled to the con∣trary part of the City, suffering him to let the rest of the Army into the Town, which they soon possess'd themselves of. Which done, Marcius wou'd not per∣mit the Soldiers to stay for Plunder, but hastned 'em to joyn the Consul with all Speed; and whilst the Armies were approaching, desir'd leave of Posthumius to engage in the main Body with his Party, where the chief Strength of the Enemy lay; and having obtain'd that Post, he behav'd himself with that admirable Courage and Conduct, that the Enemy

were soon overthrown. The Consul gave him extra∣ordinary Commendations, owning him to be the chief Cause of the Victory, and offer'd him a large Share of the Booty before the Division among the Soldiers. But he modestly refus'd all but one single Horse, which gain'd him greater Honour among the Soldiers, and caus'd Posthumius to bestow the Surname of Coriolanus upon him, for his incomparable Valour shewn at Co∣rioli. The Volsci by this Overthrow were forc'd to Submission, and made their Peace. This same Year was the League of Confederacy renew'd with the Latines, and likewise a third Feria or Holy-day appoin∣ted by the Senate for the Union of the Nobility and Commons, the first being for the Conquest of Hetru∣ria in the fifth Kings Reign, and the second for the Banishment of Tarquin. This Year also dy'd Meneni∣us, whom the People out of Gratitude bury'd at the publick Charge, because he dy'd Poor, and Money was bestow'd on his Children. Now likewise was the Census perform'd and 110000 Heads were cessed.

II. The Year following,* 1.107 there was a great Famine in the City, occasion'd chiefly by the want of Tillage during the late Separation. This put the Senate upon sending to Sicily, and several Parts of Italy to buy Corn; but notwithstanding this Care, the Common sort, now extreamly pinch'd with Want, grew very tur∣bulent, laying all the Blame upon the Patritians. This Advantage the Volsci endeavour'd to improve, but were diverted by a grievous Plague, which so rag'd among 'em, that Velitra a Noble City of that Country being exhausted of its Inhabitants, they begg'd of the Ro∣mans to send a Colony thither. Which occasion'd many of the Romans, tho' unwillingly, to be sent thither, and also to Norba, a Latine Town. Upon which the rest were so inrag'd, imagining it a Design to destroy 'em, that they call'd the Tribunes into the Comitium, where they and the Consuls had a violent

Contest; which occasion'd a Law to be made, That no Man shou'd dare to interrupt the Tribunes, when they spoke to the People. This still bred greater Aniniosities between the Senate and People; but the Consuls to divert 'em, and to ease their Wants, offer'd to lead 'em into the Enemies Country; but few or none wou'd List themselves; so that Marcius Coriolanus with some Patritians, and a few of their Clients, made Incursions, and return'd home laden with Booty; the Knowledge of which put the poorer sort into a fresh Murmuring against the Tribunes, who had disswaded them from the Expedition. So that now the City was almost all in a Flame and Confusion, but more from the Infirmity of the Government, than the Disposition of the People.

These Tumults and Disturbances were considera∣bly appeas'd by the happy Arrival of great Quantities of Corn from Sicily, which was bought at a cheap Rate, and half given in by Gelon of Sicily. Now the Patritians considering at what Rates to dispose of the Corn, Coriolanus, incens'd at the Behaviour of the Commons, counsell'd 'em to keep it up at a high rate, and to shew no Favour, nor give any Incouragement to the Inso∣lence of the Tribunes and the Rabble; but wholly to take away the Tribune-ship, as the only Way to remedy the Dis∣orders of the State. Upon Notice of this, the Multitude in a mad Fury wou'd have fall'n upon the Senate, but were stopp'd by the Tribunes, who laid all the Blame upon Coriolanus, and sent the Aediles to apprehend him, and bring him before the People. The Aediles going to execute their Office, were repuls'd and beaten by the young Patritians, who were gather'd about Coriolanus. This put all in a greater Flame than ever, and the whole City tumultuously assembled together, where the Tribunes decreed, that Coriolanus shou'd immediate∣ly be cast down headlong from the Tarpeian Rock. The Aediles strait seiz'd on him, and the Patritians a∣gain rescu'd him, and there was nothing but Tu∣mults

and Uproars in all Places: But the Senate by selling of Corn at low Rates, and by good Words and Entreaties, so far appeas'd 'em, that the Tribunes null'd their former Decree, and set him a Day to Answer for himself before the People. The Consuls finding their Authority was like to be much weakned, after long Debates and much Difficulty, procur'd the Tri∣bunes to sue out this Decree from the Senate, which was granted; and the third Market-day after was appoin∣ted for his Tryal. Coriolanus demanded of the Tribunes what they wou'd lay to his Charge; who after some Consultation, told him, They intended to accuse him of Aiming at Sovereignty and Tyranny; whereupon he chear∣fully put himself upon Tryal, not refusing the severest Punishment if they cou'd prove that against him.

When the appointed day was come, all Persons were fill'd with great Expectations, and a vast Concourse of Country People early in the morning had plac'd them∣selves in the Forum, and the Tribunes assembled the Peo∣ple, separating the Tribes from one another with Cords, and ordering them to give their Votes according to their Tribes, and not according to their Centuries; which Innovation the Patritians much complain'd of, but af∣ter some Debate, admitted it. Minucius, the Consul, began first, Declaring the great Worth of the Person to be try'd, signifying that the Senate became Petitioners in his Be∣half, and desiring the Tribunes that they wou'd keep wholly to their first Impeachment, namely, his aiming at Soveraign∣ty, which they promis'd to do. Sicinius, one of the Tri∣bunes, enviously urg'd all he cou'd imagine would make for his Purpose, putting the worst Construction upon all his Actions: But when Coriolanus came to speak, his Affairs soon seem'd to be in a more favourable Condition; for his graceful relating all his great Servi∣ces to the State, his shewing his Scars receiv'd all over his Body, and the Cries and Lamentations of such as he had sav'd in the Wars, made such a powerful Im∣pression upon the People, that they generally cry'd out,

He was to be releas'd. But Decius, another of the Tri∣bunes, a cunning and spiteful Fellow, stood up, al∣ledging, That he wou'd wave all Words and Expressions, and insist on his Actions, which wou'd make good the Charge of Tyranny: There was a certain Law, that all Booty and Plunder gain'd in War shou'd be appropriated to the Publick Use, and be given into the Hand of the Quaestor, untouch'd by the General. Now, whereas that Law had ever been look'd upon as inviolable, Coriolanus had wilfully broke it: For in the late Incursion into the Territories of Antium, where he had got great plenty of Slaves, Cattel, and Provi∣sions, he neither deliver'd these things to the Quaestor, nor paid any Money into the Treasury, but divided the Booty a∣mong his Friends, which was a manifest Argument that ••e design'd to Enslave his Country; it being the constant Pra∣ctice of all that affect Tyranny, by such Means to procure themselves Instruments for their Purpose. Coriolanus was strangely surpriz'd at so unexpected a Charge; and the Consuls and Patritians being likewise utterly to seek for an Answer, the Tribunes immediately nam'd per∣petual Banishment, and gather'd the Votes of the Tribes, where only nine of the one and twenty clear'd him, so he stood condemn'd by the Majority. This was the first Sentence pass'd by the People upon any Pa∣tritian, and henceforth the Tribunes usually set a Day to whomsoever they pleas'd; whereby the Power of the Commons was very much enlarg'd, and the Inte∣rest of the Patritians more and more diminish'd.

Coriolanus, accompany'd home with the Sighs and Tears of a great many, took his leave of his Mother, Wife, and Children, who all made lamentable Com∣plaints; but he, like a true Roman, with small Ap∣pearance of Concern, bad 'em bear all chearfully, and departed the City without any thing to bear his Charges, attended only by a few of his Clients. Thus he went to Antium, and apply'd himself to Tullus At∣tius, a Man of great Note among the Volsci, of a Magnanimous Spirit, and a Violent Enemy of the

Romans, where throwing himself at his Feet, he begg'd of him to Revenge his Countries Losses by his Death, or his own Wrongs by Rome's Destruction, which by her unnatu∣ral Carriage towards him, had now forfeited all that Duty and Service she might have justly expected at his Hands. Tullus most readily espous'd his Quarrel, and by his Advice sent many of the Volsci to Rome upon pre∣tence of seeing some Solemn Games at that time ce∣lebrated, but with Design to make a Breach between the two Nations. These Volsci procur'd a Person to go to the Consuls, and accuse the Strangers of having some dangerous Design against the City, which im∣mediately occasion'd an Order from the Consuls, That all Strangers shou'd depart by Sun-set. This Order Tul∣lus represented to his Country-men as a Breach of the Peace, and so aggravated the Matter, that he pro∣cur'd 'em to send to Rome, to demand all the Towns and Territories which the Romans had taken from 'em. The Senate receiv'd this Message with great Scorn, telling them, That if the Volsci were the first that took up Arms, the Romans wou'd be the last that shou'd lay 'em down. Upon which Answer, the Volsci made all ne∣cessary Preparations for a War.

Coriolanus,* 1.108 together with Tullus, was made General of the Volsci, and accordingly invaded the Roman Ter∣ritories, ravaging and laying Waste all such Lands as belong'd to the Plebeians, but not suffering those of the Nobility to be injur'd in any part. This rais'd new Commotions between the Nobility and Commons; the former upbraiding the latter with Ingratitude to so considerable and deserving a Person; and the lat∣ter charging the other with Treachery to their Coun∣try, and saying, It was by their Procurement that he invaded their Dominions. Coriolanus returning with his Men richly laden with Booty, was sent out soon after with the sole Command of half the Forces, and taking Circaeum, a Roman Colony, he then fell upon the Latines, who immediately sent to Rome for Suc∣cour;

but the Commons Averseness to the Wars, and the approaching End of the present Consuls Office, render'd their Message of no Effect. But Coriolanus still proceeded with great Success, taking Tolerium, Lavici, Pes, and Bola, all by Storm, plundering them, and making the Inhabitants Prisoners of War. Such as yielded he treated mildly, others he put to the Sword; and the Volsci now so admir'd his extraordi∣nary Courage and Conduct, that they left their Towns bare, flocking in great Numbers to him, and owning him for their sole Commander. At Rome there was nothing but Confusion and Despair, and all the Peo∣ples Satisfaction was by venting their Rage against one another; but soon after, when News was brought that Lavinium was invested, the Commons all cry'd out, That Coriolanus was to be restor'd, and his Banish∣ment repeal'd. The Senate utterly refus'd to assent to this, either out of Desire to oppose the People in all Things, or out of Scorn to have his Restoration a∣scrib'd to the Commons, or else out of a just Indig∣nation against Coriolanus, who was now become an open Enemy to all his Country in general.

Coriolanus understanding the Dissentions of the Ci∣ty, immediately rose up from before Lavinium, and advancing towards Rome, Encamp'd at Clulius's Ditch, five Miles from the City. This struck the Ro∣mans with such a Terror, that now both Senate and People unanimously agreed to send Ambassadors to him with Proposals of Restoration. The Ambassadors behav'd themselves with all possible Respect; not∣withstanding which, and their being Patritians, and his Choicest Friends, he receiv'd 'em with all the Sternness and Severity of a most Injur'd Person; and in a Council of War made Answer, That if they hop'd for Peace, they must immediately restore all the Towns and Territories taken from the Volsci; and make 'em Free of the City as the Latines were; and for that he wou'd give 'em thirty Days to consider of it. And this he spoke as he

was General of the Volsci, and not as he was a Roman, ungratefully us'd, and barbarously treated by his own Coun∣try-men. This Space of Time he employ'd in subdu∣ing Seven great and strong Towns; and at the end of it, another Ambassy was dispatch'd to him, de∣claring, That they were still Romans, and that neither Constraint nor Fear shou'd influence their Souls to stoop to any Thing that is Base, but desir'd him to draw off his Troops, and consult in Common. And that if he thought the Volsci were to be gratifi'd, they wou'd yield to him, provi∣ded they wou'd lay down their Arms. Coriolanus, a lit∣tle more moderate, repli'd, That now he behav'd him∣self not as General of the Volsci, but as a Roman Citezen, and desir'd that having a Respect to Interest and Modera∣tion, they wou'd return in three Days with a Grant of his former Demands, or else he must proceed in his Enterprize. The Senate being reduc'd to this Extremity, their Courages began to fail 'em, and as their last Remedy, order'd all the Pontifices, Priests, Governours of Religi∣ous Houses, and Augurs, all in their proper Ornaments and Habits, to go in Solemn Procession, and humbly to beg for an Accommodation. But this Pompous Train, with all their earnest Prayers and Supplications did not in the least move Coriolanus; he still insisting, That they shou'd either accept of his Proposals, or else they must expect the utmost Severity of War and Bloodshed.

Upon the Return of the Priests, the whole City was full of Tumults, Trembling, and Amazement, the Men running in Disorder to the Walls, and the Wo∣men in Confusion to the Temples; especially to that of Iupiter in the Capitol. Among which, was Valeria, Poplicola's Sister, who put 'em in mind of going to Ve∣turia, Coriolanus's Mother, with his Wife Volumnia, to get them to intercede for their Country. Veturia was very ready to undertake so pious a Work, tho' with little hopes of succeeding; and thereupon set forward, accompani'd with many of these Ladies, her Daugh∣ter-in-Law, and her two Grand-Children. Coriolanus

discovering this Mournful Company, fully resolv'd to give 'em a Denial; but perceiving his Mother among 'em, immediately descended from his Tribunal, and went to meet her; courteously receiving her with his Wife and Children, and carefully listning to her Peti∣tion, which she urg'd with all the Skill and Rhetorick she cou'd, from the Consideration of the impending Ruine of his Country, and of the certain infamy which he wou'd incur if Victorious, and the unavoidable Dishonour he wou'd receive if he were Successless in his Attempts. But this not prevailing, she put him in mind, How much the Sacred Ties of Nature and Religion, together with her most tender Education of him in her Widowhood, had ingag'd him to Obedience, or at least to a Compliance: Declaring likewise, That he shou'd not stir one Foot towards the tread∣ing down of his Country, without first trampling upon the dead Body of her who brought him into the World. And in Conclusion, with his Wife and Children, cast her self at his Feet, Embracing and Kissing 'em; which with the lamentable Sighs and Tears of the fair Train, so far mov'd his great Spirit, that lifting 'em up, and embracing 'em, he cry'd, O Mother, you have gain'd the Victory, most fortunate for my Country, but most destructive to my self; and accordingly drew off the Volsci into their own Country. Tullus, who now envy••d his Glory, represented this Act to the Volsci as the highest Piece of Treason against 'em, and procur'd him to be cut in Pieces, scarce allowing him to speak for himself, as Dionysius relates it. This was against the Consent of the greatest Part of the Volsci, who bury'd him Honourably, adoring his Tomb with Arms and Trophies as a Great General, and a Famous Warrior, and the Roman Women themselves were permitted to mourn for him 10 Months, all acknowledging him to be the most valiant and most couragious Man in this age.

III. Great and many Publick Rejoycings were made at Rome for Coriolanus's Retreat,* 1.109 and the Senate

decreed to grant the Women what Honours they wou'd demand; but they only desir'd to have a Chap∣pel ded••cated to Woman's Fortune, built in the same Place where they had deliver'd their Country, which was done at the Publick Charge. The Consuls soon after took the Field with a considerable Army, but had no occasion to use it; for the Volsci and Aequi joyning Forces, had such violent Contests about a General, as they almost ruin••d each other. The year following the New Consuls, Aquilius and Sicinius, o∣verthrew one the Hernici, and the other the Volsci, a∣mong whom fell Tullus their General. The next Year, the Consuls, Virginius and Cassius took the Field, the Aequi falling to the former, as the Volsci and Her∣nici did to the latter: But the Volsci immediately begg'd Peace, having lost their best Men in the last Battel; as soon after did the Hernici, who now re∣fus'd any longer to contend with the Romans for Su∣periority. Cassius having receiv'd Money and Provi∣sions from 'em as Persons who own'd themselves Con∣quer'd, made a Truce, but referr'd the Articles to the Senate. But the Fathers, after resolving to ac∣cept of their Alliance, left the Conditions of the League to Cassius's Discretion; who now affecting So∣vereignty, and desiring Popularity, granted 'em equal Privileges with the Latines, which together with his Triumph lately obtain'd without performing any thing for it, procur'd him much Envy and Hatred.

Cassius now grown Insolent by his three Consulships,* 1.110 and his two Triumphs, was resolv'd to push on his Design of Sovereignty; and the more to gain the Fa∣vour of the People, propos'd the Division of some late conquer'd Lands among the Meaner Sort, together with such Publick Grounds, which through the Neg∣lect of the Magistrates had been seiz'd on by the Rich. Then he recounted to the People his many Services to the State under his three Consulships, insinuating, That his extraordinary Care and wise Management in those

Times, had shewn him no less than sole Governour; and that since he had already taken Charge of the Common∣wealth, it was but just and reasonable he shou'd continue to do it. This Speech, tho' so strongly ••avouring of Ty∣ranny, wou'd have been far more serviceable to him, had he not brought in the Latines and the Hernici as Sharers in these Lands, which he did to gain their Favours, tho' with the weakning his Interest with the Common People. This Proposal concerning the Lands, met with many Oppositions in the Senate, created Fears and Jealousies among some, and caus'd various Discourses among others: But the Commons Forwardness, and the Disturbances that were like to follow, caus'd the Senate after many Debates, to pub∣lish their Resolution for dividing the Lands among the Com∣mons, withal excluding all new Allies and Associates, as having no Reason to expect a Share of what was gain'd be∣fore their Times. This was the famous Agrarian Law,* 1.111 which afterwards occasion'd such Mischiefs and Di∣sturbances; but at present the Promise of it appeas'd the People, and ruin'd Cassius's Designs: For the year after his Consulship, the Quaestors set a day to him to answer to the Charge of Aiming at Tyranny, before the People; where he was accus'd of a Multitude of Crimes of that Nature; and notwithstanding his premeditated Orations, his many Services, and the Intercession of all his Friends and Clients in Mourn∣ing, he was condemn'd to be thrown down the Tar∣peian Rock, and was straight executed accordingly.

Soon after his Death, the Commons were very ur∣gent for the Execution of the Agrarian Law, which Cassius had set on foot; but the Senate being resolv'd to divert it as much as possible, caus'd the Consuls to prepare for an Expedition. The Plebeians inrag••d at their Disappointment, and the Loss of a Person whom they expected to have been so serviceable to 'em, refus'd to List themselves, the Tribunes always protecting 'em from Punishment; but the Name of

a Dictator, and their suspecting Appius to be the Man, soon frighted 'em into a Compliance; so Cornelius, one of the Consuls, wasted the Territories of the Vei∣entes, as Fabius the other, did those of the Aequi. Not long after, the Commons refusing to List themselves, the Consuls found means to sit in the Campus Martius, out of the City, where the Tribunes had no Authori∣ty; and there they severely punish'd and fin'd such as did not appear, to the great Mortification of the Popular Faction. A third time the Consuls gain'd their Designs by getting over one of the Tribunes to their side; a way they were often forc••d to make use of afterwards. In the mean time, they had several Wars abroad with the Volsci and Aequi, and soon after the Veientes; there being many Ravages on both sides, with some Battels, but of no great Note or Conse∣quence. At home were greater Contests and Quarrels between the Consuls and Tribunes concerning this Agra∣rian Law; the former always declining the execution of it, and the latter as constantly urging it, but with no other effect than the blowing up of Dissentions, and the increasing of Factions. And this was the trou∣blesome and unhappy State of Rome for about five Years together, as may be seen at large in Dionysius.

IV. In the midst of these Troubles,* 1.112 when Fabius and Virginius were Consuls, two Years after Xerxes's Expedition into Greece, the Veientes by the Assistance of other of the Hetrurians, march'd with a powerful Army against the Romans. Virginius oppos••d 'em with another, but was so overpower'd by 'em, that he had lost his Army, had not Fabius came from the Aequi with timely Succour, and brought him off. Upon the Roman Retreat, the Veientes made Incursions almost to the Walls of Rome, to the great Injury and Dishonour of the City; and what added more to their Inconveni∣encies, was the lowness of the Treasury, and the Dis∣contents of the People about the Agrarian Law. This

reduc'd the Senate to very great Extremities, till at last the whole Family of the Fabii, a noble Stock, gene∣rously offer'd their Service to be a constant Guard to the Frontiers, without any Charge to the Publick, which was gratefully accepted by the Senate. They were in Number 306, which with their Clients and Friends, made up 4000, all commanded by Marcus, the last years Consul; and to them was afterwards sent another Company under Fabius the present Con∣sul. These brave Adventurers fortifi'd themselves in a Castle, which they call'd Cremera, as standing upon a River of the same Name, nigh the Frontiers of the Veientes, from which they made great Incursions, and extreamly annoy'd the Enemy. The following Year, the Veientes, Volsci, and Aequi, all agreeing upon an In∣vasion, great Preparations were made by the Senate; Aemilius one Consul, led an Army against the Veientes, with whom was join'd Baebius, as Pre-Consul; Servilius the other Consul, led another against the Volsci; and Furius a third, against the Aequi. The latter soon finish'd his Work; Servilius was forc'd to draw out the War at length; but Aemilius engag'd the Veien∣tes and their Allies, and overthrew 'em; then fal∣ling upon their Camp, forc'd 'em to beg Peace; the Conditions of which being left to his Discretion by the Senate, he made a League with 'em upon Terms so little Advantageous to the Romans, that they gain'd him much Hatred, and lost him the Honour of a Triumph; which so enrag'd him, that he immediately disbanded his Troops, endeavouring still more to incence the Commons against the Se∣nate.

The Year following, when Horatius and Menenius were Consuls, eleven Cities of Hetruria declar'd against the Veientes for making Peace without their Consent, and forc'd 'em to break it. Their Pretence against Rome was, that the Fabii were not drawn off from Cremera, upon which they advanc'd towards 'em with

a powerful Army; whereupon Menenius was order'd against Hetruria, and Horatius against the Volsci. The Veientes not daring to Attack this Valiant Body of the Fabii in their Fortress, drew 'em out by a Stratagem, causing several Herds of Cattle, and Flocks of Sheep to be driven to the neighbouring Places, and laying several great Parties in Ambuscade. The Design•• took, and the Fabian Adventurers were all unfortunately cut off; tho' at first by forming themselves into a Wedge, they gain'd the top of a Hill, and there though wholly encompassed, made an incredible Slaughter of the Enemy.* 1.113 Livy says, That none of this Family was left, but only one young Lad, from whom afterwards sprung Fabius Maximus; but Diony∣sius much questions this Tradition. The Veientes, now Masters of Cremera, advanc'd boldly towards the Roman Army, which lay encamp'd not far off, and might have reliev'd the Fabii: Then taking ad∣vantage of Menenius's Unskilfulness, they possess'd themselves of a Hill nigh his Camp, from whence they streightned him so, that he was forc'd to Fight upon very unequal Terms, and his Army was much worsted. The Romans quitted their Camp, and fled in such Disorder, that had the Veientes been mindful of any thing but Plunder, they might have destroy'd 'em all. The next day they enter'd the Roman Ter∣ritories, and possess'd themselves of the Hill Ianicu∣lus, two Miles from Rome, to the great Damage and Disgrace of the City: But Horatius, the other Con∣sul, returning from the Volsci, overthrew 'em twice, and much eas'd the People, but cou'd not yet wholly dislodge the Enemy.

The Year following, Servilius and Virginius, two experienc'd Warriors, were made Consuls, which gave great Hopes to the People, who were now extreamly streightned for want of Corn and Trade, which was the more felt by reason of the Populousness of the Ci∣ty; for at the next 〈…〉〈…〉 appear'd to be 110000

Men of ripe Age, and three times as many Women, Children, Slaves, Merchants, and Artificers. The People were ready upon every Opportunity to seize on the Stores of the Rich; and the Consuls endea∣vour'd to appease 'em by buying what Corn they cou'd, and causing such as had Corn to expose it to Sale, till their Levies and Troops were compleated. When they had rais'd a sufficient Number of Men, one Night they drew out their Troops from the City, towards the Enemy, and passing the River before day, unexpectedly fell upon 'em, entirely routed em, and clear'd the Hill, they retiring in great Disorder to their own Territories. This Campaign ended, Mene∣nius, the last Years Consul, was call'd to an Account, and severely fin'd for suffering the Fabii to be cut off, whom the People so gratefully esteem'd, that they plac'd the day of their Defeat among their Nefasti, or unlucky days, whereon no Work of great consequence was to be undertaken. The War was still carry••d on, and within two years after, the Veientes were so over∣power'd, having been overthrown in Battel, together with their Confederates the Sabines, and now closely hem'd in, that they begg'd Peace of the Romans: And having purchas'd leave to send to the Senate, with a whole Years Pay for the Consuls Army, and Money for two Months Provision, they obtain'd a Truce for Forty Years. Thus ended the War with the Veien∣tes, after Seven Years Contests on both sides.

V. The following year,* 1.114 Aemilius and Vopiscus being Consuls, the old Stirs about the Agrarian Law were re∣viv'd by Genutius, one of the Tribunes, who boldly set a day to Manlius and Furius, the last Years Consuls, to answer before the People, why they did not divide the Lands. This Quarrel had like to have been fatal to the City, had not Genutius's sudden Death pre∣vented it; after which the Sedition might have been quite appeas'd, had the Consuls born their Success

with Moderation: But, making new Levies, they offer'd to force one Volero, a turbulent Fellow, and formerly an Officer, to List himself for a Common Soldier, and upon his refusing, they order'd him to be stripp'd and scourg'd. But Volero fled to the Tri∣bunes, who protected him, and violently exclaim'd a∣gainst the Tyranny of the Consuls. This diverted the People from the thoughts of Lands, and rais'd new Quarrels concerning Priviledges and Liberty. And the Year after, Volero getting to be one of the Tribunes himself, the more to retrench the Consular Power, propos'd a Law for holding the Assemblies of Tribes instead of that of the Curiae, call'd Comitia Curiata; which was so contriv'd as to take in greater Num∣bers, and to give the Commons much more Privi∣lege and Power than formerly. This Proposal was much urg'd by the Pl••beians, but so strongly oppos'd by the Patritians, that Volero cou'd not accomplish his Designs before his Time was expir'd.

The next Year, Volero, by his mighty Promises, pro∣cur'd himself to be made Tribune a second time; and the Senate to balance him, got Appius Claudius, the Son of Appius now absent, to be made Consul, tho' against his Will, and with him Quintius Capit••linus, who hapn'd to be of a contrary Temper. Appius in a Publick As∣sembly oppos'd the Common's Designs so hotly and violently, and so sharply reprimanded them for their rude Actions and Seditious Practices, that the Tri∣bunes saucily commanded him to depart the Assembly; and upon his Refusal, to be sent to Prison. This Piece of Boldness was so surprizing to the Fathers, that all were ready to rise up in Arms, and the Lictors were beaten back that went to lay Hands on him; he being defended by a Company of stout young Men, an unseemly Contest ensu'd, which beginning with Railings and Jostlings, proceeded to Blows and throwing of Stones. But Quintius, the other Consul, by his Intreaties, and throwing himself into the

Middle, and by the help of the Graver Senators, prevented the Tumult from proceeding to any fur∣ther Inconveniencies, which was ended shortly after by the Night. But all Disturbances did not end here, for within a few Days after, the Tribunes and the People seiz'd on the Capitol, and there for∣tifi'd themselves against the Patritians. This might have been of the most dangerous Consequence, had not Quintius by his mild Intreaties and fair Promi∣ses perswaded the Tribunes to refer this Law to the Senate's Discretion;* 1.115 which after many long De∣bates, permitted it to be put to the Comitia, and so it was pass'd.

This was call'd the Comitia Tributa,* 1.116 where all the Free Romans voted according to their Tribes: Where∣as in the Comitia Curiata, none cou'd Vote but Inha∣bitants of Rome; in the Comitia Centuriata, the Rich Men had the advantage, by reason of their Num∣ber of Centuries; but in this Comitia Tributa, there was no Respect to either of these Qualifications, but all Free Romans in or without the City, Poor or Rich, might have Voices. Another Difference between this and the Curiata Comitia, was the Place of Assembly; that being ti'd to the Comitium in the Forum R••ma∣num, and that with the Superstitious Observations of Birds, call'd Auspicia; but this Tributa was ti'd to no set Place, being assembl'd in a great many several, with∣out any Observation of Birds. But the most mate∣rial Difference between these two Comitia's, was this; in the Curiata such things were treated of, and confirm'd by the Suffrages of the Curiae, as the Senate had first decreed; but in the Tributa, all Things were manag'd without any consulting of the Senate, and were wholly determin'd by the Votes of the Tribes ga∣ther••d apart. The Matters that were manag'd here, were chiefly, The chusing of Inferior Magistrates, as the Tribunes, Aediles, Priests, &c. making of those Law••, ••all'd Plebiscita, or whatsoever shou'd concern the Commons;

as als•• the Punishment of Misdemeanors, but not as to Life and Death; and the making Peace, but not War. This new Law gave the Commons still more Power and Authority, and made 'em still more Bold and In∣solent, to the danger of many a Patritian, and to the Ruine of Appius, whose ill Success against the Volsci this same Year, and ••his violent opposing the Agrari∣an Law the next, made the Tribunes set him a Day to answer for his Life before the People, which he prevented by killing himself.

VI. Still the Romans had Wars with the Aequi,* 1.117 Sa∣bines, and Volsci, and had generally the Advantage. From the Volsci was taken Antium, a considerable City on the Sea, 28 Miles South-East of Rome, which they made a Roman Colony. For nine Years together, none of these got any considerable Advantage over the Ro∣mans; tho' in the midst of these Wars, there hapned a most grievous Plague in Rome, which swept away an innumerable Company of the Slaves, a fourth Part of the Senators, both the Consuls, and most of the Tribunes. The Aequi and Volsci were at last much weakned, their Territories greatly wasted, and Lucre∣tius and Veturius, the Consuls, obtain'd one a Triumph, and the other an Ovation over them. The Year af∣ter this, and of the City 292, Volumnius and Cameri∣nus, the Consuls, having no Action Abroad, em∣ploy'd themselves at Home against the exorbitant Power of the Tribunes, who were now got to that heighth of Boldness as to assert, That the Citizens ought all to have equal Power in the Government; they like∣wise made great Complaints, that the Roman Laws were yet unwritten; and thereupon propos••d a Law to have Ten Men chosen in a lawful Assembly, to publish Laws both concerning a•• Private and Publick Business. The young Patritians furiously oppos'd their Designs, casting the meaner Sort like Slaves out of the Forum. Among these, Caeso

Quintius, the Son of Quintius Cincinnatus, was Princi∣pal, a Person of great Courage, whom the Tribunes resolv'd to make an Example to all young Men, and therefore set him a Day to answer for his Life be∣fore the People, which caus'd new Stirs and Com∣motions. Caeso being admitted to Bail, fled into He∣truria; whereupon his Father sold almost all his Estate to reimburse the Sureties, and then retreating to a small Farm, and a little Cottage beyond the Tiber, liv'd retir'd from the World, laboriously working for his Living.

The Tribunes were much deceiv'd in their Expecta∣tions, and the young Patritians so hotly oppos'd 'em, that they cou'd act nothing of Consequence this Consulship. The next Year, the same Tribunes be∣ing chosen again, they caus'd various Rumors to be spread abroad, That many of the Senators and Patriti∣ans had form'd a Plot, and conspir'd to Murther the Tri∣bunes, and Ruine all the Authority of the Plebeians. This Contrivance was design'd to fright the Senate into a Compliance, but had no other Effect than the cau∣sing great Tumults and Disturbances among the Commons. These Troubles were so great as to give Occasion to Herdonius,* 1.118 a Sabine, with 4000▪ Men to seize on the Capitol, calling in the Slaves to their Li∣berty, which put the whole City into a great Con∣sternation, all being in a Confusion. Valerius and Clau∣dius were then Consuls, and the Tribunes persuaded the Multitude not to Fight, except the Patritians wou'd engage by Oath to create Ten Men for ma∣king of Laws, and suffer the Commons to have e∣qual Priviledges with them. Claudius wou'd have wholly slighted their Assistance, but Valerius finding such pres••ing Necessity for 'em, promis'd upon Oath to endeavour to satisfy the Desire of the Commons when the War was ended. Whereupon Claudius was appointed to look to the City, and Valerius valiantly attack'd the Capitol on all sides, and took it by Storm,

but with the Loss of his Life; the Slaves being pu∣nish'd according to their Deserts, and the rest made Prisoners of War.

This War finish'd, the Tribunes requir'd Claudius to make good the Promise of his deceas'd Collegue; but he alledg'd, He cou'd do ••othing himself, and appoint∣ed the Comitia for the chusing a new Consul. The Fathers, the better to support their Interest, resolv'd upon Quintius Cincinnatus, Father to Caeso lately fled; and immediately sent for him to the City. The Messengers found him hard at Plow, only in his Truss, and a Cap on his Head; but being told of their coming by a Viator that ran before, he present∣ed himself in a better Habit. Being saluted by the Name of Consul, invested with Purple, honour'd by the Fasces and other Ensigns of Magistracy, he was de∣sir'd to begin his Journey; but after a little Pause he answer'd with Tears, Then for this Year my poor little Field must go unsown, and we shall be in danger of Want. After this, taking his leave of his Wife, he departed for the City. There Quintius partly by Cunning, and partly by Threats restrain'd the Tribunes from prefer∣ring the Law; and carry'd himself so as to be a Terror to the Multitude when ever they refus'd to List themselves, and their greatest Incourager when their Behaviour was such as deserv'd it. He perform'd his Office with that Prudence and Justice, and likewise with that Civility and Cour∣tesie, that the Commons were now of Opinion, that they stood in no need of new Laws: Then having finish'd his Consulship, he to the Concern of the whole Senate, betook himself to his little Cottage, and his former laborious Course of Life. The Year following, the Aequi surpriz'd Tusculum, but were worsted by the Romans, together with their Friends the Volsci, and were forc'd to beg Peace: And in this Year, there were found 119000 Free Citizens, according to Eutropius.

In the next Consulship, the Aequi and Volsci were drawn to revolt by Gracchus Claelius, a ruling Man a∣mong 'em, who by his Industry so hemm'd in and block'd up the Roman Army, that it was in great dan∣ger of being lost. This put the City into a great Consternation, so that they were glad to have recourse to a Dictator, and Quintius Cincinnatus was immediate∣ly resolv'd upon.* 1.119 The Messengers found him sweat∣ing and labouring as before; but he seeing himself made Dictator by the 24 Axes, the Purple, the Horses, and other Royal Ensigns, was so far from being pleas'd with the Honour, that he said with great Concern, This years Crop will also be lost, and my poor Family must be Starv'd. At his entring the City, he encourag'd the People what he cou'd, and chose Tarquinius for his Master of the Horse; then drawing out his Troops, he fell upon Claelius and forc'd him into his Intrench∣ments; and Besieging him a while, brought his whole Army to his Mercy, who were forc'd to yield at Dis∣cretion. They were all made Prisoners of War; and in token of Servitude, Quintius made 'em pass under the Iugum,* 1.120 which was two Spears set up, with a third cross, like a Gallows; and likewise made 'em deliver up Corbio. He order'd the choicest Plunder for Rome, and the rest to be given to his Soldiers; then return'd to the City with a more Magnificent Triumph than any before him, having defeated a powerful Army, and plunder'd and fortify'd a City of the Enemy within Fourteen Days after his Creation. He im∣mediately resign'd his Office, and when the Senate and his private Friends wou'd have inrich'd him with publick Lands, Plunder, and Contributions, he ut∣terly refus'd all, betaking himself again to his Cot∣tage, and his old Course of Life; which is one great Instance of the Abstinence of the Romans at that time. The Year following the Sabines with the Ae∣qui retook Corbio, against whom when Levies were to be made, the Tribunes, who were all created a

Fourth time, withstood them again. Whereupon the Fathers with weeping Eyes, made use of En∣treaties, offering to go in their own Persons if they refus'd; which so sensibly mov'd the People, That they promis'd all manner of Obedience, if they wou'd per∣mit the Number of their Tribunes to be encreas'd to Ten:* 1.121 Which the Senate after some Debates, Granted, reasonably supposing, that their Number wou'd prove the most probable Means to divide 'em; but then with this Proviso, as Livy says, That they shou'd never chuse the same Tribunes twice. This done, Le∣vies were made, and a successful War was carry'd on against the Sabines and Aequi.

VII. The Domestick Troubles seem'd for a while to be allay'd,* 1.122 but in a Years time, the Tribunes uni∣ting all together, made farther Incroachments than ever, and ventur'd so far as to Assemble the Senate by their own proper Authority; moreover requiring Mount Aventine for the People to build on, which being a Mile and an half in compass, was not yet ful∣ly inhabited, but Common, and full of Wood. The Senate, after most violent Quarrels on both sides, out of hopes it might be a Means to suppress the Agrari∣an Seditions, granted those Parts that were Common, to the People, who spent the remaining part of the Year in Building, to the considerable Encrease of the City. This Grant satisfy'd the Commons but for a short time; for the next Year their former Complaints were renew'd, and carry'd on with all the violent Heats und Animosities that cou'd be imagin'd, often proceeding to Blows; till at last the Tribunes, having thrown off all Respect and Reverence, insolently set a Day to the Consuls themselves to answer before the People. But this appear'd so odious to many, that they were prevail'd upon to let such a Matter fall, as being most dangerous both to themselves, and the whole State of Rome. But at the same time they

made a firm Resolution to prefer the Agrarian Law, which they agreed to do in the next Assembly, and for that Reason they appointed a day apart for the Comitia.

At this Assembly were gather'd together great Numbers of all Ranks and Qualities; where the Tribunes having spoken very largely on that Subject, several of the Plebeians related what good Services they had done the Commonwealth, and how little Reward they had for their Pains; Among which was Siccius Dentatus, a Man of admirable Shape and Courage, 58 Years of Age, and well furnish'd with Military Eloquence for a Seditious Attempt, who told 'em, He had serv'd his Country in the Wars forty Years, had been an Officer thirty, first a Centurion, then a Tribune; had fought one hundred and twenty Battels, in which, by the Force of his single Arm, he had sav'd many Patriti∣ans Lives, recover'd several Standards, perform'd many great and dangeros Exploits, gain'd 14 Civick Crowns, 3 Mural Crowns, and 8 Golden Crowns; besides 83 Gol∣den Chains, 60 Golden Bracelets, 18 pure Spears, and 23 Horse-Trappings, whereof 9 were for killing Enemies challeng'd to single Combats; moreover he had receiv'd 45 Wounds, all before and none behind, particularly twelve in that Day the Capitol was recover'd: Yet notwith∣standing he had fought so many Years, serv'd in so many Expeditions, receiv'd so many Wounds, help'd to gain so many large Territories for his Country, and had spar'd no Cost or Labour, nor refus'd any Danger or Difficulty; yet neither he, nor any of his Fellow-sharers in his Dangers, had receiv'd the least Portion of those Lands they had gain'd by their Swords, but that they were possess'd by others who had not the least Title or Merit to shew for 'em; and to such too, whose private Attempts, and sinister Designs, better entitl'd 'em to a disgraceful Punishment, than to any Publick Re∣ward. These Particulars he urg'd at large, withal accusing the Patritians of many Designs against the Privileges of the People, and the Publick Peace of

the City; which he did with such Rhetorick and Cunning, that the Commons were almost transport∣ed with the Man. Yet still the Patritians by their wonderful Prudence and cautious Management, tho' with extream Hazard to themselves, so far defeated their Designs, that the Law cou'd not be pass'd.

These Disturbances were a little diverted by the Enemies March as far as Tusculum, against whom Sic∣cius went as Volunteer, where the Consuls put him upon a most desperate Attempt, which gain'd him the highest Honour, instead of procuring his Ruin, as they imagin'd it wou'd have done. A notable Victory was gain'd over the Aequi by his Means, and he reveng'd himself upon the Consuls, by preventing their Tri∣umph this Year, and by getting 'em fin'd the next, when he himself was made one of the Tribunes.* 1.123 Upon which a Law pass'd in the Centuriata Comitia, That all Magistrates shou'd have Power to punish such as violated their Authority (which before was only the Priviledge of the Consuls) But not by any Fine exceeding two Oxen or thirty Sheep; which Law was long observ'd by the Romans. This new Law pleas'd the People, and all now being a little more moderate, the whole Body of Rome began to consider of Ways and Methods to set∣tle the Government more firmly, and to prevent all dangerous Feuds for the Future; thereupon it was a∣greed, That Ambassadors shou'd be sent to the Greek Cities in Italy, and to Athens, to bring such Laws from thence as were most excellent, and most con∣venient for the good of the Commonwealth.

For this great Design, Posthumius, Sulpicius, and Manlius were fix'd upon, and Gallies assign'd for their use, suitable to the Majesty of the Roman People. The Year following, there hapned a great Famine, and a most grievous Plague, to the great Damage of the Ci∣ty: And the Year after, the Ambassadors return'd out of Greece with their Laws, presently after which the Tribunes requir'd, that Law-makers might be

appointed; and after many grave and prudent De∣bates, and some Opposition, it was Granted. The Method that they all agreed upon was, That Ten Men out of the Chief of the Senate shou'd be elected, whose Pow∣er continuing for a Year, shou'd be the same with that of Kings and Consuls, and that without any Appeal; that all other Magistracies shou'd lay down their Authorities till they might be renew'd according to the Laws. This was agreed on by the Senate, and confirm'd by the Peo∣ple; and the Consuls elect, immediately resigning their Office, were made part of the Decemvirate; and also the Tribunes, Aediles, Quaestors, &c. were divested of all Power and Authority. This was a most remarkable Change of Government, as great as that from Kings to Consuls, and was the second sort of Intermission of the Consular Power, which hapned in the second Year of the 82d, Olympiad, 302 Years after the Building of the City, 57 after the Banishment of Tarquin, 30 after Xerxes's Expedition into Greece, and 450 before our Saviour's Nativity.

CHAP. IV.

From the Creation of the Decemviri, to the Third Intermission of the Consular Power, by the Military Tribunes.

Containing the space of 8 Years.

I. THE ten Persons chosen by the Centuriata Comi∣tia for this high Office,* 1.124 were Appius and Ge∣nutius, the late Consuls elect; Posthumius, Sulpicius, and Manlius,* 1.125 the three Ambassadors; Sextius and Romu∣lius, former Consuls; with Iulius, Veturius, and Hora∣tius, all Senators. These being invested with almost

absolute Power, agreed that only one of 'em at one time, shou'd have the Fasces and other Consular En∣signs, to which they were to succeed by Turns, for a certain limitted Time, till the Year came about. And he whose Turn it was for the time being, assembled the Senate, confirm'd the Decrees, and did all other Things that belong'd to a chief Magistrate to do; the rest, to avoid Envy and Suspicion, differ'd little in Habit from private Persons, having only an Accensus, or a sort of a Beadle going before 'em. These great Men for a time manag'd all things with such Ju∣stice and Moderation, that the Commonwealth seem'd most Hapy under them; and Appius above the rest grew exceeding Popular, carrying away the chief Praise from the whole Colledge, having in∣deed greater, and more secret Designs than the rest. At length, having made a Model out of such Laws as were brought from Greece, and their own Countries Customs, they expos'd 'em to the View of all Men in Ten Tables, that any one might make Exceptions. When all were approv'd of, a Senatus Consultum pass'd Nemine contradicente, for the ratifying of these Laws; and the Question being put to the People in the Cen∣turiata Comitia, they were most Religiously and Ce∣remoniously confirm'd in the Presence of the Pontifi∣ces, Augurs, and Priests; then they were ingraven in Brass (some say Ivory) and plac'd for publick View in the most conspicuous Part of the Forum.

The Year being almost expir••d, the Decemviri mov'd the Senate for a Continuance of this Office; and after a great Debate, it was resolv'd by them, to have the same kind of Magistracy for the following Year, because something seem'd yet Wanting to the new Model; but especially because this Office Sus∣pended the Tribune-ship, which had been an intole∣rable Burden to the State. A Comitia was appointed on purpose, where the most Ancient and Honoura∣ble of the Fathers stood for this Office, fearing if it

fell into the Hands of turbulent Persons, it might prove very dangerous to the Peace of the Common∣wealth. Appius had now gain'd the Hearts of the People, and his Behaviour and Actions were extoll'd to the Skies, therefore they labour'd earnestly to retain him in his Place; but he cunningly desir'd to be ex∣cus'd the Undertaking such a troublesome and un∣grateful Work. But at last, overcome as it were by the Intreaties of the People, he plac'd himself among the Candidates; where by a crafty Insinuation of his own Services, and a malicious Accusation of the o∣ther Patritians, as owing him a Spight for his publick Spirit, he not only made way for himself, but for his Friends too. He procur'd to be chosen with himself, Fabius, a former Consul; Cornelius, Servili∣us, Minucius, Antonius, and Rabulius, all Patritians; and Petilius, Duellius, and Oppius, all Plebeians; whom he took in, the more to Ingratiate himself with the Rabble; saying, It was very just that the Commons shou'd have a Share in that Magistracy, which was to Govern and Command all.

On the first Day after their Creation, they all made their Appearance with Regal Ensigns, which exceed∣ingly terrify'd the People, especially the Axes now added again to the Rods, which Poplicola had laid a∣side to prevent the Dissatisfaction of the Common Sort. The first thing the Decemviri did, was their promising each other by Oath, To be of one Mind; to retain the Power in their own Hands; to be of equal Au∣thority among themselves, and to admit none into their Number; never to make use of Senatus Consul∣tum's and Plebiscitum's but in Case of Necessity, Acting most Things by Vertue of their own Power. These things they observ'd with great Exactness; nothing valuing the Roman Senate and People; and exercising their Authority with all Licentiousness: By which Means it came to pass, that they being both Legislators and Judges, many Citizens were unjustly put to Death,

and others illegally depriv'd of their Estates; whose Causes they all formally judg'd, that they might make the greater Shew and Pretence of Justice. Ac∣cusers were subborn'd out of their Dependents, each one affording all Assistance herein to his Collegue; and such private Persons as had Suits depending, had no other way to secure their Causes, but by join∣ing themselves with the Judges Party, so that in a short time most of the Citizens were also Corrupted. And such as were most offended at the Extravagan∣cy of the Decemvires Actions, withdrew themselves, waiting for a new Creation of Magistrates.

One very memorable Thing was done by 'em this Year,* 1.126 which was their adding two Tables of Law to the ten that were made the Year before; whereof one forbad all Marriages between the Patritians and Plebeians. These two together with the other ten, al∣ways went by the name of the Laws of the Twelve Tables,* 1.127 being much talk'd of by many Authors, and extreamly commended by Cicero, as containing Mat∣ters of the greatest Policy, and excelling the Libraries of all the Philosophers. They were divided into three Parts, whereof the first contain'd what belong'd to the Religion of the Romans; the second, what concern'd the Publick; and the third, the Rights of private Per∣sons. These Laws being establish'd, it necessarily fol∣low'd, that Disputations and Controversies wou'd a∣rise, which requir'd the Interpretation, and Determi∣nation of the Learned: Now this Interpretation, or this unwritten Law fram'd by the Learned, was call'd by the common Name of Ius Civile,* 1.128 or Civil Law. Be∣sides, certain Cases were compos'd out of these Laws almost at the same time; which Cases, least the Peo∣ple shou'd make 'em at their Pleasure, were to be cer∣tain and solemn; and this part of Law was call'd Acti••n••s Iuris,* 1.129 or Cases at Law: So that almost at the same time arose these three sorts of Law: Namely, the Laws of the Twelve Tables, call'd barely Leges, the

Civil Law, and the Cases at Law. The rest of the Roman Laws, that were either before or after these, according to Pomponius, were of these sorts; namely, a Plebiscitum,* 1.130 made by the Commons without the Au∣thority of the Fathers; or an Edict of a Magistrate call'd Ius Honorarium;* 1.131 or an Ordinance of the Se∣nate by their sole Authority, call'd Senatus Consultum; or Lastly, that call'd Principalis Constitutio, which was Enacted by the Prince or the Emperor.

But to return to the Decemviri, who now neither regarded the Approbation of Senate nor People; but in a meer Arbitrary Way, continu'd themselves in Power for the Year following, which was the third of the Decemvirate. They so manag'd the Affairs, that in a short time even the most considerable of the Citizens, Patritians and others, were either Murder'd or forc'd to quit the City. At the same time the Sabines and Aequi began to invade the Roman and Latine Ter∣ritories, which did not a little startle the Decemviri, be∣cause they found no means of Resistance without first assembling the Senate, which had been laid aside for some considerable time. At this pressing Juncture a Senate was at last call'd, where Appius in a preme∣ditated Oration propounded the Business of the War: Upon which, Valerius the Grand-Son of Poplicola, first stood up, and, tho' Appius commanded him to for∣bear, violently exclaim'd against the Tyranny of the present Usurpers. He being forc'd to Silence, was se∣conded by Marcus Horatius, Grand-son to Poplicola's Col∣legue, who having express'd great Indignation against the Decemviri, threatned to have him cast Headlong down the Tarpeian Rock. All the Senators exclaim'd against this, as the highest Breach of their Priviledges, and an intollerable piece of Injustice: Whereat the Ten, a little repenting this Rashness, began to excuse themselves, saying, They hinder'd none of the Liberty of speaking to the Matter propounded, but interrupted all Sedi∣tious Orations, which they might do by their Power of Con∣suls

and Tribunes receiv'd from the People, not for a Year, or any limitted Time, but till the great Work of the Laws shou'd be finish'd; until which they were resolv'd to Act, and wou'd then give an Account of their Administration.

The Design of Tyranny and Slavery, too openly appear'd under this Veil; whereupon Claudius, Appius's Uncle, stood up, and very handsomely expos'd the Ar∣bitrary, and Tyrannical Carriage of his Nephew and nine Companions; plainly demonstrating, that this War was solely occasion'd by the present Distempers of the State; withal advising the Senators to resolve nothing till the accustom'd Magistrates were first Created. Many of the younger Sort were of Opi∣nion, that the present Urgency requir'd the War to be committed to the Management of the Decemviri; and others were for creating a Dictator, which Opi∣nion had the most plausible Appearance of any: So that the House was very much divided; many, out of Fear either of the Decemviri, or the Enemies, having alter'd their first Intentions. Appius took Advantage of these Divisions, and look'd upon his own Parties Votes as a ••ufficient Determination; whereupon he immediately commanded the Clerk to draw up a Se∣natus Consultum, whereby full Power of Levying Forces, and Commanding them, was given to the Decemviri; and straight the Senate was dismiss'd, to the great Dissatisfa∣ction of many. This new way of Proceeding made Horatius and Valerius stand upon their own Defence, gathering together their Clients and Dependents; and caus'd Claudius to go over to the Sabines, where he liv'd. And notwithstanding all the Care and Provi∣sion of the Decemviri, great Multitudes follow'd his Example, leaving their Native Seats, with their Wives and Children, and went into a voluntary Exile.

II. The Decemviri divided their Army into three Parts, whereof on continu'd with Appius and Oppius in the City; and the other two were commanded

by their Collegues, one against the Aequi, and the o∣ther against the Sabines. The Aequi forc'd the Ro∣mans to abandon their Camp, and fly shamefully; which caus••d great Joy in Rome among the Enemies of the Decemviri: So thar Appius fearing some At∣tempt, wrote to his Collegues in the Army, to destroy their known Adversaries by any Means, which was Effected upon several. But at Rome, among many o∣thers Siccius Dentatus, the Roman Achilles, as he was cal∣led, blam'd the Commanders as Cowards and Unskil∣ful; whereupon Appius, to secure him, with good Words perswaded him to go as Lieutenant, or Lega∣tus, ••o the Army then lying at Crustumeria against the Sabines. Siccius without any suspicion or distrust, un∣dertook the Employment;* 1.132 for the Office of Legatus was most Sacred and Honourable among the Romans, having the Power and Authority of a General, and the Inviolableness, and Veneration of a Priest. Upon his Arrival at the Camp, he was sent out with a Party of 100 Men, who had strict Orders to Murder him; where he shew'd such incredible Strength and Valour, that he kill'd fifteen of 'em himself, and wounded twice as many, as Dionysius relates it; so that at length they were forc'd to throw Darts and Stones at him, keeping some distance, and by that Means effected their Design. The Assassinates gave out that he fell into the Enemies hands; but the Soldiers easily per∣ceiving the Villany, began to grow very Mutinous; and the Decemviri to appease 'em, gave Siccius a very Honourable Burial, which was perform'd with much Ceremony, and an universal Sorrow among the Sol∣diers, who from that time thought upon nothing but a Revolt; which the other Army lying at Algedum against the Aequi, soon after found a fair Opportu∣nity to effect.

It was occasion'd dy one Virginius a Plebeian, who had a Daughter of most admirable Beauty, and of as eminent Chastity, whom Appius saw by chance, and

was so extreamly smitten with her, that nothing cou'd allay his violent Passion. His own Laws had forbidden him Marrying her, as being a Plebeian; nor cou'd he hope to enjoy her any other Way, but by procuring Claudius, one of his Clients, to challenge her for his Slave; so that the Matter being brought be∣fore him, he might judge her to be so. Claudius, accor∣ding to his Instructions, laid Claim to her; and bring∣ing the Matter to a Tryal before Appius, he affirm'd, That she was natural Daughter to his Slave, procur'd by Virginius's Wife, being Barren and now Dead, and brought up for her own; a thing though known to others, as well as himself, he had no Opportunity till now to make it ••••••ear. This Pretence was so Impudent and Groundle•••• ••hat it rais'd the Indignation of all unconcern'd Pe••••ons; and Numitor the Maids Uncle, with Icilius who was Contracted to her, ••ufficiently prov'd the Falsity of the Assertion. But Appius, resolutely bent upon his lustful and base Design, wou'd hear no Reason, nor mind any Proof; till at last the loud Cries and Mur∣murs of the Multitude, prevail'd with him to deferr the Matter till her Father cou'd be sent for from the Camp to defend her Cause, for which he wou'd al∣low but one Day. He immediately wrote to Algedum at the Camp to confine Virginius; but Numitor and I∣cilius's Brother intercepted the Letters, and Virginius pretending the Death of a near Relation, got Leave to leave the Camp, and come posting to the City.

The next Day, Virginius appear'd at the Place, to the great Surprize of Appius, he and his Daughter both in Mourning, accompany'd with several weeping Matrons, and a numerous Train of Advocates, the whole City crowding into the Forum. Virginius prov'd the Maid to be his own Daughter; but Appius, cor∣rupted by the Greatness of his Power, and inflam'd with the Heat of his Lust, neither consider'd the just Defence of the Father, nor the bitter Tears of the poor Virgin; but was inrag'd at the Pity of the Stan∣ders

by, thinking himself a greater Object of Pity, who endur'd more for her Beauty's sake than she her self did. He interrupted all that pleaded in her behalf, Commanding their Silence, and strait judg'd Claudi∣us to be right Lord and Owner of her. Great Out∣cries and Lamentations being made, as well by others, as the Virgin and her Relations, all knowing she was doom'd to the Tyrant's Lusts, Appius commanded all to depart, and order'd Claudius to take Possession of his Slave. Virginius finding no relief, desir'd he might speak a Word with his Daughter before he parted from her; which being Granted, he dragg'd her han••••ng about him to a Butcher's Stall hard by, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bewailing her deplorable Condition; where catc••••ng a Knife in his Hands, he said, Daughter, I will send thee to our Ancestors both Free and Unspotted, for the Merciless Tyrant will suffer thee to be neither here; and thereupon stabb'd her to the Heart: Then cast∣ing his angry Eyes up to the Tribunal, he cry'd out, Appius, thou Tyrant, with this Blood I doom thee to certain Death! With the bloody Knife in his Hand, in a great Rage and Fury, he ran through the City, wildly calling upon the People in all Places to regain their Liberty; and coming to the Gate, rod Post to the Army, a Company of 400 Plebeians following him.

In this Posture Virginius arriv'd at the Camp, with the Knife and his Clothes all Bloody; where with all his Rhetorick and Pathetick Reasons he persuaded 'em to revolt from the Ten, and redeem their sinking Country; shewing 'em likewise, That their Sacramentum or Mili∣tary Oath, was no ways binding in this Case, because the Oath suppos'd the Commanders to be made according to Law, which the Ten were not, having Usurp'd all the Power and Authority they cou'd pretend to. The Army, ready enough for such a Design, immediately decamp'd, some few Centurions only remaining, and took their Station on Mount Aventine; and the next day, fortifying their

Camp, chose Ten Captains, whereof one Oppius was Chief: And soon after came great Parties from the other Army, who were much Offended at the Mur∣der of Siccius, and join'd them; and this was the se∣cond Separation of the Commons. Appius in the mean time having endeavour'd by Force to suppress the Di∣sturbances he had rais'd in the City, was so over∣power'd by the Parties of Valerius and Horatius for∣merly mention'd, that he was forc'd to keep himself to his House. Oppius, one of the Decemviri, assembled the Fathers, and urg'd the Punishment of all Desert∣ers; but the Senate was so sensible of the threatning Dangers and Miseries of the State, that they were glad to come to any Agreement with the Sol••••ers: Therefore, to compose all Differences, they imme∣diately dispatch'd Messengers to the Army, which had lately remov'd to the Holy Mount, as they had once done above 40 Years before. Where the Peo∣ple demanded to have the same Form of Govern∣ment as was setled before the Creation of the De∣cemviri, which was readily Granted 'em, the People all returning home to the City. Thus in less than three Years time, ended the famous Decemvirate.

III. Valerius and Horatius were for their Services made Consuls for the remaining part of the Year.* 1.133 These preferr••d divers Laws in favour of the Com∣mons, to the great Regret of the Patritians; where∣of one was, That such Laws as the Commons enacted in the Comitia Tributa, shou'd have the same Force as those made in the Comitia Centuriata; which was a great Advantage to the People. After this, the Tri∣bunes, whereof Virginius was one, thought it conve∣nient to call the Decemviri to an Account. Appius was Committed to Prison, no Bail being allow'd him; but before his Tryal was found Dead, but by what means is uncertain. Oppius, the next to him in Guilt, was accus'd; and being Condemn'd, dy••d

the same day in Prison by his own Hands. The o∣ther eight banish'd themselves, and Claudius the pre∣tended Master of Virginia, was driven out after 'em; with which Justice the State was satisfy'd, and In∣demnity granted to all others. Affairs thus setled, the Consuls took the Field against the Aequi, Volsci, and Sabines, and so successfully as to deserve a Tri∣umph; but the Senate gave 'em a Repulse for making Laws so much in favour of the Commons, and so dis∣advantageous to the Patritian Priviledges. The Con∣suls appeal'd to the People, and complaining much of the Senate, by the Assistance of the Tribunes pro∣cur'd a Law to pass, for receiving the Priviledge of Tri∣umph from the People. Thus did the Pl••b••ian Power en∣crease daily, each Morsel of the Patritians Preroga∣tive serving only to add to their insatiable Appetites.

Little was perform'd by the Romans for three years after, besides the Wars with the Volsci and A••qui, which were carry'd on with no great Vigour, by reason of the frequent Disputes between the Senate and People; till the Year 308, the Enemy ma∣king Ravages and Incursions to the Walls of Rome, put the People upon considering the Common Safety of the State, and under the command of Quintius and Furius the Consuls for this Year, they obtain'd a notable Victory over them. This Victory was attended with a remarkable Determination of the Romans, between the Inhabitants of Ardea and Aricia, who had frequent Contests about certain Lands, and had left it to Rome to be Judge. One Scaptius, an Old Commone•• of 84 Years old, stood up, and declar'd, That these very Lands by Right be∣long'd formerly to Corioli, and consequently to the Ro∣mans, who ought to have 'em. The Senate were a∣sham'd to determine the Thing this way, because it had been left to them to be Judges; but the Peo∣ple, ready to make use of any Advantage, caus'd it to be Voted in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tributa; where the Lands

were adjudged, To be the Publick Possession of the Ro∣man People, to the great Surprize of the Ardeans and Aricians, who were forc'd to return home as well sa∣tisfy'd as they cou'd.

IV. The Tribunes now grew more and more turbu∣lent,* 1.134 and nothing wou'd satisfie the Commons but a Share in the highest Offices, and Places of greatest Trust; and for that Reason they propos'd two Laws, one to permit the Marriages of Patritians with Plebei∣ans; and the other to make the Plebeians capable of the Consulship, which they never were before. The Senators took these Proposals most hainously, seeing their Priviledges in danger to be ruin'd, and were resolv'd to endure the utmost Extremities rather than pass these Laws; but finding such violent Commotions in the State, they pass'd the Law about Marriages, in hopes that wou'd satisfie the People, and make them not insist upon the other. This ap∣peas'd the Commons for a short space; but soon after, when the Aequi and Sabines made great Ravages in the Roman Territories, they took the Advantage of these Troubles, and utterly refus'd to List them∣selves, till they were made likewise Partakers of the Consulship, nor cou'd they be prevail'd upon to de∣fer the Matter till the War was over. Upon this, the Consuls were forc'd to hold a private Conference of the Chief of the Senators, where after some De∣bates, Claudius propos'd an Expedient as the most seasonable in this pressing Conjuncture. He advis'd 'em by no means to suffer the Consulship to come into the Hands of the Plebeians, but to create certain Gover∣nors in the room of Consuls, Six or Eight, whereof one half at least shou'd be Patritians: For by this means they shou'd seem not to take too much Power to themselves, and yet retain all their Prerogative. This Project extreamly pleas'd the whole Meeting; and that nothing might seem to be design'd before-hand, they agreed, That

at the next Meeting of the Senate, the Consuls shou'd not ask the Senior's Opinions first, as the Custom was, but the Younger's, and such as were most Po∣pular. And Genutius, the Consul's Brother, was fix'd upon to propound this way of Reconciliation, purely as his own private Opinion.

Upon the Assembling the Senate, Canuleius, the Tribune, upbraided the Consuls with holding of secret Meetings, and of managing dangerous Designs against the State. The Consuls on the other side protested their Innocency, and to demonstrate this more clear∣ly, gave leave to any of the younger sort to speak first, who cou'd not be suppos'd to be acquainted with any private Contrivances, and to Valerius in particular. Valerius advis'd the Fathers to favour the Commons, who had so well deserv'd both in gaining of Dominions, and getting and preserving the Liberty of the City; and urg'd further, That the City cou'd not be Free till there was an Equality of Right. Horatius, and o∣thers, being next ask'd, seconded him; and after that, Claudius being desir'd to speak, the better to conceal his Design, according to his old way, broke out into bitter Invectives against the Commons, and advis'd, That the Law might not pass, neither then nor ever after. This caus'd some Disturbance, but at last Genutius was ask'd his Opinion, who as it was before design'd, propounded this Expedient to the Senate and People, That Six Governors shou'd be chosen with Consular Authority, three Patritians, and three Plebeians; and when the time of their Magistracy shou'd be expir'd, then the Senate and People might resolve whether they wou'd have the same Office, or that of Consuls for the Year following.

This Project was gladly embrac'd both by the Se∣nate and Commons; and leave was given to any Ple∣beian to stand for this new Office▪ Yet so fickle were the Minds of the Multitude, and so pleas'd with the bare Novelty of the thing, that tho' many Plebeians

stood for this Office, they thought none of 'em wor∣thy of that Honour, but bestow'd it upon Eminent Patritians only, who appear'd as Candidates. This was the third Intermission of the Consular Power, tho' the Authority was equivalent; and likewise the third great Change in Rome, which hapned scarce eight Years after the second, in the 310th of the City, 65 Years after the Expulsion of the Kings, and 442 be∣fore our Saviour Christ's Nativity.

CHAP. V.

From the Creation of the Military Tribunes, to the Burning of Rome by the Gauls; which almost ruin'd the Roman Nation.

Containing the space of 54 Years.

I. THE Consuls being for once more laid aside,* 1.135 these new-mention'd Magistrates succeeded, being call'd by the Name of Tribuni Militum, or Mi∣litary Tribunes, three Patritians only being chosen, namely Sempronius Atratinus, Claelius Siculus, and At∣tilius Longus. Thus at first they were but three in Number, afterwards they were increas'd to four, and at length to Six. And tho' these had the Power and Ensigns of Consuls, yet their Number, together with the Mixture of Plebeians which afterwards press'd in, made their Priviledge and Dignity seem something Different and Inferior: Whence a Tribune of the People afterwards in way of Contempt, call'd them a Proconsular Image; and Manlius the Dictator, shew∣ing that a Master of the Horse was inferior to a Consul, compar'd his Power to that of these Magistrates. These Military Tribunes having held their Of∣fice

almost eight Weeks, were constrain'd to lay it down, for that the Augurs found some Flaw in their Election, and Consuls were created afresh, Sempronius being one: So that in Seventy three Days here was another Change of Government, the Old one pre∣vailing over the New.

The following Year they procur'd Consuls again to be elected, and not Military Tribunes, who were Geganius and Quintius, who had both been Consuls be∣fore. In this Year the Consuls finding the Publick Business to increase,* 1.136 to ease themselves, procur'd two new Magistrates to be created, call'd Censors, so nam'd because the Business of the Census, which had been in∣stituted by Servius Tullius the Sixth King of Rome, was one great part of their Office. These Magistrates at first made no great Appearance, but in a short time they became Persons of extraordinary Dignity and Power, having all the Ornaments and Ensigns of Consuls, except Lictors. At the beginning, they were created for five Years, which space was call'd Lustrum, as was formerly observ'd; but soon after, their time was shortned to a Year and half, but still they were chosen but once in five Years, the Census being no oftner perform'd. Their Power was very large, and their Office very extensive; for tho' at first they only perform'd the Census, making an Estimate of Men's Estates, distributing them into their several Classes and Centuries, taking the Numbers of the Inha∣bitants, &c. yet in a short time they became Publick Inspectors of Men's Lives and Manners, and were therefore frequently call'd Magistri Morum; and took upon 'em to degrade Senators upon Misdemeanors, to take away Horse and Ring from Equites or Knights, and to turn Plebeians out of their Tribes, and put 'em into a Lower, and many other things of the like Nature. The two first Censors were Papirius and Sem∣pronius, both Patritians, and the two last Years Con∣suls; and these high Officers were for nigh 100

Years chosen out of the Patritians, and only such as were Eminent and Famous, and had formerly been Consuls, till the Plebeians found the way to this, as they did to all other Offices. Afterwards the Roman Colonies had their Magistrates, call'd Sub-Censors, who gave an Account to these, of the Number of Inhabitants, and their Wealth, which was immedi∣ately register'd in the Censor's Books.

The Fathers were extreamly satisfy'd that they had got these Magistrates created out of their own Body, and the Tribunes esteeming their Power to be incon∣derable, were willing enough to agree to it. In this same Year, the Ardeans, as being Allies, sent to the Romans for Succour against the Volsci, who were call'd in by some dangerous Factions among themselves, and had reduc'd them to great Extremities. The Ro∣mans were ready to serve the Persons they had so lately injur'd about their Lands, and immediately Geganius, the Consul, was sent with a considerable Army against the Volsci, and he soon reliev'd the Ar∣deans, and clear'd the Country of the Enemy. This Victory was very memorable, and the Consul had a noble Triumph, Clulius, the Volscian General, being led before the Chariot. Ardea had now been so dis∣peopled with the Factions, and the late Wars, that they were willing to accept of a Roman Colony, which the Senate sent soon after; and to shew a further Piece of Generosity, restor'd all the Lands they had before adjudg'd to the Publick Use, tho' with the great Complaints of many of the Com∣mons.

II. The Heats of the Commons were still kept alive but for some time were of no dangerous Con∣sequence, till three Years after, Sp. Maelius, a rich Knight, incourag'd upon these Contentions, by his large Bounty to the Poorer Sort in time of a great Fa∣mine, began to affect Popularity, and by that means

to aspire to the Sovereignty. His Designs were soon guess'd at, and he was accus'd of this by Minucius, who had the care of the Provisions; which thing in these unsettled times so startled the Senate, that by advice of Quintius, the Consul, they order'd a Dictator to be immediately created, the Tumult hourly increa∣sing. Quintius Cincinnatus,* 1.137 now 80 Years old, was the Person, who chose Servilius Ahala for his Master of the Horse. The Dictator presently summon'd Maelius to appear, who being well back'd and supported by the Mob, refus'd to obey, now breaking out into o∣pen Rebellion; whereupon Ahala set upon him in the Forum, and kill'd him, and was justifi'd by Quin∣tius, who commanded his Goods to be sold, and his House to be demolish'd. The Tribunes inrag'd at the Death of their great Friend, Maelius, procur'd Mili∣tary Tribunes instead of Consuls to be created for the following Year, now six Years after their first In∣stitution, hoping that some Plebeian might get into the number of Six, which might give 'em an Op∣portunity of revenging his Death: But Three only were created, all Patritians too, and their Expectati∣on wholly unanswer'd.

The following Year, Consuls were created again, and in the same Year, Fidenae, a Roman Colony, re∣volted to Tolumnius, King of the Veientes; and to in∣hance their Crime, by his Instigation, they treache∣rously murder'd the Ambassadors sent thither, who dying thus for the Publick, the Senate generously ap∣pointed Statues to be erected in their Honour. This War in the beginning prov'd so dangerous and threatning to the Romans, that they were forc'd to create a Dictator to manage it,* 1.138 Mamercus Aemilius be∣ing the Person, who made choice of Quinctius Ci••∣cinnatus, an Eminent Youth of the City, for his Master of the Horse. Aemilius, the Dictator, obtain'd a great Victory over the Enemy, in which Battel Cornelius Cossus, a Tribune in the Army, slew King T••∣lumnius

with his own Hands, and by that means ob∣tain'd the Honour of the Opima Spolia, or Royal Spoils, which were the only Spoils of that Nature since the Reign of Romulus. These Spoils were a great Grace to Aemilius's Triumph, and a great Honour to Cossus, they being with extraordinary Pomp and Ceremo∣ny consecrated to Iupiter Feretrius.

Two Years after this, there hapned a great Plague in the City, and the Fidenates and Veientes press'd so hard upon the Romans, that they were forc'd to have recourse to another Dictator;* 1.139 and Servilius Priscus was created, who chose Aebutius Elva for his Ma∣ster of the Horse. Servilius was so successful, as not only to drive the Enemy back, but to take the Town of Fidenae, which he did by a Mine. The taking of Fidenae was so disadvantageous to the E∣nemy, that the Veientes sent to all their Neighbours about for Succour, threatning no less than entire De∣struction to Rome. These formidable Preparations put the Romans upon creating another Dictator, a lit∣tle above a Year after the last,* 1.140 which was Aemilius, who had been Dictator three Years before, and he chose Posthumius Tubertus for his Master of the Horse. In a short time, the Romans found that the Veientes cou'd procure no Aid, so the Dictator had little Em∣ployment abroad; but resolving to do something at home, he caus'd the Censorship to be reduc'd to a Year and a half, which was eight Years after its first In∣stitution, and then laid down his Office. The Cen∣sors from this took an Occasion to remove him out of his Tribe, which so inrag'd the People, that the next time they procur'd Military Tribunes to be brought in again, after there had been Consuls four Years: And in this Election, notwithstanding the great In∣dustry of the Tribunes of the People, they cou'd not get in one of the Commons, which was a great Mortification to the Multitude.

At two years end, the Senate took occasion from the Wars of the Aequi and Volsci to bring in Consuls again; and partly for the Enemies great Preparati∣ons, and partly for the violent Humour of the Tri∣bunes of the People, a Dictator was likewise created, tho' against the Consuls Consent.* 1.141 This was Posthumi∣us Tubero, who had Iulius Vopiscus for his Master of the Horse, who having finish'd this War successfully, tri∣umph'd and laid down his Office. For four Years after this, they had Consuls, in which space little was acted abroad or at home; then the Commons pre∣vail'd to have Military Tribunes again created,* 1.142 which was now the fifth time, and they had four in Num∣ber, but still they cou'd not bring about their De∣signs. In this Year Fidenae revolted again, and joyn'd with the Veientes; whereupon three of the Consular Tribunes were sent against the Enemy, and the fourth left to govern the City. When they proceeded to an Engagement, one of the Tribunes cry'd Charge, another cry'd Halt, all three being of a several Mind, till there was such Confusion, that the Romans betook them∣selves to their Heels and fled; which sufficiently con∣vinc'd 'em of the Folly of having several Generals in one Army. The City upon this was put into such a Consternation, that immediately a Dictator was crea∣ted, which was Aemilius,* 1.143 a third time, who chose Cossus, who had obtain'd the last Opima Spolia, for his Master of the Horse. By the Prudence and Valour of these two, the Veientes were overthrown, and Fidenae once more taken and plunder'd: Then Aemilius re∣turning to Rome in Triumph, laid down his Office, after he had held it but 17 Days.

For two Years after this, Military Tribunes conti∣nu'd; at the end of which, the Senate took Occasion from the War with the Volsci, and the Absence of those Magistrates, to bring in Consuls again, notwith∣standing the Tribunes of the People oppos'd it as much as possible. But Sempronius, one of the Consuls,

managing this War very carelesly, the Tribunes from thence took advantage, and Military Tribunes were created again the next Year. This was for one Year, at the end of which, the Senate procur'd Con∣suls to be made again; and Capitolinus, one of 'em, gain'd advantage enough over the Aequi, to procure him an Ovation. When this Year was expir'd, there hapned so great a Contention about two Quaestors or Treasurers, whom the Commons wou'd have created out of their Body, that the State fell into an Inter∣regnum. Papirius being Interrex, for a Composure, procur'd Military Tribunes to be again admitted, and four Quaestors (which was two more than formerly) to be created either out of the Patritians or Plebeians,* 1.144 as the People shou'd think most proper in their Comitia. Notwithstanding this, tho' many of the Commons striv'd for it, not one of 'em cou'd get to be either Military Tribune, or so much as Quaestor, which much incens'd the People. In the second Year after this, Military Tribunes still continuing, the Slaves conspir'd to Fire the City, and seize on the Capitol; but the Plot was timely found out, and the Discoverers great∣ly rewarded. The following Year, the Aequi joyn'd with the People of Lavicum, press'd hard upon the Roman Territories, and the Consular Tribunes quarrel∣ling among themselves for the Superiority, they got great Advantages;* 1.145 insomuch, that a Dictator was created, which was Servilius Priscus, a second time, who chose his Son Axilla for his Master of the Horse. Servilius soon dispatch'd his Business, and laid down his Office, after he had kept it but eight Days.

After this, for four Years successively, were Milita∣ry Tribunes instead of Consuls, till new Contentions ari∣sing between the Patritians and Plebeians, tho' partly from old Heart-burnings, and especially upon the ac∣count of the Agrarian Law, the State fell again in∣to an Interregnum. Fabius being Interrex, brought in

Consuls again, which Government continu'd for five Years longer, in which space of time not very much was transacted either abroad or at home. In the fifth Year, the Commons being cross'd in their De∣signs of bringing in Military Tribunes, bestirr'd them∣selves so much, as to procure three of the Quaestors to be created out of their own Rank, who were the first Plebeian Quaestors that ever were in Rome.* 1.146 The Aequi and the Volsci, strengthn'd by Confederacies, made great Ravages in the Roman Dominions; and the Commons refusing to List themselves according to their usual Custom, procur'd Military Tribunes again, who march'd against the Enemy, but with so little Success,* 1.147 that a Dictator was thought necessary to be created. This was Cornelius Cossus, formerly mention'd, who appointed Servilius Ahala for his Master of the Horse, and march'd against the Enemy, overthrew 'em in one Battel, wasted their Country, and then return'd. Two Years after, the Patritians and Plebeians were in some measure reconcil'd by means of the great Plunder of Anxur or Terracina, taken from the Volsci; but especially by a Decree of the Senate for the Publick Pay of the Army with Brass Money, before which time every Soldier bore his own Charges in the War, as was hinted formerly; and this was the first time of the paying of Soldiers in Rome, which hapned in the 347th Year of the City. The taking of Anxur, and some other Places from the Volsci, in a short time brought 'em to a Peace; and now the Roman Dominions were considerably in∣creas••d.

III. About the same time,* 1.148 War was proclaim'd against the Veientes with that Resolution, and carry'd on with that Vigour, that it was evident that one of the two Cities must fall. Veii was an exceeding large strong and wealthy City, and had not only been a Rival to Rome for many Years, but had always been

so perfidious, that a full Revenge was necessary. The Romans invested the City, but it being seated upon a craggy Rock, they soon found it wou'd cost 'em several Years Siege; so that they were constrain'd to carry it on both Winter and Summer, the Soldiers lying under Beast-skins. At this the Tribunes of the People began to repine, as a thing wholly new and dangerous; complaining likewise of the Payment of Soldiers as an Innovation, and an unjust Artifice to ruine the Commons. And the next Year, they got the Number of the Military Tribunes to be increased from four to six,* 1.149 as it was at first design••d, but still cou'd not procure one Plebeian to be elected; and this Number continu'd always for the future. New Stirs daily arose, notwithstanding the great Diversion by War; sometimes upon the account of the little Succes•• against Veii, the Tribunes blaming the Commanders, and prohibiting the Taxes which had been laid upon the City ever since the Soldiers had receiv'd Pay. About six Years after, they renew'd their ancient Contest about the Agrarian Law, and carry'd it on so far as to get it promulg'd among themselves, tho' not in the Senate: And in the same Year, after much Trouble and Pains,* 1.150 they procur'd one Plebeian to be elected into the Consular Tribunes, Licinius Cal∣vus being the Person. They extreamly applauded themselves for this, it being the first time that the Commons cou'd make themselves sharers in the high∣est Offices; and now they most readily permitted the Pay of the Army to be gather'd, all Stirs being for a while laid aside.

The Siege of Veii was still carry'd on from Year to Year, but with various Success, and under divers Commanders; sometimes all the Besieger's Works were destroy'd, and the Men driven back with great Loss by Sallies from the Town: Then the Falisci, one of the twelve Nations of Hetruria, join'd with the Veientes, and very much annoy'd the Romans, some∣times

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to the great hazard of their whole Army. Be∣sides, the Roman Forces were much diverted by the Volsci, who suddenly took Anxur; and tho' in no long time it was retaken, yet still it was great hin∣derance to the Siege of Veii. In the third Year of this Siege, Furius Camillus, a Person extraordinary for Courage and Valour, as well as other Excellencies, was made one of the Censors. He finding the Wars lay heavy, caus'd the Batchelors to marry the Wid∣dows of such as had lost their Lives for their Coun∣try; and likewise was the first, who oblig'd Orphans to pay Taxes. Two Years after, he was made one of the Military Tribunes, but little fell to his Share then. Three Years after that, which was the eighth Year of the Siege, he was a second time made Military Tribune, in which time he march'd a∣gainst the Falisci and Capenates, both Confederates of the Veientes, and great Disturbers of the Romans in the Siege, and forc'd them all into their Towns of Defence.

The tediousness of the Siege, made the Romans re∣solve to carry it on with the utmost Vigour; and for that reason they created Camillus Dictator,* 1.151 and he appointed Corn••lius Scipio for his Master of the Horse. Camillus drew out all the Forces he cou'd raise, and made a solemn Vow, that if he took Veii, he wou'd dedicate the tenth Part of the Plunder to Apollo; Then marching into the Country of the Falisci, he overthrew 'em in a great Battel, together with the Capenates their Confederates; and after that, he turn'd all his Forces against Veii, all People greatly expecting the Avent of this important Siege. Camil∣lus finding it very hazardous to attempt the storming a Place of that Strength both by Art and Nature, secretly wrought a Mine into it with vast La∣bour; and finding the City incapable of Relief, sent to the Senate, who order'd all who had a desire to share in the rich Spoils, immediately to repair to the

Army, which caus'd great Multitudes of all Ranks to go thither. Camillus at an appointed time order'd a Party of Men to enter the Mine, who with ease became Masters of the City, to the great Amaze∣ment of the Besieged. Thus was the rich and strong City of Veii taken, like a second Troy, after Ten Years Siege, which enrich'd the Romans with vast Plunder. As for Camillus himself, he transported with the Honour of subduing the great Rival of Rome, triumph'd after a more magnificent Manner than ordinary, having his Chariot drawn by four Milk-white Steeds; a thing which the Romans look'd upon as Sacred and peculiar to the King and Father of the Gods, and therefore they were much offended at his Carriage: And indeed no Man either before or since him ever assum'd so much Honour to himself.

Soon after the taking of Veii, the Tribunes of the People, who were ever restless, propos'd a Law to divide the Senate and People into two Parts, where∣of one should stay at Rome, and the other remove to Veii, and there settle; this Separation, as they imagin'd, being a ready means for the enriching of both by the Possession of two such considerable Ci∣ties. The Plebeians, now Rich as well as Numerous, press'd hard for this Division; but the Patritians judg∣ing it wou'd prove the Ruine of the State, as ear∣nestly oppos'd it, betaking themselves to Camillus, who by prudently employing, and variously divert∣ing the Multitude, with much difficulty put it off, but with the Hatred of many of the Commons. But not long after, there hapned a greater and more apparent Cause of their Hatred to him, occasi∣on'd by his neglecting, either through Business or Forgetfulness, while he continu'd Dictator, to offer those Tenths of the Spoils of Veii, which at the be∣ginning of his Expedition he had vow'd to Apollo. When therefore he had laid down his Office, he mov'd the People to restore the Tenths of what they had

receiv'd; and the Priests also reported that all the Sacrifices portended the Anger of the Gods, which must be appeas'd by Gifts. So that the Soldiers, who had already spent what they had gain••d upon their necessary Occasions, were forc'd upon Oath to re∣store the tenth Part to Apollo, which was look'd upon as a very hard Injunction, and caus'd great Murmu∣rings among the People. Now, because there was little Gold in the City, the Ladies freely contributed their Dresses and Ornaments, which amounted to eight Talents in Gold. And the Senate in requital of this generous Act, decreed that Women shou'd for the future have the Priviledge and Honour of Funeral Orations, which before had never been al∣low••d ••em.

The Commons still grew more turbulent and Uneasie, and moving again for a Separation, the War with the Falisci happily fell out to divert them; for which Camillus was made Military Tribune a third time.* 1.152 He soon invested Falerii, the chief City, a large and strong Place, 25 Miles almost North-West of Rome, where the School-Master of the Town drew 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his ••oys into the Roman Trenches, and offer'd him to betray the Town, by delivering up the Sons of the Nobility and Magistrates. Camillus's noble Spirit wou'd not permit him to hearken to such Baseness, but out of an extraordinary Greatness of Mind, he immediately order'd the School-Master to be stripp••d, his Hands ty'd behind him, and in that ignominious Manner to be whipp'd into the Town by his own Boys. The Magistrates were so affected with the great Generosity of the Roman, that they immediately yielded; and the Senate leaving the Conditions to Camillus, he only fin'd them a Summ of Money, and receiv'd 'em with all the Falisci into Friendship. But the Soldiers, who expected great Plunder, were extreamly disgusted, and from that Instant sought his Ruine. This same Year, the Se∣nate

with much difficulty procur'd Consuls to be cho∣sen, instead of Military Tribunes, after an Intermis∣sion of 15 Years. And the Year following, Consuls also were chosen again; but in the third Year, Military Tribunes, in which time the Tribunes of the People mov'd again for a Separation, but were so sharply oppos'd by Camillus, that in Revenge they accus'd him of fraudulent Practices in the Plunder of the late Wars. Camillus finding the Multitude exasperated against him for several Reasons, and that they were now ready to condemn him, left the City; but first lifting up his Hands towards the Capitol, he pray'd, That if his Banishment were unjust, and meerly the ef∣fect of the Rage and Malice of the Multitude, they might suddenly repent it; and that it might visibly ap∣pear to the World, how much the Romans were oblig'd by his Actions, and stood in need of his Presence. Thus, like Achilles, leaving his Imprecations on the Citi∣zens, he went into Banishment, being fin'd 15000 Asses.

IV. About this same time,* 1.153 many thousands of the Gauls finding their own Country too narrow for them, and desirous of removing, under the Conduct of Brennus their King, broke into Hetruria, and in∣vested Clusium, a City in Alliance with Rome. These were the Galli Senones, a very numerous and war∣like People inhabiting most of that Part of Italy, which now goes by the Name of Lombardy, and which the Hetrurians had been Masters of before them; a People vast in Body, rude by Nature, bar∣barous in Conditions, and wandering as Rovers over many Countries. The Inhabitants of Clusium, much affrighted at their great Numbers, and dread∣ful Looks, sent immediately to Rome, begging that State to interpose by sending Ambassadors and Let∣ters to disswade these unjust Aggressors from pro∣ceeding in their Enterprize. The Senate willing to

perform this friendly Part, dispatch'd Ambassadors to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, chusing out three of the Family of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Persons of the greatest Quality, and the most Honourable in the City, for that Office. The Gauls at first receiv'd 'em courteously enough; and coming to a Conference with 'em, the Ambassadors de∣manded the Reason of this their present Underta∣king, and what Injury the Clusians had done them: Brennus made answer somewhat sharply, That they had much injur'd 'em by refusing to part with some of their Lands, when they had more than they themselves cou'd easily manage; and this was nothing more than what the Romans themselves had done to the Albans, the Fidenates, the Ardeates, the Veientes, and many other People that they made War with. These Reflecti∣ons so enrag'd the Ambassadors, that they immedi∣ately stirr••d up the Inhabitants to make a Sally a∣gainst the Besiegers, they themselves heading 'em. It hapned, that in the midst of the Fight, Fabius Am••usius, one of the Three, kill••d a Gaul of huge Bulk, and was discover'd while he was disarming of him; whereupon Brennus mov'd with a just Indig∣nation, immediately broke up the Siege, and march'd directly for Rome.

Brennus, that he might not seem to do any thing meanly or unjustly, sent first to Rome, demanding the Ambassadors to be deliver'd up, as having broken the Law of Nations. But Favour so far prevail'd above Equity, that the Matter being referr••d from the Senate to the People, no Satisfaction cou'd be had from either: Nay, further, the Ambassadors themselves, were with three others created Military Tribunes for carrying on the War. The Gauls hearing this, in a great Rage hastned their March, breathing out nothing Revenge and Destruction to Rome. The Places through which they march'd, were so terrify'd with their Numbers, the Fierceness of their Natures, and their dreadful Preparations of War,

that they gave their Countries for lost. But contrary to their Expectations, they did no Injury as they march'd, crying, That the Romans only were their Enemies, and that they took all others for their Friends. The Romans met 'em at the River Allia, 11 Miles from the City, with an Army of 40000 Foot, but most of 'em raw and unskilful Men,* 1.154 and what was more dangerous, under the Conduct of several Com∣manders. In this Condition they engag'd the Gauls, without either Order or Discipline, or scarce any Courage, and were miserably defeated. The Left Wing was immediately driven into the River, and there intirely cut off: The Right escap'd better, tho' with great Loss, some dropping into Rome; the rest, as many as escap'd, stole by Night to Veii, giving Rome for lost, and all that was in it for ruin'd. This Day was ever after branded for an unlucky Day by the Romans, wherein no Work of Note was to be done, and was call'd Alliensis in their Kalendar.

Never was Rome in the like Consternation, as at the News of the loss of this Battel, and the sudden Ap∣proach of the Enemy: Nothing but miserable Howl∣ings and Lamentations were heard on all Parts, some leaving the City, others creeping into Holes, Priests hiding their Relicks, Women running like distracted Persons with their Children in their Arms, and every one shifting for himself; so that Rome became aban∣don'd, and was left open to the Rage and Fury of the Enemy. For they who resolv'd to stay at Rome, quitting the rest of the City, betook themselves to the Capitol, which they fortify'd, in order to hold out a Siege. Only some of the Pontifices and Priests, and the most ancient of the Senators, such as had been honour'd with several Consulships and Triumphs, who cou'd not endure to think of leaving the City, put on all their Robes of State, plac'd themselves in the Forum on their Ivory Chairs, resolving since they had liv'd in Honour, to die in State, and in that no∣ble

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Posture expected the utmost of what wou'd follow.

On the third Day after the Victory, the Easiness of which much amaz'd the Gauls, Brennus appear'd with all his Forces before the City, and finding the Gates wide open, the Walls unguarded, and all things defenceless, began to suspect at first some Stratagem of the Romans; but after a little Consideration, he enter'd the City, and marching into the Forum, he was more surpriz'd than ever, to find so many Men sitting all in that remarkable Order, and pro∣found Silence, like so many Statues. Their splendid Habits and Ornaments, their steddy Unconcern'd∣ness, their Majestick Gravity, their venerable Looks, together with that Air of Greatness which appear'd in 'em, made the Gauls imagine 'em to be an Assembly of the Gods, or at least somewhat more than Hu∣man; till one Bolder than the rest stroaking Papiri∣us's Beard, was struck by him with his Ivory Staff, whereupon he immediately kill'd the old Man. Up∣on which began the Slaughter, the rest of the Gauls following his Example, set upon the rest, and kill'd 'em all without Mercy or Distinction; and continu∣ing their Rage and Fury, dispatch'd all that came in their Way. In this Manner they proceeded, Sack∣ing and Plundering the Houses for many days toge∣ther; then setting the whole City in Flames, burnt down every House to the Ground.

Thus was the famous City of Rome laid all in Ashes, except the Capitol; occasion'd by the Romans manifest Breach of Justice, and the Laws of Nati∣ons. This hapned 364 Years after it was first built, 119 after the Expulsion of the Kings, Anno Mun∣di 3615, in the third Year of the 97th Olympiad, 60 Years before the Ruine of the Persian Empire, and the setting up of the Macedonian by Alexan∣der the Great, and 388 before our Saviour Christ's Nativity.

CHAP. VI.

From the Burning of Rome by the Gauls, to the War with the Samnites; when the Ro∣mans began much to extend their Conquests.

Containing the space of 46 Years.

I. ROme now felt the utmost Afflictions and Seve∣rities of Fire and Sword,* 1.155 and was the true Scene of all kind of Misery and Desolation; the Town deserted by its Inhabitants, and all its stately Buildings a heap of Rubbish; no hopes being left but in the Capitol, which was now closely besieg'd by the Gauls, and in the Banish'd Camillus, whose Presence was now heartily wish'd for. While the Gauls lay before the Capitol, they sent out many Parties to Forage in all the Country about, who ra∣vag'd and destroy'd all the Towns and Villages they arriv'd at; and that with the greatest Carelesness and Security imaginable, conceiving no sort of Op∣position, or any manner of Danger. But the great∣est and best order'd Body of their Forces approach∣ing Ardea, Camillus, who had liv'd there a retir'd Life, began to rouse himself from the sullen Resent∣ments of his Wrongs, to the moving Considerations of the Miseries of his Country; and by a brave and incouraging Speech perswaded all the Ardeans, that were able to bear Arms, to fall upon the Enemy in the Night time; which was done so effectually, that scarce any were left to carry the News of the De∣feat. The Fame of this Victory began to revive the fainting Spirits of the Romans, who now found that these dreadful People were not invulnerable; and the

Romans who lay at Veii, now finding Camillus's rea∣diness, immediately sent to him to be their General; begging of him to forget all former Injuries, and suc∣cour his distressed Country. He objected his ba∣nish'd Condition, and refus'd to Act, unless by Commission from those in the Capitol; whom he consider'd as the true Body of the surviving Roman State. This modest Answer was extreamly well ta∣ken, but they cou'd not imagine by what means to send to the Capitol, while the Enemy was in full Possession of the City.

But for the Undertaking this desperate Attempt, one Pontius Cominius offer'd his Service, which being kindly accepted of, he thus perform'd: Putting on a poor Garment, carrying Corks underneath, he went for Rome, and arriv'd at the City when it was dark: The Bridge he cou'd not pass by reason of the Guards, but taking his Cloaths and binding 'em about his Head, he swam down the Tiber upon his Corks; and avoiding those Quarters, where he perceiv'd the Enemy to be awake, which he guess'd at by the Lights and Noise, he got into the City, and from thence to the Capitol, climbing up in the steep∣est Place with extream Danger and Difficulty. The Besieged were much surpriz'd at the Greatness of the Attempt, and presently giving him his Instructions, sent him back the same Way he came; and this part of his Expedition he perform'd with the same good Success that he had done the other, and upon his Return delivered to Camillus an Order of the Senate to make him Dictator.* 1.156 Camillus chose Valerius Potitus for his Master of the Horse, and getting together an Army of above 40000 Men, he prepar'd to march against the Enemy. In the mean while, at Rome some of the Gauls hapned to discover some Foot-steps and Prints made by Pontius at his climbing the Hill, which being privately told to Brennus their King, he order'd a select Party of Men in the dead of Night

to climb up the same Way, and take the Capitol by Surprize. These Men perform'd their Office with great Difficulty, and much Time, not any of the Dogs appointed for the Watch perceiving it; never∣theless it so hapned that some Sacred Geese which were kept by the Temple of Iun••, by their Gaggling and clapping their Wings, discover'd them. The Ro∣mans every one snatching what Weapon he cou'd, did their utmost on this sudden Occasion; and Manlius, a Patritian of great Courage, was the first that made Head against 'em, boldly mounting the Rampier, and presently tumbling down two of the Enemy at once. Others soon came in to his Assistance, and drove down all the rest, not a Man escaping; and the next Morning the Captain of the Watch was thrown Headlong down the Rock, and Manlius re∣warded as well as Circumstances wou'd permit.

Henceforwards the Affairs of the Gauls were in a worse Condition, first wanting Provisions, then in∣fected with the Plague, which rag'd much among 'em; but still the Besieged cou'd have no Relief, being re∣duc'd to a languishing and desponding Condition for want of Provisions and Necessaries. So that after a seven Months Siege, they were forc'd to Capitulate, and it was agreed, That the Romans paying down 1000 Pound weight of Gold, the Gauls should immediately quit the City and Territories. This Agreement being con∣firm'd by Oath, and the Gold brought forth, the Cauls out of Covetousness us'd false Dealings in the weigh∣ing, pulling back the Balance as they thought fit; at which the Romans complaining, Brennus cast in his Sword and Belt into the Scales, scoffingly crying, Vae Victis, Woe to the Vanquish'd, which afterwards became a Proverb. Whilst this Difference lasted, Camillus was arriv'd with his Army, and hastning with a choice Party of Men to the Place where the Gold was a weighing, he came boldly and took it out of the Scales, telling the Gauls, that it was the Custom of the

Romans to deliver their Country with Iron, not with Gold: Therefore he null'd the Compact, because made without his Consent, who alone, as being then their Dictator, had the sole Power of making Peace. Upon this there∣fore a Fight immediately ensu'd, where, after a most bloody Contest, the Gauls were intirely routed, and such great Execution done upon 'em in the pursuit, that all the Roman Territories were in a short time clear'd of 'em. Thus was Rome unexpectedly taken, and in seven Months, as unexpectedly recover'd; Camillus for his excellent Services having a noble Triumph, being now deservedly look'd upon as their second Romulus.

II. After this War was finish'd,* 1.157 the Tribunes of the People began to urge once more for the removing to Veii, which caus'd the Senate to procure Camillus to hold his Office of Dictator for a whole Year, which was six Months longer than the usual time. Camillus with kind Words and gentle Language appeas'd the Multi∣tude, shewing 'em, How unworthy and dishonourable a Thing it wou'd be for 'em to forsake the venerable Seat of their Ancestors, and all their Sacred Rites, which were ap∣propriated to this Place, to inhabit a conquer'd and inslav'd City. Upon this therefore Rome was order'd to be re∣built with all Diligence, and all Persons were em∣ploy'd about it; but it was carry'd on with that Haste and Hurry, that the City wanted much of its former Beauty and Regularity; and the Water-courses for∣merly laid in the Streets, now ran for the most part under private Houses.* 1.158 When Camillus's second six Months were out, Military Tribunes were chosen; and in the same Year the Aequi, Volsci and Hetrurians all took up Arms and invaded the Roman Territories. The Military Tribunes were soon block'd up by the E∣nemy, and were brought to such Straits, that the Se∣nate made Camillus Dictator a third time, and he chose Servilius Ahala for his Master of the Horse. Camillus over∣threw

both Aequi and Hetrurians, and forc'd the Vol∣sci to yield themselves, after the War had continu'd for seventy Years; for all which he had a third Tri∣umph. Three Years after this, Camillus being Military Tribune, overcame them again, together with the Her∣nici and Latines, the latter of which till now had been faithful ever since the Battel at the Rhegillan Lake a∣bove a hundred Years before: And from the Hetruri∣ans he recover'd two Towns,* 1.159 which they had taken from the Allies of Rome. The Year following four Tribes were added; namely, the Stellatine, the Nor∣mentine, the Sabbatine, and the Arnian; which now made the whole Number twenty five.

About this time Manlius, who for his great Services in saving the Capitol had now got the Sirname of Ca∣pitolinus, began to grow very haughty and ambitious; and by his ingratiating himself with the common Sort, his paying their Debts, and his railing at the No∣bility, it was apparent that Sovereignty was his Aim. The Numbers that he got over to his Party, together with the War renew'd with the Volsci, made the Senate procure a Dictator to be created;* 1.160 who was Cor∣nelius Cossus, who made choice of Quintius Capitolinus for his Master of the Horse. Cossus soon overthrew the Enemies, and returning home in Triumph, call'd Manlius to an Account, and put him in Prison. But the Multitude, extreamly afflicted at this, put on Mourn∣ing Garments, and made such dangerous Disturban∣ces, that after some time he was set at Liberty, and soon after Cossus laid down his Office. But Manlius still growing more insolent, holding private Cabals, and filling the whole City with Faction and Sedition, the Senate remitted his Business to the Care of the Milita∣ry Tribunes, whereof Camillus was one, and a Day was ••et him to answer for his Life. The Place of his Try∣al was right over-against the Capitol, where when he was accus'd, he often pointed to it, and with weep∣ing Eyes and moving Voice let the People know, what a Noble piece of Service he had done there. This mov'd

the Multitude to such Pity and Compassion, that Ca∣millus caus'd the Judges to remove him without the Gate to the Peteline Grove; where having no View of the Capitol, he was condemn'd to be thrown down the Tarpeian Rock, the Place both of his highest Ho∣nour and greatest Infamy: Ant it was decreed that none of the Manlii afterwards shou'd be call'd Mar∣cus. Thus jealous was Rome of her Liberty, that no Deserts cou'd atone for presuming to offer at that.

About three Years after,* 1.161 Camillus was chosen Mili∣tary Tribune a sixth time, tho' much against his Consent, and march'd against the Volsci; where Lucius his Col∣legue, eager to engage the Enemy when Camillus judg'd it dangerous, was permitted to Fight alone, Camillus being left weak in his Bed. Lucius was soon worsted, and his Army almost routed, when Camillus rousing himself, was presently help'd up on Horseback; where making his Way through them that fled, he drove fu∣riously to oppose the Pursuers; which Boldness so in∣courag'd the Soldiers, that they all rally'd again, re∣solving never to forsake a General so famous for his Actions, and so venerable for Age: By this the Enemy were soon stopp'd, and the next day intirely routed, losing Bag and Baggage, and the greatest part of their Men. The Year following, great Stirs were rais'd in the City about the Creditors and Debtors, which gave an Opportunity to the Inhabitants of Praeneste, a Town of Latium, with its Dependents, to make In∣cursions and Devastations to the Walls of Rome, to the great danger and damage of the City. This and the Troubles at home, caus'd the Senate to create a Dictator,* 1.162 which was Quinctius Cincinnatus, who appoint∣ed Sempronius Atratinus for his Master of the Horse; and he was so Successful against them, that he overthrew 'em, took the eight Towns that were their Depen∣dents, by Storm, and Praeneste it self by Surrender. Then returning in Triumph with the Statue of Iupi∣ter Imperator, which he put into the Capitol. he laid down his Office, after keeping of it but twenty days.

Two Years after this,* 1.163 a dangerous Contest hapned between the Patritians and Tribunes of the People, oc∣casion'd by Fabius Ambustus a Tribune, who had Mar∣ri'd one Daughter to a Patritian, and the other to a Plebeian: The latter being very much concern'd at her Husband's want of equal Honour, Fabius told her, That he would so manage Affairs, that her House shou'd shortly be of the same Dignity as her Sisters. From that time therefore he consulted with Licinius Stolo her Husband, and L. Sestius, about preferring a Law for making one Consul out of the Commons. These two being made Tribunes of the People, labour'd so violent∣ly about this Law, and the Contests were carri••d with such wonderful Heats and Animosities on both sides, that from the Year 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to ••82, which was five Years, no Supream Magistrates were chosen at all, nor any other but Tribunes and Aediles, who kept their Places all that time. And in all this unhappy Space there was little better than Anarchy and Confusion in Rome, till the Year 282, they procur'd Military Tribunes to be chosen; but still the Contests were kept up on both sides;* 1.164 when two Years after, Camillus was made Dicta∣tor a fourth time, but much against the Consent of the People. He chose Aemilius Mamercinus for his Master of the Horse, and with much Difficulty brought both Parties to a better and more moderate Temper; but finding the Multitude so very stubborn and reso∣lute in their Designs, withal threatning to Fine him if he compli'd not, he soon laid down his Office. Upon this another Dictator was immediately created, which was one Manlius Capitolinus, who chose Licini∣us Stolo for his Master of the Horse,* 1.165 and he was the first Plebeian that ever obtain'd this Honour. Stolo, who had been the great Occasion of these Disturbances, now took an Occasion to prefer a Law that no Man shou'd possess above 500 Acres of Land, which was very disadvantageous to the Patritians, and more to himself▪ for soon after▪ he was found to have above

that Proportion, and so was punish'd by Vertue of his own Constitution.

III. In the midst of these violent Contentions a∣bout the Consul-ship, News was brought to Rome, that many thousands of the Gauls were marching from the Adriatick Sea towards Rome. This put the City into a great Fright, and all began to lay aside their private Differences, and to think of nothing but of the com∣mon Safety; for they had fear'd the Gauls so much, that a Law was made, That Priests shou'd be excus'd from all Wars, unless in an Invasion from the Gauls:* 1.166 All Una∣nimously agreed to make Camillus Dictator a fifth time, now near 80 Years old, who refus'd not the Employ∣ment in this dangerous Juncture, but presently chose Quinctius Cincinnatus for his Master of the Horse. Camil∣lus consider'd that the Force of the Gauls lay chiefly in their Swords, with which they laid about 'em in a rude and unskilful Manner: Therefore he furnish'd his Men with light Iron Helmets, and bound their wooden Targets about with Brass, teaching them how to fence and receive the Enemies Blows without Hurt. By this means he render'd the Swords of the Gauls so unserviceable, that giving 'em Battel at the River Anio, he easily overthrew 'em, which hapned 23 Years after they had destroy'd the City; and af∣ter this Defeat the Romans began now to despise the Gauls as much as they had fear'd 'em before. Soon after this Camillus in his Return homewards had Veli∣trae surrender'd to him without any Resistance.

But Camillus's greatest Contention, and which was hardest to be manag'd, was with the People, who now returning home full of Victory and Success, violent∣ly insisted again to have one of the Consuls chosen out of their own Body. The Senate strongly oppos'd it, and wou'd not suffer Camillus to lay down his Dictator-ship, thinking that under the Shelter of his great Name and greater Authority, they shou'd be the better able

to contend for the Power of the Nobility. But when Camillus was sitting upon the Tribunal, dispatching publick Affairs, an Officer sent by the Tribunes of the People commanded him to rise and follow him, lay∣ing his Hand upon him as ready to seize him: Upon which such a Noise and Tumult follow'd in the As∣sembly, as was never before known in Rome: Some that were about Camillus, thrusting the People from the Bench, and the Multitude below Crying out, Pull him down, Pull him down! Still he wou••d not lay down his Office, but taking the Senators along with him, he went to the Senate-House; where great Con∣tests arose, by reason of contrary Opinions; but at last the most Popular Party prevail'd, and a Law was made, That one of the Consuls for the future might be chosen out of the Plebeians;* 1.167 and this hapned 143 Years after their first Creation, and 24 after the burning of Rome by the Gauls. From this time forwards the Military Tri∣bunes were for ever laid aside, now 78 Years since their first Creation, after 49 Courses of that Office, and 15 from the Consul-ship to that, and from that to the Con∣sul-ship. Now the People were reconcil'd to the Se∣nate, and a Temple was presently built and Dedica∣ted to Concord, according as Camillus had vow'd; and the Patritians desiring a Praetor to be created out of their Body for the Administration of Justice in the City, it was immediately Granted 'em.

This Praetor was a Magistrate of extraordinary Note,* 1.168 so call'd à Prae••undo, a Name which the Consuls them∣selves had for some time. The Power and Authori∣ty of this Magistrate was very great, for he executed the Office of the Consuls in their Absence, both in the Senate and in the Comitia. But the Principal Bu∣siness of these Praetors was to Administer Justice in the City or Provinces to which the Consuls cou••d not so ea∣sily attend; and upon that account they may be English'd, Lord Chief Iustices. They judg••d all Causes both Civil and Criminal, which last were call'd Ca∣pitales;

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in Civil Causes they were cloth'd in Purple; but when they pass'd Sentence in Criminal Causes, they were in Mourning. Upon the account of their Power and Honour, and likewise because they were created by the same Auspicia with the Consuls, Livy calls them Collegues of the Consuls. Their Ornaments and Ensigns were six Lictors with their Fasces, the Toga Praetexta, and Cella Curulis; and besides those Marks of Consular Dignity, the Sword and Spear, plac'd by them in the Court. Their Officers in Court, besides the Lictors, were the Scribes or Notaries, to enter things in Writing, and the Accensi or Bailiffs, who Sum∣mon'd the People together. At first there was but one Praetor, and that for above 100 Years; then ano∣ther was Created, who administred Justice to Stran∣gers; whereupon for Distinction sake the first was call'd Praetor Urbanus, or Major, and the latter Peregri∣nus, or Minor. But as the Business and Dominions of Rome increased, the number of these Praetors was like∣wise inlarg'd, and encreas'd gradually, till in Augu∣stus's Reign they came to Sixteen.

Immediately after the Reconciliation between the Nobility and Commons, a 4th Day was added to the La∣tin Feriae, and the greater fort of Games were Solem∣niz'd; which when the Aediles of the Commons were unwilling to manage according to their Office, the young Patritians offer'd themselves, and the Senate pro∣cur'd also of the People, that two Patritians every year might be made Aediles,* 1.169 who from the Ivory Chair call'd Cella Curulis, had the Name of Aediles Curule••▪ These were Created 128 Years after the Aediles of the Commons, but were of greater Account, as being Cu∣rule Magistrates, their Chair being so call'd either from Currus, the Chariot which carri'd it and the Ma∣gistrate about, or from Curvus, because it was made with Crooked Feet. They had all the same Offices and Business as the Aediles of the Commons, but had ra∣ther greater Authority; but more especially they took

Care of the great and publick Games, such as the Ludi Florales, Circenses, Megalenses, Romani, &c. as also of Tragedies and Comedies. Sometimes at their own Charge they made these Shews, and ever examin'd the Plays written before they were Acted; and (whether from this Inspection of all Plays and the like, it is uncertain) they seem to have been the Licensers and Judges of other Writings. It is further observ'd, that the Gene∣rals of Armies when return'd home from Victory, de∣liver'd up the Corn and Provisions which were Prize, to these Aediles Curules, as they did the Prisoners to the Praetor, and the Money to the Quaestor. Thus were the Disturbances of Rome allay'd, and all things for a short space continu'd in Peace and Quiet.

IV. Soon after these Affairs were setled, News came of the Gauls meeting together,* 1.170 who had before been dispers'd through Apulia, and of the intended Revolt of the Hernici: But all Preparations were deferred by the Senate, because they were unwilling to have any thing done by a Plebeian Consul. On the other side the Tribunes began to complain, that for one Plebeian Consul, the Nobility had got three Patritian Magi∣strates, who sate as Consuls in their Curule Chairs, and their Praetexta. Modesty therefore suffer'd not the Fathers to Create both the Curule Aediles out of their own Body; so that it was agreed first that every other Year they shou'd be chosen out of the Commons; but afterwards they were Elected promiscuously. The Year following there hapned a grievous Plague in the City, which swept away vast Numbers, among the rest Camillus himself, after he had done so many No∣ble Services for the City, that he was deservedly called the second Founder of Rome. The Plague raging both in this, and the following Year,* 1.171 the Romans to ap∣pease their Gods brought in Stage-Plays; sending for Actors out of Hetruria, in the Language of which Country Hister signifying a Player, thence came the

Roman word Histrio. These Plays were at first very Barbarous and Antick, beginning with a plain Coun∣try Dance to a Pipe; after which the young Men, who Jeared one another, at first began with Rude and Artless Verses, call'd Versus Fescennini, from Fesc••nninum a City of Hetruria: This was about 40 Years after the Deaths of Sophocles and Euripides in Greece. Still the Plague continu'd, which with the Overflowing of Tiber, made the Romans Consider of some other Ways; and some of the elder People reporting, That a Pesti∣lence was formerly asswag'd by the Dictator's driving of a Nail; the Senate immediately created a Dictator, which was Manlius Capitolinus,* 1.172 who appointed Pinari∣us Natta for his Master of the Horse. This Nail with great Ceremony and Superstition, was driven on the right side of Iupiter's Temple in the Capitol, just by that of Minerva, and this was the first Dictator created upon this Account.

The Year following, the Ground cleaving asunder in the Forum to a vast Depth, M. Curtius a brave young Sol∣dier, is said to have rode into this Gulph, Arm'd, and with great Solemnity, and so being swallow'd up, pur∣chas'd the Deliverance of his Country, according to the Declaration of their Gods. The same Year the Hernici being up in Arms against Rome, Genucius the Plebeian Consul marching against 'em, was slain, and his Army routed; which threatning Danger caus'd the Senate to create a Dictator,* 1.173 which was Claudius Crassinus, who made Cornelius Scipio his Master of the Horse, and gain'd so much Advantage over the Enemy as to obtain an Ovation. Within a Year after, the Gauls were gather'd together in great Numbers, and had march'd within three Miles of Rome, which put the City into such a Consternation, that according to their usual Way in such Cases, they created a Dictator;* 1.174 and this was Quin∣tius Pennus, who had Cornelius Maluginensis for his Master of the Horse. The Armies being drawn up on both sides, a Gaul of vast Bulk and Stature challeng'd

any of the Romans to meet him in a single Combat; which Challenge was accepted of by T. Manlius a Courageous young Man, who with great Bravery and Agility overthrew his mighty Foe, and slew him: Then taking a Torques or Golden Chain from his Neck, return'd, and was Honourably receiv'd by the Dictator; and from thence he and his Posterity had the Sirname of Torquatus. The Gauls were so discourag'd at this Action, that they fled by Night, and retired in∣to the Tiburtines Country, a People of Latium; and the Dictator return'd in Triumph.

The War with the Tiburtines and Hernici gave the Gauls Opportunity to do much Injury to the Roman Territories, which occasion'd the Creation of another Dictator, which was Servilius Ahala,* 1.175 who chose Quintius Capitolinus for his Master of the Horse, and soon quell'd the Gauls; but Paetileus the Consul, who had been em∣ploy'd against the Hernici, hapned to come off with the greatest Honour. In a Year after Peace was made with the Latines, which was advantageous enough to the Romans, by reason of their frequent Auxiliaries from them: But the Year following, the great Preparati∣ons of the Gauls, caus'd the Senate to create another Dictator, which was Sulpitius Peticus, who appointed Valerius Poplicola for his Master of the Horse,* 1.176 and march∣ing against the Enemy obtain'd a Signal Victory over 'em. In this Year were two new Tribes added to the former five and twenty, Namely, the Pomptine and the Publican. About two Years after this, the whole Body of the Hetrurians took up Arms against Rome, led on by the Tarquinii and Falisci; in which great time of Dan∣ger, Marcius, Rutilus a Plebeian, was made Dictator,* 1.177 which was the first Commoner that ever obtain'd this Ho∣nour, it being now 143 Years since their first Creation. He appointed Plantius Proculus for his Master of the Horse, a Plebeian likewise; and tho' he was oppos'd by the Patritians, as much as they cou'd, yet he did great Service against the Enemy, and Triumph'd, but still

against the Senate's Consent. The Patritians were so enrag'd at this, that at the next Election they took a∣way the Consul-ship from the Commons, after they had enjoy'd it ten Years; and this hapned in the 399th Year of the City.

This occasion'd many violent Heats and vast Distur∣bances between both Parties, for three Years successive∣ly, when some of the Hetrurians press'd so hard upon the Roman Territories, that another Dictator was created, namely,* 1.178 Manlius Torquatus, who made Cornelius Cossus his Master of the Horse; but the Enemy out of Fear was soon brought to a Peace, and so little was perform'd by him. Now the Contests and Quarrels at home were grown to that height, that the Senate was forc'd to give the Commons once more the Privilege of the Consul-ship, four Years after they had taken it from 'em; and because Usury again was grown exceeding Burthen∣some to the poorer Sort, they appointed five Men to or∣der the Payment of Debts out of the Treasury: So now all Differences were again reconcil'd. Soon after this, a groundless Apprehension of the Hetrurians, who were reported to be all united against Rome, occasion'd the Creation of another Dictator, which was C. ••fulius, who made L. Aemilius his Master of the Horse,* 1.179 but he had so little Employment that he left all to the next Consuls, who were both Patritians. And they went against the Tarquinii and Falisci, who were not yet quieted, and brought 'em to a Peace for the Term of 40 Years.

V. Now Rome was for a while at Peace abroad, and might have been longer so at home, had not Marcius Rutilus, the Plebeian Dictator, stood for the Office of Censor, and rais'd new Disturbances. The Plebeians urg'd it hotly, but the Patritians the better to oppose 'em, procur'd a Dictator to be created, which was M. Fabius, Q. Servilius being his Master of the Horse;* 1.180 but still without Success; for after many Contests, the Plebeian Faction prevail'd, and Marci••s was made one

of the Censors, which was the first Plebeian Censor in this City,* 1.181 it being 92 Years after their first Creation. The next Year, a considerable Victory was obtain'd over the Gauls, who now grew troublesome again, and one of the Consuls being wounded, and the other sick, the Senate was forc'd to create a Dictator for as∣sembling the Comitia for a new Election of Consuls, which was Furius Camillus,* 1.182 who made Cornelius Scipio his Master of the Horse; and this was the Dictator crea∣ted upon this account. Camillus himself was chosen for one Consul, and the Death of his Collegue soon after, and the pressing Wars with the Gauls, caus'd the Senate to give him the sole Authority, so that he was almost the same with a Dictator. Camillus led a noble Army against the Gauls, and when they were in sight of each other, a Gaul, remarkable both for his Stature, and the Richness of his Arms, challeng∣ed any of the Romans to a single Combate. M. Vale∣rius a brave young Colonel of the Foot met him, and in a little time slew him; but in the midst of the Combat a Crow came, and sitting upon Vale∣rius's Head, with Beak and Wings assisted him in his Fight, whence he had the Sirname of Corvus, and his Posterity all call'd Corvini. This Combate brought both Armies to a Battel, and the Gauls were intirely routed.* 1.183 Camillus returning home, procur'd a Dictator to be created for the holding of the Comitia for a new Election of Consuls. This was Manlius Torquatus, his Master of the Horse being Cornelius Cossus; and in this Comitia, Valerius Corvus, for his great Deserts, was made Consul at 23 Years Age, a thing indeed very extraordinary.

Now the Armies were disbanded, and for a short Space there was both Peace abroad, and Concord at home. This Year a Colony was drawn out from the City Antia to People Satricum, which had been de∣stroy'd by the Latins; and also at Rome, a League was concluded with the Ambassadors of Carthage, who

came on purpose to desire Amity between both Na∣tions, as Livy relates it. Above three Years after, the Arunci, a People beyond the Volsci, and one of the six Nations of Latium in the largest extent, made a sud∣den invasion upon the Roman Territories; and upon Suspition that it was by the Instigation of the whole Latin Nation,* 1.184 Furius Camillus was created Dictator, as if all Latium had been up in Arms. He chose Manlius Capitelinus for his Master of the Horse, and March'd against the Enemy, whom he found more like Rob∣bers than Soldiers, so that in the very first Battel they were dispers'd, and that War dispatch'd. A Year af∣ter, a Temple was dedicated to Iuno Moneta, on the Capitol Hill, as the last Dictator had vow'd; and soon after, some Prodigies were observ'd, of which the Romans were so superstitiously fearful, that they crea∣ted a Dictator, to constitute certain Feasts and Holy∣days for the appeasing of the Gods, and diverting the Judgments threatned: Val••rius Poplicola was the Per∣son, and Fabius Ambustus his Master of the Horse;* 1.185 and this was the first created upon this Account. Orders were given, that not only all the Tribes shou'd go in Procession with their solemn Prayers, but also the bordering Nations; with precise Directions, upon what Days each of 'em shou'd make their Supplicati∣ons. This Year likewise, the Usurers were prosecuted by the Aediles, and severe Sentences given against them by the People.

These were the principal Wars and Actions of the Romans with their nearest Neighbours, which are ob∣serv'd by their own Historians to have been all De∣fensive, or at least, not begun without just Grounds and Provocations; yet these, which may well enough bear the name of Defensive Wars, still increas'd the Roman Dominions, which now contain'd in effect all Old Latium, and the greatest Part of the other five Nations afterwards comprehended under that Name, viz. the Volsci, Aequi, Rutili, Hernici, and Arunci, to∣gether

with most of Sabina, and a great Part of He∣truria: So that now their Dominions contain'd more than double the Extent of what they were at the Ex∣pulsion of the Kings. The last Dictator beforementi∣on'd, was created a year before the Wars with the Sam∣nites, which Wars began A. M. 3661. in the first Year of the 109th Olympiad, 410 Years after the Building of the City, 165 after the beginning of the Consular State, 46 since the Restoration of the City, 14 before the Ruin of the Persian, and the setting up the Macedo∣nian Empire by Alexander the Great, and 342 before our Saviour Christ's Nativity.

CHAP. VII.

From the Wars with the Samnites, to the Wars with Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, the first Foreigner they had to deal with; wherein the Romans be∣gan to learn the Arts of War.

Containing the Space of 63 Years.

I. HItherto the Romans had all their Wars nigh home,* 1.186 and as it were at their own Gates; but now daily gathering strength, and encreasing in Power, they ventur'd against the warlike Samnites, a People above 100 Miles East of Rome. These Samnites were a hardy Nation, descended from the Sabines, from whom they probably had their Name, and inha∣bited a considerable Part of that Side of Italy, which now goes by the Name of the Kingdom of Naples, having likewise seven other People as Dependents, namely, the Picentes, Vestini, Marrucini, Frentini, Pe∣ligni, Marsi, and Hirpini. The Occasion of this War was the Samnites Contesting with their Neighbours the Sidicini, who immediately betook themselves to the Campanians for Succour. These Campanians were a luxurious and effeminate People, inhabiting a deli∣cious Country bordering on Samnium, and were so

weakned, that they sent to Rome for Aid, their Am∣bassadors imploring it with Tears, and giving up both themselves and Country into the Hands of the Romans. The Senate at first was very unwilling to begin a War with the Samnites, as being their Friends and Allies; but the importunate Cries and Prayers of the Ambassadors, and more especially the scorn∣ful Refusal of the Samnites to desist from ravaging the Territories of Capua and Campania, so far pre∣vail'd, as at last to make them undertake the War.

The Consuls, Valerius and Cornelius, began their Marches with two distinct Armies; one to Capua, and the other into Samnium. Valerius after a most bloody and obstinate Fight overthrew the Enemy in Campania, and became Master of their Camp. The Romans confess'd they never met with more resolute Enemies; and demanding of 'em, What made 'em fly after so brave a resistance? They answer'd, That the Eyes of the Romans appear'd to 'em like Flames of Fire, and their Looks so fierce and dreadful, as not to be born with. In Samnium, Cornelius, the other Consul, having un∣warily led his Army too forward into a dangerous Place, P. Decius, a Tribune in the Army, boldly pos∣sess'd himself of a Hill above the Enemy, who much surpriz'd at the Attempt, turn'd their principal Force thither, which gave Opportunity to the Consul to draw off his Men to a more convenient Place. Where∣upon Decius with an undaunted Bravery, though sur∣rounded, brake through the Enemy, which more a∣maz'd 'em than ever; and the Consul at the same time Charging with great Resolution, so great a Victory was obtain'd, that 30000 of the Samnites were slain. Both the Consuls triumph'd over the Sam∣nites, and Decius was highly honour'd by the Senate and People for his great Services.

Soon after this, Ambassadors from Campania re∣quested to have Garisons from the Romans that Win∣ter, in Capua, and other Places, to secure 'em from

the Insults of the Samnites, which were accordingly sent. But many of the Roman Soldiers were of corrupted with the Delights and Pleasures of Capua, that they began to form a Design of destroying the Inhabitants, and taking the Town to themselves. This Design was communicated to many of their Companions in other Places, and well approv'd of, but it was soon discover'd to some of their Officers, who made se∣veral Removeals to disperse 'em. But the Soldiers finding themselves liable to be call'd to an Account, and perhaps severely punish'd; as soon as they found Opportunity, gather'd themselves together, and daily encreas'd their Numbers, march'd directly for Rome in a Rebellious and hostile Manner. This piece of Boldness so surpriz'd the Senate, that they presently created a Dictator,* 1.187 which was Valerius Corvus, one of the last Years Consuls, who appointed Aemilius Ma∣mercinus for his Master of the Horse, and march'd a∣gainst the Rebels, who had now forc'd T. Quintius an eminent Soldier, to be their General. Upon the Ap∣proach of both Armies, the Rebels out of Fear yield∣ed themselves, and were receiv'd into Favour, the Dictator having no more Imployment abroad. In the same year, the frequent Inroads made by the Romans into the Samnites Country, drew 'em to a Peace, the Sidicini being left to their Mercy.

II. Soon after this Peace, the Samnites desir'd of the Romans that the Latins and Campanians might be commanded not to assist the Sidicini; but because the Senate wou'd not deny that these Nations were under their Command, and were likewise unwilling to pro∣voke 'em, such an ambiguous Answer was return'd, that the Latins and Campanians thought themselves so far disoblig'd as to revolt. Manlius Torquatus, now Con∣sul the third time, and his Collegue, Decius Mus, were sent by the Senate to chastise the Latins, who now wou'd be satisfi'd with no less than having one of

the Consuls; and half the Senators chosen out of their Nation. Upon certain Dreams and Prognostications, that the General on one side, and the Army on the other was certainly to be destroy'd; the Consuls So∣lemnly agreed, That in what Part the Roman Army shou'd be distress'd, the Commander of that Part shou'd de∣vote himself to the Gods, and die for his Country; which generous Resolution was confirm'd by Oath: And be∣cause they were all acquainted with each others Disci∣pline, and way of Fighting, strict Commands were given that no Man upon pain of Death shou'd Fight without Orders.

Both Armies were drawn up in Battalia, and a bloody and obstinate Ingagement immediately fol∣low'd; the Latins pressing very hard upon Decius's Part, he according to his Promise devoted himself to the Gods, and rushing violently into the midst of his Ene∣mies, after a great Slaughter lost his Life, the Latins be∣ing soon after entirely defeated. Nor was the Disci∣pline of Manlius less remarkable than the Courage of Decius, in relation to his own Son: For he, passing with his Troops, before the Battel nigh the Enemy, was challeng'd by Metius, Captain of the Tusculans, whom when he had slain and stripp'd, his Father with Tears commended him for his Valour, but con∣demn'd him for his Disobedience; which though a sad, was a profitable Example to the rest of his Men: And after that, cruel Commands were usually call'd Man∣liana Dicta. The Latins now defeated, begg'd Peace; which being given 'em, tho not with the same Con∣ditions to all, Manlius return'd in Triumph, but was met only by the Old Men, the Young Ones refusing to do him that Honour, and ever after hating him up∣on the account of his Son. Soon after, the People of Antium and Ardea made incursions into the Roman Territories:* 1.188 But Manlius being Sick, he nam'd Papy∣rius Crassus for Dictator, who appointed Papyrius Cursor his Master of the Horse, and kept the Field some Months

in the Antiates Country, but no remarkable Action hapned.

The Consuls for the following Year, Aemilius and Publius, overthrew the Latins, who had again revolted upon the Account of some Lands taken from 'em. Publius, by whose Conduct the Victory was obtain'd, receiv'd into Alliance such Cities as had been worsted; and Aemilius march'd his Army and sat down before Pedum, which receiv'd Supplies from several Places. Tho he had the Advantage in all Skirmishes, yet still the Town held out, and he understanding that his Collegue was return'd to his Triumph, he immediate∣ly left the Siege, and went for Rome to demand that Honour likewise. The Senate was much offended at this Presumption, denying him that Honour, except Pedum was either taken or surrender'd; which caus'd him out of Revenge to joyn with the Tribunes against the Patritians the rest of his Time, his Collegue not opposing it, being himself a Plebeian. The Senate, out of a Desire to get free of 'em both, order'd a Dictator to be created, whom it fell to Aemilius's share to nomi∣nate, as having the Fasces that Month. Aemilius nam'd his Collegue Publius Philo,* 1.189 who appointed Iunius Bru∣tus for his Master of the Horse, and was the second. Ple∣beian Dictator in Rome. Publius was a great Vexation to the Nobility, and was full of Invectives against 'em, procuring three Remarkable Laws, whereof the first alter'd the very Constitution of the State, which was, That the Plebiscita shou'd bind the Quirites or Citi∣zens of Rome, of all Ranks and Degrees whatsoever. The second was, That such Laws as were enacted in the Cen∣turiate Comitia, shou'd be propos'd or pass'd by the Senate before they were voted by the People. The third, That where∣as they had obtain'd before, that both the Censors might be Plebeians; now one at least must of necessity be so. So now the Majesty of the Roman State was more impair'd by the Authority of these two at home, than it was augmented by their Valour abroad.

In the following Year, wherein Furius Camillus and C. Maenius, were Consuls, Pedum was taken by Storm, and the Consuls in pursuit of the Victory Conquer'd all Latium, bringing it and some neighbouring Parts to an intire Submission; for which they triumph'd, and had Statues on Horseback erected for 'em in the Forum, an Honour very rare in those Days. The se∣veral People of Latium, had several Conditions of Peace appointed 'em, some being rewarded and honour'd, o∣thers punish'd and disgrac'd, according as their former Behaviour had been. To Antium was sent a new Colo∣ny, the old Inhabitants being forbidden the Sea, and had all their long Ships taken from 'em, but had leave to enter themselves in the Colony, and were made free of that City. The Ships were some of 'em brought into the Roman Arsenal, others burnt, and with their Rostra or Beaks, was the Gallery or Pulpit, for Orations in the Forum adorn'd; whence that had af∣terwards the name of Rostra.* 1.190 The Year following, Minutia, a Vestal Virgin, was bury'd alive in the Cam∣pus Sceleratus, which, as Livy believes, had its Name from Incest; for so Incontinency in those Women was call'd. And in this same Year, Publius Philo was made Praetor, who was the first Plebeian that obtain'd this Honour,* 1.191 the Senate little regarding it, having been so often overpower'd in Matters of the greatest Consequence: And this hapned in the 416th Year of the City, and 28 Years after the first Creation of this Office.

III. Not long after the Agreement between the Romans and Latins, a War broke out between the A∣runci and the Sidicini in Campania, in which the lat∣ter constrain'd the former to abandon their ancient Seats, and settle in Suessa, which was afterwards call'd Arunca. The Arunci had given up themselves to the Romans, who thereupon order'd 'em Relief; but the Consuls deferring it, lost the Opportunity of assisting

'em. But in the next Year, the Sidicini with their Confederates and Neighbours, the Inhabitants of Cales were overthrown; and Valerius Corvus, now the fourth time Consul for the following Year, and one of the greatest Roman Commanders of his time, took Cales also, in which he plac'd a Colony of 2500 Persons, Corvus return'd in Triumph; but he and his Collegue being imploy'd in some small Actions abroad, a Dictator was created for the holding the Co∣mitia for the Election of new Consuls, which was Aemilius Mamercinus, who appointed Publius Philo for his Master of the Horse.* 1.192 Two Years before this, a Di∣ctator was created, and another a Year after this; but by reason of their undue Election, and their not acting, I shall not reckon 'em among the Number of Dicta∣tors. Affairs abroad were in a peaceable Posture for some time, but in two or three Years, the mere Ru∣mour of an Invasion by the Gauls occasion'd the Crea∣tion of a Dictator, which was Papirius Crassus, his Master of the Horse being V. Poplicola;* 1.193 but neither of 'em had any extraordinary Employment. In this same Year, two new Tribes were added, namely, the Metian and the Scaptian, for the late admitted Ci∣tizens, which now made the Number twenty nine: The Arunci were also made free of the City,* 1.194 but with∣out the Privilege of Voting, by a Law prefer'd by Papirius the Praetor.

About a Year after the Settlement of these Matters, above 170 Women were put to Death for the Art of Poysoning, being discover'd by a She-slave. This was look'd upon, as such a Prodigy by the Superstitious Peo∣ple, that a Dictator was created to drive a Nail into Iu∣piter's Temple,* 1.195 as the best Remedy for the Distempers of the State. Quintius Varus was the Man, and Valerius Potius his Master of the Horse; and this was the second Dictator created upon that account. For the two suc∣ceeding Years, a War was carri'd on against the Inha∣bitants of Privernum in the Volscian State, who were

drawn into it by Vitrurius Vaccus, a Man of principal Note among the Arunci. The first Year they were o∣verthrown, the next Vitrurius was taken Prisoner, and Privernum surrender'd; the principal Actors with Vi∣trurius being put to Death, and the rest of the Inhabi∣tants made free of the City:* 1.196 This hapned in the same Year with Alexander's destroying the Persian Empire, and his setting up the Macedonian, and 60 after the burning of Rome by the Gauls. In a Year or two after, the Inhabitants of Palaepolis in Campania, trusting to the Treachery of the Samnites, and taking advantage from a Plague in Rome, committed great Acts of Ho∣stility against the Romans, who dwelt about Cumae and Falernus. War was presently declar'd against 'em and tho they we assisted by the Samnites and Taren∣tines, a People beyond 'em, yet they were forc'd to yield up their City, which stood in some Place, where Naples did afterwards, and the Samnites lost three of their own Towns. The Tarentines nevertheless pro∣ceeded, and drew the Samnites with the Residue of the Palaepoltians again into the War, wherein the Vestini, to∣gether with their Allies, were also ingaged.

In the beginning of this War, great Commotions happen'd in the City, occasion'd by one Papirius, who had given up himself as Slave to Publius, a severe Usu∣rer, to work out his Father's Debt. Papirius being both Young and Beautiful, Publius attempted to abuse him after a filthy Manner, and upon his Refusal, most cruelly scourg'd him. In this Condition Papirius fled to the People, who were so affected with his barba∣rous Usage, that they procur'd these two Laws Short∣ly after: First, That no Man shou'd be detain'd in Bounds, except for heinous Misdemeanors, and then not after Punish∣ment. The second, That the Money and Goods, not the Body of the Debtor shou'd be responsible: Whereupon all Prisoners for Debt were immediately set at Liberty. The following Year, the Vestini were overthrown by Brutus Scaeva, the Consul, and two Towns taken

from 'em. His Collegue, Furius Camillus, being Sick at Samnium,* 1.197 nam'd Papirius Cursor for Dictator, the most famous Commander in those times, who appointed Fabius Rullianus for his Master of the Horse. Papirius be∣ing encamp'd nigh the Samnites, was forc'd to return to Rome to renew his Auspicia, leaving a most strict Command to Fabius not to stir out of his Trenches in his absence: But Fabius finding a great Advantage, engag'd the Enemy, and made a great Slaughter of 'em. The Dictator in a great Rage return'd to the Camp, and wou'd have put him to Death, but the Army re∣scu'd him; which caus'd Papirius to make great com∣plaints to the Senate, witha•• urging the absolute Ne∣cessity of a strict Discipline and Authority. But at last the Intreaties of the Fathers, with the Commotions of the Tribunes and People, prevail'd with him to spare his Life. This Severity of Papirius so alienated the Hearts of the Soldiers, that it almost cost him the loss of a Battel soon after, which constrain'd him to be more Popular for the future; after which he over∣threw the Samnites, and so much wasted their Coun∣try, as forc'd them to desire a Peace.

The Samnites soon return'd to their former Enmi∣ty, and in two Years time they grew so strong, that the Senate thought it necessary to create a D••ct••tor to op∣pose 'em, and this was Cornelius Arvina, who appointed Fabius Ambustus for his Master of the Horse,* 1.198 and gave the Enemy a great Overthrow; by which the Samnites were so weaken'd, that they sent all their Prisoners and Plunder to Rome, together with the dead Body of the Author of the Revolt, who had kil••'d himself to avoid being deliver••d up, and all to purchase Peace. The Senate only receiv••d the Men, with such Goods as were particularly challeng'd, and dem'd 'em Peace. Inrag'd at this, Pontius, the chief Man among em, drew out the Samnites to a Place, call'd Caudium, and putting ten Soldiers in the Habit of Shepherds, he sent 'em to Calatia where the Consuls lay, with Instructions

to report that the Samnites were now in Apulia before Luceria, and had almost taken it. The Consuls belie∣ving this Report, made all speed to relieve the Town, lest their Allies, the Apulians might be oblig'd to join with the Samnites. Now the Romans had but two Ways to March to Luceria; one large enough, but far a∣bout; the other a narrow Passage through the Straits of Caudium, a Place incompass••d with high Mountains, and extream difficult and dangerous to pass, if an Ene∣my were nigh. The Consuls leading their Army through this, were immediately block'd up on all sides by Pontius, who had possess'd himself of all the Defiles.

The Samnites having got the Romans at this great Advantage, immediately sent to Herennius, Pontius's Fa∣ther, to know how to proceed. Herennius sent two se∣veral Messages, the first to dismiss the Romans without any Injury at all, the second to put 'em all to the Sword; urging, That one of th••se two Ways was absolutely necessary; for the first would lay a perpetual Obligation on a most powerful People, and the second would be a great weakning of a most formidable Enemy; and that no third Way cou'd either gain their Friendship, or diminish their Strength. But this prudent Counsel wou'd not be heard; so the Romans had these Articles allow'd 'em: First, That their Army shou'd march away only with their under Garments, having first in Token of Slavery pass'd under the Jugum or Gallows: Secondly, They shou••d wholly quit all Samnium, and remove all their Colonies: And Thirdly, Both Roman and Samnite shou'd live under the same Terms of Confederacy and Alliance. The Romans were constrain'd to submit to these disgraceful Articles, and with wonderful Shame, Anger, and Confusion, re∣turn'd to Capua disarm'd and half naked, and from thence to Rome. The whole City was most sensibly afflicted at this shameful Disaster, their generous Blood boiling in their Veins, and nothing but Fury and Re∣venge appear••d in their Faces. The Consuls refused to appear abroad, or to act, for which reason a Dictat••r

was created for holding the Comitia for a new Electi∣on, which was Aemilius Papus,* 1.199 who appointed Valerius Flaccus for his Master of the Horse. But instead of an Election of Consuls, the State for a while fell into an Interregnum, there being nothing but Grief and Vexa∣tion in all Places, and the whole City put into Mourning.

But the Year following, Consuls were chosen, Pa∣pirius Cursor and Publilius Philo being the Persons; and the Senate being assembled, Posthumius, one of the last years Consuls, generously offer••d himself to be deli∣ver••d, together with his Collegue up to the Enemy, and so to break the Caudine Treaty, urging, That only they two were oblig'd to observe the Articles, and not the State, which was altogether Ignorant of what was done. This was gratefully accepted of, but Pontius refus••d to receive 'em, greatly exclaiming against the Perfidiousness of the Romans. But the Army soon march'd against them under the Conduct of Papirius, and sufficiently re∣veng'd themselves of all former Affronts, overthrow∣ing 'em in several Battels, making em all pass under the Iugum, recovering several Towns, and freeing the 600 Hostages which they had deliver'd to em in the Caudine Treaty; so that the Samnites cou'd very hard∣ly obtain a two years Truce. In the time of this Truce, two new Tribes were added to the rest, namely, the Ufentine and Falerine,* 1.200 which made the Number thir∣ty one. The Samnites, incourag••d by some others, broke their Truce, which together with the Hetrurians warlike Preparations, occasion••d the Creation of a Dictator, which was L. Aemilius, who made L. Fulvius moritious his Master of the Horse,* 1.201 and in a bloody Battel over∣threw the Enemy, who came to relieve Saticula, which he had invested. The next Year, another Dictator was created to carry on this War, which was Fabius Maxi∣mus, who chose Aulius Cerretan for his Master of the Horse, and took Saticula, managing the War with great Success against the Samnites,* 1.202 and considerably

inlarging the Roman Dominions in those Parts.

The following Year, a dangerous Conspiracy was discover'd at Capua; and this occasion'd the creating of a Dictator,* 1.203 which was C. Maenius, who made choice of M. Foslius for his Master of the Horse, and soon sup∣press••d that Disturbance. The next Year, the Samnite War was carri••d on with great Vigour, and a Dictator created, which was C. Paetelius, who made M. Foslius his Master of the Horse,* 1.204 and gain'd great Advantages over the Enemy. After which the Romans had a short Breathing Time, and but a short one; for soon after, the Hetrurians making great Threats, and as great Pre∣parations, another Dictator was created, which was Iunius Bubulcus,* 1.205 who perform'd little against 'em, by reason of their keeping upon the Defensive. In this same Year, Appius Claudius being one of the Censors, made the Famous Cawsey, or High-way, call••d Via Appia, a Prodigious Work, together with the Chan∣nel of Fresh Water, which he brought into the City; which Works he all alone Accomplish••d, according to Livy. A year or two was employ••d against the Hetru∣rians, till at last Papirius was made Dictator,* 1.206 who chusing Bubulcus his Master of the Horse, gave 'em the greatest Overthrow that they ever receiv'd yet, all their Choi∣cest Men being lost; and from that time they were never able to perform much against Rome. Four years after,* 1.207 a Dictator was created for holding the Comitia for Election of Consuls, which was Cornelius Scipio, and Decius Mus was his Master of the Horse. In the se∣cond Year after this, the Samnites, after many and great Losses, obtain••d a Peace, 12 Years after they broke their Truce, and the Ancient League was re∣new••d with em, and this happen••d 37 Years after the first War with that Nation.

Soon after this Peace was concluded, the Romans turn••d their Arms against the Aequi,* 1.208 and chastiz••d them for Assisting the Samnites, which affrighted o∣ther

Nations into Subjection, the Roman Dominions now daily increasing. But however such Resistance was made as they thought it necessary to have a Di∣ctator, which was Iunius Bubulcus, who chose M. Ti∣tinius for his Master of the Horse,* 1.209 and in Eight days time return'd in Triumph. In less than a Year af∣ter, the Fame of the Hetrurians joyning with the Um∣brians, a People on the North of them, and the Sabines, occassion'd the creating of another Dictator, which was Valerius Maximus, who appointed Aemilius Paulus for his Master of the Horse.* 1.210 This Dictator intirely broke the Power of all the Hetrurians, reducing all their Ter∣ritories to the Roman Subjection; which happen'd a∣bove 420 Years after the first Wars with those Peo∣ple. The Umbrians were likewise much weaken'd, and lost a considerable Part of their Country; the Romans still extending their Dominions on all Sides, and continually Increasing their Strength.

During some sort of Intermission abroad, the Com∣mons began to fall into their former dissatisfi'd Hu∣mour, and the Tribunes much complain'd that all the Priests and Augurs were created out of the Patritians, and urg••d that the Plebeians might also partake of those Offices. The Senate made no great Oppositions, as being sufficiently accustom'd to yield in Matters of greater Moment: So that whereas at present there were but Four Chief Priests, and as many Augurs, an∣swering to the Four Tribes in the City, now Four more were added, and to those, Five more out of the Body of the Commons. And in this same Year, Valerius, the Consul, preferr'd a Law of Appeal more carefully enacted; which was the third time this Law was con∣firm'd since the Expulsion of the Kings, and always occasion••d by the same Family. The same Consul fell upon the Aequi, who were now in Rebellion, and in a little time they had nothing left 'em of their An∣cient Fortune, but the Stoutness of their Tempers. The

following Year was a Lustrum, and Two new Tribes were added to the former,* 1.211 namely, the Aniensis and the Tarentine, which now made the whole Number Thirty three. The City was also much increas'd, for at the next Lustrum, five Years after, there were cess'd no less than 262322 free Citizens.

Within a Year after this, the Samnites, after six Years Respite, broke their League with the Romans, and with them were fought several Battels, the Sam∣nites being almost always Losers. But the most Me∣morable was that about three Years after this last Breach, when they had got the Umbrians and Gauls, with some of the Hetrurians to assist 'em, and receiv••d a most dreadful Overthrow by the Consuls, Fabius Maximus, and Decius Mus. In the midst of this Fight, Decius seeing his Party retire, and in danger of being defeated, he follow'd the great Example of his Fa∣ther above Forty Years before, and most solemnly devoted himself to the Gods; then rushing into the midst of the Enemy with an extraordinary Fury and Courage, he recover••d his Army, but with the loss of his Life. About two Years after, Papirius, Son to the former, got a noble Victory over 'em, took above 15000 Prisoners, gain••d several Towns, and obtain••d a splendid Triumph. But the following Year, the Samnites ventur••d another Battel, and had better For∣tune, overthrowing Fabius Gurges, the Consul, which put the Senate upon removing of him. But his Fa∣ther, Fabius Maximus, to prevent the Disgrace, pro∣mis••d to be Lieutenant to his Son; which Office he perform••d so well, as he procur'd him a great Victo∣ry, and a Triumph. And within two Years after, the Samnites were so mortifi'd, as to beg a Peace, after Pontius their General had been taken and slain, which was at last granted em, and the League was renew••d with ••em a fourth time.

In less than a Years time,* 1.212 the Samnites again broke their League, but were punish••d with the loss of seve∣ral

Battels and more Towns, over whom, Dentatus, the Consul, Triumph'd twice in one Year; after which were Colonies sent to Castrum, Sena, and A∣dria. Two years after, the Triumviri for Capital Mat∣ters were created,* 1.213 who had Power to Imprison, and Punish all Malefactors; and in the same Year 273000 Free Citizens were Cess'd. Three Years after that, the Commons, by reason of their desperate Debts, and violent Contests between them and the Patricians, withdrew themselves into the Hill Ianiculum; which was the third Separation of the Plebeians. The Se∣nate, to appease this dangerous Tumult,* 1.214 Created Q. Hortensius Dictator, who, with many Arts, and much Difficulty, perswaded 'em to return, Promising them, That their Plebiscita shou'd have the Force of Laws, and bind the whole Body Politick. This was call'd the Lex Hortensia, tho' the same, in Effect, had been granted twice before. Soon after, Wars were successfully ma∣nag••d against the Lucani, a Nation in almost the far∣thest Parts of Italy, who had molested the Thurini, the Roman Allies.* 1.215 But the last of the Italians that made much Opposition, were the Tarentines, formerly men∣tion••d, who inhabited a very large and rich City in the South-Eastern parts of Italy, 240 Miles from Rome. These People had plunder••d several of the Roman Ships, which was the Occasion and Beginning of that War.

Nevertheless these Tarentines, tho' joyn'd with the Lucani, Messapii, Brutii, Apulii and Samnites, (the four former being their Neighbours, and the Inhabitants of the South-Eastern parts of Italy) were not able to oppose the extraordinary growing Power of the Ro∣mans; but were in a short time so distress'd, that they were forc••d to send for Pyrrhus King of Epirus to come over and Assist 'em. And thus began the Me∣morable War with that Famous Commander, the most considerable the Romans ever before met with, which happen'd in the 473d. Year of the City, A. M. 3724,

in the 4th Year of the 124th Olympiad, 228 since the beginning of the Consular State, 109 since the Burning of the City by the Gauls, 49 since the beginning of the Macedonian Empire by Alexander, and 279 before our Saviour Christ.

CHAP. VIII.

From the first Wars with Pyrrhus King of Epirus to the first Punick or Carthaginian War; when the Romans first set Foot out of Italy.

Containing the Space of 16 Years.

I. PYrrhus was much Solicited by the Tarentines to come into Italy,* 1.216 who, in the Name of many of the Italians, made many large Presents to him, signi∣fying, How much they stood in need of a General, so Emi∣nent both for Abilities, and the reputation of his Arms. Pyrrhus being of a generous and ambitious Temper, promis'd 'em to come over with an Army, and short∣ly after dispatch'd Cineas a Thessalian, an excellent O∣rator and Scholar of Demosthenes, with 3000 Men for Tarentum. Soon after him, he put to Sea with 20 E∣lephants, 3000 Horse, 20000 Foot, 2000 Archers, and 500 Slingers; but meeting with a great Storm, his Ships were much dispers'd, and some lost, so that he arriv'd at Tarentum but with a small part of his Ar∣my. When he enter'd the Town, he refus••d to act without their particular Order, till the rest of his Ar∣my were Arriv'd; then observing how the Inhabi∣tants apply'd themselves chiefly to Bathing, Feasting, and their Pleasures, he shut up the Publick Meeting Places, restrain'd them from Drinking and Games, and called them to Arms, being very severe in Listing Men fit for Action and Service. He now receiv••d Intelli∣gence, that Laevinus the Roman Consul was upon his

March with a numerous Army, wasting Lucania as he pass••d; and tho these Confederate Troops were not all arriv••d, he drew out his Army against him; but be∣fore the Armies cou'd joyn, he sent to Laevinus, offe∣ring a Mediation between the Romans and their Adver∣saries. But Laevinus return'd Answer, That he neither esteem'd him as a Mediator, nor fear'd him as an Enemy; and taking his Messengers, he order'd 'em to be led through the midst of the Camp, and bad them go tell their Master what they had seen.

Pyrrhus advanc'd, and encamp'd on the Plain be∣tween Pandosia and Heraclia; and perceiving the Ro∣mans lay on the other side of the River Lyris in good Order, he Planted Men all along the Bank to oppose their Passage: But the Romans hastning to prevent the coming up of those Forces he expected Attempted the Passage with their Infantry, where it was fordable, the Horse getting over in several Places; so that the Greeks fearing to be hemn'd in were oblig••d to retreata little way which Pyrrhus perceiving, drew up his Men in Battalia, himself at the Head of em, and began the Charge. He was very remarkable for the Fineness and Richness of his Arms, but more for the Bravery and Nobleness of his Acts; managing the Battel with a great Steadiness and Presence of Mind, and perfor∣ming the Drudgery of a common Soldier, as well as the Office of a general. In the midst of the Fight, Pyrrhus••, Horse was kill'd under him, which oblig'd him to change Armour with one near him, who being taken for the King was slain, and his Armour taken. This Armour being carri'd about by the Romans in token of his Death, struck such a Terror into his Sol∣diers, that it had lost him the Victory, but that he seasonably, and with much Labour made himself known. Whilst the Battel seem'd, doubtful, the Ele∣phants were sent in among the Romans, and the Sur∣prize they were in, together with their Horses not induring the Smell and Bigness of those Creatures,

broke their Ranks; whereupon Pyrrhus commanded the Thessalian Cavalry to Charge them in this Disor∣der, and gave them a total Rout, with great Slaugh∣ter, tho with the Loss of many of his best Men, he himself also being wounded. The Romans lost nigh 15000 Men, and had 1800 taken Prisoners: and the other side lost 13000, as Plutarch observes out of Dio∣nysius.

Pyrrhus us'd the Roman Prisoners with extraordinary Civility and Courtesie, and generously bury••d their Dead; then taking a view of their Bodies, and obser∣ving that they were all wounded before, and what noble and stern Countenances they had, he lift up his Eyes, and Cry••d, O how easily might I Conquer the World, were I Master of such Soldiers! After this Battel, Pyrrhus being joyn'd with the Auxiliary Troops of the Samnites, Lucani and Brutii, directed his March towards Rome, and advanc'd as far as Praeneste, laying waste all before him. The Romans us'd all necessary Diligence to recruit their Troops, and to make new Levies, Stirring up their Courages as much as possi∣bly, Fabricius a Patritian insinuating, That the Loss was not through want of Valour, but Conduct, and that the Grecians had not overcome the Romans, but Pyrrhus had Conquer'd Laevinus. Pyrrhus finding the Romans very diligent and expeditious in their Recruits, consider••d it was more Honourable to Treat with 'em after his Victory, since he had but small hopes of subduing them, and for that purpose sent Cineas to find out their Inclinations, a Man so powerful in Rhetorick, that the King acknowledg••d him, To have storm'd more Towns by his Tongue, than he ever did by his Arms. Cineas very closely apply••d himself to several of the Nobili∣ty, with Presents for themselves and their Ladies as from his Master; but he found 'em so Steady and unmov'd, that not a single Person wou••d receive any, and both Men and Women answer••d, That if a Trea∣ty were publickly concluded, They then shou'd be ready to

shew all Respect and Service due to so great a Man as the King was.

Cineas finding these Methods ineffectual, proceeded to his Business more publickly, and being come into the Senate, he said the most soft and obliging Things in the World; likewise offering in his Masters Name, to return all that was taken in the Battel without Ran∣som, and Promising all the Assistance that cou••d be expected for the Conquering all Italy, only asking for his Master and the Tarentines their Friendship and Al∣liance. These fair Promises at first made the Senate somewhat inclin••d to a Treaty, till Appius Claudius, now blind and very ancient, was brought into the Senate-House, who by a stirring and incouraging O∣ration, so warm'd the assembly, that Cineas, cou'd be hear'd no more, but was dismiss••d with this Answer; That when Pyrrhus had withdrawn his Forces from Italy, then if he pleas••d they wou'd Treat with him about Friend∣ship and Alliance, but till then, they resolv'd to carry on the War with the utmost Vigour, tho' they met with never so many Defeats. Cineas at his Return, was ask••d by Pyrrhus, what he thought of Rome, he told him, That the Senate appear'd to him as a venerable Assembly of so many Kings; and the People he thought were like the Hydra, whose Num∣bers increas'd the more for the Defeat; for the Consul had alreday rais'd twice as great an Army, and there were still far greater Numbers behind.

Soon after Cineas's Return, the Romans sent to Pyr∣rhus about Ransoming of Prisoners, among others, C. Fabricius, a Person eminent for his great Vertues, and remarkable for his profess'd Poverty. Pyrrhus receiv••d him with an Extraordinary Civility and Kindness, likewise offer'd him Gold, assuring him, It was no o∣therwise than an Hospitable Respect to a Person of his Excel∣lencies; but all this had no Effect upon the Steadiness of Fabricius's Temper. The next Day, Pyrrhus trying all Methods to discompose him, commanded one of his largest Elephants, compleatly Arm'd, to be plac'd

behind the Hangings, and in the midst of their Dis∣course, upon a Sign given, the Tapestry was drawn aside, and the huge Elephant raising his Trunk over Fabricius's Head, made a hideous Noise. Fabricius, tho he had never seen this Creature, was not at all a∣fraid, but gently turning about, and Smiling said, Neither your Gold Yesterday, nor you dreadful Beast to Day can make any Impression upon me. Pyrrhus amaz'd at the Greatness of his Mind, releas'd the Prisoner••, intru∣sting 'em to him alone, with nothing but a Promise, That if the Senate accepted not of Peace, they shou'd return to him; which accordingly they did, being comman∣ded to do it by the Senate upon pain of Death. In the same Year, Coruncanius, Laevinus•• Collegue, Tri∣umph'd over some of the Hetrurians who had revol∣ted; and likewise this Year the Lustrum being per∣form'd, 278222 Free Citizens were Cess'd.

II. The Roman Army being now recruited, Sulpi∣cius Saverrio,* 1.217 and Decius Mus, the Consuls for the fol∣lowing Year, were sent against Pyrrhus. The Romans had now learn'd not to fear the Elephants so much as formerly, and were very carful in observing and un∣derstanding Pyrrhus's Art and Conduct in Battel. Both Armies met about the City of Asculum, and Pyrrhus was incommoded by a Woody Country ve••y inconve∣nient for his Cavalry, and a very swift Current of the River, that the Elephants for want of sure Footing cou'd not get up with the Infantry: But after many wounded and kill'd, the Night put an End to the Engagement. The next Morning, Pyrrhus designing to Fight on even Ground, and to have the Elephants in the thickest of the Enemy, caus'd a Detachment, to possess themselves of those incommodius Grounds, and mixing Slingers and Archers among the Elephants, with great Courage advanc'd in a close and well or∣der'd Body; and the Romans not having those Advan∣tages of Retreating and falling on as they had before,

were oblig'd to Fight Man to Man upon plain Ground making a bloody Slaughter among the Graecian Spear Men not minding or valuing what they suffer'd them∣selves: After a long and obstinate Fight, the Romans were so press'd upon, especially by the mighty Force of the Elephants and the Gaecian Cavalry, and so over∣power••d, that they retreated to their Camp with the loss of 6000 Men, the Enemy having lost nigh 4000. This Battel is variously related, but this is the truest Account that I can find of it.

After this Engagement, 'tis said, Pyrrhus reply'd to a Gentleman who congratulated him for his Victory, If we overcome the Romans another time, we are utterly ruin'd. For by this time, he had lost a great Part of his Forces he had brought over, and almost all his parti∣cular Friends and Commanders. This Battel finish'd the Campaign, and the rest of the time was employ••d in taking Care for the next; at which time Fabricius himself was chosen Consul together with Aemilius Pa∣pus. At the nigh Approach of the two Armies, Fabri∣cius receiv••d a Letter from the King••s principal Physi∣cian, Offering to take off Pyrrhus by Poyson, and so end the War without farther hazard to the Romans, provided he might have a Reward proportionable to the Greatness of the Service. Fabricius inrag'd at the Villany of the Phy∣sician, and Disposing his Colleague to the same Opi∣nion, he immediately dispatch••d Letters to Pyrrhus to let him know what an ill Choice he had made both of his Friends and Enemies; that he was in War with Honest Men, and trusted and promoted Villains; and that the Ro∣mans abhor'd all Treacherous Practices, it being their Cu∣stom to Conquer an Enemy by the Power of their own Arms, and not by Treason of the other Subjects. Pyrrhus receiv'd the Message with all Courtesie, and being more and more surpriz••d at the Roman Greatness and Generosi∣ty, he cry'd out, This is that Fabricius whom it is har∣der to turn from the Ways of Vertue and Honesty, than the Sun from its Course. Such was the noble Spirit of the

Romans in these Days, where each Man minded the Honour of the Publick more than his own particular profit.

Pyrrhus made a strict inquiry into this Plot, and ex∣ecuted the Physician; and that he might not be ex∣cell••d in Generosity, he immediately sent to Rome all the Prisoners without Ransom, and again employ'd Cineas to Negotiate a Peace with 'em, being now more desirous of their Alliance than ever: But whether the Romans believ'd their sending home so many Priso∣ners, too great an Obligation from an Enemy, or too great a Reward for barely not doing Ill, they wou••d not accept of 'em Gratis, but immediately releas••d as many of the Tarentines and Samnites: and wou••d ad∣mit of no Debate of Alliance or Peace with Pyrrhus, till he had withdrawn his Forces from Italy and Sail••d back to Epirus in the same Ships that brought him over. The King was much confounded at this, being very unwilling to continue this War, and much more to quit it Dishonourably; but in a short time after he was reliev'd by an Expedition into Sicily, he begin intrea∣ted by the Inhabitants, to expell the Carthag••uians, and clear the Island of Tyrants. This prov'd an Ho∣nourable Pretence of drawing off his Forces, and lea∣ving Italy; therefore sending Cineas before, and put∣ting a Garrison into Tarentum, tho much against their Wills, he embark••d for Sicily with an Army of 30000 Foot, and 2500 Horse, after he had been in Italy two Years and Four Months.

III. The Absence of Pyrrhus gave the Romans much Respite, or at least Leisure enough to punish the Samnites, Tarentines, Lucani and Brutii, whom they warr••d against with good Success; they having little Hopes, but the Return of Pyrrhus, with whom they were very Urgent, letting him to understand, That they were shut up in their Towns, which cou'd hard∣ly be maintain'd without his Assistance. Pyrrhus, tho he

had been successful enought, within two Years, was glad to have so specious a Pretence of leaving Sicily, when his Carriage there had been so displeasing to many, that in a short time he must have left it with no other Pretence than Necessity and Self-Preservati∣on. About the time of his Return, there happened such a dreadful Plague in Rome, that Cornelius Rufinus, the last year's Consul, was created Dictator for the Ce∣remony of Driving a Nail into the Temple of Iupi∣ter,* 1.218 which they, by Tradition, believ'd wou'd asswage the Distemper: and this was the third Dictator created upon this Account. The Consuls for the following year were Curius Dentatus, and Cornelius Lentulus; the former of which raising new Levies, was oppos'd by the Peo∣ple, who refus'd to list themselves. Curius, resolving to go through with his Designs, commanded the Names of every Tribe to be put into a Box; and the Lot falling upon the Pollian Tribe, the first that was drawn of that Tribe was cited: and not answering, he sold his Goods; and, upon his appealing to the Tribunes, he sold the Man too, saying, The Commonwealth stood in no need of such a Member as refus'd all Obedience The. Tribunes at that time, did not assist the Fellow; and ever after hatt if any refus'd to stil himself in a just Muster when commanded, it became a Custom to make a Slave of him.

Pyrrhus, by this time, had with some Difficulty and Danger got from Sicily to Tarentum with an Army of 20000 Foot and 3000 Horse, where increasing his Army by new Levies, he march'd into Samnium, where the Romans had gather'd together a powerful Ar∣my Pyrrhus divided his Forces into two Part where∣of, one he sent into Lucania to hinder Lentulus from joyning with his Collegue Curius Dentatus, against whom he directed his March, then advantage•••• ••ly posted nigh Beneventum. Pyrrhus hast'ning to attact him there before the other cou'd arrive, with the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of his Men and the fiercest of his Elephants, march'd

in the time towards the Roman Camp, hoping to sur∣prize 'em; but passing through Woods his Lights fail'd him, and his Men lost their way. Whereupon a Council of War being call'd, while they were in de∣bate, and at the break of day his Approach was dis∣cover'd by the Romans as they march'd down the Hills, which put their whole Camp into much Disor∣der and Fear; but recovering themselves, Curius drew out his Troops in haste, and falling in with the Vant∣guard of Pyrrhus, put him to flight, killing many Men, and taking some Elephants. This Success very much discourag'd the rest of Pyrrhus's Troops, and Cu∣rius descending into the Plain, join'd Battel with the whole Army. In one Wing he repuls'd the Enemy, in the other, by the Violence of the Elephants, he was born back to his Trenches; where calling forth those who guarded 'em, they from the high Places so ply'd the Beasts with Darts and fired Pitch and Hemp, that they ran back upon their Friends, bearing down, and breaking all their Ranks, so that the Victory fell to the Romans, Pyrrhus having lost 23000 Men, ac∣cording to Eutropius.

Pyrrhus's Camp was also taken, which was not on∣ly admir'd, but likewise prov'd of very great Use af∣terwards: for anciently the Romans and the Nations about 'em were wont to pitch their Tents without Order, after the manner of Booths, in the midst of their several Battalions; but Pyrrhus measuring out his ground, encamp••d his whole Army within a Trench. By his Example the Romans receiv'd great Light and Experience as to Warlike Affairs, and af∣terwards adding such things as they found necessary, they attained to the most absolute Skill in Encam∣ping, in succeeding times. Curius Dentatus obtained a most splendid Triumph for this Victory, being graced with four Elephants, 1300 Prisoners of several Nati∣ons, with several Implements of the Tarentine Luxury, and Rarities. A few days after, his Collegue tri∣umph'd

over the Samnites and Lucani: and this year was remarkable for the Censorship of Fabricius and Aemilius, who remov'd Rufinus, and who had been twice Consul and once Dictator, out of the Senate, for having ten pound of Silver Plate for the Use of his Table: and in this Lustrum 271224 Free Citizens were cess'd or poll'd. As for Pyrrhus, he bore his Defeat with an undaunted Mind, and receiving Letters from Greece and Asia, he call'd the Epirots and Tarentines to∣gether, telling them that Assistance wou'd soon come; which Report, kept the Romans in their Camp: and so taking this Advantage, the Night following he pass'd undisturb••d into Epirus with 8000 Foot and 500 Horse, first leaving a Garrison in Tarentum, which was more to preserve his own Reputation than for any other Use. Thus in about six Years ended the Wars with the famous Pyrrhus, a Person esteem••d the ablest Commander of all the Kings in that time, both for Military Experience and Personal Valour: but he knew better how to Conquer than how to Keep; and from him the Romans did not only improve the Art of Encamping, but likewise learn'd to avoid Plains, and better to sustain the Shock of a disciplin'd Caval∣ry, which before they had despis'd.

IV. The Roman Name, which before had been fa∣mous, was now become formidable, after the Over∣throw of so great a Man as Pyrrhus, which made way for farther Conquests, and the Establishment of the Roman Empire. In the second year after Pyrrhus's Retreat, Ptolemy Philadelphus, King of Egypt, sent Am∣bassadors to congratulate the Roman Success,* 1.219 and to enter into an Alliance with 'em. The Romans, to shew him the greater Respect, likewise sent Ambas∣sadors to Egypt, where they were most courteously receiv'd, and sent home laden with Gifts and Pre∣sents. The following year, the Taremines not being able to remove the Garrison Pyrrhus had left under

Milo, desir'd Aid of the Carthaginians; and with them giving Battel to the Romans, were overthrown. Milo sensible how unable he was to resist, by leave from the Consul Papirius, departed with his Men, and quit∣ted the Castle, which the Romans possessing, easily became Masters of the City, the Walls whereof they demolish'd. Peace and Liberty were granted to all the Citizens; and this year the two Consuls triumph'd, having finish'd both the Tarentine and Samnite Wars in the year 481. The latter of these had, with some Intermissions, continu'd seventy one years; and over these the Romans triumph'd thirty times, namely, Con∣suls twenty six, Dictator twice, and Pro-Consuls as many.

Now the Romans grew much too powerful for their Neighbours, for the greatest Part of Italy was now conquer'd, an Accession being made not only of the Tarentines and Samnites, but of the Lucanians also, and not long before, of the He••rurians. After this, the Campanian Legion, who had treacherously seiz'd upon Rhegium, and kept it to themselves, were besieg'd, and upon Surrender, put to death by fifty at a time. Soon after, the Inhabitants of Apollonia in Illyricum sending Ambassadors to Rome, some extravagant and unruly Noblemen fell upon 'em and beat 'em but the Romans were so just as to deliver 'em up to the Apollo∣niates. In the same year, the Picentes were subdu'd, and Colonies were sent to Ariminum in the Country of the Piceni, and to Beneventum in that of the Samnites. About the same time was Silver first coin'd in Rome, whereas Brass had only been in use till now, their Riches being encreas'd by their Conquests,* 1.220 and large Quantities of Silver were found in a Castle of the Sam∣nites. A year after, the Sabines, who some years past had been made Denizons of Rome, receiv'd now also the Power of Voting in Elections. About four years after that, the Number of the Quaestors were encreas'd from four to eight; and in the same year the Reducti∣on of the Umbri and Sallentini,* 1.221 together with the Ci∣ty

of Brundusium,* 1.222 compleated the Conquest of all Ioaly.

Now were the Roman Dominions much larger than ever, containing the whole Body of old Italy and the several Italian Nations, being about 500 Miles long, and 130 broad, which comprehended about one ha••f of that Country which now goes by the Name of Italy, as was formely observ'd. Just at the same time began the first Punick or Carthaginian War, in the 489th Year of the City, A. M. ••740, in the 4th Year of the 128th Olympiad, 244 since the beginning of the Consu∣lar State, 125 since the Destruction of the City by the Gauls, 65. since the beginning of the Macedonian Em∣pire by Alexander the Great, and 263 before our Sa∣viour's Nativity.

CHAP. IX.

From the Beginning of the first Punick War, to the Beginning of the second; the Romans now grow∣ing powerful by Sea as well as by Land.

Containing the Space of 47 Years.

I. THE Carthaginians made up a very large and powerful Common-wealth,* 1.223 commanding most of that part of Africa which now goes by the general Name of Barbary; their Dominions extending about 2000 Miles in length, all bordering upon the Sea; ha∣ving besides the Islands of Sardinia and Corsica, and the greatest part of Sicily, with other lesser Isles. The Occasion of the Romans War with this Nation, was, their joyning with Hiero King of Syracuse against the Mamertines, and for besieging Messana, which oblig'd that People to send to Rome for Succour. The Ro∣mans had not forgot the Carthaginians assisting the Ta∣rentines against them not long before; and because the former Carriage of the Mamertines was not easily justified, they made that their Pretence of their de∣claring War against the Carthaginians. And Appi••••

Claudius, one of the Consuls, was immediately sent over to Sicily with an Army and a small Fleet. With much Danger and Difficulty he pass'd the Streights between Italy and Sicily, but with that Success, that the rais'd the Siege of Messana in a short time, and af¦ter that defeated both Hiero and the Carthaginians in two several Battels. Appius return'd to Rome with a noble Triumph, which was the first that ever was ob∣tain'd upon the Account of Foreign Actions. Not∣withstanding the great Wasting of the People by con∣tinual Wars, 292224 Free Citizens were cess'd this Year; and in this Year D. funius Brutus first brought in the Custom of having Fencing Maches perform'd by Gladiators at Funerals, a Custom very much in use afterwards.

The following Year, both the Consuls were or∣der'd for Sicily, with all their Le••••ons. And they manag'd the War so successfully, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 going to invest Syracuse it self, Hiero was affrighted into Obedience, perceiving that the Romans most probably wou'd be Conquerours; and so he made Peace upon these Terms, To restore all their Prisoners without Ransom, and to pay a hundred Talents of Silver. The Romans more readily embrac'd the Alliance, because the Carthagi∣nians being Masters at Sea, they cou'd not safely sup∣ply the Armies with Provisions and Necessaries, ex∣pecting that he shou'd chiefly take care about that af∣fair. Valerius, one of this Year's Consuls, from Messana had the Sirname of Messala, who also having taken Catana, carry'd from thence a new Sun-Dial to Rome, Papirius Curs••r having 30 Years before set up the first that ever was in this City. This, tho' not perfect, the People made use for 99 Years, till M. Philippus the Censor set up a perfect one by it; and about that time, Scipio Nasica being Censor, first made the equal Division of the Day into Hours, by Water dropping out of one Vessel into another. This Year the City being much afflicted with a Pestilence, a Dictator was

created for the Ceremony of Driving a Nail into Iu∣piter's Temple:* 1.224 This was Fulvius Maximus, who made Marcius Philippus his Master of the Horse; and he was the fourth Dictator created upon this Account.

The Romans, by the Alliance with Hiero, found themselves so eas'd of the Burden of the War, that the following Year they sent but two Legions to Si∣cily; at which time Agrigentum was invested by the Ro∣mans, and Annibal, the Carthaginian Admiral who came to relieve it, was overthrown by Posthumius and Mamilius the Consuls at land; so after a long Siege it was taken. The news of this was very grateful to the Citizens of Rome, who now began to think of no∣thing less than the clearing of Sicily, and the Con∣quests of that Island; and to that they directed all their Counsels. On Land indeed they seem'd suffici∣ently prosperous, for the two succeeding Consuls manag••d the War with good Success; but the Cartha∣ginians without Controversie being entire Masters at Sea, by that means procur'd the Maritime Towns to revolt to them: so that the War was not only bal∣lanc'd between the two Interests, but Italy was also grievously infested with the Carthaginian Fleet, while Africk was out of all Danger. The Considerations caus'd 'em diligently to apply themselves to Sea Af∣fairs, of which they were wholly ignorant before; therefore they found it a Matter of extraordinary Dif∣ficulty as well to build Vessels as to make use of 'em; for Italy had been as free from Shipwrights as from Sea-men. Having throughly observ'd a Carthaginian Vessel or two driven a Shore, they set about 100 Ves∣sels of five Oars of a side, and 20 of three, which they fitted out as well as they cou'd, after an odd way teaching their Men to Row upon Dry Land; well knowing that their Courages must supply all o∣ther Defects.

Thus meanly rigg'd out, in the fourth Year of this War the Consuls Cornelius and Duilius boldly ventur'd

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themselves aboard, and more boldly ventur'd to en∣gage an Enemy, who for many Ages had been the Inheritors of the Dominion of the Sea both by their Power and their Skill; a thing much admir'd by all Historians. Cornelius the Admiral parting from the rest of his Company with 17 Gallies to reduce Lipara, was surpriz'd by at greater number of the Carthaginians, and taken with the rest of his Fleet. But his Col∣legue Duilius was much more successful, first defeat∣ing 50 Sail of the Enemy, then falling upon the Rest of their Fleet, by the Help of a new invent∣ed Engine to grapple with their Vessels, by which they cou'd board 'em and fight as on Land, he obtain'd a Signal Victory over 'em, taking 50 of their Vessels; then pursuing it, rais'd the Siege of Aegesta, and took Macella by Storm. These Successes were so unexpected by the Senate, that they decreed Duilius unusual Honours; for besides his obtaining the Glory of the first Naval Triumph, he was ever after attended from Supper with Musick and Flambeaus. Annibal on the other side, to secure himself from Pu∣nishment, with all speed sent one of his Friends to Carthage before the Battel was known here, who gave an Account to the Senate, that the Romans were un∣der Sail with a great Fleet, and he wanted Instructi∣ons about engaging 'em. The Senate, upon this gave Orders to Fight without Delay, to whom the Mes∣senger reply'd, That he had already fought, and was o∣verthrown: By which means he prevented their con∣demning an Action they had but just before approv'd of.

This Year the Romans had but small Success by Land; for, a Breach between the Legions and the Auxiliaries occasion'd a Separation; which Advantage Amilcar the General of the Carthaginian Forces so far improv'd, as to cut off 4000 of 'em. But the Advan∣tages gain'd by Sea so far animated the Romans, that the following Year they invaded the Island; of Sardin•••• and Corsica, and with so good Success, that Hanno the

Carthaginian General there, was slain, and his Army cut off by Cornelius Scipio the Consul. This Victory was follow'd by another over Annibal, whom they surpriz'd at Sea, newly recruited from Carthage; for which the unfortunate Admiral was crucify'd by his own Soldiers that out-liv'd the Defeat. The next Year many Towns were lost and gain••d in Sicily on both sides; but above all, a noble Action of Calpur∣nius Flemma, a Tribune of the Army, was most re∣markable; for Attilius Calatinus the Consul having carelesly brought his Army into such a desperate Place, as there was no hopes of escaping, Calpurnius, with 300 choice Men, possess'd themselves of an Emi∣nence just by, and with incredible Courage so divert∣ed the whole Body of the Carthaginians, that the Con∣suls Army had Opportunity of passing with little op∣position. Calpurnius was the only Person that sur∣viv'd of the ••00, being miserably wounded, and co∣ver'd with dead Bodies. The next Year, Attilius Re∣gulus the Consul subdued the Islands Lipara and Me∣lita, the latter famous for the Shipwrack of St. Paul, and since call'd Malta:* 1.225 in which Year certain Prodi∣gies in Rome, or the Belief of such, occasion'd the crea∣ting of a Dictator, for the celebrating the Latin Holi∣days, which was Ogulneius Gallus, his Master of the Horse being Letorius Plancianus; and there was the se∣cond Dictator created upon this Account.

II. Now had this War continu'd Eight Years;* 1.226 when the Romans, finding themselves so strong by Sea as well as by Land, resolv'd to remove the Seat of the War into Africk; and accordingly put to Sea with a Fleet of 330 Sail, under the Command of the Con∣suls Regulus and Manlius. The Carthaginians, being sensible how necessary it was to keep the War from their own Walls, oppos'd 'em with a Fleet of 350 Sail, and a three-fold Battel was fought on the same Day, in which the Romans, by the Help of their Grap∣ling

Engines, and their undaunted Courages, became Conquerours, taking 54 Ships with all their Men, and sinking 30, losing themselves but 24 without their Men. In pursuance of this Victory, they made a Descent upon Africk, whose nighest Part was about 200 Miles from Sicily, and shortly after had Clupea surrender'd to 'em, a City seated upon the Promonto∣ry Hermaea. This done, they March'd into the Coun∣try, laying waste all before 'em, which they did without Opposition; but soon after they receiv'd In∣structions from the Senate, that Regulus should remain in Africk, in Character of Pro-Consul, with 40 Ships, 15000 Foot, and 500 Horse, and Manlius should re∣turn to Rome with the remaining Forces. Regulus en∣camping upon the River Bagrada, was forc'd to en∣gage a Monstrous Serpent of Miraculous Bigness, which, with the great Trouble of his Army, and by the Help of Battering Engines, he ••lew, sending its Skin to Rome, which was 120 Foot long, according to Livy and Gellius.

The Carthaginians, finding the Romans so successful, oppos'd Regulus with a considerable Army; but fight∣ing in a Place where their Horse and Elephants cou'd do but little Service, were soon defeated, and Tunetum or Tunis in a short space was taken by Regulus. But the Carthaginians having procur'd Xantippus, a brave Lacedaemonian, for their General, soon after gave Re∣gulus a dreadful Overthrow, he himself being taken Prisoner, and most of his Army cut off, the rest esca∣ping to Clupea. But Xantippus met with more Bar∣barous and Ungrateful Usage than Regulus; for the Carthaginians pretending to conduct him home Ho∣nourably, commanded the Sea-men to throw him and his Companions over-board, least so great a Victory shou'd be ascrib'd to the Laced••emonians, as Appian re∣lates it. The Romans were Besieg'd in Clupea, till their Enemies perceiving the small probability of reducing 'em, broke up the Siege, and made all Preparations

for the opposing the Succours sent under Aemilius Paulus and Fabius Nobilior, the following Years Con∣suls. These Consuls putting to Sea with 350 Sail, were met with by the Carthaginians, night hir own Coasts, whom they entirely defeated, taking 30 Ships and sinking 104, with the loss only of Nine of their own. After this, the Consuls took in the Roman Gar∣rison from Clupea, and set Sail again for Sicily, expect∣ing to have several Towns there surrender'd to 'em upon the News of this Victory; but before they cou'd make the Shore, there arose such a dreadful Storm, that most of their Ships were swallow'd up, or split upon Rocks; so that the Shore was fill'd with dead Bodies and broken Pieces of Ships. Both the Consuls perish'd, and those few that escap'd, Hiero kindly re∣ceiv'd; and furnishing 'em with Cloaths and other Necessaries, convey••d ••em safe to Messana.

Karthalo the Carthaginian immediately taking Ad∣vantage of this great Misfortune, besieg'd Agrigentum, and soon after took it, and demolish'd the Fortificati∣ons of it. The Romans nothing discourag'd at the great Losses sustained by the Tempest, immediately set about Building 220 Vessels, which they prosecu∣ted with that extraordinary Diligence and Expedition, that in three Months time they were both Built and Launch'd. On the other side, Asdrubal the Carthagi∣nian, with his Veterane Troops and Levies arriv'd at Sicily, with a Fleet of 200 Sail Old and New. The Consuls, Attilius and Cornelius being order'd for Sicily this Year, manag'd the War so prosperously, as to take several Towns; after which they return'd. Their Successors Servilius and Sempronius, in the following Spring, pass'd into Sicily with the whole Fleet, and from thence to Africk, where, Coasting about, they Landed in many Places, but perform'd nothing very Memorable. At last they touch'd upon the Island of the Lotophagi, call'd Meninx, nigh the lesser Syrtis; where being ignorant of these Coasts, they fell upon

certain Quick-sands; but getting off with much diffi∣culty, they return'd to Panormus in Sicily in a flying Posture. Then sailing for Rome, through the Straights, very unadvisedly, they were taken in a Storm, and 150 of the Ships lost. This same Year the Censors cal∣ling over the Senate, turn'd out 13 Members for Mis∣demeanours, and performing the Lustrum, 297797 Free Citizens were Poll••d.

Tho' the Senate and People of Rome were extreme∣ly vigorous in all great Attempts, being push'd on by an extraordinary Desire of Glory; yet the Losses at Sea had now been so great and numerous, that they were constrain'd to omit Naval Preparations, and place all their Hopes in their Land-Forces. Caecilius and Metellus were sent into Sicily with the Legions, and 60 Transport Vessels, only for Necssearies; and they did not only yield the Dominion of the Sea to the Carthaginians, but fear••d 'em also at Land, by rea∣son of their great Preparations, but especially for their Elephants, which had oftentimes much annoy••d 'em. Asdrubal, the Punick General, understanding their Fears, and that one of the Consuls was now return'd into Italy with half the Army, with great Assurance and Confidence ravag'd all the Country about Panor∣mus, and with the more Carelessness and Security, be∣cause Metellus kept himself within the Walls. But the Consul taking an Opportunity, so well plac'd his Men against the Elephants, that when Asdrubal came nigh the Town, he gave him a dreadful Overthrow, killing 20000 Men, and taking 26 Elephants, for which he had a noble Triumph. The Carthaginians imme∣diately lost all Sicily except Lilybaeum and Drepanum, to the former of which Places Asdrubal escap'd; but be∣ing Condemn'd at Carthage, he was taken and put to Death as soon as he return••d; the Unhappy Fate of many Carthaginian Generals.

III. The Carthaginians now finding themselves great* 1.227

Losers, and weary'd out with a Tedious War, which had now continu••d 14 Years, began to sollicit for Peace, and sent to the Senate to Treat about it: With the Ambassadors, Regulus also was sent, who had been Five Years Prisoner, and was now Bound with an Oath to return to Carthage, in case there was no Peace nor Exchange of Prisoners made. Regulus, contrary to the Expectation of all, openly in the Senate, discover∣ed the Weakness of the Carthaginians, and advised the Romans to make no Peace; shewing withall, both how honourable and profitable it might be to the State to prosecute the War. The Senate seem'd well satisfied with the Ad∣vice, if it were to be follow••d without Prejudice to the Adviser, whom they Pity••d as well as Admir'd, and cou'd not determine any thing to the Ruin of a Per∣son who had deserv••d so well at their hands. Upon that Account they desir'd him to stay; but he, with an Undeunted Resolution, told ••em, That he knew that Death and the extreamest Tortures were preparing for him at Carthage, but still he cou'd not comply with their Requests, who might have better us'd their Commands, had he been still his Countries Servant, as he was Africk's Slave, and upon that account not capable of living as became a Citizen of Rome: yet however he had so much of the True Spi∣rit of a Roman, that he cou'd do nothing that was base or dishonourable; and that he less fear'd the Tortures of a cruel Rack, than the Shame of an infamous Action, for the former only touch'd the Body, whereas the latter pierc'd the Mind.

All Means were us'd to perswade Regulus to stay, both by his Friends and others, which he avoided as much as possible, refusing to speak with his Wife, and shunning the Embraces and Kisses of his little Chil∣dren: And when the Negotiation was at an end, he return'd to Carthage, there ending his Days in great Torments. For, first they cut off his Eye-lids, keeping him in a dark •• Dungeon for a while, then brought him out in the midst of the Day, with his

Face turn'd full against the Sun: At last he was put into a Chest or Barrel, stuck with Nails with the Points inward, and so narrow, that he cou'd have no Ease, where he died with the Extremity of the Pain. When the Senate heard of the Barbarous Usage of Regulus, in great Rage they deliver'd up some Prisoners of the Highest Note and Quality to Marcia his Wife, who shut 'em up in an Armory stuck round with Iron Spikes, designing to torment them after the same man∣ner that her Husband had been, and keeping 'em five days together without Meat: in which time, Bostar the Carthaginian, with Pain and Hunger, died, but Hamilcar, being a stronger Man, was kept in, toge∣ther with the dead Body of Bostar, five days longer, having only so much Sustenance allow'd him as might serve to prolong his Life in Misery. At last, the Ma∣gistrates being inform'd of this, began to relent, and strictly forbid any more of such Usuage, commanding that Bostar's Ashes should be sent home, and the rest of the Prisoners shou'd be us'd more moderately: Which was done, to let the Enemy know, that the Romans were too generous to insult over the Miseries of unhappy Men, or to countenance any cruel Actions, tho' they had been incited by the highest Provocations, and all the Sen∣timents of a most just Retaliation.

The following Year, because the Land-Forces were very fearful of the Enemies Elephants, and pursu'd their Affairs with small Vigour, the Romans provided another Fleet, and Besieg'd Lilybaeum by Sea and Land, a Town standing upon the Southern Promontory of Sicily, over against Africk. The Romans were very unsuccessful in this Expedition, losing most of their Ships in a short time, partly by the Mismanagement of the Consul Claudius Pulcher, and partly by other Misfortunes; so that the whole Fleet was soon re∣duc'd to an inconsiderable number. Lilybaeum was still closely invested by Land; but the small Successes of the present Consuls, and other Losses, occasion'd

the creating of a Dictator to Command the Forces in Sicily:* 1.228 This was Attilius Calatinus, who appointed Cae∣cilius Metellus, who had Triumph'd over the Carthagi∣nians, for his Master of the Horse, and was the first Dicta∣tor that ever led an Army out of Italy; but nothing memorable was acted by him in Sicily before the time of his Office expir'd. The Romans now began to feel the Weight and Charge of the War more than ever; and they found that the City was not only drein'd of Money, but of Men too; for in the next Lustrum there were but 251222 Free Citizens Poll'd.

For Seven Years did the Romans abstain from any Sea-Preparations, in which time another Dictator was created in the Consuls Absence for holding the Comi∣tia for a New Election,* 1.229 which was Coruncanius Nepos, and his Master of the Horse was Fulvius Flaccus. At this time Amilcar, the Carthaginian Admiral, extream∣ly infested the Coasts of Italy; which made the Romans resolve once more to try their Fortune at Sea: and accordingly they fitted out a considerable Navy out of their private Purses, the Treasury being now exhaust∣ed. With this they gave the Carthaginians a notable Overthrow nigh the Aegatian Is••es, taking and sinking 120 of their Ships, according to the most modest Com∣putation. This great Loss brought 'em to a Peace, which, after two Consultations, was concluded upon these Articles; First, That the Carthaginians shou'd lay down 1000 Talents of Silver, and 2200 more within 10 Years time: Secondly, That they shou'd quit Sicily, with all the Isles thereabouts: Thirdly, That they shou'd never make War upon the Syracusians, or their Allies, nor come with any Vessels of War within the Roman Domi∣nions: and Fourthly, That they shou'd deliver up all their Prisoners without Ransom, as also the Deserters. Thus end∣ed the first Punick, or Carthaginian War, by the Greek Writers call'd the Sicilian War, after it had continu'd 24 Years, in the 51••th Year of the City, 23 Years be∣fore the Second, and 239 before our Saviour's Nativi∣ty;

wherein the Romans are said to have lost 700 Vessels, and the Carthaginians no more than 500.

IV. All Affairs now seem'd to succeed prosperous∣ly with the Romans,* 1.230 and in the same Year that this long War was ended, Two New Tribes were added to the rest, namely, the Veline and Quirine, which now made up the Number 35, which Number was never after exceeded. At this time the Romans began to grow more polite, a little applying their Minds to something of Study and Learning, particularly Poetry; and the Year after this War,* 1.231 the first Tragedies and Co∣medies were made by Livius Andronicus, a Graecian by Birth, one Year before Ennius the Poet was Born, about 160 after the Deaths of Sophocles and Euripides, and 62 after that of Menander. He drew the Minds of the People from the Use of the Satyr, which had immedi∣ately succeeded the old Stage-Plays, call'd Ludi Fescen∣nini, spoken of in the Sixth Chapter of this Book; which Satyr was a sort of a Dramatick Poem, full of Jests and Raillery, wholly different from the Satyrs of Lucilius and Horace afterwards. Naevius was the first Poet that follow'd his example, five Years after, the Year before which were celebrated the great Secu∣lar Games the third time,* 1.232 which were also call'd Ludi magni, and Ludi Terentini, and were of two sorts: the Greater, celebrated every 120 Years, and first institu∣ted in the 298th Year of the City; and the Lesser, ce∣lebrated every 100 Year, and first instituted about the 305th Year of the City, after the Banishment of the Decemviri: But these now celebrated were of the for∣mer sort. There were also other Games call'd Ludi Tarentini, which were very different from the Ludi Seculares, which I mention that Learners may avoid Confusion.

But to return to the Roman Affairs; the Carthagi∣nians, soon after their Peace with the Romans, fell into a Bloody War between themselves and their Merce∣nary

Soldiers, which proceeded both from their Want of Pay, and their Want of Employment; and this, with much Difficulty and Loss, was ended by Amil∣car, after more than Three Years. During which time, several of the Romans who traded into Africk, were secur'd by the Carthaginians, lest they shou'd fur∣nish their Enemies with Provisions. But when Am∣bassadors were sent to Carthage to complain of this Usage, they kindly dismiss'd all that were in Custo∣dy; which so affected the Romans, that they gene∣rously sent 'em all their Prisoners without Ransom, and for a short Space there seem'd to be an extra∣ordinary Friendship between these two Nations. But soon after their Troubles were ended, the Sardinians inviting over the Romans to that Island, they sail'd thither, which much offended the Carthaginians, who thought themselves to have the greatest Right to it; so they prepar'd to send Forces thither. The Romans took an Occasion from thence to proclaim War a∣gainst 'em, complaining, That these Preparations were design'd more against them, than the Sardinians. This so terrify'd the Carthaginians, who found themselves in no Condition to begin a new War, that they were forc'd to yield to Necessity, and not only quit all Sar∣dinia, but further, to pay the Romans 1200 Talents. This, tho' submitted to at present, prov'd afterwards the Occasion of a more bloody and dangerous War than the former. In the sixth Year after the Cartha∣ginian War, the Romans being in perfect Peace with all their Neighbours, the Temple of Ianus was shut the second time,* 1.233 it being open 437 Years. In the following Year was the first Divorce in Rome; and two Years after a Dictator was created for holding the Comitia, and this was C. Duilius, his Master of the Horse being Aurelius Cotta.

For five Years successively the Temple of Ianus continued shut, and in the sixth was open'd by a War with the Illyrians, a People nigh Greece, who inhabited

that Country which is now call'd Dalmatia: for Teu∣ta Queen of that Nation, elevated by her Prosperity in Peace, gave her Subjects Commission to rob all they met with at Sea; some of which happen'd to be Merchants of Italy, whom they used very Barbarously. Upon Intelligence of this, the Romans dispatch'd two Ambassadors, Caius and Lucius Coruncanus, to Illyricum, to demand Satisfaction. Teuta told 'em, That she would take care that no publick Injury shou'd be offer'd to the Romans; but she thought it was never the Custom of Princes to hinder their Subjects from making what private Advantage they cou'd from the Sea. But Lucius smart∣ly told her, That the Romans had learn'd a better Cu∣stom, which was, to punish Private Injuries with a Publick Revenge, and to relieve the Distressed; and they, by the help of the God's, would take care to reform her Princely Cu∣stoms. The Queen took this Freedom so heinously, that, contrary to the Law of Nations, she sent after the Ambassadors, and slew Lucius. This so enrag'd the Romans, that War was immediately Proclaim'd a∣gainst her, and the two Consuls sent to Illyricum, Ful∣vius with a Fleet, and Posthumius with a Land Army. Fulvius had Corcyra surrender'd to him at his first Ap∣pearance before it, and soon after took Apollonia; then the Armies joyning, the Consuls reliev'd Dyrrhachium, which was Invested by the Illyrians. Soon after most of the Illyrick Towns were surrendred to the Consuls; whereupon the Queen retir'd with a few Followers to Rhizon, a strong Town, and the Spring after, sent to Rome to beg Peace; which was granted upon these Terms: First, To pay a yearly Tribute: Secondly, To quit all Illyricum, except a very few Places: And Thirdly, Not to Sail beyond the River Lissus with more than two Barks, and those unarm'd. Thus ended the first Illyrian War, in less than two Years time.

V. These Wars in Illyricum still Inlarg'd the Ro∣man Dominions, and their generous Behaviour, gain••d

'em as much Love as their Valour had got 'em Repu∣tation in those Parts, particularly among the Atheni∣ans and Corinthians; the latter of which pass'd a De∣cree in Honour of 'em, which made 'em free of the Isthmian Games, one of the Four Solemn Exercises of Greece.* 1.234 And this same Year were the Praetors en∣creas'd to Four, one being sent to the Province of Sicily, and another to that of Sardinia. In the mean time Domestick Disturbances about the Division of Lands taken from the Gauls, awakened that Nation, who, concluding, that the Romans Fought more out of Covetousness than Glory, began that War, which the Latine Historians call'd Bellum Gallicum Cisalpinum. These fierce People, now joyn'd in Confederacy, sent ••ver the Alps for other Gauls, call••d Gessatae, nigh the River Rhosne, who came over with a Prodigious Force, and joyning with the rest, made an Irruption into Hetruria, with an Army of 50000 Foot and 20000 Horse. The Romans, to oppose 'em, made the great∣est Preparations that had been known, all Italy being up in Arms, to the number of Seven or Eight hundred thousand Men, which were plac'd in several Parts, to be in readiness upon all Occasions: And the Consuls themselves led a particular Army of 50••00 Foot, and 4200 Horse.

The Gauls now entring Hetruria,* 1.235 wasted all with Fire and Sword till they came to Clusium, about three Days Journey from Rome; where they were block'd up by the Romans, the Praetor on their Back, and the Consuls before, possessing themselves of all the Passes: Inso∣much that they were forc'd to form Two Fronts, and Fight very disadvantageously, both by reason of their Nakedness and the Unfitness of their Arms. But the Vanity of the Gessatae prov'd the most injurious to 'em, for they throwing off all their Cloaths, would needs fight naked, and begin the first Charge; and these be∣ing easily broken, so discourag'd the rest, that all fled. The Gauls were miserably slaughter'd, 40000 of 'em

being kill'd, and 10000 taken Prisoners; among the rest, Concolitanus, a King of the Gessatae. The Consuls obtain'd a most Splendid Triumph for this Victory, scarce any being more remarkable for the Number of the Prisoners, or the Variety and Value of the Spoils. The next Year great Inroads were made into the Ter∣ritories of the Gauls, they being several times over∣thrown: At which time the Consuls being abroad, a Dictator was created to hold the Comitia for a new E∣lection;* 1.236 which was Caecilius Metellus, and Fabius Bu∣teo his Master of the Horse, or Lieutenant.

The Gauls were now so harass'd and weakned, that they sent Ambassadors to Rome to beg Peace on any Terms; but Claudius Marcellus, and Cornelius Scipio put a stop to that Affair, and stirr'd up the Multitude to continue the War. Whereupon the Gauls, now grown desperate, resolv'd to make their last Efforts, and pro∣cur'd ••0000 Auxiliaries from the Gessatae. The Con∣suls March'd into the Country of the Insubres, and o∣pen'd the Campaign with the Siege of Acerrae; where∣upon the Gauls invested Clastidium, a Confederate Town of the Romans. Marcellus, with two Thirds of his Cavalry, and a small Detachment of Light-Arm'd Foot-men, March'd both Night and Day towards the Enemy; and notwithstanding the great Inequality of the Numbers, and the extraordinary Fatigues of the long Marches, he fell upon 'em, and after a Bloody Battel overthrew 'em. Marcellus with his own Hands kill'd Virdomarus King of the Gessatae,* 1.237 and dedicated the third Opima Spolia, or Royal Spoils to Iupiter Feretrius, obtaining likewise a Noble Triumph. Those that escap'd fled to Mediolanum, now call••d Milan, the Chief City of the Insubrian Gauls, which be∣ing shortly after taken, the Gallick War was ended, after Six Years Continuance, to the considerable Enlargement of the Roman Dominions, Colonies be∣ing planted not long after at Cremona, and at Placen∣tia.

About this time, a Multitude of Libertini or Freed Slaves, which liv'd dispers'd among all the Tribes, gave great Disturbances to the City, which occasion'd the Censors at the next Lustrum to confine all these to four Tribes,* 1.238 namely, Esquilina, Palatina, Suburrana, and Col∣lina; at which time were also 170213 Free Citizens cess'd. In the same Censorship C. Flaminius, one of the Censors, built a Cirque, and Pav'd the High-way as far as Ariminum, 130 Miles, both which great Works were afterwards call'd by his Name. Within a Year after, the Illyrians revolting, were reduc'd by Aemilius and Livius the Consuls, tho' with some Difficulty and Trouble. But the greatest Concern the Romans had now, was the successful Progress of the Carthaginians in Spain, who now had gain'd a great Part of that Country, and more than all, had taken Saguntus a Town in Alliance with R••m••, after they were desir••d to desist. This caus••d the Romans to send their Ambassadours to Carthage, to require their General Hannibal to be deli∣ver'd up; and if that were not granted, to denounce War. The Ambassadours finding the Carthaginians very little inclin'd to give any Satisfaction, the Senior of 'em holding out the Skirt of his Robe, told the Se∣nate, Here we bring you War or Peace; chuse which you please. The Chief of the other answer••d, Deliver which you will: the Roman replying, War, the other accepted of it. And thus began the Second Punick or Carthagi∣nian War, 23 Years after the First, in the 536th Year of the City, A. M. 3787, in the Third Year of the 140th Olympiad, 291 Years since the beginning of the Consular State, 172 since the Destruction of the City by the Gauls, 112 since the Beginning of the Mace∣donian Empire by Alexander, and 216 before our Sa∣viour's Nativity.

CHAP. X.

From the Beginning of the Second Punick War, to the Finishing of it by Scipio Africanus; when the Romans became perfect in the Arts of War.

Containing the Space of 17 Years.

I. THE War being broke out a Second Time between these two Rival Nations,* 1.239 the Romans and Carthaginians, the latter committed the Manage∣ment of it to Hannibal, Amilcar's Son, now in Spain, a Person of wonderful Abilities as to War, both for Conduct and Valour, of a hardy, laborious, and in∣defatigable Body, as well as a fierce, daring, and un∣daunted Mind. This General had Sworn himself a Mortal Enemy to the Romans; and having over-run all Spain to the Pyrenaean Mountains, he resolv'd to run any Danger, or Hazard, so he might procure the Ru∣in of the Roman State; therefore leaving Hanno with a sufficient Force to guard that Country, he cross'd the Pyrenaean Mountains into Gaul, with an Army of 50000 Foot, and 9000 Horse, of different Nations and Languages. From whence he shortly pass'd the Rhosne with great Danger and Difficulty, the River there being swift and spacious, and its Banks cover'd with many and dangerous Enemies. In Ten days March from thence, he arriv••d at the Foot of the Alps, over which he resolv'd to pass into Italy, not∣withstanding the Lateness of the Season, the Fears of his Men, his Ignorance of the Ways, the Labour of the March, and all the numerous Perils and Hazards that attended so vast an Enterprize.

It was now in the midst of Winter, and every thing appear'd strange and dreadful, the prodigious Height of the Mountains, Capp••d with Snows; the

rude mis-shapen Cottages on the sides of Craggy steep Rocks; the Cattel, Sheep, and Horses, parch••d and stiff with Cold; the People Barbarous, and with long shagg'd Hair like Savages, and nothing to be seen but a general Scene of Deformity and Horrour. The Soldiers in this March, besides their Fears, were extreamly afflicted with the Greatness of the Colds, and grievously harass'd by the narrow Defiles, the slippery Passages, and the craggy Rocks, but more e∣specially by the Inhabitants, who, from their lurking Places fell often upon 'em with great Slaughter; and sometimes by their unusual Shouts and Outcries, which were redoubled by the Echo's between the Rocks and Valleys, their Horses were so affrighted, as they frequently overthrew themselves, Men and Carriages, down these narrow Precipices, who falling from one Rock to another, made a dreadful Rum∣bling, as if it were the Fall of some Castle or great Building. Nevertheless, after Nine Days painful March through these untrodden Paths, Hannibal at last gain••d the Top of these vast Mountains, where he refresh••d his Men, and encourag••d their fainting Minds by a distant Prospect of Italy, telling ••em, That now, like hardy Soldiers, they had mounted not only the Walls of Italy, but those of Rome too.

After two Days Respite among these dismal Places, the Army mov••d forward, and were forc'd to encoun∣ter with new Difficulties; for Prodigious Quantities of Snow being lately fallen, as many Men were lost in the depth of that, as had been before by the Ene∣mies Encounters. And now a sort of Despair ap∣pear'd in almost every Man's Face but Hannibal's, who still remain'd steady and unshaken, inciting 'em for∣ward till they arriv••d at a Place, which was a Rocky Precipice, where the Earth had lately fallen away to the depth of 1000 Foot; so that it was impossible to pass with Elephants or Horses. Whereupon he en∣deavour'd to bring his Men through other unknown

Ways; but finding the Snow had made 'em impassa∣ble, he was forc••d to betake himself to the levelling the Rock. In order to that, great Numbers of huge Trees were fell'd, and a mighty Pile made against it and set on fire; when the Rock was red-hot, they sof∣ten'd, and putrefy'd it with Vinegar, as Livy relates it, and then with wonderful Labour cleav'd it, lessen∣ing the Descent by such moderate Turnings, that not only the Beasts of Burden, but the Elephants also, might safely pass. Four Days indefatigable Toil was employ'd about this Rock, the Beasts the mean while being almost stary'd, having had very little Sustenance all that time. But coming lower, certain Valleys af∣forded Pasture, where the Cattel were refresh'd, and Rest allow'd the weary Soldiers. From thence Han∣nibal descended into the Plains, having been 15 Days in passing the Alps, it being now the 5th Month after his setting out from New Carthage, which was a City built by Asdrubal in Spain. At his arrival in the Country of the Insubres, he found his Army reduc'd to about 18000 Foot, and 6000 Horse, according to Polybius, having lost most of 'em upon the Alpes.

Scipio the Consul hearing of Hannibal••s March, ha∣sten'd to meet him, before his Men were well refresh••d. Both Armies met at Ticinum (now Pavia) in which Battel the Consul being Wounded, was sav••d by the great Valour of his young Son, afterwards call••d Afri∣canus, and in a few Hours was defeated, especially by the means of the Numidian Cavalry, who unex∣pectedly fell upon his Rear. Soon after this Defeat, Sempronius, the other Consul, out of Sicily, joyn••d Sci∣pio at the River Trebia. Sempronius having been suc∣cessful in some Skirmishes, resolv••d to give the Ene∣my Battel, before too many of the Gauls were joyn••d him, tho' Scipio was much against it, who was now laid up of his Wounds. Hannibal knowing the Gauls to be all at his Devotion, and finding his own Men fresh and vigorous, endeavour'd at nothing more

than a Battel. Upon the nigh Approach of these Armies Hannibal convey'd 1000 choice Horse into a private Place, and another Party he sent to brave the Romans before they cou'd provide against the Extremity of the Weather by Meat or Drink; so that engaging with Cold and Hunger, passing the River up to the Arm-pits, and being unexpectedly charg'd both in Front and Rear, they were intirely defeated, tho' not without great Slaughter of the E∣nemy, through whose Ranks 10000 desperately broke, and escap'd to Placentia, 26000 being either slain, taken or drown'd in the River. The Cartha∣ginians having done what they were able in pursuing, retir••d to their Camp so stupify'd with Cold, that they were scarcely sensible of their Victory; for Rain mixt with Snow, and intolerable Cold, kill'd many of their Men, and almost all their Beasts and Ele∣phants. Thus Hannibal was now as successful in his Battels, as before he had been daring in his Marches, the Romans never having met with a more formidable Enemy, or a more expert General.

II. The Loss of these two Battels caus'd the Ro∣mans to be more diligent in the Preparations for the* 1.240 next Campaign; for the Managing of which, C. Fla∣minius and Servilius Geminus were chosen Consuls: The former of these had a good Faculty of Speaking, but no great Skill in War. Hannibal having all this while kept in the Country of the Gauls, where he had recruited and strengthen'd his Army now resolved to change the Seat of the War, and march into Hetruria; and after some Consultation about the Way thither, he fixt upon that of the Fens, as short and unexpected to the Enemy, tho' far more difficult to pass. Here they found a miserable Passage, being forc••d to march three or four Days and Nights through nothing but Water, without any Sleep or Rest, which sorely distress'd his Men; many of the Beasts were left dead in the Mud,

and the Hoofs came off the Horses Feet. Hannibal himself riding upon an Elephant, which was the on∣ly one left alive, escap'd with his Life, but got intolera∣ble Pains in his Eyes, and lost one of them entirely. Being at last arriv'd upon dry ground, and under∣standing Flaminius's fiery Temper, the better to en∣trap him, he pass'd by his Camp, and march'd farther into the Country, wasting it with Fire and Sword. This enrag'd Flaminius, who thought himself slighted and despis'd by the Enemy; and when he was advi∣sed by some To use great Caution, and not rashly pursue, especially by reason of the Enemies Cavalry, but above all things to stay for the Conjunction of his Collegue's Forces, he cou'd by no means bear their Words; but rising with all his Troops, he began his March, as if nothing had been more certain than the Victory, his Army being follow'd with a greater number of Rabble laden with Chains, Bonds, and the like, for the Prisoners and Booty.

Hannibal was now at a Lake call••d Thrasymene, nigh which were certain Mountains, and between them and the Lake was a narrow Passage leading to a Val∣ley just by encompass'd with a Ridge of Hills. These Hills Hannibal made choice of, placing and disposing his Men round about, so that when Flaminius follow'd him into the Valley, he was immediately hemm••d in, and attack'd on all sides, to the cutting off of his whole Army, and the loss of his own Life; and this was done almost before they cou••d see who engag••d 'em, by reason of a Mist which was risen from the Lake. About 15000 of the Romans fell in the Valley, and 6000 escap'd to a Village, where they were forc••d to yield themselves Prisoners. Hannibal gathering all his Prisoners together, to the number of 15000, kept the Romans, but dismiss'd the Latins without Ran∣some; and he sought also for the Consul••s Body to bury it, but cou'd not find it. Servilius the other Consul, who lay at Ariminum, having Intelligence

of Hannibal's March into Hetruria, with all speed de∣tach'd a Party of 4000 Men, commanded by Centi∣nius, to joyn Flaminius, if possible, before the Battel. Hannibal hearing of this Supply, immediately after his Victory, detach••d out a sufficient Party under Mahar∣bal, who cut off one half of the Romans, and forc••d the rest to a Hill, where they yielded themselves Prisoners.

The Romans were now in a great Consternation at these vast Losses, and upon mature Deliberation, they found it necessary to have a General with abso∣lute Authority; whereupon they resolv'd upon a Dictator, which was Fabius Maximus, a Person of ex∣traordinary Wisdom and Experience,* 1.241 in whom was a happy Mixture of Caution and Boldness. He made choice of Minutius Rufus for his Master of the Horse, who was of a Temper more hot and violent than himself. Having made what Preparations he was a∣ble, he set forward to meet Hannibal, with little In∣tention to fight him, but rather to wait his Motions, straiten his Quarters, and cut off his Provisions, which he knew wou'd be the most effectual way to ruin him, in a Country so far from his own. He always encamp'd on the highest Grounds, free from the In∣sults of the Enemies Cavalry, still keeping pace with 'em; when they march••d he follow••d ••em; when they encamp'd he did the same, but at such a distance as not to be forc••d to engage; by which means he gave them no Rest, but kept 'em in a continual Alarum. This cautious way of proceeding, which got him the Name of Cunctator, made Most Men sus∣pect his Courage, except Hannibal himself, who was extreamly troubled and inrag'd at it, using all possible Artifices to make Fabius and his Actions become de∣spicable; sometimes by braving him in his Camp, and other times by wasting the Country round him. Soon after, Hannibal designing for Casinum, was by a mistake Conducted to Casilinum nigh Campania,

where entring a Valley inviron'd with Mountains, Fabius detach••d 4000 Choice Men who possess••d them∣selves of the Entrance, and with another Party cut off 800 of his Rear, putting his whole Army into some disorder. Hannibal finding himself block'd up, and in a dangerous Condition, one Night he ordered small Fagots and lighted Torches to be ty'd to the Horns of 2000 Oxen, which by their tossing their Horns and scattering the Fires, so frighted the Party that guarded the Entrance, that they quitted their Posts; and by this Stratagem, Hannibal drew off his Army, and escap'd, tho' with considerable Damage to his Rear.

This Action, tho' excellently well manag'd by Fa∣biu's procur'd many Complaints against him, and Han∣nibal to improve their Hatred, ravag••d the Country about, but carefully spar'd Fabius••s Lands, to render him suspected of a secret Correspondence with him. These Suspicions, and Fabius's want of Courage, as his Men believ••d, prov'd so prejudicial to him, that in his Absence soon after, Minutius his Master of the Horse, having skirmish'd with some Success, procur'd so much Favour from the Multitude, that his Power was made equal with the Dictator's; which was a thing beyond all Example. Minutius was so exalted with his late Successes and this new Honour, that he resolv'd, contrary to all the Perswasions of Fabius, to engage Hannibal with his Part of his Army, which he did; where he was cunningly drawn in by Hanni∣bal to a disadvantageous Place, and was in great dan∣ger of being intirely defeated, when Fabius, who had been a careful Observer of this Action from an Eminence in his Camp, came in, and falling upon the Enemy with extraordinary Skill and Courage, soon forc'd 'em to retreat, and sav'd Minutius. Hannibal, after this Battel, told his Friends, That he thought the Cloud which had so long hover'd upon the Mountains wou'd some time break upon 'em with a Storm. As for Minu∣tius,

he was so far convinc'd of his former Rashness, that he confess'd his Errour to Fabius, whom he now call'd his Father, and renouncing his new Power a∣gain, subjected his Office freely to the Dictatorship.

Soon after Fabius's time was expir••d,* 1.242 a Dictator was created for holding the Comitia for a new Election of Consuls, which was Veturius Philo, and Pomponius Ma∣tho was his Master of the Horse. The new Consuls were Aemilius Paulus and Terentius Varro, the former a prudent experienc••d Person, the latter a hot, rash, and inconsiderate Man. These had gather'd together an Army of 80000 Foot and 6000 Horse, which gave great Hopes to the People, but rais••d as great Fears in some of the wiser sort, especially Fabius, who with all the powerful Arguments imaginable advis'd Aemilius, To beware of the Policy of Hannibal, and the Rashness of Varro. Both Armies met at a Village in Apulia call'd Cannae, where Varro resolv'd to engage contrary to Aemilius's Advice, the Enemy being a∣bout 40000 Foot and 20000 Horse. This Battel was fought with dreadful Fury on both sides, and Han∣nibal had plac'd his Men with all possible Skill and Art, so that the Romans were not only forc'd to fight with Wind, Dust, and Sun, but pressing forwards, were in a little time almost surrounded. In short, the Abilities of the Punick General at this time were more apparent than ever, who more over-match'd them in Skill than they exceeded him in Numbers, making a most miserable Slaughter of the Romans, till quite wearied out, he commanded his Soldiers to give over. Aemilius was found desperately wounded by Lentulus a Colonel, who offer'd him his Horse to fly; but the Consul with weeping Eyes desired him to make use of it himself, and go tell Fabius that he had follow'd his Directions to the last, but Fate had conquer'd him: and then falling among the dead Bodies, he expir••d. In this Battel the Romans lost 50000 Men. Po∣lybius says, 70000, 2 Quaestors, 21 Tribunes, 80 of Sena∣torian

Order, and so many Equites or Knights, that 'tis said that three Bushels of their Rings were sent to Carthage; the Enemy having lost but 5700 Men.

Never was any thing so terrible and dreadful to Rome as the News of this fatal Defeat; never was the City so sadly fill'd with Terrour and Tumult; and never was a more universal Mourning and Lamen∣tation throughout all the Streets, than at this time. The Citizens were all in an Uproar and Consternati∣on, and the Senators themselves in great Trouble and Confusion, being extreamly disturb'd in their De∣bates by the dismal Outcries of miserable Women tea∣ring their Hair and beating their Breasts after a sad and deplorable manner. A Dictater upon this was created, which was M. Iunius, his Master of the Horse being T. Sempronius,* 1.243 and Order was immediately gi∣ven to keep all the Women from coming abroad into the Streets, the Senators themselves going from House to House to comfort and appease 'em what they cou'd. Great Care was likewise taken to set strict Guards at the Gates, to keep all Persons from abandoning the City; and to make all People see, That there cou'd be no possible Mean••s of preserving themselves, but by brave∣ly defending the Walls. In a short time Varro arriv••d at Rome with the weak and tatter'd Relicts of his Army; and tho' he had been the principal Cause of this De∣feat, yet the Romans, out of an extraordinary Great∣ness of Mind, went out to meet him in Multitudes, and the Senate return'd him Thanks, for that he had not despair'd of the Commonwealth. Notwithstanding the vast Losses sustain'd by Hannibal, and the Revolt of a great part of Italy immediately after this last De∣feat, the Romans wou'd never so much as mention Peace; Whereas, as Livy says, No Nation under Hea∣ven but wou'd have fainted, and have suffer'd themselves to have been overwhelm'd and crush'd with the weight of so mighty a Disaster.

III. Thus far was Hannibal extraordinary success∣ful; and had he made the best use of this his last Victo∣ry by marching directly to Rome, he might in all Probability have put an end to the War and Roman State at once; but this great Soldier, as Maharbal Captain of his Horse told him, knew perfectly how to gain a Victory, but not how to use and improve it. For his careless manner of proceeding that Summer, gave the Romans an Opportunity of Recovering themselves when they were almost reduc'd to a despairing Con∣dition: And now they were inspir'd with new Cou∣rage, and new Resolutions of prosecuting the War without Fainting; making all possible Preparations for another Campaign, arming of several thousands of Slaves, and filling up the Senate, which wanted 177 Persons: This last was done by Fabius Buteo a Dictator,* 1.244 created for that purpose, without any Master of the Horse, and that before the last Dictator was out of Office who was then abroad. But that which prov••d most fatal to Hannibal, was, his Wintering in Capua, a most wealthy and luxurious City, which among many other Places had surrender••d it self to him since his last Victory. He••••••e utterly spoil••d an excellent and hardy Army, which now was so enfeebled and enervated by their immoderate Use of the Pleasures and Effeminateness of that Place, that ever after his Men became impatient of Labour and the ancient Military Discipline; So that Capua became a Cannae to Hannibal••s Soldiers. And now Hannibal's Fortune be∣gan to change; for in the next Campaign, he was worsted in a Sally out of Nola by Marcellus the Praetor, and repuls'd at Casilinum after he had brought the Place to great Extremities; and not long after Marcellus gave him a considerable Repulse nigh Nola, which gave the Romans mighty Hopes of farther Successes.

In Spain the Scipio's manag••d the War with great Success, overthrowing Hanno and gaining much

Ground, and likewise defeating Asdrubal, who but just before had been order'd by the Senate of Carthage to go for Italy and joyn Hannibal; which Design by this means was broke. In Sicily and Sardinia, tho' se∣veral Attempts were made by the Carthaginians, and some Revolts hapned, yet Affairs succeeded prospe∣rously especially in Sardinia, where a Battel was fought, and 12000 Carthaginians, kill'd, and many taken Prisoners, among whom were Asdrubal, Hanno, and Mago, all Persons of the highest Quality. Rome now had the Misfortune of having Enemies on all sides of her, and in all Parts of her Dominions and Terri∣tories, so that the Vigour and Diligence of her Inha∣bitants was certainly very admirable in sending Re∣cruits and Supplies into Spain, Sicily, and Sardinia, those distant Countries, with the same Care as against Hannibal himself. But what is a greater Instance of the Roman Courage and Magnanimity, is their pro∣claiming War with Philip King of Macedon in Greece, not long after their dreadful Defeat at Cannae, for his making a League with Hannibal, and their venturing to invade his Dominion, which they did with good Success. About this time, Claudius Centho was crea∣ted Dictator for holding the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Consul's Ab∣sence for a new Election,* 1.245 and his Master of the Horse was Fulvius Flaccus.

The Affairs of Sicily were in a little time alter'd by the Death of Hiero King of Syracuse, and the Mur∣der of his Grandson Hieronymus not long after, which caus'd great Factions in that City. The prevailing Faction proving Enemies to Rome, Marcellus was sent thither, who besieg••d the great City of Syracuse by Sea and Land, but cou'd not storm it with all his Power, being perpetually hinder'd by the great Skill and Inventions of that excellent Mathematician Ar∣chimed••s, who contriv'd such Engines as wou••d cast Stones of prodigious Bulk upon the Romans, and vast Beams upon their Ships, and dismount all their Bat-Battering

Engines. He also set the Roman Ships up∣on one end, or overturn'd them, or hois'd 'em up into the Air, and after all the Men were fallen out, let 'em fall upon the Walls; by which means he became so formidable to the Romans, that Marcellus was forc'd to remove to a farther Distance, Jeering his own Engi∣neers, and calling Archimedes, Briareus. After some considerable Actions in Sicily, and after Three Years Siege, Marcellus found means to surprize the City on a great Festival of theirs, by reason of an Ill-guarded Tower, and so became Master of it. Marcellus cou'd not forbear his Tears at the Destruction of such a glo∣rious and Magnificent City, which he endeavour'd, but could not prevent; but above all, the Death of Ar∣chimedes was the greatest Trouble to him; for he had given strict Command to his Men to preserve him. But this great Artist was at that time so extreamly Bu∣sie about his Mathematical Speculations, that he took no Notice of the Noise and Uproar in the City, and so was kill'd by a Common Soldier before he suspect∣ed any Danger. His Body was honourably bury'd by Marcellus's Order, and vast Plunder was obtain'd by the Soldiers, besides many rich Works and great Rare∣ties sent to Rome, the City being full of People, and 22 Miles in Compass.

The Wars in Italy were manag'd the same time with various Success,* 1.246 Hannibal had Tarentum betray'd to him, the Castle still holding out; and the Romans invested Capua, straitning it so much, that they were forc'd to send to Hannibal for Relief. He made no great haste to relieve 'em, being very desirous to take the Castle first; but then co••sidering how great a Disgrace the loss of such a Place as Capua wou'd be, he broke up the Siege of Tarentum, and directed his March thither. Hannibal attack'd the Romans in their Trenches; and tho' he was assisted both by the Inhabitants and his own Garrison, he was repell'd with considerable Loss. Finding the Relief of the

Place extream hazardous, he resolv'd to fall upon Rome it self, expecting that the very Name of such an Enterprize wou'd oblige 'em to raise the Siege; for which Reason he March'd directly that way. His Designs being heard of at Rome, the Citizens were variously inclin'd as to their Way of Security, some thinking all the Forces in Italy were to be sent for; but Fabius wou'd by no means hear of rising from before Capua: therefore a middle Way was taken, which was, to send for Fulvius the Proconsul from the Siege with 15000 Foot and 1000 Horse for the De∣fence of Rome; which was speedily effected, Hannibal being now encamp'd about eight Miles from the City.

Hannibal in a short time decamp'd, and advanc'd to the River Arno, three Miles from Rome, from whence with a Party of 2000 Horse he went to take a View of the City. Flaccus, much offended that he shou'd take such Liberty without Opposition, sent out a con∣siderable Body of Horse, which falling upon him, forc'd him to retreat. The next Day, and the Day following, Hannibal on one side, and Flaccus with the Consuls on the other, drew out all their Forces for a General Battel; but on both those Days there fell such great Storms of Hail and Rain, that the Ar∣mies cou'd not joyn; but after they had retir'd to their Camps, the Weather prov••d fair and calm. This struck the Carthaginians with a Religious Awe, and made Hannibal to say, That one while his Mind, ano∣ther time his Fortune, wou'd not suffer him to become Ma∣ster of that mighty City. Whereupon he decamp'd, and March'd to the River Turia, from thence to the Lake of Feronia, where he plunder••d a Temple of that Goddess, proceeding in this outrageous Manner through the Countries of the Lucani and Brutii; which Cruelty lost him much Credit, and did him as much Injury. Flaccus return'd to the Siege of Capua, which soon after was surrender'd, the Heads of the Revolt

being put to death, and the common sort sold. This City, being situated in so good a Soil, was reserv'd for the Use of all sorts of Plowmen, Labourers and Arti∣ficers, without any Shew of Government of its own as it had formerly. This happen'd in the 7th Year of this War, and 54••d of the City.

In Spain, the War had been carry'd on all this time with great Vigour, the Romans being generally Con∣querours, killing in one Battel 3••000 Men; but in this last Year, Claudius Nero the Governour of Spain was much impos'd upon by the Treachery of Asdru∣bal, and another Governour was order'd to succeed him, both the Scipio's having been slain not long be∣fore in Spain. A Comitia was held for the creating a Proconsul for Spain, but none appear'd to stand for that Office, well perceiving the Hazards and Difficul∣ties of such a War, which caus••d a great Concern and Sadness among the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Whereupon young Sci∣pio, a Noble Youth, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 24 Years of Age, bravely stood up, and profess'd ••••••self Candidate, having the Year before been 〈…〉〈…〉, tho' under Age, by the great Favour and C••••••ence of the People. This Scipio was Son to the Consul slain in Spain, a Person of rare and wonderful Abilities for his Age, of extra∣ordinary Courage and Valour, and of as eminent Pru∣dence and Vertue; which excellent Accomplishments made him joyfully accepted of by the Votes of all; but after he was chosen, they began to have some Concern upon the Account of his Youth; which he apprehending, call'd 'em together, and with such a noble Spirit and great Resolution promis'd 'em Suc∣cess, that they departed abundantly satisfied with their Choice.

The following Year after Scipio's Voyage to Spain, Valerius Laevinus, who had done good Service against Philip of Macedon, was made Consul a second time, and sent into Sicily; where taking the City Agrigentum, he soon reduc'd the whole Island, which was the

first time the Romans became Masters of all Sicily; and this fell out in the 8th Year of this War, and 544th of the City.* 1.247 In the time of Laevinus's Consulship, a Dictator was created for holding the Comitia for a new Election, both he and his Collegue Marcellus being abroad: this was Fulvius Flaccus, and his Ma∣ster of the Horse was Licinius Crassus. In this Election Fabius Maximus was chosen Consul a Fifth time, in which Year Tarentum was Betray'd into his hands, the Success of this Campaign proving very doubtful and various; and in this same Year was a Lustration, where were found but 137108 Free Citizens; by which Account it appears, what great Losses the Ro∣mans had sustained by these Dreadful Wars. Marcel∣lus for this Year sometimes won and sometimes lost with Hannibal; and the following was made Consul a Fifth time, when, going against Hannibal, he was slain in an Ambuscade; a Valiant Soldier, who was call••d the Sword, as Fabius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Buckler, of Rome. His Collegue Crispinus also 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Wound, which in a little time kill••d him, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nominated a Dicta∣tor for holding the Comiti•••••• new Election,* 1.248 which was Manlius Torquatus, his Master of the Horse being C. Servilius.

The following Year, Asdrubal was order'd to leave Spain and go for Italy to the Assistance of his Brother Hannibal. Whereupon Livius the Consul was order'd to meet and oppose him, whilst his Collegue Nero observ'd the Motions of Hannibal: but Nero having met with some Success against Hannibal, made a choice Detachment of 6000 Foot, and 1000 Horse, and with great Secrecy and as great Expedition, March••d to∣wards his Collegue. Having joyn'd him, they sur∣rounded Asdrubal, who by the Treachery of his Guides had led him into a dangerous Place, and cut him and his whole Army in pieces. Nero immediately return••d to his Camp, and before Hannibal knew of his Departure, cast his Brother's Head in his Camp; by which, to his

great Grief, he knew of his Defeat. At the finishing of this Consulship, a Dictator was created for the hold∣ing of the Comitia for a new Election, the Consuls be∣ing both in the Field,* 1.249 which was Livius Salinator, his Master of the Horse being Caecilius Metellus. The Year after this, Scipio, after the obtaining many great Victo∣ries, and the performing many noble Exploits in Spain, wholly reduc'd that Country to the Obedience of Rome; having taken or driven out all the Carthagini∣an Commanders, and gain'd as much Reputation by his Mild, Sweet, and Generous Temper, as he did by his Courageous and Valiant Acts. This happen'd Five Years after his undertaking this Charge, and Twelve after the Beginning of this War.

IV. The Romans now found themselves in a much better Condition than they were at the Beginning of* 1.250 these Wars, especially by the happy Reduction of two such considerable Provinces as Spain and Sicily, which had been great Diversions to ••em; but still Hannibal, in the Bowels of Italy, was a severe Curb, and a grie∣vous Burden to ••em; upon which, Scipio, at his Re∣turn, being made Consul at 29 Years of Age, greatly desired to be sent into Africk, as the most effectual Means to finish the War; declaring to the Senate, That he doubted not but to manage Affairs so, as that the Carthaginians should be forc••d to recall Hannibal out of Italy for the Defence of his own Country. Fabius most earnestly and with some Heat, oppos'd this, and thereupon a considerable Difference arose; but at length Sicily was granted him for his Province, and Leave given him to pass over into Africk, if he saw it convenient for the Common-wealth. All the first Year he spent in Sicily, in providing Necessaries for his Expedition; at the end of which, a Dictator was created for holding the Comitia for a new Election of Consuls,* 1.251 namely, Caecilius M••tellus, his Master of the Horse being Veturius Philo: The next Lustrum being

soon after, 215000 Free Citizens were Cess••d, which was 77892 more than at the last; a happy Encrease for Five Years time. This same Year, which was the 14th of this War, Scipio arriv'd at Africk with a brave Fleet, where Masanissa King of Numidia, who had joyn'd with him in Spain, came in to his Assist∣ance.

Scipio was not long in Africk without Employment, for in a short time Hanno oppos••d him, and was slain himself with 3000 of his Men; which so encourag'd Scipio, that he immediately Invested Utica: but Sy∣phax King of Numidia, who had dispossess'd Masanis∣sa of his Kingdom, Marching with the Carthaginians to relieve the Place, Scipio broke up the Siege, and de∣parted to his Winter Quarters. But in the Winter he again Invested Utica; and understanding that the E∣nemy was encamp'd not far off, he sent his ablest Soldiers, in the Habits of Slaves, with his Commissio∣ners, to view their Camp. This done, he suddenly set Fire to their Coverings of Mats, Reeds, dry Boughs and the like; which they not suspecting, but thinking it came by Accident, were cut in pieces in the midst of the Hurry and Confusion, to the Numberof 40000 Men, 6000 being taken Prisoners. Not long after he gave them another great Overthrow, which so ter∣rify'd the Carthaginians, that they were oblig••d to recall their great Champion Hannibal out of Italy, who him∣self likewise had been in declining condition for a considerable time. An Embassage was immediately dis∣patch'd to Rome, with a Design to obtain a Ces••ation of Arms till Hannibal cou'd safely retire from Italy: But their Aim being sufficiently understood, their Message was slighted, and came to no Effect.

During these Endeavours, Syphax, finding his King∣dom wou'd probably return to Masanissa, the True Inheritor, had gather'd together a Numerous Army of Unexperienc'd Strangers, and with them March'd against Scipio, but was soon defeated, and himself ta∣ken

Prisoner. Masanissa, the better to regain his Kingdom, March'd with all speed to Cirta the Chief City, and by shewing them the King in Bonds, pro∣cur'd the Gates to be open'd, every one striving to gain the Favour of him, who, as they perceiv'd, wou'd be their King. Among the rest, Queen So∣phonisba, Syphax••s Wife, a Woman of incomparable Beauty, who very earnestly and humbly besought him, That she might not be deliver'd up into the hands of the Romans. Her Powerful Charms so recommend∣ed her Suit, that young Masanissa forthwith granted it; and the more effectually to perform his Promise, Marry'd her himself that Day. This Action was much disapprov••d of by Scipio at his Arrival soon af∣ter, letting him to understand, That the Romans had a Title to her Head, as being their Captive, one of their greatest Enemies, and the Principal Cause of all Syphax's Treachery. Upon this therefore, Masanissa, in despe∣rate Passion, sent her a Bowl of Poyson; at the re∣ceiving of which she only said, That if her Husband had no better Token to send to his new Wife, she must ac∣cept of that; adding, That her Death had been more ho∣nourable, if her Marriage had been farther from it; and so boldly drank it oft. Scipio, the better to comfort the Melancholy Prince, had him immediately Pro∣claim••d King of Numidia, with the greatest Pomp and Solemnity that cou••d be expected, having now setled him in his Throne without any farther Oppo∣sition.

V. Hannibal had now made his greatest and utmost Efforts in Italy, and had perform'd more than any o∣ther Commander, when he was recall'd by his Supe∣riours; and with great Concern and Reluctancy was forc'd to quit that Country, after he had spent 15 Years in it with various Fortune. He complain'd much of his Senate, and of Himself: of his Senate, because they had so badly supply••d him with Money

and other Necessaries, when he had been so long in an Enemies Country: of Himself, for giving the Romans time to recover themselves, after he had so often o∣verthrown 'em. It is said likewise, that before he Embark'd, he built an Arch nigh the Temple of Iuno Lacinia, where, in Punick and Greek Letters, he wrote the Sum of his great Exploits. Then putting to Sea in a Melancholy Temper, having lost both his Brothers, Asdrubal and Mago, and a great many of his best Men, he Landed in a few Days at Leptis; from whence he March'd to Adrumetum, and next to Zama, five Days Journey from Carthage. A General Satisfaction was in Rome for his Departure; for never was a General more dreaded by ••em: and much about that time a Dictator was created for holding the Comitia for a new Election of Consuls,* 1.252 Sulpicius Galba being the Person, and Servilius Geminus his Master of the Horse.

Hannibal now lying encamp'd near Zama, and Sci∣pio not far from him, the former beginning to consi∣der the declining Estate of his Country, desir••d a Meeting with Scipio to Treat of a Peace, which was granted. In a large Plain between the Two Armies, the Two Greatest Generals in the World came to an Enterview; but receiving mutually no satisfaction, e∣specially for that Scipio had upbraided the Carthagini∣ans with a late Breach of Truce and Violation of Am∣bassadours, they return'd to decide the Controversie by the Sword. Never was a more Memorable Bat∣tel fought, whether we regard the Generals, the Ar∣mies, the Two States that Contended, or the Impor∣tance of the Victory. Both the Generals shew••d ad∣mirable Skill in placing their Men, and chusing their Ground, as well as extraordinary Courage in Charg∣ing and Falling on, letting their Soldiers to under∣stand, That this Battel must shew whether Rome or Carthage should give Laws to the World. Hannibal, tho' he behav'd himself most gallantly, and with all

the true Management of such an Expert Comman∣der, was at last overcome by Scipio, who slew 20000, and took as many Prisoners. Whereupon Hannibal perswaded his Country-men to beg Peace, and Am∣bassadours were immediately dispatch'd to Rome for that Purpose;* 1.253 a little before whose Arrival, a Dicta∣tor was created for holding the Comitia for Election of Consuls; and this was C. Servilius, his Master of the Horse being Ailius Paetus.

The Power of concluding Peace was by the Peo∣ple decreed to Scipio and Ten others, and was at last agreed to upon these Articles; First, That the Cartha∣ginians should enjoy all their Territories in Africk; but that the Romans should hold Spain, with all the Islands in the Mediterranean: Secondly, That all Rebels and Deserters should be deliver'd up to the Romans: Third∣ly, That the Carthaginians should deliver up all the beak'd Ships, except Ten Triremes, with all their Tam'd E∣lephants, and Tame no more: Fourthly, That it should be unlawful for 'em to make War in Africk, or elsewhere without Leave from Rome: Fifthly, That they should r estore all to Masanissa, and enter into Alliance with him: Sixthly, That they should give Money and Corn to the Roman Troops, till the Return of the Ambassadors: And Seventhly, That they should Pay 10000 Talents of Sil∣ver in 50 Years time, and give 100 Hostages for the Per∣formance of all. Thus ended the Second Punick, or Carthaginian War, in the 1••th Year of it, to the great Satisfaction of Rome, and the greater Renown of Sci∣pio, who, besides a most Splendid Triumph, obtain••d the Honourable Surname of Africanus. It was Seven Years shorter, tho' far more Bloody and Dangerous than the First Punick War, and ended in the 55••d Year of the City, A. M. 3804, in the 4th Year of the 144th Olympiad, 308 Years since the Beginning of the Consular State, 189 since the Burning of the City by the Gauls, 129 since the Beginning of the Macedo∣nian Empire by Alexander, and 199 before our Savi∣our's Nativity.

CHAP. XI.

From the End of the Second Punick War, to the End of the Third, and the Destruction of Car∣thage; when Rome got free from all her Rival States.

Containing the Space of 55 Years.

I. THese Wars,* 1.254 though they had been very dange∣rous, almost to the Ruin of the Roman State, ended much to the Advantage of it, both as to its Honour and Dominion, as well as its Experience and Knowledge. The Romans began more and more to know the Use of Riches, and Arts and Learning dai∣ly encreas'd as they became more acquainted with the Gr••ecians. For much about this time flourish'd Ennius, Licinius Tegula, and Caecilius, all Dramatick Poets; the Romans being much delighted with such Spectacles, as well as those more cruel ones of Gla∣diators, Fightings with wild Beasts, &c. The finishing of these late Wars much eas'd the Romans, but still they were employ'd abroad; for immediately after began, or rather went on, the Macedonian War against King Philip, the first Occasion being given soon after the great Battel of Cannae, upon his entrance into an Alliance with Hannibal, as was said before. But now the Romans having a good Opportunity, and not with∣out Provocation as well by his Breach of Faith with the Aetolians and other Roman Allies in those Parts, as by his Supplies long before sent to Hannibal, and at the earnest Request of the Athenians, as well as the Complaints of Attalus King of Pergamus and the Rho∣dians, proclaim••d War against him a-new.

This Philip King of Macedon was one of Alexander's Successors, being the Tenth King after him, and a Powerful Prince in Greece. Against him Sulpicius

Galba the Consul was sent, who by Himself and his Lieutenant, put him to the worst divers times, and had almost taken him Prisoner. By the Assistance of At∣talus and the Rhodians, the Consul rais'd the Siege of Athens; whereupon the Aetolians, before backward enough by reason of their Magistrates, and the Athe∣nians now newly encourag••d, invaded Philip's Domi∣nions, but being too slothful and careless, were easily repulsed by him. This same Year obtain'd Furius the Praetor a great Victory over the Gauls, who had lately revolted and invested Cremona, killing 30000 Men, and with them Amilcar a Carthaginian Captain. For this Action, after much Dispute in the Senate, he Tri∣umph••d, tho' against the Custom, and without Prece∣dent; for none ever obtain••d this Honour, who had gotten a Victory with another's Army, as he had done with Aurelius Cotta's the Consul, in his Absence, who therefore took the Matter very hainously. The Year following, Bebius the Praetor entring unadvisedly into the Territories of the Insubrian Gauls, was surrounded, and lost above 6600 of his Men; in this Year there was but small Action in Macedonia.

In the third Year of the Macedonian War, Quintus Flaminius the Consul was sent thither, who using great Expedition and Diligence, beat Philip out of the Streights, where he had been very advantageously po∣sted; and by Sea his Brother Lucius, with Attalus, re∣gain'd several Confederate Towns, and Invested Co∣rinth it self, but with no Success. The latter end of this Year, by reason of the great Business of the Com∣mon-wealth,* 1.255 the Praetors in Rome were encreas'd from Four to Six; and now the time coming for the Electi∣on of Consuls, and it being usual for them to take the Provinces from their Predecessors, the Tribunes rightly objected, That this Custom hinder'd the Progress of the Wars, and so procur'd Quintius's Government and Place to be continu'd to him, who being just upon taking the Castle of Opus, Messengers came from Philip about

a Treaty. Several times they met, as they formerly had done at the Streights, the Ambassadors of Attalus, the Rhodians and Athenians being present, but all came to no Effect. Philip soon after delivering up Argos into the hands of Nabis Tyrant of Lacedaemon, who us'd the Inhabitants with great Cruelty and intolerable Exactions. But Quintius, managing his Affairs with good Success, at last follow'd Philip into Thessaly, and gave him a great Overthrow at Cynocephalae, killing 8000, and taking 5000 Prisoners; so that he was for∣ced to beg Peace, which was granted upon Terms moderate, enough: one of the Articles was, That he should pay 1000 Talents, half at present, and the other half in the space of ten Years.

About this same time, two great Victories were obtain••d over the Gauls; and the Slaves in Hetraria breaking into a dangerous Rebellion, were quell••d stand chastis'd by Attilius the Praetor. And now the Ro∣mans, out of a Principle of Generokty, resolv••d to re∣store Liberty to the Cities of Greece which they had ta∣ken in this War; and for that Reason, ten Men of the chiefest Quality were sent over thither, Flaminius be∣ing the principal. These Commissioners went to the great Solemnity of the Isthmian Games, were was a general Meeting of all Greece to behold those Shows; and there, in the Name of the Senate and People of Rome, they publickly proclaim'd Liberty to all the Ci∣ties and People of Greece. This was the most surprizing and most joyful thing in the World to these People, who scarce so much as imagin'd, much less expected, the Favour. Many Speeches were made in Praise of the Roman Greatness and Generosity, particularly, That at last, there was a People in the World, born for the Safety of all others, that cross'd Seas and made Wars at their own Cost and Peril, to relieve the Oppress'd, to establish Laws, and cause them to be observ'd, and to maintain the publick Security throughout the whole Earth. And this was the end of the first Macedonian War, which happen'd five

Years after it was last proclaim'd, and twenty after it first began.

II. The Year following after the War,* 1.256 some Distur∣bances were rais'd in the City concerning the Oppian Law; a Law preferr••d by Oppius, tribune of the People, soon after the Defeat at Cannae, forbidding women to were Gold or Purple, and some other Ornaments. This Law the present Tribunes endeavouring to abrogates, Affairs being chang••d and the Occasion remov'd, were violently oppos••d by Porcius Cato the Consul, a Fa∣mous Moralest, who publickly and severely inveigh'd against the Females; but by reason of the tribunes answering him out of his own Book, but chiefly by means of the Womens tumultuous filling the streets and the Assemblies with their importunate Cries, it was at last annul'd. Cato then betook himself to Spain his own Province, where using Severity to himself as well as his Soldiers, he restored the Roman Discipline, in those Parts, and reduc'd many of the Spanish Nati∣ons who had lately revolted. The Romans had still Wars with the Gauls, who were joyn'd with their Neighbours the Ligurians: but they were not much burdensome to the State, nor such as hinder••d the Progress of Learning in the City. For about this time Plautus had many Plays acted at Rome with great Ap∣plause; and he it was that brought Comedy to its Per∣fection in this City, being a Person of a great Geni∣us, and a compleat Master of the Latin Tongue, which, tho' it was not arriv'd to its utmost Purity, had even then a masculine Strength and Energy which was ve∣ry excellent. The Romans were not without some Wars in Greece; for Nabis, lately mention••d, still op∣pos••d 'em, but was forc••d to submit in no long time: And about this time, Antiochus. King of Syria, by his Incroachments upon the Roman Allies, gave an Occa∣sion to the Romans to fall out with him; and this he did partly through his own Ambition and Hatred to

Rome, and partly by the Perswasions of Hannibal, who had been lately forc'd thither by the Ingratitude of his own Country-men. These Matters occasion'd Am∣bassies on both sides, but to no great Effect, till at last Antiochus proceeded so far into Greece it self, the Aetolians treacherously joyning with them, that the Romans after suitable Preparations, proclaim'd War a∣gainst him, which was five Years after the finishing the Macedonian War.

Antiochus as well as Philip was one of Alexander's* 1.257 Successors tho' of another Kingdom, and sirnam'd Magnus, being a very potent Prince, and Master of great Dominions, therefore the greater Preparations were made against him, and Acilius the Consul was sent into Greece to manage the War. Acilius easily recover'd those Places which Antiochus had possess••d himself of in Thessaly; then following that King to the Straigh•••• of Thermopylae, whither he had retir'd, he forc'd him out of his advantageous Post, and gave him such an Overthrow, that he immediately abandon••d all Greece, the Aetolians being left to the Mercy of the Conque∣rours. While Acilius perform'd these Acts in Greece, his Collegue Nasica got a notable Victory over the Boian Gauls in Italy, which entirely broke all their Power, Lucius Scipio and Laelius Nepos, being Consuls for the following Year, came according to Custom to divide the Provinces by Lot. Both were extreamly desirous to have Greece, and Laelius being in great Fa∣vour, offer'd to leave it to the Determination of the Senate, which Scipio was perswaded to assent to by his Brother Africanus. The Matter was wholly new, and the Senate expected many Speeches and Arguments on both sides, when Africanus standing up, told the Fathers, That if they wou'd decree Greece for his Bro∣ther's Province, he himself wou'd be his Legatus or Lieu∣tenant, at which there needed no other Argument; for it was immediately voted with Universal Consent and Applause, and Power given to Scipio to pass into Asia, if he saw it convenient.

In the mean time Antiochus lay at Ephesus in Asia, secure, as he imagin'd, of the Romans; but Hannibal who had advis'd him to invade Italy, told him, He ra∣ther admir'd they were not there already than, doubted of their coming, and procur'd the Forces to be sent for out of the further Provinces, and all the Ships that were ready, to secure the Passage of the Hellespont, where the Consul most probably wou'd pass. Perga∣mus, the Chief City of Eumenes the Friend of the Ro∣mans, was likewise invested, but the Siege was soon and Antiochus sent to Aemilius the Roman Admiral, now on those Coasts, about a Peace, but he disown'd all Power of concluding it without the Consul. Soon after, the Rhodians defeated his Admiral at Sea, which rais••d; was Hannibal, a Man out of his proper Element; and after that in a Fight with Aemilius, Eumenes and the Rhodians, he intirely lost the Command at Sea. Antiochus affrighted at this ill Fortune impru∣dently abandon'd Lysimachia, which might have kept the Consul in Action a Year longer; and, adding one piece of Indiscretion to another, suffer'd the Scipio's to pass the Hellespont into Asia without Oppo∣sition. This was the first time that the Romans got Foot∣ing in Asia, which so startl'd Antiochus, that he of∣fer••d to quit all Places in Europe and such Asia as were Friends of Rome, to pay half the Charges the Romans were at in this War; and rather than not obtain Peace, to part with a Portion of his own Kingdom.

The Ambassadors who carry'd these Proposals, us'd their utmost Endeavours to procure the Favour of A∣fricanus, offering him the Restitution of his Son who had been taken Prisoner, and many other great and honourable Advantages, if it cou'd be effected. But Africanus wou••d promise nothing more than only pri∣vate Offices of Kindness, modestly letting 'em to know, That since Antiochus was now in such a declining state, Peace was not probably to be purchas'd at so easie a Rate as formerly, Whereupon Antiochus made what

Provision he cou'd for a Battel; and Africanus falling sick soon after, to comfort him, and to gain his Fa∣vour, he sent him his Son without Ransom, upon which the other, in way of Requital, advis'd him not to engage with his Brother till he cou'd return to the Camp. Antiochus therefore; having received this Message, declin'd fighting what he cou'd, till Scipio the Consul press'd so hard upon him nigh Magnesia, that he was forc'd to draw out his Men to the Num∣ber of 70000 Foot and 12000 Horse. Scipio oppos'd him with a much less Army, but in a few Hours time entirely defeated him, where his own Chariots arm'd with Sithes, being driven back upon his own Men, contributed much to his Overthrow. Antioc••us now was glad to procure Peace of the Romans upon their own Terms, and Ambassadors were dispatch'd accordingly, where Africanus told 'em, That the Ro∣mans were never wont to insult over their conquer'd Ene∣mies, and therefore nothing should be requir'd of him more than formerly. The Terms were, To pay 15000 Ta∣lents of Eubaea for the Expences of the War; to quit all their Possessions in Europe, and likewise all Asia on this side Mount Taurus; to deliver up Hannibal and other Incendiaries; and to give 20 Hostages for securing the Peace. Thus ended the War with Antiochus the Great, much to the Advantage of Rome, within two Years time or less, twelve Years after the second Punick War, Luci∣us Scipio having gain'd the Surname of Asiaticus, as his Brother had of Africanus.

III. The Romans had now but little Employment* 1.258 abroad besides chastising the Aetolians in Greece, which was soon effected by Manlius Scipio's Collegue; and by the same Consul an Expedition was underta∣ken against the Gallo Graecians or Galatians in Asia with good Success; but Luxury and Idleness was first brought into Rome by his Army out of Asia The same Year the Census being perform'd, 258328 Free

Citizens were cess'd. In the third Year after the en∣ding of the War with Antiochus, Scipio Africanus was maliciously accus'd of defrauding the Treasury of the Booty taken in the War and of too nigh a Correspon∣dence with Antiochus, and of Matters of the like Na∣ture. Some write that his Accusers were incited to it by Cato, who hated him for his being frequently saluted King in Spain by the Inhabitants there, and occasion'd him to have a Day set him by the Tribunes to answer it before the People. The Day of Hearing being come, and the Tribunes having taken their Pla∣ces in the Rostra, this great Man enter'd the Assembly with a mighty Train of Friends and Clients, all the People having their Eyes, fix'd upon him with Admi∣ration. Silence being made, he with an undaunted Bravery put on his Triumphal Crown and with the Voice of a Conqueror cry'd, This very Day, O Ro∣mans! I did overcome the fierce Hannibal, and vanquish the powerful Carthaginians, therefore let us lay aside pri∣vate Contests, and go as many as can to the Capitol, to Thank the Gods for giving me the Will and Power of d••ing such eminent Services for my Country. Whereupon go∣ing up to the Capitol, the Whole Assembly follow••d him, as also to all the Temples in the City, insomuch that the very Viat••rs and Clerks left the Tribunes alone, who from Accusers were turn'd Admirers.

Shortly after, the Tribunes accus'd him in the Senate-House, and desir'd he might be brought to his An∣swer. Scipio boldly rising up, produc'd his Books of Accounts, and ••ore 'em in pieces before 'em all, dis∣daining to give an Account for so small a Matter, in com∣parison of those vast Summs be himself had brought into the Treasury. The next Day of Appearance he absented himself, and his Brother declaring his Indisposition, he was excus••d, and another Day appointed; before which time, he withdrew himself to Linternum a Sea-Town of Campania, and there liv••d a Retir••d Life. In his Absence the Tribunes were very violent against

him; yet, through the Interposition of Gracchus, one of 'em, he was not Condemn'd. His Brother Asiati∣cus was shortly after call'd to an Account about Mat∣ters of the same nature, but by Gracchus's means like∣wise escap'd Publick Punishment. The Year follow∣ing, many Scandalous Abuses of the Feasts of Bacchus were strictly enquir'd into and reform'd. Three Years after which, the Great Africanus dy'd, who, according to Val. Maximus, order'd,* 1.259 Ingrata Patria ne ossa quidem mea habes to be engraven on his Tomb, My Ungrate∣ful Country shall have none of my Remains. This same Year was Remarkable for the Death of Two other Famous Men, Philopoemen, Captain of the Achaeans in Greece, and Hannibal; the latter of which had fled to several Places to escape falling into the hands of the Romans, and at last to Prusias King of Bithynia, who, out of Fear, was about delivering him up, when Han∣nibal took Poyson, which, 'tis said, he carry'd about him in his Ring, first Invoking the Gods of Hospitality as Witnesses of the Violated Faith of King Prusias, and upbraid∣ing the present Romans with degenerating from their An∣cestors, who had honourably prevented the Murder of their Mortal Enemy Pyrrhus, whereas these had basely sent to Prusias to Murder his Guest and Friend.

The Romans were for about 12 Years after this chiefly employ'd in Wars with their Neighbours the Ligurians and Istrians, with the Sardinians and Corsicans, and likewise with the Celtiberians in Spain, all which they reduc'd to Subjection. In which space of time the Works of Numa Pompilius, the Second King of Rome, after they had been Buried in a Stone Chest 535 Years,* 1.260 were taken up and Burnt by Order of Senate; and in a Lustration not long after, 273244. Free Citizens were Cess'd. About Two Years after this, Pers••us King of Macedon, the Son of Philip, invi∣ted by his Father••s Preparations before his Death, and pleas'd with his own Strength and Imaginary Succes∣ses, renounc'd the League made with the Romans, and

so began the Second Macedonian War, 25 Years after the finishing of the First, and 18 after that with Antio∣chus. Upon this, Quintus Marcius and others were sent into Greece to secure and establish the Confede∣rates in their Fidelity; which made Perseus begin to reflect upon what he had done▪ and understanding the Motions and Preparations of the Romans, he ap∣ply'd himself to Marcius about a Treaty for Peace, re∣lying upon the Ancient Friendship between their two Families. The Ambassadors were well satisfy'd with this Opportunity, and to divert him from Action, granted him Truce till he might send to Rome; for without this, he might have began the War much to the Disadvantage of the Romans, who had neither Ar∣my nor Commander yet arriv••d in Grecce.

The Senate deny'd him Peace, and Attilius the Con∣sul was sent to seize upon Larissa the Chief City of Thessaly: Whereupon Perseus drew all his Forces to∣gether, having gather'd together a greater Army than any of his Predecessors were Masters of since Alexan∣der the Great. He took in some Towns upon his Fron∣tiers, and Licinius the Consul led such a raw undisci∣plin'd Army into Macedonia, and through such diffi∣cult and almost Impassable Places, that had Perseus made his Advantage of this Opportunity, he might easily have destroy'd it. After this, he sent to Licini∣us, offering, to observe the Articles to which his Father Philip had submitted, by paying the Tribute, and leaving the Cities to their Liberty; but could not obtain Peace to be granted him upon these Terms. Soon after, Thebes, and Aleartus were taken by Lucretius the Prae∣tor•• and the Consul having had the Advantage in a∣nother Skirmish, possess'd himself of some Towns, and took up his Winter-Quarters; mean while Appius Clau∣dius lost many Men in Illyricum. The Year follow∣ing, Hostilius the Consul; who was to manage this War; perform••d but little of moment, besides reducing his Men to that Ancient Discipline which his Prede∣cessor

had too much neglected. Marcius Philippus suc∣ceeding him, at his first Entrance into his Province might have easily been defeated, had he met with a Prudent and Expert Enemy, the Ways being so diffi∣cult and dangerous to pass, that his Soldiers could scarce hold their Weapons in their Hands, by reason of their Weariness. And after he had enter'd the Plains, he might as easily have been block'd up and starv••d, had not Perseus, struck with a groundless Fear, retreated to Pydna, and left all the Passes open to him. Yet Marcius acted nothing of Consequence, leaving all to be perform••d by his Successor Aemilius Paulus, who had been Consul 17 Years before, and was a ve∣ry Experienc••d Commander.

Aemilius very skilfully manag'd the War, and caus••d the Eclipse of the Moon to be foretold to his Soldiers, lest they should be discourag••d by it, which much terrify'd the Enemy that knew nothing of the Natural Cause. He kept his Men from Fighting when they were fatigu••d, tho' the Officers were desirous to En∣gage: but the Armies lying Encamp••d on each side the River Enipeus, a Peast, by chance, passing over from the Roman side, was seiz'd on, and being rescu••d, by degrees drew both Armies to an Engagement, wherein Pers••us lost the Day, and with it his Kingdom. He fly∣ing into the Isle of Crete, when all abandon••d him, sur∣render••d himself into the Hands of Cn. Octavius. Ae∣milius severely Chastis'd the Epirots, who had joyn••d, with Perse••s, Plundering and Demolishing about 70 of their Towns, whereby such a great Booty was gain••d, that each Footman had 200 Denarii (above 7 English Pounds) and every Horseman twice as much. But the Soldiers having gain••d little or no Plunder in M••∣c••donia, nor any of the King••s Treasure, deny••d their General a Triumph, which he obtain••d notwithstand∣ing, and that a most Splendid one too, such as Rome scare ever saw before, Preseus himself and his Two Sons be••ng Led in Great State and Magnificence be∣fore

his Triumphal Chariot. And the same Year Cn. Octavius, the Praetor at Sea, Triumph'd, and L. Anicius, before whose Chariot was Led Gentius King of the Illyrians, who being a Confederate of Perseus, was ob∣lig••d to yield himself Prisoner. Thus ended the Se∣cond Macedonian War in three Years time, and with it the Macedonian Kingdom, after it had continu••d 156 Years after Alexander••s Death, and several Hundreds of Years before; A••milius, by this Conquest, bring∣ing 200 Millions of Sesterces into the Treasure, ac∣cording to Paterculus.

IV. Now the Roman Grandeur began to display it self through all Countries and Nations;* 1.261 many Kings and Potentates became humble Suppliants to the Se∣nate, being all at their Disposal; and Learning now flourish••d much more than ever, being much forward∣ed by the Romans Converse and Familiarity with the Graecians, whom they had lately conquer'd; and much encourag••d by Scipio and Laelius, the two noble Pa∣trons of Eloquence, Poetry, and all Arts, and the worthiest and most accomplish'd Gentlemen in Rome. The former of these was Aemilius the Consul••s Son, adopted by the Son of Africanus; and the other was Son to Laelius, who formerly did great Service in A∣frica. In this time flourish'd the famous Comedian Terence, who Writ with extraordinary Correctness and Accuracy, and help••d to bring the Roman Tongue to a great Perfection, as to Purity and Propriety, his first Play being acted one Year after the Conquest of Ma∣cedonia and Perseus. And not only the Learning, Riches, and Dominions of Rome were encreas••d, but likewise the Inhabitants, for in a Lustration about this time, there were•• 312081 Free Citizens Cessed. For 17 or 18 Years the Romans were employ'd in more inferiour Wars, such as those with the Ligurians, Corsicans, Dal∣matians, and Spaniards, and likewise the Macedenians, being all in the nature of Revolts, which though they

often created much Trouble to the State,* 1.262 yet they were not so memorable as to deserve a particular Ac∣count in this Volume.

These Wars were scarcely finish'd, when the Ro∣mans found a Pretence to begin the Third Carthagini∣an War, which was their being in Arms against Ma∣sanissa, a Roman Ally, tho' they had sufficient Justice on their side. The Roman Ambassadors who were sent to Carthage, finding the City very Rich and Flou∣rishing from their Fifty years Peace, at their Return insisted much on the Danger which threatned Rome from that State; especially Cato, who never came into the Senate, but after his Speaking to any Publick Business, concluded with Delenda est Carthago; Car∣thage is to be Destroy'd. He was often oppos••d by Sci∣pio Nasica, who urg'd, That upon the Removal of so powerful a Rival, Security wou'd cause the Ruin and Dis∣solution of the Roman Common-Wealth, as it afterwards prov'd: But Cato's Reason's drawn from the pre∣sent Danger, so Over-rul'd Scipio's Forecast, that the Senate, now having a Pretence of an Open Breach of Articles, Order'd War to be Proclaim'd against the Carthaginians, and both the Consuls were sent, with a full Resolution utterly to destroy Carthage. The Carthaginians, affrighted at the Romans Preparations, immediately Condemn'd those who had broken the League, and most humbly offer'd any reasonable Sa∣tisfaction. Answer was return'd to 'em, That they shou'd enjoy all as formerly, provided they sent 300 Hosta∣ges of the Chief of the City within 30 days to Sicily, and did what the Consuls shou'd f••rther Command 'em. The Car∣thagini••ns, desiring nothing more than Peace, sent their Children within the limited time; and the Con∣suls Landing at Utica soon after, they sent their Com∣missioners to wait upon them and know their Plea∣sure. Censorinus the Consul, commending their Dili∣gence, demanded all their Arms, which, without any Fraud, were deliver'd up. Now the Carthaginians im∣ploring

Mercy, with many Tears, and all possible Submission, desir'd to know their last Doom; the Consuls told 'em, That they were Commanded to quit their City, which they had special Orders to Level with the Ground, and build another any where in their own Ter∣ritories, so it were but 10 Miles from the Sea. This se∣vere Command they receiv••d with all the Concern and Rage of a Despairing People, and resolv'd to suf∣fer the Greatest Extremities rather than abandon, or yield to the Ruin of their Ancient Seat and Habita∣tion.

The Consuls were very backward in beginning the War, not doubting but easily to become Masters of the City, now in this Naked and Defenceless Con∣dition, but they found it far otherwise; for the Inhabitants acting by a desperate Rage and Fury, both Men and Women fell to Working Night and Day in the Defence of the City, and making of Arms: And where Iron and Brass were wanting, they made use of Gold and Silver, the Women free∣ly cutting off the Hair of their Heads to supply the place of Tow or Flax. Asdrubal, who had lately been Condemn••d upon the Account of the Romans, was now made their General, and Governour of the City, where he had already a good Army; and such Preparations were made, that when the Consuls came before the City, they found such notable Resistance as much discourag••d them, and as much encreas'd the Resolu∣tion of the Besieged. The Consuls engag'd several times to their Disadvantage, and might have been great Losers had not the Army been secur'd and brought off by the great Wisdom and Courage of Scipio Aemilianus, formerly mention'd, who drew o∣ver Pharneas Master of the Carthaginian Horse to his side; which action gain'd him great Fame and Ho∣nour. This Year dy••d Masanissa, 90 Years old, leav∣ing his Kingdom and a young Son to Scipio••s Discre∣tion: And the same Year dy••d Cato in Rome, in the

85th Year of his Age, who did not live to see the too much desir'd Ruin of Carthage.

Little was perform'd by the Consuls in the follow∣ing Year, for they only invested Clupea and Hippo, without taking of either: But at Rome all Mens eyes were fix'd upon Scipio, looking upon him as the Per∣son destin'd to end the War; and whereas he sought only for the Aedileship, the People bestow'd the Con∣sulship upon him, dispensing with his Age and other usual Qualifications. Scipio soon let 'em know, that their Honours were not ill bestow'd; for having re∣stor'd Discipline, which had been too much neglected by the foregoing Consuls, he soon after took that part of Carthage call••d Megara, and drove the Inhabitants into the Citadel or Byrsa. Then securing the Isthmus which led to the City, he cut off all Provisions from out the Country, and block'd up the Haven; but the Besieg'd, with Miraculous and Incredible Industry, cut out a New Passage into the Sea, whereby, at cer∣tain times, they cou'd receive Necessaries from the Army without. Scipio therefore, in the beginning of the Winter, set upon their Forces lying in the Field, of which he kill'd ••0000, and took 10000 Prisoners; by which means the Besieg'd cou••d have no Relief from abroad, so that they were now in a sad and de∣spairing Condition.

In the Beginning of the next Spring, he took the Wall leading to the Haven Citho, and soon after the Forum it self, where was a most miserable and deplo∣rable Spectacle of slaughter'd People; for some hewn in pieces by the Sword, others half kill'd by the Fall of Houses, or Fires; some half bury'd in the Earth and trampled on, and others torn Limb from Limb, lay mangled in vast Heaps after a sad and lamenta∣ble manner. Still the Citadel held out, till at last it was desir'd by some, That all that wou'd come forth shou••d have their Lives; which being granted to all but Revolters, above 50000 yielded, and were sav'd, as

did afterwards Asdrubal himself. He was much re∣vil'd for it by the Revolters, who finding their Condi∣tion Desperate, set Fire to the Temple, and burnt themselves with it; whose Example was follow'd by Asdrubal's Wife, who, in a desperate Fury threw her self and her two Children into the midst of the Flames. Then was this Magnificent City laid in Ashes, being 24 Miles in compass, and so large, that the Burning of it continu'd 17 Days together. The Senate at Rome receiv'd this long expected News with extraordi∣nary Joy and Satisfaction, and dispatch'd Men of their own Order, whom they joyn'd with Scipio for the disposing of the Country. These order'd, that none of Carthage shou'd be left; and that it might never be Re-built, they denounc'd heavy Curses on any that shou'd offer to do it. All the Cities which as∣sisted in this War were order••d to be demolish'd, and the Lands given to the Friends of the Roman People; and the rest of the Towns were to be Tributaries, and Govern'd Yearly by a Praetor appointed for that purpose, all the Captives and Prisoners being Sold, ex∣cept some of the Principal.

This was the fatal end of one of the most Renown'd Cities in the World, both for Command and Riches, 708 Years after it was first Built, having been Rival to Rome above 100 Years: And this was the End of the Third and last Carthaginian War, which was fi∣nish'd in the 4th Year after it began, to the great En∣largement of the Dominions, Power, and Riches of the Roman State. This happen••d in the 60••th Year of the City, A. M. 3859, in the 3d Year of the 15••th Olympiad, 363 Years since the Beginning of the Consu∣lar State, 184 since the Beginning of the Macedonian Empire by Alexander, 119 since the first Contest be∣tween the Romans and Carthaginians, and 144 before our Saviour's Nativity.

CHAP. XII.

From the Destruction of Carthage to the End of the Sedition of the Gracchi; which much shook the Government, and was the first Step towards the Ruin of the Consular State.

Containing the Space of 23 Years.

I. NOW Rome began to Pride her self to a higher degree than ever,* 1.263 having got free from her E∣nemies that she most fear'd and most hated, her Do∣minions being extended to a large Circumference, and the Common-wealth encreas'd to a noble Height of Glory, but to a more dangerous Degree of Securi∣ty in respect of Neighbours, which in not many Years prov'd the Dissolution of the present Government. However, the Power and Conquests of the State still daily encreas'd, and this same Year Corinth, one of the noblest Cities in Greece, sustain'd the same Fate with Carthage, being levell'd with the Ground. The Oc∣casion was given by the Achaeans themselves, who not only affronted the Roman Ambassadours sent to dis∣solve the Confederacy, and to leave the Cities to the Government of their own peculiar Laws, but likewise joyn'd with others in a War against the Lacedaemoni∣ans the Allies of Rome. Upon these Grounds the Se∣nate decreed War against 'em, and Metellus now in Ma∣cedonia undertook it; who drawing down his Army through Thessaly into Baeotia, overthrew Critolaus, then took Thebes and Megara, about which time Mummius the Consul succeeded him in his Province. And this Mummius overthrew Dieus the Achaean General, after which he enter'd Corinth and demolish'd it, because there the Ambassadours had been Affronted. And 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Scipio, who destroy'd Carthage, like the former 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had the Surname of Africanus, and Metellus for re∣ducing

Macedonia that of Macedonicus; so Mummius, for his Success this Year, obtain••d the Surname of A∣chaicus, because he reduc'd those Parts, and all Greece, with Epirus, into the Form of a Province, call'd after∣wards by the general Name of Achaia.

It was now 74 Years since the Romans enter'd Spain in a Hostile manner,* 1.264 and many and frequent Strug∣lings had been made by that People, especially since the Departure of Scipio Africanus the Elder: At this time was Viriatus up in Arms, who from a Shepherd became a Robber, and from a Robber a General over a Numerous Party of such as himself, which created the Romans much Trouble for some time. And Fa∣bius the Brother of Scipio the Younger, after some Suc∣cess against him, was, at last, reduc'd to such Extre∣mities, that he was oblig'd to accept of Peace upon equal Terms, which Coepio the following Years Con∣sul refus'd to stand to, receiving new Orders from the Senate to prosecute the War. Coepio attempted to destroy Viriatus by Surprize, but he escap'd, and soon after sending his Ambassadours to Treat of a Peace, Coepio so wrought upon 'em, that they Murder'd him in his Bed at their Return, to their own Shame, and the Consul's great Dishonour. But the most difficult and dangerous part of this War was at Numantia, a Town of no great Bigness, but Peopled with Inha∣bitants of extraordinary Valour. Before Viriatus's Death they had foil'd Q. Pompeius the Consul several times, and likewise his Successor Mancianus, who were constrain••d to make dishonourable Treaties with 'em, but afterwards sufficient Pretences were found to break ••em, Mancianus being deliver'd up bound to the Enemy. After this Brutus defeated many Thou∣sands of the Lusitanians, and overthrew the Gallaecians; but Lepidus the Pro-Consul was far less successful, for setting upon the Vaccaei, a harmless and quiet Peo∣ple of the hithermost Spain, he was intirely defeated by 'em.

These Misfortunes so terrify'd the Roman Soldiers, that they were ready to tremble at the sight of a Spa∣niard; and this oblig'd the Citizens of Rome to chuse Scipio Africanus Consul a second time, as the chief Hope and Bulwark of their Country. Scipio at first restor'd Discipline, the want of which had been the Cause of all their former ill Success; but coming to engage, he found the Courage of the Enemy so ex∣traordinary, that he resolv'd to fight no more, but lay a close Siege to Numantia, which he did with all possible Care and Diligence. At last the Besieged were so straitned, that they offer••d to yield upon rea∣sonable Terms, or to Fight if they might have Battel given 'em, notwithstanding the great Inequality of their Numbers: But neither of these being allow'd 'em, they all drank strong Liquors purposely to En∣flame themselves, and then fell upon the Besiegers, with such a desperate Fury, that the Romans had all fled, had any other General but Scipio Commanded 'em. The Besieged finding there was no avoiding being made Prisoners, Fir'd the City over their own Heads, scarce a Man being left to be led in Triumph. This Famous City, seated in Gallaecia, had for 14 Years together withstood 40000 Romans with only 4000 Men, often putting ••em to great Loss and Shame: And that it might be no longer a Trouble to 'em, Sci∣pio destroy'd it, after a Siege of Fifteen Months; 13. Years after he had destroy'd Carthage, Mutius Scaevols and Calpurnius Piso, both Learned Men, being Consuls. Scipio gain••d a great Name both by destroying Car∣thage and Numantia, the former being a Terror, and the latter a Reproach to the Romans. All Spain was now brought to a more entire Subjection than ever, being not many Years before divided into the three Provinces of Terraconensis, E••e••ica, and Lusitanica, two Praetors being yearly sent thither for its better Go∣vernment. At this time flourish'd Lucilius the Famous Satyrist, the first, at least of Note of that kind in Rome;

and this same Year was a Servile War in Sicily, but the Slaves were in a short time intirely broken and dispers'd.

II. The Romans now began daily to degenerate from their ancient Modesty,* 1.265 Plainness, and Severity of Life; addicting themselves more and more to Pleasure and Luxury: For the Asian Expeditions and Tri∣umphs having brought in Excess and Riot, and the Ruin of Carthage taken away all Fear; Idleness and Security, as well as Avarice and Ambition, by degrees stole in upon 'em, and almost a General Corruption began to mix with the State. For tho' after this time many a Powerful People were subdu'd, Arts and Learning daily encreas'd and flourish'd, and Great Glory was obtain'd abroad, yet it was often stain'd and fully'd with inglorious Factions, Seditious Jea∣lousies and Contentions at Home, sometimes to the shedding of one anothers Blood; of which, that of Tiberius Gracchus was the first Remarkable Instance. This Person, being the Elder Africanus's Grandson, and of a stirring and active Spirit, had a share in Mancinus••s dishonourable Treaty in Spain, for which being Reflected on by the Senate (who, not with∣out In••ustice, had broke it) and thereby both Sham'd and Affrighted, he endeavour••d to make himself Po∣pular, by restraining the In••ust Oppressions of the No∣bility, which were now far more notorious than for∣merly: And therefore procuring himself to be chosen Tribune, he preferr'd a Law, forbidding any Man to possess above ••00 Acres of the Publick Lands, and ordering the Overplus to be divided among the Poor. For it was customary for the Romans to divide those Lands which were taken from their Enemies among their own Citizens, if Arable; if not, they Farm••d 'em out by the Censors to the Italians, or the ordinary sort of Romans, upon condition, that if they Plow••d 'em; they shou'd Pay the Tenth part of the Corn,

and the Fifth of other Fruits; but if they did not Plow them, they paid a certain Rent. But Corrup∣tions daily increasing in the State, the poor Husband∣men were, by degrees, thrust out of their Ancient Possessions by the great Oppressions and Licentious∣ness of the Rich, who, by Purchasing, and other Me∣thods, got these Lands all into their own Hands; so that the Publick, by this Means, was defrauded of its Revenues, and the Poor of their Livelyhoods.

For the Reformation of these Abuses, Gracchus took great care; and whereas the Lex Licinia and Sempro∣nia were formerly Enacted for restraining the Avarice of the Rich, he strengthen'd the former by adding, least the Law shou'd be wrested, That one half shou••d be given to the Children, and the rest divided among such Poor as had nothing; And least any shou'd go about to enlarge their Portions by Purchase, Triumviri, or Three Men, were Yearly appointed to Judge what Lands were Publick, and what were Private. These Matters, tho' at first carry'd on with sufficient Mode∣ration, extreamly disgusted the Nobility and Richer sort, who, by Vertue of this Law, were to part with much of their Estates; and for that Reason they fre∣quently insinuated to the People, That Gracchus had introduc'd this Law with a Design only to disturb the Go∣vernment, and to put all things into Confusion. But Grac∣chus being a Person of great Abilities and Eloquence, easily wip'd off those Aspersions, and in a Publick Speech told the People, That while the Savage Beasts and Destroyers of Mankind wanted not their Places of Re∣pose and Refuge, those Men who expos'd their Lives for their Countries were forbidden all Enjoyments but the open Air and Sun-shine. That their Commanders before the Bat∣tels ridiculously Exhorted 'em to Fight for their Temples and Altars, and their Ancestors Seats! when they had none of these to defend o•• care for. They had the Honour in∣deed of gaining large and rich Dominions, but had not the

Profit of enjoying the smallest and meanest Possessions: and likewise had the Honour of being styl'd Lords of the U∣niverse, but had not the Command of one Foot of Land.

This Speech, and some others of his, had great Ef∣fects upon the common People, who, before, were for∣ward enough in promoting a Law so very advanta∣geous to themselves; but Gracchus meeting with much Opposition on one side, as well as Encouragement on the other, began now to proceed with greater Heat and Violence; and being oppos'd by Octavius, one of his Collegues, he so manag'd him both by Cunning and Violence, as he was forc'd to quit his Office; in∣to whose Place he chose Mummius, one of his own Faction. This Action of his being without all Pre∣cedent, much alienated the Minds of many of the Multitude; and his own Party, who judg'd he us'd too Great a Freedom with the Sacrosanct Office of the Tribuneship. Gracchus perceiving this, first made a ve∣ry plausible Defence; and the more to ingratiate himself with the People, he offer••d to prefer a Law for distributing the Money of Attalus King of Perga∣mus, which he had lately left, together with his King∣dom, to the People of Rome. This caus'd Greater Disturbances among the Senate and Nobility than before, and all Things were carry••d on with more vio∣lent Feuds than ever; so that Gracchus's Death began now to be thought on and design'd, as the surest Means to quiet all Disturbances, and to compose all Differences.

The Senate being assembled to consult the most proper Method in this Juncture, and all being of Opi∣nion that M••tius Scaevola the Consul shou'd defend the Commonwealth by Arms, he refus'd to act any thing by Force. Whereupon Scipio Nasica, Gracchus's Kinsman, taking up his Gown under his Left-arm, held up his Right-hand in great Passion, crying, Since the Consul regards not the Safety of the Common-wealth, l••t every Man that will defend the Dignity and Authority

of the Laws, follow me! Upon this, he went directly up to the Capitol, being accompanied with most of the Senate, many Equites, and some Commoners, arm'd with Clubs, Staves, and such like Weapons; who knocking down all that resisted, open'd their Way into the Capitol, where Gracchus was speaking to the People, and endeavouring to be chosen Tribune for the following Year. In which Place they fell upon both him and his Hearers, of whom they kill'd 300, and with them, himself with a piece of a Seat, as he was endeavouring to save himself by Flight. This was the first Insurrection among the Romans, that ended with Effusion of Blood, since the Abrogation of Kingly Government; for all former Seditions tho' many of 'em were very great and lasting, were constantly en∣ded by the two Parties yielding to one another, and submitting all to the Good of the Publick; for then Riches and Private Interest were not understood a∣mong the Romans.

At this time there were some Risings at Athens and at Delos, being as Sparks of that Fire kindled by the Slaves in Sicily the Year before, which with some Trouble were extinguish'd; neither was Italy it self altogether free from them. But a greater War en∣su••d about the Kingdom of Asia; for Attalus King of Pergamus or Asia, by his last Will had left the People of Rome his Heir, as was before observ'd: But after his Decease, Aristonicus, his Bastard-Brother, seiz'd on the Kingdom as his own Inheritance and Right. Licinius Crassus the Consul was first sent against him, but was unfortunately overthrown in the first Battel; and being taken Prisoner, struck one of the Soldiers on the Eye, on purpose to provoke him to kill him, which he did. He thus miscarrying, tho' with the Assistance of several Kings, his Successor Perp••nna hasted into Asia, set upon Aristonicus unawares, be∣fore he was recover••d of his Security contracted by his Victory, first overthrew him in Battel, then besieg'd

him in Stratonice, where by Famine he forc'd him to a Surrender, shortly after which he dy'd himself at Pergamus. The Remainder of the War was finish'd by Aquilius the following Year's Consul, who having settled the Province with sufficient Oppression of the People, led Aristonicus in Triumph, tho' he had been taken by another; and afterwards, by Order of the Senate, he was strangl'd in Prison, about 4 Years af∣ter the Death of Tiberius Gracchus, a little before which tiem a Lustrum being perform'd, 330••23 Free Citi∣zens were cess'd.

III. The Civil Dissentions occasion'd by Gracchus,* 1.266 did not die with him; his Law for the Division of the Lands being still in Force, of which the People were so fond, that many Disturbances were rais'd upon that Account. Now Gracchus had a younger Brother call'd Caius, who with Flaccus, and Papirius, had been made Triumvirs for dividing the Grounds. He with his Collegues undertook the Patronage of this Law and performing his Office with great Vigour, such Trouble arose about the Divisions, the Reckon∣ings, the Accounts, and Removals, that the Italians finding themselves Severely press••d upon, betook themselves to Scipio Africanus for Ease. Scipio did not altogether reject their Suit, nor yet wou'd he make any Objections against the Law it self; so he only moved in Senate, That the Executive Power of it might be taken from the Triumviri, and lodg'd in some others. The Senate most willingly agreed to this, and con∣ferr'd it on Sempronius T••ditanus the Consul; but he finding the Work troublesome and ungratefull, reti∣red from the City, under Pretence of the War in Il∣lyricum: There being none at present to fly to in this Juncture, the People were much incens••d at Scipio, accounting him ingrateful, and a Favourer of the Italians more than themselves•• which ill Opinions of him were encreas'd by his Approving of the Senior

Gracchus's Death, and his Reprimanding the Multitude for being dissatisfy'd with it. But such was his For∣tune, that being one Night retired to his Chamber, to meditate of something to speak to the People the next Day, in the Morning he was found dead in his Bed, not without Suspicion of Treachery from his Wife and Mother-in-Law, the latter of which was Mother to the Gracchi. Nevertheless, being then in no favour with the People, little enquiry was made after his Death, though he was a Person of extraordi∣nary Merits, and had been justly esteem'd the Bul∣wark of the State.

The Owners of the Land still made Delays in the Division, and some believ'd that the Partakers of the Dividends should likewise have the Freedom of the City; which, however lik'd of by others, was highly displeasing to the Senate. While the People were va∣riously discoursing of these Matters, Caius obtain'd the Tribune-ship, and bearing a great Enmity to the Se∣nate, he found a fair Opportunity to shew it. He preferr'd several Laws, among the rest, one for divi∣ding the publick Corn to every Man Monthly; in which Laws he shew••d himself rather more stirring and active, and more dextrous than his Brother. Then procuring his Office to be continu••d to him another Year, he began more strictly to inspect into the late Corruptions of the Senate; such as their taking Bribes; their selling of Offices, and such like unjust Proceed∣ings: Whereupon he found Means to transferr the power of judging corrupt Officers, from the Senators to the Equites or Knights, which gave the latter an ex∣traordinary Authority, and made a remarkable Change and Alteration in the whole Government.

These Equites were first instituted by Romulus,* 1.267 and though they were originally in the Common-Wealth, yet they had no particular Authority, Rank or Or∣der, till this Law of Gracchus, by which it was enact∣ed, That these Iudgments•• should be peculiar to them. So

that whereas at first, there were only two Orders or Ranks, namely, Patritian, and Plebeian, which through the Incroachments of the People, were afterwards distinguish'd only into Senatorian and Plebeian. By this Law, and especially by the Procurement of Cicero, af∣terwards the Equites became a distinct Order. Thus now the Roman Citizens consisted of three Ranks or Orders, namely, the Senatorian, which included all the Patritians, and such of the Plebeians, as could rise to be Senators; the Plebeian, which still continu'd the same as formerly; and the Equestrian, which before had always been included in the Plebeian, and had been only distinguish'd by their Way of Service. Gracchus took the fairest Opportunity that he cou'd expect for preferring this Law; for the Senators were become odious of late, because for Money they had acquitted Cotta, Salinator and Aquilius; Persons capi∣tally guilty of Corruption. But the Great Power of these Equites became extreamly burdensome to the State, till by Degrees, their Authority came to be di∣minish'd. The Equites alone, were wont to Farm the publick Revenues and Customs from the Censors, and from thence had the Name of Publicans.* 1.268 These were the principal of the Equestrian Order, the Ornaments of the City, and the Strength of the State, who made up so many Companys, as there were Provinces subject to the payment of Toll, Tribute, Custom or Impost:

Caius grew more and more in favour with the Commons, and was invested with a larger Authority than ordinary, which he manag'd with extraordinary Prudence and Cunning, being a Master of much Elo∣quence, and many other Accomplishments. And the more to gratifie the Commons, he took special Care about the High-ways, making 'em extraordinary handsom and pleasant, as well as usefull and conveni∣ent; erecting likewise pillars of Stone at the end of each Mile to signifie the Distances from Place to Place: For Caius fi••ding the Senators to be his Enemys, he

endeavoured still more to ingratiate himself with the People by other new Laws. Particularly, he propos'd that a Colony of Roman Citizens might be sent to the People of Tarentum, and that all the Latines should enjoy the same Privileges with the Citizens of Rome. But the Senate dreading the Effects of Caius's Power, forbid the Latines to come near the City, at such time as they knew his Laws would be propos'd; and the better to satisfie and please the People, they gave Leave to the sending of 12 Colonies. Caius thus fru∣strated of his Designs, departed into Africk, with Flaccus his Collegue, intending to plant a Colony where Carthage stood, calling it Iunonia; but there he also met with a Disappointment, the Bound Marks of the intended City being continually remov'd in the Night time by Wolves, as some Authors relate it; whereupon the Augurs and South-sayers pronounc'd the Design unlawful.

Caius having been twice Tribune, stood for it a third time, and had many Votes, but his Collegues, offended at his violent Carriage at this time, procur'd Minucius Rufus to be chosen into his Place, who be∣gan to abrogate many of his Laws; wherein he was seconded by Opimius the Consul, who was a profest Enemy to Caius, and endeavoured to find some co∣lourable Pretence to put him to Death. Whereupon Ca••us, at the Instigation of his Friends, especially Ful∣vius, resolv'd presently to raise Forces; and at an As∣sembly in the Capitol, he and many of his Friends went thither privately arm'd. It happen'd that one Antilius a Serjeant, coming down from the Capitol, cry••d out to Fulvius and his Friends, Ye factious Citi∣zens, make way for honest Men! whereupon they im∣mediately slew him. This Murther caus••d a great Disturbance in the Assembly, and Caius himself was very angry with those of his Party, for giving his Enemies so much Advantage against him, and endea∣vour••d to excuse himself but could not be heard by

reason of the Tumult; so together with his Friends and Confederates, he retir••d home, the Consul keep∣ing strict Watch all Night in the City. The next day, Antilius's Corps was brought upon a Bier through the Forum, and expos'd to open view just before the Se∣nate House, with design to stir up the People to a Revenge. The Senate invested Opimius with an ex∣traordinary Power, and all the Equites were order'd to be in Arms, which forc'd Caius and all his Friends to betake themselves to Mount Aventine, where they for∣tify'd themselves offering Liberty to all Slaves that shou'd come in to them.

The Consul press••d hard upon Caius, and Procla∣mation was made, that whoever shou'd bring the Head either of Caius or Fulvius, shou'd receive their Weight in Gold for a Reward. Caius finding himself in no Con∣dition for a long Defence, in a short time fled into a Grove beyond Tiber, and procur'd his Servant to kill him, who immediately after kill'd himself, and fell down dead upon his Master. One Septimuleius, car∣ry'd his Head to Opimius, and 'tis said, that to make it weigh the heavier, he took out the Brains and fill'd the Skull with Lead. Fulvius flying to a Friend's House, was betray'd and slain; and by the Severity of Opimius, no less than 3000 Persons of this Party were put to Death. Thus fell Caius Gracchus, above 10 Years after his Brother Tiberius Gracchus, and fix after he began to act much in the Common-wealth. These Gracchi had so far chang'd the Constitutions of the Common-wealth, and the publick peace was now so broken, particularly by the Disunion of Patrons and Clients, that the Roman State became very unset∣tled, and more liable to any new Revolution than e∣ver; and though Reformation might be their Design, yet it might well be feared, that Ruin wou'd be the Effect of such Disturbances in a Common-wealth now so corrupted with the Greatness of their Riches, as well as the Greatness of their Power. Caius's Death

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happen'd in the 631 Year of the City, in the 4th. Year of the 164th. Olympi••d, 386 Years since the be∣ginning of the Consular State, 207 since the setting up the Macedonian Empire, and 121 before our Saviour's Nativity.

CHAP. XIII.

From the End of the Seditions of the Gracchi, to the End of the First Civil War in Italy, and to the Perpetual Dictatorship of Sylla; which was the second great Step to the Ruin of the Consular State.

Containing the Space of 41 Years.

I. THE Distempers and Disturbances of the Com∣mon-wealth were for the present asswag'd by* 1.269 the Death of Caius Gracchus; and soon after, a Law was made that any one might sell his Land, which the Senior Gracchus had forbidden; by which means the Poor, partly by Purchase, and partly by Con∣straint, were again dispossess'd. After that, the Law for Division of Lands was fully abrogated by Borcus, and the Grounds left to their ancient Owners, with a Proviso to pay a Tribute to the People out of 'em. But not long after, the Tribute was likewise all ta∣ken away, and so nothing was left remaining for the Poor. During these Domestick Troubles, the Sardi∣nians rebell••d, and were reduc'd by Aurelius, and the Fregellans were punish'd with the Loss of their City by Opimius the Praetor. About which time Africk was infected with a most prodigious Plague, destroying vast Numbers of Men, Cattel and Fowl, occasion'd by an infinite Number of Locusts, which having o∣verspread the Ground, and destroy'd the Corn, Fruits, and even Trees themselves, at length were

driven by a Wind into the Mediterranean Sea, and there putrefying, corrupted the Air after a most wonderful manner. Two Years after this, Metellus the Consul subdu'd the Islands Beleares near Spain, and restrain'd all the Piracies which were there main∣tain'd.

At the same time was carry'd on that War call'd Bellum Allobrogicum,* 1.270 the War with the Allobroges, a People inhabiting about the Countries, now call'd Dau••hine and Savoy. This War was occasion'd first by the Salies, a People of Gaul beyond the Alps, who invading the Massilians, Allies of Rome, were cha∣stiz'd by Fulvius, and subdu'd by Sextus Calvinus. Teuto∣malus their King flying out of the Battle, was receiv••d and protected by the Allobroges, who likewise invaded the Hedui, Allies also of Rome, and drew into Confe∣deracy the Arverni. The Allobroges were first over∣thrown by Domitius Aenobarbus, who kill••d 20000 of 'em, and took 3000 Prisoners, which great Victo∣ry, was owing chiefly to his Elephants. After him, Fabius Maximus, Grand-Son to Paulus Aemilius, and adopted into the Fabian Family, defeated 'em with the Arverni and Ruteni, in a most bloody Battel, where 120000 were reported to be slain; and more∣over, taking one of their Kings Prisoners, he obtain'd the Surname of Allobrogicus. About which time Gallia Narbonensis was reduc'd into a Province, in the Year 636. Not long after, the Scordisci a people of Gaulish Original, inhabiting Thrace, defeated the Roman Army under Cato the Consul, yet were afterwards driven back into their own Country by Didius the Praetor, and the Consul Drusus; and after this they gave oc∣casion of a glorious Triumph to Minutius, of which Honour Metellus also had a Share. Soon after these Wars, in a Lustration, 394336 free Citizens were poll'd in Rome, which Number was very little dif∣ferent from that in the Lustrum five years before.

II. Rome had not very much Action abroad for a while,* 1.271 but in no long time began a considerable War in Numidia, call'd the Iugurthine War. It was oc∣casion••d by Iugurth, Grand-son to the famous Masa∣nissa, the Romans old Friend, who murder'd his Cou∣sin Hiempsal to get his Kingdom, and attempted to do the same to his Brother Adherbal, but he made his escape, and fled to the Romans for Succour. Where∣upon Iugurth being sensible how much Avarice and Injustice had crept into the City, he sent his Ambas∣sadors with large Presents to Rome, which had such Effects upon the Senate, that they decreed him half the Kingdom, and sent ten Commissioners to divide it between him and Adherbal. The Commissioners thinking they might lawfully imitate their Masters in the Senate, were also brib'd to bestow the most rich and populous Part upon Iugurth; but he still unsatis∣fy'd, fell suddenly upon Adherbal, besieg••d him in Cirta, and getting him into his Hands, likewise murder'd him. For this, War was decreed against Iugurth, and committed to the Management of Calpurnius Bestia the Consul, who shortly after invaded Numidia with great Vigour and Diligence, and took in some Towns, but he was soon stop••d in his Career, being overcome by the Golden Weapons of Iugurth, so that a Treaty of Peace was soon set on Foot. The Senate were a little mov••d at this, and at the Power of Scaurus, who accompanying the Consul as his Friend and Coun∣sellor, was likewise guilty of the same Crime; and therefore the People got Cassius Longinus the Praetor, to go and procure Iugurth to come to Rome upon the publick Faith of the State, that by that means they might discover all such as had been guilty of Bribery.

Cessius with no great Difficulty perswaded Iugurtha to make Tryal of the Clemency of Rome, and to throw himself upon the Peoples Mercy; whereupon he came to Rome in a pitiful and mourning Habit. But

coming into the Assembly, Baebius the Tribune bad him hold his Peace, he being also brib'd to deferr the Business, and delude the people. At the same time was one Massiva in Rome Iugurth's Cousin-Ger∣main, who had fled from Africk formerly. This Per∣son was perswaded by Albinus the Consul to beg the Kingdom of the Senate; but Iugurth having some Intelligence of the Design, procur'd him to be assassi∣nated and convey'd the Murderer away to Numidia. Hereupon, within a few days he was commanded to be gone, and being out of the City, he look'd upon it, with his Hands lift up, crying, O Rome, that would'st be sold thy Self, were there but a Chapman for thee! So extreamly were the Inhabitants degenerated from their former Fidelity, Modesty and Abstinence, which af∣terwards brought upon 'em the greatest Miseries that ever befell any State. Albinus follow'd him with an Army, which after he himself had been sometime there, he left with his Brother Aulus, who in the Con∣suls absence, by Virtue of some Compact, withdrew from Suthul, where the Chief Treasure of the King∣dom lay, when he was just upon investing it. The Centurions were likewise so corrupted, that when Al∣binus return'd, Iugurth was suffer••d to break into the Camp, whence beating out the Army, he either forc••d, or by former Agreement, brought Albinus to submit upon most dishonourable Terms.

In this Condition did Metellus the following Con∣sul find Affairs, and the whole Army was almost ru∣in'd for want of Discipline, to the great Dishonour of the Roman State, and the grievous Vexation of the ho∣nester sort in the City. Metellus having with much difficulty brought his Soldiers into good Order, with∣in the space of two years overthrew Iugurth several times, forc'd him out of several Towns, and pursu'd him beyond her own Frontiers, which constrain••d him to submit and beg Peace; but he in a short time broke the Conditions of it, and so the former Hostility re∣turn'd.

At this time, one C. Marius was Legatus, or Lieutenant to M••tellus, a Person of Frugality, Policy, and Military Experience, and of vast Courage in War; a Contemner of Pleasure, but very ambitious of Honour, which made him extreamly desirous to gain the Consulship. To obtain this, he privately blam'd Metellus, to the Merchants of Utica, avowing That he was able with half the Army to take Jugurth Prisoner, and that within few Days. By these and the like de∣tracting Discourses, he procur••d many Complaints to be written to Rome against Metellus, and getting leave to go thither, obtain••d the Consulship, and had like∣wise the management of the War committed to him. Notwithstanding, the People were so grateful to Me∣tellus, that at his return, being satisfy'd as to his Beha∣viour, they both granted him a Triumph, and be∣stow'd upon him the Surname of Numidicus, as an ad∣ditional Honour.

Marius shew'd himself a very expert Warrior, and in a short time took the City Capsa, a place very rich and strong; and after this, another call'd Mulucha. `fugurth now finding himself too weak to oppose him any longer, procur'd Bocchus, King of Mauritania, and his Father-in-Law, to joyn with him, who, by the As∣sistance of his Numerous Cavalry much harrass'd the Roman Army. Marius had Invested Cirta, and Boc∣chus approaching to raise the Siege, partly by the Number of his Horse, reported to be 60000, and part∣ly by the violent Heats and great Dusts, the Romans were sorely distress'd, and the Fight continu••d dan∣gerous and terrible to them for three Days; at the end of which, a Tempest of Rain falling, spoil'd the Enemies Weapons, and reliev••d Marius's Men, almost famish'd with Thirst; and now the Course of For∣tune changing, the Two Kings were entirely defeat∣ed. In another Battel, Marius, 'tis said, kill••d 90000, after which Bocchus began to repent of his Enterprise, and sent to Rome to enter into a League, which he

could not procure; nevertheless he obtain'd Pardon for his Crime. Not long after Marius took Iugurth in an Ambuscade, whither he had drawn him by spe∣cious Pretences, and deliver'd him up to Sylla his Quae∣stor, who had brought over some Forces from Italy; and under Marius he learnt that Skill in War, which he afterwards employ'd against him. Iugurth, with his Two Sons, were led in Triumph by Marius; and shortly after, by Order of Senate, he was put to Death, and so the Iugurthine War ended, after it had continu'd about Seven Years.

III. At the same time a War was carry'd on against the Cimbri, a Vagabond People of Cimbrica Chersonesus, now call'd Denmark, who, joyning with the Teutones, a Nation of the Germans, made dreadful Irruptions into several Parts of the Roman Dominions, particu∣larly Gaul and Spain, where they had overthrown se∣veral Consuls, in the last Battel killing 80000 Romans, after which they resolv'd to pass the Alps into Italy. Rome began now to be in a great Consternation, and Marius having just vanquish'd Iugurtha,* 1.272 they made him Consul a ••d time, as the only Man thought able to Manage▪ so Threatning a War, and to preserve the State. While they continu'd in Spain, Marius March'd against their Friends the Tolosans in Gaul, where King Copilus was taken by Sylla his Lieutenant. Being made Consul again the following Year, he declin'd Fight∣ing till the Enemies Force was weakned by Delays. The next Year, in his Fourth Consulship, the Enemy, in Three several Parties were just upon passing the Alps into Italy, and as he attended their Motions, it happened that his Army was extreamly afflicted with Thirst, the Teutones and Ambrones lying between them and the Water, which Necessity brought him to an Ingagement with 'em; and, in Two Days time, he, by his excellent Conduct, utterly destroy'd 'em, ta∣king Theutobocchus their King Prisoner. The Cimbri

escap'd him, and fled over into Italy, notwithstanding the Winter-Season, and the Alps cover'd with Snow, being in vain oppos'd by Catulus, both at the Alps, and at the River Athesis, nigh Verona. The Year following Marius was again made Consul, and joyning with Catulus, was challeng••d by the Enemy to give Battel. Whereupon he fell upon their numerous Army, and gave 'em a most dreadful Overthrow; their Wives all the while making a wonderful Resistance from the Chariots, and when they saw all things in a despe∣rate Condition, they, in a great Fury, first kill'd all their Children, and after that themselves. About 140000 were slain in this Battel, and 60000 taken Prisoners, which ended this War, after it had conti∣nu'd 12 Years, Marius the Fifth time, and Aquilius Nepos being Consuls: The former was then esteem'd the Preserver of his Country, and contented himself with one Triumph, when he might have had more; and his Collegue had now also finish'd the Second Servile War in Sicily, which had lasted almost Four Years.

Notwithstanding these Dangers abroad, the City was not without Domestick Troubles, which were occasion'd by Saturninus, one of Marius's Friends, who having been Quaestor at Ostia, during a Famine, was turn'd out of his Place by the Senate, to revenge which usage, he procur'd the Tribune-ship. But after his Year was expir••d, Metellus Numidicus, formerly mention'd, being Censor, endeavour'd to remove him from the Senate, but was hinder••d by his Collegue▪ This so enrag••d him, that he stood again for the Tri∣bun••-ship; and Nine of the Ten Tribunes being cho∣sen by the Assistance of Marius, he Murder••d Nonius his Competitor, and so obtain'd the Place. Now be∣ing once again in Power, he preferr••d a Law for the Division of such Lands as Marius had recover••d in Gaul, and compell'd the Senate to Swear to it, which Oath Numidicus refusing he set him a day to Answer it

before the People, but for fear of him and Marius to∣gether, Numidicus fled to Smyrna in Asia. Saturninus procuring the Tribuneship a Third time, and finding Memmius Candidate for the Consulship, he also caus'd him to be Murder'd, to make way for Glaucius the Praetor, one of his own Party. These base and unge∣nerous Practices rais'd several Troubles and Commo∣tions in the City, and the Senate resolv••d to make him Answer it; whereupon Marius, now a Sixth time Consul, perceiving him in a declining Condition, ve∣ry politickly withdrew himself from his Friendship. The Consuls were now, as in some other Dangerous Times, Invested with an unusual and Dictatorian sort of Power, the manner of conferring of which was by a Vote of the Senate, in these or the like Words, Vide∣ant Consules ne quid detrimenti Respublic•• accipiat. Ma∣rius therefore with his Collegue, set upon Saturninus in the Publick Assembly, and forc••d him and his Fol∣lowers into the Capitol, where, for want of Water, they were constrain'd to yield; after Marius had gi∣ven 'em his Faith for their Safety. Saturninus and Glaucius much rely'd upon Marius, not scrupling to give out,* 1.273 That they were but the Actors and Instruments of his Designs. But notwithstanding this Security, they were all cut in Pieces by the Equites in the Fo∣••rum, who broke in among 'em; and Numidicus, espe∣cially by his Sons Industry, was recall••d, with the General Applause of the People.

The Wars abroad, and the Dissentions and Cor∣••uptions at home, did not hinder Learning, for that ••till flourish'd more than ever, and Poetry was come almost to its highest pitch in Rome; for a little before ••his, flourish'd the Famous Lucretius, an admirable Po∣••t in his kind, and in many particulars scarce inferi∣••ur to Virgil. Now for the space of seven or eight Years, there was no great Action abroad, nor any o∣••en Sedition at home; but however there was great Dissatisfaction among those of the Senatorian Order,

by reason of the Power of Judicature, given to the Equites by C. Gracchus's Laws, which prov'd an extra∣ordinary Grievance to ••em. The Common-wealth too was bought and sold; the Publicans, who Farm••d the Publick Revenues, being as they were Equites, both Judges and Parties. Upon these accounts, Drusus the Tribune, a very eminent and well-designing Person, endeavour'd to restore the Fathers to their Ancient Privileges and Authority, and yet not offend the E∣quites; and therefore the Senate being now reduc••d to a small Number, he preferr'd a Law, that as many E∣quites should be added to them, and that the Power of Judicature shou'd be committed equally to all that shou'd be then of this Body. This gave great Of∣fence to both Parties; and Caepio also, one of Dru∣su••'s Collegues, oppos'd him, and coming into the Se∣nate, there accus'd some of the Highest Rank of Ille∣gal Endeavours to gain Offices. Drusus, to withstand his Designs, again propos'd the Agrarian Law; and that the Allies and Confederates of Italy, the present Possessors, might take it amiss, he gave 'em hopes of the Freedom of the City. A great Concourse of Stran∣gers was occasion'd upon this account, and as great a Contention rais••d; where Philippus the Consul, for opposing the Law for dividing the Lands, was Dis∣gracefully buffeted by one of the Strangers, and vio∣lent Disturbances follow'd. Drusus disappointed in this Particular, still endeavour'd to perform his Pro∣mise to the Italians; but going home, accompany'd with a Great Multitude of People, he was Stabb'd in the Court of his own House, having Breath enough to say, That the Common-wealth cou'd never find a Per∣son more true to her Interest than he.

IV. These Troubles did not end with Drusus's Death,* 1.274 for soon after, a very Dangerous War broke out upon this account with most of the Italians, call'd the Social, or Italian War. These People had, for

some time, taken it very hainously, that they were deny'd the Freedom of the City, which had been partly Promis'd 'em in the time of the Gracchi. But now Drusus's Death, who had very much heightned their Expectations, inrag'd 'em more than eve••, espe∣cially when the Equites, immediately after, had, by-force of Arms, procur'd a Law for Banishing all the Great Persons who were not for their Interest. The Italians also thought that they had sufficient Reason to expect this Privilege from that City, whose Subsist∣ance and Empire had been so much maintain••d by their Valour, they commonly sending out double the Number of Troops to those of Rome. Upon these Grounds they resolv'd to procure that by Force and Violence, which cou'd not be obtain'd by Intreaties and Civil Means, and thereupon they joyned toge∣ther in a close Confederacy, and privately sent Mes∣sages and Hostages to each other; namely, the Luca∣nians, Apulians, Marsi, Peligni, with many others, and especially the old Enemies of Rome, the Samnites, who made their Preparations, with equal Diligence and Secrecy.

These private Transactions being discover'd at Rome, tho' late enough, Spies were immediately sent out into all Quarters, to make what further Discoveries they cou'd. One of which happening to see a young Man of Asculum carry••d into another City for an Hostage, thereupon acquainted Servilius the Pro-Consul, who, go∣ing to Asculum, and reprimanding the Citizens of that Place, was set upon and Slain, together with all the Romans. Their Designs being now wholly discover••d, for their greater Security they all broke out into open Rebellion: However first, they thought it most con∣venient to send to Rome to complain; but their Mes∣sengers cou'd not be Admitted without Satisfaction and Repentance for what they had already done. Whereupon the War was committed to both the Con∣suls, together with Mari••s and Sylla, and several o∣thers••

thers who had Pro-Consular Authority, the Forces on either side amounting to about 100 000 fighting Men. The War was very dangerous and destructive; and R••tilius the Consul in a short time lost his Life, falling into an Ambuscade laid by the Marsi; and the Ro∣mans. receiv'd many terrible Blows, so that they were constrain'd to List many who had been Slaves. The Bodies of the Consul, and several others, being car∣ry••d into the City, so discourag'd the People, that the Senate made a Decree, that henceforward the Bodies of the Slain should be Bury'd where they Dy'd, which, as a Prudent Example, was likewise follow'd by the Enemy: After the Death of Rutilius, his Army was committed to Marius his Lieutenant, and Capio, who acted in Conjunction with him. Caepio was Slain not long after in an Ambuscade laid by Popedius, one of the Italian Generals; so Marius had his Desire of Commanding alone, and did excellent Service, as like∣wise did Sylla the same Year.

For the following Year, Pompeius Strabo, Father to Pompey the Great, and Porcius Cato, were made Consuls, and now the Senate thought fit to give the Freedom of the City to such of the Italians as had not Revol∣ted, which much establish••d those who were some∣what wavering in their Minds, and abated the Cou∣rages of the other already ingag'd: Yet these were not chosen into any of the 35 Triben, but were plac••d by themselves behind all, so that in Voting, they cou'd not hinder the rest, which afterwards caus••d some Disturbance. Cato the Consul did very good Service this Campaign, which swell'd him with such an O∣pinion of himself, that he boasted himself equal to Marius, for which he was Slain by Marius's Son, in the midst of a Battel against the Marsi. His Collegue Pompey overthrew the Picentes and Asculani; and ha∣ving long Besieg'd Asculum, he defeated the Enemy which Sally'd out upon him; he likewise kill'd 18000 of the M••rsi, taking 3000 Prisoners. And at last pos∣sessing

himself of Asculum, he caus'd all the Officers and Principal Men in the City, to be first Scourg'd, and then Beheaded. Sylla also perform'd many great Actions, overthrowing the Samnites, and Storming Two of their Camps, which success so elevated him, that he immediately stood for the Consul-ship, and ob∣tain••d it, having the Honour likewise of Finishing this dangerous War, nigh Three years after it was begun; a War so destructive, that it consum'd above ••00000 of the Youth of Italy, according to Patercu∣lus. This War was ended with a Disturbance in the City about Usury, and the unexpected Privileges of the Conquer'd Italians, who had the Freedom of the City given 'em, just as the others had a short time be∣fore, and so all things were happily quieted.

V. But Quiet and Peace was too great a Happiness for Rome at this time,* 1.275 for the Social War was scarce finish'd, when Two others broke out, one the Cause of the other. This first was with Mithridates, King of Pontus in Asia Minor, a Prince famous for his Know∣ledge and Learning, mighty in Riches and Power, of a boundless Ambition, and a Former of vast Designs. This King, by several Actions, had gain••d the Enmi∣ty of Ronie, particularly by procuring Tigranes King of Armenia, to Declare against the Roman State, and by his over-running his Neighbours, the Bithynians, Phrygians, Mysias, Lycians, Pamphylians, and other Al∣lies of Rome. And which was more Provoking than all the rest, he had taken Q. Oppius, and Aquilius, the latter of which he kill'd, by pouring Melted Gold down his Throat, continually upbraiding the Romans with Avarice and Corruption. Upon all these Ac∣counts, the Romans Proclaim'd War against him; and Sylla, and Pompeius Rufus being Consuls, it fell to the former's share to Undertake it. But Sylla having not yet quite finish'd the Social War, Marius stirr'd by the Desire either of Profit or of Honour, perswaded Sul∣picius,

Tribune of the People, of prefer a Law for trans∣ferring the Management of this War from Sylla to him. He made what Parties he cou'd, and drew the People of Italy to his Side, who had lately been made free of the City, by promising em equal Privileges with those in the 35 Tribes, which as yet they want∣ed; so that Matters were carry'd on with Violent Heats and Contentions; and Pompey's Son, and Son-in-Law to Sylla, was kill'd in the midst of these Tu∣mults and Disturbances.

Sylla hearing of these dangerous Commotions, hast∣ned to the City, easily perswading his Army to stand by him in all Exigencies; for they were very un∣willing to have any other go on that Expedition, from which they promis'd themselves such Great Advanta∣ges. His Collegue Pompey joyn'd with him; and tho Marius, and Sulpicius the Tribune, made all possible Op∣position, yet, after some Difficulty and Bloodshed, they enter d the City, and Marius with his Accomplices were forc'd to betake themselves to flight; and thus began the other War, which was the first Civil War of any Note among the Romans, as the Troubles of the Gracchi were the first in which there had been any Blood-shed of Note. Sylla did no Injury to the Citi∣zens in General, but Revers'd all that Sulpicius had done, regulated the Senate, procur'd Marius, Sulpicius, and Ten other Leading Men, to be Declar'd open E∣nemies to their Country, made it Lawful for any Person to kill them, and set their Goods to Pub∣lick Sale. Shortly after this, he departed upon his Expedition against Mithridates, who now had very much extended his Conquests, even to the subduing a Great Part of Greece it self. Sulpicius was in a short time taken and put to Death; but Marius hid him∣self in the Fens of Minturnum, where, being disco∣ver'd, a Gaul was sent to kill him, but he was so dash'd and amaz'd at the Nobleness of his Presence, that he cou'd not perform his Order: So that Marius being

convey'd out of that Place, escap'd into Africk, where he was joyn'd by cethegus and other, who had fled into Numidia, expecting a convenient Opportunity to Invade their own Country. Pompeius Rufus the Con∣sul, to secure Italy, was at the same time appointed to Receive and Command the Army of Pompeius Strabo, who had done great Service in the Social War, and had so far gain'd the Affection of his Men, that they finding they were like to part with their Old Gene∣ral, stood up and slew the Counsul himself; so that now there were great Dangers and Disturbances in all Parts.

Cornelius Cinna, and C. Octavius, were made Con∣suls for the following Year: Cinna, corrupted, as some are of Opinion, immediately declar'd himself for the New Citizens, and recall d Marius, with the rest of the Exiles; which Actions were so violently oppos'd by his Collegue Octavius, that Cinna was by Force, driven from the City, and Merula put in his Place. Cinna, upon this, going about to the Italian People, by giving 'em fresh Hopes of equal Privileges with the Romans, and pretending, That all his Troubles and Sufferings were purely for their Sakes, obtain'd great Summs of Money. Marius also coming over to him shortly, they, together, rais'd a Considerable Army, and Cinna March'd directly to Rome, and sat down be∣fore it, to the Great Surprize and Terror of the In∣habitants. Marius at the same time March'd against Ostia, and took it by Force; but Cinna before Rome, finding he was not like to carry the Place, broke up the Siege, and Invested Ariminum, which he soon after Storm'd. Marius, after the taking of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ad∣vanc'd with his whole Army, and pos••ed himself up∣on the Hill Ianiculum, joyning to Rome; which again put the Inhabitants into a Great Consternation, espe∣cially for that he was soon after joyn'd by Cinna. The Consuls, finding they cou'd not recall Sylla from Countries so far distant, sent to Metellus, then lying

with an Army in Samnium; but he differing with them about some Conditions, shortly after join'd him∣self with Marius: At which time the City was nigh being betray'd by Ap. Claudius, a Tribune of the Army, who was invested with the Command of the Janicu∣lum; but tho' He and Cinna Broke in, they were re∣pell'd by Octavius, and Pompeius Strabo the Proconsul, who was shortly after kill'd with a Thunder-bolt.

Marius, after this, took in several. Towns about Rome where Provisions lay, and Cinna, by the fair Promises of Liberty, drew great Numbers of Slaves out of the City; which the Senate perceiving, dis∣patch'd Ambassadors to Cinna and Marius, desiring them to come into the City peaceably, and spare their own Country-men. Cinna refus'd to admit of any Address made to him as a Private Man, so that they were forc'd to treat with him as Consul, and desir'd him to swear that he wou'd shed no Blood. Oinna absolutely refus'd to take such an Oath; but promis'd, that know∣ingly and willingly he wou'd not be the Cause of any Man's Death: Marius stood by him, and said nothing, but gave sufficient Testimony by the Sourness of his Coun∣tenance, and the Sternness of his Looks, that he wou'd shortly fill the City with Massacres. But the better to dissemble his Rage, he at last broke Silence, tel∣ling the Ambassadors, that he was then in Exile, and banish'd his Country by course of Law; that if his Presence were necessary, they must repeal the former Act of his Ba∣nishment by a new Decree, that he might be received as a religious Observer of the Laws, and might enter the City free from Fear or Oppression. Upon this all Matters were adjusted, and the Law for banishing Marius, and his Associates, abrogated.

Upon their Entrance into the City, great Plunde∣rings and miserable Slaughters began in all Places. Octavius the Consul, tho' he had the Oath of Cinna and Marius, yet refusing to fly from his Charge, was kill'd, and his Head set upon the Rostra, to which

was added that of M. Antonius, Grand-Father to the triumvir with Augustus, an excellent Orator, who by the Charms of his Eloquence defended himself a a considerable time against the Rage of the Soldiers, and several others. Dreadful Tumults and Out-crys were in all Places; and none were spared either for the Dignity of their Worths, or their Ages. The dead Bodies, being barbarously mangl'd, and abomi∣nably abus'd, were left to be torn in Pieces, and de∣voured by Dogs and Fowls, none daring to bury 'em. All Sylla's Friends were slaughter'd without Mercy, his House demolish'd, his Goods set to Sale, and he himself judged and declared an Enemy to Rome. Me∣rula, tho' he never sought the Consulship, and Catullus, having their Days set 'em to answer for their Lives, destroy'd themselves. Cinna and Marius having thus sa∣tiated themselves with the blood of others, made them∣selves Consuls for the following Year; but Marius dy'd about a Month after, in the 70th. Year of his Age, within less than two Years after the breaking out of this Civil War, being a noble Soldier, and a brave ominander, but much more serviceable to his Country in the Time of War than in Peace, and the only Per∣son who had the Honour of the Consulship seven times.

VI. In the Time of these unhappy Troubles at home, Sylla perform'd many noble Exploits against Mithri∣dates, who not long before her Arrival had command∣ed in one Day 80000, some say 150000 Romans and Italians in Asia, to be murder'd in cold Blood. Sylla first over-threw Archelaus his General nigh Athens so effectually, that of his 120000 Men scarce 10000 were left; then he gave him another great Defeat, recover'd Greece, Maccdonia, Ionia, Asia, and other Countries, which Mithridates had got into his hands, and withal took his Fleet from him; insomuch that Mithridates was very willingly to come to a Treaty, which Sylla notwithstanding Mithridates's high Provoca∣tion

before, was not much averse to, being in want of Money, and very desirous to return to Italy, and to revenge himself of those who had declar'd him an Enemy to Rome. The principal Articles of the Peace were that Mithridates shou'd pay the Charges of the War, and that for the future he shou'd be content with his Fathers Kingdom; which were ratified in less than Three Years after the Beginning of the War. Sylla severely fin'd Asia for its Revolt, and fetling Affairs according to the present Occasion, he return'd for Italy. He took Athens in his Way, from whence he carry'd the fa∣mous Library of Apellicon the Teian, in which were most of the Books of Aristotle and Theophrastus, then not vulgarly known. He soon after wrote to the Senate at Rome, recounting all his great Services he had done for the State, and how ungratefully he had been us'd by Marius's Party, telling them plainly, that he was coming to revenge both himself and the Publick, by punishing the Authors of those Injuries, though the rest he wou'd spare, whether they were old or new Citizens.

The Senate extremely dreaded the effects of Sylla's Return, well knowing it would be fatal to many, and even to some who had unwillingly join'd with Ma∣riu••; therefore they sent to treat with him, offering all their Endeavours for his Satisfaction, if he would quickly make known his Demands. And that there might be the less Blood-shed, they order'd Cinna to discontinue his Levies; but he finding there was no Way of supporting his Interest, but by Arms, only return'd 'em a plausible Answer, and proceeded to raise Soldiers, designing to make himself and his Col∣legue Carbo Consuls for the following Year that there might be no Necessity of returning to Rome for a new E••ection. He sent over part of his Troops into Dal∣matia, there to meet Syll••, but those behind were dri∣ven back to Italy by a Storm, after which they abso∣lutely refus'd to fight against their own Country-men, so that all the rest, who as yet had not put to Sea, re∣fus'd

to go on Board. Hereupon Cinna going to speak with 'em; one of his Officers who made way before him, struck one of 'em; at which the Soldier struck him again, and being apprehended for this Crime, a great Tumult and Mutiny arose among the rest of the Men, wherein Cinna himself was run through; and thus perish'd in his fourth Consulship, a Person worthi∣er to have dy'd by the Command of the Conqueror, than by the Fury of the Soldiers. Carbo continu'd Consul by himself for the remaining Part of the Year.

Sylla before this time had receiv'd the Senate's Pro∣posals,* 1.276 and return'd for Answer, That be wou'd never be reconcil'd to such wicked Persons as Cinna and Carbo, who besides many pernicious Practices against their Country's Good, had procur'd War to be decreed against him who had done it so much Service. But if the People of Rome wou'd grue 'em Indemnity, be shou'd not oppose it; yet be thought all such as came over to him to be far more safe, since he had so considerable an Army at his Devotion. This sufficiently declaring his Intentions; he also demanding Restitu∣tion of his Estate, his ancient Dignity and Honours; but the Messengers coming to Brundusium, and there hearing of Cinna's Death, and the Disturbances of the Common-wealth, return'd back to him. Sylla then cros'd the Sea with a Fleet of 1600 Ships and ••0000 Men, and landed at Brundusium, where he was join'd by M••tellus Pius, who had retir'd from Rome for fear of Marius and Cinan, and likewise by Pompey, after∣wards surnam'd the Great, who from this time became Sylla's great Favourite. Besides these, came also Ce∣thegus, who having before join'd with Cinna, now begg'd Pardon, and was receiv'd into Favour. Nor∣ba••ts and Scipio, the present Consuls, together with Carbo, made all necessary Preparations for Resistance; and the first Trial at Arms was at Canusium, where Norbanus lost 6000 Men, and fled to Capua. His Col∣legue Scipio shortly after, throughout Treachery

of his Army, fell, with his Son, into the Hands of Sylla, who civilly dismiss'd them both. After this, Sylla sent to Norbanus to treat of Peace; but not be∣ing thought serious perhaps, had no Answer••return'd him.

Italy now began to feel all the Desolations and Mi∣series of a Civil War, Sylla making great Devastations on one side, and Carbo on the other, who getting in∣to Rome, procur'd Metellus, and the rest who join'd with Sylla, to be declar'd Enemies to the State. Both Parties diligently sent up and down to the Italian Ci∣ties, labouring by all possible Ways and Methods to procure Forces; and thus was the rest of the Summer spent in which time the Capitol was burnt down, none knowing by what means it was done; this hapned a∣bout 430 Years after it was first built. The following Year, Carbo a third Time, and young Marius, the Son of the former, were made Consuls; the latter at 27 Years of Age. In the beginning of the Campaign, Carbo's Lieutenant Carinus was overthrown by Metellus, and Marius himself by Sylla. Marius was driven into Praeneste, where being closely besieg'd, and almost despairing of Relief, he in a great Rage wrote to Brutus, then Praetor at Rome, to use some Pretence to call the Senate, and then to kill the principal of 'em who were his Enemies; which Order was executed with great Cruelty; so that whatsoever Side were Conquerors, Rome was still a miserable Sufferer. Metellus having by this time overthrown Carbo once more, and Pompey defeated Marcius, another of that Party, Sylla march'd directly to Rome, which Place he easily enter'd, great Numbers of the opposite Faction being fled into the Country.

The Inhabitants of Rome were extremely terrify••d at Sylla's Entrance; but he only put the Goods of the Persons that fled to Sale, wishing the People not to be dejected, for he was oblig'd to act as he did. Then lea∣ving a sufficient Garrison in the City, he departed to

Clusium, where he and his Officers several times over∣threw-Carbo's Armies. Carbo, being now upon the defensive, sent eight Legions to Praeneste to relieve his Collegue Marius; but they were met by Pompey in a narrow Passage, where he ••lew many of 'em, and di∣spers'd the Rest. Soon after, Carbo being join'd with Norbanus, engag'd with Metellus, and had 10000 of his Men slain, and 6000 yielded; whereupon great Numbers went over to Sylla's Party, which presently became Masters of all Gaul on that side the Alpes. Norbanus fled to Rhodes, where fearing to be deliver'd up, he kill'd himself; and Carbo fled to Africk, tho he had 30000 Men at Clusium, besides other Forces, all which soon after were broken and dispers'd by Pompey. But Carinus, and Marcius, with other Com∣manders, by the Assistance of the Samnite Troops en∣deavour'd to force the Trenches at Praeneste, and re∣lieve Marius; but finding it impracticable, they ad∣vanc'd to Rome, where meeting with Sylla, a most bloody Battell was sought at the very Gates, in which many thousands were slain on both sides. But Sylla at last obtain'd the Victory, and Carinus and Marcius were taken, and their Heads sent to Praeneste to be shewn to the Inhabitants, at which sorrowful Sight, they surrender'd to Lucullus, and Marius kill'd himself, whose Head was set up in the Pleading-Place at Rome. All his Faction in Praeneste, with the Natives and Sam∣nites were put to Death without Mercy; only the Ro∣mans escap'd with their Lives, and this rich City was plunder'd. Norba a little after was taken, and the In∣habitants setting the Town on Fire, all destroy'd them∣selves, some one way, and some another: So now all Italy came under the Power of Sylla.

Sylla, having been thus successful against his Ene∣mies at home, sent Pompey into Africk against Carbo, and gave him Charge to pass from thence into Sicily against others of that Party. Pompey in a short time drove Carbo into Sicily, and thence into Corcyra, where

he took him, and caus••d his Head to be cut off, and sent to Sylla. But Rome in the mean time now se∣verely felt the dreadful Effects of Civil Contests; for Sylla calling the People together, told them, That he wou'd put 'em into a better Condition, if they were obedient to his Commands▪ but as for his Enemies, be was resolv'd to prosecute them with all sorts of Miseries and Calamities; which he did with more Severity than any before him, killing and butchering many thousands after a most barbarous and inhumane Manner. Eight Thousand were put to Death together in the Villa Publica a large House in the Campus Martius; Men were slain in the Embraces of their Wives, Children in the Arms of their Mothers, and Liberty was given to the Soldiers to kill all they met, without distinction till Furfidius a little stopp'd the Current of his Rage, by putting him in mind that he ought to leave some to reign over Sylla, then publish'd Tables of Proscription for particularly Per∣sons, these being the first ever known in Rome, wherein were proscribed 80 Senators, and 1600 Equites, to which he afterwards added more, promising great Re∣wards to the Discoverers, and threatning Death to the Concealers of them. Of these Out-law••d Persons some were slain in their Houses, others in the Streets, and others prostrate at his Feet, begging their Lives; and those that fled, their Goods were seiz••d on. Marius, Brother to Sylla's great Enemy, had his Eyes first pull'd out, then his Hands and Legs cut off at several times, that he might die with the greater Torment. ••. Iulius Caesar, a young Man of wonderful promising Abilities, who had marry'd Cinna's Daughter, very hardly e∣scap'd the common Miseries of these Times, of whom Sylla was wont to say, after a Prophetick Manner, That in Caesar were many Marius's.

Rome was not the only Sufferer in these dreadfull Calamities; for this Proscription was carry••d through∣out all the Cities of Italy, where the merciless Effusion of Blood was such, that neither the Temples of the

Gods, nor all the Sanctuaries cou'd afford. Protection to any Man. Both the Consuls being now destroy'd, Sylla withdrew himself from the City; and order'd the Senate to create an Inter-Rex, which they most willingly did, naming Valerius Flaccus. He wrote to him to ask the People, that since Affairs were yet much unsettled, a Dictator might be created, and that not for any limited Time, but till all publick Evils and Grievances should be redress'd, not forgetting to mention himself. This the People were constrain'd to yield to, he having then all the Power in his own Hands; and so this Office, which had been intermitted for 120 Years, was conferr'd on him without any Limitation of Time. And thus ended the first Civil War in Italy, tho' not in all other Pla∣ces, about 6 Years after it began, and four after the first Marius's Death, in the 672d. Year of the City, in the 3d. Year of the 174th Olympiad, 427 Years since the Beginning of the Consular State, 248 since the set∣ting up of the Macedonian Empire, and 80 before our Saviours's Nativity

CHAP. XIV.

From the Perpetual Dictatorship of Sylla, to the first Triumvirate, namely, that of Caesar, Pom∣pey and Cra••sus; which prov'd the Ruin of the Consular State, and the first Step to the setting up the Imperial.

Containing the Space of 22 Years.

THE Government of Rome was now for some space chang••d to a Monarchy,* 1.277 Sylla's Power being unlimited as to Time, and tho•• to keep up a Shew of a Common-wealth, he permitted Consuls to be made, yet he plainly reign••d alone, having 24 Li∣ctors with their Fasces and Axes, and a great Guard constantly to attend his Person, as the Kings in for∣mer times had, and repealing old Laws and enacting

new at his pleasure. He regulated the Consulship, or∣dering that none shou'd be capable of it without first passing through other Offices. He remov'd that Plague to the Senate, the Tribuneship, by making those who, bore it uncapable of any other Trust. He added 300 of the Equites to the Senate, and likewise 10000 of the Slaves of the Proscribed to the People, making 'em Free, and calling 'em Cornelii according to his own Name; and he assign'd great quantities of Land to 23 Legi∣ons, the better to secure and bind 'em to his Interest. This was the first Year of Sylla's Reign in which the War broke out again with Mithridates, about three Years after the first, occasion'd by Murena who•• Syl∣la had left behind him in Asia. This Person being extraordinary ambitious of a Triumph, found an Op∣portunity of making a Breach with Mithridates, con∣trary to the Senate's Designs; but as it proved, he only procur••d himself an Overthrow, and Mithridates a Peace not long after, which finish'd the second War with that Prince, having lasted above two Years.

In the second Year of Sylla's Office he again made Consuls, but joyn'd himself with Caecilius Metellus, he being one, which Course the Emperors afterwards imitated. The Year after, when the People design••d him Consul again, he declin••d it, and chose two o∣thers; and then, to the great Surprize and Wonder of all Men, he laid down his Dictatorship, in the third Year of his Office; and what was more Surprising tho' he had done so many cruel and wicked Acts, he like a Man perfectly Just and Innocent, freely offer••d to give an Account of all his Management and Pro∣ceedings. Yet we find none accus'd him but one young Man, whose scurrilous Language to him made him say, that such course Usage for the future wou••d keep any Man from laying down an Office of such Supream Authori∣ty; which Iulius Caesar afterwards seem'd to have been aware of. Not long after he retired himself into the Country, where following nothing but his Plea∣sure,

he dy'd in a short time at Puteoli, his body being putrefied, and all turn'd into Lice. This was the End of Cornelius Sylla, and as his Life was very perni∣cious to his Co••ntry, so was his Death extreamly trou∣blesome to it, the two Consuls and their Factions fal∣ling about the Honours design'd for him at his Funeral. Catullus prevailing against his Collegue Lepidus, his Bo∣dy was carry'd in great Pomp and State through the City, and was the first in Rome that was burnt, to prevent being treated as Marius before had been, whose Bones Sylla himself had order'd to be digged up and thrown away.

After this, the Consuls fell into greater Dissentions about the Lands given away by Sylla, which Lepidus was for returning to the former Possessors. The Se∣nate being very fearful of another War, made 'em both swear Not to deside the Controversie by the Sword. But Lepidus resolv'd not to return out of his Province, 'till the new Election of Consuls was over, and then to begin a War, thinking himself discharg'd from his Oath when he was out of his Office. Hereupon the Senate sent for him, and at his return, he offer'd to bring his Troops into the City, but being oppos'd by Catullus and Pompey, a Battel in••u••d, wherein he was overthrown, and fleeing to Sardinia, he dy'd the same Year with Sylla. This was not the end of all these Troubles, for a more dangerous War was still depen∣ding in Spain against Q. Sertorius, an admirable expert Commander of Ci••••••a's Faction, who had driven out all Sylla's Party from Spain, and had chosen 300 of his Friends, whom he call'd a Senate, in Opposi∣tion to that at Rome. Sertorius having joyn'd with the Cel••iberians, had before been Successfull against Me∣tellus, and now being re-inforc'd with part of Le∣pidus's Army brought over by Perpenna, he design'd no less than the Invasion of Italy. The Senate ap∣prehensive of this threatning Danger, sent Pompey a∣gainst him, who for his great Exploits in Africk and

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Sicily had already triumph'd, tho' scarce 26 Years of Age, and neither Consul nor Praetor. Pompey in Imi∣tation of Hannibal, pass'd the Alpes, tho' a contrary way, but with no Success against Sertorius either then or in the next Spring: and tho' Perpenna and Herculeus were several times worsted by Metellus, yet Sertorius by his extraordinary Management reduc'd Pompey to great Extremities, insomuch he was oblig'd to send to Rome for Supplies; which after he had receiv'd, he attack••d several Places subject to Sertorius, yet per∣form'd no thing of Consequence this Year.

The following Year, Pompey and Metellus being much strengthn'd, made Incursions into several Parts, and with more Success than formerly; yet no con∣siderable Battel was fought. And indeed there need∣ed none, since Sertorius fell away insensibly, by dis∣obliging his chief Soldiers in preferring the Celtiberians for his Guard; but more especially by his degenera∣ting into a lazy and debauch'd, as well as cruel Tem∣per, putting many to Death with little Reason or Justice. And now Perpenna fearing it might fall to his Lot to be destroy'd amongst the rest, resolv'd to pre∣vent it, and thereupon inviting him to a Sumptuous Feast, first made him and his Companions very drunk, and then murder'd him; which was a very inglori∣ous End for so great a Soldier, who had stoutly and bravely resisted all that had been sent against him, and had been admired by the Spaniards as another Hannibal. Perpenna with much difficulty obtain'd his Command from his Army, but not long after was overthrown in Battel, and taken Prisoner by Pompey. He offer'd to disclose to Pompey in private some Matters of the highest Consequence, if he wou'd spare his Life; but Pompey with great Policy and Dis∣cretion commanded him to be Executed immediately, and his Papers all to be burnt, least his Accusations shou'd bring the State into further Troubles, of which it had felt too severely already. Thus ended all the

Civil Wars, in the 68th. Year of the City, 1•• Years after they first began, and 9 after it ended in Italy, in the Consulship of Terentius Varro and Cassius Varus▪ the former being a Person of wonderful Knowledge, and one of the most Learned Men that ever Rome produc'd, in whose time Learning was in many respects at the highest Pitch in the State.

II. But the Year before,* 1.278 a third War broke out with Mithridates, who now had joyn'd himself with Tigranes King of Armenia, and gather••d together an Army of divers Countries consisting of 140000 Foot 16000 Horse, by which he in a short time Possess'd himself of all Bithynia, which Nicomedes the late King had given by his Will to the Romans. Lucinius Lucullus and Aurelius Cotta being Consuls, the former, a brave General, was sent against Mithridates. He found the King before C••zicus a City of Propontis, where he plac'd his Men with so much skill as to besiege the Besie∣ger, and reduc'd Mithridates to such Extremities, that, through Famine he was forc'd, first to send away his Cavalry and sick Men into Bithynia, whereof 15000 were intercepted, and then to retire himself with the rest that could escape the great Slaughter which the Romans made in their Flight. During the time of this double Siege, Eumachus one of Mithridates's Com∣manders, made Inrodes into Phrygia, subdu'd Pisidia and Isauria, and endeavoured to do the like to Cili∣cia, 'till he was Repuls••d by Deiotarus one of the Go∣vernours of Galatia. But Lucullus improv'd his Suc∣cess by Land by gaining many Victories at Sea, where he took several of Mithridates's Commanders, and closely pursu'd the King himself. Mithridates flying with more Speed than Discretion, had been Cast away, but that he was receiv'd into a Pirate's Vessel, to which he was glad to commit himself in so great a Danger, and at length after many Difficulties, got into his own Kingdom, whither Lucullus pursu'd

him, having taken in all Bithynia and Paphlagonia in in his Way; and this was his first Years Expedition.

Mithridates made all possible Preparations for Resi∣stance, sending to Tigranes and others for Aid; and within the space of a Year he got together 40000 Foot and 4000 Horse, with which he once or twice gain'd some Advantage over the Romans; and struck some Terror into the Soldier. But Lucullus found Means to cut off•• most of his Cavalry, which, with the Loss of a Battel soon after, so terrify'd him that he quit∣ted his Kingdom, and fled into Armenia to Tigranes, who entertain'd him like a King, but refus'd to admit him to his Presence. All Pontus, except a few Places, yielded to Lucullus in a Short space; and Machares King of Bosphorus sent this General a Crown of Gold, by which he purchas'd the Title of his Friend and Allie. This was the fourth Year of his Expedition, in which Year also was happily finish'd the War with Spartacus the Gladiator in Italy. This Person with seventy four of his Companions having broken out of their Fencing School at Capua, fled away; and wandring through all the Country round, and vastly encreasing in their Numbers, commenc'd a dangerous War in Italy. They at last had gather'd together an Army of about 70000 Men, most Vagabonds and such kind of People, and all pretenders to Liberty, and had besides overthrown many of the Roman Commanders, and two of their Consuls; till at last they were Con∣quer'd and despers'd by Licinius Crassus the Prooon••ul in Apulia a Person of great Nobility and Riches, and after many Troubles and Calamities in Italy, the War was ended in the third Year by him. About the same time a Lustrum being perform••d in Rome, 450000 Free Citizens were Poll'd, the City still encreasing in Bulk and People, and the Inhabitants in Learning and Po∣liteness, as well as Corruption and Factions.

Lucullus,* 1.279 having still the Management of the War, against Mithridates, follow'd him into Armenia, sen∣ding

to Tigranes King of that Country, to demand him. Tigranes was a very powerful Monarch, having lately Conquer'd several Nations and Kings, which made him so intolerably Proud, that when he rode abroad he would have four of his Subdu••d Kings run by his side like Lacqueys, and when he sat on his Throne, to stand before him with folded Hands in token of Subjection. Tigranes being now abroad in reducing Phoenicia, Lucullus's Messenger found Op∣portunity to draw over many to his side, who had been much dissatisfy'd at his proud and insulting Car∣riage. Tigranes at his return refus'd to deliver up Mithridates, and likewise to acknowledge Lucullus as a General, because he had not given him the Title of King of Kings. Whereupon Lucullus suddenly pass••d the River Euphrates with two Legions and about 3000 Horse, which did not a little surprize Tigranes, who first hang••d the Messenger of the News as a Disturber of the Peace, and soon after sent Mithrobarzanes with 2000 Horse▪ to Incommode his Passage, leaving Man∣caeus to cover the City Tigranocerta which he had late∣ly built, and went himself to Levy Forces. While he was drawing together a vast Army of 250000 Foot, and ••0000 Horse against the Romans, Mithrobazanes was repell••d, and Mancaeus driven from the Cover of the City, and the Place immediately Invested. Mi∣thridates upon this advis••d him not to hazard all in a Battel, but rather to starve the Romans; but he sligh∣ted this Motion, and contemn••d the Smallness of their Numbers, saying, That if the Romans were all Ambassadours they were a great many, but if Soldiers, ve∣ry few, pretending to over-run 'em with great Faci∣lity. But Lucullus posting himself upon a Hill, sent his Cavalry to provoke and draw out the Enemy so as he might break their Ranks; and then setting upon the Carriage Beasts, so successfully caus'd 'em to drive their Foot among their Horse, that great Confusio•• follow'd and a dreadful Slaughter continu'd all the

day; and Tigranocerta was surrender'd by means of certain dissatisfy'd Greeks in the Place.

After these Defeats, another great Army was rais'd, and committed to the Conduct of Mithridates. They both endeavour'd to ••hem in Lucullus, but were disap∣pointed in their Design by his extraordinary Vigilancy; and thus both Sides continu'd with little Action, till want of Provisions constrain'd 'em to remove, Tigra∣nes Marching farther into his Kingdom, and Mithri∣dates, into his, with Lucullus not far behind him. Fa∣bius, who had been left in Pon••us by Lucullus, was o∣verthrown by Mithridates, and after him Triarius, who imprudently Engag'd with him, and lost ••000 of his Men. Soon after, Mithridates taking with him all the Necessaries he cou••d carry, and destroying the rest, March'd into the Lesser Armenia, Lucullus wou••d gladly have follow'd him, and might have put an End to the War, but that now Acilius Glabrio this Years Consul, by Glabinus the Tribunes Procurement, was appointed to carry it on in his Place. This being known in the Army, Lucullus was lighted by his Men, and Mithridates and Tigranes began to be more Successful than formerly. In a short time, Glabrio arriu'd at his Province, and sent about to give Notice That the Senate being displeas'd with Lucullus for prolong∣ging the War, had disbanded his Army, and wou'd Con∣fiscate the Estates of such as shou'd disobey its Order. Up∣on which all his Army abandon'd him except some few poor Men, who had no great Cause to fear any loss of Estates; and Lucullus being out of his Com∣mand, Mithridates recover'd almost all his Kingdom, and did much Damage to Capp••clocia, Glabrio not so much as coming to his Army, but lying idle in Bithy∣nia. This hapned in the seventh Year after Lucullus had undertaken the War.

III.* 1.280 About this time, Pompey began to come into great Esteem among the Romans, having now a new

Occasion of shewing his great Abilities in War, which was this: The Pirates, who had been first employ••d by Mithridates, finding their Profit so great, had now got together many thousands of several Nations, ma∣king choice of Cilicia for their Rendezvous; and seeing that the War continu'd, they thought it more Wis∣dom to damnify others, than lose their own Estates. They were now grown so Numerous and Powerful, that there was no secure passing the Seas nor dwel∣ling upon the Coasts; for they not only took and robb'd Ships by Sea, but also whole Provinces on the Land. They had likewise defeated several. Romans Praetors, and were grown so impudent, that they lan∣ded in Italy it self, carry'd away several Women of Quality, and more than that, two Armies with their Ensigns. These great Affronts very much enrag'd the People of Rome, and a Law was preferr'd by Gabinius the Tribune, That some Person shou••d be created Admiral with full Power against the Pirate for three Years, who shou'd have large Forces and many Lieutenants. This Law did not please the Senate, who now began to grow jealous of Pompey••s Power; for to him was the Affair committed, and he had full Power given him over all Persons upon the Sea, and fifty Miles distant, whe∣ther Kings or others, to oblige them to assist him in his Enterprize. The Senate also permitted him to chuse fifteen Lieutenants out of their Body, to take 200 Ships, and raise what Men he cou••d: But he ob∣tain'd greater Advantage of the People, namely 500 Ships, 120000 Foot, and 5000 Horse, 6000 Attick Talents, and the Power of appointing 25 Vice-gerants out of the Senate, and Two Quaestors; so difficult it appear'd to destroy such numerous Fleets as the Pi∣rates had, in a Sea that had so many Places of Retreat and Refuge.

Pompey with great Skill and Judgment distributed his Lieutenants through the several Bays, Havens, Streights, and Windings of the Mediterranean Sea, fur∣nishing

them with convenient Shipping and Forces▪ that so the Pirates being rous••d out of their lurking Holes by some, might be receiv'd by others, and chas'd by the next, and none might be oblig'd to sail too far. While he himself, like a King of so many Kings, sail'd up and down observing, visiting, di∣recting, instructing, and overseeing with that singu∣lar Art and Diligence, that in forty Days he scour'd all the Seas about Africk, Sardinia, Corsica and Sicily▪ and all the Pirates that escap'd, flock'd to Cilicia, as their Common Receptacle. He soon follow•• d 'em with 60 Galleys; and tho' they had prepar•• d them∣selves to give him Battel, yet upon the sight of his Fleet, they submitted to his Mercy; and so much had the Greatness of his Name terrify•• d them, that in for∣ty Days more, he reduc'd Cilicia to the Roman Obe∣dience. Such of these Piratesas remain'd, being a∣bove 20000, he was unwilling to kill, and to let ••em return to their old Habitations was not safe: There∣fore he remov•• d ••em to Places farther distant from the Sea, where he gave ••em Land and Houses, fur∣nishing their Seats with new Inhabitants. Thus after the taking of nigh 400 Ships, and 120 Forts, and the killing of 10000 Men, he finish'd the War in three or four Months, using the Conquer'd with more Gle∣mency than Q. Metellus did those in Crete, which he subdu••d, and thereby obtain'd besides a Triumph, the Sirname of Creticus.

This Expedition still added much to Pompey's Re∣putation; and it was scarce at an End, when Man∣lius the Tribune preferr•• d a Law, That all the Armies the Romans had in any Place, together with the Government of all Asia, and the Management of the War against Mi∣thridates and Tigranes, might be committed to him alone. This he did to curry Favour with so great a Man as Pompey, whom he had displeas'd not long before by a Law of his, which gave equal Privileges to free'd Slaves with their Masters that made 'em so. The

Nobility were extreamly dissatisfied at this new Law, not only for the manifest Injury done to Lucullus and Glabrio; by removing them from their Places but also out of a high jealousie of Pompey's growing Greatness, as being in a manner absolute Monarch of the Roman Empire, by having these Provinces added to, his for∣mer, with the same Power of Peace and War; and which was more than all the rest, a Jurisdiction o∣ver all Armies whatsoever; which Things had never before been conferr'd up•• any one single Person.

But the Commons were ••ry hot for the Law, be∣ing much incited by Cicero 〈◊〉〈◊〉 renowned Orator, now Praetor, who in a Publick A••. sembly made a noble Oration in Commendation of Pompey, shewing not only how very convenient it was for the Good of the Common-Wealth to have a General with so large a Power; but like∣wise how absolutely necessary it was to chuse him above all other Men in the World, as being incomparably eminent for those four great Accomplishments requir d in an Absolute Soldier, Conduct, Courage, Authority and Success, which had all been abundantly apparent in those numerous and won∣derful Exploits he had already perform'd in so many Parts of the World. This had so good an Effect, that when the Law came to the Scrutiny, it pass•• d with little Opposition; and C. Iulius Caesar, lately Quaestor, is said to have likewise favour•• d it, chiefly with Design that afterwards the People might be the more inclin'd to commit the like extraordinary Power to himself.

Pompey having made what Preparations he thought convenient,* 1.281 in a short time undertook his Expedition, in which he propos•• d great Honour and Renown to himself. Yet he first sent to Mithridates, offering him good and reasonable Terms, which the other refused in Expectation of the Assistance of Phraaes King of Parthia; but hearing that a League was made between him and the Romans, he shortly after sent to desire a Peace. Pompey commanded him to lay down his Arms, and deliver up all Deserters; which occasio∣ned

such a dangerous Disturbance and Mutiny in Mithridates's Army, that he immediately receded, saying, He only sent to make an Espial, and evading the Articles by swearing, that he would never be reconcil•• d to the Romans, because of their insatiable Avarice. Pompey marching into Galatia, there met with Lucullus, and a violent Contest was rais'd between 'em. The lat∣ter affirm'd the War to be already finish'd; and that the Commissioners from Rome were to decide it; and when Pompey would not harken to this, he upbraided him with an unjust Ambition, Pompey retorting the Charge of immoderate Desire of Gain upon Lucullus. Lucullus still gave out Commands in his own Name, but Pompey, by his Edicts, forbad 'em, null'd all his Acts, and at last drew away the greater Part of his Army. Yet Lucullus at his Return was received with great Honour by the Senate, carrying with him among his great Booty, many valuable Books; with which he furnish'd a Library, that always stood open, to Greeks especially. He much advanc'd the Roman Lux∣ury as to Buildings, Furniture of Houses and exces∣sive Feast, and also was the first that brought the Cherry-Tree out of Pontus into Italy.

Mitrhidates had now gather'd together a ve••y con∣siderable and numerous Army; and Pompey finding how he had wasted all the Country to hinder the Sub∣sistance of his Army, march'd into the lesser Arm••nia, subject to Mithridates, who fearing he might become Master of that Country, follow•• d him thither. Here Mithridates was in hopes to starve him, but was disap∣pointed with considerable Loss, and to his great Sur∣prize was surrounded by Pompey with an Intrench∣ment of above eighteen Miles Circuit. Whereupon hearing that Marcius was join'd Pompey, he betook himself to Flight, having first killed all such as were sick and useless about him. But Pompey pursu•• d him so close, that before he cou'd pass the River Euphra∣tes, he forc'd him to an Engagement in the Night.

The Moon being very low, and on the Backs of the Romans, so lengthen'd their Shadows, that the Ene∣mies thinking ••em nigher than really they were, shot most of their Arrows without doing Execution. Here Mithridates lost many Thousands of Men; but he himself broke through with 800 Horse, of which on∣ly 300 stay'd with him. Then sorrowfully wandring through the Woods with his Horse in his Hands, he accidentally met with some Mercenaries, and about 3000 Foot, by whose Assistance he was convey'd in∣to a Castle where he had laid up much Treasure. From hence he sent to Tigranes, who now refused to receive him, alledging that his Son upon his Account had rebell•• d against him. Whereupon Mithridates fled to Colchis, which he had formerly conquered, and Pompey followed him, thinking he would not have stirr'd thence; but he immediately passed into Scythia, where partly by Force, and partly by Perswasions, he oblig•• d the Princes of that County, to be of his Party, bestowing his Daughters in Marriage upon some of 'em, having still vast Designs in his Mind, e∣ven of passing through Thrace, Maced••nia, Pannonia, and so over the Alpes into Italy it self.

Pompey, in a short time left Colchis; and getting clear of the Ambuscades, laid for him by the Albanians and Iberians, directed his March to Armenia against Ti∣granes, who now resolv•• d not to fight, upon the Ac∣count of the Rebellion of his three Sons he had by Mithridates's Daughter, two of which he had executed, and the third after an Overthrow had fled to Pompey. Tigranes's Ambassadors coming to desire a Peace, this Son so far prevail'd, that they cou'd not be heard shortly after Pompey, invested the City Artaxata, which Tigranes immediately surrender'd, and shortly after came himself into Pompey's Camp, ma∣king him Mediator between him and his Son who wou'd not so much as rise up to his Father, or shew him any Respect whatsoever. But Pompey received

him with extraordinary Civility, allowing him the greatest Part of his former Dominions, and his Son the rest; but took away all his Conquests, and fin'd him 6000 Talents of Silver for the Charge of the War. Tigranes was by these Articles oblig'd to quit many conquer••d Territories, particularly all Syria and Phoenicia and Euphrates to the Sea; but his Son was still very refractory, refusing Obedience, and threatning the Death of his Father, for which he was shut up in Prison by Pompey, and reserv••d for a Triumph; and not long afterwards he was put to Death. Tigranes being now reconcil'd to the Romans, paid more than his Fine, and made Presents to every Officer and Soldier, for which he was esteem'd a Friend and Allie of the Romans. Pompey restor'd Cap∣padocia to Ariobarzanes, giving him also Gordiena and Sophena with Cabala a City of Cilicia, and other Pla∣ces; after which with some Opposition, he constrain'd the Albanians and Iberians to beg Peace.

Thus prosperous was this great Commander,* 1.282 who still design'd larger and more glorious Conquests; and therefore passing over the vast Mount Taurus, he march'd against Darius the Median, and Anti••chus King of Syria, for molesting the Roman Allies, or assisting their Enemies. Whereupon Phraates King of Parthia, who had been call'd into Gordiena, by Tigranes's Son, terriy••d at his great Exploits, sent to beg Peace of him, which he granted not, but sent Afraneus into into Gordiena to expel his Forces, and restore that Country to Tigranes. Phraates upon this invading Ar∣menia, Tigranes sent to Pompey for Succour, who be∣ing unwilling to commence a War with Phraates with∣out positive Orders from Rome, sent three Commis∣sioners to make an Accommodation. But for Anti••∣chus, to whom Lucullus had granted Syria for his In∣heritance, he first intended to betake himself to the Assistance of Phraates; but upon mature Deliberation, he resolved to yield himself to Pompey••S Generosity.

But Pompey having now possess'd himself of all his Country without Resistance, refus••d to grant him what he expected, and what he knew he was unable to keep from the Incursions of the Jews and Arabians on both sides of him. And the better to excuse him∣self, told him, That since the Romans had been at such Charges and Pains to conquer Tigranes, it wou'd be un∣reasonable that the Reward shou'd fall to another. There∣fore he only allow'd him that Part of Syria, call'd Comagena; and in a short Time after, extending his Conquests farther over the Ituraeans and Arabians, he reduc'd all Syria into a Roman Province.

The Time that Pompey was proceeding in these Suc∣cessfull Expeditions, Mithridates sent to him to desire Peace; but being order'd to come to him himself he refus'd it, and proceeded in his Preparations for War: After which many of his Places revolted, and many of his Friends, with one of his Sons, were executed upon that Account. Yet still he design'd to pass in∣to Europe, there to join with the Gauls, and invade Italy; but the Unwillingness of his Soldiers to this dif∣ficult Expedition, and the Rebellious Designs of his Son Pharnaces, caus••d his Army••s Revolt, and his Ruine, his Son being shortly after faulted King. Mi∣thridates, now under Confinement, seeing this from an Upper-Room, sent to his Son to ask leave to de∣part, but in vain, who bidding his Father Die, he cry'd out with many bitter Imprecations, That he might one Day hear the same. Words from his own Chil∣dren! Then coming down to his Wives, Daughters, and Concubines, he gave 'em all Poison, and fea∣ring to be delivered up to the Romans, he took some himself; but having much us'd his Body to Antido∣tes, particularly to that Sort which still goes by his Name, the Poison wou'd not operate, whereupon he wounded himself; but that not dispatching him soon enough, he call'd to one Bitaeus a Gaul, who got in through the broken Wall, and by his Hands he dy'd.

Thus fell Mithridates, a Man, who sometimes in For∣tune, and at all times in Courage was of the highest Rank, in Direction a skilful Commander, in Execu∣tion a great Soldier, and in Hatred to the Romans a second Hannibal, having made longer Opposition than he. And thus ended the Mithridatick War after twen∣ty five Years, and eleven since it last broke out; a War, which in the Beginning happened to be dange∣rous to the Roman State, as creating other Mischiefs, but in the End prov••d very glorious and advantage∣ous to it, by the Addition not only of all Mithridates's Dominions, but likewise of many other rich Coun∣tries in Asia.

Pompey, when the News of Mithridates's Death was brought to him, was near Iericho, marching towards Ierusalem against Aristobulus King of Iudea, who had depos'd his elder Brother Hyrcanus, and usurp'd his Kingdom Hyrcanus complain d of his Brother to Pom∣pey at Damascus, who likewise came thither to vindi∣cate himself. Pompey treated 'em both very civilly, promising 'em to come into their Country, and settle Mat∣ters between 'em, after he had dispatched some other neces∣sary Affairs. Having therefore in a short Time settled the Affair of Syria, and reduc••d Pont••••: into a Roman Province, he return'd to Iudea, being much incens'd against Aristobulus. He first cited him to appear be∣fore him, and deliver up all his fortify'd Places, which he did with much Regreet and Anger, withdrawing himself to Ierusalem, to make Preparations for a War. Pompey suspecting his Designs, immediately march••d after him, which Aristobulus understanding, went out to meet him; and tho' the City was enter••d without Opposition, his Soldiers fortify'd the Temple and held it out against Pompey, which caus••d Aristobulus to be taken into Custody. The Temple being very strong by Situation, made a vigorous Defence; but after three Month's Siege, was with much Difficulty and La∣bour taken, and 12000 of the Iews cut in Pieces, the

Priests not neglecting to offer Sacrifices all that Time. Pompey, without any Fear, enter'd the Holy of Holies with many Followers, looking on these things which were unlawfull for any but the Priests to behold, how∣ever he show, so much Veneration for the Place, that he forbore touching any Thing that was there. He restor'd Hyrcanus to his Priesthood and Government, but with a Command never to wear a Diadem, and took Aristobulus with him, making all Iudea tributary to Rome. This hapned in the third Year of his Ex∣pedition, and 61 Years before our Saviour's Nativity.

IV. While Pompey thus proceed in his noble Ex∣ploits abroad, Rome it self was in great Hazard, and very nigh its Ruine, occasion'd by one of the most dangerous Conspiracies that had been ever known in the City. It was begun and carry'd on by Sergius Catiline, a Patrician by Descent, but of a very pro••••i∣gate Life; a Person daring in his Attempts, crasty in his Designs, greedy of other Men s Properties, pr••di∣gal of his own; one who had been accus'd of debauching a Vestal Virgin, and suspected of murde∣ring his Son for the Love of another Woman. This Person having contracted vast. Debts by the Loose∣ness of his Life, grew desperate, and sought for no∣thing but Power and Authority, and, if it were pos∣sible, the Soveraignty over all; but his Designs being suspected, he twice receiv'd a Repulse in standing for the Consulship. This last time it was carry'd from him by Cicero, whom he therefore scurrilously abus'd as an Upstart and Foreigner, as being but of the Equestrian Order, and born in Apulia; and offer'd to kill him in the Comitia. The missing of his Designs, drove him into the utmost Rage and Fury, and brought him into that Plot, in which he had formerly been engag••d with Piso, for the Destruction of his Country. Aure∣lius Cotta and Manlius Torquatus, who before had miss'd of the Consulship for want of competent Bribes, also

join'd with him, and afresh plotted the Ruine of the Consuls and Senate, the Burning of the City, and the Overthrow of the State, as likewise did Lentulus, Ce∣thegus, and many other inferior Persons of debauch'd and infamous Lives. Cethegus and Lentulus were both Praetors, and the Latter, who formerly had been Con∣sul, was mov'd to this Design by a vain Confidence he had in the Sibylline Oracles, which he said porten∣ded, That the Soveraig•• Power shou'd be in the Hands of three Gornel••••, namely, Sylla, Cinna, and Himself.

This Conspiracy was carry••d on with the greatest Secrecy imaginable, their Numbers daily encreasing, among which were several Women, who by prosti∣tuting themselves had been maintain'd after a prodi∣gious Rate; but afterwards, Decay of Beauty l••miting their Gains. tho' not their Luxury, had greatly run them in Debt, notwithstanding all their Care of con∣cealing this horrid Design, it was discover'd by the Means of Q. Curius, one of the Plotters, a degraded Senator, who neither cou'd contain the Secrets he had heard, not the Crimes he had committed; but impru∣dently relating all to one Fulvia his Courtesan, she discover'd it to Cicero who was now Consul. Cicero by examining of these two, found out the whole Mat∣ter, how often, and where they met, and what De∣signs they had in Hand particularly his own Destructi∣on to be brought about by Vasgunt••ius a Senator, and Cornelius a Knight, under Pretence of a Friendly Visit. Cicero with great Diligence and Care appointed Guards in several Parts of the City, and immediately after call'd the Senate to the Temple of Concord to con∣sult what was best to be done in this Time of Danger. Great Rewards were promis'd to any who shou'd make any farther Discovery of this black Conspira∣cy, and the whole City was in a great Consternation, all in a Hurry, all in a Fear, not knowing whom to trust, or where to be secure, either in War, or Peace; but every one measuring his Danger by his Fears.

The Senate, being now assembled, Catiline, to shew how well he cou'd dissemble, or to justifie himself, went boldly thither; but none of the Senators wou'd come near him, the Place where he sat being wholly void. Whereupon Cicero, either dreading his Presence, or in∣cens'd at his Boldness; stood up, and made a severe invective Speech against him, openly manifesting his Crimes, which were both numerous and notorious, and saying, Did that most honourable Person Scipio Na∣sica, slay his own Kinsman Tib. Gracchus for a slight Di∣sturbance of the City; and shall we, Consuls, tamely suffer a Person endeavouring to lay the World desolate with Slaugh∣ter and Destruction? He farther commanded him to leave the Town, concluding with wishing Confusion and Destruction to him and all his Accomplices. Up∣on his sitting down, Catiline, well prepar'd, with all manner of Artifice and Dissimulation, with a deject∣ed Countenance, and suppliant Tone, besought the Fathers not ••ver-rashly to credit•• vain Reports concerning him; nor to believe that a Person of his Rank, whose own and whose Ancestors Services had been so remarkably bene∣ficial, stood in need of a ruin'd Common-wealth; conclu∣ding with many scurrilous Reflections upon Cicero; which not being hearkned to by the Senate, he left the House in a great Rage, breathing out Ruine and Destruction to all his Enemies. He left the City late at Night with ••00 Arm'd Men, and Lictors with Axes and Fasces before him like a Magistrate, and retired into Hetruria, gathering together Soldiers all the Way, intending to return to the City, which he had order'd Lentulus and Cethegus to lay in Ashes at an appointed Time.

In the mean time the Ambassadors of the Allobroges, now in Town, were also perswaded to stir up the Gauls against the Common-wealth; but declaring their De∣signs to ••abius•• Sanga their Patron, it came shortly to Cicero's Fiar, and so was prevented. The Day after Catiline's Departure, Cicero summon'd the People, and

made a second Oration to 'em, where he congratula∣ted the People and Common-Wealth for being freed from so infamous a Person▪ and encouraged 'em, by representing the Forces of that Rebel as both small and inconsiderable. Upon this the Senate judged Catiline an Enemy to the State, and likewise Manlius who had join'd him in Hetruria, Lentulus also was depriv'd of his Office of Praetor, by whom the Ambassadors had been perswaded over, who confess'd that they had often heard him make his Conjectures from the Sibyl∣lime Oracles. Cicero shortly after summon••d the People again, and made another Oration to 'em, wherein he reported the Particulars of the Discovery, with the Arraignment and Conviction of many of the Conspi∣rators. Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, Cassius, and several others being now secur'd, Cicero call'd the Se∣nate, and propounded to the Fathers to consider what was to be done with the Prisoners▪ But while the Senate was sitting, great Disturbances arose in the Ci∣ty; for the Slaves and Dependent•• of Lentulus and Ce∣thegus had gather••d together a great Number of Artifi∣cers and Rabble, who endeavour••d to break in upon the back-side of the Praetor's House and res••••e the Priso∣ners. Upon Notice of this, Cicero left the Senate House, and appointing a Watch and sufficient Guards, return••d asking the Opinions of the Senators.

Now a great Debate arose concerning the Punish∣ment of the Prisoners▪ Silanus, design••d Consul for the next Year, being first ask'd his opinion, according to Custom, was for putting 'em to Death, as were seve∣ral others, till Nero diswaded in, and Iulius Caesar standing up, in a plausible Speech pleaded much for Mercy, and disapprov'd of Death as an irregular Way of proceeding, speaking to this effect: If any Punish∣ment might be found to equalize their Faults, then I shou••d approve your Design; but if the Vastness of their Crimes sur∣passes all our Inventions, we ought to make use of such 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Law provides▪ Tho' I must confess that all the Tortures is

the Wor'd are inferiour to their Offences▪ yet most Men still remember what comes last, and in the Sufferings of the most Impious, forget the Fact, and discourse of nothing but the Punishment, if more severe than ordinary, and since the Porcian Law only punishes Capital Offenders with Exile, we ought not to bring in Innovations▪ for certainly their Wisdom and Vertue was greater, who rais'd so vast an Em∣pire from such small Beginnings, than ours who can hard∣ly preserve what they so bravely won. Caesar's Advice was likely enough to have, taken, till P••rcius Cato, Grand∣son to the great Moralist, stood up, and with some Heat oppos'd him, saying, That he had never pardon'd in himself the least Error of his own. Thoughts, and therefore cou'd not easily forgive the Misdemeanors of a turbulent Pas∣sion and Ambition in others. That among the Ancient Ro∣mans Manlius Torquatus had caus'd his own Son to be put to Death only for fighting the Enemy contrary to his Com∣mand; And if that valiant Youth was so severely chastis'd for his over-hasty Courage, shall the present Generation hesi∣tate what to decree against the most bloody of Parricides▪ and the greater Monsters of Mankind!

Cicero after these Speeches, made one himself, which was his fourth upon this Occasion, wherein he with a cunning sort of Mildness and Ambiguity inclin'd to Cato's Side, telling them, That his Earnestness did not proceed from any Malice or Anger but from a singular Ten∣derness and Compassion: That they ought to consider that it was not T. Grachus, who requir'd a second Tribuneship, nor C. Gracohus, who claim'd the Publick Lands, nor yet Saturninus, who shew Memmius, that was to be call'd in Question; but Burners of the City, Murderers of the People, and Assistants of Catiline himself: and likewise that this Mischief was already diffus••d over all Italy, and beyond the Alpes, and therefore impossible be crush'd with Forbearance and Delays. By Cicero's Speech the Senate were induc••d to put 'em all to Death, which the Consul saw Executed before the House arose; but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mildness and Peculiar Management in

this Affair, made several suspect he himself had some Hand in the Conspiracy. As for Catiline himself, he was shortly after overtaken by C. Antonius, Cicero's Collegue, nigh the Alpes, as he was passing into Gaul to compleat his Levies; where engaging most obsti∣nately he was slain, but his Men desperately sought it out to the last; and scarce any of 'em remain••d to be taken, or were found out of their Places when dead. Thus was this most dangerous Conspiracy quash'd, chiefly by the Vigilance and Diligence of Cicero the Consul. Publick Thanks were given him for his great Care and Pains; and, at the Instance of Cato, he was first of all others stil'd Father of his Coun∣try, and that with loud Acclamations of the People, who said, That tho' indeed they were indebted to several Commanders of that Age, for Riches, Spoils, and Power; yet it was to Cicero alone that they ow'd the Safety and Security of all these Blessings.

V. After these Disturbances were over,* 1.283 the Affairs of Rome were in a much more quiet Posture; but neither Catiline's Defeat nor Death was sufficient to settle the City in a firm and lasting Peace, but still she lay expos'd to the sinister Designs which some more Ambitious Senators than the rest were always form∣ing against her Liberty: Nor cou'd their Inclinati∣ons of that kind meet with Greater Temptations, since the Gaining of this only City must carry with it so Great a Part of the World. And now it was that Caesar began to make a Greater Appearance in Rome than ever, being this Year made Praetor. He had be∣fore gone through the two Offices of Questor and Ae∣dile, in the latter of which, by his Magnificence in Shews and Buildings, he had acquitted himself with much Reputation, having also the Advantage of being descended from one of the most Illustrious Families in Rome. He afterwards stood for the High-Priest∣hood, and, by his Great Liberality, carry'd it from two

of the most Powerful Men in Rome, and his Seniors; and scarce any Man in the City was more Remarka∣ble, either for the Freeness of his Presents, or the Largeness of his Bribes. He was now also arriv'd to a very high degree in Learning, as well as an Admi∣rable Skill in Eloquence, having already disputed the Prize with the most famous Orators, and scarce anything appear'd impossible for his Great Genius to un∣dertake. Little was perform'd by him during this Time of his Praetorship, besides composing some Di∣sturbances occasion'd by one Clodius, a young Man of a Noble Family, but of a Scandalous Life, who being in Love with Caesar's Wife Pompeia, had, in a Woman••s Habit enter'd his House in the time of a particular Fe∣stival, when only. Women were permitted to be present. This brought Clodius into much Trou∣ble and Danger, for Prophaning those Sacred In∣stitutions, and caus'd Caesar to put away his Wife privately; who, being Ask'd the Reason, said, He did not believe her Guilty, but Caesar's Wife ought to pre∣serve her self from the Suspicion, as well as the Guilt of the Crime.

The Violent Heats, and the Parties, with the Fa∣ctions and Divisions, upon this and other Occasions, sufficiently shew'd, that the State was ready for a Change, and liable to become a Prey to Men of the Greatest Power and Ambition. This Caesar well knew, and thought of nothing so much as the Greatness of Pompey, and of surpassing, or at least equalizing him in the Honour of his Exploits. Therefore upon the expiring of his Praetorship, he procur'd the Govern∣ment of Spain; but having contracted extraordinary Debts by his too Bountiful Way of Living, he was re∣tarded in his Journey by the Prosecution of his Cre∣ditors. Whereupon he was forc'd to apply himself to Crassus, a Person of vast Riches, of Great Wit and E∣loquence, and of no contemptible Valour; who be∣ing

wrought upon by the Importunities of his Wife Tertulla, one who no less Lov'd Caesar, than Clodius did Pompeia, became Security for 830 Talents. It was in this Government that Caesar viewing the Statue of Alexander at Gades, Wept, to think, That he had done none nothing Great and Memorable, at an Age wherein that Prince had Conquer'd the World. And he gave in∣deed sufficient Marks of his Bravery and Desire of Glory; for instead of spending his Time in bare Administration of Justice, he pierc'd with his Arms farther into the Country, subduing seve∣ral Nations before untouch'd, and collected toge∣ther so vast a Treasure to himself, in the Name of the Common-Wealth, as enabled him afterwards to imitate that Alexander, whom he so justly ad∣mired.

Shortly after Caesar's Departure for Spain, Pompey, after a Five Years Expedition, return'd to Rome, co∣ver'd with Glories for his mighty Exploits, and Great Conquests: He had, upon his Arrival in Italy, sent back his Troops, to prevent such Suspicions as might arise from his appearing at the Head of an Army, so that he obtain'd the Honour of Triumph with a Ge∣neral Applause; and with so much more Splendor and Magnificence, in regard that he now Triumph'd over another Third Part of the World, after his receiving the same Honour for the Conquest of Two Part of it before. The Triumph lasted Two Days, and yet they were much streightned for time, and therein were expos'd the Names of 15 Conquer'd Kingdoms, and 860 Cities, with the Re-peopling of 39, and 1000 Castles. Among the Prisoners led in Triumph, ap∣pear'd the Son of Tigranes King of Armenia, with his Wife and Daughter; as also Zozima, the Wife of King Tigranes himself, and Aristobulus K. of Judea; the••∣ter of King Mithridates, with her Five Sons, and some Ladies of Scythia. There were likewise the Hostages

of the Albaniaus and Iberians, with those of the King of Comagena; besides a vast Number of Trophies, an∣swering directly to each particular Battel wherein he was Conqueror. The Gold, Silver and Jewels that made up Part of this Publick Pomp, amounted to the value of 20000 Talents, which is 3740000 Pounds of our Money: He made it appear by an Account plainly stated, that he had advanc'd and improv'd the whole Revenue of the Common-Wealth 12000 Talents, being above one Third Part, by this Expedition, without mentioning those large Sums he had distributed among his Men, where∣of the meanest Soldier's share was nigh Forty Pounds.

Pmpey, tho' he had obtain'd vast Honour of the Senate, yet was much fear'd and hated by many, as appear'd by the great Opposition he met with short∣ly after, in his demanding a Confirmation of all that he had transacted in Asia, and certain Lands for a Re∣ward for his Soldiers: He had already prevail'd by his Credit in the Election of both the Consuls, Metel∣lus Certicus and Afranius, but in a short Time found himself mistaken in his Choice: For Afranius, being wholly given to his Pleasure, never acquired much Authority in the Senate; and Metellus cancell••d all former Obligations, upon the Account of the Dis∣grace that was done to his Sister Mutia, whom Pom∣pey had put away upon Suspicion of her too great Fa∣miliarity with Caesar. Cato, on the other side, set all his Power against the Interests of Pompey, and Lucul∣lus did the like, desiring, and obtaining of the Senate, that those Decrees of his which Pompey had formerly repeal••d might be in Force, and that those made in re∣ference to the Conquer••d Countries might be null'd, and withal stopp'd his intended Law for rewarding his Soldiers. Pompey, upon this Usage, apply••d him∣self to the Tribunes, (which Office he and Caesar had

restor'd after Sylla had put it down) one of which, by Name Flavius, propos'd the Law for the Reward of the Soldiers. Metellus the Consul oppos'd it very sharply, till the Contest rising even to Blows and Bloodshed, the Tribune caus'd Metellus to be sent to Prison; and when the whole Body of the Senate offer'd to make themselves Prisoners with him, Fla∣vius plac'd his Tribunal at the Prison-Door, and for∣bad 'em Entrance. Upon which the Fathers caus'd the Walls to be broken down in another Place; and the Constancy of the Senate began to shake the Resolution of the People, who always Judg••d of Things by their Outward Appearances. This Pom∣pey quickly perceiv••d, and desir'd the Tribunes to Accommodate the Matter, pretending Com∣mission from Metellus for his so doing; now, too late Repenting his Inconsiderate leaving his Army, and exposing himself to his Enemy••s Ha∣tred.

At the same time Caesar return'd from Spain, the Election of now Consuls being at Hand: Caesar had good Intelligence of all these Disturbances, and the Reasons of Pompey's Dissatisfaction, so that he now resolv••d either to Improve his own Authority with the Senate, or find a good Opportunity of quitting their Interest: His Services in Spain had sufficiently deserv••d a Triumph, wherefore he desir'd it of the Senate, declaring at the same time his Design also of standing for the Consulship. Now these Desires were inconsistent; for the Law forbad Entrance into the City to any one who desir••d a Triumph; and re∣quir••d also, that whoever su••d for the Consulship, shou'd do it in his proper Person. Caesar therefore Wrote to the Senate, desiring that these Formalities might be dispenc'd withal; but Cato stood up for the Main∣taining the Laws to their utmost Rigour, and his O∣pinion prevail••d, so that Caesar chose to decline his

Triumph, and went to Rome and stood for the Con∣sulship, which Honour he very eagerly pursu'd. And well understanding Pompey's Credit, and his Quarrel to the Senate, this he thought a fit Conjucture to en∣gage himself into his Interests. Pompey on the other side was no less pleas'd to gain a Man of such ex∣traordinary Merit, especially when Caesar promis'd him to confirm all his Acts, if he cou••d procure him to be elected, whereupon a close Agreement was made between 'em. After this, Caesar made it his Business to bring his Friend Crassus into the League, who finding his own Interest was weak separately, was easily perswaded to joyn with 'em, and a for∣mer Breach between him and Pompey was who••ly ac∣commodated. These three made a firm Combina∣tion, or Conspiracy, That nothing shou'd be done in the Common-wealth against any of their Interests, or Ap∣probations, which they most solemnly confirm'd with mutual Oaths and Promises. This was the first Great Triumvirate, which prov'd the Overthrow of the Con∣suler and Popular State, being a Combination of three of the Greatest Men in Rome, either for Valour, Au∣thority, or Riches, Pompey being then about 47 Years of Age, and Caesar 40.

Thus Rome lost her Liberty, after she had flourish'd many Years in a wonderful Grandeur, occasion'd wholly by the numerous Abuses, and notorious Cor∣ruptions in her Government and Inhabitants, which shortly after plung'd her into greater Miseries than ever she felt before. This Remarkable Union hap∣pen'd in the 694th Year of the City, A. M. 394••, in the First Year of the 180th Olympiad, 449 Years since the Beginning of the Consular State, 330 since the Burning of Rome by the Gauls, 270 since the Be∣ginning of the Macedonian Empire by Alexander the Great, 86 since the Destruction of Carthage, and ••8 before our Saviour's Nativity, the Roman Do∣minions

containing now all Italy, all Cisalpine-Gaul, and Part of the Other, all Spain and Africk, all Greece and Illyricum, all the Kingdoms in Asia Minor, with Armenia, Mesopotamia, Media, Syria and Iudaea, and many Islands besides.

The End of the Second Book.

THE Roman History. BOOK III.

The Mix'd State of ROME, From the Beginning of the First Triumvirate, to the perfect Set∣tlement of the Empire.

Containing the Space of 33 Years.

CHAP. I.

From the Beginning of the First Trium∣virate, to the Death of Crassus, one of the Combination; which broke, and di∣vided that Party.

Containing the Space of 7 Years.

I. THE State of Rome was now arriv'd to an extraordinary Height,* 1.284 whether we consider the Extent and Fruitfulness of its Domini∣ons, the Strength and Power of its Arms, the Fame and Valour of its Commanders, the Abun∣dance and Largeness of its Revenues, the Compass

and Magnificence of its City, and the Numbers and Riches, as well as Learning and Politeness of its In∣habitants; but still it wanted considerably of that Glory and Grandeur, as to Dominions, and much more of that Quiet and Sereneness as to Settlement, it had not long after in Augustus's Reign. For now the State was full of Factions and Divisions, Bribe∣ries and Corruptions, and likewise Feuds and Jealou∣sies, since the joyning of three such potent Men, as Caesar, Pompey and Crassus, which caus'd many to fear the Downfall of their Ancient Liberties; and that their Fears were not groundless, sufficiently appear'd by the Event. The first Effect of this Triumvirate was the Promoting of Caesar to the Consulship, Pompey and Crassus employing all their Interest therein: He had two Competitors, Lucerius and Bibulus; the for∣mer, a Covetous, tho Rich Man, was taken off by large Promises, and Brib'd to procure what Voices he cou••d for Caesar. The Senators, resolving to have Bi∣bulus one of the Consuls, made Great Collections a∣mong themselves, and gave as much on their side. E∣ven Cato as rigid as he was, was perswaded that the Law which forbad all manner of Bribery on these Occasi∣ons, ought, in such a case, to be dispenc••d withall, when the Interest of the Common-wealth so much requir'd it; so by that means Bibulus was at last chosen Con∣sul with Caesar.

The first thing Caesar did in this Office,* 1.285 was his Con∣firming all Pompey's Acts, according to Agreement, and from that time he wholly apply'd himself to Gain the Favour of the Commons: And the better to effect it, he preferr••d a Law for dividing certain Lands in C••m∣pania, among such of the poor Citizens as had three Children or more. This Proposal much pleas'd the Commons, and Caesar had taken the most proper Me∣thods to make it pass; for the Law was drawn up in Terms so very just and reasonable, that no Man cou••d ••••nd fault with it. He declar'd to the Senators,

That he wou'd do nothing without their Authority, nor pro∣pose any of his Friends for Commissioners, or any Man who might be liable to Suspicion; but that they shou'd be all Per∣sons of known Reputation and Abilities. This plausible and cautious Way of proceeding hardly left any room for Contradiction; but still the Senate, that they might hinder the Law, and yet not seem to oppose it, adjourn••d the Affair from Day to Day: till at last Cato plainly and publickly declar'd, That these Changes in State were not to be permitted; after whom all the Senate likewise declared themselves to be of the same Opinion. Where∣upon Caesar immediately had recourse to the People, much complaining to them of the Injustice and Stub∣bornness of the Senate, taking also Pompey and Crassus along with him, whose Opinions he publickly ask'd concerning this Law. They both approv'd of it; and Pompey further declar'd, That if such as oppos'd it shou'd come with their Swords in their Hands, he wou'd meet their Swords, and bring a Buckler with him besides: Whereupon a Day was appointed for the Publication of this Law.

At the appointed Day, the People gather'd together in great Numbers, and in spight of all Opposition, drove Cato and Bibulus himself with Stones and Clubs from off the Place; the Consuls Axes were broken in pieces, and the People approving the Ordinance, declar'd they wou'd have all the Senators swear to the Observation of it. Almost all took this Oath, except Cato, Metellus and Favonius, and they too, at last, after much Oppo∣sition, took it, to save their Fines, and likewise their Lives: for Caesar had caus'd the People to make it Ca∣pital for any one to refuse it. Caesar made little use of the Senate after that, and from that time his Collegue Bibulus never durst appear in Publick, but kept himself at home for the remaining part of the Year. This force∣able way of proceeding extremely alarm'd the Senate, every Body laughing at their Idleness and Negligence; and at the Head of those Acts, where the Names of the Consuls us••d to be inscrib'd, some unknown Person,

instead of Caesar and Bibulus, Wrote Caius Caesar and Iulius Caesar, to shew that Caesar Govern'd alone. Caesar having freed himself from his Collegue, began chiefly to apply himself to the Equites or Knights, who much courted him; and having Farm'd the Customs, desir'd an Abatement of the Rent. The Senate refus'd to re∣mit any thing, but he shortly after procur'd the People to abate a third Part. By this and other Ways of gratifying the Common sort, he perswaded 'em to de∣cree the Province of Gaul to him for Five Years, with Four Legions, for he desir'd nothing so much as per∣forming Great Exploits; and the remaining part of the Year he spent in endeavouring to establish his Interest for the time to come. Therefore knowing how conside∣rable a Person Pompey was, to bind him the more strongly, he gave him his Daughter Iulia in Marriage, a very vertuous and beautiful Lady. He likewise took care that his two Friends, Gabinius and Piso, shou'd be prick'd for the following Year's Consuls; the latter of which had lately given him his Daughter Calpurnia. Clodius he procur'd to be one of the Tribunes, notwith∣standing his former Affront, because he knew him to be an Enemy to Cicero, whose Oration against Caesar, in pleading for C. Antonius, had gain'd him the Hatred of the Triumvirate. And having setled Affairs thus, and finish'd his Consulship, he departed for Gaul, with some Precipitation, in regard he was threatn'd to be call••d to Account for his Conduct in his Consulship; and tho' some of the Tribunes prevented his publick Censure, they cou'd not secure his Quaestor from Condemnation.

In Caesar's absence, Pompey and Crassus were not idle, and the former had fill'd the City with Soldiers; and since both the Consuls were of that Party, the Senate's Authority was much weakn'd. But Clodius bestirr'd himself more than any; a Man so ambitious of the Tri∣bureship, that he procur••d himself to be adopted by a Plebeian, because he was uncapable of holding of it be∣fore. Cicero immediately perceiv'd that his Ruin was

aim'd at; and his chiefest Hope was in Pompey, who had always shown himself his Friend; but Pompey had now sacrific'd all to the Interests of Caesar and Crassus, and had lately been extreamly offended with Cicero for his eternal Itch he had to be Jesting. Pompey nevertheless assur'd him of his Protection, and Caesar had offer••d to make him his Lieutenant in his Gallick Expedition, to which Imployment he had a strong Inclination; but Pompey advis'd him not to leave Rome, and Clodius found some Artifice to delude him with false Hopes of Re∣conciliation, that he might be confounded and born down, before he was sufficiently sensible of his Dan∣ger. In short, all the World conspir'd to deceive him, and that Piercing Judgment and Quickness of Appre∣hension he us••d so much to value himself upon, which became altogether unserviceable to him now, and he cou'd find no Way to avoid the Blow when it came. Clodius, by his Distributions of Com among the Poor, daily grew higher in the Favour of the People, and afterwards preferr'd a Law to forbid Water and Fire to any who had put to Death any Roman Citizen unheard, which amounted to as much as Banishment.

Now all Persons saw the Danger which threatned Cicero; all his former Constancy forsook him, and he went up and down the City, soliciting his Cause, in Mourning Robes, long Beard, and unregarded Hair, attended by 20000 Equites, supplicating in his behalf; besides many young Noblemen, whom he had taught the Rules of Eloquence, among which were the very Sons of Crassus. But Clodius still follow'd with a Party of Soldiers, insulting and jearing him with the Poor∣ness of his Spirit, till they almost came to throwing of Stones at each other. But the Respect to the Sacro∣sanct-Office hinder••d Cicero's Side from returning the Injuries; yet nevertheless the Senators design••d to order a General Mourning, but the Consuls stopp••d that De∣bate, and Clodius summon'd 'em all to appear before the People, where Piso only said, He took no delight in Cru∣elty,

but Gabinius immediately condemn'd what Cicero had done as to Catiline's Conspiracy. Cicero's last Retreat was Pompey's Favour who was able enough to have done him Service, but he wou'd have nothing to do in the Matter; and when Cicero came to preferr his Cause to him, he slipt out at a Back-door to avoid seeing him. He found himself now reduc••d to the last Necessity of taking up Arms for his Defence, which he might have done successfully enough; but not being able to bear the Bloodshed of his Country-men, he resolv'd, upon the Advice of Cato and the rest of his Friends, to withdraw himself: So he left Rome in the Night∣time, and went to Sicily. After his Retreat, Clodius caus'd him to be banish'd by the Votes of the People 400 Miles from Italy, demolishing his Villages and his House, on the Plot whereof he built a Temple to Li∣berty, and set his Goods to Sale. Cato was shortly af∣ter by Clodius's Means sent away, under Pretence of doing him Honour, against Ptolemy, King of Cyprus; Lucullus had retir'd himself from the City, and Crassus minded only his private Affairs; So that now the greatest part of the Government of the City seem'd to lie between Pompey and Clodius.

II. During these Transactions in the City,* 1.286 Caesar was extraordinary busie and diligent in his Expediti∣on, by which he propos'd vast Ends and Advantages to himself, having not only Cisalpine Gaul allotted him, but the other also, which comprehended all that Space of Land which is now call'd France, with a great Part of the Low-Countries, and some of Germany. His first Enterprize was against the Helv••tians, who had wholly abandon'd their Country, burnt down their Towns and Houses, destroy'd their Provisions, and were marching into Gaul through his Province, to the number of above 300000 of all sorts. Caesar upon Intelligence of this, hast∣ned to Geneva, and broke down the Bridge there; which caus'd 'em to send to him, and desire to pass that way

without Molestation. But Caesar resolving not to grant 'em Passage, delay••d Answering till he cou'd gather all his Troops together, in which Space he threw up a large Intrenchment from the Lake of Geneva, to Mount Iura, 19 Miles long, which forc'd 'em to turn aside, and enter Gaul by the Way of Sequania. Caesar follow'd 'em with great Diligence, and defeating a considerable Party of 'em, they sent a second time to desire a Treaty; but that breaking off, upon the ac∣count of great Demands on both Sides, 4000 of Cae∣sar's Cavalry were repuls'd by pressing too forward upon 'em. But they dearly paid for this Advantage, for Caesar, after observing their Motions a-while, easily drew 'em to a general Battel, wherein they were in∣tirely defeated, and not above 110000 remain'd of their whole Number, their Wives and Children desperately fighting among the Carriages till they were cut in pie∣ces. Caesar crown'd his Victory with a more glorious Action, by gathering all who had escap'd, and sending of 'em all in safety into their own Countries.

Caesar resolving not to continue without Action while the Season permitted, immediately turn'd his Forces against Ariovistus, King of the Germans, who had seiz'd on the best Part of Sequania, and used the Inhabitants with intolerable Severities and Oppres∣sions. The Sequanians being Roman Allies, humbly begg••d Assistance of Caesar as a Man of undoubted Re∣nown and Valour, who first sent to Ariovistus with∣out Success, and at last came to a personal Enterview, where Ariovistus's haughty Language, and the Trea∣chery of some of his Troops, brought both Armies to a Battel shortly after. Upon the nigh Approach of Caesar, Ariovistus, was much dishearten'd; for seeing the Romans come fearlesly to engage the Germans, whom he imagen'd they cou••d never withstand, it was so unexpected a thing, that he admir'd at Caesar's Cou∣rage, and found his own Army seiz'd with a kind of Consternation. But what added most to their

Fears, was a superstitious Fancy rais'd by their Au∣gurs; which when Caesar understood, he immediately at∣tack'd 'em even in their Trenches, and upon the Hill where they were posted, till he so provok'd 'em, that they came down with great Fury to the Engagement. But they were all put to the Rout, and he closely pur∣su••d 'em for several Miles together, as far as the River Rhine, covering all the way with Spoils and dead Bodies, to the number of 80000, as some relate it. Ariovistus himself escap'd in a little Boat with a small Retinue, two of his Wives and as many Daughters being taken Prisoners by Caesars. These two great Wars were dis∣patch'd by Caesar in his first Year••s Expedition, which he manag'd with extraordinary Skill and Dexterity.

In the beginning of the next Spring, Caesar was alarm'd by a great Confederacy against the Romans of all the Belgae, who inhabited a third Part of Gaul, and were esteem'd the most powerfull People in the whole Coun∣try. He hearing that they had rais••d above 280000 Men, directed his March to••em with all Speed; and bravely attacking 'em, just as they were plundering his Allies, the Gauls, he defeated and put to slight a mighty Number of em; insomuch that the Marshes and deep Rivers became passable to the Romans, by the prodi∣gious Number of the Dead Bodies, as Plutarch relates it. But among Several Reveral Revolters, all that liv'd nigh the Ocean, yielded without Fighting; Wherefore he led his Army against the Nervians, the most savage and war-like People in those Parts. These inhabited a thick woody Country, where bestowing their Chil∣dren and all their Goods, in some close and conveni∣ent Place in their Forest, they set upon Caesar with 60000 Men, before he thought of engaging, or had time to encamp himself. They fell on with such uncommon Fury, that they broke the Roman Cavalry, then sur∣rounding the twelfth and seventh Legions, they kill••d all the Officers; and if Caesar himself had not hastily catch'd up a Buckler and rush'd through his Men into

the midst of the Enemy, and his tenth Legion run in to his Assistance and broke the Enemies Ranks, they had all been cut off. But tho' by the Encouragement of Caesar's extraordinary Valour, they fought beyond their Strength, yet all they cou'd do was not sufficient to make the Nervians, fly, who obstinately stood their Ground till they were all cut in pieces, not in of 'em being sav••d. This was Caesar's second Years Ex∣pedition, and the Renown of his Victories made him formidable even in Germany, so that several Nations, beyond the Rhine sent and submitted themselves to him.

Upon the News of Caesar's last Exploits at Rome, the Senate decreed a solemn Festival for 15 Days, which was a greater Honour than any had received be∣fore him. Not long before which, violent Stirs and and Commotions had been rais••d in the City upon the account of Clodius, who, after he had freed himself from his Enemies, began to prove an intolerable Plague and Vexation to many of the Nobility; and even to Pompey himself; so that now he found it very much for his Interest to get Cicero reall'd from his Banish∣ment. Whereupon he employ••d Milo, one of the Tri∣bunes and of great Courage, for that purpose; and u∣sing his Interest with many others, the Matter was at last propounded to the Senate, where it was generally agreed to. But Clodius oppos'd it with the utmost Vio∣lence; and when the Matter was propos••d to the Body of the People, and promoted as much as possible by Milo and his Collegue Sextius Clodius, assisted by a Party of Gladiators, suddenly set upon the Multi∣tude, raising the greatest Disorders imaginable: Many of the People were kill'd, the Tribunes were wounded, and Quintus, Cicero's Brother, was almost overwhelm'd with Dead Bodies, and the rest all fled. After a day or two, Milo seiz'd upon Clodius, and carry'd him be∣fore the Praetor: Whereupon a great Contest arose, and Clodius's Party by the Assistance of Pompey's Gladia∣tors, after some Blood-shed were beaten off. Pompey im∣mediately

mediately possessing himself of the Forum, put the peo∣ple upon giving their Suffrages, who with uni∣versal Consent and Applause voted Cicero's Resti∣tution. The Senate likewise decreed Honours to such Cities as had entertain'd him, and that his House and Villages shou'd be re-built at the Publick Charge. So Cicero, after 16 Months Banishment, return'd in great Pomp and Glory, sufficiently revenging himself upon Piso, Gabinius and others, by his Writings afterwards. He return'd in the second Year of Caesar's Wars in Gaul.

The following Year, Caesar designing for Italy him∣self, sent out Servius Galba, one of his Lieutenants, with the twelfth Legion and part of the Cavalry, against the Antuates, Veragres, and Seduni, Nations seated from the River Rhosine, as high as the Alps, in order to clear a Passage, and secure all manner of Traffick in those Parts. Galba in a short time defeated a very great Par∣ty, who had been so bold as to attack him in his Camp. Caesar not long after returning, found that the Ven••ti and several other Nations of that part of Gaul call'd Celtica, had revolted, he turn••d a great Part of his For∣ces against them: And these caus••d him extraordina∣ry Trouble and many Difficulties, by reason of their Naval Strength, by which means they continually shifted themselves and remov'd from Place to Place. But at last Caesar having procur'd a Fleet▪ attack'd the Veneti at Sea, and there overthrew 'em; Crassus, one of his Lieutenants, the mean time subdu'd the Sontia∣tes with the greatest part of Aquitain, as Sabinus, ano∣ther of ••em, did the Unelli, and all the Maritime Parts. Towards the latter End of the Campaign, Caesar march'd against the Morini, a People nigh Calais, and the Mc∣napii also which two Nations were still up in Arms. But the Season being too far advanc'd▪ the Rains and foul Weather secur••d 'em in the Forests and Marshes, and caus'd Caesar to put his Men all into their Winter-Quarters, which ended his third Years Expedition in Gaul.

III. As Caesar's Conquests establish'd his Reputation in Rome,* 1.287 so his Humanity, and other excellent Quali∣ties, absolutely gain'd him the Hearts and Affections of his Soldiers. He had now got great store of Wealth, by which he not only discharg'd his Debts, but like∣wise made many great Friends by his Magnificent Pre∣sents, especially to the Ladies, corrupting also the Ae∣diles, Praetors and Consuls themselves. In this Winter, he pass'd into Italy to Luca, where he took up his Head. Quarters, where there was so great a Concourse of Peo∣ple to pay him their Respects, that 200 Senators were present together, and so many Praetors and Pro-consuls, that 120 Bundles of Rods were seen there at a time. Here the Triumvirate took new Measures, and Caesar fearing he might be recall'd from Gaul, procur'd Pompey and Crassus to endeavour at the Consulship the follow∣ing Year, and so continue him in his Imployment for five Years longer. This Design was so displeasing to the Senate and the Dissentions so violent concerning it, that they went into Mourning as in publick Cala∣mities; saying, That the Proceedings of the Triumvirate were dangerous to the Quiet and Liberty of Rome. Cato with great Eagerness set up Domitius to stand against 'em; but Pompey, resolving to remove all Obstacles, sent some Armed Men against Domitius as he was go∣ing to the Election, who kill'd the Slave that carry'd the Light before 'em, and dispers'd all their Compa∣ny, Cato himself receiving a Wound on the Arm, and Domitius hardly escaping: And thus by Force and Vi∣olence both Pompey and Crassus obtain••d the Consul∣ship. The People shortly after being ready to give Cato the Praetor-ship, Pompey pretended strange Prodi∣gies in Heaven, and dismiss'd the Assembly: Then corrupting the Tribes with Money, he procur••d 'em to chuse Antias and Vatinius, Praetors. Then by the Assi∣stance of Trebonius the Tribune, the Cons•••••• procur'd Laws which continu'd Caesar in his Government in Gaul for five Years longer, and assign'd Syria and the

Parthian War to Crassus, and Africk and Spain to Pom∣pey, with four Legions, whereof he lent two to Caesar for the Gallick Wars.

Caesar was now proceeding in his Fourth Year's Ex∣pedition, which was employ••d against several Nations of Germany,* 1.288 who, to the Number of 430000 of all sorts, being driven out of their own Country, by the Suevi, the most powerfull of all the Germans, had pass••d the Rhme into Gaul, and forc••d the M••napii from their Ha∣bitations. Caesar well knowing the Levity of the Gauls, and their Readiness to cast off their Yoke, resolv••d to tho' ••ehinder the Germans settling on this of the Rhine. And perceiv'd that the Gauls had begun to treat with 'em, he dissembled it, and anticipating the usual Time of taking the Field, he march'd directly to the Germans, who being amaz'd at his extraordinary Diligence, sent Ambassadors to him concerning a Treaty. He gave 'em a patient Hearing, and favourable Answers, but still continu••d his March towards 'em. At last the Articles were agreed upon, provided Caesar wou'd stay three Days, but he wou••d allow 'em but one; during which time his Cavalry going out to Forage, met with a Party of German Horse, who fell furiously upon 'em, and put 'em to flight, pursuing 'em to their very Camp. The Germans sending their principal Of∣ficers the next day to excuse the Fact. Caesar detain••d 'em Prisoners, and advancing with his whole Army towards the Enemy, surpriz••d ••em, and cut 'em all in Pieces; after which, with great Skill and Industry he laid a Bridge over the Rhine, march••d into Germany, re∣liev••d the Ubii, granted a Peace to such as were wil∣ling to depose Hostages, burnt and destroy••d the rest, and at the end of 18 Days return'd into Gaul, break∣ing down the Bridge behind him.

Caesar finding he had time this Year to undertake a new Expedition, and led on by the Greatness of his Courage, and his Desire of Glory, resolv'd to cross Seas into Britain; an Enterprize so very hazardous, that

few but Caesar wou'd have ventur'd upon it. His Pre∣tence was the Britains sending continual Supplies into Gaul against the Romans; and in order to his Design, he made strict Enquiries of the Merchants that Traded thither, what kind of People they were, how they made War, under what Laws they liv'd, and which were their best Ports. After which he sent Voluseus to view the Coasts, in the mean time sending for the Ships he had employ'd against the Veneti, and making all other necessary Preparations. Upon the News of which, several of the British People sent their Ambassa∣dors with Tokens of Submission, whom he sent back with good Words, and with them Cornio, the better to discover the Country under that Pretence. But Cornio, not daring to trust the Inhabitants, continu'd but five Days upon the Coast, and then return'd to make Re∣port of what he had discover'd. Caesar leaving all things in Gaul in a peaceable Posture, and Sulpicius Rufus to guard the Ports, put to Sea with two Legions and part of his Cavalry after Mid-night, and made the British Coasts the next Morning, where he found the Shores cover'd with Men to oppose his Landing; and finding it impracticable there, he fail'd eight Miles further. There the Romans met with great Opposition, and were in danger of being driven back, till the Standard-Bea∣rer of the tenth Legion bold••y leap'd a-shore; and being well supported by Caesar's Diligence, all the Army landed, and the Britains fled.

The Britains were so terrify'd at the Romans Suc∣cess, that they sent to desire a Peace, which was grant∣ed 'em, and some Hostages deliver'd. But a great Storm arising at that time, miserably shatter'd the Transport-Ships lying at Anchor; and this, with Caesar's want of Provisions, so incourag••d the Britains, that in∣stead of sending him the rest of their Hostages, they march'd with a powerfull Army against him; who meeting with one of the Legions abroad, had almost defeated 'em, but Caesar came in with timely Assi∣stance,

and brought 'em off safely. In these Extre∣mities Caesar lost no time in re••itting his Ships, procu∣ring of Provisions, and securing his Camp; and being afresh attack'd by the Britains, he overthrew 'em, and burnt many of their Towns, which oblig'd 'em again to desire a Peace. Upon which he requir'd a double number of Hostages, and finding the Season far ad∣vanc'd, he again put to Sea, and return'd to Gaul, where he safely landed, only two Ships that had on board 300 Men landing a little lower, were set upon by the Morini, who not long before had been recon∣cil'd to Caesar. They were soon reliev'd, and Labiet∣nus was sent to chastise the Revolters; who being re∣duc'd, he and Cotta harrass'd the Country of the Me∣napians, who had hid themselves in the Woods. After which the Roman Army was sent to their Winter-Quarters in B••lgium, which finish••d Caesar's fourth Years Expedition.

Caesar being very ambitious of enlarging the Roman Dominions as well as encreasing his own Reputation, resolv••d upon a second Expedition into Britain the next Spring, and made all necessary Preparations for it, the Natives having given him a fair Pretence by breaking their Articles with him. At the appointed Time he em∣bark••d with five Legions and 2000 Horse at l••cius or Calais, and landed in Britain without Opposition, where he shortly after forc'd one of their Camps with good success. About which time News was brought him that his whole Navy was extreamly indamag'd with a Storm, and some of his Ships lost; which made him retire back towards the Sea-coast, where with vast La∣bour and Industry he repair••d most of 'em in ten Days time, and wrote to Labienus to build more. After that he march'd against Cassivelaun the General of all the British Forces, and after several Motions, and a bloody Battel, defeated him, which so terrify'd the Enemy, that they dared not appear in any Body against him after that. Whereupon Caesar advanc••d still further, and

pass••d the Thames in spight of all Opposition, his Men wading up to the Neck in the Water. Cassivelaun, not∣withstanding his reputed Valour kept himself to the Woods and Forests; and finding that several Towns were surrender'd to Caesar, and particularly his own; he also sent to him for a Treaty, who receiv'd his Sub∣mission, took Hostages, and impos••d a certain Tribute upon Britain: Then finding the Season far advanc••d, and apprehending the Danger of some Tumults in Gaul, he cross'd the Sea again, bringing back his Army with much Glory and Renown; where with appea∣sing some Disturbances in those Parts, and relieving ••. Cicero, Brother to the Orator and one of his Lieute∣nants, who was besieg'd by the Eburones, he finish'd his fifth Year's Expedition.

The next Year Caesar perceiv'd that many of the States of Gaul were dispos'd to a general Insurrection, in a great measure upon the account of an imperfect Settlement of Affairs the last Year; whereupon he re-inforc'd his Army with three Roman Legions, and as many Auxiliaries as he cou'd well procure. He pursu'd his Business with great Vigour, and open••d the Cam∣paign sooner than ordinary, thereby to break, or at least to weaken their Union. He soon subdu'd and reduc'd several Nations of the Gauls, as the Nervii first, and shortly after the Senones, Carnutes, and the Mena∣pians; while his Lieutenant Labienus reduc'd all the People about Triers. After this he built a Bridge and pass'd the Rhine a second time, by reason that several of the Germans had enter'd into a Confederacy with the Gauls; where after he had made some Attempts upon the Su••vi with little Success, upon the account of their flying into Woods and impassable Places, he turn'd his Arms against the Eburones. But while he was ravaging their Territories, the Sigambri crossing the Rhine suddenly, set upon Cicero's Camp, kill'd many, and caus'd a great Consternation among his Men, but at last were forc'd to retire at the News of Caesar's

Approach, who after that fell a-fresh upon the Country of the Eburones; then call'd a Council in Gaul for the Punishment of all Revolters, and provi∣ding his Army with all Necessaries, drew it into their Winter-Quarters; and so ended Caesar's sixth Year's Expedition, in the 701st Year of the City.

IV.* 1.289 During these great Actions in Gaul Pompey and Crassus, upon the expiring of the Time of their Consul∣ships, began to take care about their several Govern∣ments that were allotted 'em. Crassus was extremely elevated with the Thoughts of his Expedition into Sy∣ria and Parthia, promising himself greater Success and Glory that even Pompey himself: Therefore he was ve∣ry forward and diligent in his Preparations. The Tri∣bunes hinder'd the raising of Men as much as they cou'd, and labour'd to repeal the Laws made for their Ex∣peditions. Pompey, was well enough satisfy'd sending his Lieutenants into his Provinces, being unwilling to leave the City, as he pretended, because of the gene∣ral Charge of Provisions committed to him; an Honour which Cicero, in Recompence for his Ressi∣tution, had procur'd him from the Senate, that so he might have Authority all over the Roman Empire. But Crassus betook himself to Force; which when the Tribunes saw themselves unable to withstand, they de∣sisted, but loaded him with horrible and unheard-of Curses and Imprecations; and many exclaim••d against it as an unworthy Thing to injure the Parthians who deserv'd no Ill at the Romans Hands, but were now in Peace with 'em. But Crassus heeding no Reproa∣ches in this case, after he had got all things in a Rea∣diness, set forward to his Province.

Pompey the mean time kept himself wholly to the City, still contriving how to make himself more great and powerfull in his Country: But the Fame of Cea∣sars Conquests, which daily fill••d the City, began to prove very ungratefull to him, who feared nothing so

much as a Rival in point of Glory; and therefore he set himself to do all that was in his power to diminish the Reputation of Caesar, obliging the Magistrates not to publish any Letters they receiv'd, till he had fore∣stall'd the Credit of 'em, by spreading selfe and dis∣advantageous Reports. This gave great cause of Trou∣ble to many discreet and wise Persons, who foresaw the Miseries that wou'd follow from a Rupture be∣tween two such Extraordinary Persons; and what still augmented their Fears was the Death of Pompey's Wife Iulia, Daughter to Caesar, which hapned at the same time. Pompey most passionately lov'd her, and her Wit and Vertue had always a great Ascendant over the Dispositions both of Caesar and Pompey: The people of Rome gave sufficient Testimony of the Respect they bore her by publick Demonstrations of their Sorrow; and when Pompey wou'd have carry'd her Body to one of his Houses nigh Alba, the people wou'd not suffer it, but bore it into the Field of Mars, where they bu∣ry'd it with the greatest Magnificence imaginable. From this Moment Pompey resolv'd to pursue nothing but his own particular Advancement; and, for the restoring himself to the Favour of the People, he caus'd a stately Theatre to be built which he dedicated by Plays and other magnificent Shews, which were no ways pleasing to Cicero, as appears from one of his E∣pistles.

While Pompey was managing his Affairs at home, and Caesar in the midst of Gaul, Crassus was pursuing his Expedition with all Vigour. In his Journey he march'd through Ierusalem, where he ri••led the Tem∣ple of a great Treasure, to the value of 10000 Ta∣lents, which Pompey to his great Reputation had spar'd. He spent many Days in weighing the Treasure of the Idol Goddess in Hierapolis or Ed••sia, in Syria; and in his whole Passage he shew'd more of Covetousness than Valour, listing many Men, and then discharging 'em again for Money. He likewise neglected his Op∣portunities

of falling upon the Parthians unprovided, despiss••d the Friendship of the Armenian King, who gave him leave to pass through his Country to Parbia, and took no care about the refreshing of his Men some City till he had certain News of the Enemy, and neg∣lected to pass down the River Selucia, as he was ad∣vi••'d, where he might have been supply••d with Pro∣visions by Water. This latter Counsel he rejected by means of the cunning Insinuations of Abgarus the Os∣roenian, who having formerly been a Friend and Al∣ley of the Romans, was now in the Interests of the Par∣thians, and feeding Crassus with Money to gild over his Treachery, gave 'em Notice of all that pass'd in the Roman Camp. He likewise persuaded Crassus to lay aside all Thoughts of Selucias and C••esiphon, and march directly against Surenas, the Parthian General. This Advice he follow'd, and thereby first losing his Son, a very hopefull Youth, he himself was circumvented by Surenas, under Pretence of a Treaty, and either slain by his Enemies, or kill••d by some of his own Men, to prevent his falling into their Hands. His Men were mi∣serably slaughter••d to the Number of 10000 besides 10000 taken, and his Head carry••d to Orodes, King of Par∣thia, who caus'd melted Gold to be poured into his Month, crying, Now satisfy thy self with Gold, of which thou always hast been so insatiably greedy.

Thus fell Crassus in the second Year after his setting out, one of the richest Men in all the Roman Empire, and by this, one of the Heads of the Triumvirate was cut off. This laid the foundation of the following Ci∣vil War between the other two; for while he liv'd, he was a Check to ••em both and ballanc'd their Interests; but after this, an open Field was left for their Ambition and Emulation to work in. This happen••d in the 701•• ••ear of the City, nigh seven Years after the begin∣ning of the Triumvirate, and 51 before our Saviour's Nativity, A. M. 3952▪

CHAP. II.

From the Death of Crassus, to the Death of Pom∣pey; which made way for Caesar's Absolute Au∣thority, and was the second step to the Imperial State.

Containing above Five Years Space.

I. THE same Year that Crassus was slain,* 1.290 most vio∣lent Disturbances and Dissentions were rais'd in the City, Factions daily encreasing, nothing ma∣nag'd with the ancient Equity and Moderation, and all Offices purchas'd with Bribes and Money, or else gain'd by Swords and Clubs. The Consuls, finding themselves debarr'd by the Power of the Triumvirate from waging War and leading Armies as formerly, made it their sole Business to enrich themselves out of the Publick Revenues, or from the Bribes as well as the Sallaries depending upon their Offices. Pompey conniv'd at all this, hoping that the Infirmities of the State wou'd occasion him to be created Dictator; and for that reason he retir'd himself for a while, that his Friends might have a fair Opportunity of insinuating the Necessity of his Presence, as well as Authority, for the preserving of the Peace of the City. At the time for the new Election of Magistrates, there was such a violent Contention among the Candidates that for Eight entire Months none cou••d be Elected. And what still heighten'd these Mischiefs was the Death of Clodius, kill••d by his Great Enemy Milo, who met him by Accident by his Country House. The Body was immediately brought to Rome, and ex••os'd all Bloody to the People, which caus••d great Disturbances among the Multitude, who immediately ran furiously to Mi∣lo's House to set it on Fire; but he being well pro∣vided to receive 'em, repuls'd and kill'd several of the Assailants. Upon which they return'd to the Body,

where they pull'd all the Magistrates Seats in pieces, made a Funeral Pile of 'em, and set Fire to it with so much Rage, that all the stately Building where the Senate us'd to Assemble, was burnt with Clodius's Bo∣dy. After this the Mutineers dispers'd themselves all over the City, where, under pretence of searching for Milo's Friends, they committed the most insupporta∣ble Violences imaginable; so that the whole City was fill'd with Murthers and Quarrels, till no Body durst walk the Streets unarm'd.

These fatal Mischiefs turn'd all Mens Eyes upon Pompey, as the fittest Person to redress all; but while they were consulting about creating him Dictator, Cat•• by many Perswasions, procur'd the Senate to make him Consul alone, that so, if occasion were, he might be afterwards accountable for any Male Administra∣tion. This was soon after done, having the Authority of a Dictator conferr'd on him under a Gentler Name; a thing never known in Rome before, but upon some extraordinary Occasion, and for some few Days, when Commission was sometimes given to the Consuls, to take care that the Common-wealth receive no Damage. New Troops were allotted to Pompey, 1000 Talents allow'd yearly for their Pay, and the Government of Spain was continu••d to him for Four Years longer, which he Administred by his Deputies. Milo was short∣ly after Accus'd by Appius, Clodius's Brother, and tho' Cicero himself undertook to defend him, yet it hap∣pen'd, that by his Fear of Pompey's Souldiers, who surrounded him as he was Pleading, he was put out in his Speech; and so M••lo, for his Insolence, was Ba∣nish'd: And when Cic••ro afterwards sent him his O∣ration in Writing, the Excellency of it made him An∣swer, That it was happy for him that Cicero was out in his Harangue, for otherwise he shou'd not have liv'd so well at Marseilles as now be did; for that was the Place of his Exile. Pompey having hitherto executed the Office of a Dictator, took Scipio Metellus for his Collegue, whose

Daughter Cornelia he had lately Marry'd, a Lady of no less Accomplishments than Beauty. This considerably strengthen'd Pompey's Interests, who therefore now thought it no ways difficult to overthrow the For∣tunes of Caesar, waiting only till Affairs were some∣what more ripe for Execution: But Caesar, by his Great Policy and Inudstry, by his noble Exploits a∣broad, and his bountiful Presents at home, still se∣cur'd himself a sufficient Party in the City. He caus'd a New Forum to be set up at Rome, the Place whereof cost him 100000 Sesterces: He gave also to the Peo∣ple certain Plays, and a Publick Feast, in Acknow∣ledgement of the Honours done to his Daughter Iulia, being likewise a particular Incourager of Learning. At this time, among many other Learn'd Men flourish••d Sa∣lust, a most excellent Historian, both for matter and stile.

Caesar had now almost compleated his Conquests in Gaul,* 1.291 when the Troubles in Rome, and his Absence, oc∣casion'd many of the Nations to endeavour once more the Recovery of their Liberty, pursuing their Designs with Greater Vigour than ever, chusing Vercingetorix for their General. Caesar resolving to lose no time, forc'd his way over the Mountains, through vast deep Snows, and after some various Success against the Enemies nu∣merous Armies, he overthrew Vercingetorix, who, upon that, retir••d to Alesia, a City of the Mandubii, shutting himself up with no less than 80000 Men, and made all necessary Provisions for a Siege. Caesar, not with∣standing the Hazzard of such an Attempt, shortly af∣ter invested the Place, and here he shew'd an admira∣ble Skill and indefatigable Industry, in his vast and pro∣digious Works he rais'd against this Place, both to de∣fend himself, and distress the Town, well knowing the great Numbers of the Succours that were March∣ing to relieve it. For tho' the City, by the extraordi∣nary Height of its Walls, and the Multitude of its De∣fendents, appear••d to be impregnable, he encounter'd with Greater Difficulties without, being in a short

time besieg'd himself by 250000 of the choicest of the Gauls. Yet by means of his double and treble Tren∣ches, his mighty Lines of Contravallation, and his won∣derful Management and Vigilance, he repuls'd the Re∣lievers, and soon after he became Master of the Town, to his Great Honour and Reputation, all other Places submitting without delay. And thus ended Caesar's se∣venth Year's Expedition in these Parts, which, as it was the most hazardous and dangerous, so it was the most honourable and glorious that ever he undertook.

The Gauls, notwithstanding their Great Losses, and the irresistible Power of Caesar's Arms, resolv'd to try their Fortune once more, and many of their Nations joyn'd again in Confederacy. Caesar having Intelligence of their Designs, began his March from Bibracte, and made great Devastations throughout the Territories of the Bituriges in Aquitain, and subdu'd several of the Peo∣ple about those Parts. C. Fabius, one of his Lieutenants, also reduc'd some Parties of 'em in the mean time, and Caninius, another of his Lieutenants, defeated likewise several other Parties; after which Caesar joyn'd him, and invested Uxellodunum a City of the Cadurci, a Place very strong by Situation; yet he obtain••d it with little or no Bloodshed, by turning the course of the Springs that supply••d the Place with Water. After this, the rest of the Places in Aquitain submitted, and going to Nar∣bone, he then dispos••d his Men into their Winter-Quar∣ters, in such a Manner, that they prov'd very useful to him afterwards in the Civil Wars. And this finish'd Caesar's Eighth and last Years Expedition in Gaul, and all the Parts thereabouts, after a long, and almost un∣interupted Course of many▪ Glorious Conquests and noble Victories, to the mighty Encrease of his own Honour and Renown, and the great Inlargement of the Roman Dominions and Riches, as well as the Ter∣rour of their Name and Authority.

II. Now the Jealousies between Caesar and Pompey began to be more conspicuous than ever, and well

might a Rupture be expected, when two Persons, the Greatest that ever Rome produc'd, were become Rivals in Glory; especially when their Tempers were such, that the latter cou'd not endure an Equal, nor the for∣mer a Superiour. Caesar had now rais'd himself to an extraordinary Height both as to Riches and Reputati∣on; then the Grandeur of his Mein, his unbounded Generosity, and his Noble Actions, had entirely en∣gag'd the Affections of his Soldiers to him, who all lov'd him almost to Adoration. Again, a great many of the Senators stood oblig••d to him for considerable Summs of Money, which he had lent 'em without In∣terest; he entertain••d, with Magnificence, all such as serv'd under him, even to the very Slaves; and his Ar∣my was a Refuge to all manner of Criminals, and such as were much in Debt, a great many of which he dis∣charg'd at his own Expence; but for some whose Debts were larger than ordinary, he us'd to say, That one Ci∣vil War would make all even. All this was done at Gaul's Expence, which might occasion this Observation, That Caesar Conquer'd the Gauls with the Romans Steel, and the Romans with the Gallick Gold. Pompey had observ'd, that Caesar in his Consulship had rendred himself very distast∣ful to the Senate, therefore he made it his Business by his outward Carriage and fair Demeanor to gain their Favour, which he did with good success. Caesar was a∣ware of this, and for that reason endeavour'd vigorous∣ly for the Consulship in his Absence, and likewise to procure his Government to be prolong••d, trying all Ways and Methods to keep his Army till he cou'd get to be chosen Consul. But he soon found that this Af∣fair did not succeed according to his Wish, being chief∣ly hinder'd by Marcus Marcellus, one of the present Consuls and his Great Enemy. Tho he was sufficient∣ly sensible of Pompey's Jealousy, he resolv'd to endeavour once more to preserve his Friendship, therefore offer••d him his Niece Octavia, and demanded Pompey's Daugh∣ter for himself; but Pompey thought fit to make choice

of an Alliance with Scipio, whom he joyn'd with him in the Consular Dignity for the last Five Months.

The first Publick Appearance of the Division began from Pompey's two Laws, publish'd in his Consulship, the first being to enquire into the Miscarriages of Officers for Twenty Years last past, and the latter to forbid all Ab∣sent Persons to demand any Publick Employment; both which were design••d against Caesar. But still no great Violence was us'd, but all was manag'd with extream Artifice and Cunning till the Election of the New Consuls, who were Aemilius Paulus and Calidius Mar∣cellus, a Kinsman of Marcus. Now every one with great Impatience expected to find how the Consuls wou'd declare themselves; the first had been well se∣cur'd by a large Present of 1500 Talents from Caesar, but Calidius was Caesar's Enemy, and being carry'd on by the same Spirit with his Kinsman Marcus, follow'd also his Methods. Curio was likewise one of the Tri∣bunes, a Person of the highest Fame for his Eloquence and Pleadings, and of great Parts and Resolution, but now much burthen••d with Debts both for himself and others, and particularly for Marcus Antonius, one of his Collegues. Curio had been one of the most violent a∣gainst Caesar's Interest; but Caesar, who well knew all his unhappy Circumstances, quickly found a Way to bring him over, by furnishing him with Means to quit himself of those Incumbrances. Curio, after this, made use of Practices very refin••d, forbearing to declare him∣self of Caesar••s Party, the better to penetrate the De∣signs of the other Party, and after that, sought an Op∣portunity to break with Pompey. In order to which, he demanded to have the Charge of the High-ways con∣ferr••d upon him, altho' he knew it wou••d be deny••d him; and upon refusal, he shew'd his Resentment; and soon after, when Marcellus the Consul propos••d with great Earnestness, the recalling Caesar from his Govern∣ment, Curio applauded his Wisdom, adding withall, That it was but Iustice that Pompey and Caesar should be both

call'd from their Governments together. All apprehended the Meaning of this Proposal, and Pompey's Friends be∣gan to be very troublesome to Curio, particularly Ap∣pius, one of the Censors, who threatn'd to expel him the Senate, and propos••d it in one of the Assemblies. Curio submitted to any Thing decreed against himself in par∣ticular, but wou••d yield to nothing where Caesar's In∣terest was struck at, and the Consul Aemilius secur••d him from the Affront offer'd him by Appius.

Curio resolving not to be discourag'd, made the same Proposal to the People as he had done to the Senate, which was receiv'd with the greatest Applause imagi∣nable; and as a further Testimony of their Satisfaction, they gave Power to Caesar to demand the Consulship without removing out of his Province. This caus'd Pom∣pey to leave the City, under pretence of going to his Government, but he really went no further than a Country-House of his, where falling sick, he Wrote to the Senate, That he was ready to resign all his Employments when Caesar did the like, which he wou'd confirm upon his Return to Rome. Curio immediately took this Advan∣tage, and told him, It was his Duty to begin what he pro∣pos'd, and he wou'd engage that his Example shou'd be fol∣low'd by Caesar. The Matter was then publickly debated, but ended only in an Order, that two Legions shou••d be drawn out of Caesar's and Pompey's Army to be sent against the Parthians; and this was only to weaken Cae∣sar's Army, for Pompey likewise demanded the Legion which he had formerly lent him. Caesar immediately apprehended the Reason of this Order, and Pompey's Designs, nevertheless he made no Opposition, but sur∣render••d two Legions, Generously Giving each Man Five and twenty Crowns. Cic••ro at this time return••d to Rome from his Government of Cilicia, where he pre∣tended, for his Great Exploits, to have Merited the Ho∣nour of a Triumph. His Absence had hinder'd him from joyning with either Party, and his present Pre∣tensions oblig'd him to be a Mediator between both,

but no Proposals of Accommodation wou'd be hear∣ken'd to; for Appius returning from Caesar's Army, pub∣lish'd abroad, That, his Soldiers had no Esteem for him, and that they wou'd certainly come over to the Senates Party, whenever they recover'd this side of the Alps. This Relation gave Pompey great Confidence, so that Cicero cou'd not be heard: And when he afterwards ask'd Pompey what Forces he had to oppose Caesar, his Answer was, That he need but stamp with his Foot, and an Army wou'd start out of the Earth. Many of the Senators began to talk very meanly of Caesar, and Cato himself scornfully de∣clar'd, That he wou'd bring him to an Account for his Actions, and that he shou'd be treated as Milo had been before him.

Caesar often Writ to the Senate, to desire to be con∣tinu'd in his Government as Pompey had been, or be re∣call'd both at the same time, or else be permitted to stand for the Consulship by Proxy. These Proposals being rejected, he re-pass'd the Alps with his third Le∣gion, and March'd to Ravenna, from whence he Writ a Letter to the New Consuls, Cornelius Lentulus and Cl••∣dius Marcellus, wherein, after an honourable Mention made of his own Exploits, he signify'd, That he was rea∣dy to resign all his Power, in case Pompey did the like; other∣wise they might reasonably expect, that he cou'd not be whol∣ly insensible of the Injury that would be done him, as well as his Country. Great Debates and violent Dissentions were rais'd about this Letter; but after a long time spent, a Decree was at last issu'd out, That Caesar shou'd disband his Forces within such a time, and if he refus'd Obedience, he shou'd be declar••d an Enemy to the Common-wealth. And tho' this Decree was much oppos'd by many, yet im∣mediately after follow'd another, publish'd only in cases of Extremity, That the Consuls and other Magistrates shou'd take care that the Common-wealth receiv'd no Da∣mage; and Pompey was order'd to Command what Troops were in a Readiness. From that Moment a Successor was order'd to Caesar, which was Domit••••, and all were up in Arms in Rome. Caesar receiv'd a

speedy Account of this from Curio Anthony and Longinus, who fled to him in Slaves Habits, in which Condition he shew'd 'em to his Army, telling his Men, That the Senate had dealt basely and ungratefully by him, who had done 'em so many eminent Services, as well as unjustly and inhumanely by his Friends, whose Persons were sacred by their Office, but were now forc'd to conceal themselves under the mean Habits of Slavery, to shun the Fury of his Enemies; and all for maintaining those undoubted Rights, which even raging Sylla durst never violate. In fine, tearing his Robes, and falling into Tears, he conjur••d all his Soldiers, That they wou'd defend his Honour and Reputation, after their serving nine Years under him with so much Glory and Renown. The Soldiers all with loud Acclamations an∣swer'd him, That they were ready to rev••nge all Injuries done to their General; and Thus began the famous Civil War, about four Years after the Death of Crassus.

III. Among the many Warlike Qualities of Caesar,* 1.292 his Diligence in preventing any Enemy, and pursuing a Victory, was the most admirable; and here he found it most necessary, since he had to deal with a Comman∣der far more expert than any he had hitherto been en∣gag'd with; therefore his utmost Skill and Policy was to be made use of at this Juncture. He first sent a choice Party of Men, arm••d only with Swords, to put them∣selves as secretly as possible into Ariminum, the first Ci∣ty of his Province. He himself spent his time at Raven∣na, in seeing the Combat of the Gladiators, and when Night came, sate down at the Table with his Friends, but soon rose again, desiring 'em, to make themselves Wel∣come, and he wou'd be with 'em in a moment; but he had secretly order'd some Mules to be put into his Chariot, in which Equipage he set forwards towards Ariminum, with some few of his particular Friends he had order••d to follow him several Ways, and one Legion, which was all he had there. It was a troublesome Journey, but they resolv'd to undergo it; so sometimes on Foot, and sometimes in his Chariot; Caesar arriv••d upon the

Banks of the Rubicon, a little River which parted Cis∣alpine Gaul from the rest of Italy. Here he began to have some Remorse, and all the Misfortunes of the suc∣ceeding War presented themselves to his melancholy Mind, which put him upon considering, what Posterity wou'd think of this Passage. Sometimes he had thoughts of going back, and turning himself to Asinius Pollio, Tis now in our Power, says he, to return, but if we pass this fatal River, our only Retreat must be to our Arms. Some Au∣thors say, That just by the Place where he stood, of a sudden there appear'd a Man of extraordinary Stature, who made excellent Musick with a Reed he play'd upon; which uncommon Sight drew many of the Soldi∣ers to him, among the rest, a Trumpeter, from whom this Man snatch'd his Trumpet, and sounding a Charge with a more violent Blast than ordinary, threw him∣self into the Water, and pass'd over to the other side. Caesar, without Further Consideration pass'd the Ri∣ver, crying, Let us go where the Gods so loudly call, and the Fury of our Enemies drive us! From thence he march'd directly to Ariminum, and possess••d himself of it with∣out Resistance: so, with 6000 Men only he began that famous War, sending orders to the rest of his Troops to follow with all possible Diligence.

This unexpected Enterprize gave most dreadfull Ap∣prehensions to the City of Rome, every one imagining Caesar at the Gates with all his Army; and it was an odd Confusion to see the Country People running to the City for Safety, and the Citizens flying into▪ the Country for Security. Pompey himself was amaz••d, and Cicero under great Difficulties, as appear'd by his Epistles upon this Occasion; but what was the greatest Trouble to Pompey, was the biting and reflecting Words of many of his own Party, some laying Indiscretion to his charge, others Injustice; and Favonius, a crack-brain••d Philo∣sopher, and a pretended Imitator of Cato, bad him stamp with his Foot and produce his Armies as he had promis••d. At last Pompey told 'em, That they shou'd n••t

want an Army if they wou'd follow him; That it was nei∣ther their Houses nor their Provinces that cou'd inspire 'em with the Love of Vertue and of Liberty, but Men of Ho∣nour might find it in all Retreats; and that their following him wou'd be the only Way to put 'em in a Condition of re∣turning to their Houses with Glory. The consideration of the present Danger, made 'em resolve to quit the Ci∣ty; so the Consuls, and almost all the Senate with great Precipitation follow'd him to Capua, where were the two Legions which Caesar had sent from Gaul, Pompey with all Diligence put his Affairs in order, and resolv'd to retire towards Brundusium. He left L. Do∣mitius in Corfinium, and Cicero to Command in Capua. who receiv'd his commission with some Reluctancy, Pompey••s Affairs seem'd to be in a better Posture by Labienus's leaving Caesar, and coming over to him, which he did upon some Discontent, expecting to have been made equal with Caesar. Caesar seem'd lit∣tle to value that, but either through Policy or Gene∣rosity, sent all his Money and Equipage after him. Still Pompey thought it most convenient to send to Cae∣sar with Proposals of Accommodation, which he did by Lucius Caesar his Kinsman, and Roscius the Praetor. But the Demands on both sides cou'd not be agreed upon, for Pompey's Business was only to gain Time, having his chief Reliance upon the Forces of the East, which were absolutely in his Interest, Caesar too, de∣pending upon the Valour and Affections of his Soldi∣ers, had no Design of quitting his Arms, but only to make it appear as fairly as he cou'd, that he had taken 'em up with Justice.

Caesar now, without losing any further Time, seiz'd upon the Towns of Picenum, which lay in his Way, and in a very short time became Master of all that Pro∣vince. This Progress redoubled the Fears at Rome, and Lentulus, who was come back to seize the publick Treasure, was oblig••d to betake himself to Flight. In the mean time the twelfth Legion came to joyn Cae∣sar,

who marched to Asculum, which Lentulus had pos∣sess'd himself of with ten Cohorts; but upon Caesar's Approach, retreated in Confusion, a great part of his Soldiers deserting him, as they had done Curio not long before. Caesar march'd directly after Pompey, not offering to attack Rome, as knowing it wou'd fall of Course to the Conqueror; and the first Place that made any Resistance was Corfinium, the Metropolis of the Country of the Peligni, which was possess'd by Domitius, who had lately rais••d 20 Cohorts out of those Parts. Now as this was the first Town that durst make head against Caesar, all Persons with great im∣patience expected the Success of the Enterprize. Cae∣sar made his Approaches with two Legions, and was engag'd by five Cohorts, who defended a Bridge a∣bout three Miles from the City; but were soon dri∣ven back to the Gates of Corfinium, which thereupon was immediately invested. Domitius prepar••d himself for a vigorous Defence, and wrote to Pompey, That now he had a fair Opportunity to hem in Caesar, if he wou'd come up; That it wou'd not be for his Reputation to leave so many Senators and Knights which were now besieg'd, as well as so many Soldiers, to the Mercy of the Enemy. Pompey's Answer was, That he was not then in a Condi∣tion to hazard all in a Battle; what Domitius had engag'd himself in Corfinium contrary to his Opinion, and theref••re he ought to think of making as fair and speedy a Retreat as was possible. Upon this Refusal it was that Cicero, became so angry with Pompey, as appears from one of his Epistles to Atti••us.

Domitius conceal'd Pompey's Answer, giving out that Pompey wou'd bring speedy Relief: but at the same time consulted with his Friends how to make a private Retreat; which being at last discover'd, his Men seiz'd on him, and sent to Caesar, offering to de∣liver him up, and surrender the Place. Caesar, conclu∣ded the Offer ought not to be rejected, but however kept his Men from entering that Night, to prevent

all Violences. Lentulus being in the Town, came out to him, and humbly begg••d Pardon, putting him in mind of their Ancient Friendship, and acknowledg∣ing the many Favours he had formerly receiv'd at his Hands. Caesar interrupting him, told him, That he came not from his Province to injure any Man, but for his own Security, and the Restoration of the Tribunes Office, and the Liberty of Rome. Lentulus sufficiently incourag'd by this Answer, desir'd leave to return into the Town to give the like Encouragement to others who were now de∣sperate as to their Fortunes; and the next day Caesar sent to the Senators and Knights who were in Town, with their Children, and the Officers of the Garrison to come forth. All these he protected from the Inso∣lence of the Soldiers, and having a little insisted upon the Point of Ingratitude, he gave 'em all their Liberty to go where they pleas'd; and to shew that he as little sought after Money as the Lives of his Enemies, he re∣stor••d to Domitius 6000 Sesterces, which he had de∣posited in the Bank at Corfinium, tho' he was satisfy••d that it was publick Money, and given out by Pompey to pay Soldiers. He caus'd Domitius's Men to take the Mi∣litary Oath to himself, and after seven Days respite at Corfinium, he march'd through the Confines of the Mar∣rucini, Tarentini, and Larinates, and then enter••d Apuli••.

Pompey having Intelligence of what pass'd at Corfi∣nium, immediately retreated to Brundusium, where the Consuls strait embark••d for Dyrrachium in Epirus with thirty Cohorts, Pompey continuing in the Town with twenty others. Caesar shortly after arriv'd before the Place, and having taken Magius an Engineer of Pom∣pey's, freely set him at Liberty, with Orders to tell his General, That it might be for the Common Interest of 'em both, as well as the Good of the Republick, for them two have an Enterview, and not to trust Matters to a third Person. Magius brought him no Answer back, which caus••d Caesar to endeavour the Blocking up the Entry of the Port. To this purpose he order'd a Bank or Dam to

be rais'd on each Side the Haven, where it was narrow∣est, and the Water shallow enough; but where it was too deep, he caus'd several Vessels to be fastn'd together thir∣ty Footsquare, moor'd with Anchors at each corner, and placed them over against the Entry of the Haven, with Design to Form a sort of a Stacade or Chain: The first, Bridge of these Vessels was cover••d with Earth and green Turf, that the Defendents might have firm Foot∣ing to sight upon, and the two Sides were furnish'd with Hurdles in the nature of Parapets, and every fourth Float carry'd a Tower two Stories high, to defend the Works from Attacks and from Fire. It was easie to judge for what Design all this great Labour and Pains was undertaken, therefore Pompey endeavour••d to ruin the Works and to that purpose made use of several Merchant-Ships that were then in the Haven; upon which he rais••d Towers of three Stories high, furnish'd with Engines and all sorts of Darts. These he sent a∣gainst Caesar's Vessels, hoping to separate em, and hin∣der the Continuation of the Work, which occasion'd daily some little Skirmishes with Darts and Arrows.

Caesar was still forward enough to come to an Ac∣commodation, and sent to have an Enterview with Pom∣pey, but Answer was return••d, That the Consuls being absent no Prop••sitions of that kind cou'd be receiv'd. From this time he set his Thoughts wholly upon the War, half his Business being already compleated, by reasons the Vessels which transported the Consuls were return'd from Dyrrachium, which Opportunity Pompey thought fit to make use of for withdrawing himself; and to se∣cure his Retreat, he caus••d all the Gates of the City to be wall'd up, and several Houses to be demolish'd in the cross Streets. The Avenues of the Port were cut off by certain Pits, fill••d with Stakes, and cover'd with Hurdles and Earth, two only being left free, and those strongly defended with Palisado••s and Joysts, planted after the manner of Fraize. After these Precautions, he caus••d his Soldiers to embark with all imaginable Si∣lence,

leaving only some Archers and Slingers upon the Walls, who were order'd to make their Retreat in small Boats on purpose, as Soon as his Soldiers were got on Board. The Inhabitants of the Town, provok••d by the Ruin of their Houses, advis••d Caesar of their Retreat, who immediately put his Troops into Order, and or∣der••d Ladders to be planted at the same Moment that Pompey shou'd give the Signal to his Archers, who, not∣withstanding, secur'd their Retreat by certain private Paths which they were acquainted with: So that Pom∣pey got all his Troops on Board, & immediately weigh••d Anchor: Caesar's Men got over the Walls, and had fal∣len into the Pits prepar'd for 'em, had not timely War∣ning from the Inhabitants prevented it. This was a con∣siderable stop to 'em, but not so great but they had time enough, with some small Vessels, to seize upon two of Pompey's Ships, which through hast, had run themselves a-ground, while the rest made what Sail they cou'd, and fav••d themselves. Thus did Pompey with great Skill and Diligence make his escape; and thus did Caesar in sixty Days time, become Master of all Italy with-little or no Bloodshed.

IV. Caesar finding he cou••d not follow Pompey for want of Shipping, resolv'd to pass over into Spain, to drive out Pompey's Troops, all old Soldiers, under the Com∣mand of Afranius and Petreius; but first he design'd for Rome, to settle there some Sort of Government. He like∣wise sent a considerable Force into Sicily and Sardinia. the one kept by Cato, and the other by Aurelius Cotta, but both were abandon••d by them upon the Arrival of Cae∣sar's Troops. Caesar in his Journey to Rome, gave Cicero a Visit but cou'd not perswade him to go thither with him, tho' much Civility pass'd between em. Upon his arrival at Rome, he compos'd a Body of such Senators as he found there, and call'd them the Senate; and when they were assembled, made 'em a plausible Speech in Justification of all his Actions; then he propos••d the sending of Ambassadours to Pompey, but finding none

to undertake that Office, he began to consider about furnishing himself with Money, and his Recourse was to the publick Treasury which, he wou••d have had o∣pen'd; but Metellus the Tribune boldly oppos'd him in that alledging, That the Money was Sacred, that the Laws forbad it, and horrible Imprecations had been denounced a∣gainst such as touch'd it upon any Occasion but the Gallick War. To which Caesar reply••d, That Arms and Laws sel∣dom agreed well together, and that he had remov'd the for∣mer Reasons by reducing all Gaul to the Roman Obe∣dience; and immediately went to the Doors of the Trea∣sury, but the Keys cou'd not be found, whereupon Caesar sent to the People to break open the Locks; and when Metellus had still the Boldness to dispute it with him, in a great Rage he laid his Hand upon his Sword, threatning to kill him, with these words; Know, young Man, that it is harder for me to say this than to do it: Which so terrify'd Metellus, that he retir'd. Caesar took out 3000 pound weight of Gold out of the Treasury, and ever after that, had the Treasury at his Command in all his Wars.

After this Caesar departed from Rome upon his Spa∣nish Expedition, and knowing all Pompey's Circumstan∣ces, said with his usual Confidence, That he went to find an Army without a General, and then he wou'd come back to find a General without an Army. He receiv'd News in Provence, that the People of Marseilles had resolv'd to refuse him Entrance, that Domitius had got thither with seven Gallies fill••d with Slaves, Libertines, and Pea∣sants that belonged to his Lands, and that the Marsi∣illians had call'd down all the Inhabitants of the neigh∣bouring Mountains to their Assistance. When Caesar sent to 'em to submit, they return'd for Answer, That they resolv'd to take part with neither Casar nor Pompey, to both whom they had equal Obligations. Caesar incensed at their Proceedings, immediately besieg'd the Town with three Legions, and order'd twelve Ships of War to be bu••lt at Arles, which were compleated in a Month, and brought before Marseilles. Caesar finding the Siege,

like to be very tedious, left D. Brutus to command the Ships, and C. Trebonius to carry on the Siege, and so departed for Spain with all speed, where Fabius, whom he had sent before, joyn'd him with three Legions, which, together with his own Forces, made a noble Army. Upon a Report in that Country, That Pompey was coming by Way of Mauritania to Command his Troops in Person, Caesar us'd extream Diligence; and to assure himself of his Men, he Borrow'd Money of all his Officers, which he Distributed among his Sol∣diers, by that means engaging his Officers by their own Interests, and his Soldiers by his Liberality. A∣franius and Petreius were then posted nigh the City I∣lerda in Catalonia, with sufficient Forces. Caesar ad∣vanc'd towards 'em, and Encamp'd along the River Segre, over which Fabius had laid two Bridges; but en∣deavouring to get between the River Herde and the E∣nemies Camp, a Bloody Contest ensu'd, which con∣tinu'd for many Hours, in which Caesar's Men were much surpriz••d with the Enemies irregular Way of Fighting, fearing to be hemm'd in; till by Caesar's In∣couraging 'em, they press'd forward into a dange∣rous Place, which they still Maintain'd for Five Hours, and then retreated in Good Order. Both Parties at∣tributed to themselves the Honour of the Victory; Cae∣sar for driving the Enemy before him, and Afranius for keeping the Post for which they Fought.

Afranius had Greater Appearance of Advantage shortly after; for the continual Rains carry'd away Caesar's two Bridges, and hinder'd the River from be∣ing fordable any where; Which reduc'd him to Great Streights, not being able to get Provisions, nor to joyn a Supply of Forces that came to him from Gaul, nor yet to rebuild his Bridges, by reason of the Violence of the Stream, and the Opposition he met with from the Enemy, who lay on the other side of the River. The News of this gave such great Hopes to Pompey's Party at Rome, that they went in Great Numbers to

Afranius's Wife, to Congratulate her Husbands Good Fortune; and several of the Senators, who were Neu∣ters before, went over to Pompey, and among them, Cicero himself, though he took an Opportunity of leav∣ing him again shortly after. But all these Great Hopes vanish••d by means of Caesar's extraordinary Diligence, who caus••d slight Boats, cover'd with Leather, to be made, and while the Enemy were diverted, by en∣deavouring to Intercept some Gauls who were com∣ing to joyn him, he carried the Boats in Wagons twen∣ty Miles distant from his Camp, put 'em upon the Ri∣ver, and with a wonderful Quickness and Dexterity caus'd his Legions to pass the River; by which means he re-built the Bridges. Thus he re-establish'd his Pas∣sage▪ got Provisions, joyn'd the Forces which came to his Assistance, by his Great Skill astonish'd the Enemy, and Gain'd so much Reputation, as, together with the News of Brutus's Beating the Marseillians by Sea, gain'd him five considerable Towns, and made several others Capitulate. Caesar, who spared no Pains to distress his Enemies, threw up divers Intrenchments and Ditches in order to cut off the Water from their Camp, and to make the Segre Fordable. Afranius and Petreius dread∣ing the success of this Enterprize, after several Moti∣ons of both Armies, resolv'd to reach Octog••sa, situated on the Iberus, where they had sent a Party before to lay a Bridge over. In order to this Design they De∣camped at Midnight; but Caesar sent his Cavalry after 'em, and oblig'd 'em to Ford the River before they cou'd come at their Bridge; then leaving his Baggage in his Camp, he suddenly cross••d the River with his Infantry, and pursu'd em so close, that they cou••d nei∣ther reach their intended Place, nor return to their for∣mer Camp. By which means he reduc'd 'em to such extremities of Hunger and Drought, that they were all oblig'd to yield to his Mercy without any Bloodshed.

Caesar, to shew his kind and Generous Temper, dis∣miss'd 'em all, and satisfy'd 'em with incredible Cour∣tesies,

such as were never practis'd elsewere towards E∣nemies. And in a short time after he became Master of all Spain, sending back his Enemies loaden with Shame and Obligations to publish his extraordinary Clemency and Valour, while he himself departed for Marseilles, which was then just upon the point of yield∣ing. Upon Caesar's arrival they capitulated: During which time Domitius made his escape by Sea; Caesar pardon'd the Inhabitants, more upon the account of their Name and Antiquity, as he told 'em, than for a∣ny other Merit, and leaving two Legions in Garrison, he departed for Rome. Upon his arrival there, he was receiv'd with Great Satisfaction by most People,* 1.293 and made Dictator by M. Lepidus the Praetor; but finding this Office not well lik'd of, he laid it down after hold∣ing of it 11 Days, and caus'd himself to be chosen Con∣sul with Servilius Isauricus. His Design was now to pro∣cure himself as many Friends as possible; in pursuance of which Purpose he preferr'd several favourable Laws; the first was concerning the Borrowing of Money for the War, which, as it usually happens, having ruin'd almost all Credit, and render'd a great many Men in∣capable of Payment, Caesar order'd, that an Estimate should be made of Inheritances, at the same Value they bore before the War, and that Creditors should take them according to his Estimation; by which means he took away the Fears of a General Bankrup∣cy, and supported the Credit of the Debtors. Besides, he brought over to his Party all such as expected to be favour'd in this General Valuation, which was the principal Design of the Law. The other Law was, for the calling home those who had been condemn'd du∣ring Pompey's presiding in the passing Sentences of Ju∣stice. Caesar likewise made several other Ordinances, and after having quitted the Name and Dignity of Dictator, departed for Brundusium to go against Pompey, before which time he receiv'd the bad News of the Defeat and Death of Curio, whom he had sent against Va••us, Pompey's Lieutenant in Africk.

V. Pompey, after his Departure from Italy into Epirus and Greece, had made all possible Preparations for Resist∣ance, drawing over all the East to his Interest; and du∣ring the time of Caesar's being at Rome, and in Spain, had gather'd together very powerful Armies both by Sea and Land. His Land Forces consisted of 9 Italian Legi∣ons effective, besides the two which Scipio his Brother-in∣law brought him; and the Auxiliaries from the Eastern Countries of 7000 Horse, ••000 Archers, and 8 Cohorts of Slingers: These Troops were distributed into Dyrra∣chium and Apollonia, and over all that Coast, to oppose the coming down of Caesar. And more than this, he had prepar'd a noble Fleet of 500 large Ships, besides Gal∣lies, Brigantines, and other lesser Vessels; all which were commanded in chief by Bibulus, who executed the Of∣fice of Admiral: Besides these Forces, Pompey had drawn great Summs of Money out of Asia and Greece; and to recompence himself in some measure for the loss of Spain, had caus'd Dalabella and Caius Antonius, who Com∣manded for Caesar on the Coast of Illyricum, to be at∣tack'd, and with that Success, that the former was dri∣ven out, and the latter taken. These Advantages, which daily kept up the Reputation of Pompey••s Party, still en∣gag••d more Persons of Consideration to come and joyn themselves with him, so that he found he had in his Camp above 200 Senators, whereof he compos'd a Body, and they Assembled themselves in the Form of a Senate. With these M. Brutus had joyn••d himself, not for any Respect to Pompey, whom he hated; but that severe Vertue, of which he made Profession, and the Ex∣ample of his Uncle, and Father-in-Law Cato, had in∣gag••d him in that Party, which he thought had the most Justice on its side. In one of their Assemblies, by the Politick Advice of Cato, it was determin'd, That no Roman Citizen should, be put to Death out of Bat∣tel, and that no Town subject to the Roman Empire shou••d be Plunder'd. In effect, this Laudable Decree drew the Good Wishes of the People upon the Honou∣rable

Authors of it, and gain'd the Reputation of great Justice and Humanity to their Designs, and likewise was the Occasion that the Fortune of Caesar hung, for a long time, doubtful, and was afterwards made use of to justifie his Death.

Notwithstanding these Disadvantages on Caesar's side, he proceeded with an uncommon Vigour, and undaunt∣ed Courage, and rendezvouzing at Brundusium, he, with∣out any Delay, shipp'd off 5 of his 12 Legions, which a∣mounted to no more than 20000 Foot and 6000 Horse at this time; the rest were oblig'd to stay behind for want of Shipping. Caesar very much incourag'd his Men, telling 'em what glorious Actions they were going to undertake; and in spight of the Rigour of the Season, upon the 4th of Ianuary he weigh'd Anchor. This much surpris'd the Officers of Pompey's Fleet, to find him venture so boldly through the Dangers both of the Weather and their Navies. But Caesar tim'd it so well, that he made his Passage in one Day, and landed his Men at a place call'd Pharsalus, not daring to venture into any known Port, which he believ'd to be possess'd by the Enemy. Having once got to Land, he sent back all the Ships to transport the rest of his Legions under the Command of Calenus, but in their Passage, 30 of 'em fell into the hands of Bibulus, Pompey's Admiral, who, sensible of his former Neglect, in a great Passion, set 'em all on Fire, destroying both Owners and Seamen, hoping by this Example to terrifie the rest; and for the future he took more than ordinary Care in guarding the Coasts. In the mean time Caesar took possession of Oricum and Apollonia, which, at the sight of his Troops, surrender'd themselves; by which means he cut off all Communication of Land from Bibulus as long as he staid to intercept his Fleet. Caesar still took care to justify his Actions, and for that reason he sent Rufus, whom he had twice taken Priso∣ner, to Pompey, once more to offer a Treaty, and to refer all to the Senate and People of Rome; which prov'd of no effect, for the People of Rome were too much of Cae∣pom

Pompey was now in Macedonia, where Rufus joyn'd him, and fearing least Ceasar shou'd become Master of Dyrrachium, where all his Ammunition lay, he March'd with his whole Army to save that Place Upon his ar∣rival at the City, the Laziness and Desertion of ma∣ny of his new-rais'd Troops, made him cause all his Soldiers to Swear, That they wou'd never abandon their General, but follow him through all his Fortunes; which Oath was likewise taken by all the Officers. He encamp'd by the River Apsus, and Caesar had posted his Ar∣my not far of, on the other side of the River, to cover Apollonia; and both remain'd in this manner for some time, impatiently expecting the Succours that were to come up. But the Absence of Caesar's Legions at Brun∣dusium was a severe Vexation to him, whose Passage was chiefly obstructed by Bibul••s at Sea; and Bibul••s himself was in as ill a Condition, by being hinder'd of the Conveniencies of Land by Caesar's Troops. At last Bibulus dying of a Sickness at Sea, and leaving no Commander in Chief to succeed him, much less Care was taken than before. Caesar was sensible of this fa∣vourable Opportunity, but was almost despairing that his Troops were not arriv'd as soon as he expected 'em, for he had written several times. At last, his great Im∣patience drove him upon an Action which nothing cou'd excuse but the extraordinary Confidence he al∣ways had in his good Fortune, which was this: He dis∣guis'd himself in the Habit of a Slave, and with all ima∣ginable Secrecy, put himself on Board a Fisher-man's Bark, at the Mouth of the River Apsus, with a Design to pass to Brundusium, where his Forces lay. They row'd off in the beginning of the Night, but a stiff Gale 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Wind, at the Mouth of the River, made the Water ••••∣ry rough, and the Master and Rowers made several At∣tempts to get out to Sea, but the Winds encreasing, he order'd 'em to desist. Caesar finding his Design like to be fruitless, on a sudden discover'd himself, Fear nothing said he, for thou carriest Caesar and all his Fortune: th••

Mariners, encourag'd by the Presence of so Great a Man, made fresh Endeavours, and got into the Sea, but the Waves ran so high, that they were at last forc'd to return to Land. Caesar's Soldiers, at his Arrival, ran to him in great Multitudes, and told him with a great Tenderness and Affection, That he had reflected upon their Courages, by going to seek out New Forces, when they were sure to Conquer without, whilst he was pleas'd to head 'em.

In a short time after, Caesar receiv'd the good News of the safe Arrival of most of his Troops under the Command of Mark Anthony and Calenus, at Apollonia, which consisted of 3 Veteran Legions, one new-rais'd, and 800 Horse. They were closely pursu'd by Caponius, Admiral of the Rhodian Squadron, 16 of whose Ves∣sels perish'd by the sudden Turning of the Wind, and the Badness of the Weather. But 2 of Caesar's Ships behind there, were taken by the Enemy, and the Soldiers of one put to the Sword; but those of the other, being old Soldiers, by bravely defending themselves, escaped. The nigh Distance of Caesar's and Pompey's Armies, had oc∣casion'd several Parlies as well as Skirmishes; and here the last Propositions of Accommodation were made. Pompey protested, That be wou'd never endure that the World shou'd say, that his Life and Return was a Favour bestow'd upon him by Caesar; and Labienus cry'd out, That nothing cou'd make a Composition but Caesar's Head. These Trea∣ties therefore being successless, Caesar decamp'd to joyn Anthony, and Pompey did the like to hinder his Design. He had no River to pass as Caesar had, but went and posted himself in a Place which he thought most con∣venient for an Ambuscade, which he had laid for An∣thony; but he being advis••d of it by the Greeks of the Country, entrench'd himself in an advantageous Post, where he staid for Caesar, who soon after arriv'd; and Pompey fearing to be hemm'd in between the two Ar∣mies, retreated to Asparagus nigh Dyrrachium, leaving Anthony the liberty of joyning Caesar, which he did the same day. Thus these two great Men, Caesar and Pompey,

at the Head of all their Troops, were in a Readiness to dispute the Empire of the World, and, what was still more valuable to them, the Pre-eminence of all that Glory and Renown which they had gain'd by their Arms, one in the West, and the other in the East: And as these Actions were perhaps more Remarkable than any before 'em in the Roman Story, especially as to matter of Conduct, so it may be convenient to be somewhat more particular in relating of 'em.

VI. Great Skill and excellent Management was us'd by both Generals; and Caesar resolving not to be out-brav'd by the Rival of his Honour, March'd directly towards Pompey at Asparagus; and after three Days March he came in ••ight of the Enemy's Camp, and for∣tify'd his own, from whence the next Day he drew out his Troops to offer him Battel. Pompey stirr'd not, and from that Moment, Caesar perceiv'd he must take other Measures. And the next day he decamp'd to go to∣wards Dyrrachium, with design either of reducing Pom∣pey to shut himself up in the Town, or to cut off his Pas∣sage to such a very useful Place, which last in part suc∣ceeded. Pompey at first believ'd that Caesar was oblig'd to draw off for want of Provisions, but understanding his Design by Spies and others, the next Day began to March, hoping to prevent Caesar by a shorter Way than he was forc'd to take. Which Caesar being aware of, in∣courag'd his Soldiers what he cou'd, and left 'em but a small Part of the Night for Rest, and arriv'd the next Morning under the Walls of Dyrrachium, when they be∣gan to discover the Van of Pompey's Army, who imme∣diately secur'd a Hill call'd Petra, which commanded the Sea, under which was a small shelter for Ships, where few Winds cou'd annoy 'em. Both Parties intren∣ched themselves in the Posts they had taken; and Pom∣pey caus'd part of his Ships to come under his Camp and immediately sent into Asia and other Parts for Pro∣visions and Ammunition. Caesar perceiving then tha••

the War was like to continue long, and finding the Want of Corn, caus'd Magazines to be made in all Parts not in the Enemy's Hands; and notwithstand∣ing all his Diligence and Care, the Disadvantages he labour'd under caus'd his Army to be but ill fur∣nish'd at last.

The Inconveniencies that were like to follow from hence, put Caesar upon a new Design: All round Pom∣pey's Camp were certain little Hills high and steep, of which Caesar possess'd himself, and built Towers up∣on 'em in the nature of Redoubts; then causing Lines of Communication to be drawn from Hill to Hill, and other Works, he endeavour'd to block up Pompey by that Circumvallation. This was done chiefly to diminish the mighty Reputation that Pom∣pey had gain'd among Foreign Nations, when all the World shou'd know that he was invested by Caesar, and dared not hazard a Battel. But Pompey resolv'd to run the hazard of any Scandal rather than a Bat∣tel at this time, or to quit either Dyrrachium or the Sea; so that both Parties at present were employ'd in Designs and Stratagems. Caesar's Men daily car∣ry'd on their Works to straighten the Enemy, and those of Pompey did the same to enlarge themselves, they having the Advantage as to Numbers; besides, theirs being the innermost Circumvallation, was not extended so far as Caesar's. Tho' Pompey declin'd co∣ming to a Battel, yet he severely gall'd Caesar's Men with his Archers and Slingers, which oblig d 'em to make certain Blinds with Clothes and Skins for their Defence against the Arrows; and no Day pass'd without some Encounter or other, particularly when Caesar's ninth Legion was too far advanc'd, Caesar brought it off safely when Pompey before believ'd it impossible. It was very remarkable to find Caesar be∣sieging an Enemy stronger than himself, and sup∣ply'd with all Provisions by Sea, while he himself was reduc'd to extream Necessity for want of Corn.

Yet his Soldiers bore all with admirable Constancy, remembring what great Honours they had often gain'd after such Miseries as these. They made use of Beans and Barley, and a Root call'd Chara, which they mingled with Milk, some of which they often threw among Pompey's Soldiers, telling 'em, That they wou'd rather eat the Barks of Trees, than let Pompey e∣scape, now they had got him in their Power. Pompey was extreamly surpriz'd at this, and said, That ••e did not expect to have had Wild Beasts to deal withal.

But afterwards when Summer came on, there was a great Change; for Pompey's Army cou'd hardly be kept alive, being most distress'd for want of Water, which Caesar by Dams and other Methods had turn'd another Way. On the contrary, Caesar's Army was in very good Health, well furnish'd with Water and all Provisions, except Wheat; of which also they had fair hopes, Harvest being so nigh. After this, follow'd several Skirmishes, and one Night Pompey, understanding Caesar was absent a little way, attack'd his Works, but was beaten off with considerable loss, and forc'd to retreat into his old Trenches. In this Encounter one Sceva a Centurion behav'd him∣self with a wonderful Bravery, killing two Officers after he had been wounded in the Eye, Shoulder and Thigh, as Appian relates it, and receiving 230 Shots upon his Buckler. Caesar greatly rewarded him and many others, and encourag'd by this good Success, drew out his Men every day and offer'd Battel to Pompey within view of his Lines; and tho' Pompey drew out also in Battalia, yet he always kept his Troops under Defence of his Ramparts, where Cae∣sar did not think fit to attack kim. Caesar had now by means of his Officers drawn several Provinces of Greece to his Party, and understanding that Scipio was come into Macedonia, he sent to him to procure an Accommodation between him and Pompey, which he might easily bring about, as having the command

of an Army. But Caesar finding this not to succeed, apply'd himself more closely to block up Pompey, and with the utmost Art and Diligence, which brought him to a more dangerous Condition than ever; for his Horses had consum'd all their Barley, and likewise all the Leaves of the Trees, so that there remain'd no more Subsistence for 'em, and they were now scarce able to go on their Legs for want of Forage; all which gave very great Hopes to Caesar and his Soldiers.

These Troubles and Inconveniencies which incom∣pass'd Pompey, made him resolve to break through, especially after he had been inform'd of the Conditi∣on of Caesar's Fortifications by Roscillus and Aegus, two Brothers of considerable Note, who deserted Cae∣sar, and came over to him. To carry on this De∣sign, he gave Orders to his light Harnass'd Men and Archers to defend themselves with Bavins and Fag∣gots of Osiers; then drawing out 60 Cohorts, he put 'em on Board his Ships, and attack'd Caesar's Works by the Sea, which had been too little regard∣ed, and not well compleated. This was done with such Effect, that all the Centurions of the first Co∣hort were cut off except one; and tho' Caesar and his Officers us'd the utmost Endeavour to hinder Pom∣pey's Designs, yet by means of his great Conduct and Forecast, he got out of his Fortifications, and incamp'd in another Place by the Sea, where he had both the Conveniency of all Forage, and of his Shipping besides. Caesar perceiving the Loss he had sustain'd, and that the Course of the War had not suc∣ceeded according to his Expectation, resolv'd to change it, and sit down close by Pompey. In that Enterprize he design'd to cut off a Legion of the E∣nemy which was posted by a Wood; but this Action brought on a general Battel, where his Men were all entangled within the Intrenchments of the old Camps lately abandon'd; and likewise so surpriz'd

and over-power'd by Pompey's Forces, that in spight of all Caesar's Endeavours, they fled with great Pre∣cipitation and Loss. The greatest part perish'd in the Trenches, and on the River Banks, press'd to Death by their Fellows. Pompey pursu'd his Victory to the very Camp of Caesar, but durst not attack it, being both surpriz'd with the Suddenness of the Vi∣ctory, and the Fear of Ambuscades: And this was his great Error in this Case; for Caesar himself confess'd, That he had been lost without Redress, cou'd Pompey have known how to make use of the Vi∣ctory.

This Advantage gain'd by Pompey, caus'd him to be saluted Imperator; Labienus begging the Prisoners, caus'd 'em all to be slain; and Pompey's Party had such Assurance, that not thinking any more of fur∣ther Engagements and Dangers, they carry'd them∣selves as undoubted Conquerors, which they report∣ed in all Places, not considering the many Circum∣stances that occasion'd this Success. But Caesar being driven from his former Purposes, resolv'd to change the whole Course of the War; and assembling his Men together, with a fearless Mind spake to 'em af∣ter this manner: We have no reason to be dejected or dis∣courag'd at our late Insuccess, but have much more to be thankful to Fortune for the long and uninterrupted Course of her Favours, in those many and glorious Conquests in Gaul and Britain, and those happy and more successful Vi∣ctories in Italy and Spain. If after all these renown'd Exploits and noble Acts, one little Disorder, one Error of Inadvertency, or indeed of Destiny it self, has depriv'd us of the Success we might reasonably have expected, we ought to correct all by the Greatness of our Souls, and the Mag∣nanimity of our Courages. After his Speech he cashier d some Ensigns, but he needed to make no other Ex∣amples, for his Soldiers offer'd to punish themselves by any Labour or Danger, crying out with great Impatience, To Arms, let us be reveng'd or die! But

Caesar thought it not convenient to put 'em to the Tryal, till their Minds were setled, therefore resol∣ved to make a fair Retreat to Apollonia, which he did with that Diligence, that Pompey cou'd not over∣take him, only some of his Cavalry came up with Caesar's Reer, but were repuls'd with Loss. Caesar caus'd his Baggage to march before, and his Advan∣tage of being eight Hours before Pompey, oblig d Pompey in four Days to give over his Pursuit, and be∣take himself to other Resolutions.

Caesar was constrain'd to go to Apollonia to dispose of his sick and wounded Men, and to muster his Ar∣my; but fearing lest Pompey should surprize Domitius, one of his Lieutenants now in Macedonia, with three Legions, he hastned with his utmost Diligence to joyn him. Pompey, perceiving which way he dire∣cted his March, was in as great a Fear for Scipio, now in Thessaly with the Syrian Legions, and immediately set forward. So each General march'd with all the Diligence imaginable, both to secure their Friends and surprize their Enemies. Pompey had the Advan∣tage of the Shortness of the Way, and Domitius ve∣ry narrowly escap'd him, who coming to Aeginium upon the Frontiers of Thessaly, there happily joyn'd Caesar. Caesar seeing all his Forces together, march'd directly to Gomphi, the first Town in the Way from Epirus to Thessaly. The Inhabitants, who before had promis'd Caesar Obedience, now chang'd their Minds, as many others had done, upon the Report of his being beaten, being perswaded to it by the Praetors of Thessaly then in the City; and after having sent to Scipio and Pompey for Succour, caus'd the Gates to be shut against Caesar. Scipio was now at Larissa in Thes∣saly, and Pompey was not arriv'd in this Province, which caus'd Caesar to Attack Gomphi; he order'd Ladders, great Baskets fill'd with Earth, and Hur∣dles to be got ready with all Speed; and after ha∣ving represented to his Soldiers the great Advantages

of forcing a Place so very rich and well furnish'd, he caus'd an Assault to be made, which was carry'd on and supported with such Fury and Bravery, that notwithstanding the extraordinary Height of the Walls, the Town was taken in few Hours time. Caesar lest it to be plunder'd, and, without stopping, march'd his Army to Metropolis, which yielded to him upon the sight of the Prisoners of Gomphi: This Conduct of his brought over all the Towns in Thes∣saly to his Subjection, except Larissa, which Scipio had possess'd himself of.

Pompey arriv'd at Thessaly within a few Days after the Taking of Gomphi, and advanc'd near Pharsalia, whither Scipio went and joyn'd him with his Troops. He was receiv'd by his Son-in-Law Pompey with great Magnificence, making him Partaker both of his Ho∣nour and Authority, and ordering the Trumpets to sound every Morning at Scipio's Tent as well as his own. Caesar was all the time giving Orders for the Subsistence of his Army, and with great Skill making Remarks upon the Inclinations of his Soldiers; and finding them hearty and vigorous, caus'd 'em to ad∣vance as far as the Plains of Pharsalia where Pompey was now encamp'd. The Approach of these two noble Armies, in which were all the chosen Roman Legions, whose Valour was to decide the Fate of that great Empire; the Hatred and Ambition of the Generals, animated by the Prize as well as the Glory of such a Conquest; together with the small Appearance of an Accommodation, made it out of doubt that nothing but a general Battel cou'd de∣termine this famous Quarrel. Pompey being the strong∣er of the two, his Party did not question the Victo∣ry, and fell into great Controversies who shou'd be successively Consuls, who shou'd have Caesar's Priest∣hood, and who shou'd have his Lands, Goods, and Moneys, and likewise how all Dignities and Ma∣gistracies shou'd be dispos'd of, with a great many

Things of the like Nature: In short, every one set his Thoughts upon sharing the Fruits of the Victory, without considering how to gain it. But Caesar was far otherwise employ'd, using all the Care and Skill imaginable to encourage and perfect his Men: He every day sent out Parties, and exercis'd the lusty young Men of his Legions to mingle themselves a∣mong the Cavalry, and contend even with the Hor∣ses for Swiftness; so tho' Pompey much surpass'd in the Number of Horse, yet Caesars being so well and skilfully assisted by these light-arm'd Foot, were not at all afraid of 'em, and in one Rencounter they defeated a great Number of 'em.

Caesar, now finding his Soldiers vigorous and desi∣rous of Action, drew out of his Camp, and offer'd Pompey Battel. But that General had no such Design at present, either suspecting his Troops, or dreading the Loss of his Reputation; and therefore endeavour∣ed to waste Caesar's Army with Fatigue and want of Provisions. He drew indeed sometimes out of his Camp, but always kept himself under his Trenches, at the Foot of the advanc'd Ground where he was posted. Caesar cou'd not attack him in that Place without great Disadvantage, so that he resolv'd to decamp the next Day, that by frequent Motions he might weary out Pompey's Men, who were not so hardned to Toil and Labour as his. Upon the taking down of the Tents, Advice came that Pom∣pey's Army was in Battalia, and far enough from his Trenches; whereupon Caesar caus'd all his Troops to halt, and with extream Joy told 'em, That now was the happy and long-wish'd-for Moment, in which they might gain themselves immortal Honour. After which he drew up his Troops in order, and advanc'd with 'em towards the Place of Battel. Pompey on the o∣ther side was extreamly troubled with melancholy thoughts and presaging dreams, but now was no longer able to hold out against the Importunities and Mur∣murings

of his Officers, and therefore at present did what he cou'd to incourage 'em, particularly by tel∣ling 'em, That the Strength of his Cavalry, who had promis'd him to Attack the Enemy's Flanks before they cou'd discharge one Dart, was alone sufficient to gain the Vi∣ctory. Labienus seconded his Speech, adding withal, That this was not the Army that Caesar perform'd such Ex∣ploits in Gaul and Germany with, which were all gone home, kill'd with Diseases, or destroy'd at the last Battel at Dyrrachium. After which Labienus took a solemn Oath not to return into his Camp but with Victory; which Oath Pompey himself took, and the rest after him, not imagining that any thing cou'd be spoken vainly by so skillful a Commander.

Pompey's Army consisted of 45000 Foot, according to Plutarch, and 7000 Horse; Caesar's but of 22000 Foot, and not much above 1000 Horse; but Appian with some reason excepts the Auxiliaries, which he supposes to have been great on both Sides; tho' all agree that Pompey's Forces were double the Number to Caesar's. Pompey left seven Cohorts to guard his Camp, and drew up all his Men in three Lines, e∣very Legion making three Battalions, and each Bat∣talion was drawn up in half Cohorts, that is, 200 Men in Rank, and eight in File. The Syrian Legi∣ons were plac'd in the middle, under the command of Scipio; the Spaniards, whom Pompey most rely'd upon, on the Right, under Domitius Aenobarbus; and on the Left was Pompey himself, with the two Le∣gions Caesar had restor'd at the beginning of the War, under Lentulus. The rest were in the same Order between Scipio's Legions and the Wings; only the Auxiliary Troops, at least such as fought in Order, compos'd the Body of Reserve; for the others, they were drawn out without Order upon the Left, with the Archers, Slingers, and all the Cavalry, the Right being fortify'd by a River. Caesar left two Cohorts to guard his Camp, and drew up in three Lines

also, in the same Order with Pompey; the tenth Le∣gion was upon the Right, and the ninth upon the Left, almost joyn'd to the eighth. The rest of the Cohorts being drawn up between these Legions, were on the Centre, where Domitius Calvinus com∣manded, Sylla having the Right Wing, and Anthony the Left. Caesar put himself at the Head of the tenth Legion, whose Valour he had often experi∣enc'd, and with design to be opposite to Pompey, who intended to fall suddenly upon the Flanks of Caesar's Troops; but he soon perceiv'd it by the Or∣der of his Battel, and thereupon he drew six Cohorts out of all his Troops, of which he compos'd a Bo∣dy of Reserve. He exactly instructed them in their Duty; and above all, gave them to understand, That all the Hopes of Victory depended upon their Valour and Conduct alone. Lastly, he plac'd his Cavalry so as to cover the Right of the tenth Legion, ordering over and above his third Line not to march, till they re∣ceiv'd a Signal from him.

Now it was that the Fate of the vast Empire of Rome was to be decided by the greatest Generals, the bravest Officers, and the stoutest Soldiers in the World, each Man almost being inspir'd with the Desire of conquering Gloriously or dying Honoura∣bly. As the Armies approach'd, the two Generals went from Rank to Rank encouraging their Soldiers: Pompey represented to his Men, The Iustice and Me∣rit of his Cause; the Advantage of their Numbers, strengthen'd by the Assistance of so many Illustrious Senators; and the Glory lately obtain'd at the Battel of Dyrrachi∣um. Caesar was contented only to demonstrate, That he had endeavour'd by all possible Means to obtain an honou∣rable Peace; and if his Enemies had pleas'd, they might have spar'd the Blood of so many brave Men. So seeing the Impatience of his Soldiers to fall on, he gave the Signal of Battel; the Word on Pompey's side was, Hercules the Invincible; that on Caesar's, Venus the Victo∣rious.

There was now only so much Space between the two Armies as was just sufficient for the Place of Battel; but Pompey order'd his Men to receive the first Shock without moving from their Places. Caesar's Soldiers seeing that, like Men of Skill, of their own accord made a Halt in the midst of their Carrier; and after taking a little Breath, ran furiously upon the Enemy, first discharging their Javelins, then drawing their Swords, as Caesar had given 'em Or∣ders. Pompey's Men receiv'd the Charge without the least Disorder, and falling on with their Javelins and Swords, a cruel and bloody Battel ensu'd, which for some time seem'd equal. Then Pompey order'd his Cavalry to charge, which with the multitude of Ar∣chers and Slingers, soon oblig'd Caesar's Men to give ground, and got themselves upon the Flank of his Ar∣my, as they first design'd. Whereupon Caesar imme∣diately order'd the six Cohorts to advance, which were his Body of Reserve, to charge upon the Fa∣ces of the Enemy with their Pikes ported. This Contrivance disorder'd those nice and esseminate Knights; and the fear of spoiling their Faces, put 'em into such Confusion, that upon the Rallying of Cae∣sar's Cavalry, they were all broke in a Moment, and the Slingers and Archers being thus abandon'd, were all cut to pieces. Caesar industriously follow∣ing that Advantage, advanc'd and charg'd Pompey's Troops upon the Flank, which Charge they stood with great Resolution, and the Allies bravely defend∣ed themselves, when Caesar gave the Signal for his third Line to advance, which fresh Troops pouring in upon Pompey's, weary'd out, and attack'd on all Sides, easily broke 'em. The Flight began among the Strangers, tho' Pompey's Right Wing still vali∣antly maintain'd their Ground; but Caesar causing his Men to cry out, Kill the Strangers, but save the Romans, the Romans laid down their Arms, and receiv'd Quarter, but a miserable Slaughter was

made among the Strangers, who fled with all speed.

Caesar, now finding the Victory certain, and Pom∣pey retreated to his Trenches, cry'd out to his Men, That they ought to pursue the Victory, and take the Enemies Camp. It was now Noon-day, and tho' they were wearied out with the Extremity of the Heat, yet upon seeing their General march a-foot at the Head of 'em, they follow'd him with great Resolution, and falling on with fresh Courage, the Enemy all fled to the Mountains not far off. Pompey himself was so extreamly dishearten'd and confounded, that here he cou'd perform nothing worthy of his great Courage or Reputation, but getting on Horse-back, he fled to Larissa, and from thence to the Sea. Cae∣sar found throughout the Camp much rich Furni∣ture in the Tents, Tables spread with fine Linen, and Cubbords cover'd with Plate, which sufficiently shew'd the Luxury and Assurance of the Enemy. Caesar earnestly desir'd his Soldiers, Not to amuse them∣selves with Plunder, but to compleat this glorious Victory; and by means of the great Respect they bore him, he prevail'd. So a Trench was immediately thrown up about the Mountain where the Enemy was re∣treated, who, wanting Water, were forc'd to quit it, and retire to Larissa. Caesar immediately follow'd 'em with four Legions, and after six Miles March, drew up in Battalia, which caus'd the Enemy to be∣take themselves to a high Hill, at the Foot of which ran a River. Now, Night approaching, Caesar's Men were almost spent, and ready to faint with the incessant▪ Toil of the whole Day; yet still by his obliging Persuasions, he prevail'd with 'em to cut off the Conveniency of Water from the Enemy by a Trench. This immediately forc'd 'em to a Capi∣tulation, only some Senators made their Escape in the Dark. The next Morning Caesar order'd all the Enemy to come down into the Plain and lay down

their Arms, which they obey'd, and falling upon their Knees before him, in the most suppliant Po∣sture, begg'd for Mercy, which he granted 'em with all the Clemency and Kindness imaginable, and com∣manded his Soldiers not to offer 'em the least Incivi∣lity, nor plunder their Baggage. Thus Caesar, by his wonderful Skill and Courage, and by the inde∣fatigable Industry of his Soldiers, obtain'd the most compleat, tho' not the most bloody, Victory that e∣ver General in the World did, 15000 of the Enemy being slain in Battel, and 24000 surrender'd, he him∣self losing a very inconsiderable Number.

In the mean time, the great Pompey, who just be∣fore had been the glorious Commander of Kings, and all the Greatness and Magnificence of Rome, now found himself reduc'd to seek Retreat with some few of his Friends in a poor Fisherman's Cab∣bin: From whence he went aboard another Vessel, and made forward every Day as much as he cou'd; but the ungrateful Sound of his Defeat still flew be∣fore him, which so dejected and confounded him, that he cou'd not think of any thing that might be serviceable to him. His Assurance of Victory made his Defeat most intolerable, leaving him naked and disarm'd of all Relief: And his Misfortunes had so in∣faturated his Mind, that he could not so much as use those Advantages he had still by Sea, where he had a powerful and victorious Fleet. He sail'd first to Amphipolis, then to Lesbos, where he took his Wife, who bitterly complain'd of the ill Destiny which allid her to Crassus first, and afterwards to Pompey, only to cause the Ruine of two such Illustrious Families. Pompey from thence directed his Course to Aegypt, where King Ptolemy, a Minor, was in War with his Sister Cleopatra, whose Father Pompey had setled in his King∣dom. Pompey sent to him, That in regard of the anci∣ent Hospitality and Amity between him and his Father, he desir'd a Retreat of him in Alexandria, and that by

his Wealth and Power he wou'd support him, now fallen into the utmost Misery and Calamity. The Message was well enough receiv'd, but such as were Protectors of the King, and Guardians of the Kingdom now in his Minority, either induc'd by the Fear of the Armies being gain'd by Pompey, many of 'em having been his Soldiers, or else despising the lowness of his Fortune, gave a civil Answer openly to the Messengers, and desir'd him to come to the King: But secretly plot∣ting among themselves, sent Achillas, a principal Commander and of great Boldness, together with Septimius a Roman Tribune, to kill him. They met him with much Civility, and Pompey knowing Septimius to have led a Company under him in his War against the Pirates, went aboard a little Bark, with a few of his Soldiers, and there was bar∣barously and treacherously murther'd by Achillas and Septimius, his Wife and Friends flying with what sail they cou'd make. His Head being cut off, they left the Body on the Shoar, which was carefully taken up by Philip his Freed-Man, who gathering up some Pieces of a Broken Boat for a Pile, was surpiz'd by an old Roman Soldier of Pompey's, residing in Ae∣gypt: Who art thou, said he, that art making these sad Preparations for the great Pompey's Funeral? Philip an∣swer'd him, One of his Freed-Men. Ab, reply'd he, thou shalt not have all this Honour to thy self, but suffer me to partake in an Action so Iust and Sacred; that among all the Miseries of my Exile, I may please my self in ha∣ving the Honour to touch the Body, and assist at the Funeral of the greatest and noblest Soldier that Rome ever produc'd. After which they gave him the last Rites, the Sad∣ness of which Ceremony was very peculiar.

Such was the End, and such the Funeral of Pom∣pey the Great, who after his escaping so many me∣morable and eminent Dangers, where he might have fall'n with the Honour agreeable to the Greatness of his Character, came at last to lose his Life misera∣bly

by the Hands of three or four Villains; he be∣ing now in the 58th Year of his Age. This happened near two Years after his Breach with Caesar, and this cut off the second Head of the Triumvirate, and made way for Caesar's Absolute Power soon after; and this hapned in the 706th Year of the City, A. M. 3957, about 12 Years after the beginning of the Triumvirate, and 46 before our Saviour's Na∣tivity.

CHAP. III.

From the Death of Pompey, to the Death of Caesar; which finish'd the Power of the first Triumvirate, but still kept down the Con∣sular State.

Containing the space of nigh four Years.

I. THUS Successful was Caesar in all his Actions,* 1.294 especially in the last, which Advantage here∣solv'd to pursue to the utmost; and knowing that all his Enemies Hopes were lodg'd in the Person of Pompey, he follow'd him with his usual Diligence: And as tho' Fortune was resolv'd never to forsake him, Cassius retreating into Asia with a Fleet of 60 Sail, fell in among Caesar's little Barks he had pro∣vided for his Troops; and tho' he might easily have ruin'd Caesar, yet Caesar's Presence and Behaviour so over-aw'd him, that he immediately surrender'd himself with all his Navy. Caesar shortly after ar∣riv'd at Alexandria with two Legions and 800 Horse, in ten Galleys of Rhodes, and a few Ships of Asia, ordering the rest of his Men to follow. Tho' these

Forces were very inconsiderable, the Legions being reduc'd to 3200 Men, yet the Confidence he had in his Victories, and the high Reputation they had gain'd him, made him believe that he shou'd meet with Obedience where-ever he cou'd find Men. Upon his landing at Alexandria, he was entertain'd with the News of the Death of Pompey, whose Head was presented to him, and his Ring which he us'd for his Signet. This mournful Spectacle im∣mediately reviv'd the Thoughts of his former Friend∣ship, which with the sad Imagination of the fatal Misfortunes that attend the greatest Men, drew Tears from his Eyes, and made him turn away his Face with Horrour, keeping the Ring, and send∣ing away the Messenger in a Moment. He after∣wards to shew his Respect to this great Man, caus'd a magnificent Sepulchre to be built by the Place where he was murder'd, with a Temple which he call'd The Temple of Wrath.

Caesar upon his entry into Alexandria, having his Axes and Fasces carry'd before him as Consul, the Multitude were much offended, as they were at his Landing, crying out, That the King's Authority was diminish'd; which occasion'd Caesar to give Orders for other Legions, which were enroll'd for Pompey's Service, to be brought to him out of Asia. In the mean time, as an Argument of his Confidence, he made great Entertainments, and assisted at the Con∣ferences of Philosophers, who were in great Num∣bers within that City. But Photinus the Eunuch, who came to Alexandria with the young King, daily gave him fresh Marks of his Dissatisfaction and Intenti∣on of making use of Arms; till at length the Inso∣lence of this Person, and probably the Reputation of the admirable Beauty of Cleopatra, caus'd him to declare publickly, That the Controversie between the King and his Sister belong'd to the Cognisance of the People of Rome, and consequently to himself as Consul, and the

rather, because old Problemy by his Will had left his eldest Son and Daughter Heirs, and the People of Rome Execu∣tors. Upon this Account he intended to make up all Differences between 'em, and sent to 'em to have 'em rather to plead their Causes before him than to decide the Controversie by the Sword.

At this time Photinus had the Administration of the Kindgdom, and he disdain'd to come to Caesar's Proposals, but thereupon procur'd Acbillas to march directly to Alexandria at the Head of 22000 stout Men, many of 'em being Romans. This forc'd Cae∣sar to take great Care, after he had secur'd the King's Person, to secure himself in the Town, not being strong enough to stand 'em in the Field, and to cause his own Quarters to be strongly fortify'd, where, nevertheless, he was shortly after attack'd by Achil∣las. Caesar's Soldiers bravely repuls'd the Enemy, whose chief Design was to get Possession of the 50 Ships and 22 Galleys which were in the Haven, which oblig'd Caesar, after a long and doubtful Fight, to possess himself of the Pharos, a Tower of won∣derful Structure in an Islet just by, and to set Fire to those Vessels; the Flames whereof being driven by the Wind upon some Houses nigh the Port, burnt 'em down, and among 'em unhappily consum'd one of the best Libraries in the World, belonging to the Kings of Aegypt, and consisting, as some Authors report, of 700000 Volumes. The Port made Caesar Master by Sea, tho' he was close shut up by Land, and the People of the Town were generally against him. In the mean time the young Princess Cleopa∣tra came to Caesar with much Danger and Difficulty; she embark'd in a Shallp with only Apollodorus, one of her Domesticks, with whom she arriv'd that Night under the Castle of Alexandria, and there Ap∣pollodorus binding her up in a Packet of those Ne∣cessaries which he brought along with him, took her upon his Back, and by that means deceiving

the Aegyptian Guards, carry'd her to Caesar. Caesar was too sensible of the Charms of Beauty, not to be touch'd with those of Cleopatra, who was now in the Prime of her Youth, and one of those sprightly Beauties whereof every Feature had its par∣ticular Grace: All which, join'd with an admirable Wit, and a Voice so soft and bewitching, that even that Perfection alone, without the help of her Eyes, which were the finest in the World, inslav'd the Hearts of all who heard her; nor cou'd Caesar refuse her his, but at first sight shew'd himself of her In∣terest. Ptolemy her Brother quickly found it, and Caesar's Uneasiness in his Love, made the Inhabi∣tants more Turbulent; but he soon quell'd all, and as Consul and Tutor to the young Princess, in a ge∣neral Assembly he read the Will of Ptolemy their Fa∣ther, and promis'd to put it in Execution.

In the mean time Photinus was slain in the City by a Tumult, and Ganymedes the Eunuch, under pre∣tence of assisting Arsione, King Ptolemy's youngest Si∣ster, and by declaring her Queen, had caus'd A∣chilles to be slain, and procur'd himself to be made General of the Army, who assuming the said Au∣thority, continu'd the Siege with much Vigour, re∣duc'd Caesar to great Extremities by spoiling all his fresh Water, which he soon remedy'd by his extra∣ordinary Diligence, and digging abundance of Wells. Caesar began now to expect his Succours with Impa∣tience, and being inform'd that the 24th Legion was arriv'd on the Confines of Africk, but cou'd not come up by reason of the Winds, he embark••d with his whole Fleet, but with only his Mariners, and set forward to meet it. The Enemy knowing that he was without Soldiers, atrack'd him; but he soon worst∣ed 'em, join'd his Legion, and return'd to Alexan∣dria. This first Fight astonish'd the Alexandrians, nevertheless they resitted, and came against Caesar with a stronger Fleet than before, but were again

routed, and forc••d to fly under the Peer of Pharos. Caesar was only Master of the Tower, and making an Attack upon the Peer with some little Success, was nevertheless at last repuls••d with so much Dis∣order, that not being able to hinder his Soldiers from throwing themselves on Board his Ship, he sav••d himself by swimming, but with so much Presence of Mind, that he lost none of his Papers, which he held out of the Water with one Hand, to preserve 'em from wetting, nor yet his Coat Armour, which he carried in his Teeth.

The Alexandrians, finding they were not able by Force to drive out Caesar, had recourse to their old Arts of Dissimulation, demanding their King from him, pretending, That they were weary of the Command of Ganymedes and a Girl, and that were desirous of ma∣king Peace with the Romans under the Authority of their lawful Prince. Caesar was sensible of their perfidious Temper, but finding the War might be more ho∣nourable, and not much more dangerous, presently deliver••d him, who, as he expected, employ'd all his Forces against him. But at this time Mithridates of Pergamus, a Man of noble Birth, of brave Spirit, and great Fidelity to Caesar, came with an Army to Caesar's Assistance. He first took Pelusium by the Way, and went to pass the River Nile at a Place call••d Delta. Which Ptolemy being inform'd of, went in Person to oppose him, and Caesar did the same to assist Mithridates, who before the Arrival of either, had already beaten Ptolemy's Men in one Rencoun∣ter. Caesar also defeated others before he cou'd join Mithridates; after which he attack••d a small Fort between his Camp and that of Ptolemy, which he took, and the next day attack••d their very Camp, which he forc••d, and the King endeavouring to save himself by Water, was drown'd. After this Victory, Caesar met with no Opposition in all Aegypt, and the City of Alexandria was the first that sub∣mitted;

so he made his Entry as Conqueror, and pardon'd the Citizens in favour of Cleopatra, whom he establish'd Queen with her younger Brother Pto∣lemy, according to the Intent of their Father's Will, driving out Arsione and Ganymedes. The rest of the Days he staid in Aegypt, he dedicated to the Love he had for this beautiful Princess, and the Rejoy∣cings for his Victory. He spent much of his time in her Company, and some Authors report that he went up the Nile with her in a magnificent Gal∣ley, and that he had gone as far as A••thiopia, if his Army had not refus'd to follow him; but however, he afterwards gave such publick as well as private Testimonies of his A••••ection, that he left her with Child of a Son, whom he call••d Caesario.

II. About the beginning of the Alexandrian War, Caesar had great Honours voted him by the Senate at Rome, who were now most of ••em gather••d toge∣ther: He was made Consul for five Years together; Dictator for a whole Year, and had the Power of Tribune for his Life; and tho•• he was out of Italy, he took the Dictatorship,* 1.295 and made Marc Anthony his Master of the Horse, who as yet had not been Praetor•• Anthony at his six Months end, was forc••d to lay down his Office, and was made Consul, the Augurs crying it was unlawful for any Master of the Hor••e to hold that Office above six Months. But the princi∣pal Cause was his exercising too great an Authority in that Place; which with the outrageous Carriage of Trebellius and Dolabella, both Tribunes, rais••d great Commotions and Disturbances in the City. Cae∣sar's Presence was now much wanted, and he might have been far sooner at Rome, if Cleopa••ra had not held him fast by her Charms in Aegypt, which Hold she was at last forc••d to let go after nine Months, and give way to a greater Violence, which hurry••d him out of her Embraces. This proceeded from

Pharnaces, the Son of the great Mithridates, who had formerly been left King of ••osphorus, and being ambiti∣ous of Recovering of his Father's Dominions, he seiz'd Colchis with little trouble, and all Armenia in the Absence of Deict••••us the Tetrarch of that King∣dom, besides some other Places. Caesar being then employ••d in Aegypt, and hoping to reduce him by others, had sent 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Calvinius against him, with orders to receive all the Forces that were in Asia. Domitius joyn'd with Deiotarus and Ariobarzanes, march'd strait against Pharnaces, then at Nicopolis, which Place he had lately taken. Pharnaces affright∣ed at his Enemy, desir'd a Truce, which Domitius contemn'd, and resolving to fight, was considerably worsted in the Engagement.

Pharnaces, elevated with this Success, took in the rest of the Cities of Pon••us, and march'd into Bithy∣nia, hoping to meet with his Father's Fortune, but was stop'd in his Career by the Revolt of Asander, whom he had left in his Kingdom in Chief. He design'd to march against him, but was diverted by the News of Caesar•• s coming, who upon these Occa∣sions thought it not honourable to make any longer Stay in Aegypt. Pharnaces was much more terrify'd at the Name of Caesar than his Army, and as he ap∣proach'd, sent often to him about a Peace, labour∣ing by all Ways to evade the present Danger, alledg∣ing Caesar's pardoning of Deiotarus, who had been a greater Enemy to him than he, not doubting, but early to renew the War after his Departure. Caesar, suf∣ficiently apprehensive of his Designs, gave good Words to the Messengers, the first and second time, but at the third time, he objected, among other Crimes, His Ingratitude to Pompey his Benefactor; ad∣ding, That be receiv'd no less Satisfaction in pardoning of all private Injuries, than in revenging such as had been of∣fer'd to the Republick. And thereupon using all Expe∣dition, on one and the same Day he went and fought

the Enemy, who 〈◊〉〈◊〉 distress'd him with their Horses and Charious that bore Scythes, but the Ve∣teran Troops obtain••d the Victory in a few Hours; and Pharnaces himself flying, and endeavouring to break into Bosphorus, was repuls••d and slain by Asan∣der; the just End of a Person so rebellious to his Fa∣ther, and so ungrateful to his Friends. This Vi∣ctory being so sudden and effectual, made Caesar say, That Pompey was very happy in gaining so much Glory against this Enemy at so easie a Rate. And in writing to Anicius at Rome, he express'd the Celerity of this Expedition in three Words, Veni, Vidi, Vici: I came, I view'd, I vanquish'd. Caesar settled Affairs in these Parts as well as his time wou'd permit him; and after his bestowing the Government of Armenia upon Ario∣barzanes, that of Iudaea upon Hyrcanus and Antipater, and that of Bosphorus upon Mithridates, he embark'd and went into Italy with a Diligence which put all the World into Admiration.

III. Upon Caesar's Arrival in Italy,* 1.296 Cicero, and a great many others of Pompey's Party went out to meet him, and were receiv'd by him with the same Ci∣vility as if they had always been of his Interest. This courteous and obliging Behaviour so far gain'd him the Favour of the People of Rome, so that he easily appeas'd the Dissentions there, and the time of his Dictatorship being expir'd, he was chosen Consul with Aemilius Lepidus. He cou'd not find time to make any long stay at Rome, for the Remains of Pompey's Party had rally'd themselves in Africk un∣der Scipio and Cato, and Iuba King of Mauritania, which made him hasten thither, after he had ap∣peas'd some Mutinies among his own Soldiers, who insolently demanded their Rewards and their Dis∣charge; but upon Caesar's Presence, and his telling 'em, They shou'd not partake of the Honour of the Afri∣can Expedition, they submitted, so as to offer them∣selves

to be decimated. Caesar, after his usual Dili∣gence, landed in Africk with a small Party, but the re•••• soon after follow••d; he was in some Distress for want of Necessaries for a little time, but that he conquer••d with great Constancy. After many Move∣ments, and several Skirmishes and smaller Battels be∣tween both Parties, in which Caesar was sometimes in great Danger, Caesar resolv'd to come to a deci∣sive Ba••tel if it were possible. In order to this De∣sign, he invested the City Tapsus, supposing that Sci∣pio wou'd attempt to relieve it, in which he was not mistaken; for Scipio joyning with King Iuba, and encamping near Caesar, they shortly after came to a ge∣n••••••l Battel, in which Caesar gave a final Defeat to all the Enemy's Forces, with little or no loss on his side, and became Master of all their Bag and Baggage. Taplus, Adrumentum and Zama immediately surren∣der••d, Cato fled to Utica, and Iuba and Petreius kill'd one another in Despair, and all Iuba's Kingdom sub∣mitted to the Government of Rome. Sitius, one of Caesar's Lieutenants, shortly after encounter'd Afrani∣us and Sylla, as they were going for Spain, defeat∣ed their Forces and took 'em Prisoners, after which they were both kill••d in a Mutiny. Scipio himself and several Senators being embark••d for Spain, were driven upon Sitius's Fleet, where they all were slain by their Enemies, or by themselves.

Of the Generals of P••mpey's Party, Cato was only remaining, who had retreated to Utica, where he had establish••d a kind of Senate, compos'd of 300 Romans. He was at first resolv'd to hold out the Town, but finding the Minds of the Inhabi••ants much divided, he quitted that Design for another more agreeable to his Character and Philosophical Opinions. He desir'd his Friends, some to save themselves by Sea, and others to relie upon Caesar's Goodness, and embracing them with a more than ordinary Tenderness that Night, his Discourses to

'em being about Morality, where he defended that Maxim, That the Vertuous were only happy and free, but wicked Men were always miserable and Slaves. His Sons, suspecting his Intentions, at Supper took his Sword from him, which he miss'd not when he a∣rose, but lying down in his Bed read Plato's Dia∣logue call'd Phaedo, concerning the Immortality of the Soul. Then missing his Sword, he was very angry and dissatisfy'd till it was brought him; then feeling the Point, he laid it by him, saying, I am Master of my self. He then took his Book again, which he had read twice over, and fell into a sound Sleep; but just as Day began to appear, he took his Sword, and thrust himself through the Breast, which not despatching him, he staggering fell upon his Bed, and at the same time threw down a Ta∣ble upon which he had drawn some Geometrical Fi∣gures. At the Noise of this his Slaves came in, and with their Cries also brought his Sons and Friends, who found him weltring in his Blood, and his Bow∣els out of his Body: His Eyes were yet open, which caus'd his Physician to ease him upon his Bed; then putting up his Bowels, which were yet unhurt, he clos'd up the Wound. Upon this, Cato recover••d his Spirits, and being transported with Fury, thrust back the Physician, rent open his Wound again, and tearing his Bowels, expir'd before their Eyes. Thus dy'd Cato, a Person of singular Justice, Seve∣rity, and Magnanimity; upon the hearing of whose Death, Caesar said, Cato has e••vy••d me the Glory of sa∣ving his Life, and therefore do I envy his Death; design∣ing, as was thought, to have conquer••d him by his Kindness and Generosity: His Death compleatly fi∣nish'd Caesar's War in Africk.

Africk being entirely reduc'd to Subjection, Cae∣sar return'd to Rome to triumph for all his Victories; and first to obtain the Favour of the People, he gave 'em to understand, That his last Victory had gain••d

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the Commonwealth of Rome a Country so large and rich, that it cou'd yearly furnish the City with 200000▪ Bushels of Corn, and 3000000 Pounds of Oil. After this, he or∣der'd the Preparations for his Triumph upon four successive Days; the first design'd for the Triumph over Gaul, shew'd in a great many Tables the Names of 300 Nations and 800 Cities, conquer'd by the Death of a Million of Foes, whom he had defeated in several Battels. The second Triumph was over Aegypt. The third shew'd the Defeat of Pharnaces in Asia. And the fourth that of King Iuba in A∣frick; which Triumphs were over Foreigners, not Romans. Here was the utmost Shew of Magnifi∣cence, and all the Roman Soldiers follow'd their great General crown'd with Laurels, and in that Equi∣page he went to the Capitol, the Steps whereof he mounted upon his Knees, forty Elephants being rang'd on each Side, carrying great Candlesticks, fill'd with Flambeaus. The Silver Vessels, and Sta∣tues of Goldsmith's Work, which were us'd in these Triumphs, amounted to 65000 Talents, which is above twelve Millions of our Money, besides 1822 Crowns of Gold, weighing•• 15033 l. which were Presents that the Princes and Cities had made him after his Victories, according to the Customs of those Times. Out of these Summs he paid his Soldiers, besides what he had promis••d them in the beginning of the Civil Wars. To every one 150 Pounds of our Money, as much more to the Centurions, and twice as much as that to the Tribunes and Com∣manders of the Cavalry; and for their Retreat after the Wars, he gave them Inheritances in several Places separated from Italy. The People also were sensible of his Bounty, for he distributed to each particular Person ten Bushels of Corn, and ten Pounds of Oil, and added 100 Denarii to the 300 he had promis'd 'em before. Atfer this he nobly entertain'd the whole People at 22000 several Tables,

and that nothing might be wanting to the Pomp and Magnificence of these Feasts, he caus'd 2000 Gladiators to fight before the People, and made Re∣presentations of Sea and Land-Fights of four or five Thousand Men of a side, besides all sorts of Plays and Shows. These Entertainments drew so many People to Rome, that the greatest part of 'em were forc'd to lie in the open Air, and a great ma∣ny were stif••ed in the Press; among the rest, two Senators.

Many great Honours were after this conferr'd upon Caesar, among which, was that of Master of Manners; as if the Name of Censor was too mean, for three Years; all joyning to shew their great For∣wardness in preferring him, some out of Love and Respect, others out of Fear and Flattery: And in∣deed many began to dread the Severities of Marius and Sylla; but Caesar's extraordinary Civility to both Parties, and the Greatness of his Nature, in a great measure freed 'em from any such Fears. He began now to settle the Common-wealth, and make ma∣ny new Laws: He committed the Power of Judi∣cature to the Senators and Equites alone; and both by Laws, and his own Care, he restrain'd the pro∣fuse Way of Living of rich Persons. And because the City was manifestly exhausted, by reason of Multitudes quitting it, he propos'd Rewards to all such as had many Children. Then considering that by his long Command in Gaul, he himself had Op∣portunity of establishing an extraordinary Power, by a Law he ordain'd, That no Praetor shou'd Com∣mand above a Year in his Province, nor a Consul a∣bove two Years after the Expiring of his Office. Moreover, to shew that nothing shou'd escape his Care, he undertook to regulate the Roman Year, which was at this time very much confounded; and tho' Numa, the second King of Rome, had bestow'd much Pains about it, yet still the Reckoning accord∣ing

to Lunar Months, and the odd eleven Days and a quarter, caus'd a great many Inconveniencies. Whereupon Caesar, after his consulting the most able Astronomers, being also himself very well instructed in that Science, whereof he had written, regulated the Year according to the Course of the Sun, allot∣ting to each Year 365 Days, and adding one Day more every fourth Year, which was call'd the Bis∣sextile; and this is the Method which we to this Day follow, and goes still by the Name of the Iu∣lian Account and the Old Stile, whereas the New Stile is call'd the Gregorian Account. In this same Year flourish'd Catullus the Poet, one of the principal Epi∣grammatists of all the Romans.

IV. While Caesar was thus employ'd in the Affairs of the Common-wealth, the two Sons of Pompey had fortify'd themselves in Spain; and as the People still passionately affected the Memory of their Fa∣ther, they soon gather'd together a powerful Army; they also had very good Officers, and among the rest Labienus, which oblig'd Caesar to go in Person to oppose their Proceedings; tho' not without some Unwillingness, by reason that his beloved Mistress Cleopatra was now at Rome. He was now just made Consul again,* 1.297 and likewise Dictator for another Year; and Lepidus, who was Consul with him, he chose for his Master of the Horse. Caesar proceeded in his Expedition with his wonted Vigour and Celerity, and arriv'd in Spain before the Enemy so much as imagin'd it. Cneius, the eldest of the two Pompey's, had laid Siege to the City of Ulla, and Sextus the younger Brother was in Corduba with a strong Garri∣son. Caesar, to raise the Siege, and to give some Jealousie to Cneius, advanc'd towards Corduba, which occasion'd him to raise the Siege before Ulla, and come and oppose Caesar; but Caesar finding he cou'd not draw him to a Battel, went and invested Atteg∣na,

a Place of great Importance, and full of Provi∣sions. This Siege lasted some considerable time, and the Pompeys endeavour'd to throw in Succours into the Town, but in vain, till at last it was constrain'd to eapitulate. Caesar being Master of this, several o∣ther Places submitted to him; and the Pompeys march∣ing up and down, and fearing the rest shou'd re∣volt, were resolv'd to come to a general Battel, their Army being now encamp'd in the Plains of Munda, and Caesar's not far distant.

Both Generals were equally impatient to come to an Ingagement, so that Cneius drew up his Men by Break of Day, well posting himself upon a Hill, and the Exactness of their Order shew'd his Troops to great Advantage, especially his Cavalry, who were very well arm'd. Caesar with great Art drew up his Troops likewise, and after he had advanc'd a little Distance from his Trenches, made a Halt, expecting the Enemy to come down from the Hill. This Delay made Caesar's Soldiers begin to murmur, and so incourag'd those of Cneius, that they advanc'd upon the declining part of the Hill; so both sides gave a Shout, and the Battel began. This was extraordinary Sharp and Dreadful on both sides, those on Caesar's side were extreamly incited by the Hopes of putting an End to all their Labours by this Battel, and those on Pompey's side fought out of Necessity and Desperation, most of 'em expecting no Pardon, as having their Lives formerly given 'em, when they had been overthrown with Afranius and Petreius. The first Shock was manag'd on both sides with so much Courage, that Caesar's Men, who had been almost always us'd to Conquer, found here a Stop put to their Fierceness; the Battel continu'd for many Hours very obstinate, and Caesar was never in so great Danger as now; he threw himself seve∣ral times with great Rage and Fury amongst the midst of the Enemy, crying out to his Men, and

asking 'em, If they were not asham'd to deliver him into the Hands of Boys? So well did he encourage them by his Speeches, but much more by a thousand brave and noble Actions which he perform'd himself; that at last with much Difficulty and a long Time, he overthrew the Enemy, and kill'd 30000 upon the Spot. This Battel was so fierce and dangerous, that Caesar often said, That all other Places he fought for his Glory, but at Munda for his Life.

All his Ensigns were taken, and Varus and Labienius slain in the Battel. Cneius with 150 Horse escap'd to Carteia, from whence, thinking to save himself by Sea, he was forc'd by Didius, Caesar's Lieutenant, to return to Land, and being besieg'd within a Tower, was attack'd so vigorously, that he was forsaken by his People, and slain in a Cave where he had hid himself. But his Brother Sextus escaping from Cor∣duba, so well conceal'd himself, that Caesar cou'd not find him. All Spain immediately submitted to Caesar, and he exacted great Contributions from all the Enemies Cities, under Pretence of punishing their Rebellion. After which he return'd to Rome with great Joy and Satisfaction, that he had at last brought under Submission that Common-wealth which gave Laws to the greatest part of the World. He enter'd Rome in Triumph, but this Triumph was by no means attended with any joyful Acclamations of the People, who were much concern'd to see the Memory of their belov'd Pompey insulted over, and the Race almost extirpated of one of the greatest Men in Rome. But Caesar did it the rather upon the Account of bringing the Roman Dominions into Peace and Subjection, and the perfect finishing the Civil War; which, tho' it continu'd not much above four Years, had been so destructive to the Roman People, that at a Census just before Caesar's last Expedition, there were found but one hundred and fifty thousand Heads of Families in

Rome, whereas in that Lustrum before, there were three hundred and twenty thousand.

V. Caesar had now rais'd himself far above all Ro∣mans, and above all Mortals in that Age, by his wonderful Acts, having subdu'd and conquer'd the best Parts of the World, in almost as short a time as others cou'd reasonably travel those Countries. And now the Senate again began to conferr new Honours upon him, and those greater than ever: They made him Dictator in perpetuum,* 1.298 Consul for Ten Years, subjected all Magistrates, even Plebeian, to his Power; and ordain'd that he alone shou'd command the Armies, and raise Money, which made him Sovereign Prince or King in effect. Among other Titles he had that of Deliverer given him, and so was enter'd in the Fasti, and a Temple erected to Liberty; but above all,* 1.299 that of Imperator, not in that sense as Generals were wont to have it given 'em by their Soldiers after some worthy Exploit, but as it signify'd the greatest Authority in the Common-wealth. From this Iulius was deriv'd the Name of Imperator or Emperour, as likewise that of Caesar to his Successours▪ and this was the first beginning of the Imperial State of Rome, tho' it was not perfectly set∣led till some Years after. Caesar was likewise made Censor for his Life time, so that now most of the Magistracies seem'd to centre in him. As for the Consulship, he divested himself of that for a certain time, and created Fabius and Trebonius Consuls for the rest of the Year, of whom it happen'd that Fabius dy'd the last Day of his Magistracy, and Caesar sub∣stituted Canivius for the remaining Hours; where∣upon Cicero jestingly writ in one of his Epistles, That during the Consulship of Canivius, not a Man din'd; yet no Harm was committed in that time, for he was won∣derfully vigilant, and ne'er slept throughout his whole Con∣sulship. From this time forward the Consulship grew∣cheaper,

and few held it a whole Year, especially, when all its Authority and ancient Dignity, was, in a manner, swallow'd up by the Imperial Power soon after.

Thus Caesar had order'd the Consulship, but for other Magistrates he pretended he wou'd not con∣cern himself with 'em but leave 'em to the People to be nam'd, according to the ancient Custom; but it prov'd only a Pretence, for he made them him∣self, and sent 'em into the Provinces without the ancient Way of Sortition. In other Magistrates the same Number was observ'd; only the Praetors upon the account of the Largeness of the Roman Domini∣ons were encreas'd to sixteen,* 1.300 and the Quaestors to forty. Besides he had no other Way to gratifie those to whom he had made large Promises, and this caus'd him to admit many into the Senate with∣out Distinction, whether the Person was a Soldier or a Libertine by Original; so that the Number of the Senate,* 1.301 by this means, arose to nine hundred. Ma∣ny he also brought into the Ranks of Patritians, Consulares, and of those who had born other Offices; which became a Custom to those who were after∣wards Emperours. To his Friends he gave much a∣way both in Money and Lands, which was very pleasing to them who made their Designs; but o∣thers took it very hainously, and testify••d their Re∣sentments, either by Words or Libels. The Ma∣nagement of publick Money was now translated from the Quaestors to the Aediles, and afterwards re∣turn'd no more to 'em, but at length was commit∣ted to Persons of Praetorian Dignity.* 1.302 Six Aediles were also made, of which two were Patritians, call'd Curules, and four Plebeians.

For the following Year Caesar enter'd upon the Consulship again with Anthony,* 1.303 who was likewise his Master of the Horse; and now he more closely apply'd himself to the Business of the Common∣wealth

than ever. He first took care to pardon all such as had been in Arms against him, and greatly tax'd the Cruelty of Sylla, and thereby obtain'd as great a Name for Clemency, as before he had for Valour. Then, to shew his generous Temper, he caus'd Pompey's Statues to be set up again, to shew that he esteem'd a great Soul and a magnanimous Spirit even in his greatest Enemy; which occasi∣on'd Cicero to observe in his Writing, That Caesar by restoring Pompey's Statues secur'd his own. In this se∣cond Iulian Year, his Collegue Anthony procur'd by a Law, that the Month Quintilis shou'd in honour of his Name, be afterwards call'd Iuly; and many o∣ther Laws were made. In the mean time, as he was no ways belov'd by those who were greatest in the Senate; tho' his Ordinances had no other Design than the publick Good, they forbore not to vili••ie him by their Raileries. Now, tho' Caesar had Infor∣mation of their several Discourses, he bore it all with so great a Moderation, that when some other Peo∣ple had yet the Boldness to violate his Reputation by Libels, he never so much as enquir'd after them. All his Designs shew'd the Greatness of his Soul; he made a Proposition for adorning of the City of Rome with a magnificent Temple consecrated to Mars, and with a Theatre, and likewise the building of a new Curia or Parish to be call'd Iulia. He rebuilt Carthage and Corinth, sending Colonies to both Ci∣ties: He undertook to level several Mountains in Italy, to drein the Pontine Marshes near Rome, and to empty the Lakes, Works of prodigious Charge; and likewise design'd to dig through the Isthmus of Peloponnesus by Corinth. After these, he design'd an Expedition against the Parthians, to revenge the death of Crassus, and they being conquer'd, to enter thro' Hircania, along the Banks of the Caspian Sea into Scythia, to open himself a Way through Germany in∣to Gaul, and so return to Rome: But all these vast

Designs soon came to an End, enjoying his Sove∣reign Authority but five Months.

Caesar's good Fortune, which had appear'd by so many Victories, his Merit and great Abilities, sup∣ported by the Affection of the People, and the Love of his Soldiers, had now rais'd him to a Degree a∣bove all other Romans. But as it usually happens in Common-wealths, where overy one valuing himself upon his own Merit, looks upon absolute Command as a Right which he one Day in his Turn may pre∣tend to; so it was now, for that his extraordinary Advancement daily brought upon him the Jealousie of the Senators. In the mean time, in an extrava∣gant manner they continually flatter'd his Vanity with new Honours, preferring him in his Life time in some sort among the Gods, and declaring his Person Sacred and Inviolable. They gave him the Title of Father of his Country, stamp'd Money with his Image, order'd publick Sacrifices on his Birth∣day, and his Statue to be set up in all Cities and in all the Temples at Rome. Some Authors have reported, that he procur'd these Honours by his Authority, others, that they were freely bestow'd upon him. However his accepting of all that was offer'd him, caus'd him much Hatred from many, which was discover'd more plainly one Day when the Senate had decreed him some new Honours, and came all in a Body to the Temple of Venus, where he was, to acquaint him with their Decree; and he, whether out of a Mistake or Design, rose not up, but receiv'd 'em sitting; which Neglect much offended the Senators, and caus'd 'em to talk very freely and publickly about it, particularly say∣ing, That he plainly affected the Title of King: He had indeed the Power in effect, but only wanted the Name, which was odious to the Romans. Caesar, who well knew the Effects of that Aversion, very cautiously defended himself from that Odium; and

one Day, when some People call'd him Lord and King, he made Answer, That he was Caesar. Never∣theless, he often let some Discourses fall, which much promoted the Belief People had of his Ambi∣tion; particularly, That a Republick was nothing but a meer Name and Notion, and that Sylla had discovered great Ignorance in laying down the Office of Dictator.

Caesar shortly after gave a fresh Occasion of Suspi∣cion to the People, by his displacing the Tribunes for imprisoning some Persons who had put Diadems up∣on his Statues. And by another Instance soon after he still more plainly perceiv'd the Affections of the People, at the Celebration of the Feasts call'd Lu∣percalia, where he himself assisted at the Show, seat∣ed upon a Tribunal in a Chair of Gold, and his Triumphal Ornaments. Anthony passing through the People, who open'd to make him way, went up to the Tribunal, and presented a Crown to Caesar; some clapp'd their Hands as if they approv'd of it, but when Caesar put the Crown back, there was a general Applause: Anthony offer'd it a second time, but still with as little Marks of Satisfaction from the People; Caesar again refus'd it, which was follow'd with loud Acclamations on all sides. Caesar, who had laid this Design before, now plainly understood their Senti∣ments, and thereupon rising, commanded the Crown to be carry'd to the Capitol; nevertheless he was so concern'd, and so little Master of his Disorder, that he said that Night to his Friends, That he wou'd freely offer his Throat to any Man that wou'd cut it. And tho' he had a thousand Testimonies of the Hatred he lay under, he so abandon'd himself to his Designs, that from this Moment he neglected all manner of Means of securing himself against his Enemies. When he was advis'd by some not to trust Brutus too far, he open'd his Breast, saying, Do you believe that Brutus cares for such poor Pillage as this? He was sometimes heard to say, That he had rather die once by

Treason, that to be so miserable as always to live in fear of it. And at another time, That the Republick had more Interest in his Preservation than himself; that he had gain'd Glory and Power enough, but after his Death, the Common-wealth wou'd be more harass'd with Civil Wars then ever it had been. And one Day being at Supper with Lepidus, as his Friends disputed among them∣selves what Death was easiest, he reply'd to 'em, That which is most sudden and least foreseen. He disband∣ed his Company of Spanish Guards, and contented himself with the Protection of his Friends, which Proceeding of his much facilitated an Enterprize up∣on his Life soon after.

The Design upon Caesar's Life was carry'd on with extraordinary Caution and Secrecy, tho' above three∣score Senators enter'd into this Conspiracy, the Principal whereof was Brutus, whose Life Caesar had sav'd after the Battel of Pharsalia, and Cassius, both Praetors at this time: The Name of Brutus had been famous in Rome ever since. Brutus the first Con∣sul, under the Foot of whose Statue was found written, Wou'd to Heaven thou wert alive, and certain Billets were thrown into the Praetor's Tribunal, in these Words, Brutus, thou art asleep, and not a true Brutus. Cassius was Author of most of these things, and he hated Caesar upon several Accounts, particu∣larly for his naming Brutus the eldest Praetor, when he was above him in Age, and for his hindring him from giving a Publick Show to the People. His Behaviour towards Caesar gave him sufficient Reasons to suspect him; and when his Friends advis'd him to beware of Anthony and Dolabella, he told 'em, That it was not those persum'd and plump Sparks that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 distrusted, but those pale and meagre Gentlemen. Never∣theless he still prepar'd for his Expedition against the Parthians, and caus'd sixteen Legions to march, and 10000 Horse for his Passage into Asia. He de∣sign'd to depart four Days after, when the Conspi∣rators

spread a Report, That according to the Sy∣bill's Oracles, the Parthians cou'd not be overcome but by a King; and upon this Pretence Cotta was to propose the giving him that Title to the Senate. Cas∣sius took this Occasion to go and visit Brutus, de∣manding of him, If be wou'd be at the Senate-House when Caesar's Friends were to propose the declaring of him King? Brutus told him, that he wou'd be absent at that time. But, reply'd Cassius, suppose you are call'd thither? Then, answer'd Brutus, I shou'd think it my Duty to speak, oppose, yea and die too, rather than part with the Liberty of Rome. Ah, reply'd Cassius, what generous Roman wou'd suffer you to die for his Liberty? You are ignorant, Brutus, who you are, if you imagine that those Bil∣lets thrown into the Tribunal came from less than the most Illustrious and Bravest Men of Rome. From other Prae∣tors they demand Games, Shows, and Plays, but from you, whose very Name is a Terror to Tyrants, they cry for the Ruine and Downfal of Arbitrary Power, being ready to expose themselves to the utmost Hazards, in expectation of your auspicious Aid. After this Conversation they parted; and Brutus for some time after appear'd much discompos'd in his Thoughts, which occasion'd his Wife Porcia, being in Bed with him, earnestly to enquire the Reason of his Trouble. Brutus fear∣ing she wou'd disclose the Secret if urg'd to it by Torture, Porcia immediately wounded her self on the Thigh, and with a Masculine Courage let him see, That she fear'd no Torments, nor cou'd act any Thing below Cato's Daughter; by which means she learn'd the whole Design, and became one of the Conspi∣racy. The Name of Brutus, whose Person was much esteem'd, ingag'd a great many in the Con∣spiracy; so they resolv'd to put their Design in Exe∣cution upon the very Ides of March, and in the Hall of the Senate.

A great many Prodigies and Dreams foretold this Misfortune to Caesar, and Spurina, a famous Augur,

told him, That great Dangers threaten'd him upon the Ides of March. He dreamt the same Night, that he was carry'd above the Clouds, and that he shook Hands with Iove; and his Wife Calpurnia also dreamt, that her Husband was assassinated in her Arms, the Doors of the Chamber opening at the same time of their own Accord with much Noise. This last Accident somewhat confounded him, and his Wife by her Prayers and Tears, prevail'd so, that he wou'd not go abroad that Day. But ano∣ther Brutus, call'd Decimus, who was one of the Conspirators, tho' of the Number of his intimate Friends, caus'd him to change his Resolution, tel∣ling him, He was much expected at the Senate, and it wou'd be a great Shame for him not to venture out of Doors, but when it shou'd please Calpurnia to dream fa∣vourably: So Decimus carry'd him almost by Force out of his Lodgings, and as if every thing seem'd to contribute to his Destruction, a Slave, who came to give him Advice of the Conspiracy, cou'd not get up to him by reason of the Croud of People that surrounded him. Artimedorus his Host and Friend, having given him a Letter to the same pur∣pose, he mingl'd it without reading of it, among other Papers that were given him: And Lena, who was one of the Conspirators, entertaining him a consi∣derable time in private as he came out of his Lit∣ter; the others, who believ'd themselves discover'd, thought already of killing themselves with the Dag∣gers which they had under their Robes, when Lena quitting Caesar, and kissing his Hand, gave them to understand, that he thank'd him for some Favour which he came to obtain.

The Assembly of the Senate was at this time held in a Place which Pompey had built for that Purpose, and from thence was call'd the Court or Hall of Pom∣pey, where was to be seen his Statue in Marble, rais'd upon a Pedestal. Caesar, as he was entring, met Spu∣rina,

and smiling told him, The Ides of March were come; Yes, reply'd the Augur, but they are not past. As soon as he had taken his Place, the Conspirators mov'd towards him under Pretence of saluting him, and Tullius Cymber approach'd to ask Pardon for his Brother who was then in Exile: Caesar deferr'd the Matter, and put back Cymber, who press'd upon him so far as to take hold on both sides of his Robe; and when Caesar cry'd out, That this was Violence, Casca, who stood behind him, gave him the first Stab with a Poniard nigh the Shoulder, but the Weapon glan∣cing, the Wound was not Mortal. Caesar struck Casca through the Arm with his Dagger, crying out, Vile Traitor, what do you mean? Casca, on the other side, call'd his Brother, and Caesar wou'd have rais'd himself, but he receiv'd a mortal Wound in his Breast; and all the Conspirators charg'd upon him together with so much Fury, that many of 'em were wounded themselves. He nevertheless made great Resistance, rushing and leaping among 'em like a Lion, till perceiving Brutus with his Dagger in his Hand, he struggled no more, but cry'd, What, my Son Brutus, and thou too? Then covering his Face with his Robe, and drawing his Skirts down to his Knees, that he might fall decently, he sunk down at the Foot of Pompey's Statue, having receiv'd three and twenty Wounds, and the rest of the Senate looking on with Wonder and Amazement, not be∣ing able to assist him.

Thus fell the great Iulius Caesur in the 56th Year of his Age, in the Court of Pompey, and at the Feet of Pompey's Statue; a Person of the greatest Soul, the most magnanimous Spirit, and of the most won∣derful Accomplishments and Abilities, that Rome, or perhaps, the World ever saw; whether we consider him in his Care and Vigilance, in his Valour and Con∣duct, or in his Knowledge and Learning; all which noble Qualities made him belov'd and reverenc'd by

the People, honour'd and ador'd by his Friends, and esteem'd and admir'd even by his Enemies. And set∣ting aside his Ambition, which was the Fault of the Times as well as his Temper, he was never much or justly tax'd with any great Vice but that of Women. His Death put an end to the first Triumvirate, or ra∣ther the Power occasion'd by the first Triumvirate, but did not re-establish the Consular Authority, nor restore the Liberty of the Common-wealth, but oc∣casion••d its Ruine shortly after, with as great Miseries as Rome ever suffer'd. It hapned in the 710th Year of the City, A. M. 3961, about 16 Years after the beginning of the Triumvirate, and 42 before our Sa∣viour's Nativity.

CHAP. IV.

From the Death of Caesar, to the Defeats and Deaths of Brutus and Cassius, by the second Triumvirate, Octavius, Anthony, and Lepidus; which ruin'd all the Remains of the Common-wealth.

Containing the space of above two Years.

I. UPon the Death of Caesar,* 1.304 so great a Confusion and Disorder hapned among the Senate and People of Rome, that the Conspirators soon perceiv'd that their Fact was not like to meet with the general Approbation which some expected. All the Sena∣tors, who were not Accomplices, fled with such Haste and Precipitation from the Assembly, that some of 'em were in Danger of their Lives as they press'd

out of Doors; and the People, alarm'd at the News, left all their several Employments, ran tumultuously about all parts of the City, some for Information, some for Safety, and others for Plunder. Which Disturbances caus'd the Conspirators all to retire to the Capitol, to which they were guarded by a con∣siderable Number of Gladiators belonging to Deci∣mus Brutus: What they gave out to justifie themselves to the People was Liberty; but that Pretence was not much regarded by them, for they had been so us'd to submit of late, and were so chang'd from their ancient jealous and vigorous Temper, that they much more dreaded the Effects of Poverty than Subjection. Anthony now Consul, and Lepidus, were extreamly enrag'd at Caesar's Death, and were resolv'd to re∣venge it to the utmost; therefore the latter immedi∣ately got to a Legion of his just by, and led 'em in∣to the Campus Martius, where Anthony, as Consul, commanded 'em. This much surpriz'd the Conspi∣rators, and put 'em upon sending Deputies to Antho∣ny and Lepidus, desiring 'em, To consider the sad Conse∣quences of a Division at this time; that no Hatred to Cae∣sar's Person had put them upon that Design, but only their hearty Loves to their Country, which had already been so drain'd by Civil Wars, that any new Disunion must carry off the miserable Remainder; that they believ'd them also too generous to let any particular Hatred transport them to the Prejudice of the Publick. Anthony began to consider, that Decimus, who was now Governour of the Hith••r Gaul, might fall upon him with a powerful Army, therefore he resolv'd to gain what Time he cou••d, and endeavour to get over Decimus's Soldiers; and for that reason return'd Answer, That tho' their Ho∣nours and their Oaths had engag'd 'em to revenge Caesar's Death, and tho' they thought it more honourable to live without Reproach among a few good Men, than to draw upon themselves the Miseries due to Falshood; yet they were not obstinate, but were content to have the Se∣nate

assembl'd, that they might be govern'd by so many il∣lustrious and discerning Persons: Which Answer was receiv'd with much Satisfaction.

The Senate was immediately call'd, where a great many Debates arose, and several Opinions were urg'd, which at last terminated in this, That they had but two things to chuse, either to declare Caesar a Tyrant, or that his Murderers stood in need of Pardon. Anthony industriously oppos'd the former, urging, That if the Memory of Caesar were condemn'd, all his Orders ought to be cancell'd; and that wou'd be in Effect to proclaim so ma∣ny Illustrious Men as he had rais'd, unworthy of their Ho∣nours; which, besides drawing upon themselves the Contempt of other Nations, wou'd infallibly turn to the Confusion of the Common-wealth. After many violent Heats and Disturbances in the House, and great Tumults at the Doors, the Senate at last pass'd an Act of Oblivion for all what was past, and ratify'd Caesar's Ordinan∣ces; with this Reason enter'd, Because it was requisite for the Good of the Common-wealth. This Act of Obli∣vion brought Matters to a more peaceable Posture; but Anthony finding the People much discontented, resolv'd to pursue his Revenge upon the Conspirators, tho' he was seemingly reconcil••d to 'em. The next Day therefore he order'd Caesar's Will to be publick∣ly read before the Body of the People, which he knew wou'd have a considerable Influence upon 'em; which Danger the Conspirators had been so sensible of, that they us'd their utmost Endeavours to hinder its being read. In the Will it appear'd that Octavius the Grandson of Iulia, Caesar's Sister, was adopted to take upon him his Name, and constituted Heir of three parts in four of all his Estate, and Pinarius and Pedius of the other fourth Part. To the Roman People he left the Gardens which he had on the o∣ther side of the Tiber, and to every Citizen, in par∣ticular, a certain Summ of Money. Among his se∣cond Heirs, who were to inherit in case of Morta∣lity

he substituted Decimus Brutus, one of the Conspira∣tors. Several others also who had dipp'd their hands in his Blood, were nam'd for Guardians for his Son, in case he had left one. These Tokens of Caesar's Goodness, and his great Affection for the People, began to move the Multitude extreamly; but Brutus's being an Heir provok'd the Indignation of the whole Assembly.

Immediately after this, Caesar's Body was brought forth with extraordinary Pomp and Solemnity, be∣ing born by some of the most. Illustrious of the Se∣nate: It was set down in the middle of the Forum, with a Guard of Soldiers; in which Place was ere∣cted a little Temple of gilded Wood according to the Model of that of Venus; and in this Temple was a Bed of Ivory, magnificently adorn'd with Curtains of Gold and Purple Trophies, and the Robe that he wore when he was assassinated. All the People ran hastily to see this Sight, weeping and lamenting afresh, and those who bore Arms made deep Complaints, as if they demanded Vengeance. Anthony ascending the Place, began Caesar's Funeral Oration in this manner; Romans, tho' I alone present myself to celebrate the Memory of this great Man, whose Body you see thus mangled here before ye, yet I can read in each Man's Look the Affections of his Mind, and the Thoughts of his Heart, which give nobler Praises than my Tongue can express: So that when I shall recount to you the Extent of his glorious Actions, the Variety of his noble Vertues, and the Number of the deserv'd Honours which the Senate and you have conferr'd upon him, I shall not be so much the Publisher of my own Sentiments, as the Interpreter of Yours. Then he mention'd all his Titles of Honour, his Dictatorship, his several Consulships, with the most deserving Name of Father of his Coun∣try; from whence he proceeded to his Vertues, praising his generous Courage, his exquisite Learn∣ing, his free Spirit, and above all, his unbounded

Clemency. After which he repeated the Oath which the People of Rome had made to Caesar, by which they swore, That his Person shou'd be sacred and Inviola∣ble, and call'd the Gods to witness that they wou'd defend it with the hazard of their Lives. But observing some Alteration in several of the Senators, he concluded with saying, That what had been done ought rather to be forgotten, since it was the Crime of some Infernal Spirits, Enemies to Rome, rather then Men; and nothing ought further to be thought of, than the honouring the Memory of this illustrious Hero, and placing him among the Immortal Gods.

At the End of this Oration, one of the principal Attendants, as if some Fury had possess'd him, tore off Caesar's Robe from the Trophy, and shew'd it to the People, crying out, That it was the Spoil of a Per∣son belov'd of the Gods, and reverenc'd by the World even to Adoration. This and several other things he spoke in a most moving Tone, using many great Outcries and strange Postures of Sorrow, which extreamly stirr••d up the People's Compassion. At the same time was expos'd Caesar's Image in Wax, which mov'd it self by Springs, and shew'd the several Wounds which he had receiv'd upon his Face and in his Body, and this Sight transported the People even to Madness, and made 'em cry out, That they wou'd inflect the most cruel Punishments, and execute the most dreadful Revenges upon the Heads of all his Murtherers. Upon the lighting of the Pile, all the old Soldiers who had serv'd under him, with an unexpressible Grief, threw into the Fire all their Coronets, Pikes, Bracelets, and other Tokens of Honours which he had given 'em. A great many Ladies of Quality also threw in their Children's Robes and Ornaments, with every thing they had of Value about 'em. The People ran and tore up the Benches and Seats of the Magistrates just by, and after that with flaming Brands from the Pile, ran desperately to set Fire to

the Conspirators Houses; and meeting with one Cinna, whom they mistook for another of that Name, they immediately tore him in a thousand Pieces. The Conspirators themselves being of the greatest Families, and well guarded, with no great Trouble repuls'd the People; but nevertheless so great was the Rage and Threats of the People, that they thought it much more safe to retire from the City. All the Strangers in Rome mourn'd after their Cu∣stoms, and more particularly the Iews, who watch'd several Nights at Caesar's Pile. At last Divine Ho∣nours were given him, and an Altar erected in the Place of his Burning, where Octavius Caesar, after∣wards call'd Augustus, caus'd a Temple to be built, and a Pillar of Jasper, twenty Foot high, with this Inscription, To the Father of his Country.

At the same time that Caesar was kill'd, his Heir and Adopted Son Octavius, afterwards call'd Augu∣stus, was at Apollonia in Greece, who upon the first News of the Murther, notwithstanding the earnest Advice of his Friends to secure himself there, re∣turn'd to Rome with all speed, with a full Resoluti∣on to revenge his Death; not questioning but to find Anthony both a Friend and Assistant in this De∣sign. But Anthony now was so much chang'd, and so busily employ'd in his Projects of raising and ad∣vancing himself, that he cou'd hearken but little to such a Proposal; and when Octavius publickly de∣clar'd himself Caesar's Heir, and demanded his Mo∣ney of Anthony, or at least some part of it, he re∣ceiv'd him with great Coldness, and Contempt of his Youth, refusing to give him any upon several Pretences. Yet neither Anthony's Repulses, nor his Friends Advices to the contrary, cou'd stop Octa∣vius from pursuing his Designs, who was now about eighteen Years old, of a great Wit, a lofty Mind, and of a most insinuating Conversation, and had a Face so Comely and Graceful, that it acquir'd

him a Veneration from all Men. That he might be certain to gain the People's Hearts, he sold all his Inheritance to pay off the Legacies given 'em by his Uncle Caesar's Will, which procur'd him much Love, and Caesar's old Soldiers flock'd to him in con∣siderable Numbers, whom he accepted of out of Fear to Anthony, who daily became more Suspicious both to the Senate and People. Octavius manag'd his Affairs with so much Skill and Dexterity, that those who before admir'd at his Boldness of oppo∣sing Anthony, were now as much surpriz'd at his ex∣traordinary Address and Authority. Anthony, on the other side, being sensible of the passionate Affe∣ction the People had for Pompey, to curry Favour, propos'd the promoting Sextus his only surviving Son; that in requital of his Father's Estate confis∣cated, he might have an Allowance out of the Pub∣lick, and the same Command of the Seas and Na∣vy that his Father formerly had. This was receiv'd with great Applause, and strait enacted; so Pompey was call'd back into Sicily, where he afterwards ma∣nag'd a sharp War against Octavius.

Anthony was still Restless, and resolv'd, if it were possible, to procure some Province to be assign'd him, that he might get the greater Authority; and the Difference daily increasing between him and Octa∣vius, he desir'd to command the six Legions which lay in Macedonia, and obtain'd them by deceiving the Senate with a false Rumour, that the Getae hear∣ing of Caesar's Death, had invaded that Province: And because the Senate shew'd great Unwillingness to this Demand, and more Jealousie of his Power, he endeavour d to satisfie 'em, by preferring a Law against any Man's being Dictator for the future, and making it Death for any to offer at it. These Le∣gions he design'd to bring over into Italy to awe and command all; and the better to effect this, he preferr'd another Law for changing of Provinces,

and by that procur'd Macedonia for his Brother C. An∣tonius, which had been assign'd to M. Brutus, and the Hither Gaul for himself, which had been allotted to Decimus Brutus. The Senate wou'd by no means admit of this Demand, but sent to D. Brutus to strengthen himself against the Pretensions of Anthony; which caus'd Anthony to betake himself to the Peo∣ple, where partly by Force, and partly by Bribes, he obtain'd it. But still he was not altogether so Successful as he expected; for his daily Quarrels with Octavius, and his little Care of revenging Cae∣sar's Death, gain'd him the Hatred of his Soldiers; so that when he had brought over his Legions, two of 'em went over to Octavius, who now was very busie in going through all Italy, and gathering toge∣ther Soldiers out of the Colonies which his Uncle had planted. At length Anthony with a considerable Army march'd into Gaul, from whence he com∣manded Decimus Brutus to depart, who gave Way to him for some time; but at last retreated to Mutina, where Anthony soon after streightly besieg'd him: And thus a new War broke out in about three quar∣ters of a Year after Caesar's Death.

II. About this time new Consuls were made,* 1.305 which were Hirtius and Pansa, both great Friends of Iulius Caesar, as well as Intimates of Cicero, the former of which serv'd under Caesar, and gave the Relation of the Wars of Aegypt and Africk, which is annex'd to his Commentaries. Upon their Assembling the Se∣nate, Anthony was declar'd Enemy to the State, but especially by Cicero's Means, who now had made many ingenious and severe Invectives against him, which, in Imitation of Demosthenes, he publish'd un∣der the Name of Philippicks. This prov'd of great Advantage towards the Bringing in, and Preferring young Octavius; for tho' the Senate, as being gene∣rally of Pompey's Faction, had little or no Esteem for

him, yet they resolv'd to make Use of him for his Army's sake, and upon that Account erected him a Statue, made him a Senator, tho' at this Age, de∣creed that he shou'd be consider'd as ten Years old∣er in respect of Publick Preferment, and likewise gave him equal Power and Authority with the Con∣suls themselves, whom they sent with all speed to relieve Decimus now besieg'd by Anthony. Tho' the Senate had oblig'd Octavius by these Honours, yet their promoting and giving Provinces to all the Conspirators, much more displeas'd him; and a Letter from Anthony, upbraiding him with advancing and assisting Caesar's Murderers, gave him great Scru∣ples; but concealing his Designs with a Prudence surpassing his Age, he march'd with the Consuls. The Consuls in a short time took Bononia, and An∣thony shortly after meeting Pansa, overthrew him; but returning carelesly to his Camp, was worsted by Hirtius. Not many Days after, a general Battel was fought nigh Mutina, wherein Anthony with much Difficulty, and great Bloodshed, was defeated, and fled to Lepidus, who then commanded in the further Gaul. Both the Consuls dy'd of their Wounds, Pansa first advising Octavius to join with Anthony; and Decimus being at this time spar'd, tho' not par∣don'd, by Octavius, thought of getting to Brutus and Cassius, now in Greece; but his Soldiers, not pleas'd with the Journey, went over part to Octavius, and part to Anthony; and himself, endeavouring with a few Attendants to pass through Gaul, was taken and betray'd at Aquileia by Sequanus Governour of the Country, who sent his Head to Anthony. This was the End of one of the chief Conspirators, which was attended with the Deaths of Trebonius and Basilius much about the same time; the former, excluding Dolabella from Pergamus and Smyrna, by reason the Senate had declar'd him an Enemy, was taken by him, and after grievous Torments, had his Head cut

off, which the Soldiers kick'd about after a most contemptuous manner; and the latter was murder'd by his own Slaves, whom before he had us'd very severely.

Octavius gain'd much reputation in these Wars, but the Senate now finding little or no Occasion for him, slighted him extreamly, and decreed all the Honour that he had gain'd, to Decimus, whom he had reliev'd; besides, they gave him many detracting and re∣proachful Words, and deny'd him a Triumph when he demanded it. From this Moment he resolv'd to join with Anthony and Lepidus, sending back all the Prisoners taken at the Battel of Mutina without Ran∣som; for since the Senators were most against his Uncle, he cou'd not revenge his Death without some new Assistance; and at the same time that he wrote to these two, he sent 400 of his Soldiers into the City, in the Name of his Army, to demand the Consulship for him. The Senate was as ready to deny him as the other two were to joyn with him, which caus'd Octavius to send for Anthony and Lepi∣dus into Italy. The News of their Approach, and at the Head of seventeen Legions, so terrify'd and startl'd the Senate, that they immediately declar'd Octavius Consul with Pedius; but upon the sudden Arrival of some new Troops, they as soon repeal'd their Decree again; and never was the Senate of Rome so distracted between different Interests, and so guilty of Irresolution as at this time. These new Troops not answering their Expectations, the Senate again decreed him Consul, and moreover advanc••d him above all Example: They decreed that after his Consulship he shou'd take Place of all Consuls, and tho' formerly they were displeas'd with his levying Forces, as being a private Man, now they desir••d him to encrease his Army, and order'd him the Le∣gions of Decimus. The City was likewise commit∣ted to his Care, and Power given him to act what

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he pleas'd, tho' without the Prescript of the Laws, which he retain'd to his Death. So that Octavius now with no great Difficulty procur'd Laws to condemn Brutus and Cassius, with their several Accomplices, and likewise to cancel those Decrees made against Dolabella, and other of his Friends.

In a short time after Octavius's Consulship, Antho∣ny and Lepidus arriv'd in Italy, where Octavius met 'em nigh Mutina, and after three Day Conference, enter'd into a strict Combination with them; in which it was agreed, That Octavius should quit his Consulship, and leave the Title to Ventidius, Anthony's great Friend: That the Supreme Authority should be divi∣ded between these three, which they should keep for the space of five Years under the Name of Triumviri, and in Qua∣lity of the Reformers of the Common-wealth: That they should cause that Authority to be confirm'd by the Ro∣man People: That Anthony should have all Gaul, ex∣cept Narbon, which Lepidus was to have with Spain; and Octavius should have Africk with Sicily and Sar∣dinia: Italy and the Eastern Provinces were for a while to remain in Common. In this manner did these Men divide the World between 'em, as if it had been their Inheritance. They further agreed, That all their Enemies should be destroy'd; and in this the Case of Cicero caus'd the greatest Controversie; for Antho∣ny, his implacable Enemy, wou'd consent to no∣thing till his Death was determin'd: Lepidus was con∣tent with it, but Octavius would willingly have pre∣serv'd him, upon the Account of former Friendship; yet at last he consented, and for that Reason Lepi∣dus permitted his Brother Paulus, and Anthony his Uncle Lucius, to be likewise proscrib'd. Lastly, it was agreed, That Lepidus should be made Consul for the following Year, and guard Rome and Italy, while the other two manag'd the War against Brutus and Cassius, who now were strongly posses'd of Greece and Sy∣ria, and had lately taken Dolabella in Laodicea, and

beheaded him. In this manner was concluded the Second Triumvirate, the Consequences whereof were so dreadful, and which in effect gave the last Blow to the Liberty of the Roman Common-wealth. It was concluded on above a Year and a half after Iu∣lius Caesar's Death, and was introduc'd, as some Au∣thors report, with many strange Presages and fright∣ful Prodigies.

III. Now was the City of Rome in a very mise∣rable and deplorable Condition,* 1.306 for the first Thing done by the Triumviri, after establishment of their Authority, was a dreadful Proscription of 300 of the Senatorian, and about 2000 of the Equestrian Rank; and nothing but Cries and Lamentations were heard through all the City, and Murders committed in all Places by the Soldiers. No Man dared refuse En∣trance to any of 'em, who search'd the most secret Places; and Rome at this time appear'd like a City wholly expos'd to Waste and Pillage. Great Num∣bers of uncondemn'd Persons perish'd in this Confu∣sion; some by Malice or Mistake, and others for concealing or defending their Friends: In short, all the most Tragick Fury that either Revenge or Inte∣rest could produce, and all the most generous Kind∣ness that Love or fidelity cou'd inspire, were to be seen in divers Accidents relating to this Proscription. Though the Pretence was the revenging of Caesar's Death, yet many suffer'd upon the Account of their great Estates, others out of Malice and old Resent∣ments, and some for their convenient Houses and Gardens. Among those of greatest Note was the fa∣mous Varro, who now living to see and feel a second Tricipitina, as he calls it in his Writings, yet with much Difficulty escap'd with his Life. But Cicero was the Man most aim'd at by Anthony, which caus'd him to get on board a Ship with all speed; but not being able to endure the Sea, he return'd to

Land, saying, That he would die in his own Country which he had so often preserv'd. Being weary both of his Flight and his Life, he came to a small Village a little above a Mile from the Sea. Here his Servants terrify'd by several Prodigies, partly by Persuasion, and partly by Force, put him again into his Litter, and were carrying him back to the Sea. But Cicero perceiving those that came to apprehend him, order'd his Litter to be set down, and quietly laid out his Neck to Popilius Lena, the Tribune, whom formerly by his Eloquence he had sav'd from Condemnati∣on. Lena cut off his Head and Hands, which he presented to Anthony, who cou'd not forbear insult∣ing over those poor Members, and crying out, That his Revenge was compleated, and he had no further Occasion for the Proscription. But his Wife Fulvia's Hatred cou'd not be confin'd to Words, for she pierc'd his Tongue several times with a golden Bodkin after a most spiteful Manner; and Anthony order'd his Head and Hands to be set up upon the Rostrum, where the People cou'd not without Horror behold those sad Remains of a Man who had so often Triumph'd there by the Force and Charms of his Eloquence. Thus fell the great Cicero in the sixty third Year of his Age, A Man, as Iulius Caesar observes, that ob∣tain'd a Laurel as much above all Triumphs, as the En∣largement of the Bounds of the Roman Wit, was above that of the Bounds of the Roman Empire.

About the same time, Quintus, Cicero's Brother, was slain, together with all his Sons; but Cicero's Sons escap'd, for he had some time before sent 'em to Athens to be there educated. Still the City was fill'd with Slaughters, and the ordinary Price of the Head of a Proscrib••d Person brought to the Triumviri, was 100000 Sesterces, if done by a Free man, and haif as much if done by a Slave, with the Freedom of the City. This corrupted a great many, who forgetting both Duty and Natural Affection, be∣tray'd

those whose Preservation they ought princi∣pally to have endeavour'd. Tho' many rare and admirable Examples of the Love of Wives to their Husbands, and of Slaves to their Masters, appear'd, yet those of Children to their Parents were less com∣mon. However, Oppius's Act may stand for many, who, Aeneas-like, carry'd out his old and decrepid Father upon his Back, and convey'd him to the Sea, sometimes leading, and other times carrying him, till they both escap'd into Sicily; from whence after∣wards upon his Return, the People out of a just sense of his Piety, made him Aedile, in which Office wanting Money to set out the usual Games, the Work-men did all without Wages, and the Specta∣tors inrich'd him by their Voluntary Contributions. As many as cou'd escape the Cruelty of the Proscri∣ption, fled either into Macedonia to Brutus, or into Africk to Cornificius, but the greatest Number went to young Pompey in Sicily, who was now very Power∣ful, especially by Sea. His Generosity was at this time a very great Succour to many Illustrious Per∣sons; he sent Brigantines and other small Vessels to all the Coasts of Italy, to receive such as made their Escape, and treated them with much Kindness and Civility.

The Triumviri having almost satisfy'd their Re∣venge, began now to think of Money, which they very much wanted to carry on the War against Brutus and Cassius: For this reason they drew up a List of 1400 of the richest Ladies of Rome, Mothers, Daughters, or any Relations of their Enemies; these Alliances were far enough fetch'd, for Riches alone was sufficient to make 'em guilty in this Case. These Ladies assembling themselves, first went to the Female Relations of the Triumviri, and after that to the Palace of these Magistrates, where, after several Repulses, one of 'em was permitted to speak, upon Condition that the rest wou'd be silent: This was

Hortensia, the Daughter of Hortensius, who alone had been able to dispute with Cicero for Eloquence, My Lords, said she, these unhappy Ladies, which you see here imploring your Iustice and Bounty, would never have presum'd to appear in this Place, had they not first made use of all possible Means, which either their native Modesty might allow, or their best Understandings cou'd inform 'em. Tho' it be contrary to the Rules of Decency prescrib'd to our Sex, which we have hitherto most strictly observ'd; yet the Loss of our Fathers, of our Children, of our Brothers, and of our Husbands, is sufficient to excuse us; nay, and to vindicate ••s too, when their unhappy Deaths are made a Pretence for our further Misfortunes. You pretend ye have been affrented, but what have the Women done that they must be impoverish'd? if they are as blameable as the rest, why do you not proscribe 'em too? In the mean time none of our Sex have ever declar'd you your Country's Enemies: We have neither plunder'd your Goods, nor suborn'd your Soldiers: We have rais'd no Troops against you, nor oppose those Honours and Offices to which you pretend. We pretend not to govern the Republick, nor is it our Ambition which has drawn the present Miseries and Misfortunes on our Heads; Empire, Dignities and Honours were never design'd for our Sex. We, alas, have done nothing to affront you, no∣thing to offend you, or so much as move you to this sever•• Treatment; a Treatment which neither Caesar nor Pom∣pey ever propos'd in their Wars, nor Marius nor Cinna ever thought of in their Cruelties; no, not Sylla himself▪ who first set up Tyranny in Rome; yet, after all, you a••∣dorn your selves with the glorious Title of Reformers o•• the State. This Discourse appear'd so Bold and Dangerous to the Triumviri, that they immediately sent their Ushers to cause the Ladies to retire; bu•• perceiving the Multitude began to cry out agains•• such Violence, they adjourn'd the Affair till the nex•• Day, and for the Satisfaction of the People, re••∣trench'd the Number of the Ladies to 400, but a•• the same time tax'd above 100000 Men, as well Ci••∣tizens

as Strangers. At last the Triumviri went into the Senate to declare that the Proscription was at an end. Lepidus excus'd himself for what had pass'd, assuring the Senators of a more moderate Conduct: But Octavius more politickly said, He wou'd still re∣serve to himself the Liberty of Punishing such as were guil∣ty. After this, Anthony and Octavius with all Dili∣gence march'd against Brutus and Cassius.

IV. The Conspirators had now made a considera∣ble Progress in the East,* 1.307 and Cassius having got all Syria into his Power, thought of making an Expe∣dition into Aegypt against Cleopatra, who had made great Preparations to assist Caesar and his Party. But Cassius was immediately recall'd by Brutus, upon the News that Anthony and Caesar were now upon their March with forty Legions; of which eight had al∣ready pass'd the Ionian Sea. Brutus in his Letter told him, That their powerful Armies were not design'd for their particular Advancement, but the Liberty of their Country; therefore they ought not so much to aim at the Glory of new Conquests, as the Destroying those who sought the Ruin of that Liberty. Cassius therefore leaving Syria to his Brother's Son with one single Legion, he sent a considerable Party into Cappadocia, which slew Ariobar∣••••nes as one who had conspir'd against him, and there rais'd vast Summs of Money. After many se∣••ere Exactions, he came himself into the Lesser Asia, and meeting Brutus at Smyrna, they there consulted about the present War. Brutus mov'd to have the Armies pass over into Greece and Macedonia, and there meet Octavius and Anthony; but Cassius so far prevail'd, as to have the Rhodians and Lycians first re∣duc'd, who had refus'd to pay any Contributions, and were very powerful at Sea. Both were sensible ••ow Dangerous it was to have any Enemies behind 〈◊〉〈◊〉, therefore this Expedition was immediately put ••n Execution, and in a short time compleated, and

extraordinary Contributions were rais'd by that Means. The Rhodians were severely plunder••d, and scarce any thing but their Lives left 'em; but the Inhabitants of Xanthus made such an obstinate Resi∣stance, that scarce any were left alive, for they burnt their City and destroy'd themselves with it. After the reducing of these Places, Brutus and Cassius met at Sardis, from whence, after several Con∣sultations, they resolv'd to march against Anthony and Octavius.

Here it was that Brutus is reported to have seen a Ghost in his Tent after Midnight. He ever em∣ploy'd the greatest part of the Night in dispatching of Affairs, and in Reading; and one Night being thus employ'd according to his Custom, there was a general Silence through all the Camp, especially about his Tent, when of a sudden he heard an un∣usual Noise at the Door, which open'd of it self at the same time. Brutus casting his Eye towards the Place, perceiv'd the frightful Figure of a hide∣ous Spectre, of a proportion much more than Na∣tural, which presented it self before him: He had notwithstanding the Courage to speak to it, de∣manding, Art thou a God, or art thou Man, and for what Reason camest thou hither? I am, reply'd the Spi∣rit, thy Evil Genius, Brutus, and thou shalt see me again near Philippi. Brutus very boldly answer'd, Well I will see thee; and immediately it disappear'd. He presently call'd up his Slaves, who all told him, That they had neither seen nor heard any thing. He con∣tinu••d walking all the rest of the Night, and early in the Morning went to give an Account of what hapened to Cassius, who, being an Epicurean, told him, That all this proceeded from the Weakness of his Senses, and the Strength of his Imagination at that time. As for the rest, continu'd he, Let us not believe that there are any such Spirits here, that have either Voice, hu∣mane Shape, or Power over us; tho' I could wish there

were, that we might not only relie upon the Greatness of our Forces, but likewise upon the Assistance of those Immortal Beings, who cou'd not but be favourable to a Cause so Iust and Sacred as ours is. This Discourse satisfy'd Brutus, and soon after they pass'd over into Thrace, and so to Philippi, a City between that Country and Ma∣cedonia, nigh which the Forces of the Triumviri were posted.

It was with extraordinary Fear and Terrour that all Persons stood waiting the Success of these two powerful Armies, which were to decide the Fate and Fortune of the Roman Empire. The Conspi∣rators Forces consisted of 19 Legions, and 20000 Horse, and the Triumviri of the same Number of Legions, but much better compleated, and of 13000 Horse. Brutus and Cassius encamp'd on a high and convenient Ground nigh the Sea, where they were supply'd with Provisions in abundance. The other Party was much streightned for want of Necessa∣ries, having only Macedonia and Thessaly open to 'em, for Pompey had cut off all Communication from A∣frick, and Marcus and Aenobarbus from Italy, by their several Navies. This made Anthony extreamly desi∣rous of coming to a Battel, which Cassius being sen∣sible of, refus'd to engage, tho' Brutus was very for∣ward, saying, That he was impatient to put an End to the Miseries of Mankind by a glorious Victory, or a noble Death. At last Anthony with great Labour and In∣dustry, made a Way through a large Fen, and Cas∣sius threw up Works against him, which with the Soldiers Forwardness, caus'd a general Battel, tho' much against Cassius's Will, who declar'd, That he was forc'd, in the same manner as Pompey was, to ex∣pose the Liberty of the Roman People to the Hazard of a Battel. In the Morning just before the Battel, Cas∣sius ask'd Brutus's Opinion of what they ought to do if they were unsuccessful, and Brutus reply'd, That he had formerly in his Writings condemn'd the Death of

Cato, and maintain'd that such a manner of avoiding Disgraces, was an insolent Attempt against Heaven that sent 'em; but he had now alter••d his Opinion, since he was not Master of his Life, having already sacrific'd it to his Country, he was resolv'd to change it for a Happier, if Fortune prov'd his Enemy. Cassius imbracing him, told him, Now we may venture against the Enemy; for either we will be Conquerors our selves, or will have no Cause to fear those that are so.

The Forces of the Triumviri were commanded by Anthony alone, Octavius being now sick; and both Armies being drawn up, Brutus's Party in a short time attack'd that of Octavius with little Order, but with so much Fury, that at the first Onset they overthrew all that oppos'd, and pressing forward with great Slaughter, they enter'd the very Camp of Octavius, who had just retreated to Anthony's. Antho∣ny was very hotly engag'd with Cassius, but in a short time found means to open a Passage through the Lines, and charging Cassius's Troops upon the Flank, overthrew 'em with great Slaughter; then pursuing the Victory, he soon became Master of his Camp, which Skill and Diligence he had learnt from Iulius Caesar. Cassius retir'd to a Hill not far off, expecting the Event of the Battel on his Partner's side, and by reason of the greatness of the Dust he cou'd not discern whose Cavalry it was that made towards him at a distance: He therefore sent Titinius to make the Discovery. Titinius was receiv'd with great Joy by 'em, who were bringing Tidings of Victory, but stay'd so long, that Cassius fearing Brutus had been routed, and his Friend taken Prisoner, cry'd out, Alas, to preserve the Remainders of a miserable Life, I have ruin'd my best Friend: At these Words he retir'd into his Tent, and kill'd himself, or caus'd his freed Man to do it. Titinius arriv'd immediately after with the Cavalry, all rejoycing, but their Joy was suddenly dash'd, and Titinius first accusing himself of

Folly and Laziness, in a great Rage, slew himself upon the Body of his Friend.

Brutus was extreamly sorrowful for the Death of his Companion, whom he call'd the last of the Ro∣mans, causing his Body privately to be remov'd and bury'd out of Sight, lest his Army shou'd be too much dejected. In the mean time he told his Friends, That he thought Cassius very happy in being be∣yond the reach of those Misfortunes which remain'd for them to suffer. He for some little time kept from Fight∣ing, epxecting to starve his Enemies, who were now in extream want of Provisions, their Fleet being lately defeated; but at last, being forc'd to it by the Fear of a general Desertion, and the Eagerness of his Soldiers, he drew 'em up in Battalia. It is re∣ported, that the Spectre which he had seen before, appear'd to him again the Night before his great Battel, but now said nothing. Whatever melan∣choly Apprehensions he had upon him, he encou∣rag'd his Men as much as possible, promising 'em the Liberty of Plundering the two Cities of Lacedemon and Thessalonica; and when the Battel began, the Ea∣gerness of both Parties, made 'em throw aside their missive Weapons, and betake themselves immediate∣ly to their Swords, fighting with great Fury, till after much time, and more Bloodshed, Brutus's Party was born down by main Force, and intirely defeated. Brutus himself fled to a Hill hard by, and there re∣main'd all Night, and when in the Morning he saw no Way of escaping, he began to cry out, O unhappy Vertue, I follow thee as a solid Good, but thou art only a meer Notion, a vain empty Name, or at best a Slave of Fortune. Yet shortly after he told some of his Friends, That he look'd upon himself much Happier than any of his Conquerors, since he shou'd enjoy that Reputation which al∣ways follows Vertue, and which Tyranny and Injustice cou'd never deserve. Then going aside with a particular Friend call'd Strato, he with all Earnestness begg'd

of him, To shew him the last Office of his Friendship; and seeing him very unwilling to perform so hard a Duty, he call'd for a Slave. Ah! then cry'd Strato, It shall never be said, that the great Brutus, in his last Extremity, stood in need of a Slave for want of a Friend; so turning away his Head, he presented the Sword's Point to Brutus, who threw himself upon it, and immediately expir'd.

This was the End of these two memorable Per∣sons, Brutus and Cassius, and as some write, they themselves died by the same Weapons with which they kill'd Caesar, who had given 'em their Lives af∣ter the Battel of Pharsalia, and after that, had loaden 'em with his greatest Favours; which Favours some make use of to aggravate the Ingratitude, and others to magnifie the Justice of the Act. All such as knew themselves guilty of Iulius Caesar's Death, slew them∣selves with their own Hands; but the rest rallying themselves, sent Deputies to Caesar and Anthony for an honourable Composition, which the two Gene∣rals frankly allow'd of. By this famous Overthrow the Triumviri establish'd their Authority so far as to give the last Blow to the Liberty of the Common∣wealth; for the Opposition they met from Pompey was inconsiderable in respect of this, in which they were to dispute for one Half of the Roman Domini∣ons. This hapned above two Years after Iulius Cae∣sar's Death, and about half a Year after the second Triumvirate, in the 712th Year of the City, and 40 before our Saviour's Nativity.

CHAP. V.

From the Deaths of Brutus and Cassius, to the Banishment of Lepidus; which va∣ry'd the Course of the second Triumvirate's Power.

Containing the space of six Years.

I. As the last Efforts and Struggles of a dying Commonwealth are generally the most vio∣lent,* 1.308 so were these of Rome the greatest that ever she had for the maintaining her Liberty. For in the Sedition of the Gracchi, and in the Wars of Ma∣rius and Sylla, Rome and Italy were only Sufferers; and tho' in the Dissentions of Caesar and Pompey the Troubles were more General, yet several of the Se∣nators and People thought they might well enough stand Neuters out of their Respect to the Common∣wealth, which Name in Appearance was still reve∣renc'd: Whereas in these last Wars the Mask was wholly laid aside, and all things were carry'd on in such an open Manner, that there was an absolute Necessity of Declaring for Liberty or against it. But now all Pretence of Liberty was utterly ruin'd by the Defeats of Brutus and Cassius; and from that Moment the Triumviri began to act as Sovereigns, and to divide the Roman Dominions between 'em as their own by Right of Conquest, though Lepidus was not much consider'd by the other two, as either having no Share in this last Battel, or little Interest among the Soldiers. The following Days after the

Victory, were employ'd by the Triumviri in punishing their Enemies; Anthony sacrific••d Hortensius to the Memory of his Brother Caius; Livius Brutus, the Fa∣ther of that Livia who was afterwards marryed to Octavius, kill••d himself in his Tent; and Quintilius Varus, adorn'd with all the Marks of those Honours he had born, caus'd himself to be slain by his freed Man. Octavius upon this Occasion, appear'd more Cruel than was agreeable to his natural Temper; he sent the Head of Brutus to Rome to be thrown at the Feet of his Uncle's Statue; his Ashes were sent to his Wife Porcia, Cato's Daughter, who according to her Father's and Husband's Example, it is said, kill'd her self, by swallowing down hot Coals and Ashes. Octavius forc'd a Senator and his Son to draw Lots for their Lives, but they both refus'd it; the Father voluntarily gave up himself to Executi∣on, and the Son stabb'd himself before his Face. To another that begg'd of him to have the Rites of Burial, he said, That that wou'd s••on be at the Disposal of the Ravens. These bitter Words and rigorous Punishments render'd him both odious as well as terrible to all the Prisoners who were brought be∣fore him.

After the Triumviri had satisfy'd their Revenge, they thought upon establishing their Authority. An∣thony undertook to go into Asia to raise Money for the Soldiers Rewards in those Provinces that were Tributary to the Romans; and Octavius took upon him to lead the old Troops into Italy, to put them in Possession of the Lands that were promis'd 'em. Anthony first visited Greece, as being the Country where Flattery was manag'd with the greatest Deli∣cacy in the World, was familiarly present at the Conferences of the Philosophers at Athens, and made great Presents to that City. Then leaving Marcus Censorius to command in Greece, he pass'd over into Asia with all his Troops. There all the Princes of

the East who acknowledg'd the Roman Power, came to make their Court to him, and the fairest Princesses strove to gain his Favour, either by the Charms of their Beauty, or the Magnificence of their Presents. This Crowd of Soveraigns that daily waited in his Anti-Chamber, with their Praises and Submissions, did most agreeably sooth his voluptous and ambi∣tious Temper. He pardon'd all those of Brutus's Party that surrender'd themselves to him, except Petronius and Quintus; the first was charg'd with be∣ing one of the Conspirators, and the other with betraying Dolabella in Laodicea. But then he took away the Estates of several wealthy Citizens to in∣rich his Flatterers and Buffoons; and assembling the Deputies of all the Subjects and Allies of the Ro∣mans in those Parts, in a set Speech he insisted upon his Necessities and their Duties, and so squeez'd out of the Inhabitants almost all that Money which had been left 'em by Brutus and Cassius. After which he went a Progress all over the Country, where he frequently gave extraordinary Demonstrations of Generosity and Good-nature. He pardon'd Lucius, Brother to Cassius, and several other of his Enemies in those Parts; but he spar'd none that had a Hand in Caesar's Death, or were of the Number of the Conspirators, so that never any Man's Death was more severely reveng'd than his. Anthony then made himself Soveraign Judge of the Differences between the Kings of those Countries, as in Cappadocia be∣tween Ariarathes and Sysenes, for whom the Beauty of his Mother Glaphyra was so powerful as to carry the Crown from his Competitor.

But among all those Soveraigns in the East which depended upon the Romans, none were of such Note as Cleopatra Queen of A••gypt, whose Conduct in these last Wars had given her good Reason to fear Anthony: For tho' ••he had assisted Dolabella, yet at the same time S••rapion her Lieutenant in Cyprus,

fought for Cassius. This she knew had not at all been pleasing to the Triumviri, considering what she ow'd to the Memory of Iulius Caesar; especially since the Love of that great Man had been sufficient∣ly known to all the World. Upon which she re∣solv'd to meet Anthony, and try how much her Wit and Beauty cou'd plead for her, since Reason cou'd do so little; as if she had been resolv'd to con∣quer and triumph over the Romans in the Persons of their Generals. For besides the Addresses of Iulius Caesar, she had receiv'd those of Pompey's eldest Son; so that never Beauty was ever signaliz'd with more illustrious Conquests. She had such a high Opinion of her Charms, that she question'd not but to revive that Flame in Anthony's Heart, of which formerly he had given her a Testimony in Aegypt, when he had some Command there. But above all, it was her Wit that most supported this Assurance; for tho' her Person was admirable, and the Bright∣ness of her Eyes not to be withstood, yet there were some at Rome that did not yield to her in the least for Beauty; but none cou'd compare with her for her agreeable Wit and her charming Conversati∣on, which never fail'd both to please and to persuade. These Perfections, besides her wonderful Accom∣plishments in Tongues and Learning, made her re∣solve to go in Person to Anthony in Cilicia, who had sent Dellius to cite her to give an Account of her late Conduct.

Never did any Princess appear in a more singular and magnificent Manner than Cleopatra; arriving at the Mouth of the River Cydnus, she embark'd in a Vessel whose Stern was of Gold, the Sails of pur∣ple Silk, the Oars of Silver, which gently kept time to a Consort of excellent Musick. The Queen was laid under a Canopy of rich Cloth of Gold, adorn'd like Venus rising out of the Sea, with lovely Children about her like Cupids, fanning her, and

her Women habited like Nereids and Graces, leaning negligently on the Sides and Shrouds of the Vessel: The Sweets that were burning perfum'd the Banks of the River, which were cover'd with an in∣finite Number of People, who ran thither with such Eagerness, that Anthony, who was mounted on a Throne to make a Shew of Majesty, was left alone, while the Multitude flock'd to the River with extra∣ordinary Delight and Wonder. Anthony in civility desir'd her to Land and sup with him, but she im∣mediately desir'd his Company first, which he wou'd not deny for fear of appearing ill bred. He was extreamly surpriz'd at the Neatness and Magnificence of the Entertainment, and with the ingenious Pla∣cing of the Lights, and many other peculiar Con∣trivances. The next Day he in his Turn wou'd Treat her, an endeavour'd to out-go her in Sumptu∣ousness, but he soon perceiv'd he was far short of it; whereupon he turn'd all into Mirth and Railery, which she joyn'd with, and carry'd on with all the Delicacy and Dexterity imaginable; till at last, ta∣king a more serious Air in her Discourses, she told him, That she came not thither to clear her self, but to be recompenc'd for the great Services she had done to him and Caesar in assisting Dolabella, in Commanding a Fleet in Person in spite of Cassius and his Commanders, with ma∣ny other things, which she related with that Arti∣fice and Cunning, and that Wit and Pleasantry, that Anthony cou'd no longer defend his Heart; but from that Moment entertain'd a Passion for her, which was the Cause of all the future Misfortunes of his Life. He was so strucken with her, that he left all his former Business and Honourable Em∣ployments, and presently follow'd her into Ae∣gypt, where, first sacrificing to her her Sister Arsione, he liv'd with her all the following Year in all the Ease and Softness to which his vicious Temper cou'd prompt him, and all the Delights and Plea∣sures

sures with which that luxurious Nation cou'd fur∣nish him.

II. While Anthony remain'd thus idle in Aegypt,* 1.309 Octavius was extreamly busie about settling the Af∣fairs of Italy, and dividing the Lands for satisfying the old Soldiers. This he found very difficult, and not a little dangerous, by reason it exasperated so many against him; for it was absolutely necessary for him to give up the several Towns allotted for their Recompence, or else to satisfie his Soldiers with a proportionable Quantity of Money, but that cou'd not be rais'd since the Treasury was so much exhausted. Almost all the Inhabitants of the Towns concern'd in this Matter, came in great Multitudes to Rome; and vast Numbers of Women with Chil∣dren in their Arms, whose tender Years and Inn∣cence drew every one's Compassion, daily fill'd the Temples and Publick Places with their Lamentati∣ons. The People of Rome talk'd very freely and boldly upon this Account, whose Complaints and Murmurings Octavius bore with all the Discretion and Cunning imaginable; first borrowing what Money he cou'd, but finding not that sufficient, he at last broke through all Difficulties, and gave his Sol∣diers Places and Lands for their Inheritance, as he first design'd. The City of Cremona was one that suffer'd most in this Distribution, for being so much of Brutus's Party, and Mantua by reason of her Neighbourhood had more than her Share in these Misfortunes, in which the Muses Darling, the great∣est Wit and best Poet that ever Italy produc'd, had like to have perish'd. This was the great Virgil, who was a Party concern'd in this publick Calami∣ty, for defending the Possession of his small Estate from Arrius the Centurion, and very narrowly e∣scap'd Death by swimming cross a River. And 'tis probable that this Adventure most of all contribu∣ted

to his further Reputation and Advancement, since these Troubles were the Subject of that excel∣lent Eclogue which was the first of his Bucolicks, he being now about 28 Years of Age.

The many Disorders rais'd upon these Occasions, and the frequent Dangers in which Octavius was in∣volv'd, gave Anthony's Wife Fulvia a fair Occasion of endeavouring to bring about her Designs. Her principal Concern was the bringing back of her Husband, which she believ'd nothing but a War cou'd effect; and therefore she resolv'd to prose∣cute those Methods to which her Rage and Jealou∣sie did then prompt her. Lucius the Brother of Antho∣ny was then Consul, and to him she principlally apply'd her self, who out of Respect to her who had been so great a Friend to him, and out of a Distaste to many of Octavius's Proceedings, readily comply'd with her. Many plausible Pretences were made use of to make a Breaéh with Octavius, and such cou'd never be wanting in such unsettl'd and troublesome Times as those. Rome was now in great Misery, and Italy no less; Provisions were extream Dear by reason of Pompey's stopping all the Passages by Sea from Abroad, and at Home the Troops consum'd all the Increase of the Land, and besides committed a thousand Disorders in the Cities, so that all Tra∣ding was ruin'd, and the Shops of most People shut up. Lucius made great use of these Mischiefs, and Octavius us'd all means to quiet the Soldiers, and pacifie the Country-People, who were driven from their Possessions: He heard their Complaints, and promis'd to do 'em Justice, which much incens'd Anthony's Soldiers, who were also still more and more stirr'd up by the Arti••ices of Fulvia. Caesar openly complain'd of her, declaring, She wholly act∣ed against the true Interest and Sentiments of her Husband; but she hearken'd to none but her Friend Manius, who persuaded her, That nothing but a War cou'd force

Anthony from Cleopatra's Arms, and bring him into Italy; and for Lucius, he had no other Sentiments but what were influenc'd by these two.

These Disturbances began in Words, Declarati∣ons, Manifesto's, and such like; but soon came to an open Breach, notwithstanding all the Care and Caution of the most Prudent of both Parties. Ma∣ny ominent Persons were engag'd in this War; and in regard that Lucius had declar'd against the Tri∣umvirate, most of the ancient Owners of the Lands repair'd to him, and the new Possessors to Octavius and to Salvidienus, then coming out of Gaul with a great Power. Lucius march'd to oppose him, but was diverted by Agrippa, one of Octavius's great Friends, and a valiant Soldier. Notwithstanding the great Caution of Ventidius and Asinius, two of Anthony's Commanders, Lucius was so hemm'd in, and reduc'd to such Straits between Caesar and A∣grippa, that he was constrain'd to retreat to Perusia, a strong City of Hetruria, where he was closely be∣sieg'd by Octavius and his Party. Ventidius and Asi∣nius attempted to relieve the Town, but Octavius was so well posted that they cou'd not effect it, so that Lucius was in a short time reduc'd to great Ex∣tremities for want of Provisions for so numerous a Garison. He made several bold and desperate Sal∣lies, but with no proportionable Success; till find∣ing his Soldiers reduc'd to the utmost Miseries of Famine, he at last came out in Person, and giving himself up into Octavius's Hands, with great Earn∣es••ness interceded for his poor Soldiers, and begg'd, That his Punishment might atone for their Crimes. Octa∣vius receiv'd him very Honourably and with much Generosity, and all Lucius's Soldiers were pardon'd at the Desire of Octavius's own Men, who cou'd but pity the Miseries of their old Companions and Country-men. The Town was design'd to be plun∣der'd, but one of the chief Inhabitants call'd Ma∣cedonicus,

in a great Rage set Fire to his House, which consum'd both himself and the whole City. Ventidius and the rest made no Resistance; so that this dangerous War was ended in a few Months time, Pompey making but small Advantage of it; and Octavius return'd to Rome, where he enter'd in Triumphant Robes, and crown'd with Laurel. Pub∣lick Feasts were also celebrated, and it was ordain'd, That whenever any General hereafter shou'd merit the Ho∣nour of Triumph, and be crown'd, Caesar shou'd have a Share in his Honour.

III. During this last War, and while Octavius was settling his own Affairs with all the Skill and Wis∣dom of a most able Politician, Anthony was inglori∣ously passing away his Time at Alexandria in the bewitching Company of Cleopatra, and there fix'd by the Charms of that Queen; regarding nothing but the Enjoyment of those Pleasures she every Day presented him with, in some new and delight∣ful Shape. Never had Woman that exquisite Art of refining and heightning of Pleasures by the Charms of Novelty, that she had; she introduc'd 'em in the most serious Business, and even the most inconside∣rable Trifles when manag'd by her Skill, receiv'd such an Air as made 'em the most agreeable Di∣versions: So that whether they play'd, or treated, or hunted, the Queen still made one, and was the Soul of all, by her ingenious intermingling some lively Piece of Wit, or by her unparall'd Grace in relating some pleasant Adventure. Among the se∣veral sorts of Diversions, Cleopatra had invented a Society, which she call'd, The inimitable Life, and those who made the most sumptuons Entertain∣ments, carry'd away the Prize; which Treats were prodigiously Expensive, as appears by several Exam∣ples out of Plutarch and others. By all this Variety of Pleasures and Delights did Cleopatra charm this

great Man, insensibly carrying him from one Diver∣sion to another, and intirely gaining the Affections of his Soul; so that Anthony had almost forgot the great Reputation and Glory he had formerly gain'd by his Arms, neglected the Toils and Fatigues of War, and was just ready to let his former Glory be swallow'd and lost in the more softer Delights of Love.

In these Circumstances was Anthony when he re∣ceiv'd News that his Brother had been overthrown by Octavius; that his Wife and all his Friends had quitted Italy; that Octavius had made himself Master of Gaul, which belong'd to him, and had got all the Legions into his Hands which quarter'd there. From another Part he receiv'd Advice, That the Parthians, under Command of Pacorus their King's Son, assisted by Labienus and Barzapharnes, had made themselves Masters of Syria: That they had likewise march'd as far as Ierusulem, which they sack'd, and carry'd away Hir••anus the High-Priest and Herod's Brother, Prisoners, Herod himself ha∣ving fled to the Mountains of Iudaea. These Suc∣cesses, so highly disadvantageous to Anthony's Affairs, now began to rouze him from the Lethargy of his Softness, and to make him consider how much his Actions were like to disgrace the glorious Name of Conquerour; whereupon he gather'd together 200 Ships, and a considerable Army, which he had rea∣dy in those Parts. His Design was immediately to march against the Parthians, but the earnest Instan∣ces of his Wife Fulvia, and his Friends, oblig'd him to turn towards Italy. He went from Alexandria to Tyre, from whence passing by the Isles of Cyprus and Rhod••••, he arriv'd at Ath••ns, where he met Fulvia. He much blam'd her and his Brother Lucius for oc∣casioning the late Disorders, and here he understood that Octavius had lately marry'd Scribonia the Sister of Libo, Pompey's Father-in-Law. This Octavius did

to gain an Alliance with Pompey, for the Sake of his Shipping, not forgetting the least thing that might make for his Advantage; and he manag'd all things with that Secresfie, Skill, and Industry, that the most piercing Judgments cou'd by no means pene∣trate into the Bottom of this exquisite Politician's Designs.

Anthony suspecting Octavius's Conduct, advanc'd towards Italy, without shewing the least Concern for Fulvia, whom he left Sick at Sycion; which last Ne∣glect and Scorn finish'd what his I••fidelity had be∣gun, she dying soon after. Anthony crossing the Io∣nian Sea, was there met by Domitius, who deliver'd up all his Fleet and Force to him; from whence they sail'd to Brundusium, where they were forbidden Entrance by a Carison plac'd there by Octavius. This made such a Breach between 'em, that Anthony immediately block'd up the Place, and likewise pro∣cur'd Pompey from Sicily to invade Italy. Octavius march'd directly to Brundus••••m, where the old Soldi∣ers being unwilling to fight against Anthony, the Ar∣my endeavour'd all Ways to reconcile these two great Men, which Cocceius, Friend to both, at length with much Labour effected; and Pollio on Anthony's side, and Mec••••nas on Octavius's, both eminent Per∣sons, as Delegates, made up this dangerous Breach. All Offences and Affronts were mutually to be for∣given, and a Marriage was propos'd between Antho∣ny and Octavius's half-Sister Octavia, and Widow of Marcellus, a Lady of most extraordinary Beauty, and as extraordinary Vertues and Accomplishments. Tho' Cleopatra had so large a Share in Anthony's Heart, yet he cou'd not without Baseness refuse a Lady of Octa∣via's admirable Qualities; and to avoid all present Inconveniencies, he marry'd her. Then a new Di∣vision of the Roman Empire was made between these Commanders, the Bounds of their Dominions being Codropolis, a Town of Illyricum, all from that place

Westward being to obey Octavius, and all Eastward, Anthony. Africk was left to Lepidus, whose Autho∣rity declin'd daily, and who having offended Octavi∣us, had been confin'd by him to that Province.

According to this Division, Anthony sent Ventidius into Asia against the Parthians; but the Troubles at Home seem'd much greater to both Anthony and Octa∣vius, who were now entertain'd with the sad and la∣mentable Complaints of poor People, ready to starve for want of Provisions, which Pompey hinder'd from coming either from the East or West, by means of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, which he had in his Power, and from Africk by his navy also, which was then most powerful at Sea. Octavius, by rea∣son of some former Affronts, wou'd not be brought to any Accommodation with Pompey, notwithstand∣ing the continual Cries and Prayers of the Multi∣tude, whose Rage and Fury at last came to that height, that he was nigh being ston'd by 'em, and Anthony too, by coming in to his Assistance. At last both he and Pompey were so far persuaded as to come to an Enterview; but the latter demanding large Privileges for the proscrib'd Persons, and to be admitted into the Power and Place of Lepidus, the Treaty was ineffectual. Yet the pressing Necessities and frequent Mutinies of the People brought 'em together a second Time, where, among some other Articles it was concluded, That Pompey shou'd retain all the Islands he had already, and Peloponnesus over and above; that he shou'd have the Privilege of demanding the Consulship in his Absence, and of discharging that Office by any of his Friends: That he shou'd leave the Sea open, and pay the People what Corn was due out of Sicily; And that the Proscrib'd Persons, except such as were guilty of Caesar's Death, shou'd have all their Liberty to return. And so a Peace was concluded to the great Joy and Satisfaction of all People, which they testify'd by many publick Games and Pastimes.

IV.* 1.310 All Civil Wars were now for a while at an End, and Octavius and Anthony were about taking the Field against Foreigners; but before that time they nam'd the Consuls for the four following Years, Anthony and Libo for the first, Octavius and Pompey for the second, Domitius and Sosi••s for the third, and Anthony and Octavius for the fourth, by which time it was hop'd and discours'd that they wou'd restore the Liberty of the Common-wealth. Octavius, to keep his Soldiers in Military Discipline, sent one Part of his Forces into Illyricum, and led the rest into Gaul, where there were some Distur∣bances. Anthony departed for the East against the Parthians, which War Ventidius had manag'd with good Success, having got several Victories, kill'd se∣veral of their principal Commanders, and repell'd 'em in Media and Mesopotamia, being the only Gene∣ral that cou'd revenge Crassi••s's Death, or that tri∣umph'd over that Nation. Anthony there setled the Affairs of Syria, and made Peace with Antiochus King of Comogena, who had assisted the Parthians; and he got the several Kings which he had establish'd in those Parts, to be confirm'd by Ordinance of the Se∣nate, which were Darius in Pontus, Pharnaces in Idu∣maea, Herod in Iudaea, Amintas in Pisidia, and Pole∣mon in Cilicia. The City of Athens he chose to pass the Winter in with Octavia, in which place he in∣tirely gave himself over to his Pleasures and Diversi∣ons, quitting all the Tokens and Marks of his Au∣thority to live like a private Person; and in his Court there was no Business discours'd of but only Learning and Philosophy.

As for Pompey, he seem'd for a while to be satis∣fy'd; but as the Treaty between him and Octavius only regulated their Pretensions, not their Ambiti∣ons, a Breach was soon made again; the Pretences of which was, That Anthony, who was oblig'd by

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Articles to quit Peloponnesus, wou'd not do it till Pom∣pey had satisfy'd him for such Moneys as were due to him from the Inhabitants. Pompey wou'd by no Means hearken to this, but immediately fitted out a new Fleet, and provided himself of Forces, perhaps giving Credit to Menodorus, who told him, That the present Settlement of Affairs was no true Peace, but rather a Cessation of Arms. He then renew'd his Cruisings and Pyracies, which likewise renew'd the former Miseries and Grievances, and made the People cry out, That the Matter was only chang'd from three Ty∣rants to four. But Metrodorus in a short time revolted to Caesar, bringing in with him Corsica, Sardinia, and three Legions; and soon after Octavius put to Sea to invade Sicily, but was beaten back by Pompey, and was in great Danger of his Life; and afterwards his Ships lying at Anchor, were extreamly shatter'd, and most of his Men cast away. These Misfortunes oblig'd Octavius to forti••y the Coasts of Italy, lest Pompey shou'd attempt an Invasion, and sent to An∣thony for his Assistance: Tho' he seem'd intirely ta∣ken up with such important Affairs, he found some more agreeable in another place; and Livia the Wife of Tiberius was the Subject of 'em. The Beau∣ty of this Woman, join'd with her refin'd and dex∣trous Wit, made a great Impression upon his Heart, which was much alienated from Scribonia, whom he divorc'd for her insupportable Temper; and either by his Entreaties or Authority, he oblig'd Tiberius to yield him Livia, whom he marry'd, tho' then big with Child, the Priests all allowing of it.

Anthony was now arriv'd at Brundusium with 300 Sail,* 1.311 giving out, He came to assist Octavius in this War. Octavius having not long before receiv'd the News of Agrippa's quelling the Gauls, and having ga∣ther'd together a noble Fleet, cou'd willingly have dispenc'd with Anthony's Civility. He thought he was already too powerful, and therefore sought all

Arts and Pretences to excuse his going to meet An∣thony; which Proceedings did not a little displease him, as having been jealous of Octavius for a long time. Anthony had then particular need of Soldiers to employ against the Parthians; and willing to spare the Charge of a Fleet, he design'd Octavius shou'd take that, and furnish him with Land-Forces. Whereupon Octavia generously offer'd to go to her Brother, and clear all Misunderstandings, and re∣concile all Differences that were like to arise, which Anthony willingly agreed to. Caesar receiv'd her with a Courtesie suitable to the great Affection he had for her, but yet was so backward in answering her Requests, that she publickly address'd her self to his two great Friends Agrippa and Mecoenas, who had a profound Respect for her, both for her great Me∣rits and high Birth. My Lords, said she, you see here Octavia, a Woman of the greatest Quality of the World, now ready to be made the most miserable of all her Sex, if your great Care and Wisdom prevent not these Misfor∣tunes. The whole Roman People have fix'd their Eyes on me, me the Sister of Caesar and Wife of Anthony; if my ill Destiny shou'd bring these two to Arms, you have the Chance of Fortune on your side, but I must fall whoever gains, and be reduc'd to the fatal Necessity of losing a Husband or a Brother. This moving Argument, join'd with the Affection Octavius had for his Sister, brought him to an Enterview with Anthony, where extraordinary Civility was shewn to each other, all little Differences were accommodated, and an Ex∣change made as Anthony desir'd; and because the time of the Triumvirate set by the Senate was almost expir'd, they prolong'd their Power for five Years more, without ever regarding the Suffrages of the Senate or People. After this, Anthony departed once more for Syria, leaving Octavius in Italy, Octavius deferring his Expedition into Sicily till the following Year.

Octavius determin'd to invade Sicily from three se∣veral Quarters; Lepidus, who had now join'd him, was to make a Descent from Africk, Taurus from Ta∣rentum, and he himself from Puteoli. Pompey was re∣solv'd to oppose each of these Commanders, but at this time there needed not that Care; for Octavius's Fleet was a second time shatter'd and disabl'd by a Storm, which so swell'd Pompey with Vanity, that he styl'd himself Neptune's Son. However Octavius wou'd not give over his Enterprize; for the same Summer having recruited his Forces, and refitted his Navy, he sent it out under the com∣mand of Agrippa, who first overthrew Pompey's Fleet, then was again worsted himself; yet after that land∣ed 21 Legions, and 2000 Horse, besides 5000 Light∣arm'd Men. No great or memorable Action hap∣ned on Land; but Pompey sent to his Enemy to know if he wou'd fight by Sea, much fearing the Land-Forces. Octavius accepted of his Offer, and in a general Battel, in which Agrippa perform'd great Acts, finally defeated him, having sunk 28 of his Vessels. The rest were either taken or broken, se∣venteen only escap'd; and at the sight of this great Overthrow, all Pompey's Land-Forces surrender'd themselves to Octavius, so that with his seventeen Vessels, he fled to Anthony in Syria, from whom he expected Protection, in requital of what he had for∣merly given to his Mother Iulia. Messana still held out for Pompey, but the Garison at last yielded to Le∣pidus, and that brought all Sicily into subjection.

This Victory, tho' so advantageous to Octavius, prov'd the Ruine of Lepidus, who now having got 22 Legions under his Command, and a strong Bo∣dy of Cavalry, pleas'd himself with the ambitious Thoughts of getting all Sicily into his Hands, to which he pretended a Right, as first invaded by him. Whereupon Octavius sent to him to complain of his Proceedings; to whom Lepidus fiercely reply'd, That

Caesar had taken upon him all the Authority of the Trium∣virate, when he had as much Right to it as himself. At this Octavius with great Boldness went alone to Le∣pidus's Camp, with no other Assistance than that of his own Merit, and the Authority he had gain'd by his Victories. The Soldiers of Pompey look'd upon him with great Respect, and drew round about him; which Lepidus perceiving, he hastned thither and made some of his Men charge Octavius, who presently receiv'd a Hurt by a Dart. Yet Octavius with a great Presence of Mind, went directly to the Place where the Eagles of the Legions were plant∣ed, and taking one of 'em, he advanc'd it in the Air; whereupon all the Legionary Soldiers ran in Crouds, and saluted him as their General. Lepidus being thus abandon'd by his Soldiers, quitted all the Marks of his Authority which he cou'd no longer keep, took deep Mourning and came and threw himself at Octavius's Feet. Octavius was much mov'd at this mortifying Spectacle, to see a Trium∣vir, who had dispos'd of the Lives of many noble Persons, reduc'd to beg his own; but he despis'd him too much to take his Life; and tho' his Soldiers wou'd have kill'd him, he sav'd him, but turn'd him out of all his Authority and Power, except that of Pontifex Maximus, and banish'd him to Cyrcaeum.

Thus fell one Head of the Triumvirate, and their Authority without any Competitor, came wholly into the Hands of Octavius and Anthony; which Au∣thority became almost indisputable by the Death of Pompey, who was shortly after slain by Anthony's Or∣der in Phrygia, having first made several Commoti∣ons in those Parts. So that all Civil Wars were for a while ended in the Roman State, which fell out in the 718th Year of the City, and the 7th of the Se∣cond Triumvirate, about 8 Years after Iulius Caesar's Death, and 34 before our Saviour's Nativity.

CHAP. VI.

From the Banishment of Lepidus, to the Death of Anthony; which made Way for Octavius's Absolute Authority, and was the last Step to the Imperial State.

Containing the space of six Years.

I. ROME now began to take Breath after so many Domestick Broils,* 1.312 and Octavius was receiv'd at the City with a general Joy, the Senators met him at the Gates, and conducted him to the Capitol, follow'd by all the People, crown'd with Garlands of Flowers; where after he had given Thanks to the Gods, they waited on him to his Palace. Octavius now thought of nothing so much as the gaining the Hearts and Inclinations of the People, and he much endeavour'd to restore the publick Peace of the City, which had of late been much disturb'd by Thieves and Robbers. For that End he order'd Sabinus, with his Troops, to pursue and bring to Punishment all such as might be found in Italy and Sicily, and likewise establish'd at Rome some Companies for the Guard of the City. This and many other things he executed with such great Diligence and Dexterity, that the Romans began to have an extraordinary Veneration for a Man who had such a surprizing Understanding at so small an Age. Some Cities of Italy proceeded even to the erecting Altars to him, especially after one generous Act he did. He had among Pompey's Papers a great

Number of Letters and Memoirs of the chief Sena∣tors, enough to occasion many new Disturbances. These he brought into the Forum, and before all the People threw 'em into the Fire, protesting, That he there sacrific'd all his private Resentments to the Good of the Commonwealth, and design'd to give up his Authority as soon as Anthony shou'd return from the Parthian Ex∣pedition. The People applauded him beyond Ex∣ample, and to shew that they ever desir'd to obey him, they chose him Tribune for his Life; and by this they likewise thought to oblige him to quit the odious Dignity of Triumvir. Octavius willingly ac∣cepted of the perpetual Tribuneship, but deferred the Suppression of the Triumvirate till Anthony's Return, and sent Bibulus to communicate his Design to him; and after he had dispos'd of the Government of the Provinces, he march'd against the Illyrians.

It was believ'd, that the Death of Pompey wou'd have establish'd a Peace through all the World;* 1.313 espe∣cially since Anthony and Octavius might in the Ex∣tent and Riches of the Roman Empire, have found all that cou'd be desir'd for the satisfying their Am∣bition: But the secret Hatred between these two, which broke out upon all publick Occasions, now began to raise new Commotions in the Roman State. The Passion of Anthony for Cleopatra, and the extra∣vagant Presents of whole Provinces which he made her, serv'd Octavius for a plausible Pretence to re∣new the War, and free himself from a Competitor so formidable both for his Valour, and his Reputa∣tion among the Soldiers. Anthony had now call'd Cleopatra into Syria, and there gave her all Phoenicia, Coelo-Syria, and Cyprus, with a great part of Cilicia, Arabia, and Iudaea; which much displeas'd the Ro∣man People, who daily publish'd scurrilous Discour∣ses of Anthony's Prodigality. Anthony being inform'd of these Libels by his Friends from Rome, immedi∣ately publish'd an Apology, wherein he affirm'd,

That the Grandeur of the Roman Empire was never so conspicuous for the Conquests made, as for the Liberality practis'd in bestowing the conquer'd Provinces: That true Nobility was inlarg'd and multiply'd by the numerous Poste∣rity that Soveraign Princes left in several Parts of the World; and that was the Motive that induc'd Hercules, from whom he deriv'd his Birth, not to subject himself to the single Tye of one Wife, but to leave the Foundation of several illustrious Races in all Parts, where he extended his glorious Conquests. These false Reasonings which were design'd to justifie his Passion, prov'd more injuri∣ous to him, and made him appear odious to the Romans, who made Profession of a much stricter Morality.

Anthony besides had march'd against the Parthians with a mighty Power, which made the East trem∣ble, but with very ill Success; for at the Beginning the Enemy slew one of his Lieutenants, and en∣tirely defeated two Legions, and even he himself was reduc'd to such Extremities, that he often de∣spair'd of his own Safety. At last after the Loss of the fourth Part of his Troops, and all his Baggage, he sav'd himself in Armenia, by the Advice of a Roman who had been Prisoner among the Part••ians ever since the Death of Crassus. Tho' Anthony in this War behav'd himself with his usual Bravery, yet the great Loss and shameful Retreat of such a General as he, who in all probability was once able to have conquer'd his Enemies, extreamly diminish'd his former Reputation: And what was still more disadvantageous to him, was the general Belief that these Misfortunes were owing to his Passion for Cleopatra, which had caus'd him to take no Measures aright, but such as shou'd hasten his Return to her. But what principally enrag'd the Romans was, the taking Artabazus, King of Armenia, whom Anthony led in Triumph into Alexandria. This Rome cou'd by no means bear, that a Roman General shou'd

impart such a peculiar Honour to a Foreign Nation, and that she shou'd be depriv'd of the Glory of insulting over vanquish'd Kings, which for so many Years she had enjoy'd. All these Faults of Anthony, Caesar made Advantage of, and above all exaggera∣ted the little Value he had for his Country: And when he found the People sufficiently exasperated against him, he resolv'd to send Octavia to her Hus∣band, that he might have a plausible Pretence to declare War against him, if he shou'd Offer her the Affront of sending her back without seeing her.

Anthony was now at Leucopolis, between Tyre and Sidon, where he stay'd with an Impatience he was not able to conceal, frequently leaving the Table to run to the Sea-side himself, to see if the Queen were coming. At last she came with great Quantity of Cloathing for her Soldiers, and a vast Summ of Money; at least Anthony gave her the Honour of it when he distributed it. Almost at the same time Niger arriv'd from Octavia, who staid at Athens, from whence she sent her Husband word that she had brought him Clothes and Arms, Horses and Presents for his Officers, and 2000 chosen Soldiers well arm'd. This was very unwelcom News to Cleopatra, who fearing she cou'd not prevail against so powerful a Rival when she appear'd, immediate∣ly feign'd a deep Melancholy, abstaining from Food to make her self lean; and when she was near An∣thony, she beheld him with languishing Eyes, and a despairing Countenance like one besides her self with Love; She let fall Tears in his Presence, and turn'd away her Face, as if she desir'd to hide from him those Marks of her Grief. These Artifices, to∣gether with the smooth and cunning Flatteries of Cleopatra's Friends, prevail'd so much upon Anthony's Weakness, that they quite turn'd his Thoughts in favour of his Mistress. He broke off his honoura∣ble Enterprize against the Parthians, notwithstand∣ing

all the Instances of the King of Media, who offer'd to join with him, and oppose that People with his Cavalry accustom'd to their Way of Fight∣ing. He only contented himself to make a Match between one of his Sons he had by Cleopatra and a Daughter of that King; and after he had sent to Octavius to return to Rome, he waited on Cleopatra to Aegypt.

Here Anthony began to show himself more luxuri∣ous and extravagant than ever, erecting a stately Throne of Silver in the most publick Place in A∣lexandria, upon which were two Seats of Gold, one for himself and the other for Cleopatra. There An∣thony dress'd like Bacchus, and Cleopatra like Isis, were seated; and in the presence of all the People he de∣clar'd her Queen of Aegypt, Cyprus, Lydia, and Lower Syria, associating with her Caesaria, the Son she had by Iulius Caesar. To the Children he had by her he gave the Title of King of Kings; and for their Dominions, to Alexander the eldest he allotted Armenia, Media, and Parthia, which he pretended he wou'd conquer in a little time; and to Ptolemy the younger, Phoenicia, Upper Syria, and Cilicia; and all things were perform'd with the greatest Pomp•• and Solemnity imaginable. Anthony was still carry'd away with new Pleasures and Delights by Cleopatra, and the Delicacy and Profuseness of their Treats still daily encreas'd, till at last the Queen promis'd him upon a Wager to give him a Treat of 60000 Pound value of our Money. In this Treat was serv'd up a golden Cup with a very strong dissolving Vine∣gar, in which Cleopatra put one of her Pendants, which was a Pearl of an inestimable value, and im∣mediately drank it off. Plancus, who was to judge of the Wager, immediately secur'd the other Pen∣dant which she was then taking off, and gave judg∣ment that she had already won the Wager; and Anthony himself was extremely troubl'd for the Loss

of such a Jewel. The remaining Pearl, after the Death of Cleopatra, came into the Hands of Caesar, who caus'd it to be cut asunder, and made it into two Pendants for the Image of Venus, which he thought gloriously adorn'd with half of this prodigal Queen's Supper.

II. Octavius was now much provok'd by Anthony's Actions,* 1.314 especially at his affronting his Sister, and made Report of all his Practices to the Senate, who began to have a far less Esteem for Anthony than e∣ver. Octavia us'd her utmost Endeavours to recon∣cile these two, alledging, That her Interest ought not to oblige Caesar to declare himself Anthony's Enemy, since it wou'd be a shameful thing to have it reported in future Ages, that the Love of one Woman, and the Iea∣lousie of another, had caus'd the two Governours of the greatest Empire of the World to plunge it into the Miseries of a Civil War. Her great Generosity, her mild Behaviour, together with the Love and respect to her Husband, still further incens'd the People against Anthony, for his ill Usage of a Lady of that extra∣ordinary Merit. Octavius at last resolv'd to declare War against Anthony, but deferr'd for a while, be∣ing employ'd all this Year against several People of Illyricum; at which same time Anthony also left Ae∣gypt and went into Media, where he enter'd into a League with that King.

The following Year Octavius chiefly employ'd in Preparations against Anthony, who was now so sen∣sible of Octavius's Designs, that he sent to Rome to complain of Octavius's Conduct; alledging, That he had seiz'd upon Sicily, without affording him a Share; that he had dispossess'd Lepidus, and kept all his Governments to himself; and that he had divided all Italy among his own Soldiers, and reserv'd nothing for his in Asia. Octa∣vius made Answer to these Accusations, That Lepi∣dus's Conduct had oblig'd him to remove him; that as for

the Conquests he had made, Anthony shou'd have a Share, when he had divided Armenia which he had conquer'd; and as for Anthony's Soldiers, that it was not likely that they wou'd value a few pitiful Lands in Italy, after they had conquer'd all Media and the Empire of the Parthi∣ans by the mighty Exploits they had done in following their General. Anthony was so inrag'd at this Jeer, that he order'd Canidius, who commanded his Army, to march without intermission with 16 Legions to pass over into Europe, and he himself with Cleopatra came to Ephesus, where his Lieutenants had gather'd to∣gether 800 Vessels, of which Cleopatra furnish'd 200 with 20000 Talents, and Privisions for all his For∣ces. Anthony, by the Advice of Domitius, resolv'd to send back Cleopatra into Aegypt till the War was ended; but she fearing lest Octavia shou'd take an Advantage of her Absence, and make her Peace, by large Presents gain'd Canidius to represent to Antho∣ny a great Number of Inconveniencies that her Departure wou'd occasion; particularly, the depriving him of the Assistance of the Aegyptians, who were the best Part of his Navy. These Counsels, and her own cunning Insinuations, so far prevail'd upon An∣thony's deprav••d Temper, that he consented to her Stay.

Anthony and Cleopatra went both to Samos, where, for Preparation for so great an Enterprize, they be∣gan with all the Diversions and Pleasures that cou'd be invented. Never were any Man's Cares so plea∣santly divided as Anthony's; on one side all the Kings, Princes and Potentates from Aegypt to the Euxine Sea, and from Armenia to Illyricum, had Orders to send Arms, Provisions and Soldiers to Samos; on the other, all the Comedians, Dancers, Musicians, and Buffoons were oblig'd to repair to this Isle: So that frequently when a Ship was thought to come laden with Soldiers, Arms and Ammunition, it prov'd to be full of Players, Scenes and Machines;

and while all the rest of the World was in extream Misery and Desolation, Joy and all kind of Pleasure reign'd here, as if they had all made choice of this Place to retire to. But how Magnificent soever their Entertainments were, Anthony's Fear and Jealousie had so fowr'd his Temper, that he began to suspect Cleopatra her helf, and wou'd eat nothing without a Taster. But Cleopatra by her dextrous Management, by several Instances soon let him see, That he cou'd have no Guard against her Address, were not her Heart interess'd in his Preservation; which made Anthony leave off his troublesome Precautions, which he found useless against the Arts of a Woman, who cou'd so skilfully mingle inevitable Snares of Death among her Pleasures. Every City of Anthony's Em∣pire had a Share in his Sacrifices, and sent an Ox thither to be offer'd, and the Kings who accompa∣ny'd him, contended who shou'd make the noblest Entertainments, so that it gave Occasion to one to ask, What Rejoycings they would make for a Victo∣ry, who made such magnificent Treats before a dange∣rous War?

The Stay Anthony made at Samos was very favou∣rable to Octavius, who cou'd make but small Provi∣sion for War, by reason of the Discontents of all the Italian Cities, occasion'd by the severe Impositi∣ons laid upon 'em, and augmented by the News of Anthony's Approach with such formidable Forces. But when they saw that Anthony's Preparations serv'd chiefly to fill the Publick Places and Theatres of Sa∣mos, Octavius found Means to appease 'em, and to put himself in a Posture of Disputing the Empire with Forces equal to his Enemies. Still Anthony began to grow more odious to the Roman People; for having brought Cleopatra to Athens, and there honouring her beyond any Mortal before her, he sent to Rome with Orders to Octavia to leave his House, with all her Children. Octavia readily obey'd these unjust

Orders, without Murmuring, only lamenting her hard Fate, because she was made to serve for a Pretence to a War, whose Consequences must needs be fatal to her. Se∣veral of Anthony's Friends not being able any longer to bear with his Disorders, abandon'd him, and Octa∣vius having got Anthony's Will into his Hands, found new Matter to complain of to the Senate and Peo∣ple, which was Anthony's ordering, That if he dy'd in Rome, his Body shou'd be carry'd in funeral Pomp through the principal Places of the City, and then sent into Aegypt to Cleopatra. To this a Report was added, That Anthony design'd to give Rome to Cleopatra, if his Arms were prosperous, and to transferr the Seat of the Empire into Aegypt; so that notwithstanding all the Care of the more prudent Sort, and all their Endea∣vours to reconcile these two great Men, it plainly appear'd, that nothing but the Sword could decide the present Controversie.

III. As soon as Octavius found himself in a good Condition to carry on the War,* 1.315 he publickly pro∣claim'd it against Cleopatra, and divested Anthony of his Authority, which he had in a manner already parted with in favour of that Princess. The De∣cree imply'd besides, That Anthony was now no longer Master of his own Will, since Cleopatra, with her Philtres had taken away the use of his Reason; so that he was not to be esteem'd as a Person engag'd in this War, which was only manag'd by Mardion her Eunuch, and Iras and Charmia her Women, who were all his Governours. All Anthony's Followers were invited over with great Promises of Rewards, but not declar'd Enemies, partly to pre∣vent their growing Desperate, and partly to render Anthony more inexcusable in making War against his Country, only for the sake of an Aegyptian Wo∣man. The Forces of these two Generals were an∣swerable to the Empire they contended for, one drawing all the East, and the other the West to his

Party. All the several Kings of Asia that were Al∣lies of the Romans, follow'd the Fortune of Antho∣ny; some by their Persons, and others by their Troops alone; all which, with Anthony's Forces, compos'd an Army of 100000 Foot and 12000 Horse, and his Fleet consisted of 500 Ships of War, whereof many were of the largest Bulk. Octavius in his Party had no Foreign Princes, and his Army amounted to no more than 80000 Foot, but was as strong in Cavalry as his Enemy's: In his Fleet were 250 Vessels, but all Light, better Mann'd, and more convenient than Anthony's. This Year, by reason of Anthony's recalling his Troops out of Me∣dia from the Protection of that Country, the Par∣thians became Masters of it, and Armenia was like∣wise lost.

The two great Men being now in readiness for Action,* 1.316 they first began to shew their Hatred by re∣flecting Letters; and when Octavius reproach'd An∣thony with his Love to Cleopatra, and the Prodigality of his Feasts, he, on the other side, put him in mind of the famous Feasts of the twelve Gods, where he and his other Guests represented the Deities they ador'd. To which he added, His prepostrous Match with Livia, and his infamous Divorce of Scribonia, for not bearing the Insolence of that new Mistress; and all the Roman La∣dies that Octavius had any great Familiarity with, were brought upon the Stage. He proceeded like∣wise to tax Octavius with Cowardice at the Battels of Mutina and Sicily; whereupon Octavius wrote to him, That it was childish to fight any longer with the Pen, but if he wou'd approach at the Head of his Army, he shou'd have Ports in Italy to land without Molestation; that he wou'd draw his Troops so far from the Sea, that Anthony shou'd want no room for Encamping, and put∣ting his Men in Battalia. To make return to this Bravade, Anthony, tho' he were much the older, challeng'd Octavius to fight a single Combat, or if he

pleas'd, he wou'd give him Battel in the Plains of Phar∣salia, where the great Caesar and Pompey had formerly decided their famous Differences. Anthony was now at Actium, a Town on the Coasts of Epirus, at the En∣trance of the Gulf of Ambracia; and while he lay there without Action, Octavius pass'd over from Brundusium, and surpriz'd Toryne, a City nigh Acti∣um. This Exploit amaz'd Anthony's Soldiers, because his Legions were not yet arriv••d; but Cleopatra, to re-assure 'em, made slight of it, and in a jesting Way said, what Damage is it for Octavius to take the Scummer? alluding to the Word Toryne, which sig∣nifies a Scummer; as if the Danger had been no greater than the taking of a Dinner.

Anthony had brought all his Ships into the Gulf, whither Octavius the next Day after the taking of Toryne came forward, and offer'd him Battel. An∣thony's Vessels were very ill Mann'd, however he drew 'em into a fighting Posture, with their Oars a-peek, as if he intended to bear down upon the E∣nemy; but Octavius durst not engage him in that narrow Passage, and therefore stood off to Sea; the other refus'd to follow, but as he perfectly knew the Country thereabouts, he cut off the Water from Octavius's Camp on every side, which much distress'd his Army. But the Success of Agrippa in taking Leuca∣dia, Petras, and Corinth, about this time, much reviv'd the Soldiers, and likewise occasion'd Amintas, Deiotarus, and Demitius to go over to Octavius. To the latter of these, Anthony, according to his natural Genero∣sity, sent his People and all his Equipage, which so sensibly touch••d Domitius, who was Sick already, that he was not able to outlive the Grief of aban∣doning a Man who thus by Kindness only had re∣veng'd his Perfidiousness. In the mean time Cani∣dius arriv'd with the Legions, who now began to change his Mind concerning Cleopatra, desiring An∣thony, To send her back, and go himself into Macedo∣nia,

where he might fight by Land with so much more Ad∣vantage, because Dicomes, King of the Getes, had pro∣mis'd him a powerful Assistance: He farther told An∣thony, That it would be a renouncing both Sence and Rea∣son to put a Victory to the Hazard of the Seas and Winds, which they were certain of at Land, by the Valour and Experience of their General, who, to this Day, had kept up the Title of Invincible; and by the Hearts and Cou∣rages of their Soldiers, who had been try'd in so many great Dangers. Anthony was much inclin'd to follow this Advice, but Cleopatra, whose Words were Ora∣cles, byass'd him the other Way, and oblig'd him against his Will to hazard both his Empire and Life in a Sea-Fight; and this, only that she might e∣scape with more ease, if Anthony should lose the Day.

Anthony had now resolv'd to fight by Sea, and while he was putting his Fleet in Order of Battel, a brave old Soldier, all cover'd with Scars, spoke thus to him aloud, My noble General, do you despise this good Sword, and this old Arm, which all my Wounds cou'd ne'er yet weaken, that you shou'd put your Confidence in brittle Boats and rotten Wood? Leave the Water to the Aegyptians and Phoenicians, People born and nurst up in that Element, but leave us Romans to the firm Land, where we may boldly meet Death, and fall like Men. An∣thony answer'd nothing, only by the Motion of his Head seem'd to incourage him, tho' he himself was not well satisfy'd; for when his Officers propos'd taking away the Sails, he oppos'd it, alledging, That he wou'd have none of the Enemy escape. That Day, and the three following, the Sea was so rough they cou'd not engage, but on the fifth, the two Fleets advanc'd towards each other in good Order. An∣thony in his Brigantine went about encouraging his Men with the Remembrance of the many Victories they had gain'd under his Conduct, telling 'em besides, That the Largeness of their Vessels gave 'em Opportunity of fighting as firmly, and with as much Assurance as on dry

Land; and that this Day as he expected the Empire of the World from their Valour, so they might expect Rewards answerable to so noble a Conquest. Octavius on his Side gave no less Hopes to his Soldiers, especially since they seem'd fearful of the Enemies Fleet; and a∣mong other things, said, The Enemies Vessels are laden indeed, but not Mann'd; and if they exceed us in Multi∣tudes of Men, we surpass them in Number of Soldiers. Be therefore now, as ye, have ever been, Conquerors; to speak more were to detain you from Victory, only call to Mind your ancient Valcur; and remember that I am Caesar, and you Romans.

It was both a noble and a terrible Sight, to see the Shore on one side o'erspread with 200000 fight∣ing Men, and the Sea cover'd on the other with an incredible Number of Vessels fill'd with Soldiers. Nor was the Battel less remarkable, which began on both Sides with great Courage and Bravery, and so con∣tinu'd for a considerable Time; when Cleopatra, weary'd with Expectation, or overcome with Fear, unexpectedly tack'd about, and fled toward Pelopon∣nesus with sixty Sail. And what was still more sur∣prizing, Anthony himself, who had formerly shewn so many eminent Marks of his Valour, now forgot the Care of his Honour and Safety, and fled after her, playing the Part of a cowardly Soldier, while each of his Soldiers perform'd the Office of a cou∣rageous General. Thus Anthony abandon'd his Men that so generously expos'd their Lives for his Inte∣rest; and getting into Cleopatra's Galley, he sat for a long Time by himself in a confus'd Melancholly Posture, without so much as seeing the Queen, tho' he had follow'd her without any apparent Reason but the Thoughts of her Absence. The Battel, notwithstanding, continu'd with great Obstinacy till five in the Evening, when Anthony's Forces were partly constrain'd by the great Conduct of Agrippa, and partly persuaded by the obliging Promises of

Octavius, to submit; and herein Octavius's Clemen∣cy did much efface the Memorry of the Battel of Philippi, and the cruel Proscriptions of the Trium∣virate. The Consequence of this Victory was very advantageous to Octavius, for all Anthony's Land-Forces, tho' very firm and resolute for some time, were in a little time after very willing to accept of such Conditions as Octavius offer'd, and upon that all yielded to him, Octavius generously sparing all but a very small Number, who in a more parti∣cular Manner were his declar'd Enemies.

Anthony now was carry'd away with melancholy Reflections and dispairing Thoughts, and through Shame or Anger refus'd to see Cleopatra for several Days together; till arriving at Tenarus, her Women so bestirr'd themselves, that they brought 'em to see one another, and to eat together. Here News was brought him by several of his Friends of the Defeat of his Fleet; but not suspecting the Revolt of his Army, he wrote to Canidius to retreat through Ma∣cedonia, and return to Asia, and took what Care he cou'd for the safety of his Friends that were about him, offering 'em what Money he had, and commanding 'em to leave him. After this he retir'd to Africk, from whence he sent Cleopatra into Aegypt, and re∣main'd almost alone, without any other Company than Aristocrates and Lucilius; one a Greek, and the other a Roman, both excellent Orators. Here Anthony heard of the Revolt of his Land-Forces, which put him in∣to such a violent Rage and Despair, that he attempted to kill himself; but was hinder'd from that fatal Re∣solution by the Prayers and Remonstrances of his Friends, who persuaded him to return to Alexandria, where he found Cleopatra about an Enterprize that well shew'd the Greatness of her Spirit. This Queen had drawn her Galleys upon Carriages for 100 Mile, over that Neck of Land which joins Asia to Africa, to the Red-Sea; where she design'd to embark her

self with all her Treasure, and her choicest Friends, and plant her self in some remote part of the World. But the Arabians soon forc'd her to abandon that Design, and thereupon she apply'd her self to fortifie the Avenues of her Kingdom, which were of very difficult Access. Anthony's Behaviour was ve∣ry different, shewing nothing but a shameful Weak∣ness: He shunn'd all Company, and built a House near the Pharos, where he shut himself up without either Friends or Domesticks, to imitate Timon, as he said, since he had no less Reason to hate Mankind than that Athenian, being betray'd by those whom he had most oblig'd. But he cou'd not long force his natural Temper, and therefore, as Debauching is a great Relief to People of his Humour, he quitted his Cell in a little Time, and apply'd himself whol∣ly to Feasting and Luxury, and many sorts of Ex∣travagancies.

IV. Octavius was now in Italy,* 1.317 whither he was re∣call'd by Agrippa's Letters, after he had pass'd one part of the Winter in Athens, and the other at Sa∣mos. The Occasion of his Return into Italy was the Mutiny of his Soldiers which he had sent to Brun∣dusium after the Victory, who, after their usual Cu∣stom, had demanded their Rewards and their Dis∣charge. Octavius stay'd at Brundusium but a short Time, only while he appeas'd his Soldiers, and gave all necessary Orders; after which with his Fleet he sail'd into Syria, while his Army march'd along the Coasts of Africk to attack Aegypt on the other side. All the Kings of Asia, Allies to the Romans, came to assure him of their Obedience; and none ap∣pear'd more forward than Herod King of Iudaea, who went as far as Rhodes to lay his Crown at Octa∣vius's Feet, and offer'd him both his Person and his Troops. This Prince was one of Anthony's greatest Friends, and for that Reason he had so little Hopes

of the Success of his Voyage, that in pursuance of his Natural Bent to Cruelty, he left Order with two of his Confidents to put his Wife Mariamne to Death, whom he passionately lov'd, in case he shou'd miscarry. This Secret was reveal'd to Mari∣amne by one of his Instruments; and Herod being reproach'd with it at his Return, caus'd the Death of this unfortunate Princess, who for her admirable Beauty, and her noble Race from that of the Mac∣cabees, deserv'd a better Fate. Octavius, to give a famous Instance of his Clemency, pardon'd Herod, gave him his Crown, and receiv'd him into Fa∣vour; but wou'd not spare Alexas the Syrian, who had been Anthony's greatest Flatterer, and afterwards a most perfidious Traytor to him.

Anthony and Cleopatra seeing themselves abandon'd by all their Allies, resolv'd at last to send Euphronius, their Children's Tutor, to make some Proposals to Octavius. Cleopatra privately sent a Golden Crown and Sceptre, with a Royal Seat, to Octavius, ask∣ing the Kingdom of Aegypt for her Children; and Anthony only desir'd he might live as a Private Man at Athens, if Octavius was not willing he shou'd tar∣ry still in Aegypt. He absolutely rejected Anthony's Propositions, but sent to Cleopatra, That there was no manner of Favour which she might not reasonably expect, if she wou'd either put Anthony to Death, or Banish ••im. With this Answer Euphronius return'd, and with him Thyreus, a Freed-Man of Octavius's, a Per∣son very Cunning, and fit to manage any Intrigue; who coming with a Message from a young Emperor, to an ambitious Princess, possess'd with a mighty Opinion of her own Charms, had no difficult Ac∣cess to her. But these secret Conferences be∣tween Cleopatra and him, and the Honours she did him, threw Anthony into such a furious Passion of Jealousie, that he immediately order'd him to be cruelly Scourg'd, and in that Condition sent him to

Octavius with Letters, That he had chastis'd Thyreus for insulting over him at a Time when his bad Fortune had put him into an ill Humour; but if this Proceeding offended him, be had his Freed-Man Hipparchus by him, whom he might use after the same manner, and so be upon equal Terms: Which was a pleasant Way of being reveng'd upon Hipparchus, the first of Anthony's Freed-Men that went over to Coesar. Cleopatra omitted nothing to clear Anthony's Mind of Jealousie and Suspicion; she redoubl'd her Fondness and Caresses, and when her Birth-day came, she kept it as was suitable to their deplorable Condition; but Anthony's was ob∣serv'd with great Splendor and Magnificence, so that all the Guests were enrich'd by the noble Presents she made upon his Account.

In the mean time Octavius, having gather'd all his Forces together, surpriz'd the City of Pelusium, which was surrender'd to him by Seleucus; and it was imme∣diately reported, That this Governour had done it by Cleopatra's Order; but she, to clear her self, deliver'd up his Wife and Children into Anthony's Hands. Near the Temple of Isis she had built a stately Building, design'd for a Sepul∣chre. Into this Place she remov'd all her Treasure, as Gold, Silver, Jewels and other such valuable things, and fill'd it besides with Torches, Faggots, Tow, and other combustible Matter; so that Octavius was much afraid lest out of Despair she shou'd burn her self in it with all those ••ast Riches. Therefore while he was marching towards Alexandria he omit∣ted no Occasion of giving her Assurance of his Re∣spect and kind Usage. The nigh Approach of so formidable a Rival, began once more to rouse up Anthony, and reviv'd all those Sparks of Greatness and Generosity in his Breast that seem'd to have been wholly extinct. Anthony now knew that he had no Hopes but of dying like a Roman, and this he fully resolv'd upon: So he rally'd all the Troops he had,

made a brave Sally upon Octavius's Horse, and beat 'em into their Camp, which he put into Disorder; nor did Anthony ever shew more Courage and Con∣duct than now. Upon this Victory, Anthony enter'd Alexandria as in Triumph, and went all Arm'd to Cleopatra, to bring her the good News of his Suc∣cess, presenting one of his Knights to her, who had behav'd himself bravely in the Fight. The Queen rewarded his Valour with an Armour of Gold, but that very Night, this ungrateful Wretch went over to Octavius, which dangerous Example much trou∣bled Anthony. He try'd to provoke Octavius's Tem∣per, and challeng'd him to a single Combat; but was coldly answer'd, That Anthony had Ways enough to die without seeking that.

Anthony now finding his Affairs in a dangerous Condition, resolv'd to make the last Push both by Sea and Land, with a full Design to conquer ho∣nourably or die bravely. He order'd his People to treat him chearfully, and fill him his Wine plenti∣fully; Perhaps, said he, this may be the last Service you can do, for to Morrow you may have another Master, while I lie extended upon the Ground, despis'd by all Man∣kind. Finding his Friends much mov'd at this sor∣rowful Discourse, he added, However I will not do you so great an Injury as to lead ye where Death is more certain than Victory. At the dead of Night, when the whole City was in a deep Silence, on a sud∣den was heard a dreadful Noise of Voices, Instru∣ments and Cries, like those of Bacchanals, which passed through Alexandria, and went out of the Gate that looked towards the Enemies Camp, as Plutarch relates it. At break of Day, Anthony posted those few Troops he had remaining, upon the rising Ground nigh the Town, from whence he sent Orders to his Gallies to engage the Enemy. They advanc'd in Order of Battel; but as soon as Antho∣ny's Ships approach'd the other, the Soldiers all held

down their Arms and saluted Octavius's; who re∣turning the Salute, both Fleets joyn'd and stood over-against the City. All his Cavalry seeing this, left him, and went over to Octavius's Camp, his Infantry being forc'd presently to yield.

This unfortunate General, abandon'd thus by his Men, and finding he cou'd not die with Glory in the Field, return'd back to Alexandria, overcome with a dreadful Rage and Fury, running and cry∣ing out, That Cleopatra had betray'd him, when he had ruin'd all his Fortunes for her Sake alone! The Queen hearing of this, in a great Fright retir'd to her Monument, secur'd the Doors, and let down the Port-cullis; and then made a Report be spread, that she was dead, which was soon brought to An∣thony: This sad and sudden News recall'd all that Love and Tenderness he had for this Princess; O wretched Anthony, cry'd he, What hast thou here in this World, when Fate has snatch'd the only Thing for which thou cou'dst endure to live? Then retiring to his Cabinet, he laid aside his Armour, and renew'd his Complaints; O Cleopatra, said he, our Separation is not my greatest Grief, for we shall meet again; but what afflicts me most, is, that I, who have commanded so many gallant Men, shou'd be out-done by a Woman in Courage. Immediately he call'd Eros, the most faithful of his Free'd-Men, whom he had engag'd by Oath to kill him when he shou'd think it necessary, and now bad him perform his Promise. Eros drew out his Sword, as if he design'd to perform that fatal Duty; and turning aside, gave himself a Wound, which threw him dead at his Master's Feet. Dear Eros, cry'd he, I thank thee for teaching me to do what I ought my self; and upon that he thrust himself in∣to the Belly, and fell backwards upon his Bed. Tho' the Wound was Mortal, yet the Blood stopping, he came to himself, and most earnestly begg'd of his Friends to dispatch him; but they all fled from

him, leaving him in a miserable Condition, tossing and struggling with the Anguish of his Pain, whilst Diomedes came to carry him to Cleopatra.

Anthony understanding Cleopatra yet liv'd, begg'd and entreated in the most moving Manner in the World to be carry'd to her; and with much diffi∣culty and pain they lifted him up to the Door of the Monument. Cleopatra, having only her two Women, durst not open the Door, but let down Cords from the Window. All the People of Alex∣andria were present at this sad Spectacle, and no∣thing appear'd so lamentable as to see this great Man, renown'd for so many Conquests and Victories, bath'd in his Blood, and just expiring, holding out his Hands to Cleopatra, and faintly endeavouring to raise himself; and to see this famous Queen striving, with her Body just out of the Window, with the feeble Assistance of her Women, to pull him up, the Peo∣ple all the time seeming to assist her with their Cries and Tears. When after much Pain she had drawn him up, she embrac'd him, and laid him gently up∣on her Bed, tearing all her Cloathes in a most vio∣lent Passion, beating her Face and Breast, and cal∣ling Anthony her Lord, her Husband, her Emperour! and tho' her own Misfortunes were very great and a∣stonishing, yet she forgot them all at the sight of this deplorable Object. Anthony begg'd of her to moderate her Grief and Transports, and ask'd for some Wine, either because he was thirsty, or because he thought it wou'd soon end him. After he had drank, he exhorted Cleopatra to endeavour to save her Life if she cou'd do it with Honour, and for that End Proculus wou'd be her best Friend in Caesar's Camp; that she wou'd not too deeply reflect upon the cruel Turn of Fortune which he felt in his last Days, but rather think what Glory and Renown he had liv'd in, famous for so many noble Victories; Tri∣umphs and Dignities; and that after he had been the first

Man of the World, and the most illustrious of all the Ro∣mans, he was at last overcome by a Roman.

At the finishing of this Discourse, Anthony expi∣red, in the 53d. Year of his Age; a Person of as great Spirit and Valour as any among the Romans, since the Death of Iulius Caesar; yet softn'd, over∣come, and entirely ruin'd by a Woman. His Death put an End to all the Civil Wars, and gave Octavius Opportunity to make his Fortunes as he pleas'd; and from this Period many Historians date his Reign; others three Years after; and some from Iulius Cae∣sar's Death. This hapned in the 724th Year of the City, the 3d of the 187th Olympiad, and the 13th of the Second Triumvirate, about 14 Years after Iu∣lius Caesar's Death, and 28 before our Saviour's Na∣tivity.

CHAP. VII.

From the Death of Anthony, to the perfect Settlement of the Empire by Octavius; which finish'd all Disturbances, and brought Rome to its utmost Glory.

Containing the space of about three Years.

I. OCtavius shew'd great Satisfaction at his Success and Fortune,* 1.318 yet when Anthony's bloody Sword was brought to him, the Sight of it oblig'd him to retire into his Tent, where he cou'd not re∣frain from Tears, when he reflected upon the deplo∣rable End of a Person so eminent both for Birth and Valour, and one with whom he had contracted

so strict a Friendship and Alliance. He call'd his Friends in, to whom he declar'd, That he had contri∣buted nothing to the Overthrow of Anthony through any Hatred or Ambition; shewing 'em the Copies of the Letters he had writ to him, which contain'd nothing but just and reasonable Proposals, and Anthony's An∣swers full of Passion and Disdain. After this he sent Proculus to employ his utmost Address to seize upon Cleopatra, extremely desiring to save her Trea∣sure, but more especially to grace his Triumph with this Queen, who had so long triumph'd over the Ro∣man Commanders. Cleopatra refus'd Proculus Entrance, but through the Door demanded Aegypt for her Chil∣dren; which caus'd Proculus, after observing the Ave∣nues of the Monument, to return to Octavius, who the same Instant sent Gallus with him to make her new Propositions. While Gallus was discoursing with Cleo∣patra below, Proculus with two others enter'd by the Window at which Anthony had been drawn up; which one of her Women perceiving, presently shreek'd out, Wretched Princess, thou art taken alive! Upon which Cleopatra turn'd quick, and drew out her Dagger to stab her self; but Proculus caught hold of her, saying, Madam, will you at once injure your self and Caesar, in depriving him of the most illustrious Testi∣mony he can give of his Generosity; and make the best and gentlest Prince in the World pass for Cruel and Barbarous? Whereupon he disarm'd her, search'd her lest any Poison shou'd be conceal'd about her; and after he had secur'd her, he return'd to Octavius with this joyful News.

Octavius was extreamly satisfy'd to find this haugh∣ty Queen at his Disposal, who before had lifted the Crown of Aegypt above the Empire of the Romans. He first commanded Epaphroditus to Guard her with the greatest Care, and yet to serve her like a Queen; after which he made his Entrance into Alexandria

after a solemn and pompous Manner. The Maje∣sty of Octavius follow'd by so many arm'd Soldiers, who breath'd nothing but Destruction, drove the Aegyptians into great Fears and Apprehensions, im∣ploring his Mercy upon their Knees. Octavius told 'em, He pardon'd 'em for the sake of their illustrious Founder Alexander, for the extraordinary Beauty of the City, and for his great Esteem he had for Arrius their Fellow-Citizen and Philosopher. Several Kings, Prin∣ces, and Roman Senators begg'd of him the Body of Anthony, to pay their last Respects to him, but he wou'd not deprive Cleopatra of a Satisfaction so dear to her; and more than that, he took Care to fur∣nish her with what was needful for the Pomp of the Funeral, which she solemniz'd with extraordi∣nary magnificence. Octavius took further Care that nothing shou'd occasion the Encrese of Cleopatra's Afflictions; but the Greatness of her Soul, and the Nobleness of her Courage, made the Loss of her Liberty insupportable to her. Her excessive Melan∣choly, and the many Blows she had given her Breasts, put her into a slow Fever, which gave her great Hopes of ending her Sorrows, and her Life in a short time. She had besides resolv'd to abstain from Eating, if her Physician had not discover'd this Secret she had trusted him with to Octavius, who immediately threatned to put her Children all to Death, if she persisted in her Obstinacy: This was the only thing she cou'd be sensible of, and the Thoughts of this caus'd her to comply, and receive whatever they prescrib'd her.

After this, Octavius resolv'd to visit Cleopatra, and by his Civilities give her fresh Assurance of his Fa∣vour. He found her upon a plain Bed, and as soon as she perceiv'd him, she rose in her Shift to throw her self at his Feet, with her Hair in disorder, her Face torn, her Breasts bruis'd, her Eyes red with

weeping, and her Voice weak and trembling; all which Accidents cou'd not deface the Brightness of her Eyes, nor the Charming Air of her Face. Octa∣vius civilly lifted her up, and sat down by her; and immediately she enter'd upon the justifying her Con∣duct; but when her Art and Skill fail'd her against manifest Proofs, she turn'd her Discourse into hum∣ble Supplications, and deliver'd him an Inventory of all her Treasure and Jewels. Seleucus her Trea∣surer accusing her of concealing several things, Cleo∣patra, in a great Rage threw her self out of her Bed, dragg'd him by the Hair, and beat him se∣verely; which some think was only a Pretence of shewing▪ Octavius her beautiful Shape and Body, which she had too great a Confidence in. Howe∣ver Octavius only smil'd at this Action, and led the Queen to her Bed. O Caesar, cry'd she, after the Honour of Visiting me in this miserable Condition, is it not cruel and barbarous, that a vile Slave shou'd accuse me of laying aside a few Trifles; alas, not to adorn my self, but to present 'em to Livia and Octavia, that their generous Intercession may in some measure procure your Favour? This Discourse gave great Satisfaction to Octavius, imagi∣ning it imply'd a Desire she had of living; and thereupon he assur'd her, She might keep her Iewels, and that he wou'd use her more generously than she cou••d reasonably hope for; and so retir'd; much satisfy'd with his Success, having, as he suppos'd, over-reach'd her.

Cleopatra being soon after inform'd by Dolabella, one of Octavius's Favourites, and her Admirer, that Octavius had resolv'd within three Days to send her and her Children away, earnestly begg'd of Octavi∣us to suffer her first to pay her last Oblations to the Memory of Anthony, which he granted her. Where∣upon she was carry'd to the stately Sepulchre where Anthony was laid; and only attended by her two

Women, she fell upon her Knees, embrac'd his Tomb with extream Grief and Passion; and after a Flood of Tears, she cry'd, My dearest Lord, I was a Queen and wore no Chains when I first plac'd thee in this Monument, but now I pay my Duties, I'm Fortune's Slave; my servile Body is reserv'd to grace the Triumph of thy Foes, on which I dare not so much as print the Marks of my Grief. These Tears, these Pangs of Grief are the last Tokens of the Love and Duty of thy Cleo∣patra, who now must be forc'd far from thee: No Chance cou'd separate us while living, but our cruel Destiny will part us in our Deaths; and as by a strange Turn of Fate Aegypt has afforded thee a Tomb, so Rome will me, the only Courtesie I shall receive from thy Country: Yet I hope the Heavenly Powers that guard your happy Abode, (for ours bave betray'd us) will stemm the Con∣queror's Pride, and suffer him not to triumph over thee in my Person. Hide me therefore here, and receive me into thy Tomb; for among all my bitter Griefs and heavy Afflicti∣ons, none e'er press'd my Soul so hard as living thus long without thee.

Upon the finishing of these sad Lamentations, she crown'd the Tomb with Garlands and Flowers, embracing it as if she design'd to grow to it, till her Women took her from thence to a Bath; after which she attir'd her self after a most gorgeous Man∣ner, and eat as sumptuously as she cou'd. After Dinner she clear'd the Room of all except Iras and Charmia; and having procur'd an Asp to be secret∣ly brought in among Figs, Grapes, and Flowers, she apply'd it to her Arm; just before which she sent a Letter to Octavius, wherein she most passionately com∣plain'd of her hard Fate, and very earnestly beseech'd him, That it might be permitted her to be bury'd in the same Tomb with Anthony. Octavius in all haste sent some Messengers, who found her dead upon a Golden Bed, adorn'd with her Royal Robes, in Posture of

one asleep, with Iras also dead at her Feet, and Charmia just breathing, and placing her Diadem right. One of the Messengers very angrily ask'd, Is this well done, Charmia? Extreamly well, reply'd she, and becoming a Princess descended from so noble a Race of Monarchs; at which she expir'd at her Mistresses Feet. Octavius was extreamly troubl'd at Cleopatra's Death, as being depriv'd of the noblest Ornament of his Triumph: However, he cou'd not but admire the Greatness of her Courage, who notwithstanding the Weakness of her Sex, preferr'd Death before the Loss of her Liberty, or the Appearing below her Quality. He order'd her a Magnificent Funeral, laying her Body by Anthony's, according to her De∣sire; and her Women were interr'd with conside∣rable Pomp in Memory of their Fidelity. She was then thirty eight Years of Age, having reign'd twenty two, twelve whereof she pass'd with Antho∣ny; and her Death put an End to the Aegyptian Kingdom, which had flourish'd for many Ages. Her Son Caesario which she had by Iulius Caesar was shortly after slain by Octavius's Orders, who was told by Arrius the Philosopher, That many Caesar's were of dangerous Consequence. Aegypt was now in∣tirely reduc'd into a Province, and Octavius caus'd his Soldiers to cleanse the Chanels of the Nile, which much improv'd the Fertility of the Soil: And since this Kingdom much enlarg'd the Roman Dominions, especially as to Riches, and his entire Victories brought Peace to the Roman State, at his Return he was receiv'd at Rome with an universal Joy and Satis∣faction, as a Person who had put an End to the Miseries and Calamities in the greatest Part of the World. He triumph'd three Days; for Illyrium, for the Battel of Actium, and the Conquest of Ae∣gypt, with extraordinary Splendor and Magnificence; all which were attended with a happy shutting of

the Temple of Ianus, which had stood open 205 Years.

II. Octavius Caesar now finding himself Lord and Governour of the Roman Empire,* 1.319 partly by the Au∣thority with which the People had at several Times invested him, and partly by the Ruine of his Ene∣mies; after this resolv'd to exercise all the Cle∣mency of a sweet temper'd Prince, and all the Cunning of an exquisite Politician. To assure him∣self of Anthony's Adherents was his first and prin∣cipal Care, to which End he publickly reported, that he had burnt all Anthony's Letters and Papers without reading them; well knowing, that as long as any thought themselves suspected Adversaries, they wou'd never shew themselves real Friends. To the Senators and Magistrates he made sumptuous Feasts and Treats; to the Plebeians and Common Sort he exhibited magnificent Shows and Plays; and both he entertain'd with such Variety of Plea∣sures, as might reasonably banish their Sorrows for the old Proscription, and remove their Fears of a new. With great Wisdom and Dexterity he regulated ma∣ny Abuses and Corruptions in the State; and tho' he wou'd not give up the least part of his Authori∣ty, yet he exercis'd it with that Discretion and Mo∣deration, that the Common-wealth was more hap∣py under his Government than when it enjoy'd all its Privileges. He allow'd the People all their due Liberties, only retrench'd the Liberty of making Factions and Dissentions in the State; and to the Se∣nate he restor'd their ancient Splendour, but banish'd their late Corruption: He contended himself with a moderate Power, which wou'd not afford him the Freedom of doing Ill; but he made it Absolute, when it impos'd upon others the Necessity of doing Well. So that the People were not less Free, but in

Matters of Sedition; nor the Senate less Powerful, but in Matters of Injustice; and the Romans seem'd to have lost nothing of the Happiness that Liberty might produce, but only the Misfortunes it might occasion.

Octavius having establish'd so good an Order, found himself extreamly embarrass'd with various Thoughts and Opinions, and long consider'd with himself, whether he ought to retain the Government of the Empire, or restore the People to their first Liberty. The eminent Examples of Sylla and Iulius Caesar, put him to many Doubts and Scruples, when he consider'd that the former, who had voluntarily quitted his Authority, dy'd peaceably in the midst of his Enemies; and the latter, for retaining of it, was assassinated by his most intimate Friends. But then he consider'd on the other side, that the Com∣mon-wealth had been so extreamly harrass'd and broken by violent Factions and Civil Wars, that the Yoak wou'd prove their greatest Relief, especi∣ally as he wou'd manage it. He found likewise that the People of Rome had lost much of their ancient Vigour and Desire of Liberty, and the Senate as much of its ancient Firmness and Resolution; and that there were such numerous Corruptions and such dangerous distempers in the State, that nothing but a Change cou'd cure or correct 'em. As he consi∣der'd that both Senate and People never wanted a Head so much as at present, the Advantage of which they were in this short time sensible of, so these Considerations gave him great Hopes, and almost as great Resolutions. However, this most wary Prince thought it highly necessary for his own Se∣curity to consult his two intimate Friends Agrippa and Mecoenas, the former most famous for his Courage and Valour, and the latter for his great natural En∣dowments. Octavius taking these two into his Clo∣set,

ask'd their Advice, telling 'em among other things, That they were his Friends, therefore he had made 'em his Iudges, as Men that were able to speak Soundly, and willing to speak Freely: That he knew 'em to have a greater Care of his Honour than his Profit, but more of the Common-wealth than of both.

Agrippa return'd the first Answer to this purpose: You may well admire, my generous Lord, that I, who am certain of an uncommon Promotion under your Empire, shou'd advise you to a private Retirement; but since I esteem your Honour above my own Profit, and the Publick Good before my particular Preferrment, I am sure You will pardon me. You have now gloriously finish'd the Civil Wars, and brought an honourable Peace to your Country; but what will the Advantage be, without a Restoration of that Liber∣ty for which those Wars were begun? Or what Benefit can the People reap from so noble a Victory, if it be us'd only as an Instrument for their greater Slavery? A Word so odious to the Roman Nation, that whenever that has seem'd to have been aim'd at by any Person, no Vertues could shield him, no Merits protect him, no Services se∣cure him from the Rage of the People; no, not those of your great Father Julius: And can you hope to escape? But say, That the Divine Power shou'd so protect you as to out-live such Dangers, wou'd you also out-live your Glo∣ries? Are you willing that Posterity shou'd brand you with Tyranny, and perhaps with Baseness, in curbing and put∣ting a Stop to the Fame and Grandeur of your Country? A Country which has gain'd all its Renown and Reputation, and owes all its great and glorious Acts to a Government quite contrary to what you seem inclin'd to; and a Govern∣ment under which other Nations have generally been most prosperous and flourishing. Therefore your Generosity shou'd lead you to set your Country free, and since you are already Master of the World's Forces, and without Rival in the Empire, and have both Senate and People at your Mercy; to do it now wou'd strike all Detraction dumb, and make

future Ages stand amaz'd at the Greatness of your Tem∣per.

Mecoenas on the other side declar'd his Thoughts after this Manner: Be not deceiv'd, most noble Prince, with the specious Shew of Words and Names; but since just Heaven has ordain'd you a Father, as well as a Master of your Country, rather hearken to her real Wants and Necessi∣ties, than to the fallacious Clamours of the Rabble, who like Children cry for what wou'd prove their Ruine. Our Republick is a Ship fraught with Multitudes of various Nations, and destitute of a Pilot, which for many Years has been miserably toss'd and shatter'd, and is now ready to be cast away, without your relieving Hand to save it. In former times indeed this thriving Empire did not seem to want a Monarch; but is is now grown too vast and un∣wieldy, to subsist without one. Formerly the Strictness of the Roman Discipline and Morality, and the Fears of rival Nations kept the Common-wealth from sinking: Yet in those pure Times, what Commotions in State, what Re∣volutions in Government, what Divisions and Distracti∣ons were occasion'd by the Tribunes Rage and Peoples Mad∣ness? Camillus, Rome's second Founder, and Scipio, that Scourge of Carthage, were disgrac'd, and the great Coriolanus banish'd, only because their Worth alone had lifted 'em above the ordinary Pitch of Subjects But then to mention all the numerous Troubles and dreadful Miseries of these latter Times, were to revive our Sorrows, which you in a great Measure have allay'd; and since by your Means your Country has recover'd some of her Spirits, it is your Duty to establish her in perfect Health, which can be no Ways done but by retaining the Empire. And this Advice is not only for the good of your Country, but also for the Security of your Person: for the resigning of your Authority wou'd be the Parting with your Safety. Pompey was contemn'd after the Disbanding of his Army at Brundusium; and tho' your Uncle Julius fell, it was not for retaining his Power, but for grasping of it too

strongly, which you know better how to manage. In the gaining of an Empire there is no Medium between the Death of an Enemy, and the Life of a Prince; and since you have already gone so far, you must either resolve to be Greatest in the State, or Least among the People, to be Cae∣sar or Nothing,

Octavius thank'd 'em both for their friendly Advice, and after some dubious Expressions, declar'd himself rather inclin'd to Mecoena's Opinion; withal telling them, That he was but the Instrument of the Destinies, to put their Wills in Execution; and since they had alrea∣dy shewn themselves so favourable to him, he had all the Reason to hope that his Friends wou'd not be backward in their Councels, or any other necessary Assistance. Upon which Mecoenas proceeded to give him many wise In∣structions and Directions, how to manage his Affairs to the best Advantage, both as to his Countries Hap∣piness and his own Security, as may be seen at large in Dion Cassius. Among a great many other things he told him, That his virtuous Behaviour wou'd be a greater Security to him than all his Forces: That if the People found him modest and unblamable in his Life, not exacting Money from others while be abounded in Riches, not pinching others while be was luxurious, nor punishing others while he was loose and licentious, they wou'd certainly love and honour him as a true Father and Preserver of his Country. But this he told him as his principal Rule by which he ought to guide himself; Always to preserve the Love of his Subjects, and if he wou'd do exactly as he himself wou'd expect from his Prince, if he were a Subject, then he shou'd not fail of being prosperous in his Designs, happy in his Life, and famous in History. He concluded all with telling him, That if in taking upon him the Soveraign Power, he fear'd the Name of Kingdom as odious, he might omit that, and manage all under the Title of Caesar: If he thought not that sufficient, they wou'd give

him that of Imperator, and wou'd adorn him with some other venerable Note of Honour; so that he might enjoy all the Privileges of a Kingdom without the envious Name of King, which the Romans cou'd not endure. All these Things confirm'd Caesar in his for∣mer Opinions; and from this time he began to pursue his Designs with more Care and Diligence than ever.

III. The Romans were now arriv'd to their utmost Height as to polite Learning, and an exquisite Taste of Things, as appears from their several Writings: For besides Virgil, formerly mention'd, at this time flourish'd the two greats Wits, Ovid and Horace, the pleasantest and perfectest Poets in their Kinds; and likewise Livy, the Prince of all the Roman Historians; all which had a great Share in Octavius's Familiarity, as well as Mecoenas's. Octavius was a great Promoter of all sorts of Learning, and having brought a General Peace to the Roman Empire, he had a fairer Opportunity both of incouraging that, and of following his other Designs. He had an admirable Faculty of discerning and penetrating into the Humours and Ambitions of the principal Men; in which he was much assisted by the Let∣ters found in Anthony's Coffers, which he care∣fully preserv'd, and secretly made use of as he found Occasion. As for Words and Libels, he took little or no Notice of, having learnt that both from his Uncle Iulius and Mecoenas, Never to be con∣cern'd at what was spoken against him. And this Max∣im he found much to his Advantage; for by this he not only understood the Minds and Affections of the People more easily, but perceiv'd that as long as the common Sort retain'd this Liberty of Speech, they were the less sensible of the Loss of Liberty in State.

Octavius was now in his fifth Consulship, and by the Advice of Mecoenas, he took upon him the Ti∣tle of Imperator, not in that Sense it was anciently wont to be given for Victories obtain'd, but in re∣spect of the chief Command or Authority, as it had been decreed to his Uncle Iulius. And the great Industry of Agrippa was no less serviceable to him than the wise Counsels of Mecoenas; and not∣withstanding he had at first advis'd him to contrary Methods, he now prov'd as useful an Assistant as the other. Shortly after he was made Censor, and A∣grippa with him; and among other things belong∣ing to his Office, he took great Care to purge and reform the Senate, into which many Equites and unworthy Plebeians had crept, during the late Civil Wars; and then encreas'd their Number to a Thousand,* 1.320 which his Uncle had brought to nine Hundred. All this he did with great Mode∣ration and Discretion, always shewing much Re∣spect to that venerable Assembly; and tho' he continually diminish'd their Power and Authori∣ty, he still preserv'd their ancient Glory and Dig∣nity, well knowing that Iulius's Contempt of the Senate, did most of all forward his Ruine; he put two Persons; namely Cluilius and Furnius into the Rank of Consulares, because they had been design'd for Consuls, tho' prevented by others. He also rank'd certain Families among the Patritians, be∣cause most of those had perish'd in the late Wars. One great and publick Way of bridling the No∣bility was his publishing an Edict, forbidding any Senator to Travel out of Italy without his Leave; a thing very strictly observ'd by his Successors: For he well knew that the Presence and Autho∣rity of Persons of that honourable Rank might raise great Commotions in an unsetled State. Yet not wholly to imprison 'em, he gave 'em Liberty

to visit Sicily, and Gallia Narbonensis, Provinces ad∣joyning to the Continent of Italy, altogether un∣furnish'd for Wars, and by reason of their Variety of Pleasures, more likely to weaken their Minds than to arm their Bodies.

In the following Year, Octavius having enter'd upon his sixth Consulship,* 1.321 together with Agrippa his Collegue, made a Lustrum, which was many Years after the last Celebration of one, and in this four Millions and 63 Thousand Polls of Romans, in which Number must be reckond all Women, Children, Servants, and Slaves; a Number almost incredible, if compar'd with the present Cities of the World, but the less, if we consider the prodi∣gious bigness of the City and Suburbs, which good Authors affirm to have been fifty Miles in Com∣pass at this time. Octavius at that time likewise celebrated Games, which had been Decreed in Memory of his Victory at Actium, and it was or∣der'd that they shou'd be renew'd every fifty Year, four Colleges of Priests, taking care of 'em; name∣ly, the Pontifices, Augurs, Septemviri, and Quindecem∣viri by Courses. He caus'd many other delightful Games and Exercises to be made, all at his own Cost and Charges, using all possible Methods to divert the People from fixing their Minds upon his Actions, and their ancient Freedom. He or∣der'd that two Persons of Praetorian Rank shou'd Yearly over-see the Treasury, and gave to the Peo∣ple four times as much Corn as they were wont to have; to some Senators he gave Money, some of this Rank being so poor, that they cou'd not bear Offices belonging to their Dignity. All In∣gagements and Debts to the Exchequer he made void that stood good before the Battel at Actium, except what concern'd Buildings. He suffer'd no Sacrifice to be offer'd to Aegyptian Gods with∣in

the Pomaerium, and took great Care about set∣ling Religion, and repairing of the Temples. And because many unjust Things had been ordain'd during the late Seditions and Civil Wars, especi∣ally in the last Triumvirate, he made 'em all void by one Edict, and caus'd 'em to cease from his sixth Consulship. Thus Octavius more and more setled the Peace of the City, and gain'd the Hearts and Affections of the People.

IV. Octavius now entring upon his seventh Con∣sulship,* 1.322 and finding all Matters ripe for his Pur∣pose, he went to the Senate-House, after he had prepar'd all the Senators who were for his Inte∣rest, and in a studied Speech spoke to this Effect. When I consider with my self the immense Greatness, and boundless extent of the Roman Empire, I am strucken with Surprize, nay and Amazement, to imagine that any Mortal dare undertake the sole Administration of so vast a State. What Nation have not either begg'd Peace at our Gates, or felt the Fury of our Arms at their own? And what Countries have not we conquer'd and brought to Subjection; making the Rising and Setting of the Sun, the Bounds of our Dominions? Therefore it must proceed from a wild and extravagant Opinion of their own Abilities, when any pretended to bare that Burden which none but the immortal Gods cou'd sustain. As for my own Part, who may with Modesty affirm, that I have put an End to all domestick Wars, and have brought Peace to the City, I dare not presume to attempt it. Tho' I am invited to it by all the powerful Charms of commanding the greatest People upon Earth, and the most glorious Empire next Heaven, and also entic'd by the fair∣est Opportunity of establishing my self that ever Roman had; yet I freely divest my self of all that Power and Authority, which my Arms have gain'd, and you have given me: An Action which I presume is no less glo∣rious

than just, far exceeding the Conquests of Gaul, of Britain, and of Aegypt; an Action no less hardy than those bold Performances of Coecles, of Scaevola, of Curtius, of Regulus, and of the Decii. And further to shew you, that the true Spirit of the ancient Romans is not extinct in me; I do not only restore to you all your former Laws and Privileges, and such Things as I have been entrusted with, but likewise all that I have further acquir'd since my first Authority; and may this Action prove auspicious and fortunate to my Country.

Octavius enlarg'd much upon the Particulars, and upon the finishing his Speech, the Minds of the Senators were variously affected. Many knew his Design, and therefore agreed with his Intentions; the rest either suspected his Aim, or believ'd his Words. Of these some admir'd his Policy in concealing his Purposes; others were concern'd at his Design, some at his Cunning, and others at his Refusal of the Government. Many hated the popular Form of Government as dangerous in these Times, and approv'd of the Change, being well satisfy'd with Octavius's Administration. Most of the rest being worn and weary'd out with their many vain Strugglings for their Liberty, and very desirous of Ease and Rest, chose rather the Present Estate with Security, than to strive to re∣cover the Old with Danger. So that the Product of their several Affections were the same; for those who wish'd he was reduc'd to a private Con∣dition, were very fearful of what might follow; and such as desir'd he might retain his Power, were as sorry for the Loss of their Hopes. Nei∣ther cou'd they who did not believe him, repre∣hend him; for some wanted the Will, and others the Courage to do it. No Man, whether he be∣believ'd his Speech or not, durst commend it,

because a great many were displeas'd with it, and as many afraid of it. Wherefore having often inter∣rupted him whilst speaking, soon after he had done, they unanimously besought him with many Words and Entreaties, That he alone wou'd take upon him the Administration of the thei Government; and after many Arguments and Persuasions, they compell'd him, as it were, to accept of the Sovereignty. And that his Person might be more safely preserv'd, they immediately decreed the Pay of his Guard to be double to that of all other Soldiers.

Thus Octavius Caesar by his Artifice of pretending to lay down all his Power and Authority, got it con∣firm'd to him both by Senate and People. Yet that he might seem to be Popular, he refus'd to go∣vern all the Provinces, or to have a perpetual Power over such as he shou'd take care of: There∣fore the weaker and inward Provinces, being in a more peaceable Posture, he left to the Senate; the most powerful and outward Provinces, and those most expos'd to Enemies, he kept to himself, saying, Than he desir'd that the Fathers might enjoy their Power with all Ease and Safety, while ••e him∣self shou'd undergo all the Labour and Danger▪ But by this politick Contrivance he render••d the Senate useless, and of no effect, and by this he engross'd all the Soldiers and Militia to himself. To the Senate and People were left Afri••k and Numidia, Lybia call'd Cyrenai••a, Asia Mi••or, Greece with Epirus, Dalmatia, Macedonia, Crete, Sicily, Sardinia▪ and that part of Spain call'd Boetica. Caesar kept▪ the rest of Spain, all Gaul and Germany, as also Syria, Phoenicia, Aegypt, &c. which were Frontier Provinces. Over these Provinces he assum'd the Government but from ten Years, well remembring how dangerous the Word Perpetual had been to his Uncle Iuli∣us; and adding, That as soon as ••e cou'd quiet them,

he wou'd quit his Power. After this he set over the Provinces of both sorts Men of Patritian Digni∣ty, but over Aegypt one of the Eq••estrain Rank only, and with the lowest Title of all other Go∣vernours, fearing lest a Person of the highest Rank presuming upon the Wealth and Situation of that Country, shou'd prove dangerous to the Roman State. He alotted Africk and Asia to Senators, and the rest of the Provinces to Praetorians; but forbid∣ding either to take upon 'em this Employment within five Years after they had born Offices in the City. They held their Government but for a Year; and as soon as Successors were sent 'em, they were immediately to depart the Provinces, and not to fail of being at Rome within three Months.

As soon as Octavius had but made his Oration about resigning his Command, and distributing the Provinces, many Honours were conferr'd on him, as that Laurel shou'd be planted before his Gates in the Palatium, and upon those Trees Oaken Gar∣lands to be hung, as for one who was a perpetual Conqueror of Enemies, and Preserver of Citizens. The House of the Emperor also was for the fu∣ture call'd the Palatium or Palace,* 1.323 not by any De∣cree, but because Octavius liv'd on the Palatium or Palatine Hill, and there was his Praetorium: His House also receiv'd some Dignity from the Mount it self, because Romulus liv'd there; therefore after∣wards, if the Emperors were remov'd else-where, yet the House were still call'd Palatia or Palaces. Immediately after the Provinces were divided, and all Publick Affairs settled, it was debated in the Senate, whether Octavius ought to have the Title of Romulus, because he had founded the Empire; but the more venerable Name of AUGUSTUS,* 1.324 propounded by Munacius Plan••us, at length seem'd

most agreeable for sacred Place•• and Temples con∣secrated by Augurs were term'd Augusta by the Ro∣mans. Caesar, tho' he much desir'd that of Romu∣lus, yet perceiving he shou'd be suspected of affect∣ing the Title of King, declin'd it, and was sirnam'd Augustus, intimating something in him more than Mortal; and this he accepted of, a Title expres∣sing more Dignity and Reverence, than Authori∣ty. And Things are call'd Augusta, which are most worthy of Honour, and most Sacred; wherefore the Greeks express it by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Venerable. From this Day forward began the Sovereign Power and Authority to be in the Hands of one Man, and by a Law call'd Lex Regia, all the Power of the People and Senate was transferr'd upon Augustus. When his ten Years were expir'd, ten more were added, and after that as many more, so that he had his Authority still continu'd for his Life; for which Cause his Successors, tho' they had the Pow∣er settled on 'em for the Term of Life, yet at the End of every ten Years, solemniz'd at it were the Renewing of it.

Thus Augustus Caesar became Supreme Gover∣nour of the Roman People, neither by Inheritance, nor Usurpation, nor Conquest, nor Election, yet by means of 'em all. This great Change of Go∣vernment hapned in the 727th Year of the City, A. M. 3978, in the second Year of the 188th O∣lympiad, 482 Years since the Beginning of the Con∣sular State, 303 since the Beginning of the Macedo∣nian Empire, 33 since the Beginning of the Mix'd State, 17 since the Death of Iulius Caesar, and 25 before our Saviour's Nativity.

Here ended the greatest Common-wealth in the World, and at the same time began the greatest Mo∣narchy; a Monarchy so well fix'd, and firmly set∣tled, that nor all the tyrannical Carriage of those

Monsters of Men that succeeded Augustus, cou'd shake it; a Monarchy, which if it be consider'd with others, as to its Power and Riches, to∣gether with its Extent and Continuance, there is scarce any room left for Comparison; and a Monarchy which the Romans, for many Years, believ'd Indissoluble and Immortal. The Roman Dominions were now almost brought to their ut∣most Extent, containing in Europe, Italy, both the Gauls, Spain, Greece, Illyricum, Dacia, Panonia, with some part of Britain and Germany; In Asia, all those Provinces which went under the Name of Asia Minor, Armenia, Syria, Iudaea, with part of Mesopotamia and Media; and in Africa, Ae∣gypt, Africk, Numidia, Mauritania and Lybia; be∣sides many Islands, and some Parts of other Pro∣vinces. All which comprehended the greatest, and far the best Part of Europe, with very large Parts of Asia and Africa, being no less than between 3 and 4000 Miles in length, and about half as much in breadth. As to the yearly Revenues of the Em∣pire, by a moderate Computation, it has been reckon'd at ••igh forty Millions of our Money, where∣of Gaul paid five, and that without being extreme∣ly burdensom to the People. But what still makes it seem greater, is what Vespasian told the Senate at his coming to the Empire, that he wanted 40000000 of Sestercium's to settle the Common-wealth, which amounts to 312000000 of our Money.

As for the Romans themselves, they had now no∣thing so elevated a Temper, either for the Great∣ness of Genius, or the Force of the Soul, as in some Time in the Republick; but had something more Polite and Sociable; and never were more glorious, or at least, more pleasant Times than now, all Wars and Contests ceasing, all Arts and Sciences flou∣rishing, and all Riches and Pleasures increasing.

In short, Augustus made the World happy, and was happy in the World; he had nothing to desire of the Publick, nor the Publick of him: And considering the many Evils he occasion'd before he came to the Empire, and the great Good he did after he was Emperor, it was said with good Reason, That he shou'd never have been born, or never have dy'd. But for his Actions afterwards, and his further settlement of the Empire, I must leave to the other Volume of this History.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Old 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.2

  Latini.
• * 1.3

  Iupiter Indiges.
• * 1.4

  Iulii.
• * 1.5

  Tiber.
• * 1.6

  Aventine.
• * 1.7

  New La∣tium.
• * 1.8

  A. M. 3209.
• * 1.9

  Manipula∣res.
• * 1.10

  A. M. 3251.
• * 1.11

  Pomaerium,
• * 1.12

  U. C. 1. King.
• * 1.13

  Tribe. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.14

  Decuria.
• * 1.15

  Comiti•• Curiata.
• * 1.16

  Patritians. Plebeians.
• * 1.17

  Patrons. Clients.
• * 1.18

  Senate.
• * 1.19

  Patres Conscripti.
• * 1.20

  Presectus V••bis.
• * 1.21

  Celeres.
• * 1.22

  Tribunus Celerum.
• * 1.23

  Lictors.
• * 1.24

  U. C. 4.
• * 1.25

  Opi••a Spolia.
• * 1.26

  Iupiter Feretrius.
• * 1.27

  U. C. 6.
• * 1.28

  U. C. 12.
• * 1.29

  Quirites.
• * 1.30

  Legions.
• * 1.31

  U. C. 18.
• * 1.32

  U. C. 21.
• * 1.33

  Nundin••.
• * 1.34

  Quirinus.
• * 1.35

  U. C. 38.
• * 1.36

  Interrex.
• * 1.37

  U. C. 40.
• * 1.38

  Ianus.
• * 1.39

  Pontifices.
• * 1.40

  Vestal Vir∣gins.
• * 1.41

  Salii. Feciales.
• * 1.42

  Pagus.
• * 1.43

  Mercedo∣nius.
• * 1.44

  The Months.
• * 1.45

  U. C. 82.
• * 1.46

  U. C. 41.
• * 1.47

  Duumviri.
• * 1.48

  U. C. 85.
• * 1.49

  U. C. 88.
• * 1.50

  U. C. 115.
• * 1.51

  U. C. 116.
• * 1.52

  Feciales.
• * 1.53

  U. C. 117.
• * 1.54

  U. C. 120.
• * 1.55

  U. C. 127.
• * 1.56

  U. C. 138.
• * 1.57

  Patres mi∣norum Gen∣tium.
• * 1.58

  U. C. 139.
• * 1.59

  U. C. 143.
• * 1.60

  U. C. 153.
• * 1.61

  Cloacae.
• * 1.62

  U. C. 176.
• * 1.63

  U. C. 177.
• * 1.64

  Classes.
• * 1.65

  Centuries.
• * 1.66

  Censi.
• * 1.67

  Comitia Centuriata.
• * 1.68

  Lustrum. U. C. 187.
• * 1.69

  Mancipia.
• * 1.70

  Pecunia.
• * 1.71

  U. C. 220.
• * 1.72

  U. C. 223.
• * 1.73

  U. C. 225.
• * 1.74

  U. C. 232.
• * 1.75

  U. C. 240.
• * 1.76

  Capitol.
• * 1.77

  Sibyl's Books.
• * 1.78

  Quinde∣cemviri.
• * 1.79

  U. C. 244.
• * 1.80

  Rex Sacro∣rum.
• * 1.81

  U. C. 245.
• * 1.82

  U. C. 245.
• * 1.83

  Consuls.
• * 1.84

  Vindicta.
• * 1.85

  ••••sula Sa∣cra.
• * 1.86

  U. C. 246.
• * 1.87

  Quaestors.
• * 1.88

  U. C. 247.
• * 1.89

  U. C. 249.
• * 1.90

  Claudii. Tribes en∣creas'd a second time.
• * 1.91

  U. C. 251.
• * 1.92

  Ovation.
• * 1.93

  Triumph.
• * 1.94

  U. C. 252.
• * 1.95

  U. C. 254.
• * 1.96

  U. C. 255.
• * 1.97

  Dic. i. U. C. 255.
• * 1.98

  Magister Equitum.
• * 1.99

  Dic. ii. U. C. 257.
• * 1.100

  U. C. 258.
• * 1.101

  Dic. iii. U. C. 259.
• * 1.102

  Candi∣dates.
• * 1.103

  U. C. 260.
• * 1.104

  Tribuni Plebis.
• * 1.105

  U. C. 260.
• * 1.106

  Aediles.
• * 1.107

  U. C. 261.
• * 1.108

  U. C. 265.
• * 1.109

  U. C. 266.
• * 1.110

  U. C. 268.
• * 1.111

  Lex Agra¦ria.
• * 1.112

  U. C. 274.
• * 1.113

  U. C. 276.
• * 1.114

  U. C. 280.
• * 1.115

  U. C. 282.
• * 1.116

  Comitia Tributa.
• * 1.117

  U. C. 284.
• * 1.118

  U. C. 293.
• * 1.119

  Dic. iv. U. C. 295.
• * 1.120

  Iugum.
• * 1.121

  Tribunes en••reas'd. U. C. 296.
• * 1.122

  U. C. 297.
• * 1.123

  U. C. 299.
• * 1.124

  U. C. 302.
• * 1.125

  Decemviri.
• * 1.126

  U. C. 303.
• * 1.127

  The Twelve Tables.
• * 1.128

  Ius•• Civil••.
• * 1.129

  Actiones Iuris.
• * 1.130

  Plebisci∣tum.
• * 1.131

  Ius Hono∣rarium. Senatus Consultum. Principa∣lis Consti∣tutio.
• * 1.132

  Legatus.
• * 1.133

  U. C. 304.
• * 1.134

  U. C. 309.
• * 1.135

  U. C. 310. Tribuni Militum.
• * 1.136

  U. C. 311. Censors.
• * 1.137

  Dic. v. U. C. 314.
• * 1.138

  Dic. vi. U. C. 316.
• * 1.139

  Dic. vii. U. C. 318.
• * 1.140

  Dic. viii. U. C. 319.
• * 1.141

  Dic. ix. U. C. 322.
• * 1.142

  Mil. Tri∣bunes en∣creas'd. U. C. 326.
• * 1.143

  Dic. x. U. C. 327.
• * 1.144

  Quaestors encreas'd. U. C. 333.
• * 1.145

  Dic. xi. U. C. 335.
• * 1.146

  Quaest. Ple∣beian. U. C. 344.
• * 1.147

  Dic. xii. U. C. 345.
• * 1.148

  ••. C. 347.
• * 1.149

  Mil. Tri∣bunes en∣creas'd. U. C. 348.
• * 1.150

  Mil. Trib. Pleb. U. C. 353.
• * 1.151

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. xiii. U. C. 357.
• * 1.152

  U. C. 36••.
• * 1.153

  U. C. 363.
• * 1.154

  U. C. 364.
• * 1.155

  U. C. 364.
• * 1.156

  Dic. XIV. U. C. 364.
• * 1.157

  U. C. 365.
• * 1.158

  Dic. xV. U. C. 366.
• * 1.159

  Tribes en∣creas'd a third time. U. C. 369.
• * 1.160

  Dic. xvi. U. C. 369.
• * 1.161

  U. C. 372.
• * 1.162

  Dic. xvii. U. C. 373.
• * 1.163

  U. C. 275.
• * 1.164

  Dic. xviii U. C. 284.
• * 1.165

  Dic. xix. U. C. 285.
• * 1.166

  Dic. xx. U. C. 387.
• * 1.167

  U. C. 388. Consul Pleb. Military Tribunes put down.
• * 1.168

  Praetor.
• * 1.169

  Aediles cu∣dules.
• * 1.170

  U. C. 389.
• * 1.171

  Stage Plays first used. U. C. 391.
• * 1.172

  Die. xxi. U. C. 391.
• * 1.173

  Dic. xxii. U. C. 392.
• * 1.174

  Dic. xxiii U. C. 393.
• * 1.175

  Dic. xxiv. U. C. 394.
• * 1.176

  Dic. xxv. U. C. 396. Tribes in∣creas'd a fourth time.
• * 1.177

  Dic. Pleb. xxvi. U. C. 398.
• * 1.178

  Dic. xxvii. U. C. 401.
• * 1.179

  Dic. xxviii. U. C. 402.
• * 1.180

  Dic. xxix. U. C. 403.
• * 1.181

  Censor Pleb.
• * 1.182

  Dic. xxx. U. C. 404.
• * 1.183

  Dic. xxxi U. C. 405.
• * 1.184

  Dic. xxxii. U. C. 408.
• * 1.185

  Die. xxxiii. U. C. 409.
• * 1.186

  U. C. 410.
• * 1.187

  Dic. xxxiv. U. C. 411.
• * 1.188

  Dic. xxxv. U. C. 413.
• * 1.189

  Dic. xxxvi. U. C. 414.
• * 1.190

  Rostra.
• * 1.191

  Praetor Pleb. U. C. 416.
• * 1.192

  Dic. xxxvii. U. C. 418.
• * 1.193

  Dic. xxxviii. U. C. 421.
• * 1.194

  Tribe•• en∣creas'd a fifth time.
• * 1.195

  Dic. xxxix. U. C. 422.
• * 1.196

  U. C. 424.
• * 1.197

  Dic. xl. U. C. 428.
• * 1.198

  Dic. xli. U. C. 431.
• * 1.199

  Dic. xlii. U. C. 432.
• * 1.200

  Tribes en∣creas'd a sixth tim•••• U. C. 436.
• * 1.201

  Dic. xliii. U. C. 437.
• * 1.202

  Dic. xliv. U. C. 438.
• * 1.203

  Dic. xlv. U. C. 439.
• * 1.204

  Dic. xlvi. U. C. 440.
• * 1.205

  Dic. xlvii. U. C. 441.
• * 1.206

  Dic. xlviii. U. C. 443.
• * 1.207

  Dic. xlix. U. C. 447.
• * 1.208

  U. C. 449.
• * 1.209

  Dic. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 U. C. 451.
• * 1.210

  Dic. li. U. C. 452.
• * 1.211

  Tribes en∣creas'd a seventh ••ime. U. C. 454.
• * 1.212

  U. C. 462.
• * 1.213

  Triumviri capitales.
• * 1.214

  Dic. lii. U. C. 467.
• * 1.215

  U. C. 472.
• * 1.216

  U. C. 473.
• * 1.217

  U. C. 474.
• * 1.218

  Dic. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 U. C. 477.
• * 1.219

  U. C. 480.
• * 1.220

  U. C. 484.
• * 1.221

  Quae. en∣creas'd.
• * 1.222

  U. C. 489.
• * 1.223

  U. C. 489.
• * 1.224

  Dic. liv. U. C. 490.
• * 1.225

  Dic. lv. U. C. 496.
• * 1.226

  U. C. 497.
• * 1.227

  U. C. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.228

  Dic. lvi. U. C. 504.
• * 1.229

  Dic. lvii. U. C. 50.
• * 1.230

  U. C. 51••. Tribes en∣creas'd the last time.
• * 1.231

  U. C. 514. First Tra∣jedies and Comedies in Rome.
• * 1.232

  Ludi Sa∣culares.
• * 1.233

  Dic. lviii. U. C. 522.
• * 1.234

  Praet. en∣creas'd. U. C. 527.
• * 1.235

  U. C. 529.
• * 1.236

  Dic. lix. U. C. 350.
• * 1.237

  U. C. 532.
• * 1.238

  U. C. 534.
• * 1.239

  U. C. 536.
• * 1.240

  U. C. 537.
• * 1.241

  Dic. lx. U. C. 537.
• * 1.242

  Dic. lxi. U. C. 538.
• * 1.243

  Dic. lxii. U. C. 538.
• * 1.244

  Dic. lxiii. U. C. 539.
• * 1.245

  Dic. lxiv. U. C. 541.
• * 1.246

  U. C. 542.
• * 1.247

  Dic. lxv. U. C. 544.
• * 1.248

  Dic. lxvi. U. C. 546.
• * 1.249

  Dic. lxvii. U. C. 547.
• * 1.250

  U. C. 548.
• * 1.251

  Dic. lxviii. U. C. 549.
• * 1.252

  Dic. lxix. U. C. 551.
• * 1.253

  Dic. lxx. U. C. 552.
• * 1.254

  U. C. 553.
• * 1.255

  Pr••••••. en∣creas'd, U. C. 556.
• * 1.256

  U. C. 559.
• * 1.257

  U. C. 53••.
• * 1.258

  U. C. 565.
• * 1.259

  U. C. 571.
• * 1.260

  U. C. 583.
• * 1.261

  U. C. 586.
• * 1.262

  U. C. 604.
• * 1.263

  U. C. 608.
• * 1.264

  U. C. 609.
• * 1.265

  U. C. 621.
• * 1.266

  U. C. 625.
• * 1.267

  Equites.
• * 1.268

  Publican••s.
• * 1.269

  U. C. 631.
• * 1.270

  U. C. 634.
• * 1.271

  U. C. 643.
• * 1.272

  U. C. 650.
• * 1.273

  U. C. 654.
• * 1.274

  U. C. 663.
• * 1.275

  U. C. 666.
• * 1.276

  U. C. 670.
• * 1.277

  Dic. lxxi. Perpetual U. C. 672.
• * 1.278

  U. C. 680.
• * 1.279

  U. C. 684.
• * 1.280

  U. ••. 65••.
• * 1.281

  U. C. 688.
• * 1.282

  U. C. 68••.
• * 1.283

  U. C. 692.
• * 1.284

  U. C. 694. The First Triumvirate.
• * 1.285

  U. C. ••95.
• * 1.286

  U. C. 666.
• * 1.287

  U. C. 698.
• * 1.288

  U. C. 699.
• * 1.289

  U. C. 700.
• * 1.290

  U. C. 701.
• * 1.291

  U. C. 702.
• * 1.292

  U. C. 705.
• * 1.293

  Dic. lxxi. U. C. 706.
• * 1.294

  U. C. 706
• * 1.295

  Dic lxxiii Annual. U. C. 707.
• * 1.296

  U. C. 708.
• * 1.297

  Dic. lxxiv Annual. U. C. 709.
• * 1.298

  Dic. lxxv. Perpetual U. C. 709.
• * 1.299

  Imperator.
• * 1.300

  16 Praetors. 40 Quaestors
• * 1.301

  900 Senaors.
• * 1.302

  6 Aediles.
• * 1.303

  U. C. 710.
• * 1.304

  U. C. 710.
• * 1.305

  U. C. 711.
• * 1.306

  The Se∣cond Triumvirate.
• * 1.307

  U. C. 712.
• * 1.308

  U. C. 712.
• * 1.309

  U. C. 713.
• * 1.310

  U. C. 714.
• * 1.311

  U. C. 716.
• * 1.312

  U. C. 718.
• * 1.313

  U. C. 719.
• * 1.314

  U. C. 720.
• * 1.315

  U. C. 722.
• * 1.316

  U. C. 723.
• * 1.317

  U. C. 724.
• * 1.318

  U. C. 724.
• * 1.319

  U. C. 725.
• * 1.320

  1000 Senators.
• * 1.321

  U. C. 726.
• * 1.322

  U. C. 727.
• * 1.323

  Palatium.
• * 1.324

  Augustus.