The history of the civil wars of France written in Italian, by H.C. Davila ; translated out of the original.

THE HISTORY OF THE Civil Wars of France. By HENRICO CATERINO DAVILA. The THIRTEENTH BOOK. (Book 13)

The ARGUMENT.

IN this Book is set down the Determination of the Confederates to besiege Cau∣debec, thereby to open the passage of the River, and totally free the City of Rouen: They lay siege unto it; the Duke of Parma in viewing the Works receives a Musket-shot in the Arm: The Town is taken; but things go on so slowly, that the King hath time to get his Army together again, and taking all the Passes, to besiege the Army of the League in the Peninsula of Caux; many actions of importance follow: The Duke of Parma troubled with his wound, and straightened with want of Provisions, thinks of passing the Ri∣ver Seine to disingage himself from that danger which he found he was run into: He manages that design with so much art, that he passes the River, and retires without receiving any loss; he draws off with long marches, re∣passes the River at St. Cloud, returns into Flanders, and leaves Supplies (not very powerful) under the Sieur de Rosne. The Duke of Mayenne being angry, goes not with him; he takes Ponteau de Mer, and falls into discord with the Popes Commissary; he enters into a Treaty of Agreement with the King, who vexed at the unexpected passage of the Confederate Army, lessens his own, and follows the Enemy with a flying Camp. He lays siege to Es∣pernay in Champagne, which had been taken a while before by the Sieur de Rhosne; the Mareschal de Byron is slain there with a Cannon-shot; Esper∣nay is taken, and other neighbouring Garisons fall of themselves: The King raises a Fort upon the Seine to keep Provisions from the City of Paris, the Duke of Mayenne attempts in vain to divert him: There arises on the Kings side a third party of the Princes of the Blood, and many Machinations are set on foot. Pope Clement The Eighth is created, who applies himself with great Moderation to the Affairs of France. The Duke of Mayenne at the Sollicitation of the Pope and the King of Spain, resolves to call the States-General to Elect a King; upon this there follows divers Artifices, and diffe∣rent Treaties; King Philip sends new Ambassadors to declare his Will unto

the States. The Duke of Mayenne meets them, they disagree, but piece up again for their own private interests. The King attempts to dissolve the States; He causes the Catholicks of his Council to hold a Conference with the Confe∣derates, which with the Duke of Mayenne's consent is begun at Surenne; He takes Noyon; the King being necessitated to go speedily into Poictou, cannot relieve it. The Catholick King's Ambassadors propose the Infanta of Spain to be elected Queen; the Proposition is ill relished by the States, and there are divers practices about it. The King takes Dreux; and being con∣strained by the importunities of his own Catholicks, who threaten to forsake him, resolves to turn his Religion; He removes to St. Denis, and goes pub∣lickly to Mass. He appoints the Duke of Nevers his Ambassador to the Pope to ask Absolution; the States of the League are troubled at it. The Duke of Mayenne seeing that he could not obtain the Kingdom for himself, nor for his Posterity, consents that a Truce should be treated on; the Deputies at Su∣renne conclude it till the end of October; it is willingly accepted, and the States at Paris are dismissed.

THE relieving of Rouen effected with so much ease, and without Blood, by the Duke of Parma's excellent dexterity in making use sometimes of slowness, sometimes of celerity, according as they were seasonable, filled his Name with in∣finite honour, and did very much depress that height of prosperity to which the Kings affairs seemed to be grown up; but the businesses which followed, though they much more clearly shewed the Dukes prudence and valour, did yet within a short time raise the Kings affairs to their for∣mer condition.

The Council of the League, after they saw the Kings Camp was raised, began to debate what was fittest to be done. The Spanish and Italian Commanders were for following the Enemy; and now that he was so weak, and his men tired out with sufferings, advised to prosecute his suppression, whiles the occasion presented it self of hoping with reason to effect it: but the French Lords (to whom exceeding great be∣lief was given, by reason of the knowledge they had of the Country, and of the situa∣tions of places) shewed, that he passing the Seine at Ponte de l' Arche, and marching¦ing into Lower Normandy, would not only leave them in a necessity of returning to Rouen to pass the River, but also make it very difficult for them to follow him thorow a Country that was wholly the Enemies, far from supplies, retreats and provisions; whereas he with the fervour of the Nobility, which would presently be run together to withstand his danger, encreasing in strength every hour, and refreshing his Forces in places so fertil and abundant, would quickly be able to look them in the face, and reduce them, being surrounded in his Country, to some strange encounter. Where∣fore, that they might utterly free the City of Rouen, and open the River unto it, they thought it much better to assault Caudebec, that alone hindered the passage of the Seine; which being taken, and the intention perfected for which they were come thither, they might afterward consider what enterprise would be most advantageous to their common interests. The Duke of Parma, who desired absolutely to free Rouen, and then following his wonted designs, to return to the Government of the affairs of Flan∣ders, did willingly embrace the Counsel, not taking notice (by reason he was not ac∣quainted with the Country) that shutting himself up in the Peninsula of Caux, envi∣roned on one side with the River Seine, and on the other two by the Ocean Sea, if the King with his Army should possess the passage out of it, which was but one, and that narrow one of a few miles, he would shut them up as in a net, and by reason of the littleness of the Country, would (only by stopping provisions from him) conquer him very easily with hunger. But the French Commanders either did not believe that the King could so soon be in a condition to follow them, or else thought to take Cau∣debec in a few hours, and retire before he should be come up to them; and the Duke of Parma suffered himself to be led by those who knew the situations and quality of

the Country better than he, out of the apparent reason of absolutely freeing the City of Rouen,* 1.1 which certainly without the taking of Caudebec, being deprived of the use of the River, would have remained little less than besieged: wherefore having thrown down the Kings Forts and Trenches, the Army of the League came before Caudebec upon the 24^th day of April.

Caudebec lies behind certain Hills (not very high nor steep, but fertil and well wooded) in a large Plain, upon the bank of the River Seine, encompassed with very thick Walls, but not lined with Earth, nor bettered with any kind of Fortification. There were to defend the Town Monsieur de la Garde a Colonel of French Infantry, and Pausania Braccioduro, who alone commanded the Italian Light-Horse; for Nicolo Nasi was dead in the Camp of a natural death. These, not to fail in the duty of good Souldiers, took a Post without the Town between two Hills, in the passage that led from them into the Plain, intending to keep the siege as far as possibly they could from the Walls. The Walloons of the Count de Bossu, and Monsieur de Vert, were sent to drive them from thence; with whom though they skirmished a long while, and gained time, yet being exceeded by a greater number, they were fain to retire to the Town, and leave the passage free unto the Army of the League; but as it marched down in∣to the Plain, the Holland Men-of-War, who were drawn close to the bank of the Ri∣ver, plaid upon it most furiously with their Cannon, and did a very great and unex∣pected mischief to the first Squadrons: wherefore the Duke having commanded the Army that was marching to make a stand, did with excellent order, and no less ex∣pedition, cause his Artillery to be drawn to the side of a Hill, and from thence to give fire with equal violence upon the Ships, so that (the Cannon which were planted up∣on the Land, shooting with more certainty than those that were upon the Water) ha∣ving almost sunk the Admiral, and shot many of their best Ships thorow and thorow, the rest drew off from the shore, and with the stream of the River fell down to Quille∣boeuf, a place that stands something lower, but upon the same bank, and there for their security they began to draw a Line about the Town; which for the conveniency of it, in respect of Navigation, and of the passage of the River, being made a For∣tress, was in after-times held in exceeding great consideration. But the Ships being beaten off, and that trouble taken away, the Duke having quartered his Army, caused a Post to be taken under the walls, and the next day went in person with Prince Ranuccio, the Sieur de la Motte, and Count Nicolo Cesis, to view the place; and whilst he diligently surveyed all things,* 1.2 and because he would not trust to others, designed himself the manner of forming the Battery, he was hurt in the midst of the right arm with a Musket-bullet, which being shot from one of the great Towers of the Wall, took him under the elbow, and passing between the two bones, went almost to his hand, where (being spent before) it flatted it self, and stayed, not having force enough to make its way out. He never changed his countenance, nor interrupted his discourse, nor spake of his being wounded; but it being discovered by the standers by, who saw the blood run down from under his Cloke, he would nevertheless make an end of gi∣ving those orders which he had begun to design; and being brought home to his quar∣ters, and visited by the Chirurgions, his hurt was not found any way mortal, but ex∣ceeding painful; and so much the more, because they having been found to make three incisions in his arm, to find the course of the wound, and to take out the Bullet, he fell into a Fever within a while after; which continuing upon him, he was constrained at last to keep his Bed. After this accident, the chief command of the Army was left to the Duke of Mayenne, and the ordering of the Catholick Kings Forces to Prince Ra∣nuccio, who nevertheless did not dispose of any thing without his Fathers consent. The Cannon were planted the next day, though but slowly; and having battered and beaten down a great space of the Wall, Monsieur de la Garde (though against the opi∣nion of Bracciaduro) began to treat of surrendring,* 1.3 and after some debate obtained the conditions he demanded; for the Duke of Parma being in no very good estate, every one desired that the progress of matters might be facilitated. So the next day the Town came into the power of the Confederates, who to give their Army rest, and to refresh it with plenty of victual which they had gotten there, staid there three days after the taking of it.* 1.4

In the mean time the Nobility of the neighbouring Provinces (which had been summoned from the very first notice of the Enemies return) were come unto the King; the Sieur d' Humiers with Two hundred Horse from Picardy, the Sieur de Sourdis

from Chartres with an hundred and fifty, the Sieur de Hertre Governour of Alancon with Two hundred, the Count de Montgomery, and the Sieur de Colombiere with Three hun∣dred, Monsieur de Canisi (Son-in-law to Matignon) with an hundred, Odet (Son to the late Sieur de la Noue) with as many; and Colonel St Denis with Six hundred Harquebusiers on horse-back. There arrived also Monsieur de Souvray and the Count de Lude with Three hundred Gentlemen who had not been in the Camp before; and at last the Duke of Montpensier long expected, and the Sieur de la Verune Governour of Caen came with Eight hundred Gentlemen, Two hundred Light-Horse, and Four hundred Harquebusiers on horse-back.

The Duke of Montpensier's stay had been occasioned by his desire to obtain Auranches, a Town in lower Normandy, which was the onely one, that in those parts, towards the Confines of Bretagne, held for the party of the League; for having besieged it at the latter end of the year before, with hope of taking it within a very few dayes, the business af∣terwards proved otherwise; for Monsieur de Vicq, an old soldier, and an undaunted Cavalier, who was come from Pont-Orson, having shut himself up into the Town, had gallantly made good the Suburbs for many dayes, till the Walls and Bastions of the City were made very defensible. But the Suburbs at last being taken, and the approaches being begun, there fell so great and so continuing a Snow, as did not onely fill all the Trenches already made, but also hindered the work in such manner, that the Camp was fain to lie idle many dayes, being in the mean time tormented with such ex∣cessive cold weather, that had it not been for the Suburbs (the houses whereof were pulled down, and the wood of them burned to warm the Soldiers) it had not been possible to have persisted in the enterprise. The Snow being ceased, the Ice continu∣ed so hard frozen, and the earth therefore so dry, and as it were turned into stone, that it could not be digged nor entered with a pick-axe without wonderful difficulty; and yet having with great toil raised a Plat-form with two Batteries, they planted up∣on them the Artillery, which was brought from Caen and Falaise, and particularly one Cannon of an unmeasurable greatness, which they called le grande Robin, with all which the Walls being battered in two places, and also many houses beaten down by the shot that went into the Town, it was fiercely assaulted upon the second of Fe∣bruary, and though stoutly maintained by those within, yet the heat of many of the De∣fendants weakned the hope of holding out, in such manner, that the Sieur de Vicq was forced to capitulate, and surrender the Town into the Duke's power; who having set his Forces again in order, and gathered the Nobility together, was come unto the King by whom he had been often very earnestly sent for.

Now the King's Army being in a very few dayes so increased, that in it there were between seven and eight thousand horse,* 1.5 and between sixteen and eighteen thousand Foot; for besides the Hollanders of the Fleet, he had dreyned all the neighbouring Garrisons; and the error of the Confederates being manifestly known, who had unad∣visedly engaged themselves in a nook, where they must suffer and labour very much before they could get out, resolved to cut off their retreat, and pressing them on all sides, to reduce them (without any danger to himself) unto extreme necessity of Vi∣ctual; for one part of the passage into the Peninsula towards the Sea being shut up by Eu, Arques and Diepe, which places being strongly Garrisoned, did, in great part, obstruct the way, and the Seine being blocked up by the possession of Quilleboeuf, and by the Holland Fleet, there remained nothing but wholly to shut up the other part of the entrance toward the River Somme, which alone led from the Peninsula into the Provinces of Normandy and Picardy. The King therefore being departed with ex∣ceeding great celerity from the Walls of Pont de l' Arche, and marching without stop, though with his Army in Battalia, came upon the last of April within sight of the Enemies Camp, which being gone from Caudebec the same day, had taken up quarters at Yvetot, a great Town, which afforded much conveniency for lodging.

It was a remarkable thing, that the King also by not well heeding the situation of the place through which he marched, put himself in manifest danger of being defeated: For that Country being all inhabited by Lords, who possess many Towns there, it is for their pleasure and conveniency all full of large Parks, encompassed with great well-built Walls, as high as a man on horse-back, and some of these there are, that take up the space of three or four miles. Now the King advancing through this Countrey to∣wards the Camp of the League, it was was necessary, keeping the ordinary way, to pass between two very great Parks, one of which was on the right hand, and

the other on the left, the High-way being in the midst: wherefore the Cavalry and Infantry being fain to march but few in front,* 1.6 the Kings Army was brought into such a condition, that the Van-guard was past the Parks, the Battel was shut up be∣tween the Walls of them, and the Rere was yet remaining on the hither side: So that if it had been assaulted, the Van-guard would have been fought withal, and defeat∣ed, and neither the Rere nor Battel would have been able to assist it. The Duke of Montpensier who led the Van, perceived it, when being come past the Parks, he dis∣covered the Enemies Army encamped upon the side of an Hill; but not being able to do any thing else, he drew his Squadrons still into order as they came, and by redoubled Messages hastned the Kings marching up with the Battel. The Enemy likewise perceived it, and Count Alessandro Sforza, a Cavalier of great fore-sight and experience, ran himself (as he hath often told me since) to give the Duke notice of it, showing with how much ease and facility the Victory might be gotten by reason of the enemies error; but the Duke very ill of a Feaver, in great pain with his wound, and lying in his bed, could not so soon take a resolution, and told Count Alessandro, That to fight with the King of Navar, live men were necessary▪ and not such blood∣less carcasses as he was: Yet having call'd the Duke of Mayenne, Prince Ranuccio, and the other Commanders, he gave them order, if the occasion would bear it, to fall in upon the Enemy, and causing himself to be set in a Chair, he made himself also to be carried to the place where the Kings Army was seen to appear advancing between the Parks; but at such time, when by the diligent care of the Duke of Montpensier, the Van-guard had already taken up their station, and the Battel was almost all past, and before the Camp of the League (which was come into quarters but a few hours be∣fore) could be drawn together in Arms, the Kings whole Army was past, and setled again in its former order; so fair, and so evident an occasion being lost by reason of the Generals being hurt.

The Armies being quartered at less than a miles distance from one another, there remained a thick Wood between them upon the right hand,* 1.7 which the days following gave matter for many remarkable encounters; for they of the League, that night drew a Trench at the entry of it toward the Enemy, to keep the possession of the Wood unto themselves, and placed there to guard it the Count de Bossu's Tertia, which was Two thousand Walloons. There, upon the first day of May happened three hot skir∣mishes, whilst the King laboured to view that Post: The first between the Baron de Biron, and the Duke of Guise, the second between the Duke of Bouillon, and the Sieur de Rosne, and the third (which lasted till night) between the Sieur de Montigny, and the Baron de la Chastre; yet was it not possible for the King to discover what Works the enemy had made in the entry of the Wood; for besides the hindrance of the Ca∣valry, the hail of Musket-bullets which showred from thence with infinite fury, would not suffer any body to draw near it. But the next day the skirmish being begun again, the Baron de Biron (though many of his men were left dead upon the place) rushed on so far, that he discovered there was nothing but a single line, without any sign of Cannon, and without the defence of Flankers or Redouts; wherefore upon the third of May in the morning, the King having commanded out three Squadrons of Foot, one of Germans, another English, and the third French, sent them on at break of day to assault and make themselves Masters of the Trench, who having marched very fast over the little Plain that was between, fell unexpectedly upon the Walloons, and beat them away from their Post,* 1.8 (who, for haste of retreating, left also their baggage behind them) and without losing time, began to fortifie themselves in the Trench. But the Duke of Mayenne and Prince Ranuccio, without giving them leasure to secure that place, having drawn forth a great number of Carabines and Light-horse upon the right and left hand, to obstruct the way, commanded Camillo Capizucchi with his Ter∣tia, seconded by that of Alfonso Idiaques, to attempt the recovery of that Post. Ca∣millo, out of his own fierceness, and the emulation that was between the Italian and Walloon Infantry, rushing on boldly to assault the Trench, entered it with so much vio∣lence, that the King's Foot, after a short resistance, were constrained to quit the place, and in their retreat, being surrounded by the Carabines, would have had much ado to get back safe to the Camp, if the D. of Montpensier, the D. of Nevers, and the Count de St Paul with three several Squadrons of Gentlemen had not advanced to disingage them. The Italians wrought all that night, possessing all the passage of the high-way, and ha∣ving made a great Redoubt with Flankers and Trenches on all sides, they planted

four pieces of Cannon there▪ so that the King was deprived of all hope of being able to beat them out any more; and so the Wood remained in the power of the Army of the League, which stood them in great stead for hutting, and for the security of their quarters; and also was of great use for cutting wood, and to feed the Carabines horses, that were accustomed to live upon what is daily found in the field.

But the King (though the passage out of the Peninsula was already made good) ha∣ving a desire to straiten the enemies Camp more closely;* 1.9 that he might the sooner ef∣fect his enterprise, turned his quarters upon the right hand by the wood-side, and pos∣sessed himself of a hill, from whence he could batter Yvet••t, in which Bourg the Duke of Guise lay with the Van-guard; and having planted seven pieces of Cannon behind a Trench, which was brought to perfection in a very few hours, he began to play up∣on the enemies in the flank, in such manner, that the Duke of Guise was forced to quit the Bourg, and retire into the quarter of the Battel. In his retreat, the Duke of Bou∣illon with the Reiters, and the Baron de Biron with a strong party of French Cavalry, followed him in the Rere; but he bringing up the last rank himself in person, and still valiantly facing about, retired with his Baggage safe and entire, and with his men in order, though in the skirmish some were taken prisoners, among which were the Ba∣rons de Coutenan and de la Maison. But the King, not only out of a desire, the more to straiten the Enemy, but to the end that continual action, and the hope of fighting, might from hour to hour keep the French Gentry from being weary, did not suffer so much as a minutes rest; and at last, upon the Twelfth of May, would needs attempt to shut them up more closely, by possessing himself of an hill that lay more forward beyond the Fortifications of the Wood, and about the distance of Cannon shot from the Camp of the League, which was guarded by three Companies of Walloons under Octavio Mansfelt, and three others of Spaniards under Ludovico Velasco. To that end,* 1.10 a∣bout break of day he sent forth Count Philip of Nassau with his Troops; who march∣ing on secretly by the Wood-side, and afterward having left it upon his right hand, assaulted that Guard so unexpectedly, that within half an hour the defendants were beaten from it, and the Count began to intrench himself, and to give sign that Cannon should be brought up thither: but they of the League, considering the great inconveni∣ence which they were like to receive from that Post, presently sent the Walloon and Ita∣lian Infantry to recover it; the Swissers, with the French and Spanish Foot, standing in Battalia to keep the field; and likewise the Cavalry in Arms stood ready without the Trenches to back the Foot. The King, on the other side, had drawn up his whole Army out of their quarters, and caused his Light-horse to scowr the Plain, there∣by to hinder the Hollanders (who had gained that Post) from being encompassed; for which purpose also, the Duke of Montpensier, with Eight hundred Horse on the one side, and the Duke of Bouillon with One thousand Reiters on the other, being upon the wings of the Battel, stood ready to reinforce them. There was a sharp fight about the recovery of that Post, and they laboured a•• it with much blood, for the space of two hours; but at last the Italians overcoming all obstacles, regained the Hill, and with great execution drove back the Hollanders; the Cavalry of both Armies running on each side, to suppress, and defend them, which made it generally thought, that they should fight that day with all their Forces: but neither would the Duke of Mayenne hazard the whole sum of affairs without the presence and consent of the Duke of Parma, nor did the King desire to put it then to a Battel, being confident that within a few dayes he should overcome the enemy by want of Victual. Yet fought they still, with great and redoubled encounters, for the space o•• ten hours; the Cannon thundred on all sides, and the Commanders engaged themselves more than once; particularly Prince Ranuccio, who (his horse being shot under him) was in great danger to remain a priso∣ner to the English; and the D. of Parma causing himself to be taken out of his Bed, and to be set on hors-back, advanced to the Front of his Army, doubting, that either opportuni∣ty or necessity might draw the Army to a Battel. Night put an end to these encounters. But the next day the K. who could neither take nor give rest, having intelligence that the Light-horse of the League was lodged in a quarter very assaultable, and that might be beaten up before the rest of the Army could stir to relieve it (an error alwayes pernicious in all occasions of War) fetching a great compass, went thither himself in person; and ha∣ving found them in no very good order, by reason of Basti's absence,* 1.11 (who being sick of a Flux, was retired to Caudebec to recover his health) he put them in so great confusion, that having lost their quarter, two Captains, and their Carriages, they

had much ado to get to the main Body of their Army, which though it was diligently making ready to give relief, yet the business having been very soon dispatched, the King had time, after he had beaten and driven away the Enemy, to retire to his own quar∣ters.

But the Duke of Parma being so ill, that he was often troubled with long tedious swoundings, had great need to take some rest; and having already begun to think of the means of getting out of that dangerous place wherein he found himself, he judged it very fit to draw back his Army nearer the Walls of Caudebec, along the Bank of the River, whereby he might make use of the conveniency of the Town; and the Army changing quarters, might avoid the cause of diseases, and be more opportune for his de∣sign: Wherefore, upon the 16^th of May, the weather being dark by reason of a thick mist, which afterward turned into a very great Rain, he caused the Camp to rise in the morning by break of day, without noise of either Drum or Trumpet; and the Cannon and all the Baggage going before, he led the Army to quarter in a place half a League from the Town, between two Hills, before which there was a large Plain. Now to deceive the King, that he might not discover the moving of his Camp, (besides the advantage of the weather,* 1.12 and the silence and order wherewithal his Soldiers march∣ed) Prince Ranuccio advanced as far as the entrance of the Wood before any thing stir∣red, and fell upon the Kings out-guards, making as if his design were to enlarge himself, and to that end he would have beaten them from their Post; which whilst they of the King's party are intent upon with their utmost endeavours, whilst their mindes are wholly taken up there, and while thick volleys of shot rattle on all sides, there was no noise at all heard of the moving of the Camp; and the Prince, after a continued skir∣mish of three hours together, lessening his Forces by little and little, and sending off the Squadrons one by one to joyn with the Rereguard brought up by the Duke of Aumale, at last himself also, with only Two hundred horse, followed the rest of the Camp at a round trot, leaving the King astonished, when after the air was grown clear, he saw what an artificial retreat the Army of the League had made. But the Prince be∣ing come to the place where the Army had been encamped, found three pieces of Can∣non left there, either by the negligence or fear of him that had the charge of drawing them off; wherefore, not to leave them, to the lessening of his reputation, in the ene∣mies power, he was constrained to recal his fleeing Squadron to disingage them, and to bring them off safe: which, though it were done with great celerity, yet would it have spoiled and frustrated the admirable art of this retreat, if the King had been more ready to follow them: so subject oftentimes, in the affairs of War, are the greatest actions to miscarry by the least disorders.

But the King being come to quarter that night in the place which they of the League had quitted, advanced the next day to discover them; and having considered the situa∣tion of the Country with no less sagacity than they, marched to the opposite hills, and there prudently disposed his whole Army into quarters, persisting still to straiten and shut them up, as his design had been from the beginning. The Duke of Montpensier with the Vanguard very strong in Horse, lay upon the right hand, and spread himself so far toward Diepe, that the Garrison of those places which obstructed all the ways, met mutually with his parties that scowred the field. The King with the Battel, in which was the greatest strength of Infantry, lay encamped upon the foot of the hills upon the great Road of Picardy. The Duke of Bouillon with the Rere, wherein were the Reit••rs, kept the left hand, possessing that pass which leads from the Country of Caux towards Rouen; so that all passages being stopt, there was no part of the way that remained free. The Army being encamped in its several Posts, the King (con∣trary to his ordinary custom) strove to secure himself, that the Enemy might not force him to a Battel; and therefore he strengthened and fortified all his quarters, spo••led and blocked up all the wayes, and laboured with all industry, that the Enemies Commanders, by making some brisk attempt, might not be able to force his Quarters.

* 1.13The Camp of the League was already reduced to such want of Victual, that it could subsist no longer; for neither did the River (obstructed by the Holland Fleet) fur∣nish it with Provisions, nor did the Country longer afford any conveniency to feed it, that Corn being spent which was found at the taking of Caudebec, all the Country eaten up, and all that wasted which industry had been able to supply; and not only of other things, but even of water there was very great want; for that of the River being spoiled by the flowing of the Sea, was not only very ill ••asted, but also wonderfully un∣wholesome.

To this was added the sufferings of their Horses, which, besides the scar∣city of forrage, being harrassed in the fields with continual Rains, died every hour in great abundance; and the Foot being many dayes behind, and without money to re∣lieve themselves in their present necessity, was afflicted and consumed with the many tedious sufferings. On the other side, the King having Diepe and St. Valery near him, and behind the way open into the most fertill Provinces of Normandy and Picardy, though no better stored with Money than the Enemy was, did yet abound in Provisi∣ons, and his Soldiers spreading themselves far abroad to forrage, supplyed the want of their pay with plundring the Country.

Wherefore, the Duke of Parma seeing himself reduced to so strait and so necessitous a condition, thought there was no other remedy for it but to pass over to the other side of the River Seine, and getting out of the Peninsula, to remove into the spacious Plain of lower Normandy, and so dis-intangle himself from the King's designs, who already believed that he had him sure in the n••t. But as this was the only wholsom resolution for the safety of his Army, so was it most difficult to be effected: for it was not to be doubted, but if the King were aware of it, he might easily destroy him in crossing the River, and they were so near Neighbors, that it could not in reason be hoped that passage could be concealed. He communicated his thought to the Duke of Mayenne, and the Sieur de la Motte; but it seemed to them not only dangerous, but impossible, knowing how hard it is to pass a little Ditch, when the opposition of the Enemy is near; much less was a good event to be hoped for in passing a mighty broad River, swelled in that place by the Salt-waters, with an entire Army, full of Baggage, hindred with Ammunition, and great store of Cannon, a fierce and power∣ful Enemy being at their back; yet necessity urged, and the safety of that Army could no other way be provided for: Wherefore the Duke being straitned within himself, re∣solved to try if by dexterity he could bring that thought to pass. To which pur∣pose, having made Eight Ensigns of Berlotte's Regiment, by little and little, to cross the River in certain small Boats, he caused a Fort to be raised upon the other Bank, which, in the form of a Star, had three spurs toward the River, to command and se∣cure it; and made another to be raised over against that upon the Bank, where the Army was, but with the Redout toward the River, and the Front opposite to the place from whence the Enemy might appear, and in it, besides the Count de Bossu with a Thousand Foot, whereof most were Muskettiers, he planted four pieces of Cannon that might command a great way off, and keep the passage of the field open.* 1.14 At the same time many great Boats were making ready at Rouen, with wonderful secrecy, whereof in that place there were a great number, which were wont to carry Merchan∣dize upon the River, and they fastned pieces of Timber and Planks together, after the manner those Bridges are made, whereby great Rivers are commonly wont to be passed. Other little Boats likewise were prepared with six Oars in each, to help and tow the greater with more facility, and some great floating-Bridges like Rafts were made of ex∣ceeding thick Beams, sufficient to sustain and carry the Artillery. These Boats (which with the benefit of the stream of the River, and the ebbing of the Sea, were come from Rouen in a few hours) being arrived (the evening before the One and twenti∣eth of May) without losing a moment of time, the same night the weather being clear, the French Cavalry and Infantry passed over with the Duke of Aumale, then the Artil∣lery, and all the Baggage of the Army, after them the Swiss-Infantry, and about peep of day, the Walloon, Spanish, and Itallian Foot; Prince Ranuccio remaining on this side the River, with Appio Conti, who (the Duke of Montemar••iano being gone for Ita∣ly) commanded the Forces of the Church, and with them a Thousand Italian Foot of Capizucchies, and Two hundred Horse; with which turning in Arms towards the Enemy, they made as if they would skirmish in the field.

The King seeing a small number of men upon the Hills, and that they stirred not, though his Light-horse ran up and down the Plain, began to suspect, that (as the time before) the Enemies were changing their quarters, but not at all that they were passing the River, which enlarged, by the flowing of the tide, is in that place more like a Sea than a River. To assure himself of the truth, he sent forth the Baron de Biron to discover what they were doing, who having got up to the top of a Hill, upon whi ch no body appeared, returned galloping with great speed, and related how the Ene mies were passing the River; at which news, the King without further thought, ha∣sted that way with all the Cavalry, and left the Foot to follow him. But the Cavalry

could not hinder the Enemies passage, unless first the Count de Bossu's Fort were ta∣ken,* 1.15 which with Cannon and Musket-shot scoured the whole Plain on every side, and was a shelter to protect those that passed the River; which the King having at last taken notice of, and thinking that enterprise too difficult, and of too great delay, pos∣sessed himself of another Hill that commanded the river, and gave order, that with all possible speed, the Artillery should be brought thither, to play upon and sink the Boats that were passing. But while they were making ready, and drawing thither in a con∣fused haste, the whole Army was already past over; whereupon, the King almost tran∣sported with despair, not being able to do any thing else, ran to charge Prince Ranuc∣cio, who last of all, retiring by little and little, was gotten under the protection of the Fort. The King advanced precipitately within reach of the Cannon and Musket, fur∣ther than was fitting, but he was quickly forced to retreat with some loss, but with no effect; so that the Count de Bossu's Regiment, and Capizucchi's Thousand Foot, did also pass the river one after another, and the Cannon that were in the Fort being drawn off, piece by piece, were put upon one of the great Floating-bridges; and last of all, Prince Ranuccio imbarked with his Horse, at which time, the Kings Artillery were come up to the Hill, and began to fire upon the Boats that passed over, and like∣wise upon the Fort de la Berlotte; but the Cannon shooting under-metall, did but lit∣tle harm in all places.

Greater was the danger, in regard of the Kings Men of War, which at that very time appeared upon the river from Quilleboeuf, and went to fall upon that Raft that carried the Artillery, which were taken last out of the Fort, for being but slenderly guarded, it was doubted, they might easily fall into the Enemies power; but Prince Ranuccio, who in this whole action gained infinite praises, not being able to suffer the loss of his Artillery before his eyes, in the safety of which consisted the greatest repu∣tation of that enterprise, getting out of the Boat, in which he was passing aboard a little Bark, made haste in person to relieve them, which the Sieur de la Motte, Camillo Capizucchi, Colonel St. Paul, and many other Gentlemen and Officers, having likewise done with other little Barks, and the Fort de la Berlotte, playing with great violence cross the River, the Kings Ships desisted, and the Artillery coming at last safe to the shore, were landed in a moment by two Spanish Tertiaes, commanded to receive and accompany them, though the Kings Artillry, no less than the other, thundred with in∣finite violence upon the place. The whole Army, Cannon, and Carriages being past, without leaving any thing that was of moment, Prince Ranuccio would not stir from the river till all the Bridges and Boats were burned in every place, to the end they might not serve the King to pass over and follow them, and having entirely perfected all he intended, without any show of disturbance, he came up towards evening to the rest of the Army that was marched off from the river.

But neither could the passage of the River (which had been effected with so much industry, and (which imported most of all) without having received any loss at all) quiet the mind of the Duke of Parma, doubting, that the King might pass over his Ar∣my at Pont de l' Arche, and resolve to follow him; which, if it had come to pass, in the condition he was in (the weariness of his Forces being considered, and princi∣pally his not having money to maintain his Camp) he doubted he should incur ve∣ry great dangers and troubles: wherefore, having quartered at Neubourg (which place was sacked and burnt by his Army) he marched with so great speed toward Paris, that he came to St. Cloud in four dayes; and not willing to pass through the City, lest he should give his Forces occasion to disband, he caused a Bridge of Boats to be made, and having repassed the Seine, never slackned his haste till he came to the Wall of Cha∣steau-Thierry in Champagne, far from the enemy, and upon the way to return straight into Flanders.

In the mean time the King, who was unexpectedly fallen from a certain hope of sup∣pressing his enemies,* 1.16 to a certain assurance that he had lost his pains, labours, and expen∣ces, and the blood shed from his own Person and his Subjects in the space of so many moneths, seeing the City of Rouen relieved, the Army of the League gotten away safe to another place, his Gentry wearied and wasted, the Germans diminished in num∣ber, and tired out with their late sufferings, after he had been two dayes, not on∣ly afflicted in mind, but also perplexed and ambiguous in his thoughts, resolved to lessen his Army, as he had likewise done after the siege of Paris, and freeing himself and those of his party from trouble and expence, to expect, with a fleeing Army, what

resolution the Commanders of the League would take. The Nobility departed, the Lords returned to their Governments, and the King having mustered the Germans, and reformed their Companies one into another, with Three thousand Horse, and be∣tween five and 6000 Foot, marched after the Enemy to the confines of Champagne and Picardy.

But the sufferings of all the winter past bred such grievous diseases among those that had been in the Camp,* 1.17 that a wonderful great number of Gentlemen and valiant Commanders either died or lay long sick; among which, Francois de Bourbon Duke of Montpensier, being sick of a Fever, in his return to his Government of Normandy, was stayed at Lisieux by the violence of his disease, where he departed this life upon the third of June▪ A Prince of infinite high courage, and inestimable goodness, and for those qualities very worthy of the most eminent Command whatsoever, if nature had afford∣ed him more vivacity, and a more perspicuous understanding. About the same time, not far from Beauvais, died Monsieur de Giutry, a man of exceeding great valour, and who, for prudence and experience, had lived in a singular reputation among the Hugo∣nots who, next to the D. of Bouillon, had placed all their hopes in him and Monsieur de la Noue.

At the departure of the Army of the League from the River Seine, the discords and discontents between the Generals were discovered to burn more than ever: for the D. of Mayenne, who was not pleased with the drawing off so soon from the King,* 1.18 and leaving matters again to his discretion, did publickly attribute unto himself the honor of having relieved Rouen without striking a blow, and of having by patience and industry cau∣sed the King's Army to dissolve, without having remitted the sum of affairs to the un∣certain event of a Battel: That likewise as the removing of the impediment of Caude∣bec, and the clearing of the passage of the Seine, was necessary; so it had been pro∣pounded and obtained by him: That if afterward the Duke of Parma, not trusting any body, would needs, without occasion, put his person in danger, in a place and in an acti∣on that was not worth the cost, and if his wound had given the King time to recruit, and to shut them up in a corner (from whence quickly disingaging themselves, they had found conveniency to retire) it was no fault of his counsel, which was very good and wholesome, but a defect of the execution, which had not been remitted to him: That the industry of passing over the River, could not but be praised; but if it had been em∣ployed in making a Bridge to come and go freely over the River, the passage of Vi∣ctuals would thereby have been opened on that side; whereupon the King, being with∣out money, and his Army wearied and consumed, would have been constrained to march off with shame, and to leave the Field open to them, to effect profitable and sig∣nal enterprises: but because the Spaniards would spend but sparingly, and because they would afford but petty supplies, and yet were obstinate to rule, command, and go∣vern all things their own way, it was come to pass, that now all the past toils and expences were thrown away, and the King recovering strength, would again make him∣self superior, both in force and reputation.

On the other side, the D. of Parma said publickly, that with the Arms of the Catho∣lick King alone, he had two several times happily delivered the League, and redeemed the two principal Cities of France out of the enemies hands: That he had taken a∣way the victory and reputation from the King of Navar,* 1.19 who oppressing the French in all places, had been opportunely bridled onely by the power of his Army: and that now also, though the Count de Vaudemont with the Forces of Lorain had left him, and though the chief French who were interessed had come but slowly to the Army, he would have made an end of suppressing the King, if they would have agreed to follow him, and if by imprudently thrusting themselves into a net shut up on all sides, they had not spoiled the fruits of the Victory, and lost the opportunity which presented it self of ending the War victoriously at the last: That the Catholick King poured out the gold and blood of his Kingdoms prodigally for their benefit; and they on the contrary, ha∣ving no other aim but to grow rich in particular, cared but little for the publick good, and much less for the safety of the Kingdom: and finally, That he would not stay unprofitably and without fruit at Rouen, and suffer not onely the affairs of Flanders, but even also those of France, to go to ruine without remedy.

From these words their actions were not different:* 1.20 for the Duke of Mayenne pre∣tending a necessity to take Physick, would needs stay at Rouen, and not follow the Army that marched away; and the Duke of Parma, vext that he would not go with him, would not leave him any Forces at all; but on the other side, taking with him

the Duke of Guise, gave out, that he would leave the Command to him of those Spa∣nish Forces that should stay in France▪ which more than any thing else nettled the Duke of Mayenne, who (the Cardinal-Legat departing also with the Army) remain∣ed alone and forsaken, being scarce able to obtain, that the Pope's Swissers and Com∣missary Matteucci should stay with him at Rouen: and yet even this also was a stone of exceeding great scandal▪ for Matteucci, a man of a harsh carriage, and most wilful in his opinions, either having such orders from Rome, or because he had not money to pay them, would needs dismiss the Swisses within a while after; neither was it pos∣sible, by any kind of reasons, perswasions, or threatnings, to alter his determination; but the Duke of Mayenne having earnestly desired him to stay them yet a moneth longer, offering to pay them himself, if he would not keep them in his own pay, could not prevail any thing at all: whereat highly incensed, and grieved that he was ill dealt with by them all, he gave order that Matteucci should be seized upon; which, though it were not effected, because he hid himself in the habit of a Soldier, and de∣parted with the same Swisses, and because the Duke, the first fury of his wrath being over, dissembled the business, and did not care to have his order put in execution; yet notwithstanding the Legat complained grievously about it, and the thing was very ill taken at Rome; whereupon, the Duke's discontents multiplied on all sides; which had so much power on him, that he began afresh to lend his ear to a Treaty of Peace, which Monsieur de Villeroy had never given over to manage, out of a desire to con∣clude an Agreement with the King, and by that means to free themselves from the mis∣chief (as he said) of forraign Forces.

Monsieur de Villeroy had kept the Treaty alive, sometimes with one, sometimes with another of the King's party; and as either side had the better, so did the Treaty va∣ry accordingly: for when the King felt himself much straitned by the Enemy, he fell into a thought of satisfying the party of the League, and of freeing himself from dan∣ger and trouble; and when the Duke of Mayenne found himself either ill dealt with∣all, or slenderly assisted by the Confederates, he also inclined towards the hopes of an Accommodation: but the insuperable difficulty that was in the King's conversion, be∣cause he would not do it at the request of his enemies, and the Duke's not being willing to conclude the Treaty, unless he were first a Catholick, had alwayes cut off the practi∣ces, and put the business in a total desperation. But about this time, Monsieur de Vil∣leroy having treated long and freely about it with Monsieur de l' Ominie one of the King's Secretaries of State, who had been taken prisoner, and was at Pontoyse; he, after he had his liberty, treated of it with the King, just at the time when, by reason of the Duke of Parma's drawing near, he was both in danger and trouble: wherefore he gave or∣der to the Sieur du Plessis Mornay, who formerly had treated about it (being a man in whom, by reason of his wisdom and learning, he confided very much) that he should renew the discourse of it again with Monsieur de Villeroy, who having written several times to the Duke of Mayenne, and to President Jeannin concerning it, at last, after much treating, the Duke, who had never been willing to condescend to any particular, had,* 1.21 at this time, declared himself by Villeroy, That if the King would give security of his conversion, and satisfaction to him, and the other Lords of his party, he would agree to acknowledge and submit himself unto him. Du Plessis and Villeroy treated to∣gether with mutual promises of secrecy; but no evasion could be found, whereby, the King not turning his Religion at the present, they of the League could be secure, that he would do it for the future, since they alledged, that the King had from the begin∣ning promised those very Catholicks that followed him that he would do it, and yet had never performed it to them; whereupon, it could not be hoped, that he would assuredly do it at the importunity of his Enemies: Besides, that the King would make that promise with uncertain and ambiguous words, and with a reservation of being taught and instructed, which, as they were like to afford sufficient matter of excuse, to whatsoever resolution he should take, so did they not quiet the Duke of Mayenne; and the Conditions that were propounded in his particular, and in that of the other Princes and Lords of his party, did not absolutely satisfie them: Wherefore, after much treat∣ing, and after much writing and replying, in the end, President Jeannin wrote by the Dukes order to Villeroy, and gave him Commission to propound for the last Conditi∣ons: That the business of the Kings Conversion should be referred to the Popes arbi••re∣ment, to whom the King should send the Marquiss de Pisani, accompanied with Car∣dinal Gondi, to know his pleasure, and to receive those Conditions in that

matter which the Apostolick See should judge convenient; and that he himself would send a person expresly, and would give order to his Agents at Rome to promote the business, and help to overcome the difficulties, that the Pope might be brought to some reasonable determination: That for security, that the King should persevere in the Ca∣tholick Religion, and maintain the Peace, the Places, Cities, and Fortresses, should for the space of six years remain in the hands of those that possessed them at that present, to restore them to the King, and to his free disposing within that time, if they saw the Peace go on sincerely: That the Government of Bourgogne, with all the places also, that held for the King, should be left to the Duke of Mayenne, which Government should be hereditary to his Sons, with authority of disposing and distributing the Be∣nefices, Offices, Governments, and Places, which should become void in that Province for the time to come▪ That the King should give him an Office of the Crown, supe∣riour to the rest, as it might be of Constable, or of his Lieutenant-General: That he should give him such a sum of money as should be sufficient to pay those debts which he was run into upon that present occasion: That to the Government of Bourgogne, that of Lyons and Lyonois should be added: That the King should provide another Go∣vernment for the Duke of Nemours, which should be equivalent to it: That the Duke of Guis•• should have the Government of Champagne, and two strong Holds for his se∣curity, the Duke of Merc••ur that of Bretagne, the Duke of Joy••use that of Langue∣do••, the Duke of Aumale that of Picardy, and for his security St. Esprit de Rue: That all the Lords of the League should be maintained in their Places, Offices, Dignities, and Governments, which they had possessed before the beginning of the War: That the Catholick King should be comprehended in the Peace, and reasonable satisfaction given to him for his pretensions: That there should be an Act of Oblivion concerning all things that had befaln in the War, and that the Narrative and Preamble of the Accommodation should be written in such manner, as it might clearly appear, the Duke of Mayenne had not acknowledged the King till then in respect of Religion, and that now he did it by reason of his Conversion with the Popes consent, and that also it might expresly appear, he had no hand in the death of the late King Henry his last Predecessor.

These Conditions the Sieur de Villeroy imparted to Monsieur du Plessis, and gave him an extract of them, they being set down at large, with their Causes and Reasons in the Presidents Letter. Du Plessis first made small show to approve of them; but Ville∣roy replied, That this was not an Agreement with the Hugonots, who by all Laws Divine and Humane, were obliged to acknowledge their King established; but a Ca∣pitulation, whereby the Lords of the Union were contented to acknowledge, or, to say better, upon certain conditions to make one King, who was not Possessor of the Kingdom; that, that acknowledgment of theirs coming to pass, the King would thereby attain the Crown of France, which he possessed not; and that therefore the Conditions ought not to seem strange unto him: That the Lords of the League did now require all which they thought fit for their security, because when the acknow∣ledgment was once made, they should be then no longer able to treat or demand any thing, but as Subjects simply to beseech their Sovereign Lord: That it was no wonder they should demand much at one time, being very certain, that after that they should never obtain any thing more during his Reign, nor perchance in that of his Sons nei∣ther: That the Duke of Mayenne had shewed himself so good a French-man, that he would rather acknowledge a French King, though an Enemy, upon these conditions, than a Stranger, though a Friend and a Confident, upon much greater ones: That the King had always said he would content and secure the Lords of the House of Lo∣rain, and all the others of their party; and lately, while the War was in the heat be∣fore Caudebec had affirmed as much with his own mouth to the Baron de Luz, with whom he had discoursed long about it, in the field, telling him, That if the Lords of the Union would acknowledge and follow him, he would not refuse any conditions; and particularly, that to his power he would give worthy satisfaction to the Duke of Mayenne, whom he knew to be a good Prince, and a good French-man: That the Ma∣reschal d' Aumont had by his orders repeated the same to the same Baron, and there∣fore that ought not to appear strange now, which he himself had proffered but a few days before. But the Sieur du Plessis considered, that to refer the business of the Kings Conversion to the Pope, from whom, by reason of the Spaniards power, nothing at all would be obtained, replied, That it was not a thing to be expected from any

other means, but from Gods Divine Inspiration, after such Instructions as should make him know himself to be in an errour; for otherwise it was an unlawful thing to demand it, and much worse to grant it, the Soul being first to be thought of, and then the affairs of the World: And as for the other conditions, repeating them one by one, he shewed, that if all the Governments, and all the Places and Benefices should remain in the gift of the Lords of the Union, the King would neither have any thing to reserve▪ nor to grant to those of his own party; and that it would be a monstrous thing to see all the Provinces in the hand of one only Family, and the Princes of the Blood, and so many other Lords excluded, who had laboured, and endangered their lives for the Kings Crown. And yet after having again promised secrecy, (which the Duke of Mayenne required above all other things) he said he would speak with the King himself concerning it, and refer the resolution to his pleasure.

But being come into the Kings Council at Bussy where they were, he was so far from favouring the Treaty of Peace, and the Conditions propounded, or from ob∣serving that secresie he had promised, that publickly in the presence of all the Coun∣cil, he demanded pardon for having till then, not any way out of an evil intention, but through inadvertency deceived His Majesty, since such Conditions had been pro∣pounded to him, that he was ashamed of them, and did much disdain to publish them: He confessed, that he had believed too much, out of his desire of Peace, and out of a will to serve the Publick Cause, but the Conditions that were propounded, were so unjust and dishonourable for the King, and so pernicious for the whole Kingdom, that they plainly shewed the Duke of Mayenne, and those of his party, had no thought of Peace; but that they sought to hold the King in hand, and to work a jealousie in the Spaniards, to draw money and satisfactions from them: That the things propounded, were such as did not deserve any answer, nor did he think them worthy to be heard by that Council; and yet having proposed them with this Preamble, not only the whole Council, but even the King himself thought them not so exorbitant, as he re∣presented them; and so much the rather, because every one knew that demands are high in the beginning, but afterwards in the course of a Treaty, they fall by little and little; so that they were all scandalized at du Plessis: Nor was there any one who was not of opinion, that he as being an Hugonot, abhorred the Kings Conversion, and therefore desired not, but rather crossed the Peace. The King being of the same mind, gave the Sieur de Villeroy to understand, that he would willingly treat with him by word of mouth; and the Mareschal de Byron, and the Duke de Boüillon, desired to confer with him, though both of them were little enclined to Peace; Boüillon, be∣cause he was an Hugonot; and Byron, because his whole fortune depended upon the Wars, whereupon by the continuation of them he hoped to rise to the heighth of Power and Honour, and those Offices and Titles which the Duke of Mayenne de∣manded, he grounding himself upon his own merits, aspired and pretended to for himself.

Du Plessis continuing his intention,* 1.22 and publishing his secret thoughts to men of understanding, divulged the whole Treaty, contrary to his Faith given to Villeroy, and to many persons shewed Copies of the Articles propounded; whereby they were not only known to all the Kings party, but also the Princesses who were in Paris saw them, and believed them; so that they made grievous complaints that the Duke should go about to establish a Peace, without making it known to them, and to the Lords of his party: and, which was much worse, they came also to the knowledge of the Spanish Ministers, who though they believed not the business could so easily be established, were yet filled with jealousie and suspition. Du Plessis believed that at one time he should work two good effects for his own intentions; one, to cross and totally break all Treaty of Peace, because he thought he had discovered that the King, to obtain it, en∣clined to change his Religion, which the Hugonots feared above all things; the other, to make the Duke of Mayenne be distrusted of his own party, and particularly by the Spaniards, whereupon the disunion and ruine of the League would more easily follow, But as counsels that have too much of a mans particular interest, have often (either by the will of God, who is not pleased with them, or by reason of their own deceitfulness) very different events from what the Intenders of them confidently design unto them∣selves, this divulging produced an effect very diverse from what du Plessis did assuredly expect: for it wrought no ill effect in the party of the League, and on the Kings side it made an exceeding great stir and confusion.

It hurt not the Duke of Mayenne, because the Pope was much satisfied with his candour, seeing that without the Kings Conversion he refused all other particular greatness and advantage, and that he referred the whole business of Religion to the Apostolick See; and the Spaniards being faln into some fear that Peace might easily ensue, forbore to give the Duke of Mayenne further cause of discontent; and the Duke of Parma necessarily departing by reason of his health,* 1.23 and in respect of the affairs of Flanders, left some Forces in Champagne, and gave not the command of them to the Duke of Guise, as he had intended, but left the charge of them to Monsieur de Rosne with the title of Camp-Master-General, he being to obey the Duke of May∣enne without contradiction; and Juan Baptista Tassis going to him, endeavoured by his dexterity to remedy the late disgusts, Diego d' Ivarra continuing with the Army, because he knew his presence was not pleasing to him. To this was added, that the Duke, who had entred into that Treaty, out of the despair which he was brought un∣to, seeing that he had already recovered his authority and reputation, which he had in great part lost with the Popes Ministers, and with the Spaniards, was afterward more backward in lending an ear to Peace: But thinking that his having been de∣ceived by the revealing of that secret, contrary to promise, afforded him not only ex∣cuse, but a lawful occasion for him, also to make use of the Treaty for his own pro∣fit, he continued it in such manner, that it served to keep sometimes one, sometimes another faithful, according as need required.

On the other side, the Catholi••ks of the Kings party,* 1.24 wakened by the noise of this Treaty, and highly disdaining, that the Peace should be negotiated by the means of a Hugonot, and that the Kings Conversion should be promised to the League, which they by many reiterated instances had not been able to obtain, began a fresh to contrive a third Party, and more boldly than before, to assemble themselves severally, and dis∣course of forsaking the King, or to make an agreement with those of the League, in such manner, that the business having often been consulted of between the Cardinal of Bourbon, the Count de Soissons, the Duke of Longueville, the Count de St. Paul, the Duke of Nevers, the Mareschal d' Aumont, Monsieur d' O, Monsieur de Lavardin, the Count de Lude, and many other Lords, they gave the Duke of Mayenne to understand, that it would be profitable for the common safety and security, to unite all the Catho∣licks, and desire the King, that within the term of a certain, prefixed, reasonable time, he would turn Catholick, and give security for the maintenance of Religion; which if he would do, he should be acknowledged and established; and if he would not, they all together should elect a Catholick King, who should be acknowledged and obeyed by all. This practice beginning to grow warm, the King seeing that the event would be, either a forced dishonourable Conversion, or the utter ruine of his affairs, since from secret consultations that matter was come to open murmurings, he caused Villeroy to be very earnestly sollicited (by the means of Monsieur de Fleury, his Brother-in-law) to come personally to confer with him, and resolved to apply himself of his own accord to a reconciliation with Rome.

Innocent the Ninth, after a long and troublesom Conclave,* 1.25 was succeeded in the Apo∣stolick See by Hippolito, Cardinal Aldobrandino, a man not weakned with age, being not above fifty and six years old, but endowed with mature prudence, and singular dexterity in affairs of State, which he had gotten by continual practice in the Court, and by the management of the most important businesses of his time. He having as∣sumed the name of Clement the Eighth, though he had been favoured by the Spaniards in his Election, and was therefore full of kind grateful demonstrations toward them, was not yet totally••disposed to let himself be ruled by their designs, but would de∣pend upon himself, and after the chief interest of Religion, would have an aim at the general safety and equality. He held a great correspondence with the Commonwealth of Venice, and with the Great Duke of Thuscany, judging that State to be not only the Foundation-stone of the Liberty of Italy, but also a wary Reconciler of the Peace of Christendom; and him, by reason of his great prudence, to be intent to follow the same way; and therefore he straitly confirmed that confidence with the Senate, which his Ancestors had in that State, having taken refuge there in their adversities: And with the Great Duke (forgetting those ancient factions for which his Father had been banished out of the City of Florence) he contracted a new confident correspondency, to advance (by the assistance and advice of these) the Government of the Church to the common benefit and safety of Christians.

The first and most important business that represented it self unto him, was that of France; in which, as matter of Religion was chiefly considered by him, so the pri∣vate emulations, the ancient discords, and the present ambition of the Great Ones were very well known unto him. But because time and opportunity were to administer those overtures that were necessary for the Peace and Union of that Kingdom, he de∣termined in himself, in the mean time, to sustain the League with convenient relief, but not with that interessed fervour his Predecessors had profusely done, desiring things should be in such a condition as might not tend towards the division and destruction, but to the safety and restauration of so great a Kingdom; which he thought would fol∣low, if a King were elected and established who was not only a Catholick, and obe∣dient to the Apostolick See, but also a French-man, and of such a condition as might draw along with him the general peace and satisfaction. He therefore confirmed the Cardinal of Piacenza in his Legation, judging him, by reason of his long employment there, not only to be well informed, but also more fit to manage that business than any other: and though he in times past had shewn himself very partial to the Spaniards, yet the Pope thought that his Master being changed, and his Commissions altered, he would, as a prudent experienced man, endeavour rather to satisfie his intention, than to follow the interests of Spain, the ends whereof could not always run united with those of the See of Rome:* 1.26 but having, by the confirmation of the Legat, shewed (as much as was sufficient) his intentions to be well 〈◊〉〈◊〉 towards the League, in other matters, under colour of the present disabilities of the Apostolick See, he freely decla∣red that he could not assist the Confederates with more than fifteen thousand Ducats by the month; shewing that the excessive expences formerly made, to the wasting of the Treasury, and to the burdening of the people, had not produced any fruit equivalent to so vast a charge, and to so great preparations; and insisting upon that remedy which he esteemed convenient, he gave the Legat order to endeavour the assembling of the Free-States, to the end that a King being chosen with a common consent, all machina∣tions might be cut off, the way lockt up against ambition, and that as a certain end, and a visible apparent mark, they might aim at the good of Religion, and the restoring of Peace in the Kingdom.

These thoughts (which by many conjectures were known unto both parties) as they put the Duke of Mayenne in good hope that the Pope was inclined to acknow∣ledge his merits,* 1.27 and his so great labours, and would favour his designs; so did they not displease the King, who despaired not in that moderation to find some temper to settle his own affairs; wherefore being forced by the Commotion of the Catholicks, who all were already determined to see some resolution, he discoursed at Vernon with Giovanni Mocenigo the Venetian Ambassador, and told him, that having a purpose to find some way whereby an overture concerning his affairs might be made unto the Pope, he desired that the Republick, which he knew had a very near correspondence with him, would either by an express Ambassador, or by the means of the ordinary Resident at Rome, assist that his just intention, having determined to procure that Car∣dinal Gondi, in whose prudence and candour he confided very much, should go into Italy, and with him the Marquiss de Pisani, in the name of the Catholick Nobility of his party, to treat of the means of attaining to a Peace and Reconciliation; but that this Treaty being in appearance very difficult, by reason of the Considerations at Rome, and of the extraordinary power of the Spaniards, he believed the intercession, coun∣sel,* 1.28 authority, and endeavours of that Republick would serve as a Pole-star in so im∣portant a business. He found the Ambassador ready to give notice of it at Venice, who knowing the good intentions of the Senate toward the conservation of the Kingdom, assured him, that he should have all manner of assistance he could desire. The same did he cause to be treated of with the Grand Duke, by Girolamo Gondi, requesting him not only to use his endeavours with the Pope, (wherein he more esteemed the power of the Venetian Senate) but also to deal with the Cardinals, to the end, that the business coming into debate, it might be crossed as little as was possible.

These Foundations being laid, he sollicited Monsieur de Villeroy's coming; for he designed to set things right with the Duke of Mayenne in such manner, that he also might favour his affairs in the Court of Rome, since his reconciliation with the Aposto∣lick See coming to pass, the scruple of Religion would be taken away, and the Duke of Mayenne might with his honour embrace those large advantageous offers which he would make him. But the Duke, who had taken a distrust by reason of the trick put

upon him by du Plessis, and who hoped to settle his own affairs with the Spaniards, suffered the Treaty to run on, that he might make use of it for his own profit, but without any desire to conclude, those thoughts being again revived in his mind, which despair had before disordered and destroyed. Wherefore, though Villeroy went to Rouen to him, and afterwards had a conference with the King himself by night at Gisors, yet went they not on to treat of any conditions; but the Duke consented, that the King should send to Rome, leaving the Treaty to go on, and be concluded when the business was settled with the Pope; and the King was content that the Duke should assemble the States of his party, to treat with them concerning the present reso∣lution.

The Spaniards had never intermitted to press for the assembling of the States, and jointly with the Cardinal Legat, had made both publick and private instances about it, and the Duke had always interposed difficulties and delays; sometimes alledging the urgency of following the management of the War; sometimes saying, it was fit first to treat and conclude with the Princes of the party; and sometimes the difficulties of assembling the Deputies, because of the general combustion of the War, by reason whereof they would very unwillingly forsake their own Houses and Cities in the present distractions, and that they would not venture to take so great journeys with the dan∣ger of their lives; but at last his backwardness was ascribed to an irregular ambition, and to a desire of continuing in the power he held at that present; neither could he without grievous complaints, nor without danger of discord and disunion refuse any longer to call the Assembly; wherefore turning his thought to remove that scandal, from whence arose all the discontents with the Spanish Ministers, he considered, that as to deny the meeting was dangerous, and now at length odious to every one, so the difficulties that would spring up, and those which he would artificially interpose, should be so many, that the States should dissolve and end of themselves, without coming to any determination▪ and in the mean time, they might afford him conveniency and opportunity either to revive his authority, or else to find means of reconciliation with the King, if so be he could not bring to pass,* 1.29 that the Kingdom should fall to his po∣sterity: Wherefore, as the Spaniards did now show a desire to satisfie and honour him, and the same did the Legat by Commission from Rome; so he showing, that he would grant that in courtesie, which he would not yield to for fear, nor for threatnings, wrote to the Legat, and to the Duke of Parma, that now the time to assemble the States was ripe, he would give satisfaction to the Princes who had sollicited him with so much earnestness, and would come at last to a resolution; and therefore they should endeavour to get Commissions from Rome and Spain, because within a few months the Deputies should be convened; for which effect, he dispatched Letters to every Pro∣vince, and every Bailiage, to the end they might chuse Deputies to meet in the place that should be appointed for the holding of the States-General.

At the same time,* 1.30 the King had caused Cardinal Gondi to treat concerning his pas∣sage into Italy, and had required the Catholicks of his party, to appoint an Ambassa∣dor to the Pope, which though some opposed, alledging, That the Parliament had de∣creed that for the time to come, none should send to Rome upon any emergent occa∣sion, yet the King answered, That the Decree was made in the Papacy of Gregory the Fourteenth, but that he granted leave to send to the present Pope; so the Marquiss of Pisani was chosen, and Cardinal Gondi was contented to take that journey to satisfie the King, and to procure the general repose of the Kingdom.

This determination did in great part stop the resolution of the Catholicks,* 1.31 who were attentive to see what that Embassie would produce, being partly satisfied in that the King began already to treat of reconciling himself to the Pope and the Apostolick See. The Decree which the King made about this time concerning the disposing of the Benefices of the Kingdom, did help much to appease them; for after that the Par∣liaments of Tours and Chalons had decreed, that for the conferring and confirmation of them, none should go any more to Rome; and after that the Congregation of the same Prelats had made the Declaration in favour of the King, those Benefices that be∣came void, were disposed of to all kind of persons without regard, in reward of their expences, in requital of their labours, and for particular inclination; and the admini∣stration of Spiritual Matters was by the Grand Council, assigned to one of the Priests of the Diocess, with title of Spiritual Oeconome: Which was not only against the De∣crees of the Cannons, but scandalous and dangerous, contrary to the good of the

people, and very near the custom of the Hugonots. Renaud de Beaune Archbishop of Bourges,* 1.32 a man of exceeding great learning and singular eloquence, had thought, that he having the name of Patriarch, (that title they use to give to the Archbishop of that City) it was very easie, and no less reasonable, that the authority of disposing the Be∣nefices of the Kingdom should be conferred upon him, as Spiritual Superiour of the Galliae, and that he should hold that degree thorowout all France, which the Pope holds over the Universal Church; and as this thought had long been nourished in his mind, so had he attempted all those means which he thought proper to effect his de∣sign; to this end, at his exhortation, the Popes Bulls had been so sharply handled; to this end, those that represented the Apostolick See had been so hotly proceeded against; and to this end, the disorder in conferring of Benefices being now represented, and the abuse of those Oeconomes chosen by the great Council, (a Temporal Magistracy whom it concerned not to judge of Spiritual sufficiency) it was endeavoured in that heat of mens minds, that a resolution might be taken, and that a Prelate might be con∣stituted in the Galliae, Superiour to all the rest in power and dignity, to whom that election should be committed. But the Cardinal of Bourbon, and the other Catholick Lords, exclaiming that this was an express way to alienate themselves from the Aposto∣lick See, to make the Kingdom Schismatical, and for ever to cut off all hopes of an Accommodation; that they would never endure it, and that as soon as ever that Decree should be made, they would take some course to secure their own affairs: The King declared publickly, That he would not take away the obedience from the Apostolick See, and that if (not to foment the evil) it had been decreed, That Money should not be carried to Rome, to the end, War might not be made upon the Kingdom with its own blood and substance, that had been established by way of provision, as long as the Popes should persist to oppose the lawful Successors of the Crown:* 1.33 That he did not intend, nor mean, there should be any innovation; but to maintain Ecclesiastical Matters, and the Religion and Priviledges of the Gallique Church, in the same being he had found them at his coming to the Crown: And finally, he caused the Council to decree, That the Bishops every one in his own Diocess should create the Administra∣tors of Spiritual Matters, and that where the Bishopricks were vacant, the Metropo∣litan should supply that defect; and for want of him, the nearest Bishop; which did exceedingly quiet the minds of the Catholicks, and did also for some time stop their resolutions.

* 1.34In this interim Matters of War went not on more slowly than the Councils and Treaties of Peace; for the Duke of Mayenne, being cured of his indisposition at Rouen, was come forth with part of his Forces to lay siege to Ponteau de Mer, a place, which because it was near, did incommodate and straiten the Commerce of that City; and on the other side,* 1.35 Monsieur de Villars was likewise gone to besiege the new Fortress of Quilleboeuf, to open totally the passage and navigation of the Seine, being displeased (besides the impediment and inconvenience of it) that the Hollanders and English should nest themselves in that place, very opportune to receive their Ships, and seated in the midst between his Governments of Havre de Grace and Rouen, molesting and endamaging both of them.

The King, who was yet in the confines of Normandy, dispatched Colonel Grillon thither with one thousand and five hundred French Foot, and the Sieur de Bouquetaut with an hundred Gentlemen of that Country, desiring no less to keep that place, than his Enemies did to drive them out of it. The Fortifications of it were yet imper∣fect: for though the Holland-Fleet had wrought diligently at them, yet the time had not served to bring them to perfection; so that the Bulwarks were not faced with Stone, and the Ramparts not only of simple Earth not well setled, but were hardly above a mans height, though they were most skilfully drawn out, and diligently de∣signed by expert Artists.

Villars presently planted five Pieces of Cannon to batter an Half-Moon, which de∣fended the Gate that stood toward the Land; and having got together a great num∣ber of Country-people, who followed his name voluntarily thorow the whole Coun∣try, he approached with a Trench, and began to sap in such manner, that he got un∣der the Half-Moon, and brought it into such a condition, that it was easie to be as∣saulted. The besiegers fell on exceeding fiercely at the first; but the number of the Defendents was so great, that the resistance proved no less fierce within: and the assault being renewed the next day, Grillon having left the charge of the defence to Co∣lonel

Rebours, and to the Sieur de Bellebat Governour of the place, sallied out so furi∣ously on the other side with Bouquetaut, that having found no resistance in the Trench, he did a great deal of mischief, destroyed part of the Redoubts, nailed two Pieces of Artillery; and if Villars his Cavalry, with Captain Borosey, and Captain Perdriel being alighted from their horses, had not run unto the danger, the Trenches would have been utterly taken, and the Infantry defeated:* 1.36 so Grillon after many hours being got in again with much ado, Monsieur de Villars knowing the weakness of his Forces, and despairing of doing any good, raised the siege the next day, and returned to Rouen. Matteucci was the principal cause of this disorder: for if he had not dismissed the Swissers, there would have been such a Body of an Army before Quilleboeuf, that per∣haps the siege would have ended another way.

The Duke of Mayenne had better success at Ponteau de Mer:* 1.37 for having laid siege unto it, and fortified his Trenches well with Redoubts equally distant, he secured the weakness of his Forces in such manner, that the Artillery being planted, and having begun to batter, the Governour, who had not so great a strength as those of Quilleboeuf, took a resolution to surrender, saving their goods and persons; and on that side the passage remained free to bring Victual into Rouen.

In this time the Duke of Parma, not only troubled with his wound,* 1.38 but also with another wonted indisposition, by which he was going apace into a Dropsie, resolved to go to the Baths of Spaw in Flanders, and to carry back with him the greater part of the Army, to provide for the affairs of those Countries, and particularly of Frise∣land, where the States of Holland daily made great progress. Yet he left six hundred Foot more than ordinary in Paris, being intreated so to do (against the Duke of May∣enne's will) by the Legat and the Spanish Ministers, and three thousand Foot more, Italians and Walloons, with six hundred Horse, which were to assist in the quarters about Paris, at Soissons and in Champagne; the Command of which (though the Duke of Guise aspired to it, and sued for it very earnestly) he gave to the Sieur de Rosne, with the title of Camp-Master-General, and with order expresly to obey the Duke of Mayenne, being resolved at this time to give him all possible satisfactions that might keep him firm to the party, and alienate him from all practices of Peace.

With these Forces and those of the Province, Monsieur de Rosney went before Es∣pern••y, a Town seven leagues from Chalons, of a moderate circuit, but of an ancient form, and in the condition it then was, not fit to make resistance against any reason∣able siege; thinking that it being taken, he might, by filling it with men, much straiten and incommodate Chalons, where the Parliament resided, with a greater number of persons, especially that Town being situate upon the current of the River Marne.* 1.39 The siege was short: For being violently battered, and a great breach being made in the Walls, which were very old, and fell without much trouble, the Sieur de St. Estienne, who had not a Garison sufficient to defend the weakness of the place, yielded it up without staying for the last experiments.

The King, who having left Normandy was come to the confines of that Province, not having had time to relieve that place, assoon as he knew it was taken, resolved, that he would recover it, more to shew that he regarded the conveniencies of the Parliament, than for any other respect: Wherefore having sent the Duke of Nevers, and the Ma∣reschal de Byron before, he, according to his custom,* 1.40 running at large over the neigh∣bouring places, came even to the Walls of Chalons. The Sieur de Rosne had with won∣derful great diligence made up the Walls that had been broken down by the late Bat∣tery, and had carefully caused Trenches and Ravelines to be made, considering well that the King would set himself without delay to recover what was lost. There were in the Town six hundred French Foot, and as many Walloons of the Count de Bossu's Ter∣tia, and about sixty Horse, many small Pieces of Artillery, and a convenient quan∣tity of Ammunition; and the Country people of those quarters being gathered toge∣ther, laboured continually to better the Works. The Kings Infantry came before the Town upon the Six and twentieth of July; and being suddenly quartered, the Mares∣chal de Byron would needs advance with twenty Horse to view the situation,* 1.41 and the Works which the Enemy had made for their defence: But he was scarcely come upon the way that leads to the Town upon the South-side, when a Cannon-shot (among many which the defendents fired at random) taking him at the rebound in the midst of his body shattered him in such manner, that without speaking one word, he fell suddenly from his horse dead upon the ground. The loss of this Commander was unspeakable:

for all the Kings affairs depended upon his prudence, experience, discipline and va∣lour; and not only the charge of the Armies rested wholly upon his shoulders, but matters of Government, counsels of State, Treaties with Princes, and the particular affairs of the Kingdom, were all ordered by his advice, in such manner, that those who were partial to him, attributed all that had succeeded prosperously, either in War or in other affairs, to his endeavours; and those that flattered him more boldly, pub∣lickly called him The King's Foster-father. And truly it cannot be denied by whoso∣ever was present at those affairs that happened successively from the Kings coming to the Crown, to the time of Byron's death, (which were the most difficult, most impor∣tant, and, as a man may say, the Foundations of his Reign) but that in the prudence and vigilance of this man, consisted all the life and spirit, not only of counsels, but also of enterprises and action. But yet those that emulated him, forbore not to at∣tribute many disorders to his fault; and particularly, that not desiring for his own ends, that discords should be quieted, but that the Wars should continue, because, while they lasted, he governed the Kings mind, and all the affairs of the Kingdom, and not stirring much for matters of Religion, (for which from his youth he had shewed himself to care but little) he was the occasion that not only the Civil Wars continued, with so great a both publick and private ruine, but that the King with arts and pro∣mises deferred the so necessary effect of his Conversion. He was slain in the begin∣ning of the sixty and fifth year of his age, being entire in mind, strong in body, full of careful diligence, and indefatigable in Military exercises.

After his death, the whole charge of the Army remaining to the Duke of Nevers, the siege of that Town began to be set in order; and the King having received the news of what had happened,* 1.42 after he had spent many hours in tears and publick con∣dolings, with great celerity moved to return to the Camp. There were also three hundred Walloon-Foot of Berlotte's Tertia come from Rheimes to enter into the Town, for the relief of the besieged, the conservation of that place seeming to be of great concernment to the Confederates. These marching that way, and being already near their entrance, were overtaken by the Baron de Byron, who, to revenge his Fathers death, had set forward to the Camp before all the rest; and not willing to pretermit that occasion of cutting those Foot in pieces which he found in the field without any convoy of Horse, ran furiously to assault them. The Foot were not at all dismayed, being part of them Pike-men, and the rest Musketiers and Fire-locks; and getting into a hollow way, shut up on both sides by two high Banks of Earth, as it were by two Ramparts, made an halt, and facing about, fiercely received the charge of the Horse with their Pikes, and in the mean time their Companions mingled among them with their shot, failed not to fire incessantly upon them; so that two Captains of Horse, and many Gentlemen being killed, it seemed very difficult to force them: Monsieur de St. Luc came up with another Squadron of the Kings Cavalry, which marched to∣ward the Camp, who thinking it a great shame that so few Foot should make re∣sistance in the field, rushed forward to make the same attempt; but being re∣ceived with the same constancy, he was repulsed no less than the others: And much worse did it happen to Monsieur de Giury, who came up last with the Light-Horse; for going to make the same charge, he left his own Lieutenant dead upon the place, with above sixty of his men; so that the Foot being no longer molested with the Cavalry, came out of the hollow way, and went up an Hill all full of Vines; from whence, without delay, they were to march down to the Moat of the Town to∣wards the West corner: But in this time, the King himself coming coming up with the rest of his Forces, and seeing the affront his Horse received from so small a party of Foot, ran forward gallopping to the very edge of the Moat; and though the Town ceased not to play both with their Artillery and Muskets, yet passing swiftly by, he went to charge the Foot, who being come down from the Hill, were already got∣ten into the Plain, whereby their way being so cut off, that they could not get under the Walls, they were surrounded on every side, and after a long and valiant resistance, were at last cut in pieces, though with the loss of above two hundred of the Kings side, and above two hundred more wounded.

The same day he straitned the siege on all sides, and without losing time, began to hasten the taking of the place; and because the besieged had laboured all those days that were past to fill their Moat with Water, that they might gain more time to bring their Works to perfection, he imployed his first study to divert the Water another

way, which spent three days time; but the passage was no sooner opened to drain the Moat, when the Baron de Byron, impatient to stay for the effect of the Artillery,* 1.43 which nevertheless were planting by the industry of Monsieur de St. Luc, gave a sca∣lado to a great Tower, newly made defensible by those within, and being come up close together, so that they fought only with their Swords, he renewed the assault so obstinately, twice or thrice, that at last he carried it with great slaughter on both sides; but whilst in lodging his men there, the Earth was throwing up to shelter them from the Town, he was sore wounded with a shot in the shoulder. That Tower, and the other defences being taken one after another, the Artillery having made an open breach in the old Wall,* 1.44 the defendents began to remember that they had not sufficient Forces to sustain the assault; and therefore having sent to capitulate the second day, they concluded to march out free with their Baggage, but to leave their Colours, which the King by all means would have, in respect of the Spanish Ensigns of the Count de Bossu, which for reputation the King desired to have in his power. The Town was delivered up into the hand of the Duke of Nevers, Governour of that Province, up∣on the Ninth day of August.

From Espernay the Army went to take in Provins, a City of Brie; which for the unequalness of the situation, and the greatness of its circuit, was not very defensible, being full of Gardens and Vineyards, very thinly peopled, and very ill provided of Souldiers; and yet things proceeding slowly, and the siege not pressing, all the rest of the month was spent about it, and it came not into the Kings power before the second of September.

The next thing that lay fit for the Army to besiege, was Meaux; whereof, as being nearer to Paris, and opportune to straiten that City, not only the Parisians were exceed∣ing jealous, but even the Duke of Mayenne himself, who being come to Beauvais, dis∣patched the Sieur de Vitry thither with Eight hundred Foot, and Three hundred Horse, who together with the Sieur de Rantilly, Governour of the Town, and with the ordi∣nary Garison, laboured in such manner, that it was made very defensible; which the King considering, and judging, that the taking of it would be difficult, and a work of time, resolved (passing beyond Meaux along the bank of the River Marne, which leads to Paris) to raise a Fort in the middle of the River, in an Island called Gournay, to the end, that standing between both, it might hinder their commerce and the na∣vigation of the River, whereby without loss of time in besieging Meaux, he might reap the same, or perhaps greater fruit. This was the thought of the Duke of Nevers, who having had the care of executing it, applied himself to it so diligently, that with∣in a few days the work began to rise apace, the Fortification being made in the likeness of a Star with five acute Angles, and an high Platform raised in the midst. The King with his whole Army was quartered upon the Bank of the River, where forcing the Peasants of all that Country round about, and making his Foot Souldiers work by Companies in their turns, he endeavoured to have the Fort made defensible.

On the other side, the Parisians anxious because of that impediment, which would bring them into a worse condition for matter of victual, and increase that dearth to ex∣tremity wherewith the City was already much afflicted, ceased not to stir up the Duke of Mayenne to oppose the raising of that Fort, so prejudicial to the common interests; nor did the Duke desire less than they, to be able to oppose it; but the small Forces he had with him constrained him to proceed slowly: For it was necessary first to stay till the neighbouring Garisons were drawn together; and after they were met, the Count de Colalto's Germans, who were many Pays behind, mutinied against him, and without them he could not move with any hope of good success. The Germans at last were quieted, a certain sum of money being paid them; but in the mean time, many days were past, whereby the Duke of Nevers had so much the more leisure to bring the Fort into a posture of defence; and so much the more difficult became the attempt of hindering it; and yet the Duke advanced on the other side of the Ri∣ver, intending to fight and to possess an Abby, which standing over the River, he might afterward batter the Fort from thence as from a Cavalier; but the Sieur de Praslin, and the Count de Brienne, being in it with a very great number, both of Horse and Foot, they skirmished hotly for the space of two whole days together, be∣fore the Duke could seat himself in a convenient place to oppugn it, and as soon as the Artillery was brought and planted, the King appeared (who had been indisposed some days at St. Denis) at whose coming a Bridge of Boats being put over, the Garison

in the Abby was so re-inforced, that those that defended it, were not content to sally fiercely every hour to skirmish with the Army of the League, but had also lodged them∣selves with many trenches in the field, and with them had brought themselves even under the Dukes Redoubts, and to the same Post where the Artillery were placed; where∣fore it appearing not only difficult, but in a manner altogether impossible to gain the Abby defended by so numerous a Garison, and relieved, and sustained from the Kings Camp by the conveniency of the Bridge of Boats, the Duke not persisting obstinately, retired to quarter in the Village of Conde, there to expect the Sieur de Rosne, and Co∣lonel St. Paul, whom he had sent for with the Foreign Forces, and with those of the Province of Champagne, judging it impossible to oppose the Kings Army, if his own were not much encreased by the arrival of those Supplies; but having expected them in vain, from the 16. till the 22 of September, he retired at last to Meaux, without being able to hinder the perfecting of the Fort; from whence (that he might not lose his time unprofitably, and that he might give some ease to the afflicted Parisians) he went after not many days to besiege Crespy, a place of the County of Valois, and having ta∣ken it without more dispute, he made the passage more easie and more secure for some quantity of victual, which might be carried into Paris from that fertil Country round about.

While the Heads of the Parties entertain themselves with these petty actions, one to straiten the City, the other to enlarge it from want of provisions, the Treaties of each side went on with more heat than matters of War. The Kings mind was intent upon the affairs of Rome, having from the Popes Equity and Prudence conceived great hope•• that he might reconcile himself to the Church;* 1.45 but he wished rather, that the business should pass by way of Composition and Agreement, than by means of Humiliation and Pardon; and therefore desired, That the Venetian Senate and the great Duke of Thus∣cany should interpose as Mediators, to negotiate that Reconciliation with the Aposto∣lick See: The treaty whereof standing thus in suspence, withheld the minds of the Catholicks, till the end were seen, and did not alienate the Hugonots, who were not yet sure that the agreement would be effected, but were rather full of a reasonable hope, that that manner of treating at Rome would not bring forth any fruit at all. Car∣dinal Gondi having conferred with the King in his passage, and having with his pasport taken his voyage thorow the places that were of his party, had made some stay at Florence, desiring that some of the Cardinals might first be gained by the Great Duke.

The Marquiss de Pisany took his journey at the same time, and having passed the Alps, was come to Desenzano upon the lake of Garda, a place belonging to the Repub∣lick of Venice, to procure that the Senate, by means of their Ambassador, might first break the y••e in introducing the Treaty with the Pope. But these attempts were yet very unseasonable: for the things that were still acted in France by the Kings Council and the Parliaments of Tours and Chalons, (where they had damned the Popes Bulls, and the Commission given concerning the Legation of the Cardinal of Piacenza, and many other Declarations of such-like nature) gave small sign of the Kings Repentance and Conversion, and had put the Pope as it were in a necessity of protecting the League, and of resenting those injurious demonstrations which had been attempted against him with so little respect, as well for the security of Religion, as for the reputation of his own person: nor could he yet secure himself that the King, who for the time past had been so obstinate in his belief, could so all of a sudden sincerely turn Catholick; but he doubted that it was a meer fiction, to establish himself in the Kingdom; and there∣fore he judged it to be his office,* 1.46 by length of time, and by many Arguments and Con∣jectures, to make himself certain of his inward Conversion, that he might not com∣pleat the destruction of Religion by a precipitate determination, and such a one as was little seemly for the dignity of his Person, and that opinion the World had con∣ceived of him. To this was added the power of the Spaniard, who possessed the greater part of the Cardinals; the obligation the Pope himself had to that party, which had brought him to the Papacy: whereupon he was necessitated to carry himself very dexterously with them: the humour of that Court, which cannot endure those things that seem to it prejudicial to the Ecclesiastical authority, and to the Majesty of the Church, and besides these, the Kings misfortunes before Rouen, which were then fresh, and divulged with the additions of same, made the Treaty unproper, and by no means opportune at that present. And the Duke of Mayenne, who had given Villeroy

some liberty to favour the Kings Conversion with the Pope, thinking it as lawful for him to deceive his Enemy,* 1.47 as it had been lawful for his Enemy to break his word with him, and to divulge the secret of those Treaties that had passed in confidence of pri∣vacy, being now more than ever entered again upon his old design by the means of Des Portes and the Bishop of Lisieux, his Agents in that Court, he did both by deeds and words, to his power, oppose those things that were treated in favour of that Con∣version. Wherefore the Pope being resolved not to give any scandal concerning him∣self in the beginning of his Papacy; and not finding things in such a condition, that with the security of Religion, and the decency of the Apostolick See, he might lend an ear to what was propounded,* 1.48 having shewed his reasons to the Venetian and Flo∣rentine Ambassadors, he wrote unto the Legat to give the Cardinal of Gondi notice that he should not stir out of France: which Commission being arrived late, found him already departed: whereupon, having afterwards heard that he had past the moun∣tains, he dispatched Father Alessandro Franceschi of the Order of Preachers, his Chap∣lain, to meet him, and to forbid him in his name to come any further; for he was re∣solved, he being a malignant Cardinal, and an adherent to Hereticks, neither to see him, nor hearken unto him: and by the means of his Nuncio residing in Venice, he caused the Marquiss of Pisani to be resolutely advertised, that he being suspected of Heresie, having followed and fought for an Heretick, should by no means enter into the State of the Church; for if he did, he should be forced to proceed against him. The Cardinal, who was at Ambrogiana, a place of the Grand Duke's near Florence,* 1.49 not at all dismayed at the Popes so resolute advertisement, desired the Frier to give it him at length in writing, and with him dispatched his Secretary to Rome, to clear himself of those things that were objected against him: He shewed that from the beginning he had not been willing to subscribe unto the League as he had been desired, because, be∣ing an eye-witness, he saw, and by long practice in the customs of France, knew that Union was not set on foot by true zeal and sincere affection to Religion, but to palliate the ambition of the Great Ones, and to cover the interests of State, which it was not fit for him, being a Clergy-man, to give his assent unto, nor to make himself minister of other mens passions and affections: That he had made his excuse about it to Pope Sixtus Quintus, who being made acquainted with the truth, had taken his determination in good part: That if he had treated with the King of Navarre during the siege of Pa∣ris, to free the City from the extream misery of hunger, he had done it with the con∣sent and leave of the Apostolick Legat: That if he at that present had treated perso∣nally with the King himself, he had done it that he might not put himself in danger of being made a prisoner in his journey, and of being obliged afterwards, to the disre∣putation of his quality, to meet and treat with him by force: That he had obeyed the intimation which the Legat Sega had sent after him to the confines of Lorain; for he had given him notice, that if he meant to treat any thing in favour of Hereticks, or of the King of Navarre, he should not come to Rome; whereupon, he having no such intention, had continued his journey: That he marvelled the Pope should refuse him leave to come and prostrate himself at his feet, to render him due obedience; where, if he were guilty, he might not only reprehend, but also punish him: That he was ready to give a particular true account of his actions; and if he were found in a fault, he refused not to undergo such chastisement as he deserved: That his intention was to come to Rome, to make the Pope acquainted with the calamities and miseries of France, which per∣chance were not sincerely represented to him: That as a Prelat and Bishop of France, and as a Cardinal, he came to let him know, there were above forty Bishopricks vacant, the re∣venues whereof were enjoyed by Women, Courtiers, Souldiers, and persons far from the Episcopal profession; and that in the mean time, the poor Souls were dispersed without a Pastor: That he thought himself obliged to represent unto him, that the Curates of Pa∣rishes, Priests and other Clergy-men, having abandoned their proper Function and the care of Souls, were busied in bloodying their hands, and living in the profession of Arms: That he should feel his Conscience burdened,* 1.50 if he did not let him know the danger so noble, so great a Kingdom was in, of becoming schismatical, unless some course were ta∣ken for the safety and union of it: That this seemed to him to be the duty of a good Christian and a good Catholick, not of an Heretick, nor of a favourer and promoter of Heresies: That if his Holiness had been pleased to hear his opinions concerning the dis∣cords and calamities of France, he would have told them, and submitted them to his most grave and prudent judgment; and if he would have imposed him silence, he would

have held his peace, since for his part, when his Conscience was once discharged, he intended not to pass any further.

These reasons boldly proposed by the Secretary, who was brought in by the Flo∣rentine Ambassador, made a deep impression in the Pope, who having from this man, and from the discourses of the Venetian Ambassador, comprehended many particulars, was confirmed in his opinion, either with the full consent of every one, to raise one of the Princes of the Blood unto the Crown, or else that perhaps one day he might with the honour of the Apostolick See, and the restauration of all the Orders of France, see the King of Navarre reconciled sincerely to the Church, and all the discords of the Kingdom composed in that point. But because this hope was yet weak and obscure in the uncertainty of the future, nor did he think it fit either to precipitate the natu∣ral course of things, or utterly to forsake the League, (which, if for nothing else, served at least for a spur and necessary instrument of the Kings Conversion) he resolved to persist yet in that manner of appearance he had begun, in the mean time dexterously and with convenient patience promoted the secret of his thoughts. Therefore, though in a short writing to the Cardinal of P••a••enza divulged in print, he declared that he desired a Catholick King and an Enemy to Heresie should be elected, and that he ab∣horred that one who still persevered in his errours should be admitted to the possession of the Crown, and therefore made shew to consent also to the assembling of the States, to come in the end to a good and wholsom election; yet he dispatched his Nephew the Pronotary Agucchi to the Legat himself,* 1.51 giving him secret advice to carry himself very dexterously and very cautiously, and not to suffer that in the Assembly of the States, Votes should either be forced or corrupted, but that mens wills should be free, and their voices not interessed: That he should not permit the election of a King, who was more like to kindle discords, than to put an end to the War: That he should en∣deavour no wrong might be done to any one: That that course should be taken, which by the most easie, most secure way, and with the least novelty that could be possible, might produce Peace; and that he should not be over-scrupulous, but yield what he handsomly might, to time, and the nature of affairs; and provided Religion were se∣cure, he should pass by many other considerations in the order and manner of treating: Admonishing him finally, That this was a business of so great importance, as could never be sufficiently pondered and examined; and that therefore he should keep him∣self from hasty resolutions, and from specious counsels, and that without other respect, he should aim only at the quiet of Souls, and at the service of God. The Pope be∣lieved these Instructions, without any further Declaration, would be sufficient to the prudence of the Legat, to cause moderate proceedings in the States, and to make him understand, that he should not carry the election for a Foreign King, about whose esta∣blishment, longer and more ruinous Wars would necessarily ensue, than ever yet had been; but that, if with the honour of the Apostolick See, and the Security of Reli∣gion,* 1.52 he could either establish a King of the House of Bourbon, or compose the dis∣cords with the King of Navarre, it would be a much better and more expedient de∣termination. But the Legat giving himself wholly over to the will of the Spaniards, by whom he hoped to be raised to the dignity of being Pope, (since the favourable en∣deavours of the Catholick King, being in good earnest added to the merit of his la∣bours, he thought himself in a condition to attain it) and having by his long residence in France, and by conversation with the Parisians already contracted a partiality to the League, and an enmity to the King, was either so blinded by affection, that he could not, or so drawn by his own designs, that he would not understand the Popes meaning, and therefore set himself with all his power to advance the enterprises of the Spaniards.

* 1.53But the Duke of Mayenne being by his Secretary des Portes, and by the Bishop of Lisieux, advertised in part of the Popes moderate Commissions, judged, that his mind inclined to favour him, and that those words of causing a Catholick King to be elected, who might be a Defender of the Church, and an Enemy to Hereticks, but such a one as might be established with the general approbation, without commotion or subversion, pointed at his person; and therefore firmly hoping he should have the Popes favour, and by consequence the Legats; and that the attempts of the Spaniards were not fo∣mented by them, having loosened himself from the Treaty of Peace, he turned his mind wholly upon the assembling of the States, being intent to do it in such manner, that it might succeed to the advantage, and secure establishment of his Affairs. For this purpose he had with exceeding great diligence laboured, that the Deputies who were

selected, might not be of those that were taken with the gold or promises of the Spa∣nish Ministers, but of his dependents; and where those could not be had, he at least obtained, that they should be for the most part men of good understanding, affectio∣nate to their Country, and the general good, thinking, that such would hardly con∣descend to a Foreign King, and one that was not of their own Blood. The place where this Assembly of the States was to be held remained to be resolved on; and the Spaniards, who designed at the same time when it should be convened, to make the Duke of Parma enter into France, and draw near with the Army to back and colour the Catholick Kings pretensions, desired principally, that it might be the City of Sois∣sons. The Duke of Lorain proposed the City of Rheims, (as nearest to him) from which the Spaniards did not much dissent. But President Jeannin, and the Sieur de Villeroy counselled the Duke of Mayenne to reduce the Assembly into the City of Paris, without having regard to the length of the journey, the danger of the Deputies, or to the incommodiousness and dearth of victual, to give content and satisfaction to the inhabitants thereof, who were wonderful earnest to have it so; and had need after so many calamities to be comforted and kept faithful: And moreover to make the Con∣gregation of the States more publick and more famous by the quality of the place, and not to put the Cities of Rheims or Soissons in danger; for it was considered, that the Duke of Parma coming thither, accompanied according to his custom, with strong Forces, might easily force the Assembly to his will, and make himself Master of those places, which would be hard for him to obtain in Paris, as well by reason of the great∣ness of it, and the number of the people, as because it was further from the Frontiers, and all surrounded and encompassed with the Kings Fortresses, full of strong Garisons, which upon all occasions might be called to hinder any violence that should be offered to the City, or to the States. Besides this, the City was better inclined than ever it had been in former times; for the pernicious power of the Sixteen being weakned, the Government remained in the hands of the wonted Magistrates, elected with great care by the Duke of Mayenne himself, and the Incendiaries not being there, they quie∣ted the minds of the people without those insurrections that were wont to disturb all businesses: Moreover, the Parliament residing in the City, might serve as a fit instru∣ment to treat and hinder many things.

This determination did very much displease the Spanish Ministers, and they opposed it at the first, shewing the necessity of the Duke of Parma's being there, who could not advance so far into the Kingdom, and withdraw himself so far from the Frontiers; and arguing also, that the great number of the Deputies would increase the dearth and ne∣cessity of the Parisians. But the objection concerning the Duke of Parma was remo∣ved by his death; and the interests of the Parisians was not put into consideration, for they themselves perswaded the Spaniards to desist from interposing any hindrance, be∣cause the City esteemed it to be for its advantage and profit,* 1.54 and much more for its honour and reputation, that so famous an Assembly should be made in their City, they intervening and assisting in it. The Cardinal Legat assented also to this opinion, as well not to incommodate himself with the expence of new journeys, as because he thought by the heat of the Parisians to bring the Assembly to make election of that King, who should be of greatest satisfaction to the Apostolick See, and to the inten∣tions of the King of Spain.* 1.55 Wherefore the Duke of Mayenne having left the Govern∣ment of the Army to the Sieur de Rosne, by him created Mareschal and Governour of the Isle of France, went to Paris with a small retinue, and there with his presence, and with his words laboured to comfort the afflicted people for the dearth of victual, and the interruption of commerce and trading in the City, shewing them, that within a few days there would be some course taken in the Assembly of the States, and conve∣nient order setled totally to free the City, and ease it of its present necessities; striving with liberal promises, and by honouring and cherishing every one, (especially the Ma∣gistrates of the City, and the Preachers) to gain the good will of the people, which by his late severity he feared he had wholly lost.

It was not without great reason that the Duke of Mayenne hoped at last to transfer the Crown upon himself and his Posterity;* 1.56 for considering the present estate with due regard, it was clear, that neither the Union of the Crowns, nor the Election of In∣fanta Isabella (things laboured for by the Spaniards) would ever be endured by the French, who by no kind of interest, by no kind of practice, could ever be brought to submit themselves to the Empire of their natural Enemies; and though some particular

men, corrupted with money, or by the expectation of places and honours, had accom∣modated their gust unto it; yet the general, which was more powerful, would never have been perswaded by any means: Wherefore these pretensions failing, and being excluded, he thought (and reason told him so) that the Catholick King could not con∣cur more willingly to the election of any other than his own person; since, if either the Duke of Lorain, or the Duke of Savoy should be elected (as the report went) by the party that they should make, new States and power would be added to the Crown of France, with the augmentation whereof, it was likely the Catholick King would not be well pleased, but rather that it should decrease in strength and greatness; he did not see that the Catholick King could expect to draw greater fruit from his past labours and expences, than in chusing him; who by reason of the need he should have of him to establish himself in the Kingdom, would be constrained by necessity to content him, and to condescend to many things which the rest pe••haps would not so easily consent to. The same he judged of the Pope; who, as far from interests, and full of that moderation which he made shew of, would more willingly yield to him than any other, not to deprive him of the fruit of his so great labours, considering that he alone had sustained the Catholick party, and the Cause of Religion, which no other, either by authority or prudence could have been able to sustain. He saw the French generally inclined and disposed in favour of him, by reason of his authority in the party, where∣of he had so long been the Chief; and that between the Dignity and Office he now possessed, and the full power of King, there was no other difference but the title, he already holding the administration of affairs as Lieutenant of the Crown: He knew that not one of the rest of his Family could equal himself to him, either for valour, merit, experience or authority, and that the sole shadow of his will would confound and terrifie them all. To this was added the diligence wherewith the Deputies had been elected to his advantage, the inclination of the Parliament, newly (by the punish∣ment of the Sixteen) by him restored to its being, the dependence of the Council of State, and the art of managing this design, in which Conditions all the rest were in∣comparably inferiour to him.

The s••me conceit had the Duke of Parma, who (after that his counsel of overcoming things with patience, and drawing matters out in length, was no longer hearkned to in Spain) thought the election of the Duke of Mayenne more profitable for the Catho∣lick Kings affairs than that of any other man, because he might be established with more facility, less charge, and more advantageous Conditions: wherefore he writ into Spain about it, and it appeared that in the course of the business he would have favoured his affairs, either because he so judged it profitable for King Philip as he demonstrated, or (as the other Ministers said) because he desired not that the Spanish Monarchy should increase to such a height, and come to the only one in Christendom, without counter∣poise or opposition. But his death, which happened upon the second day of Decem∣ber, in the City of Arras, after a long painful sickness, did something vary the state of things, as the Spaniards then said, to the advantage of the Catholick Kings affairs; but,* 1.57 as it appeared afterwards by the effects, to their notable damage: for the repu∣tation of his name being removed, which had already brought the humour of the French as it were into obedience, they neither much esteemed the other Spanish Commanders and Ministers; nor were the Ministers themselves equal to him either in knowledge or authority; and having conceits and opinions different from those which he pru∣dently nourished in his mind, and wherewith he had managed the business till then, they went on afterwards with such a precipice, that the Catholick Kings affairs took an impression very different from what they held at that present. But the Duke of May∣enne, with the loss of him, lost also much of his hopes; and seeing the other Ministers, particularly Diego d' Ivarra, utterly averse from him, he began to doubt he should be forced to take another resolution, and thought to guide his businesses with more art and caution than he had formerly done. Nevertheless the Convocation of the States was advanced so far, that it could no longer be deferred: and it was necessary to assemble it, as well not to break absolutely with the Spaniards, as to satisfie the Popes importuni∣ties; but most of all, because the Deputies were already elected, and many of them upon their way to Paris.

These things happened Anno 1592, in which year various fortune had with divers accidents troubled the other Provinces of the Kingdom. Monsieur de la Valette Go∣vernour of Provence, had in the beginning of the year laid siege to Rochebrune, a place held

in that Province by the Duke of Savoy; and after he had in vain battered it many days, being resolved to remove his Artillery, and plant them in another place, where he had discovered the wall to be weaker,* 1.58 and the passage to go on to the assault more easie, began new Trenches to plant his Cannon there; about which Work whilst he la∣boured in person to hasten the perfecting of it, he received a Musket-shot in the head, and being carried into his Tent, died within a few hours. A Cavalier who (having sagacity of wit, joined to valour and undauntedness of mind) had with slender For∣ces, honourably, without loss, sustained the much superiour power of the Duke of Sa∣voy. When he was dead, Provence remaining without a Governour on the Kings part, Monsieur Les Diguieres, who was wont to help in those necessities, left the care of Dauphine to Colonel Ornano, and hasted thither with his usual diligence, and having joined the Forces of that Province to his own, with infinite expedition made himself Master of all the Towns and Castles seated upon the banks of the River Vare,* 1.59 which divides Italy from France; and then having suddenly past the River, and thrown down the Fortifications raised by the Duke, to hinder the entrance into his Territories, he with wonderful terrour to the people pillaged all the Country to the very Walls of Nizza▪ and having repassed the River,* 1.60 set himself with prosperous success to take in the neighbouring Castles; yet not thinking it fit to assault either Aix, Marseilles, or the principal Cities, because he had neither Army nor preparations sufficient to undertake any of those enterprises.

But while he stays in Provence, the Kings affairs received exceeding great damage in Dauphine:* 1.61 for Monsieur de Maugiron Governour of Valence (whatsoever the occa∣sion was) agreed to put that City into the hands of the Duke of Nemours, and of his Brother the Marquiss de St. Sorlin Governour for the League in those parts; which being executed without impediment, the Duke of Nemours, intent to follow the pro∣sperity of his fortune, battered and took St. Marcellin, and after that, many other places, which being diligently fortified, had hindered the Forces of the Leagues from joining on that side with the Duke of Savoy. Wherefore Les Diguieres being by this diversion constrained to depart out of Provence, left the field open to the Duke of Savoy,* 1.62 who ha∣ving past the Vare, and recovered all the places that had been taken from him, advanced to lay siege to Antib••; which Town standing upon the Sea, and for the famousness of the Port being very considerable, was taken by him, though with difficulty and length of time.

But Les Diguieres being returned into Dauphine, removed him out of Provence by diversion, as he by the means of the Duke of Nemours had been diverted before: for having rallied an Army rather good and expert than numerous, he resolved to pass the Alps, and carry the War into Piedmont; and having overcome Mount Geneure, the or∣dinary Pass to conduct Armies on that side of the mountains, he enlarged himself along the valley of Perosa and the Marquesate of Saluzzo, with so much noise and terrour to the people, that the Duke leaving the charge of Provence to Count Fr••ncesco Martinen∣go, was forced to come to remedy the destruction of his Country. The quality of the place steep and mountainous, begirt with rocks and clifts, and encompassed round about with the Alps, especially in a season when Winter in those parts was already growing on, (for it was about the end of September) hindered the progress of Arms, and did not suffer the Armies to encounter with all their Forces: and yet the French having taken Perosa, and the Tower of Luserne, advanced as far as Briqueras; and having had intelligence that the Dukes Commanders gathered part of their Army at Vigone, resolved to assault the Camp before all their Forces were drawn together: so having advanced by marching all night, upon the fourth of October in the morning they sud∣denly assaulted the Town; where, by reason of the difficulty of the situation, and the resistance of the defendents, the toil was long, and the conflict dangerous; yet the Sa∣voyards being but few, and the place of it self but weak, they were defeated, six hun∣dred Souldiers slain, many Commanders taken, and ten Colours of Foot; and the French being returned victorious to Briq••eras, began with wonderful diligence to forti∣fie that place, which being made defensible by the forcing all the men of those quar∣ters to work, they left a good Garison in it, and advanced toward Saluzzo, (at such time as the Duke was already come with his whole Army to Villa Franc••) and having no more important enterprise to attempt, applied themselves to take Cavors, a mountainous place defended by a very strong Tower, situated just above it: but while they with art and industry strive to get near it, and to plant the Artillery, the Duke passing another

way, marched by night to assault Briqueras, judging that the Works not being yet fi∣nished, it would not be very hard to get it from the Enemy; and it being taken, they remained invironed in such manner, that in the narrow Passes of that Valley they might easily be defeated: but he found a brisker resistance than he expected; where∣fore, after a most fierce assault of four hours, he resolved to retire, knowing that the French were so near, that it could not be long before they came to relieve their men▪ which proved very true: for Monsieur Les Diguieres, leaving the place besieged, which was but little, and might be blocked up with a few, went with the rest of the Army whither he was guided by the noise of the shot, which ratled aloud among the moun∣tains: but having found the Duke was departed from Briqueras, he resolved to follow him speedily; and having overtaken his Reer-guard near a Village, as they were pas∣sing a certain Rivulet, assaulted it so violently, that he disordered the last Squadrons of Cavalry. The rest of the Army made a halt, and skirmished furiously for many hours, till being all tired out, and the night drawing on, the Duke retreated to Vigone, and Les Diguieres returned to Cavors, where the Tower and Castle being extreamly batter∣ed, at last surrendered; and he having over-run and pillaged those Valleys, being hin∣dered by the Snow and the coldness of the weather from proceeding to other enter∣prises, marched back into Dauphine about the end of December.

* 1.63But the Duke of Espernon was come into Provence; who having heard of his Bro∣thers death, and being desirous to keep that Province, the Government whereof had been given him by King Henry the Third, in which he had substituted the Sieur de la Valette, went thither with all his Forces, and without much dispute recovered Antibo, and reduced into his power all the Towns as far as the River Vare, which by reason of their weakness were a prey sometimes to the one side, sometimes to the other; and though many in the Province, even of those that were of the Kings party, did not fol∣low him; yet he trusting to the Forces he had brought, applied himself diligently to subject all the Towns to the obedience of his Government.

* 1.64The Kings affairs went on also prosperously in the Provinces of Guascogne and Lan∣guedoc; for Antoine Scipion, Duke of Joyeuse, Brother to Anne, who was slain in the Battel of Coutras, and chief Commander for the League in that Province, having ob∣tained many Victories, taken many places, and made his name formidable in those quarters, had at last besieged Villemur, a Fortress not far from Montauban, with a de∣sign as soon as he had taken it, and spoiled all the Country about, to strengthen also Montauban it self, the secure receptacle, and for many late years the setled standing quarter of the Hugonots. But the Duke of Espernon passing at the same time with his Army to go into Provence, and having stept a little out of his way to relieve that place, Joyeuse knowing himself inferiour in strength, arose from the siege, and went to the Towns of his own party, till the Duke of Espernon being gone on his journey, he thought he might opportunely venture to Villemur, and prosecute his begun design.

* 1.65There were in Villemur Three hundred Foot, a very weak Garison to sustain so sharp a siege; wherefore Monsieur de Temines who was in Montauban, being resolved not to suffer the besieged to perish without relief, went from thence with Two hundred Fire-locks, an hundred and twenty Cuirassiers, and a select number of Gentlemen, by ways that were not ordinary, and thorow secret uneven passages got into the place, desi∣ring rather to labour in the defence of Villemur, than when it was lost to be put to de∣fend the Walls of Montauban. The Duke of Joyeuse having taken the Outworks, and made his approaches to the Moat, planted Eight pieces of Cannon, and with them battered the Wall very furiously, and not failing in any thing that was the part of a valiant diligent Commander, being abundantly furnished from Tholouse with those things that belong unto a siege, straitned it in such manner, that the danger was al∣ready urgent, and a speedy resolution was necessary, either to relieve the besieged, or let them perish: Whereupon Henry d' Anville, Duke of Momorancy, Governour for the King in that Province, not willing to receive that affront before his own face, gathered the Forces he had together, and having called to his assistance the Gentry of Au∣vergne which were near, dispatched Monsieur de Lacques, and with him the Sieurs de Chambaut and Montoyson, to the end, they might endeavour either to raise the siege, or to relieve the Town with powerful assistance some other way. These made their Rendezvous at Bellegarde; which the Duke of Joyeuse having heard, left his Infan∣try to continue the siege, and he himself with the Cavalry, and a certain number of Fire-locks, ran fiercely to assault them. The encounter at the first was hot and furious,

whereupon they of the King's side began to be put in disorder; but Lecques having caused two Culveri••s to give fire, as also two other lesser Pieces, which they had ta∣ken out of Montauban, stopt the assailants in such sort, that at last they drew off with∣out having wrought any further effect, and the Duke of Joyeuse returned to his quar∣ter, continuing the siege with so much security, and so much contempt, that he quarter∣ed his Cavalry scatteringly in the Villages about, to the end, that in the sterility of that Country, they might be more commodiously furnished. But the Viscount de Gor∣don being come to assist them of the King's party, they being increased in courage and in strength, (for they had One thousand eight hundred Horse, and little less than four thousand Foot) resolved suddenly to fall upon the Dukes Trenches, judging, that if the besieged (as they promised themselves from the valor of Monsieur de Temines) should sally upon them on the other side, they might easily pass through the Trenches, and put relief into the place. With this design,* 1.66 being (upon the Nineteenth of De∣cember at night) entered into a Wood, which largely spreading it self, reaches near to Villemur, they arrived so unexpect••••ly the next morning to assault the Duke of Joyeuse his Camp, that they entered the first Trenches, before those that negligently guarded them, had time to stand to their Arms. The Duke having heard of the enemies coming, and the flight of his Guards, sent Two hundred Harquebusiers on horse-back before, to hold the enemy in play, and giving sign by Three Cannon-shot to his Cavalry to hasten to the Camp, stood firm with his Forces in Battalia between the first and second Trench, to receive the assault of the Royallists, who encouraged by the prosperity of that beginning, charged them valiantly, and were no less fiercely received. The conflict lasted with great uncertainty of the Victory for the space of an hour and an half; but in the mean time,* 1.67 Monsieur de Temines with the greater part of the Garrison, sallying at the Skitgates of the Fortress, and having drawn up a small, but a valiant Squadron, fell upon the Rere of the Dukes main Body, which hardly made any resistance; so that not being able to sustain the violence on both sides, the Infantry took flight, and ran without stop, to pass over a Bridge, which for the conve∣niency of the Camp they had caused to be made of Boats over the River Tar: But the Bridge being weak, and the croud exceeding great, it broke under so great a weight and the men upon it in a miserable confusion were all drowned. The Duke, who be∣ing got upon a Pad-nag, had used all the endeavors of a good Commander to stop his men, made his retreat with a few Gentlemen, still fighting till he came to the bank of the River, where he found the Bridge already broken, and his men drowned; where∣upon, being nessitated to pass the River upon the same Nag, he was carried away by the Water, by reason of the weakness of his Horse, and for haste to get over, fell in∣to the midst of the stream, and was drowned with no less misfortune, than his Forces had perished in their flight. In the mean time the Cavalry was got together at the warning of the three Cannon shot▪ but the General being dead, and their Trenches taken every where, they endeavoured to save the relicks of them that fled, and retired without troubling the Enemy. Thus the Camp of the League being routed, with the loss of a Thousand men, Two and twenty ••nsigns, and all their Artillery, Villemur re∣mained free from the siege, and the Kings Forces much superior in that Province.

But matters proceeded very differently in Bretagne. The Prince of Conty, Comman∣der in chief of the Army in Poictou, and the Country of Maine, was joyned for the de∣fence of the Kings party with the Prince of Dombes, Governor of Bretagne,* 1.68 and they had joyntly resolved to besiege Craon, a great strong Town seated upon the Confine that divides Bretagne from the other Neighbouring Provinces; in which, there being a very great Garrison, it over-ran and pillaged all the Country about. Wherefore, ha∣ving gathered together all their Forces, they set themselves about this enterprise; one on the one side, and the other on the other side of the River, which running through the midst of the City, divides it into two parts; but as it commonly comes to pass, that where more than one General commands in Armies, things alwayes go on, not onely slow and coldly, but also disorderly and confusedly, the siege very hopefully begun, was delaid and protracted so long, that the Duke of Mercoeur had time to draw his Forces together to relieve that place, as he much desired: For which purpose, having sent for the Spaniards from Blavet, and gathered together all his Horse and the Gentry of the Country, having also raised Two thousand Breton Firelocks, he marched with speed toward Craon, at the time when the Prince of Conti having diverted the wa∣ter out of the Moat on his side, and the Prince of Dombes battering fiercely on the

other, the besieged were brought in danger of not being able to make good the first as∣saults. At the Dukes advancing, the Princes not judging it good for their Armies to be divided, with the River between them, resolved, That the Prince of Dombes should repass the River, and joyn with the Prince of Conti in the same quarter, which was done before the Enemies arrival; but with so little circumspection, that not to de∣prive themselves of the conveniency of repassing the River, either through inadver∣tency, carelesness, and something else, they left the Bridge standing, and very weakly guarded, which they had made upon Boats over the River about a League below the Town.* 1.69 The Prince being past over, and the Armies reunited, they desired to free themselves from the incumbrance of their great Artillery; wherefore having without loss of time drawn them off from the Wall, they sent them before to Chasteau Gontier, whither they had designed to retire, and their great shot, which by reason of the num∣ber of them, and their haste, they could not carry away, they buried in divers places to hide them from the Enemy. But the Duke de Mercoeur, who finding the Bridge en∣tire, had speedily past the River without resi••••••nce, marching in gallant order, advan∣ced so quickly, that the Princes had scarcely raised their Camp, and set the Army in Battalia to draw off, when the Sieur de Bois-Dauphin, who led the Vanguard of the League, appeared in the Field, and began to send forth his Light-horse toward them. Many of the most expert Commanders, and particularly Charles of Montmorancy, Lord d' Anville, condemned the Counsel of retiring in sight of the Enemy, arguing, that there was no example of any such resolution, but had ever been pernicious to Armies; it not being possible but that the one should retire with terror and disorder, and the other advance with violence and boldness: wherefore they were of opinion, that stand∣ing firm in the Post they held, and drawing, (if they had so much time) a Trench before the front of the Army, they should stoutly expect the enemies assault; and that recalling the Artillery, which was not gone very far, they should turn furiously against them. The Prince of Dombes did in great part assent to this advice; but the Prince of Conty, superiour in authority and years, and who commanded in chief, be∣cause he was upon the confines of his own Government, sent to tell him that he should retire, according to the order already appointed, because, being inferiour in Force, he would not endanger that Army and all the neighbouring Countries: wherefore march∣ing before with the Vanguard led by Hercule de Rohan Duke of Montbason, and with the Battel which he himself commanded, he left order that the Prince of Dombes should come after with the Rere-guard: but he, straitened and followed at the heels by the Enemies Cavalry (for, not onely their Van-guard pressed him, but also the Duke of Mercoeur with the whole Forces had overtaken him) was at last constrained to stand, and facing about, to close up against▪ the Enemy, whose boldness he repressed for a while, till, being surrounded with so much a greater number, and being forsaken by his men, after he had shewed all the proofs of a valiant resolute Commander, he was fain (being in a manner left alone) to retire,* 1.70 quitting the passage to the Enemy, who fierce∣ly prosecuting the course of their Victory, fell upon the Infantry, which retired very disorderly, by reason of the narrowness of the wayes: whereupon, without so much as making the least shew of defending themselves, they were destroyed and dissipated in a very short space, there being an exceeding great slaughter made of them by the Light∣horse and the Spanish Foot. The Prince of Conty, without ever turning his face, came with his Cavalry untouched to Chasteau Gontier in the evening, whither the Prince of Dombes came up to him a while after, with no more but Eleven Horse. The Artillery left upon the way by those that had the charge of conducting it, fell all into the Ene∣mies hands; and the Gentry, as soon as they were come safe into a place where they could not be pursued, disbanded of themselves, and every one severally betook himself to the security of his own house. This defeat, which happened the Three and twen∣tieth of May, weakned the King's Forces in those parts so much, that not onely Cha∣steau Gontier being quitted by the Princes who retired further into the Country, but also Maine and Laval, with all the neighbouring places, came into the power of the League. The Prince of Conty retired into the Country of Maine, and the Prince of Dombes by a different way went back to Rennes; and the English, wounded and dis∣armed, got into the Suburbs of Vitre, leaving the possession of the field for many dayes to the Duke de Mercoeur.

The Marescal d•• Aumont was already appointed by the King to be Governor of Bre∣tagne: for the Prince (whom from henceforth we will call Duke of Montpensier▪)

had already succeeded his father in the Government of Normandy, and for his Lieute∣nant had chosen Francois de Espinay Sieur de St▪ Luc, a man, who, by the readiness of his wit, the ornaments of learning, and his valour in Arms, was risen to a very high estimation; who, having gathered Forces from all parts, and made a levy of Foot in the Country of Brouage, of which place St. Luc was Governor, hastened their coming, be∣cause the Duke of Mercoeur having taken the Castle of Malestroit, prepared himself to be∣siege Vitre, a considerable Town, in the conservation whereof the sum of affairs consist∣ed. The King's Commanders having drawn their Forces together, at their first coming besieged Mayne, a City more great than strong; and having gotten it upon conditions, stood doubtful whether they should pass forward to meet the D. of Mercoeur, or stay to attempt Rochefort, a wonderful strong place, which did incommodate all the places there∣about, and particularly the City of Angiers. At last, at the importunity of the people, and of the Gentlemen that followed them, they resolved to try what they could do upon that place: but the taking of it proved so difficult, being defended by the Sieur de St Offange, that after Two thousand and five hundred Cannon-shot, and the loss of much time, and the best Soldiers of the Army, the rains of Autumne falling, and the Duke of Mercoeur's relief drawing near, they were at last constrained to rise without ha∣ving obtained their intent. But the Duke having held the Enemy in suspence, by ta∣king several ways, and by making shew of turning, sometimes to one place, sometimes to another, came suddenly to Quintin, whither 700 Germans were gotten, who were un∣der the command of the D. of Montpensier in those parts; and having found them un∣provided of those things which were requisite to make a long defence, he forced them to yield, with express conditions to go out of the Province, and not to serve any more against him; a thing which proved very hurtful to the King's affairs; for he had no Foot that were more forward, more expert, nor better disciplined than they.

The loss of the King's party was augmented by the defeat of the English who being (as they still are wont) afflicted with grievous diseases, and brought to a very weak estate, had obtained leave of the Duke of Montpensier to go to Danfront in lower Nor∣mandy, to change the air, and to recover their strength by rest: but being set upon in the way by the Sieur de Bois-Dauphin, with the Garrisons of Laval, Craon, Fougeres, and of the near adjacent places, they were so shattered, that of so great a number, hard∣ly 200 remained alive.

On the contrary, the affairs of the League in Lorain went on unsuccessfully: for, while the Duke of Bouillon, who had taken Stenay with a Petard, and possessed some lesser places, at last went to relieve Beaumont, besieged by Monsieur d' Amblise General for the Duke of Lorain: the Armies encountred fiercely, and the Lorainers losing their Trenches and Artillery, were utterly routed and dispersed: after which business, the Duke of Bouillon took Dun suddenly, by having likewise fastened a Petard to the gate; and overrunning all the Country without hinderance, had put the Forces of the League in very great confusion.

In this condition of affairs began the year 1593, the general dispositions of mens mindes, as well of the one side as the other, being more inclined to the setling of af∣fairs, than to the management of Armes. The first novelty of this year▪ was the Duke of Mayenne's Declaration, made from the December before, but not published before the fifth of January; in which, making known his intention in assembling the States of his party, he prayed and exhorted the Catholicks that followed the King's party to unite themselves to the same end with him, and to take some course for the safety and peace of the Kingdom. It was of the tenour following.

CHarles of Loraine, Duke of Mayenne,* 1.71 Lieutenant-General of the State and Crown of France, To all persons present and to come, Greeting. The inviolable and perpetual observance which this Kingdom hath had of Religion and piety, hath been that, which hath made it flourish above all others in Christendome, and which hath caused our Kings to be honoured with the name of Most-Christian, and First Sons of the Church; some of them having, to obtain that so glorious Title, past the Seas, and gone as far as the utmost bounds of the earth, with most powerful Armies, to make War against the Infidels; and others of them, fought often against those that sought to introduce new Sects and Errors contrary to the faith and belief of our fore-fa∣thers: in all which Expeditions, they were alwayes accompanied by the Nobi∣lity▪ who voluntarily exposed their lives and fortunes to all dangers, to have

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part in that onely true and solid glory of having helped to conserve Religion in their Country,* 1.72 or to establish it in places far remote, where the Name and Worship of our Lord was not yet known: from whence not onely the fame of the valour and zeal of the whole Nation resounds in all parts, but by the example of it, other Potentates have been stirred up to follow in the honour and danger of so worthy enterprises, and of so laudable atchievements. After this ardor, the holy intention of our Kings, and of their Subjects, was not at all cooled nor changed, till these last dayes that Heresie hath been secretly introduced into this Kingdom, and increased in such manner, by the means which every one knows, that there is now no more need to set before our eyes, that we are at last fallen into so lamentable a misfortune, that the Catholicks themselves, whom the Union of the Church ought inseparably to joyn together, have, by a new prodigi∣ous example taken Arms against one another, and disunited themselves in stead of joyning together for the defence of their Religion: Which we judge to be come to pass by the wicked impressions and wonted artifices Hereticks have made use of, to persuade them, that this War is not for Religion, but to destroy and usurp the State; though we have taken Arms, being moved thereunto by so just a grief, or rather being constrained by so great a necessity, that the cause thereof cannot be ascribe d to any others, than the authors of the most wicked, disloyal and pernicious counsel that was ever given to a Prince; though the King's death happened by a blow from Heaven, and by the hand of one man alone, without the help or knowledge of those that had but too much cause to desire it; and notwithstanding we had made protestation that all our aim and desire tended onely to preserve the State, to follow the Laws of the King∣dom, by acknowledging for King the Cardinal of Bourbon, the nearest and first Prince of the Blood, declared so to be in the life-time of the late King, by his Letters-Patents, verified in all the Parliaments, and in that quality designed his Successor, in case he should die without male-children, which obliged us to confer that honor upon him, and yield him all kind of obedience, fidelity, and service, as our intention was to do, if it had pleased God to free him from the captivity he was in: And if the King of Na∣varre, from whom alone he could hope for that good, had been pleased (obliging all Catholicks) to set him at liberty, to acknowledge himself as King, and to stay till Na∣ture had brought his dayes to an end, making use of that occasion to cause himself to be instructed, and to reconcile himself to the Holy Church, he should have found all the Catholicks united, and disposed to yield him the same obedience and fidelity, after the death of the King his Uncle. But he persevering in his Errors, it was not possible to do it, if he would remain under the obedience of the Apostolick Roman Church, which had excommunicated him▪ and deprived him of all the rights he could pretend to the Crown: Besides that, by so doing, we should have broken and violated that antient custom, so religiously kept for so many ages, and through the succession of so many Kings, from Clouis till this present, not to acknowledge any King in the Royal Throne, who was not a Catholick, and Obedient Son of the Church, and who had not pro∣mised and sworn at his Consecration, and at his receiving the Crown and Scep∣ter, that he would live and die in it, defend and maintain it, and extirpate Here∣sie with his utmost Forces; the first Oath of our Kings, whereupon that of the obe∣dience and fidelity of their Subjects is grounded, and without which (so zealous they were in Religion) they would never have acknowledged that Prince, who pre∣tended by the Laws, to be called unto the Crown. A Custom judged so holy and ne∣cessary for the welfare and good of the Kingdom, by the States held at Blois in the year 1566, when the Catholicks were not yet divided in the defence of their Religion, that it was by them held as the principal and fundamental Law of the State, and it was established by the Kings will and authority, that two of every Order should be deputed and sent to the K. of Navar, and the Prince of Conde, to represent unto them from the States, the danger they put themselves in, by forsaking the Holy Church, and to exhort them to reconcile themselves unto it, and to denounce unto them, that in case they did not, if they should chance to succeed unto the Crown, they should be perpetually ex∣cluded as incapable. Nor is the Declaration which was afterward made at Rouen in the year 1588. confirmed in the Convocation of the States last held at Blois, that this an∣tient Law and Custom should be inviolably observed, as a Fundamental Law of the Kingdom, any thing else but a simple approbation of the judgment given upon that point by the foregoing States, against which he cannot object any just suspi∣cion to condemn or reject their opinion and authority. So the late King received it for

a Law, and promised and swore to the observing of it in his Church,* 1.73 and upon the precious Body of our Lord; as likewise all the Deputies of the States did in the last Assembly, not onely before those inhumane murthers which made it infamous and fa∣tal; but also afterward, when he no longer feared those that were dead, and when he despised those that remained, whom he held for lost, and in despair of all safety, having done it, because he knew himself to be bound and obliged to it by right, as all superiors are to follow and conserve the Laws, which are as the principal Pillars, or rather the Foundations of their State. Therefore the Catholicks of the Vnion can∣not be justly blamed, who have followed the Decrees of the holy Church, the exam∣ple of their Ancestors, and the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, which do require the profession of the Catholick Faith, as an essential and necessary quality in that Prince that aspires to the Crown by being next of blood, because he is King of a King∣dom which is gained to Jesus Christ by the power of the Gospel, which it hath receiv∣ed so many ages since, and in the form as it is Preached in the Roman Catholick Apo∣stolick Church.

These reasons have made us hope (though some appearance of duty retained many Catholicks with the late King) that after his death, Religion, the strongest bond of all other to joyn men together, would unite them all for the defence of that, which ought to be more dear to them than life: But against all humane belief, we see the contrary is come to pass; for it was easie in that sudden moment to perswade them, That we were guilty of his death, of which we never so much as thought; That honor obliged them to assist the King of Navar, who published, that he would revenge it, and promised them that he would turn Catholick within six months; and being once engaged in it, the injuries which Civil War produces, the prosperous successes which he hath had, and the same calumnies which the Hereticks have continued to publish against us, are the true causes that have kept him in it till this present, and that have given the Hereticks means to proceed so far, that Religion and the State are in manifest danger thereby. And though we long foresaw the mischief this division would bring, that it would be the cause of establishing▪ Heresie with the Blood and Arms of the Catholicks, and that this could onely be hindered by our Reconciliation, which we for this end have sought with so much earnestness; yet hath it never been in our power to attain it; so much have mens mindes been transported and possessed with passion, that they have hindered us from using the means of our own safety. We have often caused them to be entreated, that they would enter into conferences with us, as we offered to do with them, to take some course in the business. We have caused to be declared, both to them, and to the King of Navar himself, upon some proposition made for the quiet of the Kingdom, That if leaving his error, he would reconcile himself to the Church, to his Holiness, and to the most holy See, by a true••un∣feigned conversion, and by actions that might give testimony of his zeal toward our Religion, we would most willingly have added our obedience, and all that is in our power, to help to put an end to our miseries, and would have proceeded with such candor and sincerity, that none should justly have been able to doubt, but that such was our true intention. These overtures and Declarations have been made at such times, when we were in greatest prosperity, and had means to undertake greater matters, if we had had such a thought in our mind, rather than to serve the publick, and seek the general quiet. To which he answered (as it is known to every one) that he would not be forced by his Subjects, calling the Prayers that were made unto him to return into the Church, by the name of force, which he ought rather to have taken in good part, and as a wholesome admonition which represented to him his duty, to which the greatest Kings are no less obliged, than the meanest persons of all the Earth; for when a man hath once received Christianity in the true Church (which is ours, whose authority we will not put in doubt with any whosoever) he can no more go out of it, than a Soldier enrolled can depart from the Fidelity which he hath promised and sworn to, without being held for a desertor and violator of the Laws of God and the Church. He likewise added to the said Answer, That when once he should be obeyed and acknowledged by all his Subjects, he would cause himself to be instructed in a free general Council; as if Councils were necessary to condemn an error so often reprobated by the Church, especially by the last Council of Trent, as solemn and authentick as any other that hath been celebrated these many ages. And God having permitted that he should have the advantag••, after the winning of a Battel the

the same Prayer was reiterated,* 1.74 not by us who were not then in a condition to do it; but by persons of honor, desirous of the publick good and repose of the Kingdom, as it hapned likewise in the siege of Paris, by Prelates of great authority, who moved by the Prayers of the besieged, disposed themselves to go unto him to find some remedy for their miseries. At which time, if it had been resolved, or rather, if the Holy Ghost, without whom none can enter into his Church, had so put into his mind, he might have caused the Catholicks to hope much better of his conversion, who justly do suspect a sudden change, and are sensible in a thing that so nearly touches the honor of God, their lives and consciences, which can never be secure under the dominion of Hereticks. But, the hope he then was in, to subdue Paris, and by consequence with the terror of his Arms, and the means which he promised to himself he should find in it, to possess the rest of the Kingdom by force, made him reject that Counsel of recon∣ciling himself to the Church, which might have united the Catholicks, and preserved Religion. But after that the City was freed, by the help of the Princes and Lords, of a good number of the Gentry of the Kingdom, and of the Army of the Catholick King (who hath alwayes with his Forces upheld this Cause (for which we are most obliged to him) sent under the Command of the Duke of Parma, a Prince of happy memory, sufficiently known by the reputation of his name, and of his great deserts, he ceased not nevertheless to enter into his first hopes, because this forraign Army, assoon as it had raised the siege, went out of the Kingdom; and he having commanded his own par∣ty, drew together a great Army, wherewith he made himself Master of the field, and then caused openly to be published without dissembling it, that it was a crime for any to intreat him, or speak to him about Conversion, before they had acknowledged him, and taken the Oath of obedience and fidelity to him; that we were obliged to lay down our Arms, to present our selves before him so naked, so disarmed, to beseech him, and to give him absolute power upon our lives and fortunes, and upon Religi∣on it self, to use it or abuse it as he pleased, by our baseness putting it in eminent dan∣ger; whereas by the authority and means of the holy See, the help of the Catholick King and other Potentates, who assist and favour this cause, we have alwayes hoped that God would be so merciful to us, as to preserve it; who all would have had no∣thing more to do in our affairs, if we had once acknowledged him; and this quarrel of Religion would have been decided with two much advantage to Hereticks, between him the Head and Protector of Heresie, armed with our obedience, and the whole Forces of the Kingdom; and us, who should have had nothing to resist him, but bare weak supplications, addressed to a Prince, more desirous to hear them, than to provide for them.

But how unjust soever this will is, and though the following of it is the true means to ruine Religion; yet among those Catholicks that assist him, many have suffered themselves to be perswaded, that it is rebellion to oppose him, and that we ought ra∣ther to obey his Commands, and the Laws of that temporal policy, which he would establish anew against the ancient Laws of the Kingdom, than the Decrees of the holy Church, and the Laws of his Predecessors, from the succession of whom he pretends to the Crown, who never taught us to acknowledge Hereticks, but on the contrary to reject them, and make War against them, and not to hold any to be more just and necessary than it, though it be exceeding dangerous. Here let * 1.75 us remember, that he himself often took Arms against our Kings, to introduce a new Doctrine into the Kingdom: That many defamatory Books and Writings were made and published a∣gainst those that opposed it, and counselled to extinguish the growing evil betimes, while it was yet weak: That then, he would needs have his Arms to be believed just, because for matter of Religion and Conscience; and that we defend an ancient Religi∣on received into this Kingdom assoon as it began, and with which this Crown grew till it became the first and most potent of all Christendom; which we know very well can∣not be kept pure, inviolable, and without danger under a Heretick King, though at first, to make us lay down our Arms, and make him absolute Master, he dissemble and promise the contrary. Late examples, reason, and that which we find every day, ought to make us wise, and teach us, that Subjects willingly follow the life, customs, nay and even the Religion of their Kings, to maintain themselves in their favour, and to have share in the Honors and Benefits which they alone can distribute; and that after they have cor∣rupted some with their favours, they have alwayes means to constrain the rest by their power and authority. We are all men, and that which hath once been accounted

lawful, though it were not, shall afterwards be so again for another cause which shall appear to us no less just than the first that made us erre. Many Catholicks have thought, that for some consideration they might follow an Heretick Prince, and assist to establish him; nor hath the sight of the ruine of Churches, of Altars, and of the Mo∣numents of their fathers whereof many died fighting to destroy the Heresie which they maintain) nor the present nor future danger of Religion, been able to divert them. How much more suspected ought his Forces and adherents be to us, if he already were esta∣blished King and absolute Master? since that in such a case, every one would be so afflicted and tired, or rather ruined with the late unhappy War, that, provided they might but live secure in repose, and also with some hope of reward, they would chuse rather to suffer any kind of trouble, than make opposition with danger. Some are of opi∣nion, that in a such case all the Catholicks would unite themselves unanimously to con∣serve Religion, and that therefore it would be an easie matter to interrupt the design of whosoever should attempt Innovations. Certainly we ought to desire that happi∣ness; but yet we dare not hope it on such a sudden: but admit that, the fire being ex∣tinguished, there should in one instant remain no heat in the embers; and that, Arms being laid down, all our hatred likewise should be quite extinct; yet it is most certain, we should not therefore be exempt from all other passions which sometimes make us run into errors; and that the danger would always hang over our heads, of being (in spite of us) subject to the motions and passions of Hereticks, who finding that they had the ad∣vantage of having a King of their own Religion, which is as much as they desire, would, by force or art, do whatsoever they had a minde to. And if the Catholicks at this pre∣sent would well consider the actions that proceed from their advice, they might see it clearly enough: for the best Cities and Fortresses that are taken, are put into their power, and into the hands of persons who have at all times shewed themselves favourers of them. The Catholicks that reside in them, are every day accused and convicted of suppo∣sed crimes, the sole, but concealed cause thereof being onely the opposition which hi∣therto they have made against their designs, which they by a false name call Rebellion. The principal Offices fall into their hands, and it is already come even unto the Crown. The Bulls of our Lord Gregory the Fourteenth, and Clement the Eighth, full of holy Precepts, and fatherly admonitions given to the Catholicks, to separate them from Hereticks, have not onely been rejected, but with all contempt trampled upon by Magistrates, who unjustly give themselves the name of Catholicks: for if they were such indeed, they would never abuse the simplicity of those that are so. For to make use of the example of things done in this Kingdom, at such a time when the busi∣ness was about introducing matters that were against the liberty and priviledge of the Gallique-Church, is very different from our case, the Kingdom never having been re∣duced to so great an unhappiness (since it received the Faith) as to endure an Here∣tick-Prince, or to see any of that quality pretend right unto it: and if they thought those Bulls had any difficulties in them, they, being Catholicks, ought to have proceed∣ed by Remonstrances, and with that respect and modesty which is due unto the Holy See, and not with so much contempt, and so many blasphemies and impieties as they did: but perchance they thereby intended to shew those, who know how to be better Catholicks, that small reckoning is to be made of the Head of the Holy Church, to the end that they may afterward be so much the more easily excluded. In evil, men proceed by degrees; they alwayes begin with that which either is not evil, or at least is evil in a lower degree; the next day they rise higher, and at last arrive at the top of all. Thence it is that we know God to be highly incensed against this poor desolate King∣dom, and that he will yet punish us for our sins, since that so many actions, which tend to the ruine of our Religion, have not been able to bend them, nor the many and often repeated Declarations made by us (especially within these few dayes) that we will re∣fer our selves in all things to what it should please his Holiness and the holy See to determine concerning the King of Navarr's Conversion, if God gave him the grace to leave his errors; which Declarations ought certainly to give undoubted testimony of our innocency and sincerity, and justifie our Arms as necessary for our own safety. Yet they forbear not to publish, that the Princes united for the defence of Religion, tend onely to the ruine and destruction of the State; though their actions, and the Propo∣sitions made by the common consent of them all, especially of the greatest that assist us, be the true and most secure means to take away the cause and means from whosoever should aspire to it. The Hereticks have nothing else to lay hold of, but

the Catholick King's relief, which they complain of, and look upon with an evil eye, and would take us to be better Frenchmen, if we would forbear making use of it; or to say better more easie to be overcome, if we were disarmed. To which it shall suffice us to answer them, that Religion afflicted and put into exceeding great danger in this Kingdom, had need to find out that support, that we are bound to publish this obli∣gation, and to remember it for ever; and that imploring the aid of so great a King, an Ally and Confederate of this Crown, he hath not required any thing from us; and we likewise on our parts have not made any Treaty with any whosoever within or without the Kingdom, in diminution of the Greatness and Majesty of the State, for the conservation whereof we would precipitate our selves willingly into all kind of dangers, so it were not to make an He••etick master of it; a wickedness which we ab∣hor, as the greatest and most abominable of all others. And if the Catholicks who assist them could but lay aside this passion, depart from Hereticks, and joyn themselves, not with us, but with the Cause of our Religion, and in common seek remedies to preserve it, and to provide for the safety of the State, we should without doubt, find the conservation of both, and it would not be in the power of him that had an ill in∣tention, thereby to prejudice the State, nor to make use of so holy a Cause, as of a spe∣cious, but unjust pretence, to gain honor and authority. We therefore beseech and conjure them in the name of God, and of this very Church (wherein we protest we will alwayes live and die) to separate themselves from Hereticks, and consider, that while we are opposit to one another, we cannot take any remedy that will not be dan∣gerous, and such as will make this whole State suffer very much before it can do any good at all: Whereas on the contrary, our reconciliation will make every thing easie, and will quickly make an end of our miseries. And to the end, that as well the Prin∣ces of the Blood, as the Officers of the Crown, and others, may not at all be kept back or hindered from applying themselves to so good a work, out of a doubt that they shall not be respected, acknowledged, and honoured by us, and the other Princes and Lords of this party according to their merit; We promise upon our faith and honor, provided they separate themselves from the Hereticks, that we will do it sincerely, as∣suring them, that they shall find the same respect and reverence from us and them that follow us. But we beseech them to do it speedily, and cut the knots of so ma∣ny difficulties which cannot be disentangled, if they forsake not all things to serve God and his holy Church, and if they lay not before their eyes, that Religion ought to pass before all other respects and considerations, and that prudence is no longer to be so called, when it makes us forget our first obligation. And, to proceed with more mature advice, we give them to understand, that we have prayed the Princes, Peers of France, Prelates, Lords, and Deputies of the Parliaments, and of the Cities and Towns of this party, that they would be at the City of Paris upon the Seventeenth day of the moneth of January next, to chuse joyntly, without passion or regard of the inte∣rest of any whosoever, the Remedy which we shall judge in Conscience to be most pro∣fitable for the conservation of Religion and the State. To which place, if they shall think fit to send any body to make ove••tures there, which may conduce to so great a good, they shall find all security, shall be heard with attention, and with a desire to content them. But if our earnest request made unto them, that they should lend an hand to this reconciliation, and the near and inevitable danger of the ruine of this State, have not power sufficient over them, to excite them to have a care of the com∣mon safety, and that we be constrained, because of our being abandoned by them, to have recourse to extraordinary remedies against our intention and desire; We protest before God and Men, that the blame shall be attributed to them, and not to the United Catholicks, who have laboured with all their power to preserve this common Cause with good intelligence, and agreeing minds, and with the counsel of themselves, wherein if they would labour with good affections, the hope of a compleat quiet would be near, and we all secure that the Catholicks united together against the Hereticks, their ancient enemies, (whom they have been accustomed to overcome) would quick∣ly see an end of the War. We also pray the Gentlemen of the Parliaments of this Kingdom to cause these presents to be published and registred, to the end they may be known to all, and that the perpetual remembrance of them may remain to after times, for the discharge of us, and of the Princes, Peers of France, Prelates, Lords, Gentle∣men, Cities and Corporations, who have united themselves together for the conser∣vation of their Religion.

With this form of Declaration, though the Duke of Mayenne strengthned his pre∣tensions very much, and wonderfully defended the cause of his party, yet did he not engage himself to the election of a new King, but holding things in equal balance, left himself a way open, that upon opportunity he might take any resolution whatsoever time should advise, and the quality of affairs permit; for being much diminished in his hopes by the Duke of Parma's death, by the Union which he saw between the Le∣gat and the Spanish Ministers, who he knew hated his person, and by the concurrence of the Dukes of Guise and Nemours, who were not likely to be faulty to themselves, he intended not to attempt the election of himself, and of his posterity, except in case it should seem to him not only that he might be able to effect it, by the number of Votes, and with the general consent; but also, that he should have such, and so se∣cure Forces and Dependents, that he might not need to fear, being able to establish himself in the possession of the Crown; otherwise he was resolved, either to settle himself in the full authority of Lieutenant General of the Kingdom, and to follow the War, if by the means of the States he could bring matters to pass, that he might be able to uphold the enterprise with small foreign dependents; or else, if he proved not able to attain to these, rather to bring the States to agree with the King by means of his Conversion, than suffer the Kingdom to come to any other body; still firm to his principle, of neither suffering the Union of the Crowns, nor the disunion of the Kingdom: Which resolution of his, full of integrity and sincerity towards his Coun∣try, did not only please many of his party, but even the King himself (to whom it was known by many conjectures) could not sometimes forbear commending it.

But the Cardinal-Legat and the Spanish Ministers, not well satisfied with his so ambiguous Declaration, wherein he seemed rather to aim at an Accommodation with the Catholicks of the contrary party, than at the election of a new King, resolved to agree together, and declare their intention perfectly; and therefore the Cardinal-Legat published a Writing in the form of a Letter, of the tenor follo••ing.

PHILIP by the Grace of GOD, Cardinal of Piacen••••,* 1.76 of the Title of St. Ono∣frio, Legat a Latere of our Lord, Pope Clement the Eighth, by Divine Providence Pope, and of the Apostolick See in this Kingdom: To all Catholicks, of what pre∣eminence, state or condition soever they be, who follow the party of the Heretick, and adhere unto him, or favour him in any manner whatsoever; Health, Peace, Love, and the Spirit of better counsel in him who is the true Peace, only Wisdom, only King, only Governour, JESUS CHRIST our Saviour and Redeemer. The perfor∣mance of so holy and necessary a Work as is that which concerns the charge and dig∣nity which it hath pleased his Holiness to give us in his Kingdom, is so dear unto us, that we should account our Blood and Life well employed, if they could be helpful to it; and would it pleased God, that it were permitted to us to go in person, not only from City to City, or from Province to Province, but even from House to House, as well to give a most ceatain proof to all the World of our Affection, which is known to God, as by word of mouth to awaken in you a generous desire, with the singular piety of your Ancestors, that is, with the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion▪ to make that prosperous flourishing State spring up again in France, from whence Heresie hath miserably caused it to fall. But since that by reason of the unhappiness of the times, and the impediments which are but too well known, we cannot (as it would be the intention of his Holiness, and our desire) communicate familiarly with you, we have thought it our duty to supply that want with this Letter, in the best manner that is possible for us. But if you please to accept of it, and read it with the spirit of true Christians and Catholicks, free from all passion, as it is naked from all artifice which is averse from truth, you will excite in us a most pleasing and firm hope, of being with∣in a short time able to offer our presence to you in all parts of this Kingdom, not to exhort you any more to what is fit, but to congratulate with you for what you shall so valiantly have performed, to the consolation of all good men. Making no doubt at all, but that if entring again into your selves, you will take care to examine your selves as you ought, you will need neither Word nor Letter, nor any other exteriour remedy, to settle you again in your former sanc••ity: For then every one of you will see, that from Heresie alone, as from the Fountain of all Evils, this blindness of under∣standing and dazling of spirits is sprung up in you, which hinders you from making so sound a judgment as you were wont, of your own and other mens actions. Then

for certain you will discover the various Artifices wherewith the Hereticks continually labour to withdraw you from the devotion and obedience, which, as true Sons of the Church, you have so religiously yielded, till these last days, to its chief Head and the Apostolick See, whose Name and Authority they by all means attempt to render odious and contemptible unto you, knowing, that this point alone, by necessary consequence, draws after it the ruine of the Catholick Religion in France, and th•• establishment of their impiety, which could not take footing where the Throne of St. Peter is reveren∣ced as it ought to be. And not to touch any thing here, but what is most to our pur∣pose, What likelihood is there to think that the Head of the Christian Church, would in part assist or consent to the ruine and destruction of this most Christian Crown? What good could he expect, and what misfortune ought he not to fear from thence? Although this is the principal calumny wherewith they have laboured to make you abhor the name and holy memory of the late Popes, howbeit they swerved not at all from the footsteps of their Predecessors, whose sollicitousness for this Kingdom you were wont not long since with reason to commend, as also the acknowledgment which they rendred for so many, so signal enterprises, atchieved by the most Christian Kings, with most singular piety, liberality and valour, for the benefit of the holy See; and, to omit more ancient examples, you cannot so soon▪ have forgotten with what applause and thanks you received the notable supplies which were sent against the Hereticks, from Pius Quintus of happy memory, to Charles the Ninth then your King: Can you then now accuse that in his Successor, which you approved in him? Heresie is still the same, still pernicious, cursed, execrable; and it is against that Infernal Monster, that the Vicars of Christ, and the Successors of St. Peter, (not to transgress in the duty of their Office) do wage mortal War, and not against the Catholick Kings and King∣doms, to whom they are Fathers and Pastors. It is against it that witho••t exception of persons they do no less justly than wholsomly employ the Sword of Supreme Juris∣diction which our Lord Jesus hath put into their hand, to cut off the festred putrified Members from the body of the Church, to the end that their contagion might not be pestiferous and mortal to the rest: which nevertheless they do as late as they can, mild∣ness and fatherly pity still going before in the Office of Sovereign Judge; so that their rigour never chastiseth any but those that are incorrigible. But if you please to turn your eyes upon other Countries, or rather, without going out of your own Kingdom, to consider what usage it hath ever received from the holy Apostolick See, you will find, that since the combustion kindled in it by Heresie, which still continues to con∣sume it, no Pope hath omitted any thing that he ought or could do to help to quench it. The good intelligence which they have ever held with your Kings, and the con∣tinual assistance which they have always given them of men and other means, and the frequent sending of Legats hither, do sufficiently shew the zeal they have ever had, for the tranquillity, repose and conservation of this most noble State. Nor were their actions ever suspected or ill interpreted by you, while, as true Catholicks and French∣men, you desired rather to give the Law to Hereticks, than to take it from their hand. You have always found them to be such as need required, till these late days, that by your discords and connivence you have suffered Heresie to gather such footing upon you, that now it no longer demands favour of impunity from you as it was wont, but begins it self now (as every one knows) to punish those, who, more care∣ful of their Salvation, refuse to submit themselves unto their yoke. A strange un∣happy revolution, which makes you detest that as a most hainous crime, which you your selves have taught others to be a rare and excellent vertue, and which on the contrary makes you to crown vice, which you ought still (as in former times you have done) to condemn unto the fire. See what the deadly poison of Heresie can do, from whose touch, so many other absurdities and contradictions are bred, which you would not deny to be spread amongst you, if you would lay your hands upon your hearts. For, to go about to maintain that the priviledges of the Gallique Church extend so far, as to permit that a relapsed Heretick, and one excluded from the Body of the Universal Church, should be acknowledged King, is the dream of a mad-man, which proceeds from no∣thing else but heretical contagion. And from the same original we may likewise say have sprung all the sinist••r interpretations which have been made of the actions and intentions of our holy Fathers. But let us see a little whether those of the late Pope Sixtus Quintus, which are expresly declared by his Bulls concerning the business of the most illustrious Cardinal Gaetano's Legation, can, in any part, be calumniated.

That Cardinal was sent by the aforesaid Pope, of happy memory, into this Kingdom, not as a Herald or King at Arms, but as an Angel of Peace; not to shake the founda∣tions of this State, nor to alter or innovate any thing in its Laws or Policy, but to help to maintain the true, ancient, Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion; to the end that all Catholicks being united together for the service of God, the publick good, and the conservation of the Crown, with a mutual unanimous consent, might with security and repose, obey, and yield themselves subject to one only Catholick and lawful King. Now as these intentions were pious, and directed toward the common safety; so can it not be denied but that the effect and execution of them hath been endeavoured, as well by the said Pope Sixtus, as by Cardinal Gaetano; not perhaps with that severity which according to some mens judgments had been necessary, but with all the mild∣ness, clemency and charity that could be desired from a most loving Father towards his dearest Children. No sooner was that wise Legat entred into the Kingdom, but, to begin to lay his hand in good earnest to the work, he addressed himself at his first arrival to all those whom he believed he should find so much the more disposed to shew him all favour in the administration of his Charge, by how much greater were their obligations and means to do it: he sent some Prelats purposely unto them, to confer particularly about what might concern the fruit of his Legation: those men, as also all the Archbishops, Bishops, Prelats, Lords, Gentlemen, and others, (with whom he treated, or caused to be treated during his Legation, and to whom he wrote about this matter) can give testimony whether he ever exceeded the limits of his Commis∣sion, and how much he always protested that his Holiness had no other aim nor design, than to maintain and defend the Catholick Religion, and to conserve this Crown en∣tire for the lawful Catholick Successors that were capable of it. But if by the same means he complained that having as it were forgotten, not only the singular Piety and Religion of your Ancestors, but the conservation, and together with it, the reputation of your Country, and, which is worse, the safety of your Souls, you had joyned your selves to the party of him who you could not but know was deservedly cut off from the body of the Church; of him whom as such you had long ago, and also a few months before, most justly pronounced, in a full Congregation of the States, to be in∣capable of this most Christian Crown; of him whose Arms never knew how to shed any other blood than that of the Catholicks; and who finally, by an example altoge∣ther barbarous, had in the person of one man alone, violated all Laws both divine and humane, having suffered his Uncle, a Cardinal of the holy Roman Church, Prince of the Blood, a man of so pious and holy a life as the most eminent Cardinal of Bourbon was always known to be, to die in captivity, under the custody, and in the sacrilegi∣ous hands of an Heretick. These complaints were not without great ground and rea∣son, nor ought you to hav•• been displeased with them who made such-like demonstra∣tions to you. And in effect, experience hath certainly made you sufficiently know, that they were wholsom and charitable; and from how many adversities you might have freed this Kingdom, if lending your ears to him, and to his holy Exhortations, you had readily separated your selves from the Heretick, to apply your selves with the rest of the Catholicks to any good or quiet. But the same unhappiness which then made you to reject them, rendered vain also the Interviews and Conferences which followed many times after between the Legat and his Prelats, and some principal Lords that are amongst you. Whilst things here were in these terms, and that at Rome Sixtus Quintus the Pope, desirous to withdraw you from the Heretick, and to win you to Jesus Christ, gave free access and audience to those whom you sent unto him, while every thing (to shorten it) seemed to be done to your hands, in stead of embracing the fair occasion that God offered you, of being able to free your selves and your Coun∣try from the infamous yoke of Hereticks, you suffered your selves to be transported with the wind of an unhappy prosperity to those designs and hopes that have redu∣ced this poor State to the desperation you now see it in. The death of Pope Sixtus Quintus of glorious memory, and that of Vrban the Seventh who succeeded him, ha∣ving given place to the succession of Gregory the Fourteenth, he began presently to let you see, that a particular care and sollicitousness for your Salvation, and the preserva∣tion of this most Christian Monarchy, is inseparably joined unto the Papacy. The Breve which he was pleased to send us in the month of January 1591, which was pub∣lished; the Bulls and other Breves which in the month of March following were repre∣sented to you by Mansigno Landriano the said Popes Nuncio, (whatsoever the Hereticks can

say to the contrary) could not, nor ought not by you to have been taken in another sense. Well did the good Pope judge, (as being a man endowed with singular piety and prudence) that while you were mingled among Hereticks, (the known plague of this Kingdom) your Salvation was desperate; that therefore it was necessary you should quickly withdraw your selves far from them, otherwise you would within a short time miserably lose your own Souls, together with theirs, and expose your bodies and estates to those troubles and ruines which you have since suffered and continued to prove every day. To these most urgent and lively reasons which he alledged to you in this matter, he added his Remonstrances full of charity, and to them his fatherly Ex∣hortations: certainly it was a very great fault that you would not lend an ear unto them, and yet a greater to go about to calumniate them; but so injuriously to use, not the insensible Paper which contained his will, but in it the name and authority of the Head of the Church, and by consequence of the holy Apostolick See it self, this is a wickedness which comprehends in it as many new kinds of crimes, as there are words in the pretended Decrees which were published thereupon in Tours and Chalons; and yet the enormity and greatness of these misdeeds, and of those likewise which in this business were committed by them of the Clergy that were present in the Council at Chartres, hath till now been dissembled by them who might have made some just resent∣ment of it. Nor did Pope Innocent the Ninth, of happy memory, who succeeded him, carry himself otherwise towards you, whose sudden death would yet be more lamented by good men, if Divine Providence, which never forsakes the holy Church in time of need, had not by the election of the most blessed Father Clement the Eighth, provided us of such a Pastor, as the necessity of the times requires, being one who comes not behind his Predecessors in any kind of rare vertue; but rather in what concerns the particular care which they have always had of the safety and secure repose of this King∣dom, seems to go before them all. Nor was he sooner raised to the Supreme Degree of Apostleship, but all the faithful transported with joy, turned both their eyes and minds upon him, as upon a clear Sun, which God the Father of Light, and Giver of all Consolations, seems to have made shine in these our days to dissipate the darkness of so calamitous an Age. And when every one began to have certain hope, that each of you opening his heart to receive the beams of so clear, so gracious a Light, would draw near in the obedience and union of the holy Church, under the authority and conduct of so great an Head: Behold, that to our infinite grief, another pretended Decree brought forth by Heresie at Chalons, is published against the Bulls of his Holi∣ness concerning our Legation, whereby they still make tryal to banish all hopes from us, of that which ought to be most dear to all persons, jealous of Gods glory, and of the honour, repose, and conservation of this Kingdom. For, (let them say what they will to the contrary, whom the true and lawful Parliament of Paris (which hath still retained its ancient equity and constancy) hath grievously condemned as men, who by their carriage manifest themselves to be rather slaves to Heresie, than Mini∣sters of Justice) it is impossible ever to see France enjoy a durable peace and tran∣quillity, nor any other kind of prosperity, whiles it groans under the yoke of an He∣retick. This is no less true than known to every one of you, whose Consciences are sufficient to bear witness of it, besides many of your outward actions, which clearly enough do let us see what you think among your selves; since by your wonted Prote∣stations and Remonstrances, wherein you declare, That the obedience you yield to the Heretick hath no other foundation but a vain hope of his conversion, and of his again becoming capable of the Crown; it clearly appears, that the fault of acknowledging a relapsed obstinate Heretick for the King of a most Christian Kingdom, seems too hei∣nous to you to confess your selves guilty of it. But since his obstinacy hath already deprived him of all the rights which he could pretend to, it likewise takes from you all pretences and excuses, that you can alledge in his favour and your own discharge. It is now time, that you discover boldly all that you have in your hearts; and if there be nothing in them that is not Catholick, as your former actions have made known, when the sorcery of Hereticks had not yet bewitched you, declare for Gods sake with the rest of the Catholicks, that you desire not any thing so much as to see your selves united under the obedience of a most Christian King, both in name and actions: It will be a prudent thing to have such thoughts, a magnanimous one to endeavour the execution of them, and a vertue every way most perfect to do both. Now as at this

present there is no more just, nor more lawful means to compass this end, than the holding of the States General, to which you are invited by the Duke of Mayenne, who following the duty of his Office and Authority, hath ever sought, and doth now more than ever seek (with a piety, constancy, and magnanimity, worthy of eternal praise) the most certain and secure means to defend and secure this State and Crown in its in∣tegrity, and to maintain the Catholick Religion, and the Gallique Church in its true liberty, which consists principally in not yielding obedience to an Heretick Head: So we have thought fit in this place, to protest unto you, that containing our selves, as our intention is, within the limits of the charge it hath pleased his Holiness to give us, we neither could, nor would in any way assist or favour the designs and enterprises of the Duke of Mayenne, nor of any other Prince or Potentate in the World, be he who he will, but rather with all our Forces would oppose them, if we should know that they were in any part contrary to the common votes and desires of all good men, true Catholicks, and good Frenchmen, and in particular, to the holy, pious intention of our Lord; which moreover by these presents, we desire to declare to have no other aim nor object but the glory of God, the conservation of our holy Roman Catholick Apostolick Faith and Religion, with the utter extirpation of Heresies and Schisms, which have reduced this poor Kingdom of France to so miserable a condition, which his Holiness desires to see principally crowned with its ancient splendor and majesty by the establishment of a King truly most Christian; such an one God in mercy grant the States General may name; and such an one no Heretick ever was, nor ever can be. Thither then in the name of his Holiness do I invite you, to the end, that separating your selves totally from the company and dominion of the Heretick, you may with minds free from all passion, and full of an holy zeal and piety toward God and your Country, assist in all that you shall judge may serve to extinguish the general combu∣stion, which hath even almost burnt it to ashes. It is no longer time to propose vain excuses and new difficulties, you shall find no others but those that proceed from your selves: For if you please to come to the said Assembly for the effect you ought, we can assure you in the name of all the Catholicks, who by Gods Grace have still perse∣vered in obedience and devotion to the holy Apostolick See, that you shall find them most ready to receive you, and to imbrace (as Brothers and true Christians, whom with the price of their bloods and very lives they desire to save) a holy peace and recon∣ciliation with you. Take order therefore that in good earnest we may see you there separated from the Heretick; and in such a case demand all the securities you shall think necessary, that you may freely go and come, speak and propose in the said As∣sembly all that you shall judge most expedient to attain to the desired end. The Duke of Mayenne is ready to grant you them, and we on our part make no difficulty to oblige our selves that nothing shall be done to the contrary in any kind, offering in that respect to take you, if there he need, under our especial protection, that is, of the holy Church, and of the holy Apostolick See: And we conjure you again, in the Name of God, that at last you would with lively effects shew, that you are true Catho∣licks, conforming your intentions to that of the chief Head of the Church, without longer deferring to render to our holy Religion, and to our Country, that faithful duty which it expects from you in this extream necessity. There is nothing to be expected from your divisions, but desolation and ruine; and though from elsewhere every thing should succeed according to your wish, (which me thinks you should not dare to pro∣mise to your selves under an Heretick Head) yet ought you nevertheless to consider, that Schisms, which this Kingdom seems to be full of, do in the end turn into Here∣sie, which God of his Mercy be pleased not to permit, but rather to enlighten your hearts and minds, making them capable of his holy Inspirations and Benedictions, to the end, that being all united in deed and will, in the unity of the holy Roman Ca∣tholick Church, under the obedience of one King, who may deservedly be called Most Christian, you may in this life enjoy a secure tranquillity, and finally come to that King∣dom which his Divine Majesty hath prepared from eternity for them, who persevering constantly in the Communion of his said Church, out of which there is no Salvation, do give clear testimony of their lively Faith by holy and virtuous actions.

With this Writing, in appearance like that of the Duke of Mayenne's, but indeed full of matter very different, did the Legat endeavour to establish the principal end of

the Assembly to be, not to treat of business with the Catholicks of the Kings party, not to agree with him if he should resolve to reconcile himself to the Church, not to raise any Prince of the Blood to the Crown, but to elect a new King, not only depending upon the Apostolick See, but approved also by the Catholick King, that they might make use of the power of his Arms and Moneys to protect and establish him. And though the Pope (being made acquainted with the Legats inclination, and particularly advertised by the Venetian Senate, that there was great suspicion of him, and that ma∣ny were scandalized, because they thought he seemed to have more care of the satis∣faction of the Spaniards, than of the safety of the State and Religion) did declare him∣self much more than he had done before by the Pronotary Agucchi, by the means of Monsignor Innocentio Malv••gia,* 1.77 sent by him to be Commissary of the Army in the stead of Matteucci, and gave him particular Commission, that above all things he should take heed of a monstrous election, not generally approved, and that might be like to cause new Wars more pernicious than the former; yet the Legat (either because he really thought the interests of Religion so linked to those of Spain, that they could not be separated; or in respect of his own private designs, which perswaded him to get the Catholick Kings favour absolutely; o•• else by reason of the enmity he had contracted with the King, because of the Declarations made by the Parliaments against him; or that the Popes so obscure Commissions were not well understood by him) did not take himself off from his first manner of treating, but with the pretence and colour of Religion, (which truly was very great) did wonderfully serve all the Plots and Pra∣ctices of the Spanish Ministers. These were yet uncertain of the means, but most cer∣tain of the end of their treating; the Council of Spain having determined, that for the greater decency and speciousness, the Union of the Crowns should not be menti∣oned; a thing rather to be discoursed of in the Infancy, than to be hoped for in effect; but that the election of the Infanta Isabella should be propounded, which by divers ways came to the same end.

* 1.78But at this time in Paris there was no other Spanish Ministers except Diego d' Ivarra, who continuing his disaffection to the Duke of Mayenne, and being of opinion that without him the Catholick Kings Forces, Money and Authority were sufficient to cause the States to make that election, continued still private practices with the Deputies; all which nevertheless came perfectly to the Duke of Mayenne's knowledge. Lau∣renzo Suarez de Figueroa, Duke of Feria, appointed Head of the Embassie, was ex∣pected, and with him Inigo de Mendozza a most learned Spanish Lawyer, sent to dis∣pute (by way of right) the lawful Succession of the Infanta, and Juan Baptista Tassis, who, that he might give them information, was gone as far as the confines of Flanders to meet them: but these also came with an impression that the Infanta's right was evi∣dent, and that the Catholick Kings Forces and Authority were so feared in France, that without the Duke of Mayenne they should be able to obtain their intent of the Assembly: and though Juan Baptista Tassis told them otherwise, believing that with∣out the Duke of Mayenne they could not compass any end; yet they being prepossessed with the opinions of Spain, and far from the moderate counsels which the Duke of Par∣ma in his life time had held and represented, persevered in their conceit, and conti∣nued on their practices in the manner they were begun. Juan Baptista Tassis, and to∣gether with him the Counsellors of Flanders, who knew the French humour, and by reason of their neighbourhood saw things at a nearer distance, counselled that they should march into France with a powerful Army, and that with it Count Charles of Mansfelt (to whom that charge was committed) should draw near to Paris: That at the same time with great sums of money they should gain the Duke of Mayenne especially, and then the other principal Lords, and every particular Deputy that had credit and authority in the Assembly; and that to the Lords of the House of Lorain, who were chief of the Union, large advantageous offers should be made, and full security given them for their performance: and with these Conditions, and not otherwise, they thought the ele∣ction of the Infanta which was to be propounded, might be brought about: for if the French were not besieged and taken, on the one side by profit, and on the other by fear, they thought it impossible that of their own voluntary will they shall ever con∣sent to submit themselves to the Spanish Dominion: And if the Princes of Lorain, who were in so great power, and in a very near hope that one of them might at∣tain to the Crown, were not by exceeding high and secure Conditions removed from that design, they did not think that ever they would condescend to transfer that to

others, which they pretended to for themselves: besides, there was no doubt, but that to establish an election so new, and so contrary to the nature of the French, power∣ful and extraordinary Forces were necessary, and such preparations of Souldiery, Mo∣ney and Commanders, as might overcome those difficulties and oppositions which would discover themselves much more in the progress, than in the beginning of the business. To this was added, that to break into a matter of so great difficulty, a great increase of reputation was necessary, and a certainty that the King of Navarre might, with∣out much length of time, be overcome and suppressed; which was not possible to be effected without very great store of Men and Money.

These were the solid and well-grounded counsels of those, who, judging with rea∣son of the importance and weightiness of those affairs, were of opinion, that for the Catholick Kings honour, the thing should not be propounded, without an infallible certainty of bringing it perfectly to an end.* 1.79 But those that were newly come from Spain, either by reason of the different opinion that was there, or of the relations given by Diego d' Ivarra, judged quite differently, that neither many Forces ought to be drawn into France, nor much money distributed, nor that the House of Lorain should have satisfaction in deed, but in words and appearance only; because, by keeping the Duke of Mayenne low, and by driving him and his party into a straight, they thought they should put them upon a necessity of consenting to their demands, that thereby they might obtain such assistance from them, as might raise them from the abject condition they were reduced to: for they were moreover informed, that they were not inclined to content them willingly; that if they should free the League, and particularly the City of Paris, from their present want and scarcity, they would not afterward be con∣tent to condescend to the Catholick Kings will; gratitude being but a weak instrumen••▪ where such weighty matters were treated on; but that then rather they would consent unto it, when they saw no other remedy to free themselves from misery; which would be so much the more effectual, by how much the more nearly it pressed and straightened them: That to give money now, was but to throw it away, without any ground or assurance that it should produce the effect, and to satisfie the greediness of those who being once glutted with Spanish gold, and having compassed their own designs, would not care afterward to satisfie their promises as they ought: That in plenty and prospe∣rity the French would be proud and insolent; but in want and necessity, abject and tractable: That it was not fit to dismember the Kingdom, and tear it in pieces, to give part to this, and part to that man of the House of Lorain, thereby to attain to it afterwards, being weak, mangled and destroyed.

The present state of the Catholick Kings affairs inclined most toward this Counsel: for his treasures at this time being much exhausted by his past expences, and by the commotions of Arragon, he could not draw together those sums that would have been necessary for the first advice▪ and the affairs of the Low Countries, and of the Army there, being, by reason of the Duke of Parma's death, in great weakness and confu∣sion, it was not possible to make so great a Body of men, as the contrivance of that de∣sign required: and finally, the nature of the Spaniards made them begin with thrift and parsimony to manage the affairs of that Kingdom, which was not yet begun to be obtained. For these reasons, the Spanish Ministers would needs follow the last coun∣sel; perswading themselves also, that by their arts, and the Legats assistance, they should overcome many difficulties, and that with words and promises they might sup∣ply, where deeds were defective.

But the Duke of Mayenne, to whom these conceits were in great part known, was very certain, that without his will and consent they could never obtain any thing;* 1.80 and by reason he saw the Spanish Ministers so disaffected to him, but much more because he hoped to attain the Kingdom for himself, was wholly averse from contenting them; only the discords that arose between him and the others of his Family, held him in suspence: for the Duke of Lorain still pretended right unto the Kingdom, and the su∣periority above the rest of his Family; and the Dukes of Guise and Nemours pretended to the Crown no less than he; the first, by reason of the name and merits of his Fa∣ther, upon whose blood (as he said) the whole structure of the League was grounded: and the other, because of his prosperous defence of Paris, whereby he judged himself to have deserved more than any one of the rest, and to have that people at his devotion: besides that, being both of them young and unmarried, they were not so averse from the election of the Infanta, hoping that one of them might be destined for her husband.

The Duke of Mayenne being led by this doubt, resolved to prepare many strings to his bowe, that he might have several ways to hinder the designs of the rest, and to bring his own businesses to their appointed end. Whereupon, after having by his Declara∣tion invited the Catholicks of the Kings party to a Treaty, (a Weapon by him esteemed most powerful, to cross the Spaniards in the business) he also caused the Cardinal of Bourbon's design to be renewed, that he might keep it alive, and make use of it in con∣venient time and place: and Jehan le Maistre, a man totally depending upon his will, having after the death of President Brisson taken the place of first President of the Par∣liament, he began by his means, not only to deal with the Counsellors of that Parlia∣ment, and Magistrates of that City, but also with those, who, because they inclined to favour the King, were called Politicks, that in time of need he might also make use of their he••••; and having found the Parliament most disposed to his designs, and grounding himself very much upon the support of the Commanders of the Militia cho∣sen and raised by him, he propounded and obtained (for the greater reputation of so great an Assembly, and for the greater assurance of the election of a King, a thing of so great weight and consequence) that also the Parli••ment, and Governours of Pro∣vin••es, and the Commanders of the Militia, might Vote in the Assembly of the States, not every one by himself, but by Deputies for each body, to the end, that by the coun∣terpoise of these, he might balance the Votes of the other Deputies, if they should ever dissent from his will; wherein (because he was exceeding well versed in the business, and knew the perso••s very particularly) he proceeded with so much art and dissimu∣l••tion, that the Spanish Ministers and the Legat did not take notice of many things till after they were established; and he gained more men with ar••, than they were able to do with gold or promises▪ and on the other side, they could hardly design the framing an engine, but he, sounding the end of it, found many evasions to dissolve or hinder it.

* 1.81In this state of things, time no longer allowing, that the celebration of the States should be deferred, the Overture (as they call it)▪ of the Assembly was made upon the Six and twentieth of January, at which all the Deputies being met in the Hall of the Louvre, and with them all the Magistrates and Officers of the Crown, the Duke of Mayenne fitting under the Cloth of State,* 1.82 (as Kings are wont to do) said, That he had called, and with very much ado assembled that Solemn Meeting, that they might take some course to find a remedy for the calamities and miseries that afflicted their common Country: He exaggerated the evils of the present condition, the danger of Religion, and the unhappiness of the War; and concluded, that the only remedy was the election of a King, who in the first place should be so constant and sincere a Catholick, that he should prefer the good and honour of the holy Church before his own life; and in the second, should be such an one for valour, experience and reputation, that not only un∣ruly minds might willingly obey him, but also might be able to fight with and conquer the Enemies of the Church and Kingdom. Wherefore he exhorted the Assembly, that being met, not to moderate grievances, or to find means to pay the debts of the Crown, (things ordinarily introduced to be treated of in the States) but to provide a King, a Pastor for themselves, and the whole people of the greatest Kingdom of Christendom, they should not let themselves be carried away with any private interests, but should take that holy, that worthy resolution, which the present need and their common safety required.

When he had done speaking, Cardinal Pelle-vé, as Ecclesiastical President of the Assembly, with a long tedious▪ Oration full of digressions, praised the Duke of May∣enne's zeal and valour, and by several ways coming round about again, concluded at last with exhorting the Assembly to elect a King, who as the present exigent required, might be totally devoted to the holy Apostolick See, and an Enemy to Heresie, against which more than any thing else, it was at that present necessary to make opposition. The Baron de Senecey for the Nobility spake to the same effect, but much more briefly, and to the purpose; and the same did Honoré de Laurent, Counsellor in the Parliament of Provence, for the third Order of the Commons. There was nothing else treated of at this first meeting, it being the custom only to use these Ceremonies at the first overture.

The next day in a particular meeting, which was held among the chiefest about this business, there was a very sharp dispute between the Legat joined with the Spanish Am∣bassador,* 1.83 and some of the greatest Personages of the Assembly; for the Legat pro∣posed, That at the second Session for the beginning of the States, all should take a

solemn Oath, never to be reconciled to, nor acknowledge the King of Navar for Su∣perior, though he should turn his Religion, and make show to live as a Catholick; to which the Duke of Mayenne not consenting, as a thing very different from his pra∣ctices and intentions, the other Deputies that were present spake against it with di∣vers reasons: But the Legat urging, with wonderful vehemence, at last the Arch∣bishop of Lyons said, that the States were Catholicks▪ obedient to the holy Church under the superiority of the Apostolick See in such cases,* 1.84 and met together in obedi∣ence to the Pope, and that therefore they would not be so impudent as to go about to bind his hands, and presumptuously to declare that which he had not declared, pre∣venting his Judgments, and declaring the King of Navar irreconcilable to the Church by a vain determination, which was out of the Secular Power, and wholly proper to the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction; and that therefore they were resolved not to proceed to that Oath, lest they should offend their own consciences, and the Majesty and Juris∣diction of the Pope and the Apostolick See. Which reason, with the decency there∣of, stopt the Legat's mouth; and the Duke of Mayenne's intention not to proceed to that Declaration prevailed.

But upon the Twenty eighth day there came one of the King's Trumpets to the Gate of the City, desiring to be brought in,* 1.85 that he might deliver a Packet of Letters directed to the Count de Belin Governor of it, and being ask'd what his business was? he answered freely and publickly, That he brought a Declaration of the Catholicks of the King's party, addressed to the Assembly of the States; and being come before the Governor, he gave the Letters into his hand, and made the contents of them more fully known among the People. The Governor carried the Packet to the Duke of Mayenne, who lay troubled in his Bed; and not being willing to open it, but in the presence of all the Confederates, he sent for the Legate, the Cardinal of Pelle-vé, Diego d Ivarra, the Sieur de Bassompiere Ambassador from the Duke of Lorain, the Arch-bi∣shop of Lyons, Monsieur de Rosne, the Count de Belin, the Viscount de Tavannes, the Sieur de Villars by him newly declared Admiral, Monsieur de Villeroy, President Jean∣nin, and two of the ordinary Secretaries, which they called Secretaries of State; in the presence of whom the cover being taken off, there was a Writing found with this Title:

The Proposition of the Princes, Prelates, Officers of the Crown, and chief Catholick Lords, as well Counsellors of the King, as others, now present with his Majesty; tending to the end of obtaining Peace, so necessary to this Kingdom for the conservation of the Ca∣tholick Religion, and of the State: made to the Duke of Mayenne and the Princes of his Family, the Lords and other persons sent by some Cities and Corporations, at this present assembled in the City of Paris.

Having seen the Title, and every one being desirous to hear the contents, the Wri∣ting was read by one of the Secretaries, being of this Tenor following:

THe Princes, Prelates, Officers of the Crown, and Chief Catholick Lords, as well of the Council, as attendance of His Majesty, having seen a Declaration Printed at Paris in the name of the Duke of Mayenne, dated in the month of December, published with the sound of the Trumpet in the said City upon the Fifth day of this present Month of January, as is found at the bottom of it, and which came into their hands a•• Chartres, do acknowledge, and are of opinion with the said Duke of Mayenne, that the continuance of this War, bringing the ruine and destruction of the State, doth also by necessary consequence draw along with it the ruine of the Catholick Religion, as experience hath but too well shewed us, to the great grief of the said Princes, Lords, and Catholick States, who do acknowledge the King, whom God hath given them, and serve him as they are naturally obliged, having, with this duty, ever made the Conservation of the Catholick Religion their principal aim; and have then always been most animated with their Arms and Forces to defend the Crown under the obedi∣ence of his Majesty, when they have seen strangers, enemies to the greatness of this Monarchy, and to the honor and glory of the French name, enter into this Kingdom; for it is too evident, that they tend to nothing else but to dissipate it, and from its dis∣sipation would follow an Immortal War, which in time could produce no other effects, save the total ruine of the Clergy, Nobility, Gentry, Cities and Countries,

an event which would also infallibly happen to the Catholick Religion in this King∣dom. Thence it is, that all good Frenchmen, and all those that are truly zealous there∣of, ought to strive with all their Forces to hinder the first inconvenience, from which the second is inseparable, and both inevitable by the continuation of the War. The true means to prevent them, would be a good Peace, and a reconciliation between those whom the misfortune hereof keeps so divided and armed to the destruction of one another: for upon this foundation Religion would be restored, Churches preser∣ved, the Clergy maintained in their estates and reputation, and Justice setled again; the Nobility would recover their ancient force and vigour, for the defence and quiet of the Kingdom; the Cities would recover their losses and ruines, by the re-establish∣ment of Commerce, Trades, and employments (maintainers of the people) which are in a manner utterly extinct; the Universities would again betake themselves to the study of Sciences, which in times past have caused this Kingdom to flourish, and gi∣ven splendour and ornament unto it, which at this present languish, and are, by little and little, wasting to nothing; the fields would again be tilled, which in so many pla∣ces are left fallow and barren, and in stead of the fruits they were wont to bring forth for man's nourishment, are now covered with thorns and thistles: in summ, by Peace every one might do his duty; God might be served, and the people, enjoying a secure Peace, would bless those who had procured them that happiness; whereas, on the con∣trary, they will have just cause to complain, and curse those that shall hinder i••. To this effect, upon the Declaration which the said Duke of Mayenne makes by his writing, as well in his own name, as in the names of the rest of his party assembled in Paris, where he alledgeth, that he hath called the States, to take some course and Coun∣sel for the good of the Catholick Religion, and the repose of this Kingdom; it being clear, that if for no other reason, yet because of the place alone (where it is neither lawful nor reasonable, that any other but they of their own party should interview) no resolution can proceed from it, that can be valid or profitable for the effect which he hath published: and it being rather most certain, that this can nothing but inflame the War so much the more, and take away all hopes and means of reconciliation; the said Princes, Prelates, Officers of the Crown, and other Catholick Lords now pre∣sent with His Majesty, being certain, that the other Princes, Lords, and Catholick States who acknowledge Him, do concurr with them in the same zeal towards the Ca∣tholick Religion, and the good of the State, as they agree in the obedience and fide∣lity due unto their King and natural Prince; have, in the name of all, and with the leave and permission of his Majesty, thought fit, by this Writing, to make know 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the said Duke of Mayenne, and the other Princes of his Family, Prelates, Lords, and other per∣sons assembled in the City of Paris, that if they will enter into conference and com∣munication about the means proper to bury these tumults, for the conservation of the Catholick Religion and of the State, and depute any persons of worth and integrity to meet joyntly at a place which may be chosen between Paris and St. Denis, they will on their parts send thither upon the day that shall be appointed and agreed upon, to receive and carry all those resolutions and overtures which may be proposed for so good a purpose, as they are confident, that if every one will bring those good inclinations he is obliged to, which they for their parts promise to do, means may be found to attain to so great a happiness: protesting before God and men, that if, neglecting this way, they shall use other unlawful means, which cannot chuse but be pernicious to Religion and the State, if they shall compleat the reducing of France to the last period of all calami∣ty and misery, making it a prey and a spoil to the insatiable greediness of the Spani∣ards, and a trophy of their insolency, gotten by the practices and blind passions of a part of them, who carry the name of French-men, degenerating from the duty which hath been held in so great veneration by our Ancestors the fault of that evil that shall come thereby, cannot, nor ought not justly to be ascribed to any others than those who shall be notoriously known to be the sole authors of such a refusal, as men who pre∣fer the ways that are fit to serve their own particular greatness and ambition, and that of their fomenters, before those which aime at the glory of God and the safety of the Kingdom. Given in the King's Council (where the said Princes and Lords have purposely assembled themselves, and, with his Majesties permission, resolved to make the above-said Propositions and Overtures) at Chartres the Seven and twentieth of January, 1593. Subscribed R••vol.

The first mover of this Writing, penned and presented in this manner, was the Sieur de Villeroy: for being of himself averse to the Spanish attempt, and rather inclined to an Agreement with the King, than to any other resolution; and being set on by the Duke of Mayenne, desirous to put some Treaty on foot, to make use of it, as occasi∣on should serve, for his own advantage, wrote to his brother-in-law the Sieur de Feu∣ry, that addressing himself to the Duke of Nevers and the other Catholick Lords that were with the King,* 1.86 he should shew them in how great danger the affairs of the King∣dom were, with how much earnestness the Spaniards had set themselves to promote the election of the Infanta Isabella, how many there were, that for their own interests favoured that election, and how the Duke of Mayenne, who had never been able to indure the King to be reconciled to the Church, was now in such a necessity, that he would be constrained to agree with the Catholick King, if by some means they did not interrupt those proceedings. That they should consider, if strangers should obtain their intent, and that the Lords of the House of Lorain, and the other Confederates, should oblige themselves unto it, in how great danger the King would be to be depri∣ved of the Kingdom, being to fight with the Spanish power, which then would em∣ploy it self wholly to his ruine; the mindes of the French Confederates would become irreconcileable, as if of their own accord they had put themselves under the servitude, and engaged themselves under the dominion of strangers: the way to a reconciliation with the Pope and with the Church would be shut up, when once he should have ap∣proved of the election which the States were to make within a few weeks; and that therefore time was not to be lost, but some way found to interrupt the course of those designs.

These Considerations were represented by the Sieur de Fleury, not onely to the Duke of Nevers, but to Gaspar Count of Schombergh, who about that time having been sent for by the King, was come to Court. He by birth was a German, and by nature a man, not onely of great courage, but free in his opinions and words; and for his ex∣perience and valour, highly esteemed by every one; wary in his courses, provident in his actions, infinitely inclined and very faithful to the King, and (which at that time was much to the purpose) one, who had not been present at the consultations that had been held among the Catholicks about forsaking him, and for this cause had more au∣thority and belief with him to treat upon this business, than the Duke of Nevers and many others: Wherefore, being of opinion, that the Considerations represented by Vil∣leroy were most important, and that to them many others were added; for already eve∣ry one knew, that the Cardinal of Bourbon was thinking to depart, and go over to the League▪ and that many Princes of the Blood, and other Lords, were inclined to fol∣low that resolution; that the Catholicks, for the most part, holding themselves deceiv∣ed and mocked by the King's promises, were very ill satisfied; and that every one weary of the War, longed impatiently for Peace, he found a fit conjuncture to discourse with the King about it; and with solid effectual eloquence, wherein he was very prevalent, made him fully acquainted with those reasons, which out of respect were coldly, and but in part represented to him by others; and demonstrated to him the nearness of his ruine, unless he suddenly took some course to content the Catholicks, and to cross the designes and attempts of the Spaniards. The conjucture of the time was also favourable: for the King's late prosperities had brought him into such a con∣dition, that if the Catholicks persevered constantly to serve him, he had but little need of forraign Forces; which of how little benefit they were, and how much mischief they did to his Country, he himself had already found: The Sieur du Plessis was far off, who, with his reasons, partly Theological, partly Political, was wont to withhold him, and put scruples in his minde, to the end he might not change his Religion:* 1.87 and the Duke of Bouillon, then Head of the Hugonots, who was present at the business, had ever been one of those who were of opinion, that the King could never be a peace∣able possessor of the Crown, unless he changed his Religion: and perchance for his own interest it displeased him not that the King should turn Catholick, to the end the first place among the Hugonotsa might remain to him: Wherefore, all these obstacles being removed, and necess••ty urging; for already the Cardinal of Bourbon and Count Soissons, with many other, began to talk very plainly; and the States assembled by the League be∣ing in much greater consideration with the King, than perhaps they were with the Confederates themselves; after many consultations with the Duke of Bouillon, the Duke of Nevers, the High-Chancellor, and President de Thon, to whom, by reason

of his learning and experience, the King gave much credit, he resolved that the Ca∣tholicks should make this Overture, with intent either to interrupt the course of the State by that means, or else to resolve upon an Accommodation and Reconciliation with the Apostolick See, and the Lords of the house of Lorain.

As soon as the Writing was read in the presence of the Duke of Mayenne, and the other Lords,* 1.88 the Cardinal of Piacenza rose up in choler, and without consultation or deliberation said angerly, that that Proposition was full of Heresies, and that they were Hereticks that should take it into consideration, and therefore it was by no means fitting to give any Answer to it: Cardinal Pelle-ve and Diego d' Ivarra assented without any demur; but the Duke of Mayenne remained in suspence, as also the rest that were present, who durst not immediately oppose the Legate's words. But Villeroy and Jeannin not losing courage, without contradicting the Cardinal, found another evasion, and said, That the Writing not being directed to the Duke of Mayenne alone, but to the whole assembly of the States, and the Trumpet having freely said so to ma∣ny at his entrance into the City, whereby the business was become publick, it was fit to communicate it to the States, and refer it to them, to the end that the Deputies might not be disgusted in the very beginning, and believe that they were not freely and fairly dealt withal, but that endeavors were used to conceal many things from them, and to deceive them; That this would be an ill beginning, and would not one∣ly cause suspition, but also disunion among the Deputies. The Count de Belin ad∣ded, that the Trumpet had not onely told, that the Writing was directed to the whole Assembly, but had also scattered some copies of it among the People, as he thought he had heard, whereby it was so much the more publick, and could not be concealed from the Deputies.

It was determined, that every one should consider of what he thought most conve∣nient to resolve about it in the same place against the next day;* 1.89 which being come, though the Legate and Spanish Ambassador laboured stifly that the Writing might be suppressed and rejected, the Duke of Mayenne nevertheless, with the votes of the ma∣jor part, concluded, not to use his Deputies ill, nor give them cause of distaste; but bearing that respect to them which was fit, would have the Writing read in the full Assembly, where afterwards that should be resolved on that should be thought most convenient: which while it was deferred, by reason of the contrariety of opinions, and of the Obstacles that were interposed, the King being at Chartres, published a Manifest upon the nine and twentieth day; wherein, after having briefly attested his singular affection toward the general good and safety, He said he was extremely grieved to have happened in such perverse times, wherein many degenerating from that fidelity towards their Princes, which had ever been peculiar to the French Nation, did now use all their studies and endeavors to oppugne the Royal Authority, under pretence of Religion; which pretence, how falsely it was usurped by them, was clearly seen in the War twice attempted against the happy memory of Henry the Third, which it was not possible to value so much, as to think the cause thereof could be attributed to mat∣ter of Religion, he having ever been most Catholick, and most observant of the See of Rome, and imployed with his Arms even against those that were not of the Catho∣lick Religion to subdue them, at the same time when they having furiously taken Arms, ran to Tours to suppress and besiege him; and that now it was more clear than the Sun it self, how improperly and unjustly they made use of the same colour against him; for by how much the more they sought to mask and palliate their malignity under that specious cloke, so much the more, breaking forth, did it shew it self clearly to the eyes of all men; nor was there any one who knew not, that their conspiracy, attempted for the oppression and ruine of their Country, was not caused by zeal to Religion; but that their union appeared manifestly to be composed of three kinds of Persons for three different reasons. First, the wickedness of them, who led by an incredible desire to possess and dissipate the Kingdom, had made themselves Heads and Authors of this Rebellion. Secondly, the craftiness of Strangers, antient enemies to the French name and Crown, who having found this opportunity of executing their inveterate designs, had voluntarily joyned themselves with their assistance to be Companions in so perfi∣dious a Conspiracy. And lastly, the fury of some of the meanest dreg•• of the Peo∣ple, who being abandoned by fortune to extreme beggery and misery, or else led by their misdeeds in fear of Justice, out of a desire of spoil, or hope of impunity, had ga∣thered

themselves together to this factious confederacy. But it being the custome of Divine Providence to draw good out of evil, so it had now miraculously come to pass, since that the Duke of Mayenne, by setting down in Writing his reasons of assembling a Congregation in Paris, by him called the States, had clearly laid open and manifested his designs by his own confession: for striving with all his power dissemblingly to re∣present the face of an honest man, and to make it believed that he had no thought of usurping that which belonged not unto him, he could not in the interim give greater te∣stimony of his ambition and impiety toward his Country, than by framing an Edict, and sealing it with the Royal Seal for the Convocation of the States, a thing reserved onely to the Royal-Power, and never communicated to any other; whereby he had made clear to the World his usurpation of the Royal Office and Majesty, and his crime of High-Treason, having taken upon him the Royal Ministry, and the proper marks of Soveraignty. But, What eye was so dazeled, or what mind so blinded, as not to see how false those things were which he had inserted in his Edict with so much pomp of words? That the Laws permitted him not to ••ender due observance and obedience to the King God had given him: a Lye as appar••nt▪ as it is true, that the Salique-Lam, a wholesome fundamental one, born at one birth with the Kingdom, hath ever been the basis of the Subjects obedience, and the foundation and safety of the Crown: That open injury is done to the constitution of this Law, when the lawful Dominion of him is called in doubt or controversie, who, by the prescribed order of it is called by God un∣to the Crown: That the force and authority of this Law is so great and venerable, that no other Law hath power to prejudice it, and the Kings themselves, which are loose from other Laws, are subject, and not superiou•• to this alone; and that therefore it was a vain thing to alledge against it the Decree of the States at Blois in the year 76; for not the King, nor the States, but that Law it self, ought to decide the Succession of the Kingdom: and yet, What man of sound understanding could ever hold the Assembly at Blois to be a lawful Congregation of the States? in which the liberty of votes being taken away, and the voice of good men suppressed, there was nothing else minded by the Conspirators of that Confederacy (the fruits whereof are now found) but to oppugne the King's Authority who then reigned, and to reduce him to the slavery of his enemies, disposing of the affairs of the Kingdom, according to the will and fancy of factious persons: That perchance that violence used against him, from which he had so much laboured to defend and free himself was not clear enough; who was he that could believe the late King would voluntarily break and violate that Law, by vertue of which his Grandfather Francis the First was come unto the Crown? But, What needed there other proofs? The same men who had forcibly and treacherously caused that Decree to be made, had themselves waved, forsaken, and declared it in∣effectual and of no validity; for if the Duke of Mayenne had esteemed that constitu∣tion valid, after the seditious deposing of King Henry the Third caused by him, he would not have entituled himself Lieutenant-General of the State and Crown of France before the Kingdom were vacant, but Lieutenant to the Cardinal of Bourbon, to whom, by that seditious Decree, the Kingdom appertained. But what? not onely then, but also after the King's death (who was by them caused to be murthered) he, for three moneths together, usurped the same title, declaring, how little valid he esteem∣ed the determination of those States; that therefore it was manifest and known, that it was not out of reverence to the determination of his own States, which they now publish, that he made use afterwards of the fained person of the Cardinal of Bourbon, when it was convenient for him; but thereby to usurp the Royal-Power and Ministry, and to gain time and means to establish himself in his intended usurpation. But that no less vain was the reason he alledged, viz. That he was not a Catholick, but of a different Religion; for he was neither Infidel nor Pagan, but confessed the same God and the same Redeemer the Catholicks confess and adore; nor ought some difference in opinion to make such a desperate irreconcilable division. That he would not be obstinate, nor refuse to be taught and instructed, and that he was ready, if his error were shown him, to forsake it, and reduce himself to those rites which the Catholicks of his Kingdom desired, and that he wished he could, with safety of Conscience take away all scruples from all his Subjects; but he prayed the Catholicks not to wonder if he did not so easily leave that Religion which he sucked with his milk, nor ought it to appear strange, that he should not forsake the ancient institution of his life, unless first he were made to see the error, which they were of opinion he ••as in, which when it

should come to pass, no body should need to desire his readiness and willingness to con∣demn his fault▪ and enter into that way which should be known to be the best. That it was fit, i•• a business that concerned his Soul and eternal life, he should proceed with great circumspection; and so much the more, because his example was like to draw many with it, whom he would not help to damn, but willingly to save them if he could. That therefore he had often demanded Councils, not to oppose himself against those already celebrated, as his Enemies reported, but, to the end, that he together with them of the same Religion, might be instructed and taught thereby: that it was no absurd thing to celebrate a Council, and moderate many matters which times and occasions produce: and to say they had already been decided by other Councils, was nothing; for so all later Councils would have been vain and absurd in confirming and ordering things again which had been setled and determined by former ones: That ••f a more speedy and more proper way were found for his instruction, he would not refuse it▪ and that he had given clea•• testimony of it to the World, when he gave leave to the Catholicks under his obedience to send Ambassadors to the Pope to take some course in it, and when he so often caused his very adversaries to be told, that i•• the midst of Arms it was no time to talk of Conversions, but that making Peace, they should resolve upon a Conference wherein he might be instructed; but that they, abu∣sing his goodness, had made shew to lend an ear unto it, onely when for their own de∣signs they desired to work a jealousie in the Spaniards: That it was certain, they ab∣horred to have him instructed, since now in their Writings, they reckoned it as a thing to be despaired of, having never yet so much as attempted it, and because that present∣ly assoon as the Marquiss de Pisani's Embassie tending to that effect was agreed upon, they had, by all possible means, crossed his negotiation, and brought it so to pass, that the Pope would not admit him to his Audience: That if they published and vaunted, That they would refer the business wholly to the Pope, He on the other side did not despair, but the Pope at last, knowing their subtilty and cunning, would take that re∣solution which should be most conformable to decency and reason: That therefore se∣ditious persons ought no longer to tempt the good Catholicks that stood armed for the defence and safety of their Country; but that they rather should acknowledge their error, and, as members gone astray, return to joyn themselves with the rest of the Body: for, except the Princes of Lorain, who were strangers, all the Princes of the blood, Prelates, Lords, Officers of the Crown, and in a manner all the strength of the Gentry, were of his party, and made the true Body of France united for the defence of their Liberty, and the safety of the Kingdom: That they should consider how unwor∣thy, how monstrous a thing it was, to open the Gates to the Spaniard to come and in∣vade the bowels of the Kingdom; their Ancestor••, and even they themselves, having spilt and poured out so much blood to drive them from their confines: That they should see how impious that insatiableness was, which, for covetousness of Gold, sold the French Name, Glory, and Liberty▪ but that it was no wonder they felt not the pri•••• of conscience in that business, since they felt it not in the most cruel Parricide com∣mitted on the person of the late King, which they were so far from detesting and abhorring, that they impiously attributed it to Providence and the hand of God▪ That if (as they now made shew) they would be held innocent of that fact, which obscured the glory, and laid a foul blot of wicked perfidiousness upon the Name of the French, they should not at the same time joy and rejoyce at it, commend, exalt, and Canonize the Name of the Murderer, and do so many other barbarous monstrous things; but should rather shew, that they were moved at so great a wickedness, and resolved to reconcile themselves to that Country that had bred, nourished, and raised them to the height of greatness; and not take part with barbarous Nations, that are enemies to, and separated from France, as in language and manners, so in candour and disposition▪ That if these reasons could not prevail to persuade those that were gone ••stray, and make them know their error, at least they would confirm the resolution of good French-men, to continue constantly in the defence of their Country, wherein He, ••s he had for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 past, so he would also for the future afford them alwayes his ex∣ample, exposing his body, health, blood, and life before them all, as a sacrifice for so worthy, so profitable a work: That his affection and devotion till that present, were sufficiently known, and with what tenderness of mind he had embraced the Catho∣licks, conserved, protected, and maintained them in their possessions, and in their privi∣ledges, ••ow he had ••voured and preserved their Religion, and constantly and invio∣lably

observed all that he had promised them at his coming to the Crown; and now,* 1.90 for more security, and absolutely to take away all scruples, he swore before God and Men, that he was ready to persevere in their protection and conservation till his latest breath, and that he never would do any thing to the prejudice or diminution of them or their Religion, and that he desired those things which his Subjects required of him, might, to the glory of God, be orderly and fitly executed, as he hoped in Gods divine Majesty, and in his infallible Providence, that the effects would quickly be seen, which out of a confidence in God's mercy he doubted not to promise and attest. That in the mean time he, with the advice of his Council, had decreed, and by that present ma∣nifest did decree and declare, that the Duke of Mayenne in having assembled a Con∣gregation in Paris under the name of States, had seditiously and unjustly usurped the office and power of King, and that those States being null, invalid, and seditious, were not to hold, nor to be effectual, nor any thing that in them should be done, established, or determined.

This Writing, which carried with it no necessity of an Answer, was, according to the disposition of mens minds, variously received and interpreted; but, that of the Catholick Lords of the King's party sent to the Assembly at Paris, held the Confede∣rates anxious and sollicitous for different respects▪ for the Legate having caused it to be examined by the Colledge of the Divines of Sorbonne, persisted to say, that being heretical, it was not worthy of any answer; and the Spanish Ambassador said, it was but a trick to disturb the good for which they were met together: but the Arch-bishop of Lyons, Villeroy, Jeannin, the Count de Belin, and those of the Parliament, maintain∣ed, that what a kind of one soever it was, it ought neither to be despised nor rejected, and gave their reasons for it; and between these the Duke of Mayenne stood doubtful what should be resolved; for, on the one side he had a great desire to begin a Treaty with the Royallists, and on the other he would not absolutely alienate nor exasperate the Legate and the Spaniards. In the end, after many consultations held privately with his friends, he resolved to defer the consideration of that business in the Assembly till he had conferred with the Duke of Feria, and the rest that were coming, and till he had seen the strength of the Army, and what Orders Count Charles of Mansfelt had,* 1.91 who was already prepared to enter into the Confines, to the end he might regulate himself afterward according to time and occasion; wherefore he determined to go and meet the Ambassadors, and to receive and imploy the Army himself, lest the Duke of Guise should go to receive it, and (to the lessening of his reputation) have it consigned to him by the Spaniards, who openly favoured him. He hoped also to make some progress in the War, which might augment his credit and reputation; but above all it was necessary for him to draw a certain summ of money from the Spaniards, to be then distributed (in favour of him) among the Deputies, many of whom, by reason of the dearth of Paris, and their own poverty, had urgent need∣thereof.

This resolution being taken, he called the Deputies of the Assembly, and prayed them to busie themselves about smaller matters, but not to deliberate any thing concerning the Election till his return,* 1.92 it being fit that all the Catholick Ambassadors should be there, as likewise himself, together with the Duke of Guise, and the other principal men of the party, which he would bring along with him within a few dayes; and be∣cause his praying was commanding, they all promised it without contradiction; and he having left Monsieur de Villeroy and Presiden•• Jeannin to prevent those secret practi∣ces which might be set on foot in the mean time, went with Four hundred Horse to Soissons, where he had given order that his French••For••••s should be in a readiness. Be∣ing come to that City upon the ninth of February, he found the Duke of Feria, and the other Spanish Ambassadors there; with whom having conferred, discontents be∣gan to break forth in their first meeting.

In Spain they thought it very agreeable to justice and decency, that the Salique Law should be broken, because all they of the Family of Bourbon were notoriously either He∣reticks, or favourers of Heresie, and that the Kingdom should come to the Infanta Isa∣bella the Catholick King's Daughter, who, by the ordinary Laws, was the nearest heir to the late King, as being born of Elizabeth his eldest sister. And on the contrary, when it was alledged, that the posterity of the Royal Family failing, the authority of making a new King returned to the commonalty of the People of France; they replied, that though that were true, yet was it seemly, that the Commonalty in that election

should have respect to the Law of Nations, which alwayes calls the nearest heirs; and that it was very fit much should be condescended to, in regard of the so great expen∣ces the Catholick King had been at, and of those many things he had done for the maintenance of the Crown and of Religion; since with great detriment to his own affairs, he had employed all his Armies, and all the revenues of his Kingdom, through the course of so many years, for the benefit of the affairs of France; which if he from the beginning had abandoned to the discretion of the Navarrois, there was no doubt but it would have been constrained to bend its neck, and receive the yoke of Heresie: whence certainly would have proceeded the total ruin of every Catholick in particular, and the general servitude and dishonour of so Christian a Kingdom. Thus these Counsellors having persuaded themselves that these reasons would have the same ef∣ficacy in the mindes of the French,* 1.93 had concluded to apply themselves speedily to the advancing of so great a design. Wherefore the Ambassadors▪ having this express or∣der from Spain, and believing also by Diego d' Ivarra's Letters, that the election of the Infanta would willingly, and without contradiction be embraced by the States, did not defer to urge the Duke of Mayenne about it, to the end that he assenting to it, might favour that Declaration.

They said, that the Catholick King pretended justly to that election; first, by rea∣son of the right which the Infanta (as born of the eldest daughter of France) pretend∣ed to that Kingdom; and then by reason of the benefits France had received from him, and of those likewise which it might receive for the future, he being resolved to use all his force and power to free them from the contagion of Heresie, and to esta∣blish that Crown assoon as could be possible, in a quiet peaceful condition. To this purpose they added many magnificent promises to every one in particular, and much more largely in the Duke of Mayenne's interests, shewing, that the Catholick King would use him honourably, increase him in riches and reputation, and make him the first person in the whole Kingdom: finally, they demonstrated the honor the Catholick King did him already, in putting his Arms under the authority of his Command, having given order to Count Charles absolutely to obey and acknowledge him superi∣our.

The Duke of Mayenne, who had already at his first coming been advertised, that Count Charles brought not above Four thousand Foot, and One thousand Horse, and that the Ambassadors had no order to pay him any more than Five and twenty thou∣sand Duckets, a sum much inferiour to the greatness of his present need, answered the Ambassadors Proposition very resentingly, and with more boldness than he was wont, and reproached them with the weakness of those Forces, and their thriftiness of mo∣ney, which things were not like to free the Confederates from the yoke of Heresie, nor to make the Kingdom peaceable, as they boasted in their words, but to continue the calamities of War without end, and to reduce the affairs of the League unto extreme weakness and misery: That it had been seen in times past, how the Catholicks Kings Armies were hardly come in sight, when presently they vanished again, fomenting, but not remedying the mischiefs that afflicted the Kingdom; which now appeared much more clearly, since in that very point, when a course was to have been taken for the common safety, and when he, to satisfie their so great importunities and complaints, had, with infinite difficulty, assembled the States of the Crown, there came such poor assistance, as neither the Army was sufficient to give heat and authority to so great a bu∣siness, nor the money able to supply, or so much as give the least ease to the present ne∣cessities▪ That he marvelled exceedingly at that preposterous manner of proceeding: That now indeed the prudenc•• of the Catholick King, and his Counsellors was requi∣site▪ and that he knew no good could be expected for the future by that way: That it was a vain thing to propose the Infanta for Queen, and not to send ••itting means to make her be acknowledged, and to establish her in the Kingdom: That this was a difficult weighty important business, and not well rellished by many, and to carry it on with such feebleness of Forces, and so small reputation, was onely the way to destroy and ruine it, which, out of his observance to the Catholick King, he would not endure: That the mind of men, who had setled the sum of their hopes in the present Con∣gregation, would be incensed and put in despair, when they should see a stranger-Queen proposed, and that without power or means of attaining to the Crown: That this was a thing averse from the nature of the French, crossed by the impediment of the Salique Law, no way consonant to the ears of Freemen, and such as were not

accustomed to suffer themselves to be brought under; and that therefore it was neces∣sary first to engage mens minds both with high reputation, and the noise of great Ar∣mies, and also to win their affections by the allurements of profits and riches; but to propound so great a matter in so faint a manner, was neither conformable to the great∣ness of the Catholick King, nor decent for the name and reputation of the Confede∣rates; and that for his part, he neither thought fit, nor was able, nor knew how to engage himself in that Proposition, being certain, not only that nothing at all would be effected, but that in despair it would necessitate the Deputies to turn to an Agree∣ment with the Hereticks, rather than precipitate themselves into a bottomless pit of perpetual misery, where both the publick and private desolation were most vi∣sible.

This answer appeared as strange as unexpected to the Ambassadors,* 1.94 and they per∣ceived at the very first, that they were far from the imaginary reckonings they had made; yet persisting in their Proposition, they answered, That the commotions of Arragon, and the long indisposition, and afterward the death of the Duke of Parma, had hindered the King from making those preparations, which should within few months (if there were need of them) be made ready: That the Succours of the Ca∣tholick King had always been so powerful, and so opportune, that they had manifestly delivered the Kingdom and Religion from the oppression of the Hereticks; and that the French could not complain of any but themselves, who of themselves had lost bat∣tels, and brought themselves under in such manner, that afterward the King of Spain had been fain to forsake his own affairs, to recover them as it were from death to life: That the sums of money were not small, but the greediness of the French very great and unsatiable; and yet when they should give just reasonable satisfaction to the Catho∣lick King, He would strive to the utmost to content them; but that to desire all ad∣vantages, all conveniencies, all satisfactions, and all contentments, and to give none at all, was not an equal dealing, nor a fair reasonable way of proceeding: That they should resolve to declare their good will in acknowledging the rights of the Infanta to be just and valid; and for the rest, it was not to be thought the Catholick King would be careless of his Daughters interests, but would empty his Kingdom both of men and money to place her in the Throne, and to establish her perfectly: That the King, weary of so many disturbances▪ and of so many expences without fruit, would no more tire his people and ruine himself, unless he knew the charge and labour should in the end come to effect; but the Infanta being chosen, he would send Fifty thou∣sand Foot, and Ten thousand Horse, which should be paid till the enterprise were perfected; and would freely pour out all the Treasures of his Kingdom upon the French.

The Duke of Mayenne smiling at the proffer of these future Magnificences, said it was necessary to think of present things; and that to make the States swallow that bitter Pill of Foreign Dominion, it was necessary to temper it with the sweetness of profit and reputation, else it would prove impossible to get it down. But Inigo Men∣dozza (more able to dispute among learned men▪ than to manage so weighty an Affair of State) replied, That they knew all the Deputies would not only accept the Infanta, but also beseech the King to grant her for their Queen; and that he alone opposed that Election, which already was desired by them all. The Duke grew angry, and told Mendozza he was little acquainted with the businesses of France, and not knowing the magnanimity of the French, promised himself they should govern the Deputies, as they were wont to do the stupid senseless Indians; but that in the effect he would find himself much mistaken. Mendozza added, That rather in the effect they would make him know, they were able to make the Infanta be elected by the States with∣out his help. But the Duke not enduring that, replied, That he feared it not; and that if he should not consent unto it, all the world would not be able to make that election. To which the Duke of Feria answering, said, They would quickly make him perceive his errour, and would take away the command of the Army from him, and give it to the Duke of Guise.* 1.95 This netled the Duke of Mayenne more than all the rest; and as he was most passionate in his anger, he added, that it was in his power to turn all France against them, and that if he pleased, he could in a week shut them all out of the Kingdom: That they play'd the parts rather of Ambassadors from the King of Navarre, than the Catholick King, nor could they serve him better if they were paid by him: but they should not think to use him as their Subject, for he was

not so yet, nor did ever think by that manner of usage to be so for the future; and scornfully taking leave, departed from them.

Juan Baptista Tassis took the business in hand again the next day, striving to pa∣cifie and overcome him with promises; but the Duke told him freely, that if now they used him in that manner, he might, if he were not mad, perceive how he should be used when he was obliged, and a vassal; and refused a great while to confer any more with the Duk of Feria,* 1.96 and Mendozza. But Pronotary Agucchi, and Com∣missary Malvagia, who were present by order from the Legat, and Count Charles of Mansfelt, who was come thither to consult what should be done with the Army, la∣boured so far in the business, that on the one side the Spaniards knowing they could do nothing without the Duke of Mayenne; and he, when the violence of his anger was past, remembring that he was not in such a condition that it was convenient for him to lose the supportation of the Spaniards, differences were composed again at last, but with so much prejudice to the Catholick Kings designs, that the Duke to put a hard bit in their mouths, wrote to Villeroy, Jeannin, and the Archbishop of Lyons, by all means to cause the Writing of the Kings Catholicks to be answered, and that he should begin the conference which they proposed, to the end they might have that refuge in a readiness, whensoever they should be ill dealt withal by the Spaniards for the future; and yet dissembling on both sides, they agreed among themselves, that the Duke of Mayenne should assent to the election of the Infanta, and favour it with the States; and on the other side, that she being elected, he should have the Title of the Dutchy of Bourgogne, the Government of Picardy for his life, the Title and Autho∣rity of the Queens Lieutenant-General thorow the whole Kingdom, that all debts should be paid him, as well those that were contracted in the name of the Publick, as those in his own particular; and that he should be repaid all the money which he could make appear he had spent of his own; they paid him Five and twenty thou∣sand Crowns at that present, and consigned Letters to him for Two hundred thousand more, and gave order to Count Charles of Mansfelt with the Army to obey him, and dispose of himself according to his Orders.

This Convention pieced up in this manner, did indeed stop the discords and dis∣gusts for the present, but made not things so secure as to go on unanimously in their endeavours f••r the future; for the Duke of Mayenne on the one side, did not believe himself obliged to observe what the necessity of publick affairs had extorted from him by force, and the Spaniards as they had but little confidence that he would ob∣serve them, so were they ready to imbrace any occasion that should present it self, of treating and establishing the business without him. But being departed from Soisons upon the Five and twentieth of February, and come to Paris, as soon as they began to converse with the Deputies, they easily perceived that the Duke of Mayenne ruled all the Assembly, and that without him nothing at all could be ob∣tained.

On the other side he being gone to the Confines where the Army was, found it so weak, that he lost hope of doing any enterprise of such moment, as was like to bring him either profit or reputation. They all agreed that the Army should not advance into the inward parts of the Kingdom, but for diverse ends: the Spanish Mini∣sters, to the end Paris might not be freed from scarcity, following their conceit that it was profitable for their designs the League and the City should be streightened and kept low; the Duke of Mayenne on the other side, to the end the Spaniards might not take heart by the nearness of their Forces, and Count Charles, because by rea∣son of the weakness of his Army, and that he had but little money, would not en∣gage himself in places far from the confines, and in actions of long and difficult event; wherefore though the Legat and the Parisians were earnest, that the Army should ad∣vance and besiege St. Denis, to free the passage of victuals into the City on that side, yet it was nevertheless unanimously determined, that the Forces should be employed in other enterprises, among which, the Duke of Mayenne was better pleased with the besieging of Noyon than any other, as well because he had almost a certain hope of ta∣king that place, and coming off, with increase of credit and reputation, as to dispatch quickly, that he might return to the assistance of the Assembly; also because it was near to Rheims, where the Lords of the House of Lorain were to meet, before the State should come to a final determination.

The Forces being come together from all places, the Army drew before the Town, and having fortified their quarters, without delay, began to break ground,* 1.97 to cast up trenches and raise batteries. There were in the Army four thousand Foot, and one thousand Horse of the Catholick Kings; twelve hundred German Foot, and one hun∣dred Horse, paid by the Pope; which Forces were commanded by Appio Conti as Ge∣neral of the Church, and by Commissary Malvagia; and between five and six hundred German Foot of the Prince of Aiguillon's Regiment; three thousand French Foot, and between eight and nine hundred Horse of the Duke of Mayenne's, with which were the Dukes of Guise and Aumale, and the Sieur de Rosne, and de la Chastre. In the Town was Monsieur d' Estrée with nine hundred Foot and about eighty Horse, but not as∣sisted by the Towns-men, who by an old inclination had ever desired to be under the Confederates. Within a few days three batteries were planted, one of which was that of the Walloons, under the command of Berlotte; another where the Spaniards wrought under Antonio Zunniga, and Ludovico Velasco; and the third, where the Ger∣mans were, under the command of Appio Conti; and the French being entrenched on the side toward Chauny lay upon the way from whence relief might come. This siege lasted but few days, in respect of what men had thought i•• would; for the Duke of Mayenne himself with extraordinary diligence would needs assist at all the works, and show that now he commanded alone without the superiority of other Generals, he knew how with valour and celerity to bring an enterprise to perfection; wherefore be∣ing busied both in mind and body, and applying his utmost endeavours to it, he wea∣ried the besieged in so many places, and with so many sorts of Mines, Batteries, turn∣ings of Water, and frequent assaults, that not being longer able to resist▪ they agreed to surrender,* 1.98 and upon the last of May Monsieur d' Estrée delivered the Town into their hands, whereupon there was grievous complaint in the Army; for by reason of the pains the Souldiers had taken, they pretended the pillage of it belonged to them; but the Duke of M••yenne a••erse from rapine, and knowing how well-affected the Towns∣men were, would not suffer strangers to enrich themselves with the Blood of the French.

But in the time of this siege a thing happened which did very much weaken the Army of the League: for the Colonel of the Popes Lands-Knights having denied to obey Appio Conti, who commanded him to make his men work at the trenches, as th•• other Souldiers did, and being come from words to swords, Appio Conti was slain by a thrust the German made at him, who being seized upon in the midst of his men by the Duke of Mayenne himself, escaped afterwards out of the hands of them that kept him; whereupon the German Captains furling up their Ensigns, refused to bear Arms any more; which not displeasing Commissary Malvagia, he (though the Duke stifly contradicted it) dismissed them from the Popes pay, with no less errour than Mat∣••e••cci had formerly sent away the Swissers. The Catholick Kings Foot were likewise di∣minished, especially the Walloons, who because they were not paid ran in great num∣bers from their colours; and the French, according to their wont, were both decreased in number and abated in force; wherefore it was necessary to omit the prosecution of other enterprises, Mansfelt not being willing to advance further, either because of the weakness of his Army, or of his Orders from the Spanish Ministers, the Parisians al∣most in an uproar, sollicited the enterprise of St. Denis; which the chief Commanders not being willing to undertake at that time, and they of the City insisting still that the number of their Garisons might be increased, to the end they might be able to convoy their provisions more securely, which were taken away and hindered by the Kings Garisons, it was determined in Paris that the Popes Germans should come in thither,* 1.99 that neither the Spaniards nor the Duke of Mayenne's Forces might be increased, but the Legats Order arriving after the death of Appio Conti, and after the Commissary had dismissed the Germans, the Duke of Mayenne laid hold of the occasion, and in stead of them, sent in the Regiment of the Prince his Son, thereby giving warmth to them that depended upon him, and desired his greatness. Noyon being taken, and the Ar∣my half dissolved, Count Charles retired toward the Confines, expecting an op∣portunity to return into Flanders, and the Duke of Mayenne went to Rheims to meet with the Princes of his Family, and then to go and assist the Assembly of Paris.

The King at this time was forced by an unthought-of accident to go to Tours, which was not without prejudice to his affairs, and particularly caused the loss of Noyon.

He from the year 1587. had treated about giving his Sister the Princess Catherine in marriage to the Count de Soissons;* 1.100 but things not having succeeded according to agree∣ments, by reason whereof the Count went unto him to the Army in Xaintonge, they re∣mained as ill satisfied of one another, as the Princess was pleased with the gentle fa∣shion and behaviour of the Count; wherefore though he both departed from, and re∣turned to the party of the Catholicks during the States at Blois, yet had they continued secret conversation by Letters, whereby their hearts in progress of time were the more enflamed, and they were gone so far by the means of the Madam de Granmont, that the Count, who was one of those that thought of forsaking the King, being come to Tours under the apparent pretence of visiting his Mother, posted from thence secretly into Bearne, with an appointment to contract and consummate the Marriage with the Lady Catherine. But the King (who hoped the Marriage of his Sister would be a means to gain him the friendship of other Princes, and therefore made several designs about it) had his eyes so intent upon the Counts actions, that he dived into that in∣tention before it was executed: For having in former times long loved Madam de Granmont, and then left her after his departure out of Gascogne, as she did all she could to disoblige him, out of disdain for having been forsaken; so his Sisters, most tru••••y Gentlewomen, being corrupted by the Kings gifts, were as ready to give him notice of every particular: Wherefore being come to the knowledge of all that was in agitati∣on, he gave order to some of the Parliament to go into Bearne, and hinder that Con∣tract; and he having before sent the Baron de Byron (by him created Admiral) under pretence of taking possession of that dignity in the Parliament, followed him speedily, leaving his houshold and Council at Char••res, and having caused the Princess to come to Tours, he brought her with him, after the space of two months, unto the same Ci∣ty, being exceedingly angry to see himself so little esteemed by those of his own Blood. But this was a thing that made him more clearly know, it was high time (nor could he any longer defer) to take some resolution, and to establish his affairs▪ since that even the Princes of the Blood were openly alienated from him. Thus every little accident, though it seemed cross, was yet always favourable to his greatness and establishment.

Whilst they were fighting about Noyon, with no less ardour did they contend in Paris about resolving upon the Answer that was to be given to the Catholicks of the Kings party;* 1.101 for the Spaniards supported by the Cardinal-Legat, strove to cross it, and for a manifest reason alledged, that the Writing being heretical, as the Divines of Sorbonne had declared, it could not be taken into consideration, nor ought the States to give an Answer to it: That which made it heretical, they said, was, because it affir∣med that Subjects were obliged to yield obedience to their Prince, though he were an Heretick, both known to be such, and condemned by the holy Church: They added, that this was a net to catch the inclinations of the simple, an obstacle to hinder the progress of the States, and a stone of scandal to retard Gods service; that it was not fit to lose time about their Enemies subtilties, nor about the interpositions of the King of Navarre, from whom it was certain that Writing was derived, since they them∣selves that caused it to be presented, confessed they did it with his consent, and it was subscribed by no other man but Revol, one of the Secretaries of State; and there∣fore, as he that will do well ought not to hearken to the temptations which the Devil suggests; so they that would procure the safety of the Kingdom, and the establish∣ment of Religion, should in no sort mind the interpositions of the King of Navarre, and those that spoke by his instigation, and thorow his very mouth. On the other side, many of the Deputies said, that they ought not to shut their ears against those of the same Blood and Religion, who perchance sought to amend their errours, and cure their Consciences by retiring to the party of the good Catholicks, and adhering to the Confederates; that if it should come to pass, the King of Navarre would remain so weak and abject, that it would need no great pa••ns to vanquish him; that all means ought to be used, and covetously laid hold on, which might lead to Peace, that being the last end to which all good Frenchmen tended, and to which for their own safety all aspired; and if with a common consent the way to attain to quietness could be found▪ why should they ingulf themselves in new miseries of War, and in new perpetual di∣stractions of Arms? That to this end, the Duke of Mayenne had in his Declaration invited the Catholicks of the contrary party to meet and confer with him: That he had protested this unto them, adding, that if they resolved not to unite themselves

with him, they should be guilty of all the subsequent mischiefs and calamities: Which Protestation the Catholicks trusting in, had now demanded a Conference, and if they should not accept it, they should make themselves guilty of the same crimes: That their speaking by the Kings permission, imported nothing; for things are not done and obtained all at once: That being now subject to his power, they were necessitated to speak in that manner; but that afterwards being perswaded and drawn by little and little, by reason and gentleness, perchance they would make a more clear, more ex∣press resolution: That it was no matter though Revol we••e Secretary to the King of Navarre, for he was a Catholick, and perchance no less inclined to a revolt than the rest: That it was already known, how even the Princes of the Blood thought of changing their party, that the Catholicks were ill satisfied, because the promises of his Conversion were not kept; and therefore it was necessary to foment that begin∣ning of alteration, to help them to bring forth a firm determination, and by means thereof reunite all the Members into one Body, to attain the safety and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Kingdom.

This was the more plausible opinion, and it was carried by the Duke of Maye••ne's Confidents, from whom they had received order to bring it to pass; nor did the••e want any thing, save the Legats consent, from whom neith••r the States, nor the Duke himself would in any wise alienate themselves. Therefore the Archbishop of Lyons went to him, and demonstrated, that if the Proposition of the Royalists were not ac∣cepted, some very great tumults would follow; for the Nobility and the Order of Commons stood so stifly for it, that being tired out with the Wa••, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Arms, they would make an insurrec••ion, with great danger of revolting to the King of Na∣varre: That no harm could be feared from that Conference; for such persons should be imployed in it, as there would be no danger of their forsaking the cause of Reli∣gion: That if the Catholicks of the Kings party would join with that of the Confe∣derates, it would be the very point of Victory; and if on the other side, they should show themselves averse from doing so, it would be easie, after having given satisfa∣ction to the World, and to the States in appearance, to dissolve the Conference a thou∣sand ways: That also in the time of Cardinal Ga••••ano there had been many Treaties and Conferences, both by himself and others, and yet no absurdity had followed; and if at that present there should not be one, he would not only be accounted scrupulous and severe, but also obstinate, and an Enemy to Peace: That if only through his op∣position, the proposal of the Catholicks were not imbraced, it would be attributed to an unseasonable pride, and a too interessed union with the Span••ards, which perchance would not be pleasing at Rome; that already all men murmured at it, and that the de∣mand was so just, that whosoever should refuse it, would manifestly put themselves on the wrong side. The Legat (whose ears were already filled with the popular dis∣courses, which condemned his too much assenting to the Spaniards; the Prevost des Merchands having added, that the City, which by this Conference hoped for the be∣nefit of being partly freed from scarcity, would certainly mutiny if it were refused,* 1.102 and those of the Parliament still boldly crying, and giving out, that they would make Pro∣testation to the States) at last yielded in secret, that the Catholicks should be answer∣ed, and that the Conference should be accepted, but without his apparent consent. So with a general Vote it was decreed in the States, that the Conference should be accepted, and upon the Fourth day of March they framed an Answer to the Catholicks of this Tenor.

WE have seen some few days ago, the Letter which was written to us;* 1.103 and sent by a Trumpet in your Name; which we could wish came from you with such zeal and affection as you were wont (before these last miseries) to bear to the preser∣vation of Religion, and with such respect and observance as is due to the Church, our Lord the Pope, and the holy Chair; we should for certain quickly be agreed and uni∣ted together against the Hereticks; nor would other Arms be longer necessary for us, to beat down and break in pieces these new Altars which are set up against ours, and to hinder the establishment of Heresie, which (because it hath been tolerated, or ra∣ther honoured with reward and recompence, when it should have been punished) is not contented now adays to be received and accepted; but will become Mistriss, and domineer imperiously under the Authority of an Heretick Prince. And though that Letter name no body in particular, nor is subscribed by any of those whose

names it bears, and that we therefore are uncertain who sent it us, or rather certain that it was done at the suggestion of others, (the Catholicks not having in the place where you are, that liberty which is necessary, to bear, deliberate, and resolve with the counsel and judgment of their conscience, any of those things which our misery and the common safety require) yet should we not have so long delayed to make an∣swer to it, had it not been that we stayed expecting to have the Assembly fuller, and increased by a good number of persons who were upon the way to come unto it, of whom the greater part being arrived, out of a doubt that our so long silence may be calumniated, We do it this day, without deferring it to another▪ in expectation of the rest who are yet to come. And we declare first of all, That we have all sworn and promised to God, (after having received his most precious Body, and the blessing of the holy See by the hands of the Cardinal-Legat) that the scope of all our counsels, the beginning, means, and end of all our actions shall be to secure and preserve the Ro∣man Catholick Apostolick Religion, wherein we will live and die. Truth it self which cannot lye, having taught us, that by seeking the Kingdom and Glory of God before all other things, temporal blessings shall be added thereunto; among which in the first place after Religion, we put the conservation of the State entire; and hold that all other means of hinderance ruine and destruction, grounded only upon humane wisdom, smell of impiety, are unjust, contrary to duty, and the profession we make to be good Ca∣tholicks, and without likelihood of ever having any good success. And we being freed from those accidents and dangers wh••••h good men foresee and fear by reason of the mis∣chiefs He••esie produceth, will not reject any counsel which may help to diminish our miseries, or bring them to an end. For we acknowledge, and are but too sensible of the calamities which Civil War brings forth, and have no need of any body to shew us our wounds; but God and men know who are the authors of them. It sufficeth us to say we are trained up and instructed in the Doctrine of the holy Church, nor can our Souls and Consciences have repose and tranquillity, nor taste any happiness while they are in fears and jealousies of losing Religion, whose danger can neither be dissem∣bled nor avoided, if men continue as they have begun. Thence it is, that, judging as you do that our reconciliation is most necessary, we seek it with a truly Christian charity and pray and conjure you in the Name of God to grant it us. Nor let the blames and upbraidings which the Hereticks cast upon us any way hinder you. As for ambition, which they publish to be the cause of our taking up of Arms, it is in your power to see us within, and discover whether Religion be the cause, or pre∣tence; leave you the Hereticks, (whom at the same time you both follow and detest:) If we lift up our hands to Heaven to give God thanks, if we be disposed and ready to follow all good counsels, to love you, to honour you, to yield you that respect and ser∣vice that shall be due to you; then praise us as honest men, who have had the cou∣rage to despise all dangers for the preservation of Religion, nor have wanted inte∣grity and moderation to forbear the thought of any thing that is against honour and reason: but if the contrary happen, then accuse our dissimulation, and condemn us as wicked persons; by so doing you will set both Heaven and Earth against us, and make our Arms fall out of our hands as conquered, or leave us so weak, that the Vi∣ctory over us will be without danger, and without glory. In the mean time, blame the mischief of Heresie which is known to you, and rather fear that canker that de∣vours us, and every day gets ground, than a vain imaginary Ambition, when there is no such thing; or, if there be, it will be left alone and poorly attended, when it shall be deprived of the cloak of Religion. It is likewise a calumny to accuse us that we bring Strangers into the Kingdom: it is necessary either to lose Religion, with our Honours, Lives and Estates, or else to oppose the force of the Heretick, whom no∣thing can please but our ruine; and therefore we are constrained to make use of them, since your Arms are against us▪ They are the most holy Fathers, and the most holy See that have sent us relief; and though many have been called to that supreme Dignity since these last troubles, yet have there not been one of them who hath changed his affection towards us, a most certain testimony that our cause is just. It is the Catholick King, a Prince allied and confederate to this Crown, only powerful now adays to maintain and defend Religion, who hath likewise helped us with his forces and powers, yet without any other reward or recompence, but the glory which so good a work hath justly acquired him. Our Kings against the Rebellion of Hereticks, and in the like ne∣cessity have had recourse to them; we have followed their example, without entring

into any Treaty prejudicial to the State, or to our reputation, though our necessity hath been much greater than theirs. Rather set before your eyes, that the English, who assist you to establish Heresie, are the ancient Enemies of the Kingdom, who yet bear the title of that usurpation, and have their hands imbrued in the innocent blood of an infinite number of Catholicks, who have constantly suffered death for the service of God and the Church. Cease likewise to hold us guilty of High Treason, because we will not obay an Heretick Prince, whom you call our natural King; and have a care, that bending your eyes to the Earth to look upon humane Laws, you forget not the divine Law that came from Heaven. It is not Nature, nor the right of Nations that teacheth us to acknowledge our Kings, but the Law of God, the Law of his Church, and that of the Kingdom, which require from the Prince that is to command us, not only proximity of blood, which you stand upon, but also the profession of the Catholick Religion; and this quality hath given name to that Law which we call the Fundamental Law of the State, always followed and observed by our Ancestors with∣out any exception; though the other of proximity of blood hath been sometime al∣tered, the Kingdom remaining nevertheless entire, and in its former dignity. To come therefore to so holy and necessary a reconciliation, we accept the Conference which you demand, provided it may be only between Catholicks, and to deliberate about the means of preserving Religion and the State. And because you desire it should be be∣tween Paris and St. Denis, we intreat you to like of Mont-Martre, St. Meaux, or Cha∣liot in the Queens Palace; and that you would be pleased to send those that shall be deputed by you, upon some day you shall think fit, before the end of this month, whereof we being advertised, will not fail to have ours there, and to proceed with sin∣cere affection, free from all passion, praying to God that the event of it may be such, that we may find the preservation of Religion and of the State; and a good, secure du∣rable peace, as we also pray him to conserve you, and give you his Spirit to know, and imbrace the most wholsom profitable counsel for the general safety.

This answer being received and read in the Council of the King, who was not yet come back from his journey into Poictou, they that were there present determined to prosecute the Conference, but to defer the particulars thereof till they had the Kings consent to them, and the general votes of the Council. Thus by a Writing full of cour∣teous expressions, they excused the delay, and finally, having received their approba∣tion, and replied again with other Letters,* 1.104 they concluded to hold the Conference at Surenne between Paris and St. Denis.

There was great contention at Paris about the election of the persons that were to intervene at this Treaty; for the Legat and the Spanish Ambassadors strove to procure that one of them might be Guilliaume Rose Bishop of Senlis, a man of a sowre nature, and sharp eloquence, which for many years he had profusely used against the Kings, and against their party; and on the other side, they that inclined to peace, desired the Sieur de Villeroy might be admitted, who by many was excluded as partial to the King: at last for the common satisfaction they were both left out, and those that were unani∣mously chosen were, the Archbishop of Lyons, Pericard Bishop of Auranche,* 1.105 Godefr••y de Billy Abbot of St. Vincent de Laon, the Admiral Villars, the Count de Belin, the Baron de Talmay, the Sieurs de Montigny and Montaulin, President Jeannin, and President Maistre, Estienne Bernard Advocate in the Parliament of Dijon, and Honoré de L••urent Counsellor in the Parliament of Aix. They of the Kings side chose the Archbishop of Bourges, the Sieurs de Chavigny, and Bellieure; the Count de Schombergh, President de Thou, Nicholas Sieur de Rambouillett, the Sieur de Pontcarré, and Secretary Revol. But at the first meeting, with the mutual consent of the Deputies, there were added the Sieur de Vic Governour of St. Denis on the Kings side, and for the League the Sieur de Villeroy, who the Duke of Mayenne desired by all means should assist in the Trea∣ty, and in the progress of it the Sieurs de Rosne and la Chastre were likewise ad∣mitted.

In the mean time, the Duke of Feria, upon the second of April, had solemn publick audience of the States, at which in a Latin Oration, he proffered the Catholick Kings assistance and supplies to the Assembly, for the conservation of Religion, and the election of such a King, as the condition of the times required, and likewise presented Let∣ters from King Philip, wherein after many courteous expressions, he referred himself to what the Duke of Feria, and the other Ambassadors should represent in his name,

who said, that they reserved themselves to do it, when the Duke of Mayenne and the other Princes should be come unto the States, who were yet at the meeting at Rheims with the Duke of Lorain.

* 1.106There their minds were no less disagreeing, nor the opinions less differing than in the States; for the Duke of Lorain seeing the rest were not inclined to yield to him as Head of the Family, and knowing the Spaniards were already engaged in the design of getting the Infanta elected, began to be weary of the War which he had sustained all those late years to the great damage of his people; and though the Spaniards some∣times scattered reports, that the Infanta being chosen Queen should take the Cardinal his Son to be her Husband, it seemed to him so absurd, that he was not at all incli∣ned to believe it, and since he could attain to nothing else, would have been content with Peace, whereby the Cities of Thoul and Verdun should remain his. On the other side, the Duke of Mayenne desired he should persist in Arms, and favour the election of him and his Sons, thinking his pains and endeavours deserved that reward, and that no other body at that present was able to undergo that weight, but he rather gave signs of this intention than propounded it, and laboured dexterously to insinuate it into the rest; among which as the Dukes of Aumale and Elboeuf adhered to him, so the Dukes of Nemours and Guise assented not, both being intent to endeavour for them∣selves, and full of hopes that the Spaniards might at last concur to marry the Infanta to one of them. The Duke of Mayenne strove to withdraw them from that thought, by letting them see it was far from the intent of the Spaniards, who had no other design than to get the Crown into the power of the Infanta, and by her, either in her life-time, or after her death, to have it united and incorporated to that of Spain, to which it was very repugnant to give her a young French Husband, and such an one as might be able not only to govern her, but also the people, and forces of the Nobility and Kingdom.

* 1.107It was a remarkable thing, that though this was an Assembly of the House of Lo∣rain, the King should yet have a very great party in it; for by the Grand Duke of Thus∣cany's consent, Girolamo Gondi had formerly begun, and now continued to treat with the Duke of Lorain, to induce him and the rest to think of agreeing with the King, proposing his Conversion, full caution and security for Religion, and to give his Sister in Marriage to the Prince of Lorain, with those Cities which the Duke desired and pretended to; and on the other side, by means of the Count of Schombergh he had begun to deal with the Duke of Mayenne, shewing him that they might with much more ease, agree privately between themselves, than if they should stay for the event of the conference, for he was ready to gratifie him, and give him that really in pre∣sent, which the Spaniards promised but verbally to give in future. But the hopes of every one of these interessed persons were still too fresh and lively, which dazling their understanding and incumbering it with passion, would not suffer them yet to come to this determination; so that neither agreeing among themselves, nor in any third person, they parted at last without any conclusion; save that the Duke of Lorain gave Commission to the Sieur de Bassompier his Ambassador to the States, to adhere in the Treaty to the Duke of Mayenne's will, in what concerned their interests and the af∣fairs of the Spaniards, without declaring himself in the business of election. The Duke of Mayenne with his Nephew of Guise, and the Duke of Elboeuf, went towards Paris, being yet uncertain of his own design; the Duke of Lorain more desirous of quiet than any thing else, returned into his own State, and the Duke of Aumale went into Picardy to assist Count Charles, who staid about the confines with the forces of the Catholick King.

In the mean time the Conference at Surenne was begun, upon the Nine and twentieth of April, where after the first Meetings, and mutual Exhortations, to lay aside all affe∣ctions and interests, and to apply themselves sincerely to the common good and safety; the Deputies shewed one another their Commissions and Authority;* 1.108 they gave Pass∣ports and Safe conducts on both sides, and a discourse was begun of making a Cessa∣tion of Arms in the neighbouring places, to the end that the Deputies themselves, and those of their retinue might stay freely, and treat without disquiet or suspition, which Truce was afterwards established and published upon the Third of May for four Leagues about Paris, and as much about Surenne; which did so rejoyce the Parisians, who had been so many years shut up and imprisoned within their Walls, that every one might easily perceive how much joy and consolation the peace (if it should follow) would

bring to all the people of France. Both parties agreed in this one point, that peace was necessary to raise up France from her present miseries and future ruine; every one praised it, and shewed himself ready to embrace it, but they disagreed absolutely in the means proper to attain it. For the Deputies for the League held, the foundati∣on of all things to be Religion, and that no other agreement ought, or could be con∣cluded, wherein the first and chiefest consideration was not about it; and therefore ex∣horted the Royallists to forsake the Heretick Prince whom they followed, and uniting themselves all to one end, unanimously to chuse a Catholick King, such a one as might be acceptable and approved by the Pope, by whose establishment, the roots of dis∣cord being extirpated, which sprung up from diversity of Religion, they might joynt∣ly come to settle Policy, good Government, Peace, and the repose of the Kingdom. On the other side, the Deputies on the Kings part maintained, that the foundation of Peace, was the acknowledgement of, and obedience to a lawful Prince, truly French, and called by the Laws: Under whose shadow all of them reuniting themselves, trou∣bles and dissentions might be made to cease; they said, Religion was a second conside∣ration, for Christians anciently had obeyed and acknowledged many Princes that were not onely Hereticks and Schismaticks, but also enemies and persecutors of the Church, and the most holy, most learned Fathers of Christendom, nay, even the Apostles them∣selves had taught and preached that obedience; and therefore they exhorted those of the League to reunite themselves in the acknowledgment of their King, to whom the Crown undoubtedly belonged, both by a right lineal descent, and by vertue of the Sa∣lique Law; for as he would give all kind of securities, the most full and ample that could be desired for the preservation of Religion; so, in time, he might also be reduced to embrace and follow the Catholick Doctrine, from which he did not shew himself ab∣solutely averse.

The Archbishop of Lyons, and the rest of his fellow Deputies could not endure to hear this Doctrine, but abhorred and confuted it with detestation, though the Arch∣bishop of Bourges, with great flourishes of Learning, Authorities, and Examples, la∣boured to maintain it; but they on the other side said freely, This was the way to make the Kingdom Schismatical, and alienate it from the Fellowship of the Catholick Church, and that they would rather chuse to lose their lives, than consent to so brutish, so pernitious a thing; and then again, the Archbishop of Bourges demonstrated, that to be so obstinate upon that point, was a subjecting of the Kingdom to the Dominion, not onely of Foreign Princes, but of its most bitter enemies, and that for their parts (since they knew they might live with Liberty of Conscience, and in the maintenance of their Religion) they would not by any means make themselves guilty of so great a crime. After long disputations, the Archbishop of Bourges proposed, that since they could not frame themselves to acknowledge a King, that was not publickly and cer∣tainly a Catholick, they would joyntly exhort King Henry to change his Religion, and come into the bosome of the Church; for if he should accept of the invitation, and re∣solve to do so, all doubts and occasions of dissenting from him would cease, and if he should refuse it, then every Catholick would forsake him, and all united together would chuse another Prince of the Blood, that were a Catholick, and one generally approved. The Confederates replied, they neither could nor ought to exhort, nor in∣vite the King of Navar, who had not onely oftentimes shewed he regarded not, nay, rather despised those invitations, but also having promised them to turn Catholick, had deceived them and abused their credulity; Wherefore, if he had made no reckoning of his friends, much less was it to be believed, he would value his enemies, and that ha∣ving by the Apostolick See been declared a relapsed Heretick, and excommunicated, they could not treat with him, nor meddle with any thing that appertained to his interest. The Royallists shewed, that now he seemed to be of another opinion, and that the in∣vitations formerly made unto him, had been threatning ones, accompanied with force, and therefore he had rejected them, as unseemly to his reputation; but that now he took those exhortations in good part, which were made to him by way of extremi∣ty, and shewed a thousand signs that he would reconcile himself to the Church; that he had not kept his promise by reason of the hinderance of Arms and War, for it was fit his conversion should be with decency and honor, and without violence, and that they hoped to see him a Catholick very shortly: to which the others replyed, that they should be very glad of his conversion (if it should come to pass) for his own souls sake;

but that these were politick artifices to deceive the simple, nor could they ground any resolution at all upon it.

Divers Sittings were spent in these disputes, without coming to a conclusion; so that many judged (as they had prognosticated from the beginning) that the Confe∣rence would be dissolved without fruit. Hence the Spaniards taking courage▪ both because of the resolution which they of the League shewed, that they would never as∣sent to acknowledge any other King than one that was sincerely a Catholick; and be∣cause of the perseverance they saw in the King and his Deputies, to set the point of Re∣ligion after the Salique Law and the politick Government of the Kingdom) resolved to make the utmost push for it, and to propose the election of the Infanta for the last engine of their attempt. Wherefore the Cardinal-Legate having caused many Pro∣cessions and Prayers to be made, with no less pomp than devotion, to beg of God that he would inspire the States in the good choice of convenient means for the common sa∣fety: There met in his Palace upon the nineteenth of May, besides the Spanish Am∣bassadors,* 1.109 who where to make the Proposition, the Dukes of Mayenne, Guise, Aumale, and Elboeuf, the Count de Chaligny, the Sieur de Bassompier in the name of the Duke of Lorain, the Sieur de la Pierre for the Duke of Savoy, Lorenzo Tornabuoni for the Duke of Mer••oeur, Cardinal Pelleve, and the Count de Belin Governor of Paris; and in the name of the States six Deputies to treat with the Spanish Ministers, the Arch-bishop of Lyons and the Bishop of Senlis for the Clergy, the Sieurs de la Chastre and Montolin for the Nobility, the Prevost des Marchands of Paris and Estienne Bernard for the Com∣mons. In this meeting, wherein all the spirits of the States, and the very soul of the League consisted, the Duke of Feria began to detest the Conference that was held with those of the Kings party; saying, that the Cardinal-Legate and he had assented to it onely, that they might not fail of any possible means to reduce those that were gone astray into the bosome of the holy Church, and to the end that the obstinacy of the Po∣liticks being more clearly seen, who set Religion behind the consideration of temporal things, the World might be certified of their wickedness, and of the good intent of the Catholick King, whose principal object was Christian Charity, the safety of Reli∣gion, and (with these conditions) the peace and happiness of that most Christian Kingdom; but this trial also having been made, that nothing might be left undone, and to satisfie the curiosity of all men, it was now at last time to dissolve those Trea∣ties, which, without hope of any fruit, carried with them the danger of many mis∣chiefs, and thenceforth apply themselves to the election of one, who, by common con∣sent should possess the Crown; for which end they were met together with so much difficulty, and from so many several places: that as the Catholick King, who had spent so much gold, and poured out so much blood of his Subjects for the upholding of that cause, had never refused any overture of those remedies which he believed might conduce to the general good; so at last he was come to know, that there was no bet∣ter nor more helpful resolution for all parts than one alone, wherein both justice and decency, profit and conveniency did joyntly concur; that this was the election of the Infanta Clara Eugenia Isabella Daughter to his most Catholick Majesty,* 1.110 to be Queen of France, to whom, as born of Elizabeth, eldest daughter to Henry the Second, whose male-line was ended, the Crown justly and lawfully belonged, as by a thousand Autho∣rities, and constitutions of Law and Reason it was easie to prove; that the King wish∣ed and desired the consent of the States should concur in that just election for the more general satisfaction, to the end, that the gratitude of the French, remembering how much he had done for their service, might agree with the justice of the cause, to esta∣blish the common peace and contentment. Here he enlarged himself fully in the In∣fanta's praises, shewing her prudence, worth, and magnanimity, qualities worthy to order so noble a Government; and finally concluded, there were already Eight thou∣sand Foot and Two thousand Horse ready at the States least request to enter into the Confines, and that as many more should be ready within three months, all which For∣ces should be paid by the King till the Wars were ended; and that the Duke of May∣enne should have an Hundred thousand Crowns paid him every month to maintain Ten thousand French Foot, and Four thousand Horse; that if these were thought less than was requisite, the Catholick King would add so many more as should be sufficient; it being to be believed, that out of the infinite affection he bore his daughter, he should not fail to imploy all his force to make her a free peaceable possessor of the King∣dom; promising and assuring last of all, that the Princes of the House of Loraine

especially, and then all the other Lords and Gentlemen should be largely requited and contented, the Clergy brought to their first splendor, the Nobility satisfied, the People eased, and all the several Orders of France setled, not onely in full peace and tranquillity, but also in the ancient lustre and glory of their Nation.

The Duke of Feria having concluded his speech in this manner, the Bishop of Sen∣lis, who, with Impatience had expected the end of it, without giving time to any other body, whom it concerned, by order, to tell his opinion, stood up, and said scornfully;* 1.111 The Politicks were in the right, who had ever said, that interest of State was hid under the Cloak of Religion, which he, with those of his coat, having, with infinite labour, alwayes endeavoured to confute in their Pulpits, he was now sorry at heart to hear from the mouths, and by the confession of Ambassadors, that it was true, and that the Preachers deceiving themselves and others, had defended and protected a thing that was false; that from thenceforward he should believe the Spaniards were no less politick than the Navarrois, but he prayed them for their own honor, and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Holy Vnion, to desist from that thought; For the Kingdom of France ha∣ving, for the space of Twelve hundred years, been gloriously possessed by Men, accor∣ding to the institution of the Salique Law, it was not fit now to transfer it upon Women, who, by the variety of their Marriages, might call in variety of Masters, and sub∣ject the French Nation to the dominion of Forreigners. This free, unexpected an∣swer, made by one of the chief instruments of the League, and of the Kings sharpest enemies, did not onely dismay the Spanish Ambassadors, but many also of the Assembly, doubting that so free a reproof, made without any respect, might discompose all things, and put them in confusion.* 1.112 But the D. of Mayenne endeavoured with dexterity to excuse the Bishop of Senlis his words, ascribing them to excess of zeal, or too much fervour of mind, intimating, that sometimes he went beyond himself, and shewing, that when he was made sensible of reason, and what was fit, he would of himself correct that, which, being drawn by his first violence, he had so licentiously spoken unawares. The Ambassadors took heart again at the encouragement of the Duke of Mayenne, of Car∣dinal Pelleve, and some others; but truely it remained evident, that it was not out of ambition, or for any interests (as many would have had it thought,) but because his conscience so perswaded him, that the Bishop of Senlis, in all the course of those commotions, had so profusely favoured the party of the Vnion, and spoken so sharply, and with such continued Liberty against the person of the present King, and the me∣mory of him that was dead. However it were, certain it is, his words helped to a∣bate the credit of the Spaniards, and his example moved many of those who followed the League, not for their own interest, but in respect of Religion.

And yet the Spaniards not losing heart, by reason of the Duke of Mayenne's dissimu∣lation, and of the hopes they had in many of the Deputies, demanded publick audience in the assembly of the States, and having obtained it, upon the Six and twentieth day Juan Baptista Tassis was the first that spoke, who, with a short, but very cunning speech, made the proposition of the Infanta,* 1.113 and after him Inigo de Mendozza with a long disputation divided into seven heads, explained the rights that she pretended to the succession of the Crown; both of them concluding, that it was not to put that in controversie, which was to be acknowledged from the voluntary election of the State, but to inform and satisfie them, that he alledged those reasons, to the end, that with prudent advice, the free disposal of the assembly might go along with right and conform it self to Justice; the Infanta being willing to acknowledge that from them by way of election, which duely belonged to her by rightful succession. This proposi∣tion was no less deeply resented by the major part of the Deputies, than it had been by the Bishop of Senlis; many disdain'd,* 1.114 that the dominion of Strangers should be pro∣posed to them, as to men who were either slaves to the will of others, or ignorant of their own interests: others laught to see this proposition made without preparations of Arms, men, and moneys, as both need and the reputation of the business required: others condemned the Spaniards of little discretion, in having had the boldness to de∣clare their design, without having prepossessed their minds and disposed them to∣wards it, by the powerful preparative of private interest; and there wanted not of those who disputed also about the right; and said, that though women should be declared to have right to the inheritance of the Crown, it probably belonged not to her, but to the Kings of England, who were first descended from daughters of France, and with whom there had been so many, and so tedious Wars to reject that pretention, and

to uphold the Salique Law, and the legitimate succession of the Males. But they that were most of all displeased at it (though secretly) were the Princes of the House of Lorain, who pretended to the election themselves, and the Duke of Mayenne, though he more cunningly dissembled it, shewing in appearance, that he would not dissent from the King of Spain••s will, nor from what he had agreed upon with the Ambassa∣dors at Soissons, yet he underhand stirred up the Deputies to reject that proposition, as dishonorable to the Nation, dangerous in point of servitude, hurtful to themselves, and to the liberty of those that should come after them, and not grounded upon any present security, but all vainly supported by the uncertainty of future promises.

There was no doubt but the Deputies would unanimously refuse that proposition, yet not to exasperate the Spaniards, and to give matters time to ripen, they answer∣ed, after many complements, that their desire should be taken into consideration, to the end an answer might be given as soon as was possible; which while it was expect∣ed, the Duke of Mayenne, to find out a way to exclude that business, began to treat with the Ambassadors, what Husband the Infanta should have when the Sates had elected her Queen, and urged them to declare what Commissions they had from the Catholick King concerning that.* 1.115 Their answer was altogether like the rest of the treaty, for they made no scruple to declare, that the King thought of matching her to Ernest, Archduke of Austria, the Emperors Brother, whom he had also appointed to succeed the Duke of Parma in his Country of Flanders. This answer was presently excluded; for all replyed with joynt consent, That they would not have a King of a different Language and Nation, and that the Ears of Frenchmen could never endure to hear it; and though the Duke of Mayenne, for divers respects, feigned to approve of the Archduke, the rest notwithstanding declared freely they would none of him; which,* 1.116 as soon as the Spaniards knew, seeing the Infanta's election would go but in a desperate course, if some considerable prop were not added to uphold it, they said they had Commission in case the States approved not of the Archduke, to propose, that the Catholick King would marry the Infanta to a French Prince, who should be no∣minated and elected by him within six months. This Proposition displeased not all of them in general, because there were many pretenders, among which were the Duke of Guise, the Duke of Nemours, and the Cardinal of Lorain; but the Duke of Mayenne publickly commending the proposition, endeavored to sound, whether they inclined to any one of his Sons, and being sufficiently certified they were not like to consent unto it, because they would not put the Dominion of the Kingdom into his hands, being certain the Infanta should be barely a Wife, not a Mistriss, he began to draw the con∣trary way, much more than he had done before, and applyed himself to foment the Conference, which had never been intermitted at Surenne between the Catholicks of both parties.

The King, who had notice of all that was in agitation, sought every way, by means of the Conference, to hinder each resolution of the States; but his Deputies could not do much in it, by reason of the important opposition of Religion, nay, ra∣ther his own Catholicks were discontented themselves, that his Conversion so much desired, and so often promised, was deferred more and more every day. The Princes of the Blood threatned openly, and now thought in good earnest of taking some resolu∣tion, because they saw the election of a King of another Family was so closely treated of: And every one, even of himself, fell easily into an opinion, that by going over to the League, he might come to marry the Spanish Infanta, and have the protection of the Catholick Kings Forces for his establishment;* 1.117 whereupon, not onely the Cardinal of Bourbon was extraordinarily moved, but also the Count de Soissons newly disgusted, by being put beside the marriage of the Princess Catherine; the Prince of Conti reckon∣ed not the insufficiency which was believed of him, to be to his disadvantage, but ra∣ther thought the Spaniards would like him the better, to the end that the Infanta re∣maining without issue, there might some hope continue of uniting the Crowns; and finally also, it was pretended to by the Duke of Montpensier, a Prince valiant in War, of a most ready Wit, handsome person, and graceful Behavior: So that the Infanta's ele∣ction perchance was better thought on among the King's party, than among those of the League. But particular men, who had not these pretensions, and were onely moved by two respects, That of their own profit, and that of Religion, exclaimed openly, That the Kings stubbornness gave to the Spanish cunning and boldness opportunity of break∣ing out; that now at last all the Kings excuses and delays were come to an end; that even he himself had no longer the heart to alledge any reason, nor propose any ex∣cuse;

that it was evident he was bewitched with the subtilties of the Ministers, and fast tied to the Doctrine of his Arch-Hereticks; that it was fit now at last to think of their Souls, of their Religion, of the safety of themselves and their Children, and not be made instruments to send themselves, and all their posterity to the Devil; that they should even let him and his desperate Hugonots go to perdition alone, and not carry the whole Kingdom with him for company.

Next after respect of Religion, particular interests immediately succeeded; every one detested the toil and burden of War, every one had compassion upon himself, upon the sufferings of his own Family, the ruine of his domestick affairs, and the continued expences, that found no end; every one sighed, every one longed for the repose and quietness of Peace; and among all the rest, Monsieur d' O, weary of being Treasurer without Money, Bellegarde, St. Luc, Termes, Sancy, Grillon,* 1.118 and all the old Servants of Henry the Third, bewailed themselves, and their ill Fortune, which, in stead of a King of Gold, whom they were wont to have, had given them now a King of Iron; for the late King poured forth Gold plentifully to the benefit of his Servants, whereas the present King, in the narrowness of his Fortune, being no less thrifty in his mind and nature, propounded nothing for reward or recompence, but Wars, Sieges, Skir∣mishes, and Battels: They said, they could no longer sustain the intolerable toils of War, and to live inchased between a Back and Brest of Iron, as Tortoises are in their shells; that they could not abide a King accustomed after the Hugonot fashion, to run up and down day and night, to live by rapine, upon what they could find in the mise∣rable Cottages of poor Countrey people, to warm themselves at the flame of an house on fire, to have their Horses their Chamber-fellows when they slept, or the stinking Cattel of wretched Peasants; that War was ordinarily made for some time to attain peace and quietness: But now they served a Prince, who did not care to end the troubles of War, accounting volleys of shot, wounds, death, and battels, to be the one∣ly delights. These complaints sometimes accompanied with railings and cursings, some∣times spoken among Proverbs, and in raill••rie, after the French manner, were so pub∣lick, that they came to the Kings ears, which were continually filled by the serious ad∣vertisements of the Count de Schombergh, and the High-Chancellor, to whom was ad∣ded Jaques Davy Sieur du Perron, who, while he negotiated the Cardinal of Bourbons affairs, had, by disputing, converted the Baron de Salignac, one of the Kings Bed-cham∣ber, whom he long had favoured, and by his means had got himself in to converse with the King at idle-times in his most private Lodgings; where, sometimes with serious Learned Disputes, sometimes with Eloquent Discourses, sometimes with Ele∣gant Poetry (in which he was very excellent) sometimes with witty, merry talking, had gotten so much favor, that from pleasing entertainments, he was begun to be ad∣mitted also to the handling of more weighty matters. This man seeing the way to his own greatness, was much more easie by the Kings Conversion, than in the Car∣dinal of Bourbon's Exaltation, set himself to procure it by most vigilant means, and with all possible endeavors, making use of the present conjuncture, with admirable wa∣riness and discretion.

All these things (but particularly the necessity) which were very well known to the King, at last moved him so, that to begin with some security to declare himself, he gave order to the Count de Schombergh, and Secretary Revol (who were come to him, to know what they should finally propose in the Congregation at Surenne) that they should sound the mindes of the Catholicks of the League,* 1.119 to find how they were like to relish and receive his Conversion, if he should truly determine to return unto the Church; which business having been consulted of among his Deputies, they resolved to make overture of it, by demonstrating to them of the Vnion, that the King would observe his promises within a few dayes; wherefore, being met at their wonted Con∣ference (in which they had till then contended with great difference, and without con∣cluding any thing to the purpose) the Arch-Bishop of Bourges told them, he brought them good news, and such as would rejoyce every true French heart, which was, that the King, touched by Gods inspiration, would, within a few dayes, comfort all his Sub∣jects, by turning to the Catholick Faith, and reconciling himself to the Church,* 1.120 and that therefore, as they were certain this news would be acceptable to them all, so they prayed them to see what wayes might be taken to favour and promote that Conversion, or to guide it in such manner, that it might bring forth the general peace and quiet. All the Deputies of the League remain'd in suspence at this pro∣position; but the Arch-Bishop of Lyons, lest that doubtfulness of mind should

be discovered, answered readily, that he believed his fellow Deputies would give him leave to say, they rejoyced at the King of Navar's conversion, that they were very glad of it,* 1.121 and that they prayed to God it were true and real; and for the rest he de∣manded time to consult with them in private, which having done for many hours, because their opinions differed, they at last answered, that (as they had said before) they rejoyced at his conversion, which though it should come to pass, it belonged not to them to know and declare, whether it were good and sincere or no; that that was a business which concerned the Apostolick Sea, and the Popes judgment, wherefore they could not so much as think of any thing depending upon that Conversion, the censure whereof was not under their power and authority; and though they persist∣ed in this opinion, yet the Kings Deputies would needs present a Writing to them, which contained three points; One an offer of the Kings Conversion; another, that in the mean time while that came to pass, the means of securing Religion, and con∣cluding Peace might be treated of;* 1.122 and the third, that while these things were doing, a general cessation of Arms might be concluded through the whole Kingdom. The Deputies could not refuse to accept this writing, which being by them brought to be dis∣cussed by the D. of Mayenne and the States, the debates were very long and various; for as the Royalists endeavoured to discover the intentions of the Confederates, so they would not declare what they would do if the K. should publickly return unto the Church

But this Proposition, made by the Kings party, wrought such a jealousie in the Spa∣nish Ambassadors, that with their utmost spirits they pressed for a resolution to their desire,* 1.123 for the facilitating whereof, they were fain to offer, that the Catholick King should be content, the Infanta should marry one of the Princes of the House of Lorain; but this proposition also raised many doubts, because there was no certainty, the In∣fanta being once elected and declared, that either she, or the King her Father would observe that promise, to which any private man can hardly be obliged, much less a Queen or Princess; and again, because if that first Husband should dye, she might per∣haps take another, either of the House of Austria, or a Spaniard, or of some other Nation; likewise, because she having no children by this marriage, the King of Spain would afterwards pretend right to the Crown; but much more than all the rest, be∣cause the Duke of Mayenne saw himself and his posterity excluded from that advan∣tage, whereupon, not only this business was protracted, without coming to any reso∣lution, but it was determined in the States, that there should be a very moderate answer made to the Writing presented by those of the Kings party in the Conference, without untying, or breaking off the thread of that Treaty; wherefore, both parties being met at la Roquette, a house in the field, without the Porte S. Anthoine, the Arch-bishop of Lyons said, that as concerning the King's Conversion, they wished it might be real and unfained, but that not only they could not hope it was so, but on the contrary, they had great cause to believe it was not without dissimulation; for if it had proceeded from sincerity, so many delayes and puttings off would not have been sought, and if he were touched with any inspiration, he would not remain in his Heresie, and in the pub∣lick exercise of it, he would not cherish and keep about him the principal Ministers that taught it, nor would he still leave the chief Offices of the Kingdom in their hands; and yet because it appertain'd not to them to approve or reprove that Conversion, they lest the Judgment thereof unto the Pope, who alone had authority to determine it; as for the Treaty of Peace, and security of Religion, they could not treat thereof for the present, for many considerations, lest they should treat with the King of Navar who was without the Church,* 1.124 and lest they should give a beginning to the acknowledgment of him, or anticipate the Pope's judgment. Then for the point of Cessation, they would give answer to that when satisfaction was given to the two first Articles. Thus neither assenting, nor very much dissenting, they held the matter in suspence till the Duke of Mayenne saw whether the business begun with the Spaniards was like to end.

But the Cardinal-Legat being wonderfully solicitous, not only because the Spanish negotiation went on difficultly, but much more because he saw mens minds inclined to the Cessation, out of the hope they had conceived of the King's conversion, and the desire of quiet, used his utmost power to hinder it; and faining himself not well, wrote a Letter to Cardinal Pelleve upon the Thirteenth day of June, praying him to go to the States, and in his name to make them a grave Remonstrance of the danger and damage that depended upon the Conference of Surenn••, and advertise them that not

only they could not treat concerning the conversion of the Navarrois, but not so much as about Peace, a Cessation of Arms, or any other business with him, as well by reason of the Decrees of the sacred Canons, and the Declarations of the Apostolick See, as al∣so of the Oath they had taken, never to assent to; or make an agreement with the He∣retick: Which things were set forth in the Letter with great vehemence of words, pro∣testing in the end, that if they should continue to treat of Peace, or a Cessation, he would depart from the City, and from the Kingdom, that he might neither assent to so great an evil, nor disobey the Commissions he had from the Pope. This Letter first read by the Cardinal in the States, and afterward published in print to the knowledge of eve∣ry one, did something bridle mens minds, who were running on eagerly toward a ces∣sation of Arms.

In the mean time the King knowing how much harm the want of reputation, and the weakness of their Forces did unto the Spaniards, and not being willing to run into the same error, resolved to set himself upon some notable enterprise not far off, with the noise and fame whereof he might increase his reputation, and foment those affairs that were transacting in favour of him: wherefore, having drawn his whole Army together, with great diligence he commanded out all the neighbouring Garrisons, and made plentiful provision of Cannon, Ammunition, Pioneers, and other things proper for a secure resolute design, upon the seventh of June he had laid siege to Dreux,* 1.125 a Town but sixteen leagues from Paris, which for its situation, fortification, and the quality of the defendents was accounted very strong. The Suburbs of the Town were valiantly taken the first day, they within who before thought to defend them, being beaten back in all places; but when they had lost all hope of making them good, they endeavoured to have burnt them down: The whole Army being quartered with great celerity, they began the next day to throw up four Trenches, which were ha∣stened with so much diligence by the Baron de Biron, and the Sieur de Montlouet, one of the Field-Marshals, that upon the thirteenth day all four of them were brought in∣to the Moat; nor with less diligence were four Batteries planted; one of four pieces of Cannon against the great Bulwark, toward the Porte de Chastres, another of six a∣gainst the Porte de Paris, the third of three against the curtain toward the great Church, and the fourth of five Pieces in the F••uxb••urg St Jehan, which battered a great Tower that stood on that side. The King hastened and encouraged the Works in all places with his presence; wherefore, scarce was the Orillon of the great Bulwark beaten down, when two Colonels drew near to view the place, which being by order taken by the Army for the beginning of the assault, all the several Nations ran furiously to it, stri∣ving in emulation who should be first to give the onset. Whereupon the besieged, over-matched by the number and resolution of the Assailants, forsook the Orillon, in which a Regiment of French lodged and fortified themselves the same evening. The next day all the Batteries continued playing upon the wall, and the breaches being al∣ready made, and the Army ready to fall on in four several places, the defendents took a resolution to quit the Town, and retire into the Castle, which while they were doing in disorder, they were overtaken by the Army,* 1.126 which at the same time entered fu∣riously, and were constrained to fire some houses of the Town, that they might gain time enough to retire. But the fire having done very much harm, and burnt down many buildings on all sides, at last by the Kings command it was quenched by the Swissers, who remained last in the battalia near his Person. So upon the eighteenth day, the Town remained in the King's power: and with the same eagerness they be∣gan to besiege the Castle; within the Out-line whereof, without the circuit of the Walls, there being a great deal of Cattel, many of the Townsmen, and also many Coun∣try-men who were got in thither; the Baron de Biron caused a Petard to be fastened the same night unto the Gate, and with a great slaughter of the enemies but not with∣out the Blood of his Soldiers, whereof he lost above an hundred, made himself Ma∣ster of that Out-line, with all the spoil. But the taking of the Castle, by reason of its situation and strength, proved very difficult, and a very great number of men were slain, till the Count de Torigny making them work, notwithstanding any danger whatsoever, had perfected a great Trench, under the favour whereof, the Batteries were planted; which, while the King, a despiser of all danger, was carefully over-seeing, two Colonels were killed close by him, and the Duke of Montpensier sore hurt with a shot in the chin, which grazing upon his jaw, wounded him also in the shoulder. O∣ver against the Kings Batteries there stood a Tower of an ancient form, and of so

perfect a structure, that the Cannon-shot which were made at it did very little harm. Wherefore an English Engineer, considering the great waste of powder that was spent with very little or no fruit, took a resolution to try another means, and having under shelter of certain double Planks, lined with Plates of Iron got unto the foot of the Tower, he caused three great holes like Ovens to be digged under it, and putting a Barrel of Powder in each, gave fire to them; which though it wrought a much less effect than a Mine uses to do, yet it threw down part of the Tower, and made such a breach, that the Artillery did better service in battering the rest: Nevertheless, the besieged were not dismaid at it, but with valiant constancy continued for some dayes to make resistance. But so diligent and eager was the oppugnation without, that at last, after many experiments, and many assaults, the defendants, who, besides their not having any Commander of authority to govern them, saw also, notwithstanding the nearness of Paris, that no relief appeared from any place, resolved, out of extream ne∣cessity, to yield themselves, and delivered up the Castle into the Kings hands upon the Eighth of July.

The noise of the Kings victory dismaid the Deputies in Paris, who, in this interim had laboured no less in their Negotions, than they at Dreux had done in matters of War; for the Spanish Ambassadors being resolved to make the utmost trial, met with the principal of them again in Council, and told them, that to take away all obstacles that might hinder the Infanta's Election, the Catholick King would be content, as soon as she was chosen,* 1.127 to marry her to the Duke of Guise, which, though it stung the Duke of Mayenne to the quick, yet being taken unawares, and finding no other remedy, upon the sudden, answered, That he returned most humble thanks to his Catholick Majesty for the so great honor he vouchsafed to do his Nephew, but he desired to see the Am∣bassadors Commission, and to know whether that condition were expressed in it; for, by how much the greater and more desirable the favor was, so much much the more warily was it fit to proceed in believing and embracing it. The Duke of Mayenne thought verily, that the Ambassadors had not that power from the Catholick King, but that they propounded it of themselves, being drawn by the necessity of affairs: But he presently perceived the contrary; for, they taking their Commission, shewed an Article, wherein, by way of interchange, was contained the election of the Infanta, with express condition, that she should be married to the Duke of Guise. The Duke of May∣enne was astonished, not knowing any way to untie that knot, nor could he dissemble so well,* 1.128 but that they all perceived the alteration of his countenance: But the Sieur de Bassompierre, Ambassador for the Duke of Lorain, relieved him, who said, that a thing of so great importance ought not to be concluded without making his Master acquaint∣ed with it, who, as he had been principally interessed in the expences and troubles of the War, so was it fit nothing should be concluded without having first his opinion and consent; and here, to give the Duke of Mayenne leasure to think, he enlarged him∣self in a long discourse of what the Duke of Lorain had done in favour of the League, and of the esteem that was fit to be had of his authority. The Spaniards, when he had made an end of speaking, answered, that they assented the Duke of Lorain should be informed of all that passed, who they were certain would be well pleased with the honor done unto his Family. In the mean time, the Duke of Mayenne having recol∣lected himself, after he had again thanked the Catholick King, and the Ambassadors, said, That he accepted the offer; but, as it was not convenient for the Catholick Kings reputation, that the Infanta should be elected, without having first certain means to establish her▪ So neither was it fit to hazard the State of his Nephew, and of the whole Family, without those conditions, which being acceptable in general, and ne∣cessary for the present affairs, were sufficient to maintain and secure him for the fu∣ture: For that end he demanded time to consult, and to propose those conditions, wherewith the design was to be effected. With this delay they parted, the Cardinal Legat and the Ambassadors remaining extreamly contented, and as it were assured, that they had steered that Negotiation into the desired Haven.* 1.129

But the Duke of Mayenne, intent by all means to disturb it, began to work upon his Nephew, telling him, he doubted the Spaniards had propounded him, not to effect the business, but to deceive him; he not being able to perswade himself, that they should

should have laboured and done so much to bring the Infanta to the Crown, and should after be content to subject her to an Husband, who being a Frenchman, and encom∣passed with his own party, might govern her, and be King indeed, while she should only be Queen in title: That no profit nor advantage of any kind whatsoever would redound thereby to King Philip and his Kingdom; for if his desire were only to marry his Daughter to a King of France, he might easily compass that with whosoever should possess the Crown, whether he were Friend or Enemy; but if he aspired to unite the Crowns, this was not the way to do it, and therefore he could not see what advantage could thereby result unto the Spanish Monarchy; wherefore it was good to think and provide against the deceit that might lie hidden under it: That to elect the Infanta now, and reserve themselves afterward to marry her within a certain time, was to re∣fer it to her choice, either to take or refuse him; and that it was necessary to find some conditions to secure the Match: But moreover, though the King of Spain should pro∣ceed sincerely in that business, it was good to consider (without letting ones self be deceived by passion) what means there were to establish themselves in the Kingdom: That there was no doubt, but the Duke of Lorain, who had hoped to have the King∣dom for himself, or that the Infanta should marry the Cardinal his Son, would be dis∣gusted at it, and withdraw his assistance; which, how much hurt it would do, might easily be comprehended, by reason of the opportuneness of his State, through which all the supplies passed that came out of Germany to both parties, that it might be doubted the Duke of Savoy would do the same, who had till now upheld the War in Provence and Dauphine; for being deprived of the hopes he had already conceived of obtaining the Kingdom, or at least some Province of it, he would no longer submit himself and his States to the dangers and calamities of War; that the Duke of Nemours was al∣ready almost wholly averse from them, and only the respect he bore to an elder Brother yet held him, which if it were taken away, he doubted not but he would do his own business himself; that the same was to be feared of the Duke of Mercoeur, as soon as he should lose the hopes of obtaining Bretagne: Wherefore the Forces of the League being diminished in that manner, it was good to think how they should be able to op∣pose the Kings power, which they could hardly resist now they were all united; that the King of Spain had his hands full with the War of Flanders, and the commotions of Aragon; that his Kingdoms were exhausted, and that he was indebted Two Milli∣ons to the Genoueses; that he had no good Commander in Chief, and therefore it was to be doubted he could not perform all he promised; and in conclusion, that this was a * 1.130 Rubicon which could never be sufficiently thought upon before it was past over.

To these considerations, the Duke of Guise answered moderately,* 1.131 making shew that he would not digress from his opinion, but in his mind he thought otherwise; whereof his treaties, and manner of proceeding, the concourse of his adherents, the meetings that were made in his house and his Mothers, gave manifest conjecture; wherefore the Duke of Mayenne, not trusting absolutely to him, thought as a second means to pro∣pose such high conditions as might terrifie the Spaniards; which were, That the Duke of Guise should be elected King at the same time when the Infanta should be chosen Queen; that the election should be kept secret till the marriage were consummate; to which effect, the States should give authority to the Duke of Mayenne to declare it when it should be time, that in case the Infanta should die first, the Duke of Guise should remain King alone, and govern the Kingdom by himself; that if she were left a Widow, she should be obliged to take a Husband of the House of Lorain, with the counsel of the Princes, Peers, and Officers of the Crown; that if she had no issue, the eldest of the Duke of Guise's Brothers should succeed, and so the first-born of the Fa∣mily successively from male to male; that only French-men should be admitted to Of∣fices, Places, Dignities, Benefices, Governments of Provinces, Cities, Castles, and Fortresses of the Kingdom; that the command of the Militia,* 1.132 together with Autho∣rity of Lieutenant-General, should be left unto the Duke of Mayenne; that the Go∣vernment of the Provinces of Bourgogne, Champagne, and Brie, should be given to him and his Heirs for ever, with power to dispose of the Governments, Offices, and Be∣nefices of them all; that Two hundred thousand Crowns should be paid to him in pre∣sent, and Six hundred thousand more within a certain time, for which fit security should be given him; that the debts should be paid which he had run into upon occasion of the present War; that One hundred thousand Crowns Revenue should be assign'd to him for himself and his posterity, as also the principality of Jainville, and the Cities of

Vitry and St. Disier; and after many other lesser demands, that all the presentations and nominations he had made of Churches, Benefices, Governments, Donatives, Places and Favours bestowed by him as Lieutenant of the Crown should remain valid, as like∣wise all those he should make or grant, till the consummation of the Marriage, and the establishment of the King and Queen.

But these conditions though they were high and difficult, did no way startle the Spa∣niards, who already were resolved to satisfie him, provided they might attain to the Infanta's election, being certain they should find a thousand occasions, and a thousand excuses afterwards, to observe only what they should think convenient, and being also willing that the Duke of Mayenne should be reasonably requited;* 1.133 but he seeing he was excluded from the reward of his labours, and that they thought of giving the King∣dom to others, and not to him and his posterity, though the foundation of all things consisted in his person and endeavours, and finding that the conditions propounded were neither sufficient to divert the resolution of the Spaniards, nor the inclination, or rather the will and desire of his Nephew, resolved to set other engins awork, to inter∣rupt the course of those proceedings; wherefore having still (though but luke-warm∣ly) kept the Cardinal of Bourbon in good hopes, he now prosecuted that business with so much heat, that it was brought in a manner to a conclusion. He demonstrated to every one of the Deputies apart, how odious a thing it was to break the Salique Law, how difficult to exclude the House of Bourbon from the Crown, whose succession they had confirmed when they declared the late Cardinal of Bourbon King, by the name of Charles the Tenth; how dissonant it would be to mens ears, and how unpleasing to mens minds, to hear, Treaties were held to introduce the succession of Women, and the assumption of new Families to the Crown, while there were so many Princes in the Royal Family, among which one might be chosen to the general satisfaction; that though the King of Navarre was obstinate in Heresie, the Prince of Conty insufficient for Government, the Count de Soissons lost in the love of the Princess Catherine, who was no less an Hugonot than her Brother; yet was there the Cardinal of Bourbon, who had always with his own danger undauntedly opposed the increase of Heresie; that he was a Cardinal, and had ever been obedient to the Church, so that he could neither be excluded by the Pope, nor by the King of Spain; that he was in his manly age, so that he would be a King without a Guardian, and one able to uphold the Go∣vernment of the Kingdom himself: that no great trust was to be had to the Spaniards, who had failed so much both in publick and in private; that the Ambassadors who pro∣mised such mountains of Gold, lived themselves very mechanically, and without that decency that befitted the Majesty of their King, and the greatness of those offers they made; that he himself had very great sums due to him, and yet could not get so much as a denier from them; that they had seen the gallant exploits Count Charles his Ar∣my had done; that they had so much to do in Flanders, they would have no leisure to mind other mens businesses; that on the other side the Cardinal of Bourbon's election would of it self destroy and conquer the King of Navarre; for there was no doubt but all the Catholicks of that party would follow the Cardinal, and the Navarr••is would be left alone with the desperate dependence of the Hugonots, whereby the French Forces alone would be able to subdue Heresie, and establish a Catholick King, and a true French-man, without having further need of foreign Supplies; that it was need∣ful to remember the Bishop of Senlis his words, and not confirm men in a belief, that whatsoever was past had been done out of interest and ambition, but that it was necessary to shew the world, that the sole respect of Religion had put Arms into their hands.

These reasons seconded by his authority, wrought a wonderful impression in the minds of the French, of themselves inclined to observe the Salique Law, and to reve∣rence the Royal Family; wherefore the Duke seeing he had drawn the major part of the Deputies to his opinion, dispatched the Admiral de Villars with a Writing of Ar∣ticles with his own hand, to confer with the Cardinal of Bourbon, who was at Gallion, a house of the Archbishop of Roüen's; but he was no sooner gone, when he sent one post after him, to give him order not to make too much haste; for President Jeannin, and the Archbishop of Lyons, together with Madam de Montpensier, had put him in mind of another sufficient means to divert the Spanish designs, without running so hastily to the election of one that was his Enemy, who also by the weakness of his understanding, and lightness of his nature, would not be very fit to govern in times

of so great distraction, and that he endangered the dividing of his party; for it was very probable the Duke of Guise and his adherents, upheld by the Spaniards,* 1.134 would not approve that election; in which case his third party would be the weakest of them all. The remedy they propounded was that of the Parliament, whose authority they thought suff••cient to hinder the business in agitation: wherefore Madam de Montpensier having excited the first President le Maistre to think of some means that the Crown might not fall into the hands of Strangers; he, as a man of good intentions, and who had followed the League for no other end but the Catholick Religion, set himself bold∣ly to the enterprise, and after the managing of it many days, assembled all the Cham∣bers of the Parliament, and with full consent of all caused a Decree to be made of this Tenor following:

UPon the Propositions already made to the Court of Parliament by the Procureur General, and the business taken into deliberation in the meeting of the Counsel∣lours of all the several Courts, the said Parliament not having (as it never formerly had) any other intention than to maintain the Roman Catholick Apostolick Religion, and the State and Crown of France under the protection of a most Christian Catholick French King, hath ordered, and doth order, that this day after dinner President la Maistre, accompanied by a good number of the Counsellours of this Parliament, shall make remonstrance to my Lord the Duke of Mayenne, Lieutenant General of the State and Crown of France, in presence of the Princes and Officers of the Crown, who at this present are in this City, that no Treaty ought to be held for the transferring of the Crown into the hands of Foreign Princes or Princesses; that the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom ought to be observed, and the Decrees made by the Parliament about the declaring a Catholick and French King executed; that the said Duke of Mayenne ought to use the authority that hath been given him, to hinder the Crown from being (under pretence of Religion) transferred into the hands of Strangers, against the Laws of the Kingdom: Moreover, that he ought to provide as soon as may be for the re∣pose of the people, by reason of the extream necessity to which they are reduced, and in the mean time the said Parliament hath declared and doth declare, all Treaties held, or that shall be held for the future, about the establishment of any Foreign Prince or Princess whatsoever, invalid, and of no force or effect, as being in prejudice of the Salique Law, and the other Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom.

This Intimation or Remonstrance being made in publick by. the President unto the Duke of Mayenne, though he made shew to resent it, and with grave words repre∣hended the boldness of the Parliament; yet it bridled the Spanish Treaty very much; for the Assembly of the States (which more than any other body ought to have re∣sented this decree of Parliament as made in prejudice of their authority) shewed on the cont••ary that they were not displeased at it, and being possessed by the Duke of Mayenne's Agents, abhorred the attempt of the Spaniards, and inclined to a Truce, concerning which they treated now more hotly than ever in the Conference at Surenne. M••ch greater was the inclination of the Parisians, who tired out with their necessities, and seeing no nearer way to their redress than the conclusion of a Truce, the sweet∣ness whereof they had begun to taste in that little Cessation of Arms that had been in those quarters, impatiently desired an accommodation, and raging,* 1.135 threatned the Princes and the Assembly, unless they took a speedy resolution; and being perswaded that the Spaniards would not suffer their Army to come and help the necessities of the City by opening the passes, only because their aim was to curb them, and keep them down, whensoever the Ambassadors went abroad in publick, they were followed with ill lan∣guage and cries of derision.

The Kings seasonable resolution absolutely turned the scale of affairs; for he know∣ing all things that were in agitation, doubted with reason, that if the League should elect the Cardinal of Bourbon, the Catholicks that followed him, would all be like to forsake him, whereof there appeared such manifest signs, and such open murmurings were heard, that it was not at all to be doubted; for the things alledged by those of the Vnion in the Conference at Surenne, had made impression in mens minds; and not only the Princes and Lords, but generally all private men grieved and detested to spend their lives and fortunes for the establishment of Heresie, which formerly they were wont to fight against and persecute; and even in the Kings own lodgings there were

heard continually the voices of them that cursed their own blindness, and exhorted one another mutually to change their resolutions, showing that since so many promises made to them had been broken, they were obliged to take a course for the maintenance of Religion and their common safety; that it was now no longer time to shed their blood for a Prince obstinate in Heresie, and who abusing their credulity so long, had fed them vainly with words; that it was high time to take notice how by fighting mad∣ly, Catholick against Catholick, they did nothing else but prepare the Kingdom, either for the Spaniards or the Hugonots, equally their Enemies; that there had been enough done to maintain the lawful Successor of the Crown, but he shewed himself ungrate∣ful for so great services, and obstinate in his errour; that he was no longer to be fol∣lowed in his perdition; but it was fit (reuniting the Consciences of the Catholicks) to establish a King who should acknowledge the gift he received from the good will of his Subjects; that there were already so many Princes and Lords, so many Knights and Gentlemen, and so many valiant Souldiers slain in that cause, that the Kingdom was thereby all wounded, bloodless, and dying; and if some remedy were not ap∣plied, they were near sacrificing the very Carcass of France to the wickedness of the Hugonots, and to the pride of the Spaniards.

The Princes of the Blood after many Consultations, were much more resolute, and the Duke of Montpensier who lay in Bed by reason of his hurt, told the King when he came to visit him, that all the Princes were ready to forsake him, and that he himself in the condition he then was, though h••: did it with grief of heart, would not yet be the last to save his Soul, and satisfie his Conscience. Lastly, the Count of Schomberg, being advertised by Monsieur de Villeroy, told him, the Admiral Villars was already up∣on his way, carrying Articles to the Cardinal of Bourbon, that within a few days he should hear, he, and all the rest of the Princes would be at Paris; that God had given him the victory, and expected the fruit thereof; that having taken Dreux with so much honour in the very face of his Enemies, he might now turn unto God, and to the Church, and none could believe he did it perforce. The same did Secretary Re∣vol confirm, the same Villeroy himself wrote unto him from Pon••oyse, shewing him, that he could not avoid one of two things, either that the Cardinal of Bourbon being elected King, would deprive him of the adherence of his Catholicks; or that the Infanta be∣ing chosen with the Duke of Guise, all the strength of the King of Spain would be poured out, and come like a torrent upon him.

The King moved by these considerations, or else interpreting the so urgent conjun∣cture of affairs, to be as it were a Divine Inspiration, and thinking himself called by some heavenly and more than humane power, determined to turn Catholick, and sent Messengers with speed on all sides, to call Prelates and Divines to assist and instruct him in his Conversion.* 1.136 Among these, he invited some of the Preachers of Paris, whereof some refused to go, and some few, among which was the Curate of St. Eu∣stache▪ (though the Legat advised and commanded otherwise) would yet be present at so solemn an action. All these being met together at Mante, the King having received sufficient instruction in matter of the Articles of Religion that were in controversie, seemed to clear up his mind, and visibly to apprehend the Hand of God, which re∣calling him from his Errours, brought him back into the Bosom of the Church, and made it be noised abroad, that upon the Five and twentieth of July he would go to Mass at St. Denis.

This news his Deputies brought to the Conference of Surenne, where the Archbi∣shop of Bourges recapitulating all things past,* 1.137 concluded, That the King had caused the Marquiss of Pisany to be sent to Rome, to find means that his Conversion might be authorised by the Pope; but since he had not been received, he would no longer de∣fer nor put off his own Salvation, but would reconcile himself to the Church, that after∣wards he might send to render due obedience to the Pope, by a solemn conspicuous Embassie; and that having consulted with the other Prelates and Divines, they had determined, That the King should make himself be absolved ad futuram cautelam, and go to Mass, that afterward he might demand the Popes Benediction; and that this for many reasons had been thought the nearest and most secure way, as well not to put the Crown in arbitrement to the discretion and declaration of Strangers, as to find a speedy remedy for the necessities of the Kingdom. The Archbishop of Lyons on the contrary disputed, that he could not be received without the Popes assent, nor absolved without his Declaration, and protested, that they would neither

account him a Catholick, nor acknowledge him King without order from the Pope, to whom absolutely address was to be made, before coming to those Acts of Absolution.

But the report of his Conversion being spread abroad among the people, there was no curb could bridle men from rejoycing, nor their tongues from divulging and arguing, that upon it depended the Pacification of the Kingdom; so that the Cardinal-Legat in great perplexity of mind, published a Writing to the Catholicks of France upon the Thirteenth of July, wherein he advertised them of the perverse Authority which some Prelates arrogated to themselves of absolving the King of Navarre from Censures, and exhorted them not to believe that false Conversion, and the perverse way that was ta∣ken about it: And lastly, forbad all men to go to those Conventicles, with danger of incurring the Censure of Excommunication, and of being deprived of those Ecclesia∣stical Benefices and Dignities they possessed. But it was all in vain; for all mens minds were in motion, and the obstacle of Religion being removed, every one enclined to acknowledge the lawful Successor, and by that means to pacifie the Kingdom. From this general inclination the Great Ones were not averse; who though they would not swerve from the Popes Judgment, and the Declaration of the Apostolick See,* 1.138 thought yet it was not fit to innovate any thing more, till they saw the effect of his Conver∣sion, and the Popes intention; which opinion fomented by the Duke of Mayenne, and forced by the necessity of affairs, was imbraced even by the Duke of Guise himself, who in such a conjuncture, thought his election would prove ridiculous to others, and ruinous to himself; which he himself, being accompanied by the Mareschals de la Chastre and St. Paul, gave the Spanish Ministers to understand.

In the mean time, half the City of Paris ran to the spectacle of this Conversion,* 1.139 even from the day before the Absolution, which was the Five and twentieth of July, being the Feast of the Apostle St. James; which day, the King cloathed all in white, but accompanied with the Princes, Lords, and the whole Court, with the Guards be∣fore them in Arms, went to the chief Church of St. Denis, the Gates whereof they found shut, at which the High Chancellor knocking, they were presently opened, and there appeared the Archbishop of Bourges sitting in his Chair in his Pontifical Habit, and invironed with a great number of Prelates. He asked the King, Who he was, and what he would have? The King answered, That he was Henry, King of France and Navarre, and that he demanded to be received into the Bosom of the Catholick Church. To which the Archbishop replying, asked, If he desired it from the bottom of his heart, and had truly repented him of his former Errours? At which words the King protesting upon his knees, said, He was sorry for his former Errour, which he abjured and detested, and would live and die a Catholick in the Apostolick Roman Church, which he would protect and defend, even with the hazard and danger of his very life. After which words having with a loud voice repeated the Profession of Faith, which was presented to him in writing, he was with infinite acclamations of the people, and incessant vollies of shot brought into the Church, and kneeling down before the high Altar, he repeated the prayers that were dictated to him by the Arch∣bishop, and thence having been admitted by him to secret Confession, he came to set under the Daiz, or Cloth of State, and with a general gladness and rejoycing was present at the solemn Mass celebrated by the Bishop of Nantes; after which, thorow a wonderful throng of people, and resounding cries of Vive le Roy, which ascended to the Skies, He returned again to his Palace.

In this interim affairs having taken such a different impression,* 1.140 the States gave answer to the Duke of Feria and the other Spanish Ambassadors; who being brought into the Assembly, the Duke of Mayenne gravely gave thanks unto the Catholick Kings Majesty, as well for the assistance of his past, and the promise of his future Supplies, as for the honour done unto his Family, in offering the Infanta in marriage to his Nephew the Duke of Guise; and in the end told them, that the Assembly having well considered all things, did not think the time seasonable to make any Election, but that they prayed his Catholick Majesty to stay for the ripeness of opportunity, and in the mean time not to fail them of his wonted protection and promised Supplies.

After this resolution, which dashed all the Spaniards, it was determined in the States, that they should follow the conclusion of the Truce: and though the Legat opposed it strongly, and protested oftentimes that he would be gone; yet being pacified by the reasons that were represented to him, and with the offer of causing the Council of Trent to be received in the States, he let himself be perswaded to continue in the City, being

also uncertain whether his departure would be well taken at Rome. So in the Confe∣rence at Surenne a general T••uce was established thorow the whole Kingdom for the three next months,* 1.141 August, September, and October, and it was published with infinite joy among the people in all places; after which the Duke of Mayenne being desirous to dismiss the Assembly honourably, first caused a Decree to be made for the receiving the Council of Trent, and then assembling the States upon the eighth of August, he made them all swear to persevere in the Vnion, and not to depart from it; and having given order that they should meet again in the same place in the month of October following, to deliberate upon the state of affairs with those Instructions they should have from Rome, he at last dismissed them all, and the Deputies willingly departing, returned to their own houses.

The End of the Thirteenth BOOK.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The Army of the League with no very good advice go to besiege C••u∣debec, thereby utterly to free the City of Rouen.
• * 1.2

  The Duke of Parma viewing the situation of Caudebec, re∣ceives a Mus∣ket-shot in the arm.
• * 1.3

  Monsieur de la Garde surren∣ders Caudebec to the Lords of the League.
• * 1.4

  Upon notice of the Enemies return, the No∣bility return to the Kings Ar∣my with great Supplies.
• * 1.5

  The Kings Army returns, being near 18000 Foot, and 8000 Horse.
• * 1.6

  The King marching with his Army be∣tween the walls of two Parks, puts himself in great danger, which he es∣capes by rea∣son of the D. of Parma's be∣ing in a Fea∣ver.
• * 1.7

  The Armies quarter within a mile of one another.
• * 1.8

  The Kings sol∣diers make themselves masters of the Trench, made by them of the League before the Wood. Camillo Capi∣zu••••hi with his Tertia, reco∣vers the Trench again, and secures it with for∣tifications.
• * 1.9

  The Army of the League being in the Peninsula of Caux, the King strives to shut up their passage out, being but one, and that very narrow.
• * 1.10

  The Kings soldiers take a Post from those of the League, which after a long dispute is re∣covered by the Italians and Walloons.
• * 1.11

  The King beats up the quarters of the Light-horse of the League.
• * 1.12

  The Duke of Parma sends Prince Ranuc∣cio to assault the Kings out-guards; and while they are fighting there, being favoured by a mist, he re∣moves his Camp without noise of either Drum or Trumpet.
• * 1.13

  The Army of the League shut up in the Peninsula, is reduced unto necessity of Victual, and is in a great strait.
• * 1.14

  The Duke of Parma, to free the Army, which was in a manner im∣prisoned in the Country of Caux, resolves to pass the River Seine, and his at∣tempt suc∣ceeds.
• * 1.15

  The King perceiving the Enemies de∣sign (though too late) goes to hinder their passage over the River; but they were past already.
• * 1.16

  The King dis∣solves his for∣ces, and sends the Lords to their Govern∣ments, and with a quick▪ fleeing Army follows the march of the enemy.
• * 1.17

  Francois de Bourbon Duk•• of Montpens••∣er, as he was returning to his Govern∣ment of Nor∣mandy, dies at Lisie••x the third of June▪ 1592.
• * 1.18

  The Duke of Mayenne mur∣murs against the Duke of Parma, ascri∣bing the glory of all the acti∣ons to him∣self.
• * 1.19

  The Duke of Parma sh••w∣ing that he had twice delivered the League, attri∣bute•• the cause unto the French, why the King of Navarre was not utterly suppressed.
• * 1.20

  The Duke of Mayenne upon excuse of ta∣king Physick, stayes at Rouen.
• * 1.21

  The Sieur du Ples••is Mornay Secretary of State to the King, and the Sieur de Ville∣r••y for the Duke of May∣enne, Treat of an Accommo∣dation, with mutu••l promises of Secrecy. President Je∣annin, by order from the D. of Mayenne signifies those Conditions to Monsieur de Villeroy (who was in Trea∣ty) which the Duke desires for the effect∣ing an Ac∣commodation.
• * 1.22

  The Treaty of Agreement di∣vulged by the Sieur du Ples∣sis, comes to the ears of the Princesses and Spanish Mini∣sters, working a contrary ef∣fect to what he that pub∣lished them desired.
• * 1.23

  The Duke of Parma leaves Forces in France under the Sieur de Rosne depend∣ing upon the Duke of May∣enne, to whom also the other Spanish Mini∣sters forbear to give further discontents.
• * 1.24

  The Catho∣licks of the Kings party displeased, that the Peace should be treated by the Sieur de Plessis, a Hugonot, re∣new the Trea∣ty of a third party.
• * 1.25

  Innocent the Ninth is suc∣ceeded in the Papacy by Cardinal Hip∣polito Aldo∣brandino, with the name of Clement the Eighth, being aged Fifty six years.
• * 1.26

  Clement the Eighth gives supplies unto the League with more moderate ex∣pences and resolutions than his Pre∣decessors had done.
• * 1.27

  The King, by the means of Mocenigo the Venetian Am∣bassador, prays that Republick to treat with the Pope con∣cerning his re∣conciliation with the Church.
• * 1.28

  The King de∣sires Ferdinan∣do de Medici, Grand Duke of Thuscany, to use his endea∣vors also with the Pope, and the Colledge of Cardinals, in favour of his business.
• * 1.29

  The Duke of Mayenne, who had still de∣ferred the Convocation of the States, writes to the Cardinal Le∣gat, and to the Duke of Par∣ma, that the time of assem∣bling them was now pre∣sent.
• * 1.30

  Cardinal Gon∣di and the Marquiss de Pisani are chosen to be sent to Rome.
• * 1.31

  The Decree of the Parlia∣ments of Tours and Chalons, that none should run to Rome for the procuring of Benefices.
• * 1.32

  The pretensi∣ons of R••n••ud de B••aune, Archbishop of B••urges, upon the Spiritual Superiority of the Galliae.
• * 1.33

  A Decree made by Hen∣ry the Fourth, in favour of the Ecclesia∣stical Digni∣ties, and of the Catholick Religion.
• * 1.34

  The Duke of Mayenne be∣sieges Ponteau de Mer.
• * 1.35

  The Sieur de Villars goes to besiege Quille∣boeuf, a Fort not yet brought to perfection.
• * 1.36

  The Sieur de Villars is for∣ced to rise from Quill••∣boeuf.
• * 1.37

  The Duke of Mayenne take•• Ponteau de Mer
• * 1.38

  The Duke of Parma goes in∣to Flanders to the ••aths of Spaw, to be cured of the Dropsie.
• * 1.39

  Monsieur de Rosne takes Espernay.
• * 1.40

  The King sends his For∣ces to recover Espernay.
• * 1.41

  The Mares∣chal de Byron, a Commander of great va∣lour, is killed with a Can∣non-shot, July 26. in the Sixty fifth year of his age.
• * 1.42

  The King wept ••or the Mareschal de By••on.
• * 1.43

  The Baron de Byron, to re∣venge the death of his Father, scales a great Tower at Espernay. and takes it, but is sorely wounded.
• * 1.44

  Espernay yield∣eth it self, with condition to leave their colours, which were much desired by the King, because there were some Spanish Ensigns among them.
• * 1.45

  The King de∣sires a recon∣ciliation with the Catholick Church, by way of Agree∣ment, not by way of Pardon
• * 1.46

  Causes that make the Pope backward in determining about the af∣fairs of the Crown of France.
• * 1.47

  The Duke of Mayenne gives Villeroy liberty to favour the Kings Conver∣sion at Rome, and at the same time op∣poses it with all his power.
• * 1.48

  Pope Cl••m. 8. gives notice to Cardinal Gondi and to the Marquiss de Pisans, that they should not enter into the Ecclesia∣stical State.
• * 1.49

  Cardinal Gon∣di sends his Secretary to Rome, to ex∣cuse himself to the Pope.
• * 1.50

  The unhappy condition of Ecclesiastical affairs in the Kingdom of France.
• * 1.51

  The Pope sends Monsig∣nor Agucchi to Cardinal Sega Legat in France with pr••dent Instructions concerning the affairs of that Kingdom.
• * 1.52

  Cardinal Sega affectionate to the Lords of the League, and perswaded by hope, being become parti∣al to the Spa∣niards, doth not execute his orders accord∣ding to the Popes intenti∣ons.
• * 1.53

  The Duke of Mayenne inter∣preting the Popes manner of proceeding to be in favour of him, applies himself to the Convocation of the States, with hope to be chosen King of France.
• * 1.54

  The City of Paris is ap∣pointed for the Convocation of the States.
• * 1.55

  The Duke of Mayenne leaves the command of the Army to the Sieur de Rosne, and goes himself to Par••••
• * 1.56

  Causes that move the Duke of May∣enne to hope to be chosen King of France.
• * 1.57

  The Duke of Par••a's death was hurtful to the interests of the King of Spain.
• * 1.58

  Monsieur de la Valette is slain with a Musket shot at the siege of R••c••e∣br••ne.
• * 1.59

  The River Va∣re is the con∣fine that sepa∣rates Italy from France.
• * 1.60

  The Sieur de Les Digui••res makes great incu••sions against the Duke of Savoy
• * 1.61

  Monsieur de Maugiron Go∣vernour of Va∣lence for the King, gives up the place to the Lords of the League.
• * 1.62

  The Duke of Savoy recovers the places ta∣ken by Les Di∣guieres, and takes Antibo.
• * 1.63

  The Duke of Espernon go∣ing into Pro∣vence recovers Antibo, and all the towns held by the Duke of Savoy as far as the River Vare
• * 1.64

  Antoine Scipi∣on, Duke of I••yeuse, lays siege to Ville∣mu••▪ Fortres•• near Montau∣ban.
• * 1.65

  Monsieur de Temines enters with men into Villemur.
• * 1.66

  The Kings Forces sent to relieve Ville∣mur, assault the Duke of Joyeuse's Camp, and make them∣selves masters of the first Trench.
• * 1.67

  While the Royalists fight with the Leaguers with equal fortune, Temines sallies with most of the Garrison of Villemur, and catching the Enemy in the midst, routs them, and puts them to flight.
• * 1.68

  C••aon a great strong Town that held for the League, is besieged by the Princes of C••nty and Dombes.
• * 1.69

  The Royal∣lists raise their siege at Craon, by reason of the Duke of Mer••oeurs ar∣rival with re∣lief.
• * 1.70

  The Kings Forces desi∣ring to make their retreat in sight of the enemy, los•• al∣most all their Foot, who are cut in pieces. The Prince of Conty, without ever turning his face, saves himself with all the Horse at Chasteau-•• ntier.
• * 1.71

  The Declara∣tion made by the Duke of Mayenne for the congrega∣tion of the States, pub∣lished the fifth of January, 1593.
• * 1.72

  1593.
• * 1.73

  1592.
• * 1.74

  1593.
• * 1.75

  Mem. de la Ligne, Him▪
• * 1.76

  The Tenor of another De∣claration pub∣lished by the Cardinal Le∣gat, wherein he exhorts the Catholicks of the Kings par∣ty to forsake the Heretick, and unite themselves with the States, to elect a Catholick King.
• * 1.77

  Pope Clem. 8. sends Innocen∣tio Malvagia into France, in the place of Commissary Matteucci, with more particular Commissions to Cardinal Sega the Le∣gat; but they work small effect.
• * 1.78

  The Spanish Council re∣solves to pro∣pose the ele∣ction of the In∣fanta Isabella to be Queen of France. Diego d' Ivarra, ill affected to the Duke of May∣enne, practises with the De∣puties of the States apart, to dispose them to the election of the Infanta; but every one of his private treaties comes to the Duke of Mayenne's knowledge.
• * 1.79

  The Spanish Ministers ill informed of the inclinati∣ons of the French, and of the Duke of Mayenne's au∣thority, con∣trary to Juan Baptista Tassis's opinion, pro∣secute their Treaty a wrong way.
• * 1.80

  The Duke of Mayenne knowing the Spanish pra∣ctices, as he was certain that without his consent none of their designs would take effect, so was he trou∣bled at the pretensions which the Lords of his House had to the Crown as well as he.
• * 1.81

  The Overture of the States is made in Paris, Jan. 26. 1593.
• * 1.82

  The Duke of Mayenne fit∣ting under the Cloth of State as King in the Hall of the Louvre, makes the Overture of the States, exhorting them to elect a Catholick King, able to sustain the weight of the Crown.
• * 1.83

  The Cardinal Legats Propo∣sition.
• * 1.84

  The Arch-bi∣shop of Lyons his Answer.
• * 1.85

  A Trumpet of the Kings comes to Pa∣ris, and brings a Packet to th•• Governor, which being opened by the Duke of May∣enne in the presence of the Confede∣rates▪ contains an offer from the Catholick Lord; and Prelats of the King's party.
• * 1.86

  The Sieur de Villeroy, averse from the Spa∣niards, and a friend to peace, writes to the Sieur de Fleury to ad∣vertise the Ca∣tholicks of the danger the King was in, and of the at∣tempts to cause the In∣fanta Isabella to be elected Queen.
• * 1.87

  The Duke of Bouillon, a Hu∣gonot, was e∣ver of opinion That the King could not be a peaceable pos∣sessor of his Crown unless he turned Catholick; perhaps to the end he might remain Head of the Hugonots.
• * 1.88

  The Legate's opposition a∣gainst the Propositions of the King's Catholicks.
• * 1.89

  It is conclu∣ded by the Votes of the major part of the Lords in the private meeting, that the Writing should be read in the assembly of the States, not∣withstanding the opposition of the Legat and the Spa∣niards.

  The tenor of a Manifest published by ••he King at C••ar••••es.
• * 1.90

  1592.
• * 1.91

  The Duke of Mayenne resol∣veth to de∣ferr the busi∣ness of the protestation of the Kings Ca∣tholicks till he had conferred with the Duke of Feria, Am∣bassador from Spain to the Assembly of the States.
• * 1.92

  The Duke of Mayenne ha∣ving left or∣der with the Deputies not to meddle with matters of importance till his return, goes to Sois∣sons; where having con∣ferred with the Spanish Ambassadors, they break out in disgusts
• * 1.93

  The Duke of Feria and M••ndozza Spa∣nish Ambass••∣dors, urge the Duke of May∣enne for the election of ••he Infanta Isabel∣la to the King∣dom:
• * 1.94

  The Answer of the Catho∣lick Ambassa∣dors to the Duke of May∣enne.
• * 1.95

  The Duke of Mayenne by reason of the answers and threats of the Spanish Am∣bassadors, de∣parts in anger from the Meeting.
• * 1.96

  The Popes Ministers and others labour so far that the differences be∣tween ••he Duke and the Spaniards are composed in show, but not in their hearts
• * 1.97

  The Duke of Mayenn•• with the Spanish Forces com∣manded by C••a••l••s of M••n••f••lt, and with the Popes commanded by Appi•• Conti, and with his own besieges Noyon.
• * 1.98

  Monsieur d'E∣str••e surren∣ders Noyon to the Duke of Mayenne afte•• a few days siege.
• * 1.99

  It is determi∣ned at Paris that the Popes Forces should enter into the City, ••ut their Commander being killed, and the Soul∣diers dismis∣sed, the Duke of May••nne sends hi•• Son•• Regiment thi∣ther to put heart into his adherents.
• * 1.100

  Count Soissons, to whom the King had for∣merly promi∣sed his Sister the Lady Ca∣therine to wife, departed from the Camp, and went secretly into Bearne, where being assisted by Ma∣dam de Gran∣mont, once be∣loved, and af∣ter forsaken by the King, he intends to marry the Princess; but the King being advertised, goes into those parts, and bringing back his Sister with him, cuts off the Counts de∣signs.
• * 1.101

  The Writing of the Kings Catholicks sent to the Convocation of the State••, is damned by the Spaniards for Heretical, and therefore they urge that it should neither be accepted nor answered.
• * 1.102

  The Cardinal-Legat perswa∣ded by the Archbishop of Lyons, consents in secret that an answer should be gi∣ven to the Ca∣tholicks of the Kings party.
• * 1.103

  The Tenor of the Answer, wherein the Conference demanded, is accepted.
• * 1.104

  Surenne is chosen for the place of con∣ference.
• * 1.105

  The persons e∣lected on both sides to inter∣vene at the Conferen••••.
• * 1.106

  The Lords of the House of Lorain being met at Rheims to treat about the election of a King, differ in opinions by reason of their own interests.
• * 1.107

  Girolamo Gondi with the Grand Duke of Thuscany's consent, treats an Agreement with the Duke of Lorain in the Kings be∣half, offering him the Prin∣cess Catherine in marriage for the Prince his Son; and the Count de Schombergh treats an a∣greement with the Duke of Mayenne, but with weak hope of suc∣cess.
• * 1.108

  A Truce is concluded and published, for four Leagues about Paris, and as much about Surenne for the securi∣ty of them that treated; the Parisians rejoyce at it very much.
• * 1.109

  May the 19, 1593, there is a private meeting in the Legats Palace, where the Lords of the House of Lo∣rain are pre∣sent, and o¦ther Deputies representing the three Or∣ders.
• * 1.110

  The Duke of Feria in the meeting pro∣poseth the election of the Infanta to be Queen; being Daughter to Philip the Se∣cond King of Spain, by Eli∣zabeth el••est sister to H••n∣ry the Third, King of France
• * 1.111

  The Bishop of Senlis though a ••ie••er Ene∣my to the King, answers the 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.112

  The Duke of Mayenne dex∣trously excu∣ses what the Bishop of Sen∣lis had too freely spoken.
• * 1.113

  Juan Baptista Tassis and Ini∣go Mendozza propose the Election of the Infanta in the publick Assembly of the States.
• * 1.114

  The Spanish proposition is ill relished by the Deputies, and esteemed unjust.
• * 1.115

  The Spanish Ambassadors Answer con∣cerning a Husband for the Infanta.
• * 1.116

  The Duke of Mayenne being assured, that none of his Sons should be named for the Infanta's Hus∣band, prose∣cutes the Treaty with the Royallist.
• * 1.117

  Pretenders to the Infanta out of hope to attain the Crown.
• * 1.118

  The Royallists excluded from the hopes of reigning, and weary of their toils, make great com∣plaints against the Kings ob∣stinacy, say∣ing, That whereas be∣fore they had a King of gold they had now, a King of iron.
• * 1.119

  The King per∣swaded by those he trust∣ed in, and by necessity, cau∣ses a Proposi∣tion to be made in the Conference at Su••enne, to find how his Con∣version would be relished, if he should re∣solve to turn.
• * 1.120

  The Arch-Bi∣shop of Bour∣ges tells them in the Con∣ference, that the King in∣spired by God would turn to the Catholick Religion.
• * 1.121

  The Deputies of the League answer the Archbishop of Bourges his proposition.
• * 1.122

  The Kings Deputies pre∣sent a writing to those of the League, which is accepted.
• * 1.123

  The Spaniards fearing the propositions of the Royal∣lists, offer, that their King should give the Infanta in marriage to one of the Princes of the House of Lo∣rain.
• * 1.124

  The Cardinal Legat writes to Cardinal Pelleve, to make prote∣station in his name unto the States, that they can nei∣ther treat of the Kings con∣version, peace, nor any thing else, because of the Decree of the Ca∣nons, and the Oath the Deputies had taken.
• * 1.125

  The King, to give reputati∣on to his par∣ty, besieget•• Dreux.
• * 1.126

  The defen∣dents quit the Town, and ha∣ving fired ma∣ny houses to gain time to save them∣selves, retire into the Castle
• * 1.127

  The Spanish Ambassadors promise in their Kings behalf, to give the Infanta in Marriage to the Duke of Guise, as soon as she should be chosen Queen; which troubles the Duke of May∣enne.
• * 1.128

  The Sieur de Bassompierre, Ambassador for the Duke of Lora••n, de∣mands to have that Treaty suspended till his Master were adverti∣sed of it.
• * 1.129

  The Duke of Mayenne desi∣rous to disturb ••he Propositi∣on of the Spa∣niards, p••ss many difficul∣ties into the Duke of Guise his considera∣tion.
• * 1.130

  Rubicon, the n••me of a River in Italy, which Julius Caesar passed in the be∣ginning of his expedition a∣gainst Pompey, wh••nce, To pass the Rubicon, is become a phrase for to enter into a dangerous ex∣ploit.
• * 1.131

  The Duke of Guise, though inwardly of another mind, answers, that he will not di∣gress from his Uncles Coun∣sels.
• * 1.132

  The Duke of Mayenne fain∣ing to be glad, but desiring indeed to hin∣der the Duke of Guise's greatness, ask•• exorbitant conditions of the Spaniards.
• * 1.133

  The Duke of Mayenne see∣ing himself excluded from the Crown, be∣gins a Treaty to bring in the Cardinal of Bourbon.
• * 1.134

  The Duke of Mayenne to hinder the Spanish de∣sign, gets the Parliament of Pa••is to make a Decree, that the Crown should not be transferred upon stran∣gers, and to give order to him to hinder all such like Treaties.
• * 1.135

  The Spanish Ambassadors going through the streets of Paris, are mocked and abused with ill language.
• * 1.136

  The King sends for Pre∣lates and Di∣vines from se∣veral places, and being in∣structed at Mante, pub∣lishes, that he will go to Mass at St. De∣ni••, upon the Five and twentieth of July.
• * 1.137

  The Archbi∣shop of Bourges tells them in the Confe∣rence at Su∣renne, that the King is res••l∣ved to recon∣cile himself to the Church.
• * 1.138

  The Duke of Guise tells the Spaniards, that his Election to be King of France would prove ridicu∣lous to others▪ and ruinous to himself.
• * 1.139

  The Ceremo∣nies used in the Act of the Kings Con∣version upon St. James his day, Anno 1593. by the Archbishop of Bourg••s in the chief Church of St. Denis.
• * 1.140

  The Duke of Mayenne tells the Spanish Ambassadors in the name of all the States▪ that they had determined to defer the ele∣ct••on of their future King till another time.
• * 1.141

  The Truce is concluded and published for three month••: the States are dismissed, and invited to meet at the same place in October follow∣ing; having first made a Decree for the receiving the Council of Trent.