The history of the civil wars of France written in Italian, by H.C. Davila ; translated out of the original.

About this Item

Title
The history of the civil wars of France written in Italian, by H.C. Davila ; translated out of the original.
Author
Davila, Arrigo Caterino, 1576-1631.
Publication
[London] In the Savoy :: Printed by T.N. for Henry Herringman ...,
1678.
Rights/Permissions

To the extent possible under law, the Text Creation Partnership has waived all copyright and related or neighboring rights to this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above, according to the terms of the CC0 1.0 Public Domain Dedication (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/). This waiver does not extend to any page images or other supplementary files associated with this work, which may be protected by copyright or other license restrictions. Please go to http://www.textcreationpartnership.org/ for more information.

Subject terms
France -- History -- Wars of the Huguenots, 1562-1598.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A37246.0001.001
Cite this Item
"The history of the civil wars of France written in Italian, by H.C. Davila ; translated out of the original." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A37246.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 23, 2025.

Pages

Page 26

THE HISTORY OF THE Civil Wars of France. By HENRICO CATERINO DAVILA. The SECOND BOOK. (Book 2)

The ARGUMENT.

THe Second Book contains the perplexity of the Kings Council in remedy∣ing the Disorders discovered in the Conspiracy: The Deliberation to pu∣nish the discontented Princes: The Assembly of Fountain-bleau: The Reso∣lution to hold an Assembly of the States-General, which are summoned by the King to meet at Orleans: The Princes of Bourbon refuse to go thither: The King makes them change their Resolution: The Constable with delays procures the benefit of time: The Princes of the Blood arrive at Orleans: The Prince of Conde is committed to prison, and condemned to die. Francis the Se∣cond dieth suddenly: Charles the Ninth succeeds to the Crown, who being in minority, there arise great Dissentions about the Regency. The Queen-Mother is made Regent, and the King of Navarre President of the Provin∣ces: The Prince of Conde is absolved, and a tacit liberty granted to the Hu∣gonots. The King is Crowned at Rheims. The Constable unites himself with the Guises: They joyn together to take away the liberty from the Hugonots: The Edict of July follows: The Ministers demand a Conference, and obtain it; it is kept in Poissy, but proves fruitless: The Hugonots departing from the Conference, preach freely: Great Troubles arise thereupon: To remedy which, the States are assembled at Paris, where by the Edict of January, a Liberty of Conscience is granted openly. The Heads of the Catholick Faction leave the Court: Draw into Confederacy with them also the King of Navarre: The Queen-Mother being terrified, feigns to make a League with the Hugo∣nots, and so adds strength to that party.

THis multitude thus scattered, and the greatest part of their Commanders either taken or killed, that had brought them from the remotest parts of the Kingdom, the fury and violence of the Isurrection, was in appearance abated and suppressed. But none having perished save only the seditious rabble, who desperate in their fortunes, were ready rashly to run upon any danger: and the Princes of Bourbon, with the other Lords of that party, had not discovered themselves to be authors of that Con∣spiracy, remaining still unsatisfied, and ready to embrace new counsels, the common

Page 27

peace was still internally, more than ever disturbed,* 1.1 and the publick safety exposed to new troubles. This being very well known both to the Queen-Mother and the Guises, as soon as the tumult and commotions in the Court could be appeased, which by reason of the rareness of the accident were very great, to make the speediest and best pro∣vision that might be against so great a danger, they presently called to Council, in the Kings own Chamber, all those who as faithful Ministers in the present Government, they thought might be trusted with the secrets of these new occurrences.* 1.2 There the reasons being weighed with long debate of the late stirs, it clearly appeared that they proceeded only from the practice and incitation of the Princes of the Blood; and that to maintain the Kings Authority, and the form of Government established, it was ne∣cessary in the first place to take away the Heads, and remove the Authors of that Insur∣rection; they knew that proceeding according to strictness of Law, they might justly be punished as disturbers of the publick peace, as favourers and introducers of Heresie, and finally, as such who had conspired against the Kings liberty, and the ancient Con∣stitutions of the Crown; and they doubted not, if the fomenters of that Insurrection were punished and suppressed, but the people would soon return again to their former quiet and obedience. But the reverence born in all times, to those of the Blood-Royal, and the power of those Princes that were named to have part in the Conspiracy, would have caused every one there to suspend his judgment; it appearing to them a business of great moment, and on all sides very dangerous, if the King himself ex∣ceedingly incensed, even beyond his natural disposition, at so sudden a Commotion, (which without any fault of his, or ill usage of his Subjects, he saw was raised by the Princes in the beginning of his Government) had not with sharp and sensible ex∣pressions given courage to the rest to resolve upon some such severe course as might ex∣press a sense of the affront. To which the Queen-Mother (no less sollicitous of her sons welfare, than her own greatness) and the Guises, to maintain themselves in their acquired power, readily consenting; there was not any one who finally con∣curred not in decreeing the punishment and ruine of all those, who either by their counsel or assistance administred fuel to that fire.

But because a deliberation of so great weight, full of infinite hazards, and that drew after it many great consequences, was necessarily to be governed with exceeding Art, and managed with prudent dexterity; they resolved to begin with dissimulation, to feign they had no further knowledge of any thing concerning the Conspiracy, than the manifest apparence of it brought to light, to attribute all the fault to the diversity of Religions, and ill Government of the Magistrates, to shew rather a fear and terrour stricken into them by the fury and sudden attempt of the Conspirators, than any confi∣dence or security by their suppression; in outward apparence to manifest a great desire of regulating the Justice of the Kingdom, and to find a way to a new Reformation in the Government, which contenting all pretenders, might reduce with satisfaction those turbulent spirits to their former quiet. With these kind of proceedings, they thought they might lull into security those anxious minds, who pricked in Conscience, lived in extream apprehensions, and by artifices compass their desires, which they knew by force were very difficult to attain unto. And because they conceived, the Constable and the King of Navarre had both by consent and assistance abetted these stirs, and it was certainly known that the Visdame of Chartres and Andelot had been active in them, whom it was agreed upon they could not get into their power but with dissimulation and time; they resolved to set at liberty the Prince of Conde, as well to confirm an opinion that they were confident of his loyalty, and had not penetrated in∣to the depth of the business, as also because to take away or punish him alone, if such powerful revengers of his death were left alive, would rather be prejudicial and dan∣gerous, than of any advantage; past examples teaching us, that it is in vain to cut down the body of a tree, how high or lofty soever, if there be any quick roots left which may send forth new sprouts.

The secret intentions for matter of Government thus setled, and covered over with the veil of so perfect a dissimulation; they resolved, that soon after a General Assem∣bly should be called of the three Estates, upon which is divolved the Authority of the whole Kingdom; and that for two reasons. First, because the Kings resolution against the Princes of the Blood was so severe, he being but young, and newly entred upon the Government, they thought it necessary to strengthen that act by the concurrence and universal consent of the whole Nation. Secondly, because by declaring a publick

Page 28

Treaty concerning remedies for the present disorders, and a form and rules to be ob∣served in matters of Religion,* 1.3 and administration of the future Government, the King might have an apparent and reasonable occasion to call to him all the Princes of the Blood, and Officers of the Crown, without giving suspition to any body; neither would there be any colourable excuse left for them not to come, when it should be gi∣ven out, that a Reformation was intended, which they themselves professed that they desired. But because this Assembly of the States was a thing by all Kings ever ab∣horred, (for whilst they fit with absolute power representing the body of the whole Kingdom, the Kings Authority seems in a manner suspended) it was therefore resol∣ved first to call a great Council under pretence of remedying the present distractions; wherein by persons set on to that purpose, it should be proposed and counselled, as ne∣cessary; that so the Princes and Lords of the Conspiracy might not enter into any jea∣lousie, as though the King, without request made by his Subjects, had voluntarily of himself resolved to call an Assembly of the States.

Things thus resolved upon, presently were published Letters Patents directed to all the Parliaments, and Edicts divulged to the several Provinces of the Kingdom: In the Preambles of which the King lamenting and complaining, that without any evi∣dent occasion, a great number of persons had risen, and taken Arms against him: af∣terwards proceeding, he clearly imputes the blame thereof to the rashness of the Hu∣gonots, that they having laid aside all belief in God, and love to their Country, en∣deavoured to disturb and trouble the peace of the Kingdom: But because it is the duty of a good Prince, to proceed with love and fatherly indulgence, He declared withal, that he was ready to pardon all such, who acknowledging their errour, should retire peaceably to their own houses, resolving to live conformably to the Rites of the Catho∣lick Church, and in obedience to the Civil Magistrates. Wherefore he commanded all his Courts of Parliament, not to proceed in matters of Religion, upon any past Infor∣mations, but to provide with all severity for the future, that they should offend no more in the like kind, nor keep any unlawful Assemblies. And because he desired above all things to satisfie his people, and to reform abuses in the Government; That he there∣fore signified his pleasure to assemble all the Princes and eminent persons of the King∣dom, at Fountain-bleau, a place fitly situated in the heart of France, and but few leagues distant from Paris, to provide by their counsel for the urgent necessities of State; to which purpose he gave free leave and power to all persons whatsoever, to come to the Assembly, or else to send their Deputies and grievances in writing, which he would not only graciously hear himself, but the supplicants should have redress in all that was reasonable or just.

With these and the like Decrees, divulged on purpose and with dissimulation, (the Court Master-piece) they in a reasonable manner secured the great ones from their fears and jealousies; nor was there any one who believed not, but that the Queen-Mo∣ther and the Guises, being terrified with the sudden attempt of the Conspirators, and doubting more than ever new Insurrections, had determined in a fair and fitting way to satisfie the discontented Princes, and so to regulate the form of Government, that all should again participate according to their merits, the charges and honours of the Kingdom.

* 1.4In this interim the Prince of Conde was discharged of his Guard, and left free, ei∣ther to stay at Court, or depart, as he pleased; neither the King nor the Queen omit∣ting any demonstrations of kindness that might appease him. But he, grievously troubled in mind, not being able to quiet his thoughts, (for if he stayed, he stayed in danger; and going away, he went as criminal;) at length he resolved to taste, in some measure, the Kings inclinations, and to find out, if it were possible, the inten∣tion of those that governed. Wherefore being one day at Council, where the Princes of the Blood are always admitted, he laboured by weighty and earnest speeches to clear himself from being guilty of any practice either against the Kings person or the Queens, as had been falsly suggested by his enemies: But because things done in secret cannot otherwise be cleared, that he was ready to maintain his innocence with his Sword in his hand, against any person whatsoever that durst calumniate him as a partaker in the late Conspiracy. Which words, though they were directed to the Princes of Lorain, nevertheless the Duke of Guise, not forgetting the resolutions already taken, most cun∣ningly dissembling, added thereunto, that he knowing the Princes goodness and can∣dor, offered himself in person to accompany him, and hazard his life as his second, if there were any that would accept the challenge.

Page 29

These Ceremonies past over, which were so artificially carried, on both sides, that the most suspitious and least apt to believe, began to think them real; the Prince not at all quiet nor secure within, but thinking he had done enough for his justification, departed presently from Court, and with great diligence went into Bearn to the King of Navarre.

They omitted not to use the like artifices with the Constable, the Admiral, and the rest; but entertained them with kind Letters, and Commissions, and charges of trust: Neither was there less care to provide in all the Provinces against any new Insurrecti∣ons; for which cause the Gens d' Armes were sent into several parts of the Kingdom that were most suspected, and the Governours of places, and other Magistrates, were very watchful, that there should be no secret Assemblies, in which they perceived all the mischief was ordered and contrived; and under pretence of the Hugonots, they kept a strict watch upon other people of all sorts and qualities. But about the King, where there was greatest danger, and cause of suspicion, were appointed to wait, the Duke of Orleans, and the Duke of Angoulesme his Brothers Bands of men at Arms, commanded by men of fidelity and trust, the Duke of Guises Company and his Brothers the Duke of Aumale's, the Duke of Lorain's, the Duke of Nemour▪s, Prince Lodowick Gonzago's, Don Francisco d' Este's the Mareshal of Brissac's, the Duke of Never's, the Viscount of Tavanne's, the Count of Crussl's, and Monsieur de la Brosse's; to which were added the Prince of Conde's Band, and the Constable's; for being amongst so many others, they might be carefully enough looked over. All these, which amounted to a thousand Launces, were still quartered about the Court, to be near the ings per∣son; and to his ordinary Guard were added two hundred Harquebushers on horse∣back, under the command of Monsieur de Richlieu, a man of exceeding fierceness, and absolutely depending upon those that governed. The Princes, Ministers of the Crown, many Prelates and Gentlemen, eminent in birth or quality, were already summoned to the Assembly at Fountain-bleau, where those that sate at the Helm, proceeded with such dissimulation, that all men observing in them rather a timorousness, and appre∣hension of the future events, than any thoughts bent to severity or revenge, the Con∣spirators themselves believed they might without any more trouble, obtain such a Re∣gulation in the Government as they had designed.

In the mean time, the High Chancellor Olivier dying,* 1.5 that dignity was confirmed upon Michel de l' Hospital, who to his deep knowledge in the Greek and Latin Let∣ters, having added a great experience in affairs of State, and being of a cautelous subtil wi, the King thought he would prove an excellent Minister for those resoluti∣ons that were then in design. The Queen used great industry and no less diligence to advance this Creature of her own to that Office, notwithstanding the Princes of Lorain would have brought into it Monsieur Morvilliers; a man no way inferiour, either in reputation or wisdom, but who seemed not to desire that place, lest he might gain the displeasure of the Queen-Mother, who beginning to grow jealous of the greatness of that Family, desired to have such a person in so eminent a charge, who de∣pending absolutely upon her will, might also be of ability to manage those great affairs.

But the Election of the High Chancellor thus confirmed, (which for some days kept business in suspence) no delays being to be used in the execution of their purposed de∣signs, the King with those bands before mentioned, and the Court all armed, went to Fountain-bleau to celebrate the appointed Assembly with great expectation of all men. There arrived two days after,* 1.6 the Constable accompanied by Francis Mareshal of Momo∣rancy, and Henry Lord d' Anville his sons, by the Admiral Andelot, and the Cardinal of Chastillon his Nephews, the Visdame of Chartres, the Prince of Portian, and so numerous a gallant company of his friends and adherents that in an open place (as Fountain-bleau was) he needed not fear either the Kings strength, or the Guises power. The Prince of Conde and the King of Navarre, though kindly invited,* 1.7 had already refused to come thither; the first, through exasperation of mind, which more than ever inclined his thoughts to new designs; the other, having remitted what concerned their common interests to the Constable and the Admiral, (to whom he sent his Confident Jacques de la Sague with Instructions) was resolved to stand at a distance in his own private quiet.

The day appointed to begin, the Assembly being now come,* 1.8 after they were all met together in the Queen-Mothers Chamber, the King in few words told them his intent,

Page 30

which was to prevent the troubles that were rising, and to regulate such things as were thought necessary to be reformed. Wherefore he earnestly desired every one there pre∣sent, with sincerity and candour to deliver his opinion in what concerned the pub∣lick good. The Queen-Mother pursued the Kings speech, speaking much to the same purpose; but more at large exhorting every body there to speak freely their own sense, without any respects; for the Assembly was called to no other intent, but to regulate and reform such things as were requisite for the present and future quiet. The Chancellor de l' Hospital made a long set Oration much to the same purpose, but de∣scending to more particulars, signified it was the Kings opinion, and the Lords of his Council, that the troubles of the Kingdom did proceed chiefly from the dissentions in Religion; and next, from the excessive grievances laid upon the people by the Kings his Predecessors; and therefore desired every one upon those two points especially to speak his opinion▪ that care might be taken both for the setling of mens Consciences, and for paying the debts of the Crown, without laying more burden upon the Subject, already overcharged, but rather find some way to disburden and ease them of their oppressions: Yet his Majesty prohibited none, if they discovered any other disorders in the Government, but that they might and ought freely and plainly to propose, and represent to the Assembly, whatsoever they thought might conduce to the re-setling the present Distractions in the State.

After these Proposals, for the better information of those that were to speak their opinions, the Duke of Guise rendred an account of the Armies, and other things com∣mitted to his charge; and the Cardinal of Lorain related particularly the estate of the Treasury and publick Revenue, commonly called Finances; and with these Preambles, that every one might have time to prepare himself what to say, the Assembly was dis∣missed for that time.

* 1.9The next day, before they entred upon any business, the Admiral more in love with his own Opinions than ever, and conceiving if he could add to the Queens apprehen∣sions, and the Guises, they might with more facility obtain such a full Reformation as was aimed at; resolved to set forth the number and force of the Hugonots, notwith∣standing the late suppression of the Conspiracy, and by that means gain the favour and absolute dependance of that party. Wherefore rising from his seat, and presenting himself before the King, he delivered him a Paper, and said aloud, so that he might be plainly heard by every one, That it was a Petition from those of the Reformed Religion, who in confidence of his Majesties Edicts, in which he permitted all people freely to present their grievances, had desired him to present it; and though there were yet no hands to it, when his Majesty should so order, it would presently be subscribed by One hundred and fifty thousand persons. The King, who by his Mothers precepts had learned the Art of dis∣sembling, graciously received the Paper, and with affable speeches commended the Admirals confidence in presenting to him the desires of his Subjects. This Paper be∣ing read by Aubespine, it appeared to be a Petition from the Hugonots, by which▪ with many tedious circumstances, they desired in substance Liberty of Conscience, and Temples to be assigned them in every City where they might freely exercise their Reli∣gion. After the reading of which, the Admiral being returned to his place, and the murmur ceased, which proceeded from the diverse sense that men had of this pro∣ceeding, every one was appointed in order to deliver his opinion. The Cardinal of Lorain, of himself ardent, and put on by the obligation of his calling, could not for∣bear to answer the contents of the Petition, which he termed seditious, impudent, rash, heretical and petulant; concluding, that if to strike a terrour into the Kings youth, it had been said, that the Petition should be subscribed by 150000 sedi∣tious persons, he made answer, There was above a Million of honest men ready to sup∣press the boldness of such rebellious people, and make due obedience be rendred to the Royal Majesty. Whereupon the Admiral offering to reply, a great contest would have fol∣lowed, to the hindrance of the business intended, if the King, imposing on them both silence, had not commanded the rest to proceed in order to deliver their opinions.

For so much as concerned Controversies in Religion, those that favoured Calvins Doctrine,* 1.10 as there were many even among the Prelates that inclined that way, pro∣posed that the Pope should be desired to grant a free General Council, where the diffe∣rences in matters of Faith might be disputed, and determined by common consent; and if the Pope refused to grant it in such manner as was necessary for the present times, and the general satisfaction of all men, the King ought, according to the wise

Page 31

example of many his Predecessors, to call a National Council in his own Kingdom; where, under his protection, those differences might be determined. But the Car∣dinal of Lorain, and the rest who constantly persevered in the Catholick Religion, and were the major part in the Assembly, denied that any other Council was necessary, than that by the Popes order many years since begun, and now newly entred into again in the City of Trent; whither, according to the Canons, and ancient use of holy Church, it was free for every body to have recourse, and to bring all differences in matters of Religion to be decided by the natural competent Judges; and that to call a National Council, whilst the General was open, would be to separate (through the capriciousness of a few desperate persons) a most Christian Kingdom from the union and fellowship of the holy Church; that it was not necessary to look so far back: For the General Council of Trent, having discussed and examined the Doctrine of those Teachers that dissented from the Roman Church, had already for the most part re∣proved and condemned it; That they should endeavour by the best means that could be, to purge the Kingdom, and not by hopes or propositions of new Councils, in∣crease the disorders, and multiply the confusions. But if the manners of the Ecclesi∣asticks, or abuses introduced into the Government of the Church of France required reformation, or more severe constitutions; an Assembly might be called of Divines and Prelates, in which, without medling with controversies in Faith, those disorders might be remedied by common consent. This opinion was approved by the major part of voices, and finally imbraced by all.

Then for the concernment of the State, after many Propositions and Disputes, which proceeded from the divers interests; John de Monle Bishop of Valence,* 1.11 having by se∣cret order from the Queen proposed an Assembly of the States, both parties willingly consented thereunto. The Constable, the Admiral, and their faction, because they hoped from that, a Reformation in the Government: The Queen-Mother and the Guises, because they saw things go on of themselves to their own ends.

This consultation ended, the King by his Chancellor thanked the Lords of the Assembly, and forthwith Letters Patents were dispatched by the Secretaries of State to all the Provinces in the Kingdom; containing, That in the Month of October next they should send their Deputies to the City of Orleans, there to hold a general Assembly of the States: and order was likewise given to the principal Prelates, that in the Month of February following, they should all meet at Poissy, to reform, by common consent, those abuses that were introduced in the Government and Ministry of the Church; and to take such order, that a considerable number of them should go to the general Coun∣cil of Trent. The Assembly ended, all were licensed to return to their houses, and desired to meet again at Orleans, to assist at the Assembly of the States.

But Jaues de la Sague, the King of Navarre's servant,* 1.12 being charged with Letters of Instructions from the Constable, the Admiral and the rest of the Adherents, dire∣cted to his Master, as soon as he left the Court returning towards Bearne; being gone as far as Estampes, was by secret order of the Queen stayed prisoner; from whence, with all his papers, he was privately conveyed to Court. The Letters contained only private and general compliments, such as use to pass amongst friends; and being exa∣mined, he constantly denied, that he had any other commission than what was plain to be seen by the Letters. But being brought to the place of torture to draw the truth from him by force, not enduring the rack, he confessed, That the Prince of Conde had advised, and the King of Navarre in part also consented thereunto, that he should leave Bearne, and under pretence of coming to the Court, by the way take pos∣session of all the principal Towns thereabouts; seise Paris by the help of the Constable, (his Son the Mareshal of Momorancy being Governour of it;) make Picardy revolt by means of the Lords of Senarpont and Bouchavane, and draw Britanny to his party by aid of the Duke of Estampes, who being Governour of that Province, had great de∣pendances there; and so armed and accompanied by the Forces of the Hugonots, come to the Court, and force the States to depose the Queen-Mother and the Guises from the Government, and declaring the King was not out of his minority till he came to 22 years of age, create his Tutors and Governours of the Kingdom, the Constable, the Prince of Conde, and the King of Navarre. He added to his con∣fession, that if they put the cover of the Visdame of Chartres Letters which were ta∣ken from him, in water, the characters would presently appear, and they should find there all written that he had said. Thus by the confession of one imployed by them,

Page 32

and the testimony of the Letters, the new designs of the Conspirators were disco∣vered.

But as the discontented Princes (resolved to bring in Innovations) increased in power and dependents; with so much the more sollicitousness and diligence they at Court made their provisions; where continuing still their wonted dissimulation, they studied all manner of pretences and colours to draw near to the Kings person, or else remove out of the suspected Provinces all such, who being united with the Princes of the Blood, had received Commissions to trouble or molest them. For this cause the Duke of Estampes being sent for under pretence that he should be imployed as Gover∣nour of the Kingdom of Scotland, was entertained with artificial delays; and Senar∣pont being declared Lieutenant to the Mareshal of Brissac, coming to receive new In∣structions in order to his Government, was by the same arts hindred from raising any commotion in Picardy; and so all the rest with sundry delays and excuses were in like manner entertained and suspended. But the remedies were not sufficient, for the wound already festered.

The Hugonots having taken courage from the first Councils of the Insurrection at Ambois, and the open profession of the Admiral, began to raise commotions in all parts of the Kingdom; and laying aside all obedience and respect, not only made open re∣sistance against the Magistrates, but in many places had directly taken Arms, endea∣vouring to raise the Countries, and get strong places into their hands, whither they might retire with safety: which was grown to such a pass, that from all parts came complaints against them to the Court, and news of their deportments. But one thing more important and more grievous than all the rest, made them hasten their for∣mer resolutions.* 1.13 For the Prince of Conde, moved by his old inclinations, and urged by the sting of Conscience, not being able to quiet his mind, or moderate his thoughts, resolved to make himself Master of a strong place in some part of the Kingdom, which might serve him afterwards for a retreat or standing quarter, if he were forced to make preparations for the War. Amongst many others in which he kept secret in∣telligence, none pleased him so well as Lions, being a populous rich City, placed upon two Navigable Rivers, not far from Geneva, the principal seat of the Hugonots; and placed so near upon the Confines, that he might easily receive speedy succours from the Protestant Princes of Germany, and the united Cantons of Switzers; and from whence upon any accident or necessity, he might soon retire into some free open place out of the Kingdom.

Wherefore using the assistance of two Brothers, the Maligni's his old servants, he found a means to treat with divers principal men of the City, which by reason of the Traffick, is always inhabited by many strangers of all Nations, and through the neighbourhood of Geneva, was then (though covertly) replenished with people averse to the Catholick Religion, and inclined to Calvins Doctrine. These, when they thought they had got a party strong enough in the City to make insurrection, endea∣voured to bring in privately Souldiers unarmed, and others of their faction; with which being afterwards furnished with arms, they might on a sudden possess them∣selves of the Bridges, and Town-house, and at length reduce the Town wholly into their power.

The Mareschal of S. Andre was then Governour of Lions; who being sent for upon the present occasions to Court, left there in his place, with the same authority, his Ne∣phew, the Abbot of Achon. He, by means of Catholick Merchants jealous to pre∣serve their own estates, and enemies to those Counsels that might disturb the peace of the City, having perfectly discovered the practices of the Hugonots, and the time that they determined to rise; the night before the fifth of September, appointed Pro with the chief Deputy of the Citizens, with three hundred Fire-locks, to place a guard upon the Bridges over the Rhone, and the Soane, and besiege that part of the City which is placed between the two Rivers, where he knew the Conspirators were to assemble. The Maligni's perceiving the Catholicks design, not willing to stay to be besieged and assaulted where they could not defend themselves, holpen by the darkness of the night, prevented the Governours men, and hasting with great courage, possessed themselves of the Bridge over the Soane, where they lay watching with great silence, in hope that the Catholicks, terrified with a sudden encounter, would be easily dis∣ordered▪ whereby the passage would be free for them to the other part of the Bridge, and to make themselves Masters of the great place, and of the chiefest strong parts in the Town.

Page 33

But it fell out otherwise: For the Catholicks enduring the first shock without being troubled or disordered, and afterwards continual fresh supplies of men being sent by the Governour, the Conspirators could no longer resist. The rest of their complices seeing the beginning so difficult, durst neither stir not appear any longer. Wherefore the Maligni's having fought all night, and being wearied out, as the day began to break, perceiving the Gate behind them was open, (which the Governour on purpose to facilitate their flight had commanded not to be shut, lest by an obstinate perseve∣rance, all might be indangered) they fled away, and many of their faction with them, and others hid themselves; by which means the City was freed from those great commotions

Then the Governour calling in those Troops that lay about the Town, and having made diligent search for the Conspirators; to terrifie the Hugonots with the severity of their punishment, condemned many of them to be hanged, and preserving the rest alive, sent them presently to Court; who served afterwards to confirm the depositions of the prisoners against the discontented Princes.

The news of this attempt being come to Court, the King resolving to use no longer delays, nor give more time for new experiments, departed from Fountain-bleau with those thousand Lances that used to attend him, and two old Regiments of Foot, that were newly come out of Piedmont and Scotland; and taking the way of Orleans, sol∣licited the Deputies of the Provinces to appear.

The whole French Nation is distinguished into three orders, which they call States.* 1.14 The first consists of Ecclesiasticks; the second of the Nobility; and the third of the common people. These being divided into thirty Precincts or Jurisdictions, which they call Baillages or Seneschausees, when a general Assembly of the Kingdom is to be held, go all to their chief City, and dividing themselves into three several Chambers, every one chuses a Deputy, who in the name of that Body, is to assist at the general Assembly, wherein are proposed and discussed all matters concerning the several Orders or Government of the State.

In this manner three Deputies are sent by every Baillage, one for the Ecclesiasticks, one for the Nobility, and one for the People; which by a more honourable term, are called the third Estate. Being all met together in presence of the King, the Princes of the Blood, and Officers of the Crown, they form the Body of the States-General, and represent the Authority, Name, and Power of the whole Nation. When the King is capable to govern, and present, they have power to consent to his demands, to pro∣pose things necessary for the good of their order, to oblige the common people to new taxes, and to give and receive new Laws and Constitutions; but when the King is in minority, or otherwise uncapable, they have authority when it falls into controversie, to chuse the Regents of the Kingdom, to dispose of the principal Offices, and to ap∣point who shall be admitted to the Council; and when the Kings line fails, or a des∣cendant of the Royal Family, they have power according to the Salique Laws to chuse a new Lord. But besides these supreme Priviledges, the Kings have always used in any urgent weighty occasions to assemble the States, and to determine of matters of difficulty with their advice and consent; thinking not only by a publick consent to make the Princes resolutions more valid, but that it was also necessary in a lawful Go∣vernment and truly Royal, that all great businesses should be communicated to the whole body of the Kingdom. Now at that time it plainly appearing, that through the dissen∣tions among the Princes, and differences in Religion, all things were full of disorder, and had need of speedy remedy, the Deputies elected by the Provinces, and instantly called upon with reiterated Orders from the Court, met together with great diligence at Orleans, at the beginning of October, where the King himself being also arrived, with a great company of the principal Lords and Officers of the Crown, he now ex∣pected nothing but the coming of the discontented Princes. The Constable with his sons stayed in the wonted place, at Chantillii; the King of Navarre, and the Prince his Brother, were retired into Bearn; and being summoned by the Kings Letters to come to the Assembly of the States, they did not plainly refuse it, but with divers excuses and many delays put off the time of their appearance.

This kind of proceeding held the King and all his Ministers in great dispense, doubt∣ing, not without reason, that the Princes either suspecting something of themselves, or advertised by some Confident, by refusing to appear at the Assembly, would frustrate all their great designs and preparations, which were founded only upon their coming.

Page 34

And the Prince of Conde, who ruled his actions by the guiltiness of his Conscience, it appearing to him a thing impossible, but that by the prisoners at Ambois, Saga's con∣fession, and the Conspirators taken at Lions, there was enough discovered to lay open his intents, was grown so extreamly jealous, that no reasons could perswade him to put himself again into the Kings power or his Ministers, the chief of which he knew were all his mortal enemies. But the King of Navarre, either being less guilty, or of a more credulous nature than his brother, thought, that by going to the States, they should easily obtain a reformation in the Government, which was the thing they had so much laboured for, and that by refusing to go thither, they should condemn themselves, and leave the field free to the avarice and persecution of the Guises. Nor could he possibly believe, that in the face of a General Assembly of the whole Kingdom, the King yet as it were a Pupil, an Italian woman and two strangers would venture to lay violent hands upon the Princes of the Blood, against whom the most masculine Kings and most revengeful, had ever proceeded with great regard, as against persons not to be violated, and in a manner Sacro-sancti. Wherefore he was of opinion, what∣soever came of it, to go to the Assembly, and to take the Prince with him; not mean∣ing to give them that advantage, to condemn him in absence, without any kind of defence, as he was sure they would if he stayed so far off; whereas if he were there to sollicite the Deputies himself, he hoped his cause, if it were not approved of by the rigour of justice, yet the equity of his reasons would at least make it be born with; and at the last, (if no better) in consideration of his quality, and pre-eminence of Blood, pardoned. All their Counsellours and Friends concurred in this opinion, ex∣cept the Prince's Wife, and his Mother-in-law; both which constantly opposed it, esteeming all other loss inferiour to the danger which they thought evident of leaving their lives there.

Whilst they were in this debate, there arrived on a sudden, first the Count of Cursol, and afterwards the Mareschal of Saint Andre, whom the King had dispatched one after the other, to perswade the Princes to come: They represented to them, that this grave venerable Assembly was called with much expence to the King, and great incommodity to the whole Kingdom, only in consideration of the Princes of the Blood, and to satisfie their instances and complaints: That they were obliged to deliver their opinions in regulating the Government, and decision of points controverted in Reli∣gion, businesses of such weight, as without the assistance of the chief Princes of the Blood, could not be determined: That the King had great cause to think himself mocked, and the States, that they were slighted by the Princes of Bourbon; since ha∣ving so often desired a Reformation in the Government, and to have the Hugonots cause examined, now that the time was come, and the States assembled for that pur∣pose, they took not any care of going thither; as it were contemning the Majesty of that Assembly, which was the representative Body of the whole Kingdom; that here∣after they ought not to blame any body but themselves, if they were worthily excluded from any part or charge in the Government, since they would not vouchsafe to come to receive that portion which the King with the approbation of the States thought good to assign them; and shewing themselves thus manifestly averse to the Kings service, and good of the Crown, they ought not to wonder if quick resolutions were taken to sup∣press and extirpate those roots of discord, and apparent designs of innovation. That the King was resolved, as he meant to gratifie such who shewed themselves respectful and obedient to him; so he would bind those to a necessary and forced obedience, that had any intents to separate themselves from his Councils, or to stir any commotions in the Cities and Provinces of the Kingdom: Of which delinquency he would think the Princes of Bourbon guilty, if they took no care at all to shew their innocence, but with their absence and contumacy should confirm the reports of fame; which being never believed either by the King or his Council, yet his Majesty desired, for the honour of the Blood-Royal, that with true demonstrations of duty and loyalty, and a real union for the publick good, they would testifie as much to all France, which with wonderful expectation had turned her eyes upon the actions of the present times.

This Message was delivered from the King, to the Princes of Bourbon, which had little moved the Prince of Conde, resolved not to venture his person in a place where his enemies were the stronger, if necessity had not forced him to break that resolution. For the Count of Cursol, being returned to Court, and having signified the Princes back∣wardness

Page 35

to come to the Assembly; the Guises thereupon pressing and solliciting, that force might be used to fetch them in, and the Queen not dissenting from them, (through a desire she had to see the seeds of those discords eradicated, and her sons quietly re-established in their States) the King took a resolution to make shew of compelling them by Arms. To which purpose the Mareschal de Termes being dispatched into Gascoigne, there began an Army to be formed under his command▪ and all the Troops and Infan∣try that were distributed in the Neighbour-Provinces, were sent that way. The Princes of Bourbon were not only without Arms, and unprovided, but restrained also in Bearne, a narrow Country, at the foot of the Perinees, and partly by France, partly by Spain, shut up, and compassed in on all sides: So that they were assured, being at∣tacked on one side by the French army out of Gascoigne, and on the other by the King of Spain's forces, (who desired to extinguish those few reliques that remained of the Kingdom of Navarre) they should easily be oppressed and subdued. In France the Princes designs had no where prospered; and in Bearne he had neither men nor money. Wherefore the King of Navarre (resolved, not to hazard the rest of his state, toge∣ther with the safety of his Wife and Children, who were all in the same place) shew∣ing the necessity, to which all Counsels must yield; at length brought his brother to be content to go; all being of opinion, that whilst the States were sitting, the Guises would not dare to attempt any thing against them; whereas if they continued obstinate to stay in Bearne; they would undoubtedly be forced with eternal infamy to fall under the hateful name of Rebels.

Charles Cardinal of Bourbon their brother, contributed very much to bring them to this resolution. For he being a man of a facile good nature, as appeared in the whole course of his life, averse to novelties, and extreamly affectionate to his brothers, when he understood the Kings intent, and the preparations that he made, being perswaded by the Queen-Mother, who desired their purposed designs might be effected, without noise of Arms, or the hazard of War; he presently took post, and went into Bearne to perswade them to come, by magnifying on one side the greatness of the forces that were preparing, (against which they would not be able to make any resistance) and by assuring them on the other, that there appeared not in the King or the Queen-Mother any other shew but of good-will, and a desire of peace and agreement. So leaving the Queen with the young children in Pau, they departed all three with a small train, to give less cause of suspicion, and went together towards the Court.

The Constable was sent for, though not with such earnestness, because he was in a place where they might easily get him into their power when they pleased. But he proceeded with greater dissimulation, and more security: For, having not favoured the Faction of the Male-contents otherwise than with his counsel, and that also ever tending rather to seek redress from the States, than to move any Insurrection or Rebellion; he would not, by refusing to go to Court, increase the suspicion against him, but by other arts and dissimulations defer his coming thither, till he saw what became of the Princes of Bourbon. Wherefore being come to Paris, there feigning he was troubled with a Catarrh, and the Gout, he returned (till he could recover) to his own house. Many days after, being again upon the way, under pretence that too much motion offended him, (which by reason of his age was easie to be believed) he made little journeys, and went out of the way for commodity of lodging, artificially delaying the time, until he could hear that the others were arrived.

It is certain, that, his sons urging him to make more haste, and telling him that neither the Queen-Mother nor the Guises would be so bold as to offend a man so much esteemed as he was, and that had such great dependences in the Kingdom; he, grown wise through long experience, made them answer, That those about the King could govern the State as they pleased, without any obstacle or impediment whatsoever; and yet notwithstanding fought contradictions, and assemblies of the States; things that could not be without some hidden design, which with a little patience would be rought to light. By which reply his Sons being satisfied, he sought still by delays to gain the benefit of time.

In the mean while the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, were met upon the Confines by the Mareschal de Termes, who, under shew of honour, conducted them with a great body of Cavalry to secure those Towns which la Sague mentioned in his Confession; and at the same time, sent other Companies of Foot and Horse to shut up and guard the ways behind them; doubting that the Princes might change their reso∣lution,

Page 36

and endeavour secretly to get back again into Bearn. But news being come to Orleans, that the Princes being in their journey, were come into the Kings domi∣nions, and compassed about by de Termes his Troops; presently Hierom Groslot Baily of Orleans, accused to have held intelligence with the Hugonots, to make that City revolt to the discontented Princes, was laid close up; and by order from the King, the Visdame of Chartres was committed to prison in Paris, who still contriving new mischiefs, had lingred there unadvisedly.

Andelot was not so easily intrapped; who being as wise and cautelous in providing against dangers, as he was precipitate and bold in contriving them, had secretly con∣veyed himself away into the remotest parts of Britany, near upon the Sea-side; being resolved, in case of necessity, to pass over into England. But the Admiral, who with great art and dexterity had managed the business, without being discovered, went thi∣ther freely at the beginning, with an intent to imploy all his power in the Assembly for the advantage of his party; and being very much made of by the King, and used (as was her custom) very civilly by the Queen, he had opportunity nearly to observe all the passages of the Court▪ of which afterwards with great wariness, he gave secret advertisement to the Constable, and the King of Navarre.

But now there was no further need of pretences, insomuch as the Princes of Bourbon being neither met upon the way, nor courted by any body but a few of their intimate familiar friends, arrived at Orleans the 29 day of October; where (contrary to the cu∣stom of the Court, though in time of War) they found not only the Gates of the City guarded with a great number of Souldiers; but the strong Holds secured, the places manned, and Watches appointed at the end of every street, with a terrible shew of all warlike instruments, and many Companies of Souldiers, which passing thorow, they arrived at the Kings lodging, much more strictly guarded, as if it had been the Tent or Pavilion of a General in the midst of an Army. Being come to the Gate, and intending to go into the Court on horse-back, (which is a priviledge belonging to the Princes of the Blood) they found the Gate shut, and only the Wicket open; so that they were forced to alight in the midst of the High-way; and being neither saluted nor met, (but by very fw) were conducted to the Kings presence; who placed between the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorain, and compassed about by the Captains of his Guard, received them in a much different manner from that familiarity which the Kings of France use to all men, but especially to the Princes of their Blood. From thence the King himself went with them, but the Guises followed not, to the Queen-Mothers Chamber; who not forgetting her old Maxims, to seem independent, and not interessed in any party, received them with the wonted demonstrations of Honour, and with such an apparence of sadness, that the tears were seen to fall from her eyes.

But the King, continuing still the same countenance, turning to the Prince of Conde, began in sharp language to complain, that he, without any injury or ill usage received from him, had, in contempt of all humane and divine Laws, many times stirred his Subjects to rebel, raised War in divers parts of the Kingdom, attempted to surprize his principal Cities, and practised even against his own life and his brothers. To which the Prince, not at all dismayed, boldly answered, That these were the alumnies and persecutions of his enemies; but hat he could soon make his innocence appear to all the world▪* 1.15 Then replied the King▪ To find out the truth, it is necessary to proceed by the usual ways of Justice: and so departing out of the Chamber, commanded the Captains of his Guard to seize upon his person.

Here the Queen-Mother, who moved with the necessity, gave her consent, but for∣got not the various changes of the world, wholly applied herself with kind words to comfort the King of Navarre, whilst the Prince not saying a word else, but blaming himself to be so coened by the Cardinal his brother, was led to a house hard by, which being prepared for that purpose, had the Windows walled up, the Gates doubled, and was reduced into a kind of Fortress flanked with Artillery, and strait Guards o every side.

The King of Navarre, astonished at his brothers imprisonment, after many com∣plaints and long debate with the Queen-Mother, (who laying the fault upon the Duke of Guise Lieutenant-General, sought to remove all jealousies and ill will from her self) was carried to be lodged in a house joining to the Kings Palace; where his ordinary Guards being changed,* 1.16 saving the liberty of conversation, he was in all other respects guarded and kept as a prisoner.

Page 37

At the very same time that the Prince was committed, Amaury Bouchard, the King of Navarre's Secretary, was arrested, and all his Letters and Writings taken from him.

The same night also Tannequy de Carrouge went from Court towards Anic in Pi∣cardy, a place belonging to Magdalen d Roye, the Princes Mother-in-law; and there finding her without suspition of any thing, being but a woman, he sent her away prisoner to the Castle of S. Germain, and carried all her Letters and Papers with him to the Court.

But the news of these stirs (notwithstanding the Gates of the City were kept shut, and Travellers forbidden to pass) being come to the Constable, who was still upon the way, some few leagues from Paris; he presently stopped his jour∣ney, with a resolution not to go any further till he saw what would be the event of them.

In the mean while, the Assembly of the States began;* 1.17 where the first thing that was done, was to make a profession of their Faith; which being set down by the Doctors of the Sorbon, conformable to the belief of the Roman Catholick Church, and publickly read by the Cardinal of Tournon, President of the Ecclesiastical Order, was by a solemn Oath approved and confirmed by every one of the Deputies, because none should be admitted into that General Assembly either unwittingly or on purpose, that was not a true Catholick.

This solemn Act being past, the High Chancellor, in presence of the King, pro∣posed those things which were necessary to be consulted of for the Reformation of the Government. Upon which, and the demand of the Provinces, they retired into their several Chambers; where when they had debated them apart, they were to make their reports thereof in publick. But this was the least thing in every mans thought; for the minds of all men were in suspence, and expecting the issue of the Princes im∣prisonment; whose commitment was confirmed by a solemn Decree of the Kings Council, subscribed by the King himself, the High Chancellor, and all the other Lords, except the Guises, who, as suspected of enmity, absented themselves when the Princes of Bourbons cause was to be handled, which was remitted to an Assembly of Judges Delegates, who forming a Judicial Process, should proceed to a final Sentence. The Delegates were Christophle de Thou, President in the Parliament of Paris; Bartholomy de Faye, and Jaques Viole, Counsellors in the same Parliament; and according to the Customs of that Kingdom, Giles Bourdin, the ordinary Atturney that prosecutes all Causes that either concern the Kings Rights, or tend to the maintenance of the peace and safety of his Subjects, Procuror fiscal to the King, performed the Office of Plain∣tiff and Accuser; John Tilliet, Chief Notary in the Court of Parliament, wrote the Process; and all the Examinations and Acts past in the presence of the High Chan∣cellor.

In this manner proceeding upon the Examinations of the Prisoners, (which were on purpose brought from Amboyse, Lyons, and divers other places) they were ready to examine the Prince upon the points already discovered and proved. But the High Chancellor and the Delegates coming into the Chamber where the Prince was in pri∣son, to interrogate him, he constantly refused to answer or submit himself to the Exa∣mination of any of them; pretending as Prince of the Blood,* 1.18 that he was not under any Justice but the Parliament of Paris, in the Chamber called The Chamber of Peers, that is, in a full Parliament, the King being there himself in person, all the twelve Peers of France, and all the Officers of the Crown, which was the custom formerly; and therefore he could do no other than appeal to the King against such an extraordi∣nary and perverse way of Judicature. This appeal being transferred to the Kings Council, although according to the ordinary Forms and Customs of the Kingdom it appeared agreeable to reason, notwithstanding (the present case requiring quick and speedy Judgment, and no Law making it necessary that the causes of the Princes should always be tried with such formality in the Chamber of the Peers) it was declared not valid. But the Prince having often made the same appeal, and persisting still to make the same protestations; the Kings Council, upon demand of the Procurer fiscal, de∣clared at length that the Prince was to be held as convict, because he had refused to answer the Delegates. So being forced to submit himself to examination, they pro∣ceeded judicially, and with great expedition in the rest of the circumstances, till the very last pronouncing of Sentence. Into such calamity were the Princes of Bourbon

Page 38

brought, that they were like to expiate with their Blood their past crimes; yet was there not any body so much their enemy among the French Nation, that, considering the great Birth and noble Education both of the one and the other brother, was not moved with exceeding compassion towards them. Only the Guises, men of a resolute nature, either really believing it was expedient for the common good, peace and wel∣fare of the Kingdom; or else, as their ill-willers affirmed, being eager to oppress their adversaries, and confirm their own greatness, constantly pursued their first designs, without any regard either to the quality or merit of the persons: nay, boasted with arrogant and bold speeches, That at two blows only they would cut off at the same time the Heads of Heresie and Rebellion.

But the Queen-Mother, though perhaps secretly she gave her consent, and was willing enough they should proceed to execution; yet desiring notwithstanding, that all the hate and blame should fall upon the Guises, as she had ever artificially contrived it, and having an aim still to preserve her self Neuter for any accidents that should happen in the uncertain changes of the World; her countenance expressing sadness, and her words sorrow, she often sent, sometimes for the Admiral, sometimes for the Car∣dinal of Chastillon, and shewed an earnest desire to find some means or other to save the Princes of Bourbon. With the same arts she entertained Jacqueline de Logent, Dutchess of Montpensier, a Lady of sincere intentions, who being far from dissimulation, judged of others by her self, yet she was inclined to the Doctrine of the Hugonots, and being withal nearly intimate with the King of Navarre, she served by carrying Messages from one to the other, to maintain a kind of correspondence between them; which kind of proceedings, though directly opposite to her designs, the effect whereof could not be concealed, they were nevertheless so excellently dissembled, that even those who per∣ceived most, were in doubt whether they were true or no; considering how profound the secrets of men are, and how various the affections and interests that govern the force of worldly actions.

The Commissaries had now pronounced the Sentence against the Prince of Conde; That being convict of Treason and Rebellion,* 1.19 he should lose his head at the beginning of the Assembly of the States-General, before the Royal Palace. Nor was the execu∣tion deferred for any other reason, but to see if they could catch in the same net the Constable, who being earnestly called upon, did not yet appear; and to involve in the same execution the King of Navarre, against whom nothing could be found suffi∣cient to condemn him;* 1.20 when one morning, the King being under the Barbers hands, (which he used often) was on a sudden taken with such a grievous swooning, that his servants laid him upon the bed for dead; and though in a short time he returned again to his senses, yet he had such mortal accidents, that he gave very little hopes of life. In which tumult of general amazement and confusion, the Guises sollicited the Queen-Mother, that whilst the King was yet alive, the Judgment should be executed upon the Prince of Conde; and the same resolution taken against the King of Navarre; by which means they should cut off the way to all Innovations that might happen up∣on the Kings death. Withal, they perswaded, that it was the only way to preserve the Kingdom to her other Sons yet in minority, and to dissipate those clouds of future dissention which already appeared in divers parts of the Kingdom. For although the Constable were wanting, whom in this necessary and hasty resolution they could not get into their hands; notwithstanding, the authority and priviledges of the Blood-Royal, the prudence of the King of Navarre, and the Princes fierceness being once taken away, there was little to be feared from him, who would neither be followed by the Nobility, nor have the adherence of the Hugonots, as the Princes of Bourbon had. That there wanted nothing to perfect their designs, (with so much art and pa∣tience brought to maturity) but the very last point of execution, which by no means was to be hindred, if the King should chance to die. For the Kingdom falling by right upon his Brothers, both they and the Queen-Mother would still have the same reasons and interests. But the Queen having had the dexterity in apparence to pre∣serve her self as it were Neuter, was not so streightly necessitated as to precipitate her deliberations. Wherefore considering, that under her Sons, yet Pupils, the face of things would be wholly changed, and the excessive greatness of the Guises, if it re∣mained without counterpoise or opposition, was no less to be feared than the conti∣nual practices of the Princes of the Blood; she lessened the report of her Sons weak∣ness, and often gave it out, that there was great hopes of his recovery; seeking by

Page 39

that means to gain time, and defer the execution of what was determined, that she might afterwards conform her self to the present occasions In pursuit of this reso∣lution, which was confirmed by the advice of the High Chancellour; as soon as they knew the King was past hopes, she caused the Prince Dolphin, Son to Jacqueline and the Duke of Montpensier, to bring the King of Navarre in the night secretly into her Chamber; where, with her wonted arts and many effectual arguments, she sought to perswade him, that she had ever been averse to the late proceedings, and that she was desirous to join with him to oppose the unlimited power of the Guises▪ Which, though it were not absolutely believed, was not altogether unuseful for the future: for with this and other negotiations, a correspondence being still maintained between them, it was not so hard to treat upon agreement when occasion should serve, as it would have been, if she had passionately declared her self a principal agent in what was done, and an open enemy to the Princes of the Blood.

In the mean while, the Kings weakness still increased, who from the beginning was thought to have an Impostume in his head, over the right ear, because he was ever from his infancy troubled with defluxions and pains in that part, which afterwards coming to break, the abundance of matter and corruption falling into his throat, choaked him; so that the fifth day of December in the morning he passed out of this life, leaving all things in extream disorder and confusion.

All men for the most part believed at the present, that he was poisoned by his Bar∣ber; and it was said that the Physicians had discovered evident signs of it, which the suddenness of the accident and time of his death would have made believed by men of best understanding, if the disease of which he died had not been known to be nourished and grown up with him from his cradle. He left behind him the opinion of a good Prince, free from vice, inclined to Justice and Religion; but reported to be of a weak heavy understanding, and of a nature rather apt to be awed by others, than able to govern of himself. However, it would have been expedient for the peace of France, either that he had never come to the Crown, or else that he had lived till the designs then on foot had been fully perfected. For as the force and violence of thunder useth in a moment to overthrow and ruine those buildings which are built with great care and long labour; so his unexpected death, destroying in an instant those counsels, which with so much art and dissimulation were brought to maturity and concluded; left the state of things (already in the way (although by violent and rigorous means, yet) to a certain and secure end) in the height of all discord, and more than ever they were formerly, troubled, wavering, and abandoned.

Charles the Ninth, Brother to Francis, and second Son to the Queen,* 1.21 succeeded to the Crown, being yet but a Child about eleven years old. In so tender an age, there was no doubt but he should be committed to the care of a Guardian, who should sup∣ply his defect in the Government; in which case the ancient customs of the Kingdom, and the Laws often confirmed by the States, called rightfully to that charge, as first Prince of the Blood, the King of Navarre. But how could the Kings youth, and the Government of the Kingdom, be safely committed into his hands, who upon great sus∣picions to have practised against the State, was kept in a manner prisoner, and his Bro∣ther for the same crime already condemned to die? The Guises had governed with supreme authority under the late King, and with great constancy applied all manner of frank remedies to recover the prosperity and peace of the State: so that committing the Government to them, the same Councils might be continued, and the same deli∣berations followed. But how could the Guardianship of a King in minority be con∣ferred upon those that were in no manner of way allied to the Royal Blood, against all the Laws of the Kingdom, and in such a time when the major part of the great Lords being already wakened and advertised, would earnestly oppose it? The States had often committed the Regency and Government of Infant-Kings to the Mothers; and in such division of opinions and factions, the life of the King, and custody of the King∣dom ought not in reason to be trusted in other hands. But how could a woman that was a stranger, without dependences, and without favourers, pretend to the supreme authority with two so powerful and already-armed factions?

Wherefore, when the late King Francis beginning to grow worse, shewed evident signs of death; the Guises foreseeing what might easily happen, entred into a streight league of friendship with the Cardinal of Tournon, the Duke of Nemours, the Mares∣chals of Brissac and S. Andre, the Sieur de Sipierre Governour of Orleans, and many

Page 40

other great Lords, continually providing what force they could to maintain themselves and their power. On the other side, the King of Navarre, conceiving good hopes for the future, making a confederacy with the Admiral, the Cardinal of Chatillon, the Prince of Portian, Monsieur de Iarnac, and the rest of his dependents, had secretly armed all his Family, and by sundry messengers sent for the Constable, who, having understood the Kings death, hasted his journey, which he used to delay, was every hour expected at Orleans. So that both Factions having put themselves into a po∣sture of defence, and the whole Court and the Souldiers divided between them, and not only all others,* 1.22 but even the Deputies of the States themselves taking part accor∣ding to their inclinations and several interests, there was no place left for any third resolution; but with the instant danger that every hour the Factions would affront each other, every place was full of tumults and terrour, and all their proceedings tended to a manifest ruine.

Notwithstanding, the unbridled desire of Rule did not so sway their minds (as yet accustomed to reverence the Majesty of Laws) that through private discords, pub∣lick obedience should be denied to the lawful King, though in minority: but both Factions with tacite and unanimous consent striving who should be the first, they saluted and did homage to King Charles the Ninth of that Name, the same day that his Brother died; all agreeing to acknowledge him for their lawful and natural Prince.

This was the foundation and basis whereon to form those things which were left so strangely disordered. For the Queen, who knew she could not trust the life of her children, and the Government of the State to either Faction, the one grievously of∣fended and exasperated, the other full of boldness and pretensions, and both of them powerful in adherents, and inclined to undertake any great attempt, desired to preserve in her self, not only the custody and care of her children, but also the Government and administration of the Kingdom; which in the last days of Francis his life, and in the disorders at his death, appeared to her so difficult, that she little less then desaired of safety. But this first point confirmed, of obedience rendred to the Kings Person by both parties; which, as appeared manifestly, was done through jealousie and mu∣tual fear the one had of the other, each doubing his adversary would arrogate the au∣thority to rule, and usurp the power of the Government; the Queen laying things together, conceived, that drawing from these discords and present confusion, an ad∣vantageous resolution for her self, she might, as Mediatrix between them, get the su∣periority of both, being supported by the proper interests of the one and the other Faction; who not agreeing among themselves, nor able easily to attain to that end they aimed at, would agree upon her, as a mean between the two extreams; being contented that the Authority and Power should rest in her, which by reason of the opposition of their adversaries they could not obtain for themselves. In which respect the Guises would easily join with her, that the King of Navarre might not acquire the absolute Government; and the King of Navarre would perhaps be content with less authority than of right belonged to him, rather than hazard the whole, by contending with the Guises. So that if the business were dextrously carried, the supreme Authority would fall upon her.

This conception was the likelier to take effect, because the Queen, though united with the Guises, had in apparence preserved her self Neuter; by which means she was confident to one party, and not thought an enemy to the other.

But two great difficulties traversed this design. One, that the King of Navarre be∣ing exasperated with the injuries past, it was a very difficult matter to appease him. The other, that beginning to treat with him, she might give cause of suspition to the Guises; and so greatly endangered the losing that support, before she had time to settle the affairs. Which obstacles though they appeared invincible, yet the urgency of the oc∣casion inforced a necessity to try all kind of policies, though never so doubtful. The first thought was to assure the Guises: for it had been but an unwise counsel, to aban∣don all old friendship already confirmed, before there was any manner of assurance that it was possible to contract a new one. But a business of that nicety, and on every side full of suspition, was not to be managed but by persons of great dexterity. Where∣fore having thought upon many, the Queen at length resolved there was no instrument so proper for that negotiation as the Mareschal S. Andre. For being a great Confident to the Guises, privy to all their secretest thoughts, and besides that, a man of prudence

Page 41

and singular quickness; he would not believe the Queen could have any hope to cozen him, and the businesses treated by him would have credit and great authority with his own Faction. So that having sent for him, and deplored the state of the present af∣fairs, she enquired what resolution the Princes of Lorain meant to take; professing that she would not differ from them, but follow any advice that they, by agreement amongst themselves should think most reasonable. To which he making a doubtful reply, with an intent rather to penetrate into the Queens designs, than to discover to her the in∣tentions of his own party; after many several discourses, at last all their arguing ended in this conclusion; That the differences between the two Factions could not be ac∣commodated without great troubles, and the danger of a doubtful War, if both parties did not yield something in their reasons, and retire (as it is commonly said) a step backwards, leaving to her to mediate between them; who both as a Judge and Mode∣ratrix, and as an indifferent party, might limit the pretentions of the Princes in such a manner, that one side should not seem to yield to the other, but through modesty and respect that they bore to the Mother of their King, forget all past injuries, and so things might remain equally balanced between them. This counsel proceeding in a manner wholly from the Mareschal, the Queen feigning rather to take than give ad∣vice, they began to consult which way was best to proceed. Then shewing that the King of Navarre was a man of right intentions, and of a facile moderate nature, she doubted not but she could perswade him to it, so the Princes of Lorain would be con∣tent. The Mareschal, that was free from any private passion, and knew the slippery dangerous condition in which the Guises stood, took upon him the charge to manage the business with them; which being proposed to the Duke and the Cardinal, and af∣terwards debated in a meeting of their Confederates, they all approved of it. But the two Brothers were of different opinions: For the Duke being more placable and moderate, consented to an accommodation, provided his Governments and Revenues that he enjoyed by the favour of the late Kings, might remain untoucht. But the Car∣dinal being of a more ambitious nature, and vehement disposition, desired still to per∣sist in the strifes they had begun, and to endeavour to preserve themselves in the same authority they had obtained and exercised during the life of Francis. Notwithstand∣ing, not only the Cardinal of Tournon concurring with the Duke in opinion, as desi∣rous to avoid the tempest of War, but also the two Mareschals of Brissac and S. Andre, and especially the Sieur de Sipierre, whose opinion, through the fame of his wisdom, was of great esteem amongst them, and conceiving they got enough, if, preserving their reputation, their estates and honours which they possessed, they could preserve them∣selves for times of better conjuncture; leave was given to the Queen, by means of the same Mareschal, to try all the ways she should think good to make an agreement with the King of Navarre.

This difficulty being overcome, the greatest obstacle was yet to pass through; which was to appease the Faction of the discontented Princes: a thing judged by many not possible to be brought to pass, and absolutely desparate. But the Queen, knowing the nature and inclination of those she ha to deal with, (a thing chiefly necessary for the effecting any great design) did not doubt to compass her desire. The intimate Counsellors to the King of Navarre were Francis de Cars, a Gascoigne, and Philip de Lenon-court, Bishop of Auxerre; That, a man of small judgment, and little experience in the world; This, of a deep reach, extreamly vigilant, and altoge∣ther intent upon those interests that were most for his own advancement. These be∣ing secretly gained by the working of the Queen-Mother, with such means as were most likely to prevail over their several humours, (for she fought by rewards, and ap∣parent specious reasons, to corrupt and perswade de Cars, and to Auxerre she offered honours and Ecclesiastical preferments; which by means of the King of Navarre only he could not so easily attain unto) they became Ministers to the Queens designs, and under the name of faithful sincere Counsellors, were ready to favour those negotiations that tended to an agreement, and the advancement of her greatness. The first over∣tures of this accommodation were made by the Dutchess of Montpensier, by reason of her goodness and candid disposition very inward with the Queen, and a great friend to the King and Queen of Navarre, through the inclination she had to the Hugonots Re∣ligion; and in the progress of the business, came in by little and little Tanneguy de Crrouges, and Louis de Lansac, men of approved wisdom, in whom the Queen re∣posed great confidence: and these three continually employed their endeavours to

Page 42

shake the King of Navarre's resolution; who, being now drawn from his wonted in∣clinations to peace and quietness, and incited by the ardour of enmity, and the me∣mory of dangers past, had his thoughts so confused, that he stood in suspence, and doubtful what course to take. Three conditions were proposed from the Queen; First, that all prisoners should be set at liberty, and particularly the Prince of Conde, Madam de Roye, and the Visdame of Chartres, causing the Parliament of Paris to de∣clare null the Sentence pronounced against the Prince by the Judges Delegate. Secondly, that the King of Navarre should have the Government of all the Provinces in the King∣dom, provided the Queen should enjoy the name and authority of Regent. And the third, that the Catholick King should be sollicited to the restitution or change of Na∣varre; and the Isle of Sardinia was particularly named. These conditions being pro∣posed by the Queens Agents, the Kings Counsellors highly approved them; shewing, that the Regency, a Title without substance, and only an airy name, was abundantly recompenced by the authority and power over the Provinces, wherein consisted the real command and essential Government of the Kingdom: to which being added the honourable release of the Prince, with the suppression of his enemies, and hope to recover an estate befitting his quality and birth, there was not any doubt at all to be further made. They added, that their affairs for the present were in so doubtful a condition, that putting themselves upon the rigour of the Laws against such potent ene∣mies, and with the prejudice of their past machinations, it was rather to be feared they would be utterly ruined, than advanced to those honours they desired: that the States then at Orleans depended wholly upon the Queens will and the Guises, by whose means they were with great regard assembled; for which cause they were for the most part united and joined with them: wherefore it was greatly to be feared, if their cause were remitted to the arbitrement and determination of the States, that they being incensed by their former practices, would exclude the Princes of the Blood from the Govern∣ment, and commit it to the Guises, as persons they could more confide in; upon which would follow the inevitable destruction of the whole family of Bourbon. That it was ne∣cessary to stop this precipice with moderate Counsels; and shewing they desired no∣thing but what was just and reasonable, by yielding to the Laws, clear themselves from suspition and their former contumacy; and although the change proposed with the Ca∣tholick King were very uncertain and doubtful, yet it would be great imprudence any way by pretending to the Government of other States, to weaken the hopes of reco∣vering his own, and the inheritance belonging to his children. These reasons wrought upon the King of Navarre, of himself inclined to such kind of thoughts; but he was spurred on to the contrary by the instigation of the Prince his Brother, though ra∣ther with a violent passion of revenge, than any founded reason. Notwithstanding, there being joined to that party which perswaded an accord, the authority of the Duke of Montpensier and the Prince de la Rochesur-yon, both of the same family of Bourbon, but who being many degrees removed from the Crown, had not interested themselves in these late businesses; the King of Navarre inclining to come to an agreement with the Queen, proposed; by the sae persons that treated the Accommodation, besides the three Conditions offered, two others: The first, that the Guises should be deprived of all places of command at Court; The other, that Liberty of Conscience should be granted to the Hugonots.

When Calvins Doctrine was first preached, the seeds thereof were planted in the family of Henry, King of Navarre, and Margaret his wife, father and mother to Jane the present Queen; and as the minds of those Princes were ill-affected to the Aposto∣lick See,* 1.23 being deprived of their Kingdom under pretence of Ecclesiastical Cnsures, thundred out by Pope Julio the Second against the Kingdom of France and the adhe∣rents of the same, with which Navarre was then in confederacy▪ so it was likeliest, they should apply themselves to that Doctrine, which opposing the Authority of the Roman Bishop, by consequence concluded those Censures invalid, by vertue whereof they had lost their Kingdom. Wherefore the Ministers (so they call them of Calvins Religion) frequenting the house of those Princes, and there teaching their Opinions, they made such an impression in Queen Jane, that departing from the rights of the Catholick Church, she had wholly entertained and embraced the Religion of the Hugo∣nots. Whereupon being married to Anthony of Bourbon, (at the present King of Na∣varre) she not only continued in the same belief, but had in great part drawn her Husband to that Opinion, being besides perswaded by the zealous eloquence of Theodore

Page 43

Beza, Peter Martyr Vermeil, and other Teachers that went freely into Bearne to preach their new Doctrine. And the Prince of Conde, the Admiral, and other principal men of the Faction of the Princes of the Blood, having at the same time, partly through Conscience, partly through interests of State, embraced those Opinions, with so much the greater constancy, the King of Navarre persevered to continue the protection of the Hugonots. For this cause he desired of the Queen in the Treaty of Accommo∣dation between them, that Liberty of Conscience might be granted to the Calvinists: and she, who thought all other things inferiour to the evident danger, (wherein she saw the Kingdom to be lost both to her sons and her self) not to interrupt the Treaty of agreement, would not absolutely deny those two Conditions, though very hard ones, but shewing, that to deprive the Guises of their charges at Court, was imme∣diately contrary to the Accord then in agitation, and to the thought of reducing the wavering estate of the Kingdom into peace and repose, (for they being armed and powerful, would never suffer so great and manifest an affront, but joining with the Catholick Faction and the greater part of the States, would to maintain their dignity, soon have recourse to Arms) notwithstanding, she obliged her self, that with time and art she would continually lessen their authority and power; which, they being by degrees deprived of their Governments, would soon fall to nothing. And for so much as concerned the liberty of the Hugonots, being a thing of too great importance to be granted upon so little deliberation, and which the Parliaments and the States themselves would undoubtedly oppose; she was content to promise secretly, that go∣verning by common consent with the King of Navarre, she would by indirect by-ways, and upon the emergencies of occasions which might happen every day, so work under-hand, that by little and little they should in great part obtain their de∣sires.

The Queen promised these things, being forced by the present necessity; yet with an intent, when the Government was established, and the King of Navarre appeased, to observe none of them; but delaying the execution of them with her wnted arti∣fices, at length with dexterity to render them altogether vain. For she thought it not expedient for her own interests, and the preservation of her sons, wholly to suppress the Guises, (who served marvellously to balance the power of the Princes of the Blood) and to permit a Liberty of Conscience, she knew it would not be done without great scandal to the Apostolick See, and all other Christian Princes, nor without great dis∣order and dissention in the Kingdom; but reserving many things to the benefit of time and future industry, she endeavoured by all manner of means to provide for, and remedy the present distractions.

Now the Accommodation being in a manner confirmed upon these Conditions, the King of Navarre declared, that he would not conclude any thing without the consent and authority of the Constable, who was already near upon his arrival; so that it was necessary to return to the old arts to overcome this last impediment, esteemed by many no less difficult to master than the former. Wherefore the Queen, who very well knew the nature and inclination of the Constable, thought by restoring him to the au∣thority of his place, and seeming to acknowledge from him both her own greatness, and the welfare of her sons yet in minority; that he, ambitious to be held the Mode∣rator and Arbitrator of all things, would easily be brought to favour her Regency, and to shew himself Neuter to both Factions. So that having the consent of the King of Navarre and the Guises, (who on both sides were now inclined to thoughts of peace) she made shew of confessing that all things depended upon his power; giving order that the Captains of the Guard and the Governour of the City at his entry into the Gates should deliver up to him the chief Command of the Souldiers,* 1.24 acknowledging him as in effect was but just, for General of the Militia. By which testimony of fa∣vour, the ancient sparks of loyalty and devotion reviving in him, wherewith he had so many years served the Grandfather and the Father of the present King, turning him∣self about to the Captains with the same majestical countenance that he used always to have, he told them, That since the King had again intrusted him with the command of the Armies, they should not need to stand long with such watchfulness upon the Guard in a time of peace; for he would soon take such an order, that though he were yet in age of minority, he should be obeyed in all parts of France by his Subjects without the force of Arms.

Page 44

So being come to the Kings Palace, where the Queen received him with great shews of honour, and he doing homage to the young King with tears in his eyes, exhorted him not to have any apprehension of the present troubles; for he and all good French men would be ready to spend their lives for the preservation of his Crown: From which the Queen, taking courage, without any delay, entring into private discourse with him about the present affairs, not to give time to the practices of others, told him, that she had placed all hope of her own welfare and her Sons in him only; that the Kingdom was divided between two pretending Factions, which resolving to per∣secute each other, had forgotten their obedience to their Prince and the publick safety; that there was no other person of Authority, who, standing neuter, could suppress their pretences; that there was no hope of preserving her children in possession of the Crown, which was aimed at, and aspired to by so many, if he (mindful of his Loyalty, of which he had given so long a testimony) did not undertake the protection of the young King, of the Kingdom afflicted with such distractions, and of the whole Royal Family that was then in a very slippery dangerous condition, and relied only upon the hope of the fidelity and aid from those who had been obliged and advanced by their Predecessors. To which words adding all the womanish flatteries that either the time or business required, she so wrought him to her will, that he not only consented to the accomodation treated with the King of Navarre, but seeing the Guises already lessened, and the charge of the affairs with the first dignity of the Kingdom returned again into his own hands, forgetting all private interests of particular Factions, pro∣posed that he would unite himself with the Queen for the conservation of the Crown, by which only he pretended to hold that place, which in the course of a long life he had taken such pains to attain unto.

The accommodation then agreed upon and confirmed by the Authority of the Con∣stable, without further delay they assembled the Kings Council, at which were assistant all the Princes and Officers of the Crown that were present. Where the Chancellor pro∣posing according to ordinary use in the Kings presence, it was unanimously resolved upon, That the Queen-Mother should be declared Regent of the whole Kingdom, the King of Navarre President and Governour of the Provinces, the Constable Superin∣tendent of all the Forces, the Duke of Guise as Grand-Master-Keeper of the Palace, and the Cardinal of Lorain High Treasurer. That the Admiral, the Mareschals and Governours of the Provinces, should enjoy and execute their charges, without being intrenched upon by Strangers; that the Supplications and Letters of the Provinces should be addressed to the King of Navarre, who should make report thereof to the Queen, and return such answers as she and the Council thought good; that all Em∣bassies and Letters of Negotiation with Foreign Princes should be brought immediately to the Queen, and she to communicate them to the King of Navarre; that in the Kings Council where the Princes of the Blood were to assist, the Queen should preside, and make all Propositions, and when she was away, the King of Navarre, or in absence of them both, the High Chancellor; all dispatches whatsoever passing under the com∣mon name of the Governours of the Kingdom; Conditions, by which the Princes of the Blood had in shew a great part of the Government, but in substance all authority and power remained in the Queen. She promised further than this, (although secretly, by little and little) to open a way to Liberty of Conscience for the Hugonots, and by the same address in a short time to remove the Guises from all Ministerial dignities: which were the two conditions finally proposed by the two discontented Princes, and by her through a final necessity feignedly accepted of.

* 1.25The precipice of things being thus stopped, and the best order taken that could be for the Government of the Kingdom, the Prince of Conde, according to the Agree∣ment, was set at liberty; and departing from the Court to shew how free he was, within a few days after returned thither again; and lastly, was by an honourable Edict in the Parliament of Paris absolved from the imputation laid upon him, and the Sen∣tence declared null and irregular which was pronounced against him by the Judges Dele∣gates, as incapable of judging the Princes of the Blood. The Visdame of Chartres en∣joyed not the benefit of this Agreement; for when he was first taken prisoner, being put into the Bastile, (a fortress placed upon the skirts of the City of Paris) he grew in∣to such a discontent and indisposition of body, that he died before the Accommodation was fully concluded.

Page 45

Things being in this state, ended the year 1560:* 1.26 but in the beginning of the year after, the Regent and the King of Navarre, not willing that the affairs thus setled should be disturbed by any new practises, dismissed the Assembly of the States, after they had celebrated the Ceremonies of the first Session; having caused by their dependents this reason to be alledged from the beginning,* 1.27 That the Deputies being sent by their Commonalty to treat with the late King, their Commission was expired by his death; and therefore they had no power under the reign of the present King, either to treat or conclude any thing concerning the State: Yet notwithstanding they gave Commis∣sion, that the Deputies upon the first opportunity should meet at a place appointed to consult of a means to pay the debts of the Crown without oppressing the people with new Taxes; but not to meddle with any thing else.

The States thus broken up, they applied themselves to settle the Government. But for all this, the discords and troubles of the Court were not quieted. For the Guises, who had gotten so little a share, and which consisted rather in apparence than any real power, being accustomed to govern, could not conform their minds to their present condition: and being ill satisfied with the Queen, for having performed much less than she had promised, they sought all manner of opportunities, whereby they might again raise themselves to their former greatness; and on the other side, the Prince of Conde, being exasperated, but not withdrawn from his wonted designs, burnt more than ever with an implacable desire of revenge; and the Lords of Chatillon, who firmly continued to protect the Hugonots party, desisted not to attempt the raising of Tumults, by which they might augment their own power. Both Factions were in∣tent to draw to their party the Constable, who having declared that he would depend only upon the Kings will and the Queens, maintained himself Neuter: and so much the rather, because the King of Navarre, contented with his present condition, con∣tinued still a good correspondence with the Regent, and persevered in the desire to establish a Peace. Wherefore there was not any apparent reason for the Constable not to remain constant in his first resolution.

But the Admiral and his Brothers, together with the Prince of Conde, hoped that the nearness of Blood would at lenth prevail to win him to their side; and the Guises knowing him affectionate to the Catholick Religion, and averse to that of Calvin, so severely persecuted by him in the Reign of Henry the Second, despaired not, un∣der a colour to defend the Faith, and extirpate the Hugonots, to draw him to their party.

These stirs were kept in motion by the obstinacy of the King of Navarre, who very urgently pressed the Queen, that she would apply her self to perform those promises which she made unto him in favour of the Hugonots. And she, who contented her self with the present state of things, which, being equally balanced, and not enclining more to one side than the other, secured her greatness and her Sons Kingdom, avoided all that was possible the being brought to a necessity of discontenting him, lest he should alter his resolutions. But on the other side, conceiving it neither just nor safe to give so much liberty to the Hugonots, she found out quaint excuses, and divers pretexts to delay the execution of her promise; hoping indeed, that in progress of time the King of Navarre would grow less instant in his desires. But it fell out altogether other∣wise: for being stirred up by the continual instigations of the Prince and the Admiral, and the perpetual incitements of the Queen his Wife, he grew every day more vio∣lent in pressing the performance of that promise which was made him at the be∣ginning.

The High Chancellour de l' Hospital, though covertly, favoured his desire; who either believing that it was indeed expedient for the quiet of the Kingdom; or else through an inclination that he had to the Hugonots Doctrine, took off as much as he could from the severity of other Magistrates, and advised the Queen, to stay the effu∣sion of blood, to settle mens Consciences in peace, to take away all ground of scan∣dal, and not to give an occasion of bringing things again into confusion, which with so much pains and art were set right and composed. Many also of the Kings Council yielded to the instances of the King of Navarre, who professed that he was moved to compassion, to see so many of the Kings Subjects that were continually scattered about in the Kingdom, abandoning their own houses through fear of punishments; and that he detested so often to goar his hands in the bowels of the French Nation. And the Hugonots themselves, among whom were many men of wit and courage, omitted no

Page 46

art nor care that might any way help them: but sometimes with little Treatises artifi∣cially scattered abroad, sometimes by Petitions seasonably presented, otherwhile by the effectual perswasions of those that favoured them, endeavoured to move the great per∣sons to commiserate their condition.

The Queen therefore being forced to yield to the consent and authority of so many, and conceiving perhaps it would be best, willingly to intermit that severity which by no means could be longer continued, (since those threats which are not resolutely put in execution by force, prove always damageable) she gave way, that by a Decree of Council passed the 28 day of January,* 1.28 the Magistrates should be ordered to release all prisoners committed only for matters of Religion, and to stop any manner of inquisi∣tion appointed for that purpose against any person whatsoever; nor to suffer any dispu∣tations in matters of Religion, nor particular persons to revile one another with the names of Heretick and Papist: but that all should live together in peace, abstaining from unlawful Assemblies, or to raise scandals and sedition.

Thus Calvins Religion, under the obscure pretence of hindering the effusion of more blood, (which carried an apparence of much Christianity and piety) was, though not authorised, at least covertly protected and tolerated. A greater contest seemed likely to arise about the depression of the Duke of Guise. For the King of Navarre, putting the Queen in mind of the promises she secretly made him, required, that as the Kings Lieutenant-General, the Keys of the Palace should be assigned to him; which the Duke of Guise, as Grand-Master, always kept. But the Queen, though she saw that she was greatly upheld and honoured by the King of Navarre and the Con∣stable, and on the contrary knew the Guises were grown very averse to her; yet she imployed all her power to hinder their depression. For on one side, the Hugonots party maintaining it self under the protection of the Prince of Conde and the Admi∣ral; and the Catholicks on the other side, under the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorain; conceiving that between these two Factions, as between two strong banks, she might remain secure in a calm: She would not so much weaken the Catholick party, as they should be forced afterwards to receive Laws from the Hugonots. Wherefore sometimes by delays, sometimes by complying with him in other demands, she sought to remove the King of Navarre from that thought.

But he persisting in his demand, and growing every day more earnest, as he saw her more backward; not in an instant to dissolve that agreement which with so many dif∣ficulties was effected,* 1.29 it was thought convenient to command the Captains of the Guard, that from thence forward they should not carry the Keys of the Kings Lodg∣ings, as the custom had been, to the Grand-Master, but to the Lieutenant-General, as the man to whom that dignity belonged. Whereat the Duke of Guise was ex∣ceedingly incensed, and much more the Cardinal his Brother; not so much for the importance of the thing, or the injury received, (which at the first was otherwise determined in the Kings Council) as because they manifestly saw, that the King of Navarre's intention, which drew along with it the Queens consent, was wholly to sup∣press and tread under foot their greatness. But knowing they were thought to be men of passion and ambition, and seeing themselves not able in a private dispute to deal with the Princes of the Blood, who had then in their hands all the Kings force and authority, they dissembled the affront done unto them, and made shew only of being moved and offended at the tacite toleration that was permitted to the Calvinists; co∣vering in this manner with a pious pretence under the Vail of Religion, the interests of private passion.

So by degrees the discords of great men were confounded with the dissentions of Religion;* 1.30 and the Factions were no more called the discontented Princes and the Guisarts; but more truly and by more significant names, one the Catholick, and the other the Hugonot party. Factions, which under the colour of piety, administred pernicious matter to all the following mischiefs and distractions. The Queen Regent and the Constable held the Kings party, as it were in the middle of a balance; and the Constable, though he hated Calvinism, and lived conformable to the Roman Church, nevertheless, both in respect of his Nephews, and to preserve the publick peace, was contented that they should proceed warily in matters of Religion, until such time as the King, being come to age, should be able to govern himself.

But to confirm in the mean while the Kings Authority and Empire, although in mi∣nority, it was thought expedient by those that governed, that he should be acknow∣ledged

Page 47

with the usual Ceremonies belonging to the Kings of France. Wherefore they resolved to carry him to Rheims, and in that place,* 1.31 where the holy Oyl is kept with great veneration, which served at the Coronation of the first Christian King Clonis, to cause him to be anointed, or as they commonly call it, Sacré; and from thence to conduct him to the City of Paris, there to reside, as the Kings for the most part are accustomed in the principal City of the Kingdom. At the Ceremonies of the Corona∣tion there arose a new strife for precedency between the Princes of the Blood and the Duke of Guise. For these pretended to the first place, as they were first in dignity be∣fore any whosoever; and the Duke of Guise, as first Peer of France,* 1.32 pretended in waiting at the Ceremony to precede every man; and though the Kings Council deter∣mined in favour of the Duke of Guise, (because at the Crowning of the King, the pre∣sence and assistance of the Peers (which are twelve, six Ecclesiasticks, and six Secular) is requisite; and the Princes of the Blood having not any thing to do, their atten∣dance is not necessary) notwithstanding, they being apt to take fire at every little spark, this was enough very much to incense and exasperate them. In the mean while, the Admiral and the Prince of Conde had used all possible endeavour to draw the Constable to the protection of their party; but though Francis Mareschal of Mo∣morancy his eldest son, who was streightly united with them, used great industry to perswade his Father; yet nothing could move his constancy; being resolved not to make himself in his old age head of a Faction, or an Author of new dissentions in Re∣ligion. Wherefore the Admiral, always an Inventer of subtile counsels, thought with himself, that he would make him concur with them by some other way.

At Pointoise, a Town seven leagues from Paris, the Assembly was held of certain Deputies of the Provinces, to consult of a means to pay the debts of the Crown, which by reason of the past Wars, amounted to a very important sum: and although the Mareshal of Momorancy presided in this Assembly, yet the Admiral had some of his nearest Familiars that were of it, by whose means he had the commodity to cause any thing to be proposed there that he pleased. Wherefore the Brothers of Coligni and the Prince of Conde resolved by means of their Confidents, to propose in the Assem∣bly, That all those who had received any Donations from the Kings, Francis the First, or Henry the Second, should be obliged to restore them into the publick Treasury; making account; that in this manner, without imposing new Taxes, they might pay the greatest part of the debts, which within and without the Kingdom occasioned both to the publick and particulars, so great trouble. They made this Proposition, because the partakers of the late Kings bounty were the Guises, the Dutchess Diana, the Mares∣chal S. Andre, and the Constable: And for those, they desired to see the effect of it to their utter ruine; but for the Constable, it was designed to put him only in fear, and necessitate him to unite himself with the Faction of the Princes, to avoid the danger of losing his estate, which was the fruits of so many years sweat and labour; and such was the animosity of the Factions, that even his Nephews made themselves the Mini∣sters to bring these streights and cares upon their Uncle.

But as Counsels too subtile and forced use often to produce contrary and unthought-of ends; so this attempt had an effect much different from that which the contrivers thereof designed; for in this restitution of Goods, the Constable and Guises having an equal interest; Diana, who was joyned in affinity with both of them, having al∣ready regained a confidence with them, began, as concerned in the same business, to treat of it with the Constable: and as she was a woman of great wit, well instructed in what she was to do, ill-affected towards the Queen, and greatly terrified with the restitution which was spoken of; she used her skill to pass from this to other discourses tending to a reconcilement with the Catholick Faction, and the Princes of Lorain: and from a consult how to hinder the proposed restitution, coming to inviegh against the Admiral, and the Prince of Conde, who was suspected to be the Author of it, at last they fell to a deploration of the present state, in which, under the rule of a Pupil King, and a stranger woman, things were governed with such pestiferous and destructive Coun∣sels, that to promote ambition and private passions, the publick peace and tranquility were destroyed, with introducing shamelesly into the Kingdom those heresies, which being condemned by the Catholick Church, were so carefully punished with sword and fire by the just severity of the late Kings. Nor made she an end with this condoleance, but wen on with the same efficacy: that the whole Kingdom was extreamly amazed, and very much troubled, that one of the house of Momorancy, which first received the

Page 48

Christian Religion, who in the course of his past life had with great praise of Piety and Justice executed the chiefest Authority of the Kingdom, should now, as if he were charmed by the arts of a woman, suffer himself to be led by her appetite, and one of so little wisdom as the King of Navarre, to consent to those things which they did to the prejudice of Gods Church: That he, who had strength and power in his hands, was streightly obliged to disturb and hinder those wicked Counsels which then pre∣vailed, and once more to lend that help with which he had oftentimes formerly sup∣ported the Crown afflicted, and Religion wholly abandoned: That he should call to mind his own Maxim, so constantly observed in the glorious actions of his youth, ac∣cording to which he had ever condemned and opposed the power of strangers, which always tends to the ruine, not edifying of States; and not now suffer two women, one an Italian, the other a Navaroise, so perversly to destroy the foundations of the French Monarchy, chiefly established upon the Basis of Piety and Religion: That he should remember, this was that same Catherine, whose manners and disposition he had ever blamed and detested; That these were the very same Hugonots whom he had so fiercely persecuted in the Reign of Henry the Second; that the persons were not chang∣ed, nor the quality of things; but every one would believe that he in his old age suf∣fered himself to be led, either by ambition, or inclinations of others, to shew him∣self altogether different from those Maxims by which formerly he had guided his Actions.

To these perswasive speeches, many times on purpose reiterated, and adding many other reasons, and by often visiting and sollicitation, finding that the Constable began to yield, partly through indignation conceived against his Nephew, for what concerned his estate, and partly through the hate of Calvinism; at length Magdalen de Savoy his wife undertook the task wholly to vanquish his resolution; who being not well pleased to see him bear such an ardent affection to his Nephews de Coligni, and desirous to insinuate into the same place of his favour Honore de Savoye Marquis of Villars, her Bro∣ther, she let pass no occasion whereby she might prejudice them, and advance his in∣terest.

Nor did the practice end there; but by the means of Diana, the Mareshal of Saint Andre being also brought in, who was no less concerned in the restitution, they so wrought with him, that partly to unite himself with those who had the same interest, partly through the hate to his Nphews, and partly through the just apparence of the preservation of the Catholick Religion, to which he was ever affected, he began to incline to a friendship with the Guises. Which when they once perceived, they omit∣ted not any artifice nor submission, or other means that might conduce to draw him absolutely to their party: having conceived new hopes to recover this way some part, if not all of their former power in the Government. And it so fell out, that Diana, Wife to the Mareshal of Momorancy, (who was the only obstacle to this Treaty) be∣ing sick at Chantilly, his affection forc'd him to leave his Father to visit her; so that he being thus removed out of the way, the friendship was finally concluded, and a league made between the Constable and the Guises for the preservation of the Catholick Reli∣gion, and mutual defence of their several Estates.

But when this combination was known to the Queen, she conceiving she had lost her greatest stay, and that the Princes of Lorain, so much increased in strength and repu∣tation, being ill satisfied with her proceedings, would endeavour to deprive her of the Government; thought it so much more necessary to enter into a streighter union with the King of Navarre, to counterpoize as much as was possible, the other party: knowing she was to be very studiously vigilant to preserve things in an equality so, as neither the Kings safety, nor stability of the Government should be endangered. Where∣fore the King of Navarre solliciting it, and the Queen not disliking that his party should increase, under the pretence to keep the Kingdom in peace during the Kings minority,* 1.33 to appease the people formerly exasperated, and at their first entring upon the Government to gain a plausible name of clemency; it was commended to all the Parliaments by new Edicts and Decrees, not further to molest any body for matter of Religion; and to restore the goods, houses, and possessions of all such who for sus∣picion of Calvinism had been formerly deprived of them. Which Edicts, though the Parliament of Paris opposed, and many Magistrates refused to obey them: neverthe∣less the Hugonots having so specious a colour as the declared will of the King, and the Regent, approved of by the Council of State, they of themselves took upon them to

Page 49

exercise a Liberty of Conscience, encreasing still in number and force; which perhaps would have fallen out according to the Queens intention, if the multitude of the Hu∣gonots had known how to contain themselves within the limits of modesty and reason. But they on the contrary, as those use who are led by a popular rage,* 1.34 without the bridle of a formal Government, finding themselves now supported and favoured, loosed from the fear of punishment, and laying aside all respect due to Magistrates, by open Assemblies, insolent speeches, and other odious acts, provoked against themselves the hate and disdain of the Catholicks: from whence arising in all parts obstinate jars, and bloody Factions, every thing was full of tumult, and all the Provinces of the Kingdom troubled with seditious rumours. So that contrary to the intention of those that governed, and contrary to the common opinion, the remedy applied to maintain the State, and preserve an union of peace during the Kings minority, fell out to be dangerous and destructive, and upon the matter, occasioned all those dissentions and perils, which with so much care they ought to prevent.

This gave opportunity to the Guises, being encouraged and increased in strength, to begin to oppose the present Government. Insomuch as the Cardinal of Lorain,* 1.35 taking a time to speak at the Council-Table, without bearing any regard to the Queen or the King of Navarre who were present, began to enter upon the point of Religion, and with hot words and effectual speeches, to shew with what indignity to the most Christian Kingdom, what sin towards God, and with how great scandal to all the world, Liberty of Conscience was permitted to those, who professing manifest here∣sies already condemned in all Councils, went about scattering monstrous opinions in Religion, corrupting the youth, seducing simple persons, and in all places of the King∣dom stirring up the people to tumult, contempt, and Rebellion. Already the Priests could no longer celebrate their Sacrifices in Churches for the insolencies of the Hugo∣nots; already the Preachers durst not go into the Pulpit, for the arrogancies of the Calvinists: the Magistrates were no longer obeyed in their Jurisdictions, through the Rebellion of Hereticks; all places raged with discords, burnings and slaughters, through the presumption and perverseness of those who assumed to themselves a li∣berty of teaching and believing after their own fashion: and now the most Christian Kingdom, and first-born of the Church, was ready to turn Schismatick, to separate it self from the obedience of the Apostolick See, and the Faith of Christ, only to sa∣tisfie the capritious humours of a few seditious persons. Upon this subject he so en∣larged himself with his wonted eloquence, by which he used to prevail in all disputes, that, not any of the Hugonots favourers being able to answer the reasons he alledged; but the King of Navarre holding his peace, the Queen-mother not replying a word, and the Chancellor startled and confounded; it was resolved with great alacrity of all the Council, who were exceedingly scandalized at the excessive license of the Hugo∣nots, that forthwith all the principal Officers of the Crown should assemble at the Par∣liament at Paris, there in the Kings presence, to debate these matters, and resolve up∣on such remedies as were most necessary for the future. It was impossible to hinder them from coming to the Parliament, which was appointed upon the thirteenth day of July: for the King of Navarre durst not openly oppose it,* 1.36 lest by declaring himself a Hugonot, he should gain many Enemies: and the Queen-Mother, although she desired not to see the Catholick party increase in strength, yet she was very much perplext in mind, and above all things apprehensive, lest the advancement and establishment of heresie should be imputed to her.

The contestations in the Parliament were very great: and although the Protectors of the Hugonots employed their uttermost endeavours to obtain them a Decree for Li∣berty of Conscience, by which Declaration they pretended that these stirs and dissen∣tions would cease▪ yet all was in vain. For indeed, it being clearly, not only against the intention and authority of the Catholick Church, but also contrary to the ancient customs of the Kingdom: and the Councellors of the Parliament being exasperated by the continual complaints which were brought them from all parts, against the insur∣rection of the Hugonots. It was with a general consent expresly ordered,* 1.37 that the Ministers should be expelled out of the Kingdom, with a prohibition to use any other rites or ceremonies in Religion, than what were held and taught by the Roman Church: and all Assemblies and Meetings forbidden in any place, either armed or unarmed, un∣less in the Catholick Churches to hear Divine Service, according to the usual ustom. And to give some balance to the other party, the same Edict contained, that all Delin∣quencies

Page 50

found in matter of Religion before the publication thereof, should be par∣doned;* 1.38 and that for the future all accusations or complaints of Heresie, should be brought to the Bishops, their Vicars, or Surrogates; and the Civil Magistrates to be assisting to them upon all occasions; and that they should not proceed against those convict of Heresie further than banishment, but abstain from any corporal punish∣ment, or effusion of blood.

This Deliberation comprehended in a solemn Edict, approved, and subscribed by the King, the Queen, and all the Princes and Lords of both Factions, absolutely re∣strained the liberty of Religion, and gave heart to the Catholick party, which was not a little dejected. But the Prince of Conde and the Admiral grieving at the depression of the Hugonots, in whose number and force they had founded the strength of their Faction, not able other ways to hinder the execution of the Edict, (which being imbraced with great affection by the Parliaments, and the greater parts of the inferiour Magistrates, they durst not oppose) they advised, to procure that the Calvinist Mini∣sters should desire a conference in the Kings presence, accompanied with his Prelates, to propose and examine the Articles of their Doctrine; hoping by indirect ways to bring it so about, as again to introduce a liberty of Religion. This demand of the Hu∣gonots was opposed by many of the Catholick Prelates, and in particular, by the Car∣dinal of Tournon, shewing that it was useless to dispute matters of Faith with men so extreamly obstinate, and who persisted in opinions condemned by the Holy Church; yet if they had a mind to have their reasons heard, they might address themselves to the General Council at Trent, where under safe conduct they should be permitted to propose and dispute their opinions. But the Cardinal of Lorain was not against it, either moved through hope by evident reasons to convince the Doctrine of the Hugo∣nots, and by that means disabuse the Consciences of simple people, or set on (as those that were emulous said) with the vanity to shew his learning and eloquence, and to render himself in such a publick Assembly so much the more eminent and re∣nowned. Howsoever his intentions were, certain it is, that he, not contradicting the Ministers demand, drew to his opinion the other Prelates: and finally, they all con∣sented to the King of Navarre; who, being desirous to hear a solemn dispute for the setling of his own Conscience, sollicited it with great earnestness in favour of the Hu∣gonots.

Safe conducts then being sent to the Ministers that were retired to Geneva, and Poissy (a Town five leagues from Paris) appointed the place for the conference; besides the King and the Court, there came thither on the Catholick party the Cardinals of Tour∣non, Lorain, Bourbon, Armagnac, and Guise, and with the Bishops and Prelates of best esteem, many Doctors of the Sorbon, and other Divines sent for from the most famous Universities of the Kingdom.* 1.39 There appeared for the Hugonots Theodore Beza, head of all the rest, Peter Martyr Vermeilo, Francis de St. Paul, John Raimond, and John Virelle, with many other Preachers, which came some from Geneva, some out of Ger∣many, and other neighbouring places. There Theodore Beza with great flourishes of Rhetorick, having first proposed his opinions, and the Cardinal of Lorain with strength of Reason, and authority of Scripture, and of the Fathers of the holy Church, strongly opposed him, The Council of State thought it not fit that the King, who being but young, and not yet able to judge or discern of the truth, should come any more to the Disputation; lest he should be infected with some opinions less exact, or less conform∣able to the Doctrines of the Catholick Church. Wherefore the Dispute, from being publick, by degrees grew more private; and finally, after many meetings, brake off, without any conclusion or benefit at all.* 1.40 The Catholick party got only this advantage, that the King of Navarre himself remained little satisfied with the Hugonots, having discovered, that the Ministers agreed not amongst themselves about that Doctrine which they too unanimously preached; but that some followed strictly Calvin's Opi∣nions, others inclined to the Doctrine of Ecolampadius and Luther; some adhering to the Helvetian Confession, others to the Augustan: at which uncertainties being very much troubled, from thence forward he began to leave them, and incline to the Ro∣man Religion.

But the Hugonots got much greater advantage by the Conference, to which end only they desired it: For being departed from the Diet, they divulged abroad, that they hd made good their Opinions, convinced the Catholick Doctors, confounded the Cardinal of Lorain, and gotten licence from the King to preach. Whereupon,

Page 51

they began of their own authority to assemble themselves in such places as they thought most convenient for their purpose, and to celebrate their preachings publickly; and were frequented with such a confluence of the Nobility, and common people, that it was not possible any longer to suppress or hinder them. And if the Magistrates mo∣lested them in their Congregations, or the Catholicks attempted to drive them out of their Temples, they were grown to that insolence, that without respect of any au∣thority, they took arms to right themselves. Whereupon cruel contentions arising with the name of Heretick and Papist, the whole Kingdom was turned up-side down; the Magistrates opposed in their Jurisdictions, the People disquieted, the Collectors for the Kings Revenue not suffered; and in the midst of a full peace were seen the effects of a tacite, but destructive War.

Those that sate at the Helm moved with this necessity, and finding that the seve∣rity of the Edict of July had rather increased than diminished the disorders; they called another Assembly of all the Eight Parliaments of the Kingdom,* 1.41 to consider the state of every particular Province, and by common consent to make such Ordinances as should be thought most expedient for the setling of this business. Which, continually vary∣ing with the interest of State, and passions of great men, it is no marvel, though after so many, and such divers orders taken, it became more confused and disordered. For, through inconstancy and often change, it could not receive that form which proceeds only from constancy and an exact obedience to the supreme power.

This Assembly met in Paris in the beginning of the year 1562; where,* 1.42 the Queen consenting (as altogether intent to balance the Factions, and not to suffer the one to advance, or to oppress the other, lest she should remain a prey to that which got the superiority) and most of the Council approving it: (partly perswaded, that so great a multitude moved with the zeal of Religion could not easily be restrained; partly moved with pity, to see so much blood spilt unprofitably) that famous and so much celebrated Edict of January was made:* 1.43 by which was granted to the Hugonots a free exercise of their Religion, and to assemble at Sermons, but unarmed, without the Ci∣ties, in open places, and the Officers of the place being present and assistant. The Parliaments, though at first they refused to accept this Edict, and the Magistrates greatly opposed it; notwithstanding by reiterated Orders from the King and his Council, it was at length registred and published by way of provision, with this express clause and condition; Until such time as the general Council, or the King himself should or∣der it otherwise.

This Edict dismayed the Heads of the Catholick party; and not willing that the World should believe they consented to what was done, the Duke of Guise, the Con∣stable, and the Cardinals, (amongst which the Cardinal of Tournon was lately dead) with the Mareshals of Brissac and S. Andre, left the Court, already contriving how they might hinder the execution of the Edict, and oppose the Hugonot Faction. But because they saw, that whilst the King of Navarre stood united with the Regent, they had no manner of right to intermeddle with the Government of the Kingdom, and therefore whatsoever they should do, would prove of no effect, they proposed to them∣selves to dissolve that union. And knowing that the Queens thoughts and intentions were disposed to continue with the same power till her Son came of age, they thought it more easie to gain the King of Navarre. It hindred not, but rather advanced the design, that they were absent from the Court. For the business being of such difficulty and length, it might be managed with the greater secresie; and there came in under hand to treat it, Hippolito d' Est, Cardinal of Ferrara, the Popes Legate, and Don Juan Manriquez, Ambassador from the Catholick King;* 1.44 who being favoured by the Counsellors of that Faction, found an easie way to promote their intentions.

The King of Navarre was already very much averse to the Hugonots Religion, by reason of the different opinions he found amongst those of that sect about the points in controversie. Wherefore after the conference held at Poissy, having there not found the same constancy in Theodore Beza, and Peter Martyr Vermeil, which they used to shew in their Sermons when no body opposed them, he sent for Doctor Baldwin, a man skilled in holy Scripture, and versed in the disputes of Religion, by whom he was wholly taken off from the Helvetian and Augustan Confession, and perswaded to re-unite himself to the Religion taught in the universal Catholick Church. And al∣though he consented to the Edict of January, he did it rather through an old opi∣nion, That mens Consciences were not to be forced, and through the perswasions of

Page 52

those who affirmed that it was a means to quiet the troubles and tumults in the King∣dom, than for any particular liking of it; having already an intent to reconcile himself with the Church. Which inclination of his being known to many, by means of his near Counsellors of late disposed to serve secretly the Catholick party, it gave courage to the Legate and the Spanish Ambassador, to enter into their proposed Treaty.

But to accompany the Spiritual Considerations with profit, and Temporal Interests, they jointly proposed, that repudiating Queen Jane his wife with a Dispensation from the Pope, by reason she was manifestly tainted with Heresie, the Guises should obtain for him the Queen of Scotland their Neece, widow to Francis the second; who, be∣sides her youth and excellent beauty, brought with her a Kingdom. But seeing that, through love to her children, he consented not to the Divorce, they went about to in∣troduce that Treaty so often proved vain, to give him with certain Conditions the Isle of Sardinia for Navarre; knowing, that it was the trial, which, as it touched near∣est, would work most inwardly with him. And although the hopes thereof were almost quite lost; yet the Treaty being never absolutely broke off, the Ambassador Manrique with the wonted arts began so effectually to revive the thoughts and belief of it, that he was soon raised to new hopes. For, besides the ordinary assurances of the Catholick Kings affection,* 1.45 they were gone so far, that they already treated the manner of the change, and the quality of the Tribute that in acknowledgment of supe∣riority he should pay to the Crown of Spain: seriously disputing upon the Capitula∣tions and Articles of Agreement, as if the Treaty were meant really to be effected.

That which furthered the Catholicks design, was his natural inclination, by which he was disposed to plain honest counsels. It availed them, that he began to discover the passions and interests which were covered under the vail of Christian charity, and the cloke of Religion: besides, it conduced not a little to their ends, that he was en∣tered into a suspicion, that the Admiral with his too much knowledge sought to ar∣rogate to himself such an Authority, as to make the World believe he swayed and ru∣led his actions. But above all, the way was facilitated to perswade him, in that he saw the whole Faction made their addresses to the Prince of Conde, admiring and ex∣alting the boldness, generosity and promptness which he shewed; and on the contrary, despised his facility and too much mildness. He was moved with one Consideration more of exceeding great consequence; seeing the King of France and his Brothers were in an age unable to have Children, by nature of a weak complexion, of little heat, and subject to dangerous indispositions; he was not altogether without hope, but that in a short time he might attain to the Crown, which as first of the Blood belonged to him. In which case he knew, that to be a favourer and Head of the Hugonots, would be a great obstacle unto him, and almost an invincible impediment. Wherefore de∣siring to remove all such contrarieties as might hinder him in that pretence, he incli∣ned to join himself with the Catholick party, and to gain the Popes favour and the King of Spains, together with the forces of the best united and most powerful Faction. To all these respects being added the effectual promises and lively perswasions of the Legate, and the Ambassador Manriquez, and growing suspicious of his Wives counsels, as given without measure to Calvins opinions, and naturally an enemy to thoughts of peace, he resolved finally to enter into a league with the Constable and the Duke of Guise, professing by their speeches, and declaring in writing that they were confederated for the defence of the Catholick Religion. But the truth was in effect besides those Considerations, the King of Navarre left that party in which he knew he was inferiour to his Brother, to join himself with this, which fed him with many great hopes. Likewise the Guises were moved with desire of rising again to their former reputation and greatness.

* 1.46This was the Union which taught the French Subjects without their Kings consent to enter into any combinations; and which with so many execrations and maledicti∣ons, was by the Hugonots, in respect of the three chief Confederates, called the Tri∣umvirat.

Queen Jane was incredibly displeased at this so unexpected deliberation of her Hus∣band; and, not able to indure to see him a principal Persecutor of that Religion which she constantly professed, and into which she conceived she had not only perswaded, but absolutely confirmed him, through disdain thereof, she resolved to leave the Court; and thereupon carrying with her Prince Henry and the Princess Catherine her children, whom she brought up in the Calvinists Religion, she retired into Bearne; being deter∣mined

Page 53

to separate her self from the counsels and conversation of her Husband. But if Queen Jane were greatly afflicted at so sudden and almost incredible a change, the Queen Regent was no less terrified; who, seeing with this union her designs destroy∣ed, of balancing the Factions, and that equality so unequally broken, in which con∣sisted (with such jealousie and discontent of the Princes) the security of the State, be∣gan greatly to fear the ruine both of her Sons Kingdom, and her own greatness: con∣ceiving, that these reciprocal changes, and this uniting of interests so wholly different, could not be without some hidden design of great attempts, and a foundation of high hopes.

She knew the Guises had already discovered her arts, and that full of desire and pre∣tensions, they sought by all manner of ways possible to attain to the Government. It appeared to her, that the King of Navarre would not have been induced to leave the friendship of his Brother and his other adherents, to unite himself with those who had been his bitter enemies, without great reward for such a lightness. She well knew what power Ambition and the thirst of Rule had over the minds of men, though never so just; and looking round about her, she discovered her own weakness, and the crasie uncertain condition of her young Sons. In which Consideration, neither be∣lieving, nor relying any longer upon the sincerity of the King of Navarre, nor the pro∣fessions the Catholicks made, that they would not innovate any thing in the State, be∣ing full of fears and jealousies, she saw not where securely to rest her thoughts. Inso∣much as in the long watchings and frequent consultations which she held with her Con∣fidents, amongst whom the principal were the Bishop of Valence, and the Chancellor de l' Hospital, at length she concluded (being advised by them, and what more im∣ported, being forced by necessity) to make a league with the Prince of Conde and the Admiral; and fomenting their designs, make her self a Buckler of their Forces;* 1.47 by this means, equalling and counterpoising as much as was possible, the power of the Factions: this reason prevailing among many other, that even God in the Government of the World oftentimes draws good from evil; and since the Hugonots had till then been the cause of so much care and trouble, it was but reasonable to make use of them for the present, as an antidote to cure those evils which with their venom were like to infect the most noble and most essential parts of the Kingdom.

The Hugonots, by the publication of the Edict of January, being free from the fear of punishment, had already begun to take strength and vigour; and assembling them∣selves publickly upon all occasions, it appeared that their number was great and con∣siderable, not only for the quantity, but also for the quality of the persons; insomuch as their force was not contemptible. The Prince of Conde took upon him openly to be the Head of them, who, though in apparence reconciled by the Kings command with the Guises, persevered firmly in his former designs, and burnt impatiently with desire to revenge his past affronts upon those that were his chief persecutors. His power and boldness was moderated by the wise counsel of the Admiral of Chastillon; who, through desire of Rule, was together with his Brothers, more straightly united with the Hugonot party. Their Authority led after them, being of the same Faith, the Prince of Porcien, the Count de la Roch-fou-caut, Messieurs de Genlis, de Grammont, and Duras, the Count of Montgommery, the Baron des Adrets, Messieurs de Bouchavane, and Soubize, and many other the principal in the Kingdom; in such manner, that up∣on every little heat that they received from those who governed, they presently put themselves into a posture of defence, and boldly opposed the contrary Faction.

Wherefore the Queen being forced to take hold of the opportunity of this conjun∣cture for her own defence and her Sons, and being reduced into necessity to imbrace for the present any whatsoever dangerous party, leaving the issue thereof to future oc∣currences, began to feign that she was moved with the Doctrine and reasons of the Hugonots, and inclined to entertain their Religion. To confirm them in which opi∣nion as much as she could with outward testimonies,* 1.48 she would often hear their Preachers argue and discourse in her own Chamber, confer with great confidence and professions of affection with the Prince of Conde and the Admiral; and was often in discourse with the Dutchess of Montpensier, whom (making her believe whatsoever she pleased with her excellent dissimulation) she used as a means to entertain with hopes many other the principal of them. And to lead them on with open demonstra∣tions to a belief of her private protestations and practices, she wrote obscure letters of ambiguous sense to the Pope, one while demanding a Council, such in every point as

Page 54

the Calvinists desired; then licence to call a National one; sometimes desiring that the Communion might be administred under both Species; otherwhile requiring a dis∣pensation for Priests to marry; now solliciting that Divine Service might be said in the vulgar tongue; then proposing other such like things wished for and preached by the Hugonots; in which she knew so well how to dissemble, by the help of Monsieur de l' Isle Ambassador at Rome, that putting the Pope in doubt, and the Catholick party, and so necessitating them to proceed warily, lest they should finally alienate her wholly from the Roman Religion: at the same time she won the Hugonots, making them believe that she was altogether inclined to favour them, that of bitter enemies they be∣came her greatest friends and confidents.

Nor were the vulgar only deluded by these artificial dissimulations, but the Admi∣ral also, who was by nature so wary, and of such a subtile wit, gave such credit to them, that he was induced to give the Queen a full accompt of the number of the forces and designs of his Faction, of the adherents they had both within and without the Kingdom, and every other particular; She seeming desirous to be informed at large, before she declared her self; and promising openly to take that party, when they were once so established and provided with force, as she should not need to fear the power of the Catholicks, or the Triumvirat.

Thus with a sudden, and in apparence incredible change, the King of Navarre went over to the Catholick party; and Queen Catherine, though dissemblingly, took upon her the protection of the Hugonots. Which change, to them that knew not the true secret reasons of it, appeared strange and extravagant, and therefore many did then at∣tribute it to lightness in the one, and womanish inconstancy in the other; and many that have written since, ascribe the fault also to the same causes, not penetrating into the hidden foundations upon which the engines of this counsel were moved.

The End of the Second BOOK.

Notes

Do you have questions about this content? Need to report a problem? Please contact us.