The Young-students-library containing extracts and abridgments of the most valuable books printed in England, and in the forreign journals, from the year sixty five, to this time : to which is added a new essay upon all sorts of learning ... / by the Athenian Society ; also, a large alphabetical table, comprehending the contents of this volume, and of all the Athenian Mercuries and supplements, etc., printed in the year 1691.

The YOUNG Students Library, &c.

All the Works of John Lightfoot Doctor in Divinity, Master of Ca∣therines's Hall at Cambridge, and Canon of Ely. Rotterdam; Sold by Reinier Leers, 1686. in Fol. Two Volumes.

MOST of the Treatises which are in these two Volumes, have ap∣peared only in English; many of the Learned beyond Sea look up∣on them as Pieces perfectly new. This Work hath been translated out of English into Latine. First, as to the Preface; tho' it be not Lightfoot's, because it treats of the principal Subjects upon which Lightfoot hath written, yet we shall mention it, since there is to be found in it very curious Remarks. Mr. Bright speaks there, first of the Useful∣ness of Chronology, and shews us that it may be very serviceable to the understand∣ing of Sacred History. He brings for ex∣ample this passage, 2 Chron. 16.1. where it is said, that in the 36th year of the Reign of Asa, Baasha King of Israel went up against Judah. We must not understand this date from the time in which Asa began to Reign, since Baasha ascended to the Throne of Israel, but the third year of the Reign of Asa, and Reigned but 24 years, that is to say, to the 27th year of King Asa's Reign, 1 Kings 15.33. The same numbers are found in all the Antient Interpreters; so that it is not very likely that any fault should have slipped herein. If we consult Chronology, it tells us, that the year in which Baasha King of Israel made War against Iudah, was the 36th from the divi∣sion of the Ten Tribes; so that by the Reign of Asa must be understood, That the Reign of Judah took its beginning from the time that Jeroboam dismembred the Ten Tribes. 'Tis thus that Lightfoot interprets it, p. 80. from his Harmony of the Old Testament. See also p. 81. and 87. It's also remarked, that these two passages of the Chronicles, to wit, the 2d of Chron. 27.2. where it is said, That King Achaias was 42 years old when he began to Reign; and Chap. 23. v. 9. where Iehoiachim in the beginning of his Reign, is said to be eight years old, ought to be trans∣lated otherwise, if we suppose that there is no fault in the present Hebrew, because it is contrary to Chronology. But in the Antient Version the first passage is 20, or 22. and in the 2d 18. which makes us believe that there may be a fault in our Hebrew Copies. You may see what Lightfoot saith of Achaias in the preceding Discourses of his Harmony of the Evangelists.

Mr. Bright maintains against Grotius, that the ordinary manner of reading that passage, Isa. 8.8. is better than the corrections that Grotius would have made. It is 65 in the Hebrew, and in all other Translations; and Grotius pretends that it ought to be read 6 and 5, that is to say, eleven. The Author of this Preface shews upon what (he thought) Grotius built this Conjecture, and fell into an Error contradistinct to the the true Chronology of the Kingdom of Israel. He send the Reader back again to the Computation of Lightfoot, who removes all the difficulty.

'Tis not, that he was of the Opinion of Lightfoot, who believed there was no fault in the Hebrew Text; he thought that it was better to follow the Samaritan Penta∣teuch way of reading, and the Translation of the Seventy, than that of the Hebrew Text, which saith, Exod. 12.40. that the time that the Children of Israel abode in Egypt was 430 years, whereas they continued no more than 210 years. But it is in the Sama∣ritan Pentateuch, and in the Septuagint ac∣cording to the Manuscript of Alexandria, that the time of abode which the Children of Israel and their Fathers made in Egypt and in the Land of Canaan, was 430 years, which agrees exactly with Chronology. After ha∣ving spoken something of the necessity that there is to study Sacred Geography for the better understanding of the Scripture, he passes to the Original Text and Antient Translations. He shews first by some ex∣amples, that the consent of all the Antient Translations with the Hebrew and Samari∣tan Texts, proves that those places which may be suspected, have not been corrupted, and that when all the Translations agree with either of these Texts, it is something very considerable in favour of them to whom they are found conformable. Se∣condly, He shews that by the same consent one may find divers faults in the Hebrew Texts at this day. As our Hebrew Copies (saith he) are without doubt those which re∣present the Antient Originals best, and which ought to be preferred to all others; it would ne∣vertheless be a sign of obstinacy and superstition to believe that there is no considerable fault which may be corrected by means of the Translations. There are many examples in

other Authors, as in the Epistles of St. Igna∣tius, of which Vsher Primate of Ireland, hath corrected divers places by means of the Antient Latine Translations of these Epistles. Afterwards he brings for example that of Psal. 22.6. and 145.14. Exod. 12.14. where one ought according to him correct the Hebrew Text by the Antient Transla∣tions, to which he also adds Gen. 49.22. and ch. 4. v. 11. which the Reader may examine if he finds it to his purpose.

These mistakes concern the Consonants of the Hebrew Tongue. Mr. Bright be∣lieves that there are also some slipt in amongst the Vowels, although he would not approve all the examples the Learned have brought thereon. Thus there is accord∣ing to him Psalms the 11. and 9. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (Therognem) Thou shalt break them with a Rod of Iron; for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Thou shalt feed them, (Thirgnem) or thou shalt govern them with a Scepter, &c. The Septuagint having read it in this last manner, since they have translated it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Thou shalt feed them. He also brings Hosea 13.14. and Amos 9. and 13. The sense of this last pas∣sage is extreamly different, according to their manner of reading and pointing, who followed the Massorites, from the sense that the Septuagint gives it. According to the first it must be translated, So that they shall possess the rest of Idumea; and according to the last which St. Paul hath followed, Act. 15.16. So that the Rest of men shall seek the Lord.

Our Author afterwards saith, that the pointing at this day is not always conform∣able to the Analogy of the Hebrew Tongue, which appears by many Anomalies, of which the Massore says nothing, and by divers proper Names which are better written in the old Translations.

The Antient Versions furnish us likewise with divers significations of some words, which without that, would be perfectly un∣known to us. We are extreamly confirmed in this thought, when the same words in our neighbouring Tongue have all these signi∣fications, as in the Syriack, Arabick and Ethiopick Languages, &c. which have much affinity with that of the Hebrews. But he marks nevertheless that we must not too much confide in this manner of finding out the signification of some Hebrew words by the means of the neighbouring Tongues, be∣cause that divers accidents happen too long to enumerate, as when a word changes its sig∣nification with another People, by losing its An∣cient sound, and acquiring something new, and unknown from the Language whence it was first taken. For example, the English word to Try, is without doubt the same as the French, Trier, nevertheless it has a signification which hath no agreement with that of the French word, to make a Tryal or a Proof of. So to Crack, which comes from Craquer, signifies in English to Boast: To Lett in English signifies both to Permit and to Hin∣der, but the Dutch word Letten, or as they now speak, Beletten, which is the same, sig∣nifies to Hinder. So we cannot altogether trust to the Conjectures of some Learned men upon the Hebrew word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tsagnir, which is found, Micah 5.2. They believe there, that the Hebrew signifies Great and Little, at the same time, because it hath two significations in the Arabick: It's true that they have founded it upon this, that the Se∣venty have translated Little in this place of Micah and St. Matthew, which is not Little.

Mr. Bright comes afterwards to the use that may be made of the writings of the Rabbies, and 'tis in this that Lightfoot hath excelled. As first, from the knowledge of the customs and opinions of the Jews, which altho sometimes very extravagant, we may notwithstanding afford us some bene∣fit. Secondly, It may serve to the confirma∣tion of the History of Jesus Christ, for it appears by that, that there was one Jesus which had Disciples who lived in such a time, and such a place, who did and said divers things; That there was such places, such opinions, such customs, such ceremonies. It's found in the writings of the most ancient Jews, the same stile and same manner of speaking are seen in the Evangelists, and very often the same thoughts the same Parables and the same Proverbs. Our Author brings from thence some examples that have never been observed before. There is to be found in the Thalmud of Babylon an ancient Tradition of the Jews: It saith, that in the time of the Messia there shall be an extream Impudence, &c. That the Father shall be ill treated by his Son, and the Daughter should rise up against her Mo∣ther, the Daughter-in-law against her Mother-in-law, and a mans Enemies shall be those of his own House, &c. By that we see that our Lord according to this ancient Doctrine of the Jews made it known that he was the Messia, when he said, That he was come to separate be∣twixt the Son and the Father, the Daughter and the Mother, and the Daughter-in-law and the Mother-in-law, and that a mans Enemies should be those of his own House. Mr. Bright after that marks the places of the Thalmud where there is mention made of Jesus Christ. Thirdly, The reading of the Rabbies is use∣ful to convince the Jews at this day, that they ought to understand Him to be the Messia, from many passages of the Old Testa∣ment. Which they endeavour to interpret otherwise, tho their Fathers understood it as we do. From thence he brings a great many examples. It is said in an ancient Iewish Book which is called Pelicta, that God had a Dialogue with the Messia in these Terms: God began to make a Covenant with the Messiah, speaking thus to him: Those which have sinned are unknown to thee, and will impose upon thee a Yoak of Iron, by which they will render thee like to a Heifer, almost blind with excess of labour, and at last they shall de∣stroy thee: because of their iniquity thy Tongue shall cleave to the Roof of thy Mouth. And wilt thou suffer this? The Messia. It may be that these griefs and afflictions shall endure but for a time. God. I am fully resolved that thou shalt suffer it a whole week of years, but if thou

consent not thereto, I shall not impose these suf∣ferings upon thee. The Messia. I willingly submit my self on condition that one Israelite may not perish, but that they may all be saved, those that live and dye in my Time, those that are hidden under the Earth, and which are dead since Adam, even the Children which died be∣fore they were born, or that are come into the World afore their time; in a word, all that have been created until now, and which shall be hence forth. Altho there is much extrava∣gance here, we it may nevertheless disco∣ver through all these fictions, that the an∣cient Jews have not always promised them∣selves a Triumphant Messia, and such as should peaceably enjoy the advantages which the Jews of our times attribute to him. It is plain 'twas believed that the Sufferings of the Messia should be a means to expiate the sins of Israel. 'Tis this which the same Author assures us of, in terms ve∣ry clear, which Mr. Bright relates. Fourth∣ly, Much use may be drawn from the read∣ing of the Rabbies, because therein are found opinions, customs and manners of speaking, which were used amongst the Jews in the time of our Lord, as he shews by some examples never before produced; thus, Lightfoot hath composed all the second Volume of his works upon this Subject: Mr. Bright believes that St. Paul had a res∣pect to an opinion of the Jews, when he ob∣liged the Women to have their heads cove∣red in Devotion, because of the Angels, 1 Cor. 11. and 20. and he cites thereupon a place of the Babylonish Thalmud and some passages of two or three other Rabbies, from whence it appeareth that the Iews thought the Angels had much curiosity to know what passed amongst men, and particularly in anything of great importance.

After all these remarks we find a little abridgment of the Life of Lightfoot, where as occasion serves, there are divers Re∣flections intermixed, which we shall men∣tion briefly. The thoughts of Monsieur Si∣mon, are there refuted, touching the abridg∣ment of a new Polyglot, which he hath pro∣posed in his Criticks, and touching the Au∣thentickness of the Vulgar, &c. He also re∣futes the Interpretation that Lightfoot hath given in the Epistle to the Corinthians just before cited. For altho Mr. Bright had a great esteem for Lightfoot, he thought him∣self not obliged to receive all his opinions or defend whatsoever he hath said. He saith he is not of the same Opinion with our Author, who believed that the least point of the Bible is a Divine Institution, and that all therein is mysterious even unto the least irregularities. Mr. Bright Criticises on two or three remarks of Lightfoot upon the Rabbies, founded upon the faults of the Copier, which he explains after a mysterious manner.

As the Life of Lightfoot composed by Mr. Bright was too short, Mr. Stryp hath joined thereto another more large, which is fol∣lowed with a collection of divers things concerning the person and writings of our Author. Therein we see the manner of his Study and Employ, with the esteem they had of him in England and elsewhere, &c. those who love to know the least particu∣lars of the lives of great men, will here find what will both divert and instruct 'em. There is an account in his Life of some of the reasons of the controversies between the Divines assembled at Westminster, who had undertaken to reform, during the Civil Wars, what they called Errours in the Church of England. Lightfoot opposeth stifly some of their opinions, as may be seen in the third Article of the Collection that is added to his Life. We shall find in the eighth a List of his Works, which have not been finished, which were mostly concerning the History of the Hebrews, with the ex∣plication of some Book of the Holy Scrip∣ture. One part is in English and the other in Latin. He hath even given himself the trouble to write all the Texts of the Evan∣gelists and to dispose them into an harmo∣nious method. It is offered to any Book∣seller that will Print it. In what respect∣eth the Harmony we may advertise the Publick that Mr. Toignard hath promised to publish it at the end of his, wherein shall soon be seen the method which he hath made use of in a place of Iosephus, where he compares the Iudaick Antiquities with the Books of the Iewish Wars. This last Harmony is now in the Press and will soon appear abroad. Before we consider the works set forth by Lightfoot, we cannot for∣bear speaking of the loss that hath been sustained in a Map of Palestine, which he had effected with much care, and traced with his own hand. 'Tis a loss doubtless very great to such as desire to be instructed in the Sacred Geography, because there is no Card of Iudea left, that can satisfie those who are but indifferently versed in this kind of learning. We have nevertheless endeavoured to supply this loss received by that of Lightfoot, working therein upon his Ideas, and in giving a Map of those places whereof this Author makes mention in his Geographical Remarks, and which have been placed according to his observations. But altho many faults are in this Map cor∣rected which are found in all others, we shall yet find it a trouble, to persuade our selves, that the notions of Lightfoot could be followed to such perfection as what he had done himself.

The first Work that we meet with in this Volume, is an Harmonious and Chronolo∣gical disposition of the Text of the Old Testa∣ment. The Sacred Writers are so little ty∣ed to the order of Time, and those who have collected them into a Body, had so lit∣tle regard to Chronology, that the Jews form thereupon a constant explication of the Holy History, to wit, that in Holy Writ there's no before nor after. Our Au∣thor proposeth to himself to remedy this in∣version of Method, in making an Abridg∣ment of all the Holy History, and placing every event where it ought to be in his

Judgment. He hath added in the Margin the year of the World, and that of the Ju∣dicature or Reign of those who governed Israel, and he hath taken care to mark the precise date of all the events whereof he could have had any certain knowledge. Those that he hath placed by his own con∣jecture have no date. In the Margin he hath added the reason why he hath there in∣serted these places, without undertaking to refute the reasons of those who place them elsewhere, lest he should make his volume too large. He hath only proposed his opinion upon the difficulties that repre∣sent themselves, and leaves them to be judged by the Reader. His opinions are often very new, as will be easily acknow∣ledged if they compare what he saith, with what is to be found in other Interpreters. As for the rest he confesseth what he hath written is but an Essay, and advertises the Reader that he ought not to expect it very exact.

1. The Text of Genesis Chronologically disposed, reaches to p. 22. and Lightfoot ends the History of this Book by a Citation from the first of the Chronicles, which he believed ought immediately to follow the death of Ioseph. 1 Chron. 6.21, 22.23. In this place are to be found the years of the Patriarchs, and the years of Promise joyned with those of the World.

2. The Books of Exodus, Leviticus and Numbers joyn'd together, continue the holy History, p. 38. where the Establishment is seen of the half Tribe of Manasseh on that side Iordan. There are only two places of two other Books inserted amongst those of Moses. Lightfoot believes that the 88th and 89th Psalms were composed by Heman and Ethan Sons of Zerach, which lived, accord∣ing to him, in the time that the King of Egypt oppressed the Israelites with excessive Labour and Taxes. The Author thinks al∣so that Iob lived in the same time, and that he was the Grand Son of Nahor, Abraham's Brother, and that Elihu one of those which speaks in his Book, and who was his near Kinsman, is the Author of this work. This he asserts in p. 24.

3. Afterwards comes Deuteronomy follow∣ed with the Abridgment of the Books of Ioshua and Iudges. The History of Ruth is inserted between the time of Ehud and De∣borah. The Author takes notice but of one word in chap. 3. and 13. v. that has an ex∣traordinary point, and but of one other in the 19th chapter of Genesis of the same nature. Our Author seeks there the myste∣ry of it.

4. Lightfoot continues his Chronological Abridgement of the Sacred History, by some Texts of the Book of Samuel, of the Chronicles, and of Kings put together, according as the order of events requi∣red. Here are also many Psalms, with the occasions and most difficult passa∣ges of the Canticles explained, after the manner of our Author, that is to say, ac∣cording to the method of the Rabbins, who only guessed at many things in ancient History. Whereof see an example in C. 58. about the explication of Psalm 58.35. but as neither the time nor the Authors of all the Psalms are not known, Lightfoot could not range them in Chronological order. Which has obliged him to place the Book of Psalms, after the the 35th chapter of the 1st Book of Chronicles. In this place he makes divers reflections upon the gathering together of these Sacred Songs, Ps. 71. He tells us the Book of Proverbs, and the Song of Songs, was written when Solomon had fi∣nished the buildings he had undertaken. He believes that the Song of Songs was com∣posed by this Prince upon his Marrying the King of Egypt's Daughter, who (that being a very hot Country) was Brown, as it is Cant. 1.5, 6. but his chief end was to re∣present the Spiritual Marriage of Jesus Christ with his Church, under the sensible Type of his own with an Egyptian. As for the Ecclesiastes, Lightfoot places it much la∣ter, and thinks it a work, that he composed in the time of his Repentance; see Pag. 26. from this place the Books of the Kings and Chronicles, are Printed in Columns, so that one may see at first view the conformity and difference which is between them, as there is in this History many Chronologi∣cal difficulties, so Lightfoot is more exact to mark the years of every Prince.

5. Being come to the Reign of Vzziah, whom the Scripture also calls Azarias, he saith, that before that time there always had been some Prophets, but that none of them had left his Prophecies in writing. And according to him, 'twas in this time that the Prophets begun to write. On this occasion he describes the order and end of the Prophecies of Hosea, Ioel, Amos, Oba∣diah and Ionas; he maintains that the first occasion of the Prophecies of Hosea, was the death of Zacharias Son of Barachia. As all that this Prophet saith cannot relate to one time only, so he here mentions but the four first Chapters, the others are each in their place. He hath observed the same order in regard to the rest who have pro∣phesied in divers times. Those, according to his Judgment, whose Predictions have been delivered in the same time, are insert∣ed entire in the places where Lightfoot speaks of what happened at that time, as Nahum, Zephaniah, &c.

6. The Book of Esdras immediately fol∣loweth the first of Chronicles. It was then that Cyrus published his Edict, by which he permitted the Jews to return to their Coun∣trey; for tho' Darius of Media, or Astyages, as the Greeks call him, lived at that time, it was made in the name of Cyrus his Grand∣son. Lightfoot makes divers remarks upon this Darius of Media, to p. 113. in explain∣ing the 5th Chapter of Daniel; and to p. 136. he speaks of several things during the Reign of Cyrus, and the Succession of the Kings of Persia. Lightfoot inserts the History of Esdras after the 4th Chapter of Esdras. He believes the Assuerus mentioned

in this History was also called Artaxerxes, and that he was called Assuerus, from the name of one of his Predecessors, which is spoken of in Dan. 9.1. to wit, the Grand∣father of Cyrus, whom the Greeks called, according to Lightfoot, Astyages. He makes this Assuerus immediately to follow Cyrus.

7. Nehemiah and Malachy end this work, and the Spirit of Prophecy having ceased among the Jews, the Books that they have since made, have not had the same Autho∣rity as those that preceded them. Lightfoot explains here the difficult Chronologies that he meets with in his way.

2. The Harmony of the Old Testament is followed with some remarks upon, Gene∣sis and Exodus; the first are entituled Paucae ac novellae observationes super librum Geneseos, quarum pleraeque certae, caeterae probabiles sunt; omnes autem innoxiae, ac raro antea auditae. It is a Collection of divers Rabbinical Remarks, or like in subtilty to those of the Rabbins: They conjecture at many things according to the custom of these ingenious Doctors; for example, That the first natural Day in the Climat of the Garden of Eden, was thirty six hours long, even as the day whereof mention is made in the 10th Chapter of Joshua; That the Moon and some Stars were created before the Sun: That it was at the full before the Sun ap∣peared, which then augmented its Light; but that the Earth hindering the sight thereof, it appeared not to Adam till six days after, who saw it in its first quarter after that the Promise had cleared the darkness of the Fall: That the clean Beasts were created in each kind to the number seven, whereof three pairs were destined to the propagation of their kind, and the seventh to be sacrificed by Adam after he had sinned; but that there was but one pair of each kind of unclean Animals, &c. His Remarks upon Exodus bear this Title; Manipulus spicilegio∣rum è libro Exodi, ubi solutio probabilis scrupu∣lorum quorundam manifestorum, & explanatio difficiliorum textuum, qui hoc libro occurrunt, antea ab aliis raro exhibitae. These Remarks keep much of the subtilty of the preceding ones; therein is nevertheless seen a method a little more conform to that which the In∣terpreters of the holy Scripture commonly follow. Every Section contains particular Remarks which have no connexion one with the other; and there are 59 Questions, which we cannot undertake to make an exact Extract of. We shall only bring two or three of them, by which you may judge of the rest. Lightfoot believes that the 88th and 89th Psalms are the most An∣tient Works that remain amongst us, and are made by Heman and Ethan Sons of Ze∣rach, as hath already been remarked, who lived in the time of the Egyptian Slavery. He makes answer to those who oppose him therein, that Ethan speaks of David. (1.) That this might be a Spirit of Prophecy, as 'tis spoken of Samuel in Psal. 99. which the He∣brews believe to be of Moses. (2.) That Prophet having left some Writings, they have been polished and augmented by others, who had also the gift of Prophecy, according as certain things present, past, or to come, required it. This will plainly ap∣pear (saith Lightfoot) if we compare the 18th Psalm with the first of Sam. chap. 22. Obadiah with Ieremiah, c. 49. v. 14. 1 Chron. c. 16. with Psal. 92. & 105. 2 Pet. c. 2. with the Epistle of St. Iude. He believes that this piece of Ethan hath likewise been po∣lished in David's time, and that several times the name of David was then inserted, from Section the 30th, unto the end. Our Author endeavours to describe the Taber∣nacle and Priestly Habits. In giving the measure of all the parts of the Tabernacle, he speaks of the heighth of the Altar for the Burnt-offerings, which was three Cubits. He saith, that if every Cubit had been three foot, no man could serve at the Altar which had not been nine Cubits in heighth. He therefore reduces a Cubit to a Foot and half, so that the height of the Altar was but four feet and an half. According to Light∣foot, this is the measure that was observed in the Dimensions of the Temple. As to the rest, he remarks with care the mystical significations of each part of the Sacred Building, in the 48th Section. Speaking of the Vrim and Thummim, he confutes the Opi∣nion of those who believed that God an∣swered to the Questions that were made him in causing a certain brightness to appear up∣on the Stones of the Breast-plate. He main∣tains that they proposed first to the Priest what they desired to know, and that after∣wards the Priest consulted the Oracle of God, or in drawing near to the Ark, when that might be done, or even without the Ark, provided that he was cloathed with the Ephod and Breast-plate which was un∣separable.

3. After these Treatises there is ano∣ther, p. 195. whereof the Title is, Erubhim, sive Miscellanea Christiana & Iudaica aliaque, relaxandis animis, & otio discutiendo conscrip∣ta. It's one of the first Works of Lightfoot, and a mixture of divers Remarks on the prophane Authors, and upon the holy Scripture, but the greatest part of it concerns the sa∣cred Books. Every Chapter is like a work apart, which hath no connexion with the others, so that we cannot undertake to give here an abridgment of all that is there∣in. The Author saith, Chap. 4. the reason for which God called Ezekiel and Daniel Son of Man, was because this manner of speaking was much more common to the Chaldeans and Hebrews, than to say simply a Man. In the 19th and 20th Chapters he compares some passages of the Rabbins to some of the New Testament. He believes that even the Rabbins have taken thence divers places, and that 'tis not at all surpri∣zing, if the Jews, who lived amongst the Christians, and who had often heard them speak of the New Testament, shou'd retain something thereof, and added it to their own Writings. But if it was so, many ob∣servations of our Author would not be of great use, as may be seen in the Extract of the second Volume. He says in Chap. 22.

that he believes the Seventy Interpreters translated the Old Testament into Greek in spight of the Jews, and that it is for this reason that there is nothing in this Version but what is wandering and uncertain, and that there are many additions, changes and faults. He brings some examples, of which some are drawn from some words, that the Seventy have pointed contrary to the Masso∣rites, as Gen. 16.11. and Iudg. 5.8. id. 7. and 11.7. Chron. 10.7. Tho our Author believes that the Vowels of the Hebrews are of Divine Institution in the same man∣ner that they are found at this day, he saith, every thing is a fault that agreeth not in the Seventy. He had even undertaken a work in which he would recollect all the Errours which he thought he saw in this Translation. In his Manuscrip•••• there is to be found a Collection entituled Discrepantiae 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 70. à Textu Hebraico, which he had begun to place in a clear Method, with a design to publish it under the Title of Disquisitio mo∣desta de 70 & de Versione Graeca. See the se∣cond Section of the Collection of divers things concerning the Life (a) 1.1 of Lightfoot. He praiseth in some places, the Elegance, Sweetness and Richness of the Hebrew Tongue, as the Rabbins did before him; and he maintains every where the Antiquity of the Points, so that it seems there was no other know∣ledge of the Hebrew Tongue, than that which may be drawn from the Writings of the Rabbins, to whom all the World hath not given so much credit as himself. It is difficult to know from whence he had learned (b) 1.2 That the Greek Tongue having flourished for many Ages, at last received its perfection from the New Testament, and that as they called Athens the Greece of Greece, the New Testament de∣serves to be called, because of the Tongue, IN∣TER GRAECA GRAECISSIMVM, the most excellent Greek of all the Greeks.

4. (c) 1.3 This work we speak of, is a Product of our Authors younger years. There is another of his more mature Age. 'Tis a Harmony of the four Evangelists, as also of the Old Testament, divided into three parts. This is the Me∣thod of the Author: 1. He disposeth the Text of the Evangelists according to the order of times, to which he joyns a literal Interpretation of the most difficult words and phrases. 2. He giveth the Reason of this disposition. 3. He expoundeth the principal difficulties of the Text, and shew∣eth the agreement that is between the sacred Writers. You may find before the first part of the preceding Discourses, that our Author gives an Abridgment of Chrono∣logy drawn out of Holy Writ, from the Creation to the Birth of Iesus Christ. He therein expoundeth, by the by, divers Chronological difficulties of the Old Testa∣ment. He believeth Jesus Christ was born in the year of the World 3928.

The first part of this Harmony compriseth what we find in the Gospels, before the Baptism of our Lord, and what St. Iohn saith of the Word. There is a Kalender in p. 260. whereby you may discern the order that was among the Priestly Families, as to what regarded the service of the Temple, the time in which each entred into service, the Sections or Portions of Scripture that were read each Sabbath day, so that in the circuit of one year, the whole Law was read. As the Author in the Title of the work promiseth to shew the Harmony be∣twixt the New Testament and the Old, so he expoundeth in their places the Prophe∣cies, which have foretold the coming of the Messia, as Numb. 24. in p. 287. This first part endeth with an exposition of what the Evangelists say, touching the Baptism of Jesus Christ, and of his Genealogies, as St. Luke relates it.

The second comprises what happened since the Baptism of our Lord, to the first Passover that he celebrated. Here we find a very large exposition of our Saviours Temptation, especially upon these words of St. Matthew, that (b) 1.4 the Devil shewed Iesus Christ all the King∣doms of the Earth, and their Glory. (c) 1.5 There is a digression some pages lower, touching Baptism, where the Author makes divers remarks, (1.) Upon the practice of Baptism with the Jews, be∣fore that St. Iohn the Baptist Preached amongst them. (2.) Upon the custom of Baptizing Infants, which was in use in that time. He relates the passages of the Thal∣mud and of Maimonides, whereby it appear∣eth that the Jews did Baptize their Chil∣dren. This Rabbin in his Treatise of Slaves, saith, that if an Israelite find a Child and Bap∣tize him in the name of a Proselyte (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) he is a Proselyte from that very mo∣ment: but he assureth us of another thing elsewhere, which is not so conformable to the use of Christians, to wit, if a Woman with Child was Baptized, and received into the number of Proselytes, it was thought needless to Baptize the Child. (a) 1.6 As to the Pots of Cana, the Water of which Iesus Christ changed into Wine, Lightfoot takes occasion from thence to enumerate all the Vessels of the Hebrews, whereof mention is made in Scripture, and tells what they severally contain'd.

The third part of the Harmony of the Gospels comprehends the space of one year which passed from the first Passover that our Saviour celebrated after his Baptism, to the second. As to these words of Jesus Christ in St. Iohn, If any man be not born a second time, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of God, Lightfoot makes a long digression touching the sense of these words, the King∣dom of God, or the Kingdom of Heaven. He immediately remarks that the Jews in the Thalmud, take them in a very extraordi∣nary sense, that is to say, for the rigorous observation of their Ceremonies, and parti∣cularly that of the Tradition of Phylacteries. Rabbin Gamaliel being Married, did upon the very night of his Nuptials rehearse what

was written upon his Phylacteries, upon which (says the Thalmud) his Disciples spoke thus to him: Have you not taught us, that a Bridegroom is not obliged to mention his Phy∣lacteries? and that he answered them: far be it from me to be so complaisant to you, as to quit one only hour the yoak of the Kingdom. After that Lightfoot sheweth, that thereby (in our Saviours time) was understood the State of the Jewish Church under the Mes∣sia. In fine, he largely sheweth the diffe∣rent signification, these words had in the Mouth of the Carnal Jews, and in our Sa∣viours. Upon Iohn 3.23. (a) 1.7 And John Baptized at Enon near Salim, our Author makes sundry remarks upon Enon and Salim; he believes these pla∣ces were in Galilee. Afterwards he examines these 2 Questions, to wit, what Ceremonies the Iews used in their Baptism? and how far St. John the Baptist hath imitated them? When a Proselyte was received, he was imme∣diately asked, if it was not through some hu∣mane consideration, that he would embrace Iu∣daism, as through fear, desire of Riches, or love to some fair Israelitish Woman? If he an∣swered, it was not, then the difficulty of ob∣serving the Law, was represented to him, and the Punishment it inflicted upon Trans∣gressours: But for fear of discouraging him, he was also told of the rewards promised in the Law, they declared to him, that tho Israel was seen miserable in this World, yet God had prepared for it a felicity, that he kept concealed, and which they should enjoy in obser∣ving the Law; that if God did not render Is∣rael happy in this Life, it was to the end only to keep it from Pride; but that the other Nations should everlastingly perish, how happy soever they for the present seemed to be. They added, that if he Repented that he had offered himself to be re∣ceived into the number of the Proselytes, he was permitted to withdraw. If he still declared he was in the same Mind, they Circumcised him, and when he was cured, he was brought to some Water, wherein he presently entered up to the Neck. Whilst he kept himself in this posture, the three inferiour Iudges of the place rehearsed to him divers Precepts of the Law, after which he plunged himself over Head and Ears, and came out a very little while after. If 'twas a Woman that was to be baptized, she was by Wo∣men put into the Water; the Iudges held them∣selves at a sufficient distance from the place where she plunged her self, and she turned her back as soon as ever she came out of the Water.

In expounding St. Luke 4.14. Lightfoot makes an ample digression concerning the Synagogues, wherein he treateth of their antiquity and establishment; of the Syna∣gogues after the Captivity; of the days in which men went to them, of the conductors of the Synagogues, and of their Preachers. He believeth that in this the Christian Churches have imitated sundry customs of the Jews; and that is it which others have evinced in whole Treatises.

A passage of the same Evangelist, viz. C. 5.17. gives our Author an occasion, to insert in his Harmony, a small Treatise of the different conditions that were found amongst the Jews, of the divers Orders of their Doctors, of the fundaments of their Religion in the time of our Saviour, of the different Sects, and particularly of the Sadduces and Pharisees. But all this is only an Abridgment of some parts of a greater work, that our Author proposed to him∣self to make, as may be seen in Section 1. of the Collection of the remarkable things concerning his Life.

For the better understanding of divers passages both of the Old and New Testa∣ments, we must of necessity have some idea of the manner of the structure of the Tem∣ple at Ierusalem, and of its different parts. Therefore Lightfoot hath undertaken to give us an exact description of this sumptuous Building, particularly such as it was in the time of our Saviour. We see a Draught of it at the beginning of this Treatise, that the Author himself had traced. As this Treatise had not been Printed till now, but in English, the Latin version made of it will appear a work altogether now to those that understand not the English Tongue. This same reason, (besides the delight it may be to all men to know how this Temple was made, whereof the Scriptures speak so ad∣vantageously) engageth us to give a small description thereof, according to the Ideas of our Author.

The Top of the Hill of Moriah whereon the Temple was Builded, was at the first somewhat narrow, but by little and little it was made larger, partly in filling up the Valleys which were about it, and in envi∣roning it with a strong Wall. Under the se∣cond Temple, it made a perfect square of 750 foot Diameter, and of 3000 in circuit. The Wall that environed it on all parts ap∣peared to those that were in the midst of it, thirty seven foot and an half high, excepting over against the Eastern Gate, where it was but nine foot high, for a reason that Light∣foot produces. On the outside this Wall was prodigiously high, raising it self from the bottom of Valleys which Moriah was envi∣roned withal. On the side of the Eastern Gate, it was 600 foot high. It was of white stones, triangular, of 30 foot broad, and of nine high; so solid a structure, that this Wall remained till the destruction of the second Temple.

In the beginning of the side of the East, to consider the exteriour circumference of this magnificent Building, one might see the principal Gate of this circumference, which was called the Gate of Susan. The entrance was in heighth 30 foot, and breadth fifteen; but the Ornaments of the Portal were raised 15 foot higher, and reached to both sides a little more than four feet. A∣bove this was to be seen a Picture which re∣presented Susan, the Capital City of Media, which the Jews had caused to be put there, in remembrance of Esther and of the feast of Purim. That was the reason why it was cal∣led the Gate of Susan, tho it was likewise named the Royal Gate, because King Solomon had built the Wall on that side.

One being ascended to this Gate, if he turned himself from the side whence he was come, part of the Mount of Olives was to be seen on the right hand, separated from Ierusalem by a deep Valley, called the Valley of Hinnom, or of Tophet, or of Ashes. There it was that the Idolatrous Israelites used to Sacrifice, by an abominable super∣stition, their own Children to Moloch. Right against the Gate, was the Mount of Olives, where the custom was to Sacrifice a Red Cow. Thither Men went by a way sustain'd by a double Vault, fearing lest the Priest, who was to officiate in this Ceremo∣ny, should pollute himself as he went, not knowing it, upon some hidden Grave. On the Left appeared the same Mountain of Olives, separated from the City on that side, by the Brook and Valley of Cedron.

As for the Gate of Susan, it was not just in the middle of the outward Circumfe∣rence of the Holy Mountain, because the Temple was not placed in the midst of the Top, but towards the North, else it could not have been opposite to the Temple, which was built on that si••e, because the place of the Altar which the Fire from Heaven had marked, and which was on the North, had obliged Solomon to frame there∣upon the building of the House of God.

There were two Gates on the South part of this Wall, which were called the Gates of Hulda. People went by these two Gates to the City of Ierusalem. At the West, on the side of Millo and Mount Sion, there were four, whereof that which was most North was called the Gate of the Rising, or of Coponius. By reason of the inequality of the Ground, and of the depth of the Valley which was at the foot of Moriah, Solomon had caused the Ground to be raised from his Palace to this Gate, and this rising was gar∣nished with Trees on both sides. 'Twas that way the Kings went to the Temple. The next Gate was called Parbar, and the two others were named Assuppim. Within these two Gates was a building of the same name, where part of the Treasures of the Temple were kept.

On the North side, there was but one on∣ly Gate named Tedi, or Tadde. On this side, the Wall which environed the Holy Moun∣tain, was not quite on the verge of the Top, as on the other sides, there remained some space which had been neglected, to the end that Holy Place should make a per∣fect Square. At the corner of this space which looked to the North-east, a Tower was built called Baris, which at first was the Mansion of some High Priests, and the place where were kept their Holy Garments; but since, Herod rebuilt it otherwise, and nam'd it the Antonian Tower, in remembrance of Marcus Antonius, it served to the Roman Soldiers for a Citadel, and he that was Go∣vernour of it, was called the Captain of the Temple, Act. 4.1.

After this entrance by one of the Gates we mentioned above, as by the Eastern Gate, there were to be seen along the Wall on the right and on the left three ranks of Marble Pillars, holding up a Cieling, which could keep out the Rain and the Sun, and furnish a covered Walk of 365 paces. There were like Porches on the four sides. only that which went along the Southern part of the circumference, had four ranks of Pillars, which formed three Alleys. The Cieling of that of the middle was much high∣er than that of the sides, which was equal in heighth to the Cielings of the three other Porches, and this same Alley was propor∣tionably larger than the others. The Pa∣gans and polluted persons were suffered to enter into these Porches, and there to walk round about the Temple, as well as in the inward space which these Pillars environed on all sides. Within this space was a long Walk surrounded with a Wall full of holes, so that light came through, by which one might discover all that passed about the Temple. This walk encompass'd the Court of the Women, and the ascent to it was by some steps. No Pagan was per∣mitted to enter therein. The Doctors of the Thalmud call it Chel. 'Twas this which the Jews in the time of Iosephus call'd the second Temple, whenas they named the space enclosed within this little Wall which sur∣rounded all the Holy Mountain, The first Temple, which the Christian Authors call The Court of the Gentiles.

From the Court of the Gentiles, men went up into the second Temple by four∣teen steps. 'Tis in this space, and in the Northern part of the Court of the Gentiles, where was Situate that which is called pro∣perly, the Temple with its two Courts. When they entred into the second Temple on the East side, they might see before them the gate and wall of the Court of the Women, from whence one might be distant seven or eight paces, and walk covered on all the sides of the Temple. Those that were minded to enter into the Court of the Women, might go in by three sides, to wit on the East on the North and on the South and were to as∣cend by three steps, which were before each door. That on the East was more magnifi∣cent than the others, and 'twas for this they called it the Fair, Act. 3.2.

This Court was also a perfect square of 200 steps or thereabout in length & breadth and which on the West had the Court of Is∣rael. It was embellished with Porches with∣in, as was that which they called the Second Temple, excepting the corners, where were buildings destined for divers uses. In coming in by the gate, whereof we now spake, on the right hand was seen The House for Wood, whereinto was put the provision of Wood requisit for the Altar, and where the Priests that were polluted by some accident sepa∣rated that which was worm-eaten from the other; for it was thought unlawfull to put worm-eaten Wood upon the Altar. On the left hand was the House of the Nazarites▪ a building where those that had accomplished their Vow of Nazaritism, and would return to their Ancient manner of Life, boiled the

flesh that remained of their offering. At the Corner which looked to the South-West was seen the House of Oil, wherein the Oil was kept which they stood in need of for the use of the Temple. Over against that, at the op∣posite Corner which points to the North-West, was the House of the Leprous, where were kept enclosed those that presented them∣selves to be purified from the Leprosie. Be∣tween these different buildings were four Gates opposite to one another there was an Entrance from the Court of the Gentiles into that of the Women by three Gates, which were at the East, South and North; that which was at the West was for to pass from the Court of the Women into that of Israel.

They ascended to this Gate of the Court of Israel by fifteen steps for the ground of this was higher by ten foot than that of the Women. This gate was called the Gate of Nicanor. Iosephus saith it was of brass, and that twenty men could scarcely open it. Amongst the Presages that preceded the ruin of Ierusalem, one of them that most surprised, was that which happened to this Gate, which being well locked and bolted with great barrs of brass, opened of it self one night and no man meddled with it. The Court of Israel was imbellished within with a Porch which extended all round a∣bout the Temple and which was supported by a rank of Marble Pillars, except in places where there was some building, which ad∣vancing it self within side, did hinder the continuation thereof. Lightfoot hath care∣fully sought after the names and usages of these different buildings, and of the gates that were between both: But it shall suf∣fice here to remark that men entred into the Court of Israel by six gates; besides those we have named. There were on the North three, on the South three. The o∣ther two were on the East, opposite to the Altar of Burnt offerings, those of the middle were over against the Holy place, and the two others over against the Holiest of all.

The Court of Israel was properly called the space that was betwixt the Pillars of the Porch and the Wall. It was about 16 foot and an half in breadth, and was 140 paces in length. The square space between the Porch and the Frontispiece of the Temple, was called the Court of the Priests, whereof the ground was higher by some feet than that of the Court of Israel. On the right and left of the Gate of Nicanor, there were two Pulpits which were equal in height to the Ground of the Court of the Priests, where the Levites which sang the holy song, were accustomed to place themselves. At the corner of the Court up∣on the right as you came in, were to be seen Marble Tables, Pillars, and Buckles of Iron fasten'd to the Pavement; there they Sa∣crificed, slead, and washed the victims. On the other side was the Altar of Burnt of∣ferings. This Altar was 15 foot high, and that the service might be made therein, there was made a kind of an ascent of stone without stairs, of 48 feet in length. This Altar was squared and was above 36 feet in circuit, but it was much more large at the bottom. At the end of the ascent was a large edge of a foot and a half broad, upon which the Priests ascended to adjust the Wood of the Altar, to lay thereon the Victims, and to rub with Blood the four Horns of the Altar, which extended them∣selves from the corners of the edge unto the Top.

(a) 1.8 Lightfoot upon the occasi∣on of the Altar, proposes some difficulties, which he thinks cannot be re∣solved without having the Jews recourse to a Miracle. 1. It cannot be comprehended how it was possible to offer in a few days up∣on so little an Altar, such a prodigious num∣ber of Victims, such as the Scripture some∣times speaketh of, as when it is said that So∣lomon offered in 14 days, 22000 Bullocks and 26000 small Cattle, 1 Kings 8.63. They must therefore needs have offered more than 1500 Oxen, and above 8000 other Victims a day. Tho' all these Victims were not to be intirely burned, it's yet ve∣ry difficult to conceive how they could burn the very Fat of their Entrails and Kidneys. 2. The Blood of so many Beasts would make one think that all the Court must be overwhelm'd, and have drawn an infi∣nity of Flies together, and caused a great stink. 3. The Smoak and Scent of so much flesh burnt, should have necessarily stifled those that were about the Altar. He an∣swereth to the first difficulty, that Solomon offered not only upon the Altar, but in the middle of the Court, as the History testi∣fies it, and that the Fire from Heaven is infi∣nitely more quick than ordinary Fire; to the second that by a perpetual Miracle, there ne∣ver was a Fly in the Court of the Priests, and that the Blood ran in an instant by subterra∣nean Chanels which brought it to a sink made for that use: and to the third, that by a third Miracle, the Smoak did rise always directly upwards▪ what wind soever there was, so that it did not incommode those who were imployed in the Court.

Now to come back to his dimensions, it was about 50 paces in length from the East to the West, and almost twice as many in breadth. We shall not mark the Basons, nor the other Vessels that were in it, be∣cause our design is only to describe the prin∣pal parts of the Building. Those that would be instructed throughly therein, may consult Lightfoot himself.

On the West of this Court was the Fron∣tispiece of Solomon's Porch, by which they entred into the Holy place. The Top of the Holy Mount was not even, but it extend∣ed it self from the East to the West, the Threshold of the Entry of Solomon's Porch was 33 foot higher than that of the Gate of Susan. This Frontispiece was 150 foot broad, and 180 high: It was of a new white Marble, after the manner of Jasper, and of a Structure equally fair and solid. The Gate was sixty foot high, and thirty broad, and was all imbellished with Gold, which gave a great lustre, and which appeared very far off. The body of the Temple which was

but 100 foot broad, and 150 high was be∣hind the Porch. It comprehended the Holy Place, and the Holiest of all, and divers Chambers above and on all sides. Although the Roof of the House was almost flat, the middle was more elevated and formed as a new Stage, higher than the Apartments that were on the North and South. This Top was garnished quite round with a kind of a Rail, as was common for all the Tops of Houses in Iudea.

I shall stay no longer on this Description. Lightfoot can fully furnish the curious where∣withal to satisfie themselves farther about the difference betwixt the Dimensions of the Temple of Solomon, of that which was re∣built at the Return from Captivity, and of that of Herod, their different Uses, Apartments, Places where the Priests and Levites kept Guard at night, the changes of the place where the great Sanhedrim were to sit, and the disposition and figure of the Cherubims, and of the Ark, which giveth him an occa∣sion to expound the manner whereby Eze∣kiel, Isaiah and Iohn in the Apocalypse de∣scribe the mysterious symbol of the Pre∣sence of God. In fine, we may see here a compleat Treatise of the Temple of Ieru∣salem drawn from the Scripture, from Iose∣phus and the Doctors of the Thalmud.

6. After, having given an Idea of the Temple, and of all its parts, there remain'd only to instruct us about the Divine Ser∣vice that was therein perform'd, to make us throughly know the principal Ceremo∣nies of the Jewish Religion. 'Tis this also which Lightfoot in his Treatise of the Ser∣vice of the Temple has done. He begins with the different degrees of Holiness, which the Jews attributed to divers places of Iudea, and particularly to the different parts of the Temple, which Holiness was so much the greater, as they drew near the most Holy Place. It was permitted to all manner of People to enter into the Court of the Gentiles, but there were Pillars at the En∣trance of the second Temple, where was seen written in Hebrew, Greek and Ro∣man Characters, That it was lawful to none but the Israelites to enter into this Interiour Circumference. Thus the second Temple was more holy than the Court of the Gentiles, but the Court of the Women was more holy than the second Temple, in that it was permitted to those that were polluted, so that their pollution remained only till night, to enter into this last place; they curst not en∣ter into the Court of the Women. The Court of Israel was yet more holy, seeing Women never entred thereinto, but when they went to offer some Sacrifice, and that no person polluted with what pollution soever, dared to set foot thereinto. The Court of the Priests likewise went beyond that of Israel in Holiness, seeing no Laick went ever thither, but when he went with an Oblation. It was an easie thing to discern a Laick from a Levite, or from a Priest, by the cloathing, but polluted persons could not be known by any mark, it was left to their own Consciences▪

Nevertheless to strike awe into them, they would say that they had four sorts of punishments to fear, whereof the two for∣mer were immediately to be inflicted by Divine Vengeance, and the two others de∣pended upon Man. They called the first Death by the Hand of Heaven, that is to say, of God; and the second Chereth, or Cutting off. The Rabbins seem to distinguish these two sorts of punishment, but 'tis hard to know the difference they put betwixt them. Tho' they said that it was God alone that did send these chastisements, we must not think that as soon as some polluted person entred into a prohibited place▪ and it came to mens knowledge, he was solely left to the Wrath of God; the Judges caused him to be whipt, according to the nature of the Case, or else the People without expecting their Sentence, beat the polluted body so vio∣lently sometimes, that he died▪ and this it was which they called The Blows of the Rebellion.

These were the Precautions that were taken to keep the Temple from being polluted.(a) 1.9 After this Lightfoot sheweth us what were the Orders of the Ministers that had the care of it: He reduceth them to eight: 1. The High Priest. 2. The Sagan, who was as his Vicar. 3. The two Catholikin, which were the Substitutes of the Sagan. 4. The seven Immarkalin, who were entrusted with the Keys of the Gates and Treasures. 5. They had under them three Gizbarin or Trea∣surers. 6. The Head of the Order of Priests that were upon service. 7. The Heads of each Family that were found in this Order. 8. Those that were only Priests. The first five Orders formed a kind of perpetual Council, who took care of what concerned the Temple. There were besides these fifteen Memonin, or Commissaries about di∣vers things, whereof a part changed every week with the Order of the Priests. The Enumeration thereof may be seen in p. 679.

(b) 1.10 Lightfoot after this treat∣eth of the 5 first Charges which we have just mentioned, and expound∣eth exactly all their Functions as much as may be discovered in the Writings of the Jews that are amongst us. He describeth even the Cloaths of the High Priests, and giveth an exact List of them from Aaron to the destruction of the Temple.

(c) 1.11 We find in the following Chapter the Division of the Priests into 24 Classes the manner how they were examined before they were admitted into publick service, and how the Classes divided the sacred Functions between them proportionably to the number of the Fami∣lies whereof they were composed, for they had not all an equal number.

* 1.12 After this we see the cares of those that were Levites only; they were Porters, and kept Guard in divers places of the Temple. They were also Singers and Musicians, and they only had the priviledges of entring into the Consort of Voices, that was every day kept in the

Temple. As for the Musicians, they re∣ceived People of every Tribe, provided they•• could play well, and were allied to some Priestly Family. The Consort of Voices was never of less than twelve Men, but that number could be augmented as much as they pleased. As to the Instru∣ments, there were Trumpets, Flutes, and three other Instruments that the Hebrews call Nebel, Kinnor, and Tseltsel, which are hard to compare to any of our Mo∣dern Instruments, because they are too Antient for our Inquisition. Lightfoot pro∣poses thereupon his Conjectures, and tells us afterwards what Psalms were sung on divers Festivals, and after what manner the Instruments were joyned to the Voices.

Upon the Subject of the Classes of the Levites, Lightfoot informeth us also that there were 24 Classes of Israelites, that were necessitated to go to the Temple each his week, fearing lest there should be some time, the Officiates only present at the Divine Service. They kept themselves in the Court of Israel, and represented the whole body of the People.

Our Author treateth after that of the Sacrifices and Obla∣tions of the Jews,(a) 1.13 whereof he expoundeth the different sorts, and the Ce∣remonies that were observed in offering them. (b) 1.14 But he applies him∣self particularly to describe the common Sacrifice of the morn∣ing and evening, and all the parts of the Di∣vine service, wherewith it is accompanied. (c) 1.15 They took care not only to observe the Ceremonies prescri∣bed by the Law, but to inspire more respect into the People, it was prohi∣bited to carry into the Temple any stick. to enter therein with Shoes or Feet dusty, to carry Money about one in a Purse. Neither was it permitted to spit upon any place of the Holy Mountain, if it was necessa∣ry to spit, they were to do it in some corner of their cloathes, saith Maimonides. No body was to make any gesture that should in the least restifie the least irreverence, as to wal••••thither too fast, to pass through it pure∣ly to go into another place. No body might sit in the Court of Israel, saving the Princes of the House of David. They would likewise have taken it for a mark of irreverence, if any one uncovered his Head whilst he prayed to God; and the Priests were so far from taking off their Tiaras, that they covered themselves with a vail over that. They imitated in that those that were in some great sorrow, or that feared some fatal accident. But the Apostles esta∣blished in the Christian Churches a custom quite contrary. Every man that prayeth or that prophesieth, saith St. Paul, having his Head covered, dishonoureth his Head, 1 Cor. 11.4.

(a) 1.16 After this general descrip∣tion of the service that was per∣formed throughout the year in the Temple, Lightfoot treateth very largely on the Festi∣vals of the Jews. He begins by telling us after what manner they observed the new Moon, and how in a very short time they made known the day it appeared through∣out all Iudea. It was done by the means of Fires that were lighted successively upon a vast number of Hills, or by Messengers, which was not extreamly certain, and gave much trouble, whereas if the Jews had known a little of Astronomy, a Kalen∣der or an Almanack would have spared them all this labour, and would more sure∣ly have marked the new Moons.

After this are seen the differences that the Jews put betwixt the Passover celebrat∣ed in Egypt, and those that have been cele∣brated since that time: The manner how they took away all the Leaven that was found in their Houses: Which was done the morning and afternoon of the day of the Passover, before they Sacrificed the Pas∣chal Lamb: The precise time of its im∣molation: The number of persons that as∣sociated to eat it together, and the manner it was offered in the Temple. No body till now has so exactly described all these circumstances, and we may further say that neither Buxtorf nor Cappel who have had a dispute upon this Subject, have with so much clearness spoken of it as our Author; The Ceremonies the Jews observed in eat∣ing the Passover, Ch. 13. are of much use to Illustrate what the Evangelists say of the last Passover of our Lord, and to dis∣cover the Original of the Institution of the Eucharist. This it was that obliged us to give here an abridgment of what our Au∣thor saith; in which those that doubt may find the proofs.

1. They did not begin to eat till night, whence the Evangelists say, that the night being come our Saviour sate at meat with his Disciples. They did not eat much before this meal, or else they fasted, that they might with more appetite eat the un∣leavened bread.

2. They neither did properly sit, nor altogether lye down, but stretched them∣selves upon the beds which were about the Table, so that they held themselves half risen upon the left Elbow. This was the ordinary posture of the Romans, as may be yet seen in their ancient Monuments, but the Rabbins do seek herein for a My∣stery, and say men put themselves into this posture to note that they were free, because slaves were used to eat standing. They call this Posture at Table Iesibba, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Thus in process of time they changed this Cere∣mony, tho the Law had commanded them, to eat the Passover standing, and in haste, with their staf•• in their hand, and their shooes on their feet, as if they were begin∣ing a journey. Our Saviour, that did not so much regard the Letter as the Sense of the Law, accommodated himself to this custom of his time, and it is by this that Lightfoot expoundeth these words of the Gospel of St. Iohn, one of them that Jesus loved lean'd upon his Bosom, ch. 13.23. Jesus Christ

was in the posture we have observ'd; so that St. Iohn who was in like manner lying near him, was almost in his Bosom, because Je∣sus Christ could not lift his right Arm to make use thereof, but in a way that it should seem to embrace this Disciple that he loved. Thence it cometh that to speak softly to Jesus Christ, St. Iohn needed on∣ly to turn his Head backwards and lean it upon the breast of our Saviour, this he did when Peter made him a Sign to enquire of Jesus, who was he that was to betray him: lean∣ing saith the Evangelist, upon the Breast of Iesus, he said, Lord who is it? ver. 25.

3. As soon as he was lain after this manner, one of the company gave thanks, and each drank a Glass of Wine with Water. There could not be less Wine than the 16th part of a Hin. That was the first cup.

4. After having drunk each washed his Hands in plunging them into the Water. They thought themselves obliged to take notice of all the Ceremonies, and to say for example; This Night is different from all others, in which we wash but once, but in this we wash us twice.

5. The Paschal Lamb was serv'd in with unleaven'd bread, and a Dish of bitter Herbs. They might be green or dry, but they were not to be boiled or salted. Besides that, other food was added, that there should be enough to fill them. They had particular∣ly a Dish that they called Charoseth, which was a Ragoot composed of Figs, Dates, and Raisins with a little Vinegar. All that mingled and kneaded together, was to re∣present the Bricks that their Fathers had made in Egypt.

6. He that rehearsed the Haggadah, or the Paschal Prayers, took a few bitter Herbs, and then putting his hand into another dish, he put thereto at least the bigness of an O∣live of some other food, and every one did the like. He did that for to excite curiosi∣ty, and for to oblige those that were pre∣sent to be attentive to all the ceremony. 'Tis upon this occasion that our Lord said, that he who put his hand in the dish with him would betray him.

7. A little after all the Dishes were tak∣en away, and every one drank a second time, and then it was that he who rehearsed the Haggadah related the deliverance from E∣gypt, and the institution of the Passover. The dishes were after that put upon the Ta∣ble and all the Guests drank a second time, after that they returned thanks many times.

8. They also washed their hands again, and he that served took two unleavened Cakes, broke one in the middle, put it up∣on the other that was whole, and gave thanks. It was the order constantly kept on this occasion, whereas on other occasi∣ons they gave thanks before they brake Bread, as it appeareth in divers places of the Gospels.

9. Hitherto they eat but bread and herbs, but after these ceremonies he that officiated gave God Thanks in this wise. Blessed be thou O Lord our God, Eternal King, who hast▪ Sanctified us by the Precepts, and hast com∣manded us to eat Sacrifices. Then they ate of a Sacrifice, if they had offered any a few days before, or of some other food, if they had no Sacrifice.

10. After a second Thanksgiving like the first, except that it ended with these words, and who hast commanded us to eat the Paschal Lamb, they ate this Lamb, and every one was obliged to eat at least the bigness of an Olive.

11. After they had eaten the Paschal Lamb, he that officiated washed his hands three times, and gave thanks upon the third Cup that he then drank. This was cal∣led the Cup of Thanksgiving, because as they drank it, they gave thanks to end the Meal. Hence it is, that St. Paul calls it the Cup of Blessing, 1 Cor. 10.16. because it was up∣on the occasion of the Cup of Benedicti∣on of the Jews, that Jesus Christ instituted his Eucharist. All were obliged to drink this Cup of Benediction, and the two pre∣ceding ones. The very Children them∣selves were not exempted.

12. In fine a little while after, they drank a fourth Cup, which was called the Cup of Hallel, because that after they had drank it, they would sing the Hallel, which was a Song composed of six Psalms, which are from the 113 to the 118th. This Song was yet followed with a Benediction.

In the sequel with the same exactness is found the description of what was done the second day of the Paschal week, the manner how they gathered, and offered the Omer of the first fruits of the celebrati∣on of the Pentecost; of the Ceremonies of the day of Expiation, and of the Feast of Ta∣bernacles. Lightfoot addeth a word of the Festivals of the Trumpets and of the De∣dication.

(a) 1.17 He endeth this Treatise by describ∣ing some other parts of the pub∣lick service. He shews the man∣ner how the Kings read a section of the Law, the first day of the feast of Ta∣bernacles: the ceremonies with which they sacrificed the Red Cow: The examination of a Woman whom her Husband suspected to have committed Adultery: the Purifica∣tion of the Leprous: the oblation of the first fruits: and the manner how they provided Wood for the Altar.

7. There remaineth in this Volume but three little Treatises, whereof it will be sufficient to mark the Titles, because they contain nothing particular. The first is of the Descent of Jesus Christ into Hell, which the Author understandeth to be the time that the Soul of Jesus Christ remained in Heaven, for according to him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which hath been translated Hell in the Creed, equal∣ly signifieth the place, where the Souls of the wicked are, as well as the receptacle of the Righteous. The second is a Latine Ser∣mon made at Cambridge in 1652. where Lightfoot took his Degree of Doctor. The Text is 1 Cor. 16.22. He that loveth not the Lord Iesus let him be Anathema-Maran-atha.

The third is a Dispute of Divinity publish∣ed on the same occasion, and which con∣sists of these two Theses. (1.) That after the Canon of Scripture hath been perfected, we ought to expect no new Revelations. (2.) That the personal Election of particular persons is founded upon the Scripture. He only proposes this se∣cond Thesis, without proving it, as he doth the first.

II. The second Volume of Lightfoot principally consisteth in his Horae Hebraicae & Thalmudicae, upon the Evangelists, the Acts, and some places of the Epistle to the Romans, and upon all the Corinthians. As the Author hath composed these Works in Latine, and as they have already been Print∣ed in England, France and Germany, so we shall say nothing of them.

We only must speak a word or two of a Treatise that is before this Volume, inti∣tuled, Harmonia Chronica, &c. A Chronolo∣gical Harmony and Order of the New Testa∣ment; where is methodically disposed the Text of the four Evangelists; as also the Times of the History of the Apostles; the Order of the Epistles, and Times of the Apocalypse. The Text is cleared by literal Remarks, and Deductions from the Thal∣mud, upon the most difficult places. To that hath been added a Discourse of the Destruction of Ierusalem, and of the State of the Jews after this accident.

This Work differs from the Harmony of the Evangelists, which the Author publish∣ed ten years before, which we spoke of in the Extract of the first Volume. 1. In that here is found the Time in which the Epistles have been written, &c. 2. Lightfoot is much briefer in this Work, where he makes not an exact Commentary. 3. He there intro∣duces more Rabbinism. 4. He more exact∣ly observes the Years and Times of every thing.

There is a Preface that sheweth the Au∣thor's design, and the profit of the Wri∣tings of the Jews for the Exposition of the New Testament, which is proved by a pretty long Commentary upon Mat. 5.22. The Author testifieth that he had made these Notes upon the Gospels, to serve for an Exposition to the four Evangelists; the whole Text he had disposed into Columns, in a Method of Harmony, but that he found no opportunity of Printing them.

Lightfoot extreamly differeth from the Sentiment of several Interpreters of the Apocalypse. He believeth that God reveal∣ed to St. Iohn that which immediately fol∣lowed the last things that Daniel foretold. This Prophet had marked the Ruine of the four Monarchies, which he said would be succeeded by the Reign of the Messia, and it is with the Reign of the Messia that St. Iohn begins. Lightfoot believeth that he had these Visions about the 12th year of Nero, a long time before the Ruine of Ie∣rusalem. In the three first Chapters he marketh the State of the Churches of Asia, such as it was in his time: But from the 4th Chapter he begins to speak of the time to come, and foretels the Ruine of Ierusa∣lem, and divers misfortunes of the Roman Empire, to Chapter 8. From the 9th to the end, St. Iohn, according to our Author, hath respect to Times more distant, and in this Lightfoot is conform enough to the common Sentiments of Protestant Interpreters, only he speaks in terms a little more general, than others commonly do. He carefully discovers, according to his custom, all the allusions that are found in the Apocalypse to the Ceremonies and Sentiments of the Jews.

The Treatise that is added to the end contains an Abridgment of the History of the Jews from the third year of Nero, to the first of Vespasian, and the state of the San∣drin, of the Schools, and of the learned amongst the Jews after the Ruine of Ierusa∣lem. He speaks of the Hereticks of the first Ages, which came out from amongst the Jews. He defends this Nation against those that accuse it to have corrupted the Old Testament. He endeth with the con∣version of the Jews which according to him may be yet expected, provided we Imagin not that the whole Nation shall be converted, but that we only believe that a greater number of 'em may.

The Works of ISAAC BARROW Dr. of Divinity, of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge; published by Dr. Tillotson, Dean of Canterbury. In three Volumes in Folio.

The First Volume of the English Works of Mr. Barrow.

1. IT is composed of three parts, where∣of the first contains thirty two Ser∣mons Preached upon divers occasions, before which is placed a small A∣bridgment of his Life. We are inform'd that he was born at London in October 1630. As soon as he was fit for study, he was sent for Cambridge, where by his own industry he maintained himself, because his Father had lost the greatest part of his Estate in the Service of the King, after that he liv'd at Oxford, where he had most of his sub∣sistence from the bounty of the famous Dr. Hammond. 'Twas there that he chiefly applied himself to study, and 'twas remark∣able that he had a more than ordinary de∣sire to be instructed in the Fundamentals of the Sciences, and being yet very young, he read the Works of my Lord Bacon, Des Car∣tes, and Gallileus. In reading the Remarks

of Scaliger upon Eusebius, he observed that Chronology was founded upon Astronomy, whereupon he also resolv'd to apply himself to the study of this last Science: He set him∣self to read the Almagest of Ptolomy, but he soon perceiv'd that he cou'd not read this sort of Books, with advantage, without the help of Geometry; then he applied himself to the study of Euclides Elements, in which he profited much in a little time, and after∣wards publish'd the Elements of Geometry explain'd in few words, and better than ever was done before him. Besides, these are the Titles of some other Mathematical Books which he compos'd, Euclidis Data, Lectiones Opticae, Lectiones Geometricae, Ar∣chimedis Opera, Apollonii Conicorum, Lib. IV. Theodosti Sphaerica, Lectio de Sphaera & Cylin∣dro. One wou'd be surprized that so great a Geometrician cou'd also be a Poet; yet we are assured in his Life, that there are found several Poems amongst the Titles of his Latine Works.

Dr. Duport having renounc'd his Charge of Professor of the Greek Tongue, he recom∣mended Mr. Barrow who had been his Scho∣lar, whereupon he was admitted to Examina∣tion, and read with great applause, but he could not obtain the place because 'twas thought he was inclin'd to Arminianism which was not savoured in England during the Usurpa∣tion; this made him resolv'd to travail. He went to France, from thence to Italy, where he embarked at Leghorn for Smyrna, from whence he went to Constantinople, there he tarried a year, and we are assured during that time he read the works of the most famous Patriarch that that City ever had. (We may easily understand it was St Chryso∣stom that is here spoken of;) afterwards Mr. Barrow embarked for Venice from whence, he returned for England by the way of Germany and Holland.

When King Charles the second was restor∣ed, all the World believed Dr. Barrow would be preferred, because he had been always firm to the Interests of the Royalists, but being disappointed he made this Distich upon his unkind treatment.

Te Magis optavit rediturum, Carole, Nemo, Et Nemo sensit te Rediisse Minus.

However he was elected Professor of the Greek tongue in 1660, and Chosen two years after to teach Geometry. In the year follow∣ing Mr. Lucas having founded a Chair for a Professor of Mathematicks, he was the first that fill'd it; and there was an Order made for him, and those that were to succeed him, that they shou'd be oblig'd every year to leave to the University Ten of their Le∣ctures in writing; he so passionately loved the Mathematicks, that there was found be∣fore his Apollonius these words written in his own hand, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Tu autem Do∣mine, quantus es Geometra? cum enim haec Scientia nullos terminos habeat, &c. God him∣self hath Geometry in his thoughts—but thou, O Lord, how great a Geometrician art thou! For tho' this Science has no bounds, yet one may find an infinite number of new Theorems by the only assistance of a humane Capacity. THOV seest all these Truths at one glance without any chain of consequences, and without being wearied with a long search of demonstrations. In other things our Intellect is defective, and it seems that we do think of I do not know what, for want of a perfect assurance: From whence it happens that there are almost as many Opinions as different Persons. But all the World agree in the Truth of Mathematicks, and 'tis in this that the Mind of Man feels its strength, and is perswaded that it can effect something great and wonderful, &c. This only is able to enflame me with the Love of Thee, and to make me wish with as much ardor as is possible, for that happy day in which my Spirit being delivered from every thing that now perplexes it, shall be assured not only of these Truths, but of an infinite number of others with∣out the trouble of deducing consequences, &c.

There is without doubt but a very few Men, who amongst those reasons which in∣duce 'em to wish for Heaven, give this, of expecting the Happiness of a Perfect Knowledge of the Mathematicks there. Thus Mr. Barrow having wearied himself with these Specula∣tions, resolved to addict himself only to the study of Divinity: After which the Bishops of St. Asaph and Salisbury gave him some Benefices, and the King made him Rector of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge in the year 1672. The Colledges of the Vniver∣sities of England are otherwise regulated than those beyond Sea: The charge of the Master of a Colledge is much more consider∣able than that of the Rectors of Forreign Academies or Colledges. A few years af∣ter Mr. Barrow was preferred to a more eminent Post, to wit, Vice-Chancellor, which is the greatest charge of the University, and after this Chancellor, which is not given but to Persons of the first Quality.

The Author of the Life of Mr. Barrow, informs us how he governed the Colledge with an Vniversal Applause; but it shall suf∣fice to say, that he there composed divers Treatises, and amongst others, that of the Supremacy of the Pope, which is at the end of the first Volume.

In fine, he died at London the 4th of March, the year 1677. and was buried at Westminster, where his friends erected a Marble Monument without an Epitaph, which is added to the end of his Life.

The first five Sermons which compose the first Volume, treat of the Excellency of the Christian Religion, and of the Interest which accrews to us in loving and practising it; the four following expound the great Duties of Christianity, Prayer and Thanks∣giving. The 10th, 11th and 12th, are upon particular occasions, to wit, The Return of the King; The Gunpowder-Plot; And the Con∣se••ration of the Bishop of Man his Vncle. The ten following from the 13th to the 23d, were composed against the sin of speaking too much in conversation; in speaking ill of his

Neighbour, and Swearing, &c. Mr. Barrow is very large upon these matters, because there are few Vices so univer∣sal—(a) 1.18 tanta hujusmodi Libido (saith St. Paulinus cited by the Author) Mentes hominum invasit, ut etiam qui procul aliis Vitiis recesserunt in illud tamen quasi in extremum Diaboli Laqueum incidant.

Those which follow even to the 30th, have respect unto the great Precepts in which the Law is fulfilled, to wit, to love God and our Neighbour: All the preceding Ser∣mons were not published till after the death of the Author, but he himself caused the two last of this Volume to be printed, where∣of one treats of Charity towards the Poor, and the other of the Passion of Iesus Christ, Dr. Til∣lotson speaks of the first, that there could be nothing more elaborate in its kind, and that Dr. Barrow had spoken the utmost that the subject could bear.

II. After these Sermons of which we have spoke, there is a small work Intituled a brief exposition of the Lords Prayer, and the Decalogue, with the Doctrine of the Sacraments, these treaties have been already published in Twelves; they are extreamly short, but one may there find the Lords Prayer and the ten Commandments explained in a good and cor∣rect method, yet there is almost nothing essential which is forgot. Altho the Au∣thor took pains for the Vulgar, yet he did not omit to cite in the Margin the Fathers and Heathen Authors, where he found it for his purpose; as when he expounded these words in the Lords Prayer, thy Will be done, &c. he cites Epictetus, Plato, Antoni∣nus and Seneca. (a) 1.19 Epictetus says in his Enchiridion, if God will have it so, let it be so, and Plato in his Dialogue Intituled Citron, affirms that So∣crates being in Prison pass'd the time whilst he tarried there, as one that resigned himself to God in every thing which should happen to him. (b) 1.20 The Emperor Antoninus says that we must chearfully receive every thing that happens to us; and the words of Seneca are no less remarkable, (c) 1.21 Ego Secundum Naturam vivo, si totum me illi dedo optimum est, Deum, quo auctore cuncta prove∣niunt sine murmuratione comitari, &c. hic est magnus Animus qui se Deo tradidit.

I live according to Nature when I resign my self entirely to him, nor is there any thing better than to follow, without murmur∣ing, that God, that is the cause of eve∣ry thing. It belongs only to great Souls to commit themselves wholly to God.

Mr. Barrow in the beginning of his Expo∣sition of the Decalogue, says, it seems at first sight, That it rather contains the Laws of the Iewish State, than their Moral Precepts, since there's nothing spoke of the manner how we ought to live in regard of our selves as to the Continency, Sobriety or Devotion, and which we owe towards God, as to Prayer, Thanksgiving & Confession of sins &c. It seems to have a particular respect to the Jews, who were a chosen people, and that God govern'd them after a more peculiar man∣ner than other Nations, in giving 'em Laws for every particular thing which was only accommodated to the State of the Israelites, to whom God only made himself known; and that so this Law does not oblige all Na∣tions in that especial sense wherein it was given by the Holy Ghost. After this he gives divers Reasons for which we yet ought to have the Decalogue in the greatest Vene∣ration, and to observe it exactly, except the 4th Commandment, which doth not oblige the observation of Christians in this, that it is Ceremonial, no more than the first Patri∣archs, who also were not the less pleasing to God, notwithstanding the testimony of Iustin and St. Ireneus; but Reason it self dictates that it is necessary to set some time apart in which we may more particularly apply our selves to Divine Service, and in which Servants may rest themselves from Labour; 'tis this the Heathens themselves observed, witness (a) 1.22 Plato, who says, that the Gods are touch'd with pity towards Men, and because of the Labour which they are obliged to, he per∣mits 'em some repose and days of rest. Legum Conditores (says Seneca) festos instituerunt dies, ut ad hilaritatem homines publicè coge∣rentur, tanquam necessarium laboribus.

Mr. Barrow says nothing of the Sacra∣ments, since there is enough spoken of them by the most able Protestant Divines.

In the beginning there is one thing worthy of remark, (b) 1.23 Besides other Washings which he speaks of, he shews that it was a Custom amongst the Jews, that those who were dedicated to God, were exhorted to repentance for transgressing the Law, and were wash'd, in publick Testimony that they should change their Life. He main∣tained this assertion upon the success which the Baptism of St. Iohn the Baptist had, for it wou'd have been, without doubt, rejected as an Innovated Ceremony in a time when the Jews had such an extravagant respect to their own Traditions, that they wou'd have opposed it, if not upheld upon an Antient Custom. If this is so, one might also con∣jecture that the Lustrations of the Heathens gave birth to this extraordinary Baptism; for 'tis well known, that those who had committed some Crimes, were to be wash∣ed by some publick person, and even by Prin∣ces themselves, whereof we find an infinite number of Examples in the most Antient History of the Greeks.

III. The third piece which is in this Vo∣lume, is a Treatise of the Pope's Supremacy, to which is added a Discourse concerning the Vni∣ty of the Church. There has been already published in quarto in 1679. by Dr. Tillotson, to whom the Author had committed the Care of the Impression at his death; the first Testimony in a small Preface. He believes that Dr. Barrow has omitted nothing essen∣tial, or what might be of any consequence in this Controversie, he believes that there is

enough to decide for ever, all the difficul∣ties, and to disswade all wise men of either Party from writing any more upon this Subject.

We shall remark in few words the me∣thod of his Treatise, to the end that we may have a general Idea of what is contained in it, we have at the first sight a preface, where∣in the Author relates the different senti∣ments of the Doctors of the Roman Church, touching the Authority of the Pope, which some make Inferiour to that of the Coun∣cils, whilst others are of a contrary perswa∣sion, yet he briefly gives us the History of the Original, and progress of the Papal Power

Mr. Barrow having remarked, that all that is said on this Power, can only be found∣ed upon seven suppositions, he divides his Work into seven parts, and examines them one after another; these are the suppositi∣ons. (1.) That St. Peter received from Iesus Christ the Preheminence amongst the Apostles, and had given to him an Authority and Sove∣reign Iurisdiction over the rest. (2.) That the rights and advantages of this Soveraignty were not personal, but might be transmitted to others, and left to their Successors. (3.) That St. Pe∣ter was the Bishop of Rome. (4.) That St. Peter continued to be Bishop of Rome, after he had left Judea and that he remained so till his death. (5.) That 'tis from thence that the priviledges of the Pope do come as Successor to St. Peter, to wit Vniversal Iurisdiction over the whole Church of Iesus Christ. (6.) That the Popes have effectually enjoy'd this Power, and have exercised it without discontinuations from St. Peter till now. (7.) That this Power could not be lost, nor be lessened by any means whatsoever.

(a) 1.24 The Author admits that St. Peter might be the first of the Apostles, in regard of per∣sonal qualities, esteem, and reputation, but he questions his precedency in order or dignity. It appears too great a vanity for a man that had the Vertue and Humility of St. Peter. He supposes it is very probable that the Apostles insisted upon no points of Ceremonies amongst themselves, which should oblige 'em to a certain order, as to precedency in walking, &c. he confesses that one might oppose to this the Authori∣ty of some Fathers, but he maintains, that their Authority is not of so great weight in these things, which are not essential to Faith, because that upon these occasions, they followed their own thoughts and con∣jectures, being as much actuated by the dictates of their imaginations, as other-men, altho St. Cyprian and other African Doctors assure us, that St. Peter had only this Pre∣heminence, because that we might learn thereby to keep the Unity of the Church. Mr. Barrow omits not to tell us that one might assent to the Priority of St. Peter and he gives there the same reasons, for exam∣ple, he was call'd to the Apostleship before the others, he was older, &c. That which can't be granted to St. Peter (according to our Author) is a Superiority of Iurisdiction, where∣of nothing is to be found in Holy Writ, and which ought to be there contained and very clearly, if it were a Doctrine of Faith; according to this Rule of St. Austin, (a) 1.25 Credo etiam hic Divinorum eloquiorum clarissima auctoritas esset, si homo sine dispendio pro∣missae salutis ignorare non posset. The Author is very large in proving that St. Peter had not any Authority like to this over the Apostles and carefully answers the passages of the Fathers, which the Roman Catholicks use to object to the Protestants on this occasion, and he brings divers of the same Fathers, frequently opposing them∣selves, and very strongly confutes those ar∣guments brought for the Superiority of St. Peter.

(b) 1.26 Mr. Barrow endeavours in the sequel to shew that the Priviledges of the Apostleship were perso∣nal, and died with the Apostles, according to that Maxim of the Law—Privilegium perso∣nale personam sequitur, & cum persona extin∣guitur. That if the Fathers say that Bishops are Successors of the Apostles, they also say it indifferently of all Bishops. They cou'd not say any thing more than this, that the Apostles have established them to go∣vern the Christian Church after 'em, not that any of them has succeeded in the utmost extent of the Apostles Charge, but because that every Bishop governs the Flock which is com∣mitted to him. Singulis Pastori∣bus (says St. Cyprian) (c) 1.27 portio gregis adscripta est, quam regat unusquisque & gubernet, &c. E∣piscopatus unus (as he adds in another place) (d) 1.28 cujus à sin∣gulis in solidum pars tenetur.

(e) 1.29 He afterwards attempts to shew that the Episcopacy of St. Peter is incompatible with his Apostle∣ship, and that none of the Antients be∣lieved that he was the Bishop of Rome, where he could not stay long, altho' it is pretend∣ed he continued many years. 'Tis said on this occasion, that he who wrote the Letter (by some, supposed from St. Peter, to St. Iames,) does not misrepresent the per∣sonage of this Apostle, since it makes him to say, If whilst I am alive they dare raise so ma∣ny falsities upon me, what will not posterity undertake?

(f) 1.30 He maintains yet far∣ther, that St. Peter was not Bishop of Rome, because there were others there in his time, to wit, Linus established by St. Paul, and Clement established after Linus by St. Peter himself. There are yet brought many other Reasons drawn from Antiquity.

(g) 1.31 After having refuted the four first Suppositions of the Roman Catholicks, he remarks that since they are the only foundation up∣on which the fifth can be upheld, it must necessarily be false, since the preceding ones are so, which he believes he has sufficiently proved. He yet maintains farther, which

is more than needful, that when they grant to St. Peter all the Roman Catholicks attri∣bute to him, it would not follow that the Bishop of Rome should be his Successor. This he shews all along by many Reasons, and by the Testimony of the Fathers, as well as by Sacred Writ, he much enlarges upon the Inconveniencies, which would be in obey∣ing the Bishop of Rome, as the only Successor of the Priviledges of the Apostles, and he says, amongst many other things, that the Popes have render'd that definition true which Scioppius has given to the Roman Church; viz. Ecclesia est Mandra sive grex aut multitudo Iumentorum sive Asinorum. He also mentions the History of the Establish∣ment, and the Jurisdiction of the Metropo∣litans or Primates, and maintains that as they were established by Humane Prudence, so they might also be abolished by the same Power, and other things of this nature which entirely ruine the Authority of the Pope.

The Author after this applies himself to shew that the Popes since St. Peter, have not enjoyed without discontinuation this Soveraign Authority, which they usurp, since they have not had the power to convocate general Councils, nor to preside there, nor to make Laws, or op∣pose themselves to the Canons of the Councils; and lastly, that they enjoy'd not for many Ages, the other Rights of this Soveraignty. There is in this Chapter, the History of the Convoca∣tion of General Councils, and the oppositions which have been made divers times against the power of the Bishop of Rome.

(b) 1.32In fine, Mr. Barrow en∣gages the last supposition of the Roman Catholicks to wit, that the Supremacy of the Popes could not be ruined. He brings many reasons to evince that it might cease, and that when it was granted to the Pope, it might happen, that he could lose it, by the faults he should commit, or personal defects, as if he turn'd a Heretick, because St. Ambrose says, those who have not the faith of St. Peter, can∣not be his Successors; (c.) 1.33 Non ha∣bent Petri haereditatem qui Pe∣tri fidem non habent, quam Im∣pia divisione discerpunt, and this frequently happens, as Dr. Barrow says, acccording to the Ancients, and is yet seen to this day, if we may believe the Protestants, whose rea∣sons the Author proposes very strongly, in enumerating the sentiments of the Roman Church, which are considered as very erro∣neous.

'Tis this which contains the treaties of the Popes Supremacy, the other follows, to wit, the Vnity of the Church, where Dr. Barrow designs to prove, that Vnity may well subsist without the necessity of the Christian Churches having a visible head. He engages to shew that the Unity of the Church con∣sists in this, that all the Christians do agree in Fundamentals, particularly in those which have a necessary connexion with Piety and the Practice of good works, and in this, that they be joined in the bond of mutual chari∣ty, &c. He afterwards shews in what man∣ner the Christian Churches may root out Heresie and Schism, without the assistance of a Visible Head, and keep at the same time a Conformity of Discipline in things of the highest consequence, even when it cou'd not be established but by Humane Prudence; but he yet maintains that this last Union is possible, in supposing certain things which are not necessary, nor ordain∣ed by the Apostles, and he gives many rea∣sons to which he adds divers Examples in Ecclesiastical History, by which one may see he believes it not necessary that there be an Union of Discipline amongst the Churches. Upon this occasion he particu∣larly makes use of the Epistles of St. Cyprian, by which it appears, according to Dr. Bar∣row, that every Bishop lay under a double obligation, whereof one regarded his Flock in particular, the other the whole Church. By the first, he was obliged to take care that every thing be done in good order in his Church, and that nothing should be done which was not for Edification, and this should be endeavour'd by taking counsel of his Clergy and his People. By the second, he was obliged, when the good of his Flock required it, to confer with other Bishops touching the means of preserving Truth and Peace: But in that time a Bishop knew not what it was to be hindered from acting according to the extent of his Power, by appealing to a Superior Power, to which he was obliged to give an account of the Administration of his Charge. Bishops were then as Princes in their Jurisdictions, but they omitted not to keep a certain Corre∣spondence, for the preserving an universal Peace. (d) 1.34 Statu∣tum est omnibus-nobis (saith St. Cyprian) ac aequum est pariter, ac justum, ut uniuscujusque causa illic audiatur, ubi est Cri∣men admissum, & singulis Pastoribus portio Gre∣gis sit adscripta, quam regat unusquisque praepo∣situs rationem actus sui Domino redditurus? and elsewhere. (e) 1.35 Qua in re nee nos cuiquam faci∣mus nec Legem damus, cum habeat in Ecclesiae administratione voluntate sui liberum arbitrium unusquisque praepositus, rationem actus sui Domino redditurus.

Dr. Barrow shews after this the Incon∣veniencies which would attend the Govern∣ment of the Christian Church, if it should acknowledge one Visible Head. (f) 1.36 A famous Divine of the Church of England ha∣ving maintained the Unity of an Ecclesiastical Discipline, so that all the Christian Churches ought to be (according to him) in the nature of a Confederacy, which submits every Church in particular to an entire body (if it is permitted so to speak.) Dr. Barrow believes he is obliged to refute this Tenet, and to that end he hath drawn from his Works twelve proofs of this Opi∣nion which that Divine has spread in divers places, and which he proposed with great care, altho' after a manner very obscure and

intricate. This last Author having object∣ed, for instance, to those who believe not, that the Unity of Discipline is necessary, the Article of the Creed, where 'tis said, I believe in the Holy Catholick or Vniversal Church, and the Creed of Constantinople, where 'tis said, The Holy Catholick and Apostolick Church: Dr. Barrow answers to this, that this Article is not in the Abridg∣ment of the Christian Faith, which is found in St. Irenaeus, Tertullian and St. Cyprian, no more than in the Creed of the Council of Nice; And (1.) That it was not in the Apostles Creed, which the Church of Rome makes use of, but that it is added after the Times of Ruffinus and St. Augustine, against the Heresies and Schisms which sprung up in the Christian Church. (2.) That it agrees with the Unity of the Catholick Church in many respects, and that this is not the man∣ner of Unity which is in Question, and which is not decided in the Creed. (3) 'Tis fairly supposed, that the Unity which is spo∣ken of in the Creed of Constantinople, is that of outward Government. (4.) That one might reasonably think that the sense of this Article is no other than this, That we make profession to remain stedfast in the body of Christians, which are scatter'd throughout the whole World, and which received the Faith, the Discipline and the Manner of living Ordained by Iesus Christ and his Apostles, that we are bound to be charitable to all good Christians with which we are ready to Communicate: That we are willing to observe the Laws and Constitutions, and Ioynt-Opinion of the Churches for the Con∣servation of Truth, Order and Peace. Lastly, That we renounce all Heretick Doctrines, all scandalous Practices, and all manner of Factions. (5.) That it appears that this is the sense of this Article, because that he hath put it in the Creed to preserve the Truth, Discipline and Peace of the Church. (6.) That 'tis not reasonable to explain this Article in any manner which agrees not with the Apo∣stolick Times and Primitive Church, for then there was no Union of Discipline amongst Christians like to what has been since.

As it was objected to Dr. Barrow that this opinion favours the Independants, so af∣terwards he shews the difference between it and that of these Men, after which he draws divers consequences from his own positions, as, That those who separate from the Communion of the Church in which they live (that is established on good foundati∣ons) are Guilty of Schism, and ought to be Censured by, and excluded from the Communion of all other Churches; and they must not think themselves to be ex∣empted from Error, altho some other Church would receive them, as a Subject cannot withdraw himself from the obedience of his natural Prince in putting himself under the Protection of another. This also is de∣fended by the Apostolick Canons which the antient Church hath observ'd with much Care, as Dr. Barrow makes appear by many examples.

This is according to his opinion a means to extirpate Schisms, and not that which is proposed by the Roman Church, to wit, to Establish a Political Vnion amongst divers Churches by which they are Subordinate to one only. Every Church ought to suffer the others to enjoy in peace their Rights and Liberties, and content it self to condemn dangerous errours and factions, and to assist with Counsel the other Churches when they have need thereof.

The second Volume contains the expli∣cation of the Creed in 34 Sermons upon this Article. I believe in the Holy Ghost: The rest being briefly explained, because that the Author has treated of 'em in other places of his Works, marked in a little advertisment which is at the End of his Sermons. These Sermons are not simple explications of the Letter of the Creed. The Author hath explained the Articles as he had occasion, by divers texts of Scripture treating of the matter, that he found therein, and the particular circumstances of each text. He shews first how much doubting is necessary, and on the contrary in the two following, what Faith is Reasonable and Just. In the fourth and fifth he explains Justification by Faith. He afterward proves in four Sermons successively the existence of a Deity by the Works of Creation by the order of the Body of Man, consent of all Nations and by supernatural effects. The tenth and two following treat of the Unity of God, of his power and of the creation of the World. In the 13th and to the 20th the Author proves the truth of the Christian Religion the falseness of Paganism and Maho∣metanism, Imperfection of the Religion of the Jews and the excellency of that of Jesus Christ, whom he shews in four large Sermons to be the true Messia: Afterwards he explains all that is contained in the se∣cond article of the Creed. In the two last he shews the Justice and certainty of a day of Judgment▪ In fine the 34th treats all along of the Divinity of the Holy Ghost.

The third Volume contains 45 Sermons, which treat mostly of Morals. The three first are upon those texts of the Scripture which command us to do all in the Name of Jesus Christ, and in Imitation of him. The six following shew the Submission which we ought to have to the will of God, and contentment of mind to which the Apostle gives so great praises. The 10th and 11th treat of patience and joy, the 12th and 13th on the study of a mans self, the 14th and 15th of the thoughts of our latter end, the 16th and 17 of the danger of deferring repentance, the 18th and from thence to the 22th of the labours and em∣ployments of all sorts of persons, of whatso∣ever condition they may be, the 23d. of the depth of the Judgment of the Almigh∣ty, the four following of the obedience we owe to our spiritual Guide, the 28th and the following to the 31st, of self-love and its different kinds, the 32d and unto the 35th to do nothing but what is honest in the eyes of the world, the three following of the

goodness of God, and that he is no respect∣er of persons, the 39th and unto the 42th of the Universality of Redemption and the three last of the birth and passion of Jesus Christ and of the gift of the Holy Ghost.

Besides what we have said of the method of Dr. Barrow which is that that is at this day observed by the most able Divines of the English Church, 'twill not be amiss to observe that by the application he hath made to the Mathematicks he has formed to himself a habit of writing very exactly, avoiding unuseful digressions and making use of Solid proofs rather than Rhetorical figures, according to the Custom of many Preachers who apply themselves rather to a plausible eloquence than the Solidity of sound reasons. It was thought necessary to give this account, lest the Publick should be displeased with the name of Sermon which was so dreadful, for three Volumes in folio to con∣tain nothing else. Those who have been in England, and have had any knowledge of the writings of the Divines of that Country, know the esteem in which our Author is there; but to satisfie in some manner those who understand not English, I shall here give an extract of the 8th Sermon in the 2d. Book where the Author proves the existence of God by the Consent of all Na∣tions.

Lactantius — After having cited many Heathen and Christian Authors against A∣theism, he brings the testimony of all Peo∣ple and Nations, which agree almost in no∣thing but the belief of a Divinity. Testimo∣nium▪ Populorum atque Gentium in Vna hac re non dissidentium, this is of great force, whe∣ther it be considered in it self or by the re∣lation to its Original.

An Antient Philosopher ranged probable things in this order, that which seems true to some learn'd persons is in some sort probable, that which appears so to the greatest part or to all the Learned, is most probable, what is believ∣ed by most men, both Learned and Ignorant, is yet more likely, but what all men consent to has the greatest probability of truth; so that one must be very extravagantly obstinate to have the boldness to deny it, there is no man in the World can by his reasons only ballance the constant authority of all men. If any one by a Spirit of contradiction or other∣wise should undertake to prove that Snow is black, as did Anaxagoras, or maintain motion impossible, as Zeno did, or that contradictory assertions may be true at the same time as Heraclitus did: That there re∣mains no other means to refute such a man, because he hath rejected the most evident principles, and opposes himself to the Uni∣versal consent of Mankind; if he refuses such a concession, all that we can do is to look upon him rather with pity than con∣tempt. We ought to have very convincing and clear reasons to resist the common suf∣frage of all men and accuse them equally of error.

To illustrate this still more, or rather to demonstrate the Thesis upon which it is founded, it is necessary to cite the testimo∣nies of some Heathen Philosophers which cannot be suspected on this occasion. The consent of all men (saith Seneca) is of very great weight to us, 'tis an argument a thing is true when it appears so to all the World, thus we conclude there is a Divinity, because that all men believe it, there being no Nation however cor∣rupted which denies it. Cicero says, the same thing in several places, and observes further that many Nations had extravagant opinions of the Divinity, yet they all agree in this, that there is one eternal power, on which all men have their dependance. In violent disputes (saith Maximus of Tyre) in contestations and divers opinions which are amongst men, one may see a Law and Doctrine equally established in all Na∣tions that there is a God which is King and Fa∣ther of all men, and that there are many Gods Sons of this Supream Being, which Reign with him —This is confess'd by the Greeks and Barbarians, the Inhabitants of all places both Learn'd and Ignorant. There are ma∣ny like Witnesses and if any Philosophers have contradicted this general consent, they are so few in number, that according to the foresaid Author they ought to be look∣ed upon as Monsters, as an Oxe without Horns, and a Fowl without Wings.

If we should consider the Original of this common Opinion, we should acknowledge it yet more solid, for in fine, this consent can proceed but from one of these four things. Where there is a thought which is the result of a natural Instinct, as the most evident principles of the Sciences and the desire we have to be happy, as Cicero (a) 1.37 and many other Philosophers have declared. Where we have a natural disposition to receive this Impression, as our eyes are naturally disposed to see the Light as soon as it appears, as Iulian (b) 1.38 himself said. Where some strange reason that presents it self to the minds of men even the grossest and what depends chiefly upon common notions hath produced this con∣sent as Plutarch has it. Where, in fine some ancient Tradition that came from the same source, has spread this opinion through all the earth, according to the thoughts of some others. There can be no other way Imagined by which this opinion hath been received amongst all men who are so much inclined to judge diversly of the same thing; now chuse which of these ways you will, our reasons are equally strong and convincing; if it is by the Light of Nature 'twould be as extravagant to deny it as that the most evident principles of all Siences are false. if 'tis said, that 'tis by a natural disposition that men believe there is a God, why should we resist the Instinct of Nature, since the notions thereof never deceive us? If you agree that there is a powerful reason which persuades all men, 'tis renouncing a Common sence to refuse to yield thereunto.

But if they agree that man received this knowledge from an ancient tradition, as appears more likely, we must seek from whence this tradition is come to us, and who was the Common Master of all man∣kind. The Names of those who were the first founders of a sect are sufficiently known, as are they also who have engaged the World in certain opinions, but of him that invented this, there's neither name nor place to be found, nor time in which he lived, nor the manner whereby it was introduced and spread amongst Men; 'tis this that makes one believe that the Au∣thors of this tradition were our first Parents, who as they could not be Ignorant of their Original were obliged without doubt to teach this truth to their children. It is easily conceived that from thence all the World have learnt it. This thought conducts us to another which is of the greatest Importance to the subject we are speaking of, viz that all mankind is descend∣ed from one man only, or at least a very little number of People that assembled together, from whence appears first that the Genera∣tions of men had a beginning, and second∣ly that we cannot resist the doctrine of the existence of a Deity as an apolitical fiction, for suppose that mankind hath a beginning upon the earth, from whence could he draw his Original but from a Divinity, as we have conceived? what other being could form bodies so admirably as ours, and to have joyn'd to 'em an In∣telligence like that of our soul? let us consider also who hath taught the first man there was a God, and how it entred into his mind, that he drew his existence from him, if he that formed him had not dis∣covered it to him in a sensible manner, and taught him 'twas to him he owed his being only? in a word since they have taught to their posterity, we have no reason to refuse 'em our belief, and we can't Imagin their testimonies less worthy of faith, nor find men who can be instructed in their Ori∣ginal than themselves, nor can we reaso∣nably reject a Tradition which is transmitted from 'em to us: This reason we find entire in (a) 1.39 Plato. We must believe those who told us they were of the race of the Gods, since they say they know perfectly from whom they were descen∣ded, 'tis impossible to distrust the Children of the Gods altho they should bring no evident demon∣stration of what they declared, and since they ad∣vance things only that belong to themselves, 'tis Iust to believe 'em.

Thus one sees these two truths, the uni∣versal Tradition of a Divinity and the Suppo∣sition that all men are come from the same Original, maintain both. As to the last there are divers Histories and opinions that confirm it, altho' it cannot be better upheld than by the universal belief I just spoke of. Nevertheless 'tis not unuseful to give you some examples.

'Tis without doubt by an antient Traditi∣on, (which relates no more, than to the first men as the greatest part of the Heathens have believed) that all mankind drew their Original from the same Parents who receiv∣ed their being from that divinity in resem∣blance of which they were form'd▪

Finxit ad effigiem Moderantûm cuncta Deorum

That the Soul is immortal, that there are rewards and punishments after this Life, according as men live well or ill. That there are places where good men are happy, and others where the wicked receive their punishment after death. It cannot be said that Philosophers have discovered these truths, and perswaded all the World of 'em, for they are too subtle and fine upon this subject to perswade all men. It must necessarily be from Tradition that all men have learn'd this Truth— One ought to believe (with (b) 1.40 Plato) Relations touching these sort of things, which are so great in num∣ber; permanere animos (saith (c) 1.41 Cicero) arbitramur consensu Na∣tionum omnium: Cum de animarum aternitate disserimus, saith Seneca after him, Non leve momentum apud nos habet consensus hominum aut Timentium inferos aut Colentium. 'Tis also from the same source that this Opinion is spread amongst the Heathens as thus, that in the beginning men enjoy'd a Felicity which they lost by their own fault, and that this fault is the Original of all evils to which their Posterity have been exposed. 'Tis well known what the Poets have said of the Golden Age, and of Pandora's Box. From this also comes the Opinion of the prae-existence of the Soul, whereof these words are to be found in the fragments of Cicero, When one considers the errours and miseries to which men are exposed in this life. It doth not seem unreasonable that these Antient Prophets and Interpreters of the will of the Gods who have instructed us in the mysteries of Religion, say that we are born to be punished for Crimes which we have committed in a prae-existent state.

I know (if Antient Traditions be not cor∣rupted by length of time) that Plato believ'd that the first man was man and woman, and divided into two; and this disagrees not with holy Writ, which informs us, that the first woman was formed from the body of the first man.

There are also some Histories which agree with the Sacred Writ; as what the Poets say of the long life of the first men, of the general Corruption of all Mankind, and of the Deluge sent to punish them; several things have been also said of the Divinity of Hero's, which seems to come from the same source. To which may be added divers Customs formerly spread almost thro' the World; as that of counting by Tens, di∣viding the Time by Weeks, beginning to reckon from the Night, as being made before the Day. Be∣sides, that men almost always, and through∣out the whole Earth, agree upon the principal Heads of Morality. It's true that reason might teach such as consulted it, but the greatest part of the World was not well

enough disposed to hearken quietly to the voice of Reason only, and to silence those passions which hinder'd us from understand∣ing it, if this Voice had not been maintain'd by another more clear and powerful, to wit, that of Tradition. It may also be said there were Barbarous Nations, among which the belief of a Divinity had been stifled by Ig∣norance and Stupidity, and among more learned Nations, as the Greeks, some have been doubtful, and rejected it as a Lie; but it must also be granted, that it has been commonly receiv'd in the East amongst the most Antient People, from whence Colonies have fill'd all the World, as we are taught by the oldest Histories that remain amongst us.

It's true also, that to this hath been added a thousand Extravagancies touching the Nature of the Divine Being, and the man∣ner of Worship done to him: But 'tis thus that Judaism was corrupted by the Jewish Doctors, and the Christian Religion by that of the Christians which have innovated so many Changes, that it was hardly known for some Ages. Is it not false, say they, that these two Religions came from Moses and Jesus Christ? The same thing hath happen'd to the first Tradition; and Aristotle hath believ'd that in effect it was thus; his words are too remarkable to be omitted; The most profound Antiquity hath left to future Ages under hidden Fables the belief that there were Gods, and that the Divinity was displayed in all the Works of Nature—There's added afterwards, That these Fables teach us to per∣swade the People, and render 'em more obedient to the Laws, for the good of the State, although some say, that the Gods resemble Men, Animals, and other things. If we keep to those things only which were spoke of in the beginning, to wit, that the Gods were the Original of Nature, there would be nothing said that is unworthy of the Divinity. There is some likelihood that the Sciences having been often found out, and as often lost, these Opinions were preserved until now, as the other Doctrines of the Antients. Thus we may distinguish the Opinions of our Fathers from those who lived first upon the Earth. 'Twould be difficult to make a better proof of a matter of fact; and some have even dared to say, That in Physicks there is rarely proved an existence of one Cause by a great number of effects, which are so great in number, so divers, so sensible, and so certain. The harmony which is between the parts of the Universe, which conspire all to the same end, and always keep the same order, shews that this Divinity, known to all Mankind, is one in Number, and the same in Concord, as may be seen in a State between persons of different humours, which live under the same Laws. Thus it appears in the March of an Army which obeys its General, and thus the Order and Regularity, which is seen in a House proves 'twas built by one Archi∣tect only: This all the World acknow∣ledgeth, in spite of the great number of Gods, the Heathens have made, for they themselves confess'd a Supreme Divinity to whom all others were to submit themselves, as the Poets even call him, The Father, the King, the Most High, the Greatest, the Most Excellent of the Gods, &c. This much Philo∣sophers have acknowledged, which say, that even all names that are call'd upon by the People, shewed but one Di∣vinity only, (a) 1.42 Quoties voles (saith Seneca) tibi licet aliter tunc Auctorem rerum nostrarum compellare: Tot appellationes ejus esse possunt quot Munera; hunc & Liberum patrem & Her∣culem, ac Mercurium nostri putant, &c. omnia ejusdem Dei nomina sunt variè utentis sua potestate. (b) 1.43 Sophocles says very often in a Tragedy that is lost, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. In truth there is a God, and there is but one who hath made the Heaven, the Earth, the Sea, and the Winds; nevertheless there are many Mortals who by strange Illusions make Statues and Gods of Stone, of Brass, of Gold and Ivory, to give them speedy deliverance from their evils; they offer Sacrifices, and con∣secrate Festivals, vainly imagining that Piety consists in Ceremonies.

Thus Marcillius Ficinus who translated Plato into Latin, and (who was willing to renew the old Platonick Tenets) believes amongst several more, that men were of∣fended, because they found in Plato the name of God in the Plural Number, but this Philosopher did only mean subalternate Gods or Angels, that those (says he) which are not sur∣prized with the number of Angels, are not at all astonish'd with the number of Gods, because in Plato so many Gods import no more than so many Angels, and so many Saints.

Dr. Barrow concludes upon the whole that the Universal consent of all Nations does very well prove that there is a God, and we cannot doubt but that it is very rea∣sonable. One may understand by this, that the Sermons of this Author are rather trea∣tises or exact dissertations, than pure ha∣rangues to please a multitude. If we were not resolved to keep within the bounds of an unbyassed Historian we might say that there never was a Preacher comparable to this Author, but our particular suffrage, or rather that of all England ought not to be a president to all Europe.

The Life of the most Reverend Father in God James Usher, late Lord Arch-Bishop of Armagh, Primate and Metropolitan of all Ireland, with a Collection of 300 Letters, which he writ to the most illustrious men of his time for Piety and Learning, and some he re∣ceived from England, and other parts; Pub∣lished from the Original by Richard Parr, af∣ter his Death, to whom he had given the Care of his Papers. London, Sold by Nathaniel Ranew, 1686. in Folio.

THIS Volume is composed of two Parts, whereof the one contains the Life of the famous Vsher, written by—Parr Doctor of Divinity, and the other a Collection of divers Letters that this Illustrious Arch-Bishop

hath written to several Learned Men of his Time, with some of their Answers.

1. There have been already seen several Abridgments of the Life of Vsher, but as those who compos'd them, had not a me∣mory sufficient for the Work, so they have given nothing to the Publick but what was very imperfect. 'Twas this made Dr. Parr un∣dertake to publish what he knew of this Prelate, to whom he was Chaplain thir∣teen years, from 1642 to 1655 he knew him throughly in that time, and learn'd many circumstances of his Life, which those were Ignorant of, who lived at a greater distance. Dr. Parr hath also received much assistance from the Papers of Vsher which among others fell into his hands, and from the Conversations that he hath had with Mr. Tyrrel his Grandson, a Gentleman of an extraordinary merit.

The Primate of Ireland, was Universally esteem'd during his Life, and his works are still in so great a reputation, that men will not be sorry to see here a little Abridgment of his History.

Iames Vsher was born at Dublin the fourth of Ianuary 1580. his Fathers name was Arnold, and was one of the six Clerks of the Chancery. The Family of the Vshers is very Antient, altho' the right name is not Vsher but Nevil, but one of the Ancestors of our Archbishop chang'd it into that of Vsher, because he was Usher to King Iohn, who ascended the Throne of England 1199. our Prelate had from his Infancy an extraordi∣nary passion for Learning — Two Scotch Gentlemen, who advis'd him in his studies, entertain'd him with much care. The one was nam'd Iames Fullerton, the other Iames Hamilton. They went into Ireland by or∣der of the King of Scotland, to form some agreement with the Protestant Nobility of that Country, intending thereby to assure himself of that Kingdom in case Q. Eliza∣beth died suddenly. The better to cover their enterprise, and to give no Umbrage to a Queen extreamly suspitious, they set themselves to teach Latin at Dublin, where (at that time) 'twas very rare to find persons learn'd in Humanity. Vsher having pro∣fited very much by them in a little time, seem'd to have a particular inclination to Poetry▪ which he afterwards chang'd into as great a desire of understanding History; that which created this inclination in him, was reading these words of Cicero, Nescire quid antra quam natus sis acciderit, id est semper esse puerum, his Annals and his other writings sufficiently shew what progress he had made in this study, whereof he has given sensible proofs in his Infancy.

Being in the University of Dublin estab∣lish'd principally by the care of Henry Vsher his Uncle Archbishop of Ardmagh. He set himself to read the Fortalitium fidei of Sta∣pleton, which made him resolve to apply himself to the reading of the Fathers, to see if this Author had cited them faithfully, he began to put this design in execution at 20 years old, and continued this Study without intermission for 18 years, obliging himself to read every day a certain task.

His Father had a mind to divert him from it, and engage him to Study the Law, to which our Prelate had no inclination, but in 1598. he dying soon after, left his Son at Liberty to chuse what manner of life was most pleasing to him; he was the eldest son of the family, and the estate his Father left, was considerable enough to make him apply all his time in Domestick affairs. This made him resolve to put off this trouble, and to remit the Estate to his Brother, with or∣ders to give to his Sisters what their Father had left them, reserving only to himself what would maintain him in the Universi∣ty, with a sufficiency to buy himself some Books. Whilst he was at the University, and but yet 18 years old, he disputed against a Jesuit call'd Fitz-Symmons, and overcame him in two conferences, which made this Jesuit afterwards in a Book In∣tituled Britannomachia, call him the most learn'd of those who are not Catholicks, A-Catholicorum Doctissimum; he made so great a progress in the first years, that he apply'd himself to Divinity, that his Uncle Arch∣bishop of Ardmagh, ordain'd him Priest at the 21 year of his Age. This ordination was not conformable to the Canons, but the extraordinary merit of young Vsher, and the necessities of the Church, made him believe it was not necessary to stay till the age mark'd out by the Ecclesiastical Laws of Ireland. He preach'd then at Dublin, with very great applause, he particularly devot∣ed himself to the controversies, which were between the Protestants and Roman Ca∣tholicks, he treated on them so clearly, and with so much solidity, that he confirm'd many wavering Protestants, and prevailed with many Roman Catholicks to embrace the Protestant Faith.

But amongst those who rank'd them∣selves in the Protestant Churches, there was a great number that were not so sincere as he could have wished them, they did all they could to obtain the publick exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion at Dublin, that they might insensibly have had the Li∣berty to make a profession of their true Sentiments. Vsher who believ'd that this toleration wou'd be of a very dangerous con∣sequence, oppos'd it with all his might, and one day as he Preacht upon this matter with great zeal, he spoke something which then no notice was taken of, but 40 years after it was found to be a true Prophecy, he took his Text upon these words of Ezek. ch. 4. v. 5. And thou shalt bear the Iniquity of the house of Judah 40 days, I have appointed thee a day for a year. He applied these days to Ireland, and said, that he who reckon'd from this year to 40. should find that the Protestants of Ireland should bear the Iniquity of those who were for a toleration in these times, this was in 1601. and 40 years were no sooner expired 1641. but the Irish Catholicks made a bloody Massacre upon the Protestants.

He never wholly discontinued to Preach

whilst he was in Ireland, altho he was Pro∣fessor of Divinity in that University, but he accustom'd himself to make a Voyage every three years into England, where he found a greater variety of Books than in Ire∣land, there he past one part of his time at Oxford, another at Cambridge, and another at London, and carefully visited all their pub∣lick and particular Libraries, he made col∣lections of what Books he there read, and made remarks upon them, with a design to make a work that he had resolved to Inti∣tule A Theological Bibliotheque, wherein he had treated very accurately of all the Eccle∣siastical Antiquities; but the misfortunes of Ireland, and the Civil Wars of England hinder'd him from finishing it, he ordered when he died, that it should be put into the hands of Mr. Laugbaine Dr. of Divinity, to supply what was wanting, and publish them to the World. This learn'd man en∣gag'd himself forthwith in this useful work, but he died before he finished it, 1657. There is yet to be seen in the Bodleyane Bibliotheque, his Manuscripts which no man dares under∣take to finish.

In 1615. there was a Parliament in Ire∣land and an assembly of the Clergy, where certain Articles were compos'd touching Religion and Ecclesiastical Discipline. Vsher who was the chief in it, caus'd it to be sign'd by the Chancellor of Ireland, and by the Orators of the Assembly of the Bishops and of the Clergy; King Iames ap∣proved of 'em also, altho' there was some difference between these, and the Articles of the Church of England; some ill dispos'd persons, and it may be Roman Catholicks took occasion from that to spread evil re∣ports of Vsher. They accused him of Purita∣nism, which was no little Heresie in the opinion of the King, they also made use of this artifice, to render those odious who ap∣pear'd the most capable of opposing the pro∣gress that the Missionaries of Rome, endea∣voured to make in Ireland.

Indeed the people knew not what this word signified and wherein Heresie consisted, but it was known the King mortally hated Puritans, and that was sufficient to make 'em look upon these Puritans as most dangerous Hereticks; * 1.44 'twas this that obliged an Irish Divine to write to Vsher, who was that time in England, that it would not be amiss to desire the King to define Puri∣tanism, that all the World might know those who were tainted with this strange Heresie, but Vsher had no need to make use of this way to justifie himself, some conver∣sations that he had with the King, setled so good an opinion of him, that the Bishop∣prick of Meath in Ireland being vacant the King gave it him immediately, and said also, that Usher was a Bishop that he had made, because that he had appointed him so without being sollicited to it by any person, this Election was made in 1620.

Returning into Ireland sometime after, he was oblig'd to discourse some persons of Qua∣lity of the Roman Religion, to administer to 'em the Oath of Allegiance and Suprema∣cy that they had refused to the Priest, this discourse is inserted in his Life; he remarks the form of this Oath is compos'd of two parts, the one positive, in which they ac∣knowledge the King is Soveraign in all cases whatsoever, and the other negative, in which they declare they acknowledge no Jurisdiction or Authority of any strange Prince in the estates of the King, he says afterwards in regard of the first part, that the Scripture commands that we submit our selves to the Higher Powers, and that we ought to acknowledge, that the power the Kings have, whatsoever it may be, is Su∣pream as they are Kings, upon which he cites this verse of Martial.

Qui Rex est, Regem, maxime non habeat.

That one ought well to distinguish the power of the Keys from that of the Sword, and the King of England does not exact an acknowledgment of the same power, that is possess'd by the Bishops, but nevertheless the Kings may interest themselves with Ecclesiastical Affairs, in as much as it regards the body, since according to the Church of Rome, 'tis the Magistrates duty to punish Hereticks. For that which regards the second part of the Oath, where it's said, that we shall not own any strange power, as having any Iurisdiction, Superiority, Preheminence, Ec∣clesiastical or Temporal in the Kingdom. He says that if St. Peter were still alive, he would willingly own that the King had this Au∣thority in Ireland: and that he us'd the same in regard of all the Apostles, that the Apo∣stleship was a personal dignity, which the Apostles have not left hereditary to any: but nevertheless, suppose it was so, he sees not why St. Peter should leave it to his suc∣cessors, rather than St. Iohn, who outliv'd all the Apostles; that there was no reason to believe that St. Peter shou'd leave the Apostolical Authority to the Bishops of Rome, rather than to those of Antioch, this last Church being founded before the first.

The King writ to Vsher to thank him for this Discourse which produced so good effect. He afterwards went into England by the King's order, to collect the Antiquities of the Churches of England, Scotland and Ireland, and publish'd two years after that his Book intituled, De Primordiis Ecclesia∣rum Britannicarum. 'Twas in that time that the King made him Arch-Bishop of Armagh.

The Winter following he caused to be brought before him the Order for Tolera∣tion of the Roman Catholicks and the Lord Falkland, then Deputy for the King in Ire∣land, convocated and assembled the whole Nation to settle this Affair: But the Bishops call'd by the Primate, oppos'd it with much heat, as may be seen by a Remonstrance sign'd by ten Bishops, besides the Primate, and which is in the 28th page. They also spoke of raising some Forces by the Joynt

consent both of Catholicks and Protestants, to hinder any differences that might arise in the Kingdom; the Protestants refus'd to consent thereto, and wou'd not hearken to discourse the Primate thereupon in the Castle of Dublin, altho' his reasonings were founded upon the principal Maxims of the Government of Ireland, and main∣tain'd by Examples drawn from the Antient and Modern Histories of that Kingdom.

During the time our Primate stayed in Ireland, after he had performed the Duties of his Charge which he acquitted with extraordinary care, he employed the remaining part of his time to study, the fruits whereof were to be seen in 1631. in the first Latin book which he ever published in Ireland, 'tis his History of Godescalch Monk of the Abby of Orbais who lived in the beginning of the 6th Age there was soon made a small abridg∣ment of the History of Pelagianism which was then extreamly dispersed through Spain and England; when he comes to the History of Godescalch he ex∣plains his Doctrine, and shews by Flodoard and other Authors of that time, that those sentiments whereof Hincmar Archbishop of Rhemes, and Rabanus Archbishop of Maynce accused him, and which were condemn'd by their Authority in two Councils, were the same that St. Remigius Archbishop of Lyons, and the Clergy of his Diocess defended openly: many opinions and odious consequences (according to Vsher) were fathered upon Godescalch, because that this Monk who maintained the opinions of St Augustine about Pre∣destination and Grace did not at all understand 'em. Ioannes Scotus Erygenus wrote a treatise against him in which are to be found the principal heads of Vsher, but Florus Deacon of the Church of Lions answers it, and censures him in the Name of all the Diocess. Vsher gave an abridgment of this Censure, as also of divers other treatises, as that of St Remigius Pudentius Bi∣shop of Troy, Ratramus Monk of Corbi, who writ against Scotus for his defence of Godes∣calch, there had been two Councils which established the doctrine of this Monk, and condemn'd that of Scotus. 'Tis true that Hinc∣mar published a very large Book against these Councils, which he dedicated to Charles le Chauve, as Flodoard reports, who shews briefly what it is that this Book treats of, but that did not at all hinder St. Remigius, and those of his Party, to convocate another Council at Langres, where they confirm'd the Doctrine established in the former Coun∣cils, and condemn'd that new one of Scotus. These Controversies were still agitated in the National Council of the Gauls, where no∣thing was concluded, altho' Barancus and others voted that Godescalch should be con∣demn'd there. On the contrary, Vsher maintains that in an Assembly which was in a small time after, his Sentiments were ap∣prov'd of.

Nevertheless this wicked Godescalch was condemn'd by the Council of Maynce to per∣petual Imprisonment, where he was severely treated, because he would never retract his Errours. There are still two Confessions of his Faith, by which one may see there are many things attributed to him which he ne∣ver believ'd; after having made a faithful report of the Sentiments of this Monk, and those of his Adversaries, Vsher concludes that it were better for men to be silent upon these matters, than to scandalize the weak, in proposing to 'em such Doctrines from which they may draw bad consequences. There has been (adds Mr. Parr) and always will be different Opinions upon the great and abstruse Questions of Predestination and Free Will, which nevertheless may be to∣lerated in the same Church, provided those who maintain these divers Opinions, have that Charity for one another which they ought to have: That they condemn them not publickly; That they abstain from mu∣tual Calumnies; and that they publish no In∣vectives against those who are not of the same Sentiments.

To return to the Life of our Prelate, who, altho' he took all imaginable care that the Roman Religion should not make any pro∣gress in Ireland, yet it stole in by the negli∣gence of other Bishops, insomuch that that Party which maintain'd it did sensibly in∣crease and grow strong. It was this that oblig'd King Charles the first to write a Letter to the Primate of Ireland, which is to be found in page 38. wherein he authorizes him to write Letters of Exhortation to all the Bishops of Ireland, that they shou'd dis∣charge their duty better than they had done.

About the latter end of the year 1631. Vsher makes a Voyage into England, where he publish'd a small English Treatise con∣cerning the Antient Religion of Ireland, and of the People which inhabited the North of Scotland and of England; he shews in this Treatise how it was in respect to the Essential parts, of the same Religion which at present is establish'd in England, and which is very forreign to that of the Roman Catholicks. The year following our Arch-Bishop return'd into Ireland, and publish'd a Collection intituled, Veterum Epistolarum Hibernicarum Sylloge, whereof the first Pieces were written about the year 1590. and the last about 1180. there one may learn the Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Ireland. In 1639. which was seven years after he publish'd his Book intituled, Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Antiquitates, wherein he inserted the Histo∣ry of Pelagius and his Sentiments. There are to be found the Antiquities of the most di∣stant Churches of Great Britain, since Christia∣nity was Preached there, that is to say, since a∣bout 20 years after the death of Jesus Christ.

In 1640. Vsher makes a Voyage into England with his Family, with design to re∣turn very soon into Ireland, but the Civil Wars hinder'd him, insomuch that he cou'd never return to his Country again. Tis said, that in the year following, he brought

the King to sign the death of the Earl of Strafford, but as to this Dr. Parr speaks ve∣ry much in his Justification; he afterwards shews us after what manner he lost all that he had in Ireland, except his Library, which he brought into England. Strangers very much envyed this great man, that his Com∣patriots shou'd offer him divers Places of Retreat. The Heads of the University of Leiden soon gave him a considerable Pen∣sion, and offered him the Title of Honour∣able Professor, if he wou'd come into Hol∣land. The Cardinal Richelieu sent him his Medal, and also proffer'd to him a great Pension, with the liberty of professing his Religion in France, if he wou'd come thi∣ther. Our Arch-Bishop thank'd him, and sent him a Present of Irish Grey-Hounds, and other Rarities of that Country. Three years after he publish'd a small Treatise intituled, A Geographical and Historical Research touch∣ing Asia Minor, properly so call'd, to wit, Lydia, whereof frequent mention is made in the New Testament, and which the Ecclesiasti∣cal Writers and other Authors call'd Procon∣sulary Asia, or the Diocess of Asia. In this Treatise there is a Geographical Descrip∣tion of Asia Minor, and of its different Pro∣vinces, as that of Caria and Lydia, under which the Romans comprehend Ionia and Aeolia. Vsher shews there, (1.) That Asia, whereof mention is made in the New Testament, and the Seven Churches which St. Iohn spoke of in the Apocalypse, were included in Lydia, that every one of these Cities were the Chief of a small Province, and because of this Division they were cho∣sen to be the principal Seats of the Bishops of Asia. (2.) That the Roman Provinces had not always the same extension, but were of∣ten contracted or enlarg'd for reasons of State; thus the Empire was otherwise divided under Augustus than it was under Constantine, under whom Proconsulary Asia had more narrow bounds than formerly, 'tis remark∣able that under this last Emperor Proconsula∣ry Asia, which was govern'd by a Proconsul of the Diocess of Asia, from whence the Governor was call'd Vicarius or Comes Asiae or Dioceseos Asianae; but this division was af∣terwards chang'd under his Successors, and whereas every Province had but one Metro∣polis, to satisfie the ambition of some Bi∣shops 'twas permitted to two of 'em at the same time, to take the Title of Metropoli∣tan. (3.) That under Constantine Ephesus was the place where the Governors of Asia met to form a kind of Council, which de∣cided affairs of importance; and 'twas for this that Ephesus was then the only Metropo∣lis of Proconsulary Asia: that the Proconsul which was Governor, never submitted to the Authority of the Praetorian Prefect, and that there was something so like this in the Eccle∣siastical Government, that the Bishop of Ephe∣sus was not only Metropolitan of Consulary Asia, but also the Primate and Head of the Diocess of Asia. (4.) That there was a great conformity between the Civil and Ec∣clesiastical Government, in this, that the Bishops of every Province were subject to their Metropolitans, as the Magistrates of every City were to the Governors of the whole Provinces.

This was the time wherein Vsher pub∣lished in Greek and Latin the Epistles of St. Ignatius with those of St. Barnabas and St. Polycarp; seven years after he added his Ap∣pendix Ignatiana where he proves that all the Epistles of Ignatius are not suppositious, and explains many ecclesiastick antiquities, he published the same year his Syntagma de editione 70 Interpretum, where he proposes a particular Sentiment which he had upon this version; 'tis this, that It contained but the five Books of Moses, and that it was lost in the burning of the Library of Ptolo∣maeus Philadelphus and that Doritheus a He∣retick Jew made another version of the Pentateuch, and also translated the rest of the Old Testament about 177 years before the birth of Jesus Christ, under the Reign of Ptolomaeus Philometor and that the Greek Church preserves this last version instead of that which was made under the Reign of Ptolomeus Philadelphus; he also treats in this same work of the different editions of this version which according to him are falsly styled the version of the 70, this Book was published a year after the death of our Prelate with another De Cainane al∣tero, or the second Canaan, which is found in the version of the 70. and in St. Luke between Sala and Arphaxad. This last work of Vsher was the Letter which he wrote to Mr. 〈…〉〈…〉 the difference he had with Mr. a friend of the Archbishops, we sha•••• speak of it hereaf∣ter.

Dr. Parr informs us that in the Civil Wars of England, Vsher going from Cardisse to the Castle of St. Donates which belonged to Madam Stradling, he was extreamly Ill treated by the Inhabitants of Glamorganshire in Wales, they took his Books and Papers from him which he had much ado to re∣gain, and whereof he lost some which con∣tained remarks upon the Vaudois and which shou'd have serv'd to carry on his Book de Ecclesiarum Christianarum Successione, where there is wanting the History of more than 200. years, viz from Gregory the 11th. to Leo the 10th. from the year 1371 to 1513, and from thence to the end of the Last Age.

Whilst our Primate was in Wales there was published at London without his con∣sent, three works under his name: (1.) A Body of Divinity, or the Substance of Christian Religion (2) Immanuel, or the Incarnation of the Son of God (3) A Catechism Intituled, The Principles of the Christian Religion. The last being full of faults he corrected it and print∣ed it himself in 1652.

In the year 1647. whilst he was at the Countess of Peterborough's in London, the So∣ciety of Lincolns Inn chose him for their Preacher, and gave him a lodging and a handsome Pension; whilst he was there he published two Books. (1.) Diatriba de Romanae Ecclesiae symbolo apostolico vetere, &

aliis fidei formulis, he there treats of the Creed which is commonly called the Apo∣stles, and of the different Copys which have been found in the Roman Church, and of divers forms of the Confession of Faith, which where proposed to the Catechumenoi, and to the Youth of the Eastern and Western Churches. (2.) His Treatises de anno sola∣ri Macedonum & Asianorum, where he ex∣plains divers difficulties of Chronology and Ecclesiastical History,* 1.45 and marks the precise time of the Martyrdom of St. Polycarp; he compares the year of the Macedonians, the Asiaticks, &c. with the Iulian Account, and makes divers curious remarks, upon the Motions of the Heavenly Bodies according to the opinion of the Antient Greek Astronomers, Me∣lonius, Calippus, Eudoxius, &c. In fine, he gives the Ephemerides of the Macedonian and Asiatick year, compar'd with the Julian year, to which he adds the rising and setting of the Stars, and the presages of the change Weather in Thrace, Macedonia and Greece, according to the observations which An∣tient Philosophers have left us. The Parlia∣ment at that time took the King Prisoner in the Isle of Wight, and wou'd have him absolutely abolish Episcopal Govern∣ment, so that this Prince was obliged to con∣sent that that Government should be sus∣pended for three years, but the Presbyte∣rian party were so eager, that they would have it utterly extirpated; upon this the Primate of Ireland propos'd an Expedient, in which he would have had mixed a sort of of Presbyterian and Episcopal Government in lessening the power of the Bishops, and bringing them to be Moderators or Presidents of the Assemblies of their Province, with∣out whose advice nothing of Importance shou'd be acted, whereupon Vsher was ac∣cus'd to have been an Enemy to Hierarchy; but Dr. Parr vindicates him all along.

He also informs us that Vsher being in the Countess of Peterboroughs House, over against Charing Cross near White-hall, when the King was to be beheaded, and being up∣on the top of the house to see this bloody Tragedy, the good Archbishop fainted away, so that he was forc'd to be carried to bed, where he said, that God would not forget to pu∣nish this wickedness upon the English Nation, he added that the Vsurpation of Cromwel would soon expire, and that the King would be recall'd, but that he himself should not see it, we are assured that at another time, he foretold that the Romish Religion should one day be powerful in this Kingdom, and its reign should be sharp, but short. 'Tis reported also, that Preaching in a Church at London, he declar'd to his Auditors, that a great fire should soon consume a part of the City, and when 'twas asked him how he knew it, he answer'd 'twas a Thought which was so strange∣ly impress'd upon his mind, that he could not forbear speaking of it. If that was true our Primate must be of the number of these Pro∣phets who have sometimes foretold what was to come without knowing it.

About the middle of the year 1650. he finished the first part of his Annals to the year of the World 3828. unto the Reign of Antio∣chus Epiphanes. There is in this Volume all the celebrated Epochs mark'd with great exactness, the times of the Reigns of the Kings of Israel and of Iudah, compared with each other — The succession of the Monar∣chies of Babylon, Persia and Mac••••onia, the years of the Olympiads, the Aera of Naba∣nassar, the most remarkable Eclipses of the Sun. The second part was published in 1654. it begun at the Reign of Antiochus Epiphanes, and ended at the destruction of Ierusalem. Usher gives there exact accounts of the Kings of Syria and Egypt, with the times of their Reign, which he hath put together with more care than any Chronologer hath done before him. In fine, there is all that can be wished in an Universal History, both for exactness and Judgment.

'Twas after the edition of this work that Cromwell said, he desired to see him. Usher appear'd before him, and the Protector after having received him with great Civility, promised to make up part of the loss he sustain'd in Ireland, but he kept not his Word to him, no more than when he pro∣mis'd him the Episcopal Clergy should not be mo∣lested as they had been to that time. The good Archbishop having obtain'd this promise, in a visit he made to the Protector, he was oblig'd to put him in mind of it, by seeing him a second time, where Cromwell ingenuous∣ly declar'd that he could not give Liberty of Conscience to men who were sworn Ene∣mies to his Government, and who without intermission endeavour'd to destroy him. When Vsher entered this Vsurpers Chamber he found him in the hands of a Surgeon, who was dressing an Ulcer in his Breast — The Protector desired the Archbishop to sit down, and said he would speak to him as soon as his Ulcer was dressed — Whilst the Surgeon was busie about it Cromwell said, that if this Ulcer was once cured he should soon have his Health. Vsher replied immediately, that he fear'd there was a more dangerous Vl∣cer in his Heart which must be cur'd before he could promise himself a perfect health. 'Tis true (said the Protector) sighing, but tho' he seem'd to take this censure of the Archbi∣shop's in good part, he refus'd to keep his promise to him.

Vsher liv'd not long after that, falling ve∣ry sick on the 20th of March of a Pleurisie, but the Physitians knew not his Distemper, so that he died the day following at Rygate. in a Countrey House of the Countess of Peterboroughs in the County of Surrey, he was seventy five years old, he had been fifty five years in Orders, during which time he continually Preach'd, fourteen years Professor in the Vniversity of Dublin, four years Bishop of Meath, and one and thirty years Bishop of Ardmagh, he was the hun∣dredth Bishop of that City after St. Patrick.

Cromwell who sought all occasions to please the people, and knew that Vsher had been well belov'd ordered him to be buried

with great solemnity in * 1.46 West∣minster Abby, in the Chappel of Erasmus, altho' he would not be at the charge of the Fune∣ral; he did also another thing which much prejudiced his Family, which was to hinder their selling the Archbishops Library with∣out his consent, there was more than 10000 Volumes, they were forced to refuse consi∣derable sums from the K. of Denmark, and Cardinal Mazarine, who had a desire to buy 'em. But Cromwell oblig'd the Heirs to sell them for much less than they were worth, to his Neighbours in Ireland, to make a Present of it to the Universi∣ty of Dublin, * 1.47 in imitation of Queen Elizabeths Army, who after the Victory at Kinsale brought back from the Spaniards and the Rebels in 1603. 1800 l. sterling, that is more than 7000 Crowns, which they gave to the same University.

Dr. Parr after that gives us a Character of the Person, good Works, and Learning of the Archbishop of Ardmach, which is not in the Original. It's said when they open'd his body to embalm him, they found a strange Mem∣brane Thick and very Fat, which was like the continuation of the Omentum, and extends it self to the upper part of the Stomach, being fasten'd to the Peritonaeum, a little below the Diaphragma. 'Twas suppos'd that this Mem∣brane contributed much to the goodness of his Stomach, that no Diet injured him.

Dr. Bernard a Divine, Printed after his death a collection of some English Treatises, Intituled, the Iudgment of the late Primate, &c. where he speaks first of the Spiritual Babylon, of which 'tis spoken Apoc. 18.4. and 2. The Imposition of hands, Hebrews 6.2. and of the words formerly used in the Ordination, Thirdly, The Forms of Prayer, which are used in the Church.

It's thought fit to speak of the principal works of this Celebrated Archbishop, because that there are many men that knew but a part, and even some but the Titles of 'em; he left many other imperfect writings, which have not yet been Printed, that may be seen in the Catalogue at the end of his Life; he wish'd that they might be publish'd in form of Miscellanies, that they may be the better read by the publick —there are ma∣ny Booksellers beyond Sea, that wou'd be glad to Print this work.

An Appendix is added to the end of Vshers Life, where is a Defence of what he said against Dr. Heylen, in a Book Intitul'd Res∣pondit Petrus, where he accuses him of being of a contrary opinion to the English Church.

Secondly, The Letters which compose the second part of this Volume, are not all of the same equal importance, there are some of pure Civility, which contain no∣thing but news, others, where the Arch∣bishop declares he hath sent for and receiv'd certain Books, on which he raiseth queries, the solution of which is not to be seen in this collection; others, wherein he only speaks of particular affairs, and of certain useful things concerning the Ecclesiasticks of Ire∣land.

The third Letter contains the project of a work of William Eyre, a learned Cantabri∣gian; he propos'd to defend the points of antiquity, and the vowels of the Hebrew, against Ios. Scaliger who had said that the Masorethes were Invented a long time be∣fore St. Ierom, and to remark all the va∣rieties of reading in the Old and New Te∣stament, to shew that there is no corruption slipt in there, he design'd this in 1607. and 'tis not known whether he accomplish'd it. As to the Old and New Testament, we are sure that Buxtorf and Cappel have drain'd the subject, and treated more of it than he could, if we may judge by his project.

There are ten Letters and eleven opi∣nions of Vsher and Samuel Ward, upon the collection and number of the Antient Canons. Vsher writing to this last in 1608. tells him, that he believes that the first collection of the English and Greek Canons, contained only those of the first oecumenical Council and of five Provincial Councils, after which was join'd thereto the Canons of the other oecumenical Councils, as in the sequel. This appears chiefly by these words of Dionysius Iunior in the Preface to his Greek Canons dedicated to Stephen Bishop of Sa∣lones in Dalmatia: Regulas Nicaenae synodi & Deinceps omnium Conciliorum, sive quae antea sive quae post modùm usque ad synodum 150 Pontificum qui apud Constantinopolin Convene∣runt sub ordine Numerorum, id est à primo Capi∣tulo usque ad 165. Sicut habentur in Graeca auctoritate digessimus, cùm sancti Calcedonensis Concilii decreta subdentes, in his Graecorum Ca∣nonum finem esse declaramus. Harmenopulus in the Preface to his Abridgments of the Canons of the Greek Church reckons twenty Canons of the Council of Nice, twenty five of that of Ancyra, fifteen of Neo∣caesarea, nineteen of Gangres, twenty five of Antioch, and sixty of Laodicea, that amounts just to 164. which with the first Canon of the Council of Constantinople (which follow∣ed (according to Dionisius) the five national ones we have been speaking of) amounts Just to 165. Secondly, If from the time of the first collection, they had had the Ca∣nons of the first General Council, they would not have placed 'em after some of the National ones, but immediately subjoin∣ed 'em to that of Nice.

Vsher doubts if at the same time, they added to this Collection the Councils of Con∣stantinople, and Calcedon, and also that of Ephesus, because Fulgentius Ferandus cites it not, and 'tis not well known whether they were the Canons of Ephesus which are sup∣posed to be collected from Issidore being ve∣ry different from those that are found in the edition of Tilius.

There was an Antient Latin version of the Greek Canons before Dionysius Iunior, as he witnesses in his Preface, but being in some confusion he reprinted the same a∣new with additions, placing before them the fifty Canons of the Apostles, which he tran∣slated

from the Greek, having finished the Canons of the Greeks at the Council of Chal∣cedon; he there also adds the Sardick Canons and those of the Council of Africk, which he had not inserted before in the body of the Canons. We can't find that he hath spoke of these Sardick Canons added by Dio∣nysius and Ferrandus * 1.48 after the year 530, They were unknown even to the Greek Church, tho' afterwards they were ad∣ded to the collection of the Greek Canons. (b) 1.49 A certain Author who liv'd about the time of Iustinian, did not compose his collection of Ec∣clesiastical Constitutions, but the Canons of the Apostles, and those of the ten great Councils, as they were call'd, to wit, the Councils of Ancyra, Neocesarea, Nice, Gangres, Antioch, Laodicea, Constantinople, Chalcedon and Carthage. He makes no men∣tion of that of Sardis, of which the Canon seems to have been form'd to encrease the Popes Authority, when 'tis seen they at∣tempted in vain the same thing at the Coun∣sel of Nice. Usher afterwards makes some reflections upon the Roman Copy of the Greek Canons, he says, there is nothing is this version of Dionysius, except the Canon of the Apostles, but what is also in the An∣tient version, or some other, for there have been many, as Vsher proves by the suppos'd collection of Issidore, and by Hincmar Arch∣bishop of Rhemes. There were no more Councils in the Roman collections, than in Dionysius, but by degrees they were increas'd by the Letters of some Popes, as our Author makes appear, which gives him occasion to make divers remarks upon the collection at∣tributed to Issidore.

Samuel Ward confirms this opinion of Vsher by several reasons; he says that after having throughly considered the thing, he is well perswaded that the first collection of the Canons, of which we spoke, was made in the years 364 and 381 after the Council of Laodicea, and before that of Constantino∣ple; he brings the same reason as Vsher drew from the Preface of Dionysius, to which he adds these two proofs. First, That in the sixteenth Decree of the Council of Chalce∣doa, the Secretary Constantine after hav∣ing read the Canons of Nice in a Copy which appear'd, like to that of Dionysius Iunior; then he comes to read those of Con∣stantinople as thus, Synodicon Concilii Constan∣tinopolitani. It seems to be the Title which is before the Canons. Secondly, That in the Title which is before the Canons of Ancyra, Neccesarea in the Greek Copies in that of Maynce and in many other Latin Editions, those who made the collections, say, that they have first plac'd the Canons of Nice, because of the authority that this Oecumenical Council had over the Provin∣cials. The same reason would have made him join the Council of Constantinople to that of Nice, if the collection had been made after the first Council.

Vsher believ'd that the Edition of Crab, of Colon, contain'd not so much as that of Maynce, but Ward sends him an Index, by which he may see the contrary.

Our Archbishop at the desire of some of his friends explains his opinion, whether the benefits of the death of Iesus Christ be extend-to all, in the 22 and 23 Letters. He says that two extremities are to be avoided therein, the first carried too far the bene∣fits of the satisfaction of Jesus Christ, as if by that God was on his side, actually recon∣ciled, and really discharg'd all men of their sins; so that if men were not satisfied of the Fruits of the death of Jesus Christ, 'twas because they had not Faith; from hence it follows that God forgave men their sins, and Justified them before they had Faith. The other on the contrary has too much con∣fin'd the satisfaction of Jesus Christ, as if no body had any part therein, but those who were elected before the Creation of the World, altho the Evangelist command∣ed every one to believe that Jesus Christ died for him; from whence it follows, that men in Conscience should be oblig'd to tell a lye, and that they were commanded to embrace those merits which belong not un∣to 'em.

Vsher says, that in these two extremities there are inevitable absurdities, if he should attribute the first to some Antient Here∣ticks, he thinks he should not wrong 'em, but he is well assured that none in this Age has maintain'd this opinion, which infers a sensible contradiction, nor is the Archbi∣shop alone in his opinion, almost all the Ro∣man Church, the greatest part of Prote∣stants, the Lutherans, the Reform'd, the Remonstrants, &c. maintain it. We ought to distinguish between the satisfaction con∣sidered absolutely, and the application that God hath made thereby to every particular Person. The first was once done, says he, for all men, and the second is always doing. The satisfaction of Jesus Christ hath put men in an estate of obtaining pardon for their sins, but in the particular application that God thereby makes, he grants them actual pardon. Vsher confirms and explains this thought by divers passages of Scripture and divers examples; but as these subjects have been more largely treat∣ed of since that time, * 1.50 'tis not necessary to dwell longer thereon.

In the 49th Letter directed to the famous Seldinus, he proves by Walafridus Strabo, that in the beginning of Christianity, they put themselves to little trouble to what place soever they were oblig'd to go, they assembled together to pray to God, altho' the use had been since to turn to the East.

In this collection is found some Letters of an English Merchant, call'd Thomas Da∣nyes, who liv'd at Aleppo, and sent to our Bishop many Books of that Country, and among others a Samaritane Pentateuch, the first that was ever seen in Europe, in the 81 Letter he says, he had learnt of a Jew, that

the Samaritanes pronounce the name of God Iehova quite otherwise than we read it, to wit, Iebueh.

One Ralph Skinner a Learn'd English man dedicates a Treatise of Maimonides translated into English, to our Archbishop, and his Epistle Dedicatory makes this the one hun∣dredth and second of this collection; he shews there the error of this Jewish Doctor, and the use that may be drawn from the reading of his Works, he reduced his prin∣ciples to six errors. He believ'd, First,

That the Stars and Celestial Spheres were living Beings. Secondly, That God never Repented but once, viz. in the destructi∣on of the first Temple, he made the Just perish with the Wicked. Thirdly, That the Law of Moses was Eternal. Fourthly, That Man hath a free Will to do Good or Evil. Fifthly, That those Promises which God hath made by the Prophets are Temporal, which should be accom∣plish'd upon the Earth, when the Messia should come. Sixthly, That the King∣dom of Iudah was given to the Posterity of Iechonias after his Repentance, where∣as Salathiel was the Son of Neri.

Provided that they take care of these six Errors (says Skinner) there may be drawn six considerable advantages from the reading of Maimonides. First, We may profit from his Hebraical Speeches. Secondly, He teaches divers Sentences of the Jewish Doctors. Skinner hath marked these two things in the Treatise he dedicated to Vsher in placing 'em in the Margin or marking 'em with an Index (3) we may find in Maimonides the expressions and Maxims of the Thalmud which serve to explain divers manners of speaking in the new Testament. (4.) Pas∣sages of the Antients, otherwise explain'd after an uncommon manner. (5.) The Ci∣vil Laws of the Jews, and the punishments inflicted for every crime. (6.) The Do∣ctrine of the Rabbins, touching the Judaical Religion.

First Skinner gives divers examples of the third use that may be made of the works of Maimonides, we will relate three or four by which the rest may be judg'd of. St. Iohn says, Apoc. 74. I heard the number of those that were Sealed; there was one hundred forty four thousand Sealed, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of all the Tribes of the Children of Israel. This manner of speaking is often found in the Holy Scrip∣ture, as also much used in the stile of the Rab∣bins; witness this passage of Maimonides in his Treatise of Repentance, Chap. 3. Sect. 3.

As he examines the Justice and Iniquity of man, at the day of his death, even so he weighs the Iniquity and Justice of eve∣ry man in the first day of the same year, he that is found just is seal'd for Life, and the Wicked for Destruction, but as for those who are between these two estates they are sent back to be judg'd in the day of expiation, if they repent they are seal'd for life, if they continu'd in impe∣nitence, death was to be their inevitable reward.

2. St. Paul cites a passage of Scripture to the same purpose, Ephes. 5.14. Where∣fore saith he, Awake ye that sleep; Arise from the dead, and Christ shall give you light. They unprofitably plague themselves to seek this passage in the Scripture, for there it is not: In vain they look for it in Isaiah; the 26.19. the 60. and 18. or in the Apocriphal pieces which are attributed to Ieremiah, from whence the Christians might insert it. Skinner tells us that St. Paul makes this allusion from a custom of the Jews which Maimonides mentions, and paraphrases the words which he finds amongst the Jews upon this occasion. 'Twas the Custom (saith Maimonides in the same treatise Chap. 3. Section four) to sound a trumpet the first day of the year after which the publick Cryer pro∣nounced these words Awake, Awake you that sleep. Altho this Custom of sounding the trumpet was commanded by the Law, Levit. 23.24. he observes another thing from these Words of the publick Cryer? 'twas as much as if he shou'd say, you that sleep awake from your Drouziness, you that perpetually sigh cast away your Grief, examine your, works return to your duty by repentance, and remember who 'tis that created you.

Thirdly our Lord in speaking of the Sin against the Holy Ghost tells us that it shall neither be forgiven in this World, nor in that which is to come, Matt 12.32. The Rabbins have also a manner of speaking very like this, there is a Sin which is punish'd in this World (saith Maimonides) in the same Book, Chap. 6. Section 189. and not in the world to come, there is a sin also which shall be punished hereafter and not now, and one that shall be pu∣nished in both, thus our Lord hath said, that those shall be punished in this Life and the other, that should blaspheme against the Holy Ghost, and 'tis this which has happen'd to the Jews, who attributed to the Devil the Miracles of our Saviour, they suffered a thousand evils in this Life by the Tyranny of the Romans, and dying in impenitence they are delivered to the pains of the next, which they have merited thereby.

Fourthly, Jesus Christ forbids his Disciples to Swear, he commands they shall be conten∣ted to say, yes, yes, no, no, 'tis or 'tis not, Mat. 5.32.

Maimonides also says, that the com∣merce that is between the wise is full of truth and fidelity, they answer No to that which is not, and Yes to what is.

Lightfoot cites this last passage in his remarks of the Thalmudists upon St. Matthew,* 1.51 but he hath not observ'd the others. Skinner farther shews some passages of the Rabbins in the four following Letters, but as there is nothing very considerable, so I shall tarry no longer upon 'em.

A little before Vsher had finished his Hi∣story of Godeschalch, of which I have spoken. S. Ward Dr. in Divinity, wrote to him in a Letter dated May 25. 1630. That he had encouragement to wish this History would be more famous and correct than any thing of the same nature then extant. He adds to that, that he doubted not but that there

were Semipelagians or Divines of Marseille, who first placed the Predestinarians in the Catalogue of Hereticks, he found therein nothing that surpriz'd him, but that the Predestinarians were first call'd those Here∣ticks who were not of the opinion of St. Au∣gustine: thus Divines have always done the like. Ward believes that 'tis Arnobius, Au∣thor of a commentary upon the Psalms, who first treated of the Heresie of the Do∣ctrine of St. Austin, about Predestination * 1.52 and who gave the name of Praedestinati, to those who maintain'd his Do∣ctrine, he lived according to Ward before Tiro Prosper, Faustus and Gennadius. He approves of the conjecture of the sixth Age, who thought that Arnobius lived in the time of St. Augustine, because that his commen∣tary upon the Psalms, is dedicated to Lau∣rentius and Rusticus African Bishops, who were of the Council of Carthage, when St. Augustine was there. Altho' Ward found not these names in any Council of Carthage, he easily persuades himself, it may be because that two Bishops of Africa, both call'd Rusticus sign••d the Synodical Letter to Inno∣cent the First, where they condemn'd Pela∣gius and Celestius. It is the 90th Letter amongst the Epistles of St. Augustine, and was written in the year 416. Two years af∣ter the Council of Carthage was held▪ where the preceding Councils were confirm'd; 'twas compos'd of 217 Bishops▪ amongst which was St. Augustine, but there was but 24 who sign'd 'em, and among their names was found Laurentius Iositanus. Besides, Erasmus in the sixth Age, hath remark'd in this Arnobius many Latin words which were very much in use in Africk in St. Au∣gustine's time.

This is the reason which Ward brings to prove that in the time of St. Augustine a Divine who dedicated a Book to two Afri∣can Bishops, had the boldness to accuse his Doctrine of Heresie. Nevertheless he finds not that this Arnobius was censured for it. 'Tis not that Ward approves his Sentiments or the name that he hath given to those of St. Augustine, but on the contrary, he speaks of it with Indignation.

He adds that Arnobius was followed in that by Tiro Prosper, who must be distin∣guished from Prosper Aquitanus, a disciple of St. Augustine. Ward found these words in (a) 1.53 a Manu∣script of this first Author, the 24th year of Arcadius and Ho∣norius. Praedestinatorum haeresis quae ab Au∣gustino accepisse initium dicitur, his Temporibus Serpere exorsa. The Heresie of the Predestinari∣ans, which as 'tis said hath taken its birth from St. Augustine, begun to spread in this time. After him Fausius and Gennadius have given this ill name to the Doctrine of St. Augustine, and particularly the last, altho' Sigebert (adds Ward) says that the opinion of Prede∣stination was produced from the ill Interpre∣tation of some places of St. Augustine from whence they draw these false consequences. Nevertheless it seems that these of Marseille and some Africans in the time of St. Au∣gustine maintained this opinion of the Pre∣destinarians (as Sigebert relates) was drawn from St. Austine by mistaken Inferences, as it appears by the objections of Prosper and Hillary proposed to him, which have been related by others.

There is in 162 and 163. Letters, some fragments of a discourse of the same Ward with William Bidell Bishop of Kill-more in Ireland, touching the efficacy of the Sa∣craments, and particularly that of Baptism, and in the 205 Letter, the opinion of Vsher concerning the Sabbath, which he believed to have been observed from the beginning of the World, which made some enquiry among the Heathens, of which the greatest part look'd upon the seventh day as Sacred, which he proves by many passages after Sal∣matius and Rivet, &c. He shews afterwards in what manner the Apostles consecrated the Sabbath, particularly by this passage of St. Ignatius to the Magnesians: Non amplius sabbatizantes, sed secundum Dominicam Viven∣tes in qua & vita nostra orta est. But this mat∣ter hath been more largely treated upon by others, and Vsher confesses when he read the Fathers, he collected nothing upon this subject, because he thought there was never any controversie about it, produced amongst the Divines.

Those that desire to understand all the An∣tient Characters of the Saxons, may find an Alphabet thereof in the 253 Letter from Dr. Longbain, as also divers Letters that treated by the by of Chronological questi∣ons and Astronomy, but as there is nothing compleat or very considerable upon these abstruse matters, upon which few persons will give themselves any trouble, 'twas thought unnecessary to make any extract thereof.

I shall say but one word of the 267 Let∣ter, addressed to Lewis Cappel, where our Archbishop takes against him, the part of Arnold Boat; the difference that was be∣tween these two Learned men may be re∣duced to these two heads: First, Boat be∣lieved there was very little variety of reading in the Old Testament, as the differ∣ences of Keri and Chelib and of the Eastern and Western Copies, and that these varie∣ties were not to be found but by the means of the Massore and from the Hebrew Manu∣scripts. Cappel on the contrary maintains, that the number of these varieties are very great, that they may be collected from many ancient Copies, and particularly that of the Septuagint, although much corrupt∣ed. The Archbishop says also that we can't have such assurance upon this version, where there are many prodigious faults, and so very many differences that the Au∣thors connot be made use of but as an Ori∣ginal very corrupt, even without speaking of the errors produced by malice; but there is no Book of the Scripture where they are so far from the Original as that of Iob, which by the Authority of Origen and St. Ierome,

is proved that these Interpreters have cut off a great number of verses. Vsher maintains after St. Ierome that they added and chang∣ed several passages: He says 'twas occasion∣ed by malice, to keep from the Greeks the knowledge of the Sacred Oracles, having shewn in some places that they were very capable of translating it well, had they been Inclin'd thereto, as in the Book of Ezek. where they are much more conform to our Hebrew than in the other Books of the Scrip∣ture according to the works of St. * 1.54 Ierome: These Senti∣ments of Vsher are not to be wondered at, when we consider what hath been said of his opinion concern∣ing the Author of the Translation of the 70. Secondly, Boat and Vsher believed that they began to work at Massore immediately af∣ter the time of Esdras, whereas Cappel maintains that it was not so much as thought on, till 600 years after Christ—Vsher en∣deavours to maintain his Sentiment by a proof drawn from the Gemare of Babylon. Which makes mention of Certain Scribes who counted all the Letters of the Law, and mark'd that Vau which is in the word Gachon, Levit. 11.24 is exactly in the middle in regard of the number of the Letters, &c.

On which occasion Usher speaks of Ioseph, and tho he confess'd to Cappel that Philo did not know the Hebrew, he agrees not with the Jewish Historian who had written his History in Hebrew, as himself saith, and who drew it from the Original Hebrew, Vsher says nevertheless, that he hath not done it faithfully.

As Ierome Xavier the Je∣suite saith, 'tis not long since he gave the History of the Evangelists to the Per∣sians, which he hath adjusted as himself pleas'd, Ioseph gave formerly to the Greeks the History of the Old Testament, changing therein, and adding thereto many things drawn from the Apocriphal Books. 'Tis thus that he says Solomon Reigned 80. years in stead of 40. and that he says David Left for the use of the Temple 100000 talents of Silver instead of 1000000 He adds to the Text an ac∣count of Moses Age, from three years of the War he made with the Ethiopians, and of Tharbis son of the Ethiopian King, which conceived a great love for him, &c,

Vsher speaks also of the Samaritan Penta∣teuch from whence he brings 5. or 6: Copies first into Europe: He believes that it was corrupted by one Dosthes or Dositheus which in the time of the Apostles was suppos'd to pass for the Messia amongst the Samaritans—this is founded upon the Au∣thority of St. * 1.55 Origen who as∣sures us in express terms that this Dositheus corrupted the Pentateuch in many places. He afterwards brings some passages in the Sa∣maritan Pentateuch, where he maintains that the numbers or the words were chang'd, he even believes that Hebrew was intermix'd with the Greek Septuagint: If that were true, we ought not to be surpriz'd to find that this translation is more conform to the Sa∣maritan text than the Hebrew. Vsher also pretends that there is not more variety of reading any where than in the Greek Version.

Tom. 8. p. 174. The Antiquities of the British Churches, in which is inserted the History of the Pestife∣rous Heresie, introduced into the Church by Pelagius a Britain, against the Grace of God. To which is added an historical Expo∣sition of the most important dispute about the Succession and State of the Christian Churches. By James Usher Archbishop of Ardmagh, Primate of Ireland. The Second Edition, Each part Corrected and Augmented by the Author himself. At London 1687. in Fol. pag. 738.

THE British Antiquities of Usher, are composed of three parts, the first containeth six Chapters, and includes the fabulous History of the Progress of the Chri∣stian Religion in England, since the year XLI. of Jesus Christ, to the year CCI. The Monks of the last Ages have almost entire∣ly invented it, and whatsoever truththere may be in it, is so mingled with gross lyes, that in divers places of the Pagan Fables, are found more footsteps of truth than in these Monastick Histories. Neither doth Vsher propose them as true, he is so far from that, that he advertiseth the Rea∣der to believe nothing of it, by these terms of the Epi∣charme. (a) 1.56 Watch, and Remem∣ber to be incredulous, are the sins of Wisdom; and by these words of Euripides: (b) 1.57 there is no∣thing more profitable to mortals than a wise incredulity.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

As it is certain that a great many men do but too much follow this maxim in our Age: So it cannot▪ be doubted but a great part of Christianity hath need enough to be put in mind thereof.

What is most likely in it to be true, is, according to the testimony of Gildas, which hath been related elsewhere, that some per∣son Preached the Gospel in England towards the end of the Reign of Tiberius, which con∣tinued here until the time of Dioclesian. At least (c) 1.58 Ter∣tullian and Origen reckon Eng∣land amongst those Countries that in their time had the Gospel Preached unto 'em, and Maximianus Herculius, vio∣lently persecuted the Christians which he found here in the year CCCIII. It's what Vsher tells us Chap. 7. Where beginneth what we have called the second part of his Work. It may be that many things might be

added to the precedent, which he saith there upon the Faith of the Monks, of the great number of Martyrs that Maximianus put to death, and of the circumstances of their punishments. Howbeit it's certain that Dioclesian and Maximian, having voluntari∣ly quitted the Empire in the year CCCIV. and Constantius Chlorus being declared Au∣gustus▪ he put a period to all violences of what nature soever in the Provinces of his Juris∣diction, and England was amongst the rest, in which the Monks assure us, that he built some Churches, but dying two years after at York his Son Constantine, who till then had been but Caesar, was proclaimed Au∣gustus by all the Roman Army, which had lately got a signal victory over the Picts. This gives occasion to our Archbishop to seek into the native Country of Constantine and of Helena his Mother in the eighth chap∣ter. (d) 1.59 The Country of this Princess is very doubtful, al∣though the Monks affirm she was of Treves, yet is it not unlikely to be true that her Son was born in England, as it may be seen in our Author, who builds his opinion chiefly upon these words of Eu∣menius in his Panegyrick of Constantia: O fortunata & nunc omnibus terris beatior Bri∣tannia, quae Constantinum Caesarem prima vi∣disti.

Vsher afterwards sheweth that some Bi∣shops of England, assisted at the Council of Arles in CCCXIV, and 11 years after at that of Nice, likewise at the other Coun∣cils called upon the occasion of the antient controversies. Notwithstanding that hin∣dered not Arianism to pass into Great Bri∣tanny, when Gratianus had granted liberty to all the sects of the Christians, saving to the Manicheans, to the Photinians, and to the Eunomians. But it seemeth that the Ty∣rant Maximius, that favoured the Orthodox, suffered not Arianism to take root in Eng∣land, where he began to Govern, in CCCLXXIII. some time after he sent hence a great number of Inhabitants, which he established in Amorica, that is to say, Low Brittany, which he remitted to one Conan Meriadoc, who was the person according to the Monkish History, that obtained of Dio∣not, King of Cornwall his Daughter Vrsula in Marriage, with 11000 Virgins of noble Birth, besides 60000 other Virgins of mean∣er families. All the World are acquain∣ted with the Story of St. Vrsula, and of the 11000 Virgins, and those that would know who hath refuted it may consult Vsher, who relateth it, with many reasons to shew it is but an impertinent Fable, altho' Baro∣nius maintains the contrary.

In that time many people went to see the Holy places in Palestine, which was the oc∣casion of making known in the West the Books of Origen, which were unknown there before Rufinus. Amongst others a Priest of Aquila, after having lived three years in the East, and Studied under Evagrius an Origenist; imbib'd not only the sentime••ts of Origen, but returning into Italy, spread them every where, by translating divers of his works. It was of him that Pelagius and Celestius learned at Rome this Doctrine, whereof we shall speak in the sequel. They both were Monks, and of Great Britain, Celestius of Scotland, and Pelagius of England, the second was called Morgan, in the Lan∣guage of the Countrey that is to say born of the Sea, or in Greek 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a name given him out of his Countrey. If (e) 1.60 St. Ierom may be believed, Pelagius was an ignorant man, who could not express himself, that was more to be pittied than envied; and Celestius a studier of solecisms: but St. Augustine speaketh advantageously of their wit in divers places, and indeed it is seen by the fragments that remain in his works, that they expressed not themselves so ill as St. Ierom saith. We have still two pieces of Pelagius amongst the supposed writings of this last, whereof one is a Letter to Deme∣triades and the other is intituled the Symboli explanatio ad Damasum, whereas it should have been called Professio fidei ad Innocenti∣um, for it was to Innocent that Pelagius sent it. This last piece is also found in Baronius, and in the first Tome of the Councils of the edition of Cologne in 1606.

Pelagius sojourn'd long enough at Rome, where he acquired much reputation by his works and his conduct, whence it cometh that Augustin Bishop of Hippona, spoke ho∣nourably of him, and writ to him a very ob∣liging Letter, before he entered into a dis∣pute with him. He calleth him in his Book de peccatorum meritis (f) 1.61 vir, ut audio sanctus, nec parvo pro∣fectu Christianus, bonus ac prae∣dicandus vir.

He is, saith he, a man as I am told, Holy and much advanced in Piety, a man of Merit, and Praise worthy.

Father Petau in his book (g) 1.62 De Pelagianorum & Semi Pela∣gianorum Dogmatum Historia, re∣marketh that St. Augustin composed the Book, in which he speaketh so advantageously of Pelagius, after the con∣demnation of Celestius in the Council of Car∣thage in CCCCXII. Thence he concludeth that it is not of this Pelagius, whereof St. Chrysostome speaketh in his fourth Letter, wherein he deplores the fall of a Monk of the same name. There is no more likeli∣hood that the Pelagius a Hermit to whom St. Issiodorus de Diamette (h) 1.63 hath written great censures, be him that we speak of here, whose life was always irre∣proachable, as appears by the Testimony of St. Augustin.

Rome being taken by the Gothes in the year CCCCX. (i) 1.64 Pelagius, who was there, departed and Sailed to Africa, yet he re∣mained not there, but immediately went into the East. Notwithstanding his Disci∣plie Celestius stayed at Carthage, and aspired to be Priest of that Church, but as he made no difficulty to maintain the Sentiments of

his Master; he was accused by Paulinus Deacon of the same Church, in a Council where Aurelius Bishop of Carthage presided in the year, which is already mention'd. Ce∣lestius was there condemned and excommu∣nicated, as having maintain'd these seven Propositions. I. That Adam was created mortal, and that he should die, whether he had sinned or not. II. That the sin of Adam was only prejudicial to himself, and not to all Man∣kind. III. That the Law opened the entrance into Heaven, as well as the Gospel. IV. That before the coming of Iesus Christ, men were without sin. V. That Children newly born are in the same State, as was Adam before his fall. VI. That all Mankind dyeth not, by the Death and Prevarication of Adam, as all Mankind riseth not, by the Resurrection of Iesus Christ. VII. That man is without Sin, and that he can easily obey the Commandments of God if he will.

Celestius answered to these Heads, but we have only part of his Answers in the Books of St. Augustine; that is to say, that we have no other Testimonies of his Doctrine, than his Adversaries, which have taken no great care to propose clearly their accusati¦ons; nor to comprehend well the Senti∣ments of those they accused, as appeareth by the obscurity of the Heads which we have read. Celestius, (a) 1.65 saith amongst other things, that as to what regards the Propaga∣tion of Sin; he heard several Catholick Priests and particularly Rufinus deny it. He presented a Petition to the Coun∣cil, where he confessed the Children were redeemed by Baptism, but he was condemn∣ed nevertheless, and being obliged to de∣part ou•• of Africk, he retired into Sicily, where h•• writ some works in his De∣fence. It was from thence that he sent to St. Augustine short questions which he had composed, to prove that man of his Na∣ture inevitably is not carried to do evil. These Interrogations are in fourteen Articles, that Vsher hath related at length. We shall mention here one or two of them by which the rest may be judged of▪ (a) 1.66 First of all, saith he, we must ask of those who say that man cannot be without sin, what sin is in general?

If it is a thing that may be avoided or not? If it cannot be avoided, there is no hurt in committing it. If man can avoid it, he may be without Sin. But nei∣ther reason nor Justice permit that, that should be called a Sin which cannot be any way avoided. (b) 1.67 We must again ask, if Man ought to be without Sin? 'Twill be undoubtedly answered that he ought. If he ought, he can; if he cannot he is not obliged. Besides that, if man ought not to be without Sin, he ought to be a Sin∣ner, and 'twill be no more his fault, if it be supposed that he is necessarily such.

In the same time Pelagius that was at Ie∣rusalem, published divers pieces where he expounded more at length his Sentiments, (a) 1.68 and where he particularly granted that no man excepting Jesus Christ▪ had ever been without sin, it did not follow that that was impossible. He affirm'd, that he disputed not of the Fact, but of the Possibility; and that yet it was not possible, but by the Grace or the Assistance of God. St. Augustine hath undertaken to refute one of these pie∣ces of Pelagius in his Book of Nature and Grace. He accuseth him on the one side, of confounding the Graces that God gives us in Creation with those by which he re∣generates us; and on the other side to say that God gives his Graces, according to merit, and that these Graces are but out∣ward; but it shall be seen in the sequel how Pelagius expounded his Opinion.

Three years after that Celestius was con∣demned at Carthage, his Master was accu∣sed at Ierusalem of holding the same opini∣ons. Iohn Bishop of this City, called an Assembly of some Priests to examine Pela∣gius, and to see if really he held the Opini∣ons that were attributed to him. For to know what was done in Africk against Cele∣stius. Into this Assembly were called three Latine Priests Avitus, Vitalis, and Oros. This last was then at Bethlehem studying, as he saith himself, (b) 1.69 at the feet of St. Ierome to whom St. Augustine had recommen∣ded him. Whilst he was in Africk, in the time of the Condemnation of Celestius, he related to this Assembly at Ierusalem, with what zeal those of Car∣thage had condemned that Heretick, and said that St. Augustine had made a Book a∣gainst Pelagius, and had besides in a Letter written into Sicily, refuted the questions of Celestius. Having this Letter about him he offered to read it, and did so, at the entrea∣ty of the Assembly.

After this reading the Bishop Iohn desired that Pelagius should be introduced. It was permitted by connivance, saith Orose, whether for the respect they had for the Bishop, or that it was believed fit that this Prelate should refute him in his presence. He was asked if he acknowledged to have taught, what Augustine Bishop of Hippona had refuted. He instantly answered who is this Augustine? and as all cryed out; that a man, who blasphemed against a Bishop, by the mouth of whom, the Lord had kept an Vnion in all Africk, ought not only to be ba∣nished from this Assembly, but from all the Church; John ordered him to sit in the midst of the Catholick Priests, tho' a Laick, and guilty of Heresie. After that he said to him, 'Tis I that am Augustine, that acting in the name of this offended Bishop, can more freely pardon Pelagius, and appease enraged Minds. We then said to him, continueth Orose, If you re∣present here the person of Augustine, follow his Opinions. He replied by asking us, if we believed that what was read was a∣gainst some other or against Pelagius? If

it be against Pelagius, added he, what have you to propose against him? I an∣swered, by the permission of the Assem∣bly, that Pelagius had told me, he main∣tained man could be without sin, and could easily observe the Commandments of God, if he pleased. Pelagius confessed it was his opinion. Thereupon I said this that 'twas that which the Bishops of A∣frick had condemned in Celestius, which Augustine declared in his writings to be a horrible Doctrine, and that which Ie∣rome had rejected in his Epistle to C••esi∣phon, and which he refuted in the Dia∣logues that he then composed. But the Bishop of Ierusalem without hearing any thing of all that, would have us to bring parties before him against Pelagius. We are not, answered We, the Accusers of this man, but we declare unto you what the Bre∣thren and our Fathers have judged and de∣creed touching this Heresie, that a Laick pub∣lisheth now, lest he should trouble you, the Church, into the bosom of which we are come. Then to engage us in some sort to declare our selves parties, he begun to instruct us, in what the Lord saith to Abraham, Walk before me and be thou upright; and what is said of Zacharia and Elizabeth, that both of them were just before God, and walked bamleless in all the Commandments of the Lord. Many amongst us knew that that was a remark of Origen; and I answered him; We are Children of the Catholick Church. Exact not from us, O Father, that we should under∣take to raise our selves into Doctors, above the Doctors, nor into Iudges, above the Iudges. Our Fathers whose Conduct is approved by the Vniversal Church, and in whose Communion you rejoice to see us, have declared these Ma∣xims damnable. It's just that we should obey their decrees: Why do you ask the Chil∣dren, what they think after having learned the Sentiments of their Fathers?

The Bishop said after, that if Pelagius maintain'd that man could be without sin, without the help of God it would be a damnable Doctrine, but that he did not exclude the help of God, and asked what we had to say to that? If he denied the necessity of this assistance? We answered Anathema to those that did deny it; and we cryed out that he was a Latin Here∣tick, that we were Latins, that he was to be judged by Latins, and that it was al∣most an impudence in him to pretend to judge thereof, seeing we were not Accu∣sers. As he said that I was the only wit∣ness against Pelagius, and that I was sus∣pected, some of the Company thought themselves obliged to say, that the same Person could not be Heretick, Advocate and Judge at the same time. The Con∣clusion was that Pelagius should be sent to the Judgment of Innocent Bishop of Rome, and that in the mean time Pelagius should be silenc'd.

Thus it was that this Assembly ended, where Pelagius that knew but the Latine, spoke by an Interpreter to the Bishop of Ierusalem who could only speak Greek. There was held a Synod at Diospolis in Pa∣lestina, towards the end of the same year CCCCXV. where were fourteen Bishops. Eros and Lazare Bishops of the Gauls had gi∣ven to Euloge Arch-bishop of Caesarea, an accusation in writing against Pelagius, but they could not be at this Synod, because one of them fell sick by the way. Pelagius appeared and answered to all the heads of the accusation that were proposed against him, so that the Council declared him ab∣solved, and even approved his Doctrine, according the Interpretations he gave it. Here is in brief, what all was reduced into.

(a) 1.70 Pelagius was accused of maintaining these Propositions. I. That none can be without Sin without knowing the Law? He answered, he meant nothing else by that, but that the Law was a means to avoid Sin, and not that this knowledge was solely ne∣cessary to avoid Sin.

II. That all men are led by their own will. He confessed this Proposition in saying, that although Man hath his Free-will, when he chooseth the Good, it is by the help of God.

III. That in the day of Iudgment, God will not pardon the Wicked and Sinners. It is, saith Pelagius, the Doctrine of the Gospel.

IV. That Evil comes not only in Thought. To which he protested he had only said, that Christians ought to endeavour to have no ill thoughts.

V. That the Kingdom of Heaven is promised in the Old Testament. He maintain'd it out of Daniel c. 7.18.

VI. That Man can be without Sin if he will. Pelagius said that he had proved that 'twas possible by the Grace of God, but that he never had taught that any man had lived without Sin, from his Childhood to his Old-age. He also denied the having maintain'd some other maxims whereof he was accused. He was thereupon asked if he anathematised not those that were of that opinion? I do anathematize them, said he, as Fools, but not as Hereticks, for they are ignorant of what they affirm.

VII. He was accused of maintaining some things that were condemned at Car∣thage, which have been before related, and besides it, that a Child can be saved without Baptism. He denied that he had taught any thing in the manner they related it, and particularly that he had ever said, those that have lived before Jesus Christ were without Sin.

VIII. In fine, some places were proposed to him, that were said to be drawn from the Books of Celestius, but he told them he could not answer for what another had written, and that he condemn'd such as maintain'd any Propositions of that Nature. There was amongst others this Proposition, That Sin∣ners which repent obtain forgiveness of their Sins, not by the Grace and Mercy of God, but accor∣ding to their Deserts and Repentance. It may be that was only a consequence, which was

drawn from the Sentiments of Celestius, for in all this controversie each Party hath mutu∣ally attributed to themselves the advantage of consequences either well or ill drawn, as express opinions. Besides this, these pro∣positions that Eros and Lazarus had drawn from the Books of Pelagius and Celestius, be∣ing taken from the sequel of the discourse, might form a contrary sense to what they intended in their Books.

The Council having approved of all these answers, declared him worthy of the Com∣munion of the Catholick Church. But the Enemies of Pelagius accused him of having hidden his true Sentiments, and of deceiv∣ing these Grecian Bishops to whom he spake but by an Intrepreter. St. Augustin saith, that the answers of Pelagius were Orthodox, (a) 1.71 as the Fathers of the Coun∣cil had understood them, and not as Pelagius understood them. But those that have not so ill an opinion of Pelagius as St. Au∣gustin had, observe that he knew not the Greek, and could of himself have no cer∣tain knowledge of the Sentiments of the Greek Church upon this matter. If he had been capable, say they, of reading these Do∣ctours, he would have found that they speak no otherwise than Pelagius does, (b) 1.72 as it may be seen by an in∣finite number of places of St. Chrysostome, and St. Isiodorus de Diamette his Disciple, whom some Moderns have openly ac∣cused of Pelagianism. It ought not therefore to be thought strange that Greek Bishops should approve of the opinions of this Eng∣lish Monk.

Before the acts of this Council had been published, Pelagius writ to one of his friends that his sentiments had been there approved of, & made his Letter publick. He also made a kind of an Apology in the year CCCCXVI. for this Council, which he sent to the Bi∣shop of Hippo, who having received no Letter from Palestine ••urst not trust to it. He writ together with some other African Bishops of Iohn of Ierusalem to have the very acts of the Council of Diospolis. Notwithstanding St. ••erome who had written against the Pe∣lagians and particularly against the Bishop of Ierusalem, was the occasion of a disorder that happen'd at Bethlehem, where a Deacon was killed, and some Monasteries burned. The Bishop was accused to have excited this Tumult, but there was no time to call him to account, because he died that very year. St. Ierome also having offended the Bishops of Palestine in despising their Assembly, thought he could not better secure himself than in getting the friendship of those of Africk, tho' they were not at all of his opi∣nion, being of the Semi-Pelagians, whereof we shall speak in the sequel of this History. Therefore he writ to St. Augustin in these terms. I have resolved to love you, to honour you, to respect you, and to admire you, and to defend what you say, as if it were my self that had said it,

mihi decretum est te amare, te suspicere, te colere, te mirari, tuaque dic∣ta quasi mea defendere.

Pelagius was every where accused of deny∣ing altogether the help of Grace; to justi∣fie himself he composed a work of Free-Will, where he shewed that he (a) 1.73 acknowled∣ged six sorts of Grace.

First, 'Tis a Grace of God, according to Pelagius, to have a Soul reasonable and free, that is to say, that can obey, or not obey God without being invincibly determined to the one or to the other. Pelagius main∣tain'd that all men were born in this state, so that if they applied themselves to evil, it was not by an invincible necessity, but in abu••ing of their liberty: St. Augustin in the first place saith, that we ought not to call that Grace, which after this manner we receive from God by Creation, but only that which we receive from him by vertue of our Redemption. But that is only a dispute of words. St. Augustin de∣nied moreover, that men were born in any other state than in an absolute and unavoid∣able determination of doing ill, and said it was impossible for them to do any good, without an immediate assistance from God, which he gave but to some men, and that those who had this aid were unavoidably carried to good. Thus although he admit∣ted of free-will; he gave to these words a new sense, seeing liberty according to him, is no other than a simple Spontaneity, and includes not the power of not doing what we do. The difference only that was be∣tween St. Augustin and Pelagius, is that the first believed, that since the sin of Adam, his Posterity had been so much corrupted, that they came into the World with inclina∣tions to evil, which necessitated them to it, that if God had design'd them to Salvation, it was necessary that in every good action, he assisted them with his particular Grace, that would unavoidably carry them to good, and that those he was not willing to give Grace unto were damned; God by a Wis∣dom that we comprehend not, design'd that Mankind should be born in an unavoidable necessity of offending him, and to be after that tormented by eternal punishments, without delivering from this sad necessity, but a very small number of persons to whom he gives an invincible Grace. St. Augustin believed that that was rendering to God the Glory that is due to him. Pelagius on the contrary thought God had not permitted the sin of Adam to make so great a disorder in the World, that those who were descend∣ed from him, were not in a necessity of obeying, or not obeying the Law of God, which hath given to them the power of avoiding evil and doing good; so that it was but by their fault alone that they were damned, not being compell'd to crimes, and everlasting unhappinesses by an unavoidable necessity. Having received of God the Free-Will, it was not needful that God intervened in each action. (a) 1.74 To be able to do good, saith

Pelagius, cometh from God which hath given it to his Creature, but to be willing to do good, and to be Vertuous, depend upon man.

The second Grace that Pelagius acknow∣ledged is the remission of past sins, which God granteth to those that leave them off. Pelagius anathematised in the Council of Diospolis, whosoever should dare to say that God had any regard on this occasion to merit. St. Augustin complaining that Pela∣gius, contenting himself to acknowledge that God forgiveth us graciously our past sins, granted not that he aideth us in the non-commission for the future. But Pela∣gius maintained that this pardon served us as well for the future, to carry us to our duty, because we cannot apply our selves to serve God after having offended him, but in the persuasion that he will pardon us what's past graciously. He said likewise that afterwards, in respect of the sins that were committed in the very time of Repentance, that is to say, in the state of Regeneration, they were forgiven us in consideration of our good works by which we also obtain'd glory. And it is in this sense that he maintain'd Grace was given according to merits, that is to say, according to our good actions. As Children before the use of Reason commit no sin, so this Grace regardeth them not.

The third Grace according to Pelagius, is the Law, by which he understands the Preaching of the Gospel, and the example of Jesus Christ, that those who have lived under the old institution had not. He said that this Grace was altogether necessary, to live conformable to Christianity.

The fourth sort of Grace is an interiour illumination of our mind, that Pelagius expressed in this wise, (a) 1.75 I maintain that Grace con∣sisteth not only in the Law, but in the assistance of God, &c. But God aideth us by his Doctrine and by his Revelation, in opening the Eyes of our Mind, in shewing us things to come, to hinder the present from making too dead an impression, in discovering to us the Ambushes of the Devil, in illuminating us by the divers and ineffable gifts of his Celestial Grace. Doth it seem to you, saith Pelagius, that those that speak thus, deny the Grace of God? Do they not acknowledge rather the Free-Will and the Grace of God altogether? St. Au∣gustin accuseth Pelagius in this, not for hav∣ing simply denied Grace, but for denying its necessity; and for having said that God gave it not but to the end that Free Will should be the easier carried to good. This Grace according to Pelagius, produced not infallibly and by it self the will of doing well, and good works, but induced only to will more easily.

The fifth is the Grace of Baptism, by which, according to him, although Chil∣dren receive not the pardon of sins that they have not committed, being, according to Pelagius, altogether innocent, they enter into a better condition, which consisteth in that they are thereby adopted by God, and become Heirs of the Kingdom of Heaven. St. Augustin on the contrary affirm'd that Children being born sinners, Baptism doth confer upon them the Remission of sins, and sanctifieth them by a Grace that God hath applied thereto.

The sixth Grace finally consisteth, ac∣cording to Pelagius, in eternal Life, and in bestowing the Kingdom of Heaven. He is accused of having distinguished these two things, and of having said that without the Revelation of the Gospel Life Eternal could be obtained, but that God did not give the Kingdom of Heaven but to those that were Baptized. According to Pelagius this Grace was given as the effect of merit, (to wit,) that of a good Life. It is hard to know wherein this distinction consisteth, of Eternal Life, and of the Kingdom of Heaven, and to reconcile it with the accu∣sation that was made against Pelagius▪ that the Kingdom of Heaven was promised un∣der the Old Testament. St. Augustin said by this last Article was to be understood the legal covenant, that it promised not Eternal Life; but if that were all that was meant by the Books of the Old Testament, it was true that it was promised, tho' there was no mention made of the Kingdom of Heaven, this phrase of the New Testa∣ment. There never was a dispute more in∣tricate than this, because each of the par∣ties finding themselves pressed by some ill consequence, endeavour'd to save them∣selves by terms, to which they gave a diffe∣rent sense, from what they had in the mouth of the Adversaries. The word Grace, in that of Pelagius signifieth not the same thing as in that of the Bishop of Hippo: and this latter gave the name of Liberty to a thing that was not commonly so called. In short many men believe that if we take the pains to examine the principal words that have been made use of in this controversie, and the Ideas that have been applied to 'em, it will be found that almost none of these Ideas are distinct, so that when the word is spoken to which it is applied, we may perfectly know what is meant by it. There are also accord∣ing to them some of these words to which there hath been no Idea absolutely applied, so that in some places of this dispute the two parties do very nigh the same thing that a French man and an Arabian would, that should know their natural tongue only, and speak by turns the lowdest they could, and sometimes both at once without under∣standing each other, and then each should boast to have conquered his Adversary.

This was chiefly what the opinions of Pelagius consisted in, and those of his Ad∣versaries touching Grace. As to the electi∣on it seemeth Pelagius hath believed that there were two sorts the one to Grace, and the other to Glory. God hath resolved according to his Judgment to call certain persons to the knowledge of the Gospel, that they might the more easily arrive at everlasting happiness. This was the pre∣destination of Grace. He after that hath resolved to save those that he foresaw would

persevere until the end in making good use on these favours. This is the Predestinati∣of to Glory, which is founded upon me∣rits; whereas the other is purely of Grace. St. Augustin in disputing against Pelagius, hath confounded, (a) 1.76 as Fa∣ther Petau believes, these two Predestinations, and made thereof but one; because ac∣cording to his opinion all those, that have received the necessary means to attain Sal∣vation do infallibly arrive at it. 'Twas that made him exclaim so strongly against those that maintain'd Predestination, ac∣cording to works, as if the Predestination to Grace was in question, whereas they meant but the Predestination to Glory.

The year after the Council of Dios∣polis being Anno 415. there were in Africk held two Councils upon the same matter the one at Carthage, and the other at Mi∣leve. Aurelius Bishop of Carthage presided in the first, where were LXVII. Bishops more met together also. They had not as yet received in Africk the Acts of Diospolis; but Eros and Lazarus had written what had passed therein, and had sent their Letters, by Orosius who was returned from Palestine to Africk. It was resolved on the hearing this Relation to anathematize the opinions of Pelagius, to hinder them from spreading any further, and to anathematize him after, with his Disciple Celestius, in case they did not absolutely renounce these Errours. Af∣ter that they sent the Acts of the Council to Pope Innocent, to engage him to condemn the same opinions. The Council of Mi∣leve consisting of LXI. Bishops, in which Silvanus Primate of Numidia presided, did the same thing as that of Carthage. Besides the Synodal Letters of these two Councils, Innocent received particular ones from some Bishops of Africk, among which St. Augu∣stine was one. The design of these Letters was the same as of the preceding ones; the design being to incline Innocent to condemn the Doctrine attributed to Pelagius, and to cite him before himself to examine, whe∣ther he continued to maintain the same. They insinuated that they might accomplish their end, that it might be, that Pelagius had deceived the Bishops of Palestine, tho' they cou'd not positively affirm that the Churches of Africk, might not be joined to those of the East. Innocent answered the year following (ccccxvii) to the two Coun∣cils, and to the Bishop that had written to him in particular. He said he believed that Pelagius and Celestius did deserve to be excommunicated, and that the former could not be purged at Diospolis, but by Equivoca∣tions, and by obscure expressions. Never∣theless having received no new assurances from that Country, and not knowing well how things had passed there; he saith, he can neither approve nor disapprove the con∣duct of the Bishops of Palestine. He like∣wise excuseth himself in regard of citing Pelagius upon the distance of the places. This Bishop writ these Letters at the begin∣ning of the year, and died a little after, for the tenth of March, in the Martyrology of Beda is marked for the day of his death.

After the death of Innocent, (a) 1.77 St. Augustine and Alypi∣us writ to St. Paulin Bishop of Nola, to exhort him to oppose Pelagianism in Italy, provided he was in a Condition of making any.

An historical Explication of the most weighty Question of the continual Succession and State of the Christian Churches; especially in the West, from the Apostles time until the last Age. By James Usher Archbishop of Armagh, and Primate of all Ireland. Augmented and Revised by the Author. London 1687. in fol. p. 191.

THe principal difficulties, which Roman Catholicks raise against Protestants consists in these two things; that the Pro∣testant Religion is new, and that it was not remitted from the Apostles unto us; where∣as they pretend theirs is that of the Apo∣stles, and hath suffered no Interruption, from their time unto ours. Iohn Iuel Bi∣shop of Salisbury hath undertaken, in his Apology for the Church of England, to shew on the contrary, that the opinions of Prote∣stants are conformable to those of the Fa∣thers of the six first Ages: Vsher was wil∣ling to answer the above cited difficulties, in shewing that from the sixth Age unto the Reformation, to wit, during 900 years, there have always been Churches in the West who have received the same Doctrines with the Protestants. To that end he thought he ought to give the History of the Tenets, and conduct of the Popes with those who have opposed their Usurpations, during these nine Ages; without mixing any thing of his own; being contented to cite only the proper terms of the Authors, who have spoken of those times, for fear he should be accused of turning things after a more favourable manner for the Prote∣stants. This History had once appeared im∣perfect enough, but now very much corre∣cted and enlarg'd in this Edition, and therefore we shall give a compleat Abridge∣ment thereof. We shall not however stay to relate what the Author saith as concer∣ning the thousand years, during which the Devil was to be bound, and the time in which he was to be set free. As there are as many different Sentiments as Interpreters upon this opinion; and that there are but simple conjectures brought, which are like∣wise subject to a thousand difficulties; 1. Those who have a mind to be instructed therein may consult the Commentaries up∣on the Apocalypse. At what year soever men relate the beginning of the thousand years, whether it be from the Birth of our Saviour, or from his Death, and his Ascen∣sion, or finally from the ruine of Ierusalem, our Author equally draws his advantage as will be seen in the sequel. It shall suffice to

say that he divides his work into three parts, whereof the first goeth from the seventh Age to the eleventh, in which Gre∣gory the seventh arrived to the Pontificate: The second should have gone to Mccclxx, but the Author could not continue it but to Mccxl. The third reaches to the past Age. So this work is far from being per∣fect, and we know not what those meant, who had the care of this Edition, in putting in the Latin Title, Opus integrum, unless these words signifie only, that there have been inserted, in divers places, additions which the Author had made.

1. For to conceive well the change; which happened by little and little in the Christian Church, we must begin at the O∣riginal, and consider the State in which it was for the first six Ages. Hegesippus as∣sures us that during the Life of the Apo∣stles, Hereticks scarcely durst appear, but that as soon as these Holy men were dead, a great number of them were seen openly to oppose the truth. In that time divers Philosophers attacked the Christian Religi∣on, with so much the more boldness that the Christians were destitute of Persons who could refute the Pagan Religion, and de∣fend Christianity with sufficient eloquence. This is what Lactantius testifies in these words; Si qui sorte literatorum ad eam contule∣runt, defensioni ejus (veritatis) non suffece∣runt. And a little lower, after having na∣med Minucius Faelix, Tertullian and Cyprian, quia defuerunt apud nostros idonei, peritique Do∣ctores, qui vehementer, qui acriter errores pub∣licos redarguerent, qui causam omnem verita∣tis ornate copioseque desenderent; provocavit quosdam hac ipsa penuria ut auderent scribere contra ignotam sibi veritatem. This scarcity of able men made many Hereticks to slip in amongst the Christians, and easily sedu∣ced the weak and ignorant who were in a very great number. But as soon as there were Christian Emperours, the corruption was much greater; pleasures began to be introduced into the Christian Church, and amongst Ecclesiasticks there appear'd En∣mities and Divisions. And because Bi∣shops were rich and considerable they made use of all manner of means to attain Bi∣shopricks, and when they came to it, they assum••d a Tyrannical Authority. These disorders always encreased, until they came to a great head, as Vsher shews is too evident by many passages of famous Authors, who have left us frightful Characters of the cor∣ruption of their Ages.

It encreased particularly in the time of Boniface III. who came to the Chair in Dcvi. and who obtained of the Emperor Phocas the title of Ecumenick Bishop and Chief of the Church. The Historians of that time describe this Phocas, as the wic∣kedest man in his Age, and Cedrenus saith that a holy Monk having asked of God se∣veral times, why he had made Phocas Em∣perour? a voice from Heaven at last an∣swered him. Because I have found none worse, This History true, or false, marks, the horrour People had for the memory of Phocas. Vsher believes that it was then that Antichrist came into the World, and that he was during some Ages but in his Childhood. Boniface, according to him, contributed not a little to the establishing and extending his Empire. Yet there were Assemblies held, and couragious Persons found, that opposed the progresses of cer∣tain Tenets, who have much contributed to the Grandeur of the Ecclesiasticks in ge∣neral, and Popes in particular, amongst which our Author seeks for Antichrist, as most part of the Protestants do.

A Council composed of cccxxxviii. Bi∣shops condemned in the year Dccliv. at Constantinople, the worship of Images, and gave this reason for their proceeding;

that there is but one Image, instituted by Jesus Christ, to wit, the Bread and Wine of the Eucharist, which represent his Body and Blood.

Although the second Council of Nice opposed it, and re-established the wor∣ship of Images in Dcclxxxvii. These Ca∣nons were rejected in the West by the Churches of great Britain, as our Archbi∣shop shews by divers English Authors. The Churches of Germany and France did the like, in Dccxciv. in the Council of Francfort, the History of which may be seen, as well as that o•• Nice, in a Disser∣tation of Mr. Alix's intituled; Dissertatio de Conciliorum quorumvis definitionibus, expen∣dendis, at Paris 1680 in 8vo.

Charlemagne writ himself against Images, and sent what he writ to Pope Adrian, who had had his Legates at the Council of Nice, and who had approved thereof. But it is not the custom of Popes to learn Religion from any one. Adrian had no respect to the remonstrances of Charlemagne whom he endeavoured even to refute; the Images were adored at Rome as much then as be∣fore, and his Successors did as much as he. 'Twas this that obliged Lewis the meek to convocate in DCCCXXV. an Assembly of learned men at Paris, who examined the question of Images, and condemned their worship. They even collected a great ma∣ny passages out of the Ancients, who disap∣proved them, and sent them to Pope Euge∣nius II. by Ieremy Bishop o•• Sens and Ionas Bishop of Orleance, with order to treat mild∣ly of this Affair, fearing that in resisting too much, they should engage him to an obsti∣nacy, whence he would not recede.

In DCCCXXXIII. The Sons of Lewis the meek having conspired against him, the rumour run in France that Gregory the fourth was onward in his way to come thither, to excommunicate Lewis, and those of his par∣ty, but the Bishops who were engaged in the Interests of this Prince, declared,

that they would submit in no wise to his will; and that if he came to excommunicate them he would return himself excommu∣nicated.

Vsher besides relates divers other examples, by which it appears that the Li∣berty of the Churches of France and Ger∣many was not yet quite extinguished, even

at the end of the tenth Age, seeing it was thought strange that a Cardinal, sent from Rome, blessed a Chappel in the Diocess of Tours, without the permission of the Bishop of that City. There are also remarkable words of Arnulph Bishop of Orleance, in a Council of Rheims, held in DCCCCXCII. where he saith, speaking of the Pope: If he is destitute of Charity, and pufft up only with his Knowledge, he is the Antichrist, who is seated in the Temple of God, and who shews himself as if he was a God. But if he has neither Charity, nor Wisdom, he is in the Temple of God as a Statue, or as an Idol, from whom an answer can be no more expected, than from a Marble. Si caritate destituitur, solaque scientiâ inslatur & extollitur. Anti∣christus est in Templo Dei sedens, & se o∣stendens tanquam sit Deus. Si autem cari∣tate fundatur, nec scientia erigitur, in Templo Dei tanquam Statua, tanquam Idolum est, à quo responsa petere, marmora consulere est. If this principle of Arnulph is true, it's re∣quisite the Defendors of Popes discover by what wonder they are all full of Chari∣ty and Learning, altho' they appear in our eyes either Ignorant, or Proud, and often∣times both together.

Vsher then sheweth, how that the Te∣net of Transubstantiation was much resisted, which began to be introduced in the ninth Age. He rangeth among the Defenders of the spiritual presence, Rabanus Maurus, Ber∣tram, Iohn Scot Erigene, and several others, up∣on which we may consult Mr. Arnauld and Claude in their dispute upon the perpetuity of the Faith of the Church concerning the Eucharist, and concerning Bertram, in par∣ticular his Work intituled: Ratramne, o∣therwise, Bertram the Priest, of the Body and Blood of the Lord, printed in Latin and French, with an Advertisement wherein in shewn that this Author is a witness not suspicious of the Faith of the Church in the ninth Age, at Roan in 12. But the efforts that a great number of Learned men made against the new Te∣nets, which were introducing in that time, were unprofitable. Whereas those Tenets were too advantageous to the Court of Rome, not to maintain them with all their might. It lacked but one thing only, which was to diminish the power of Empe∣rors, to whom they were submitted until then. It worked powerfully therein, and begun by publishing Suppositious pieces, in vertue of which the Popes pretended that the Soveraignty of Rome and Italy belonged to them, and that they had an universal Ju∣risdiction over all the Bishops of the World; to that purpose tended the false Donation of Constantine to Pope Sylvester, and the Epi∣stles attributed to the first Bishops of Rome, of which Blondel and several other learned men have shewn the falshood.

Notwithstanding the manners of the Peo∣ple, Monks, and Clergy were in the utmost corruption, and a horrible account is given us of the depravation of the tenth Age, drawn as well from the writings of modern Catholicks, as from the Authors of that time. The conduct of the whole Clergy, from the Bishops of Rome with the least de∣gree of Priests and Monks, was so far from the duties which the Gospel prescribes us, that there have been few Ages, whilst Eu∣rope continued in Paganism more corrupt, than that was. This is so known, that it's needless to make a further stop thereat, and those who would be instructed throughly in it may only consult Vsher and the Au∣thors whom he cites.

The eleventh Age is in like manner de∣scribed, and they assure us that the year M. after the Birth of our Lord, was afflicted with divers▪ Prodigies, besides War, the Plague and Famine which ravaged Europe a long-time, as it appears by the testi∣mony of divers Authors, which may be read in Vsher. In that time they reckoned amongst Prodigies, the Comets and Eclip∣ses, and the Historians, a little while after, describe them to us in such frightful terms, as, if we never had seen any, we should trem∣ble for fear, in reading what they say thereof. But when once one hath a woun∣ded imagination, nothing ordinary and com∣mon is seen, all is great and wonderful; and we see even that which never was, such as was perhaps the Dragon whereof Glaber Rodolphus speaks in his 11. book c. 8. The Saturday night before Christmasday, was seen in the Air, saith he, a surprizing Prodi∣gy, a frightful Dragon, which was all Shining with Light, and which went from the North to the South. The evils of that time and the reports of these prodigies, true or false, made it to be believed that the time was come in which Antichrist was to appear, after that the Dragon should be untied. This was probably enough grounded upon what is said in the Apocalypse, that the Dragon was to be chained during a thousand years, and then let loose. These thousand years were reckoned, from the Birth of our Lord, by which the Devil had begun to lose his Power, until that time. This cal∣culation was not new, seeing it is found conformable to that of St. Hippolita's Mar∣tyr, of St. Cyril and Chrisostome. It appear∣ed without doubt more just and better grounded, so that they expected from day to day the coming of Antichrist and end of the World. Many People made a difficul∣ty to undertake any considerable business, and even of re-establishing the Churches which were destroyed, fearing they should work for Antichrist. Lastly when they saw it did not come, they were perswaded that they did not well understand the Prophe••y, and went about rebuilding the Churches, and to live as before. Richard Victorinus of Scotland, who upon the relation of Iohn Major his Compatriot is the first who main∣tain'd that the Holy Virgin was exempted from Original Sin, saith in his Commenta∣ry upon the xx. Chap. of the Apocalypse, that as to the Letter the thousand years were al∣ready accomplished a long time since, but that it could not be known when Antichrist would come, nor when the Serpent would be unloos'd. Thus

it is that the Interpreters of Prophecies which they understand not, never miss of a back door to escape at, when the event sheweth that they are mistaken. There is a great likelihood that our age will furnish us with some examples of this truth. As it's desired, in great evils, to know if they shall last long, those who of late have ar∣rived to a great many Protestant Churches, have made a great many to covet a know∣ledge of the time to come, some thought they foresaw it in the obscurity of the Prae∣dictions of the Apocalypse, and have fore∣told it with sufficient boldness, tho' they agree not amongst themselves, no more than those who undertook to do the same thing the eleventh and twelfth age.

Glaber Rodolph saith, that in effect the Devil was let loose in 1000, because one Vil∣gard who taught Grammar at Ravenna, and some others had essayed in that time to re∣establish Paganism, But this event appears too inconsiderable, to apply unto him what is said in the Apocalypse of the Dragon, who was to be loos'd. Also our Archbi∣shop believes that Antichrist was not to be be looked for out of Rome, and that the De∣vil was enough at liberty, whilst in the Pontifical Chair sate a Magician, such as was Sylvester II. if the Authors of that time may be believed, and whilst great errours were brought into the Church; as the infi∣nite Power of Popes, Transubstantiation, and Prayers for the Dead. And it is ob∣serv'd that Berengarius, Wickliff and his Disci∣ples, have maintained that from that time this Prophecy of the Apocalypse begun to be accomplished. There have been not∣withstanding some who have believed, that the thousand years were to begin at the As∣cension of our Lord, as Iohn Purvey saith, and Wickliff seems not far from this thought in a place of his Trialogue, which Vsher cites. Some persons had already been of this opi∣nion in the time of St. Augustin, as he testi∣fies in his City of God, l. XVIII. c. 53. But these people speak with more precaution than the others, for they did not positively say that the World would end 1000 years after the Ascension of Jesus Christ, but on∣ly that it might be, that there were but a thousand years from this term, unto his last coming, annos mille ab Ascensione Domini us∣que ad ultimum ejus adventum compleri posse. One of the new Interpreters of the Apoca∣lypse hath said the same, with much pru∣dence, that the present Persecution may end in three years and a half. God, if he will, saith he elsewhere, can reckon the three years and half of the death of the Witnesses, from the Revocation of the Edict of Nants.

To return to our Author, he remarks that the same prodigies have been related of the year MXXXIII. and the same evils, as of the year M. There was also towards that time a Mortality and Famine, and Signs from Heaven appeared, to wit, Eclipses and Comets, besides, Earthquakes that were in divers places. And that there should nothing be wanting of what had ap∣peared at the beginning of this Age, one Ar∣nulph a Monk of Ratisbone, testified he had seen in Hungary a Dragon suspended in the air, and altogether like the Leviathan, where∣of mention is made in Iob. It came also out of the North, and after having appeared sometime as unmoveable, he began to fly with an extraordinary swiftness, and went amongst the Clouds whisling horribly, where he raised Lightnings and Thunders, for more than 24 hours. Notwithstanding ignorance and superstition encreased from day to day. A Bishop of France, at the relation of Sigebert, would fain make people believe that he had received Letters from the third Heaven, wherein all men were ordered on Friday to live upon Bread and Water, to bear no Arms, to recall nothing, by way of Justice, what had been taken away by violence, and not to pursue the Murderers. Heaven pro∣mised Salvation to those who should live thus, not having need of any other peni∣tence but to abstain from flesh on Fridays. There were Bishops so simple or superstiti∣ous as to believe, and impose those new Laws upon many under pain of Excommu∣nication, and of being deprived of Burial, if they died in the refusal thereof. In this time likewise were discovered many Relicks of Martyrs, which had been unknown in former Ages. Glaber relates that an Im∣postor sold in divers places of France Bones of dead Folks, which he had gathered in some Church yards, for Relicks of Saints, that afterwards did an infinite number of Miracles, and which much benefited the Churches in which they were placed. Fear∣ing he should be suspected, and that men would desire to know whence this inex∣haustible fund of Relicks came, he stay'd not in one place, and changed his name when he changed his Habitation. He gave amongst others to the Inhabitants of the Alps and Tarantoise a Martyr, to whom he gave the name of Iust, and who did, as 'tis said, so great a number of Miracles, that the sick were carried from all parts to be cured, and that the Saints were sorry if they had not some disease whereby they might have an opportunity to be cured by him: Poenitet insuper si non est sibi morbus quo curari se poscat. Glaber attributes these Miracles to the Devil, and mightily censures the Bi∣shops of that Country, for not having put a stop to such extravagances of the Peo∣ple.

The Pope who ascended the Apostolick See in the year MXXXIII. was Bennet IX. whom Glaber accuseth of all manner of im∣purities, and Cardinal Baino of Idolatry and Magick. This Pope coming to the Chair at the age of XII years, lived eleven years only, but he committed so many crimes that he was driven from Rome, and was forced to sell his dignity, whereof not∣withstanding he would not be deprived af∣terwards, so that there were at Rome three Popes at once, Bennet, Sylvester and Gregory. The disorders of that time are too known to make any stop at them, it will suffice to

say that the memory of this Benet, was in so great a detestation, that there ran a re∣port that his Soul had been sent after his death into the body of a Monster, which was shap'd like a Bear, and which had the Ears and Tail of an Ass, where he was to stay till the day of Judgment, that he would be sent without remission into Hell.

It was at the beginning of this Age, as our Author sheweth, that the dignity of Car∣dinals begun to be considerable, but it came not to the height till they only had the pri∣viledge of choosing Popes; since they have been equalled to Kings, and have carried their Pride so far, that Nicholas de Cleman∣gis Arch-Deacon of Bajeux, who lived in the year MCCCCXVI. describes them in these terms.

The Pride of Cardinals, who sit at the side of the Pope, is so ex∣cessive, their words are so fierce, and their ways so insolent, that if a Painter would make a Picture of Pride, he could not better do it than in Painting a Cardi∣nal: Cardinalium qui Papae assident spiri∣tus, verba tumulentia, gestus taminsolentes, ut si artifex quisque vellet superbiae simula••hrum effingere, nullâ congruentius ratione id facere posset, quaàm Cardinalis effigiem oculis intuen∣tium objectando, &c.

It hath been seen that according to our Author, the term at which the Devil was let loose, expired a thousand years after the Birth, or after the passion of our Lord. He afterwards says that if men will take the be∣ginning of these thousand years, from the destruction of Ierusalem, it may be said with as much likelihood, that they are in effect expired in MLXXIII. that the Monk Hil∣debrand ascended the Apostolical See, and Governed the Church with the utmost Ty∣ranny, under the name of Gregory VII. The unheard excesses which this Pope com∣mitted, made the honest men of that time to say, according to the relation of Sige∣bert, in his Chronicle, upon the year MLXXXVIII. that the Reign of Anti∣christ then begun, according to the Pro∣phecies of the Apostles. Waltram Bishop of Naumbourg, or the Author of the Apolo∣gy for the Vnity of the Church, saith in these terms.

That is seemed then that the Devil was come out of Prison; whereas it is written in the Apocalypse, he went forth to seduce the Nations, and to engage 'em to War, &c.

The Church of Liege, in its answer to Paschal II. saith as much, as well as divers other Authors cited by Vsher, who describe Hildebrand as the most wicked of all men. He was accused of Witchcraft in a Synod held in MLXXX. and several Catholick Writers have suffi∣ciently declared the same thing, which gives occasion to our Archbishop of apply∣ing unto him what St. Paul saith of the man of sin, that he was to come accompanied with the work of Satan, and with deceiving Miracles. And also what St. Paul saith else∣where of some Impostors, who were to come in the latter times, and which he de∣scribes by two remarkable characters, which is, that they would interdict Marriage, and order the abstaining from Meats, which God hath created to be eaten with thanksgiving. In effect Gregory VII. did 'em both in two Synods assembled the sixth year of his Pope∣dom, wherein he prohibited the Marriage of Priests, and the use of Flesh on Satur∣days. Sigebert de Gemblou and Lambert de Schafnabourg, have written at large the murmurs and disorders which these prohibi∣tions caused.

Priests said particularly, that it was unjust to constrain men to live like Angels, and that in stopping the or∣dinary course of Nature, the bridle was let loose to Fornication and Impurity. They added that if the Pope grew obsti∣nate in his Sentiment, they would rather quit the Priesthood than Marriage, and that Gregory who despised men, should take the care of providing himself with Angels to govern the Church.

These good men without doubt spake with much sincerity, and it may be if those, who have endeavoured to blacken the conduct of the Reformers, in that they have introduced a∣new the Marriage of Priests, would let nature speak, they would not say less. But it is a great unhappiness, and a great prejudice at the same time against the deluders of Virginity, to live in a Church, whereof they are constrained to defend all the Sentiments, unless they would dishonour and destroy themselves.

In fine, the Authors of the time of Hilde∣brand, and those who have written since, give him several times the name of Anti∣christ, and it cannot be denied, at least, but that it is he who hath established the excessive authority of Popes, and who the first durst to maintain that they have the power of deposing Kings, and to change what they please in the Canons. It is no more than may be seen in the Decretals of the Edition of Rome, whereof Vsher cites divers scandalous articles. He also gives the History of the quarrels which this Pope had with the Emperor Henry IV. and re∣lates all the evil that hath been said of the first. And with this he ends the first part of his work, which was to have extended to the time in which the Devil hath been let loose.

II. As it is in the Apocalypse, that a thou∣sand years being past, the Dragon was to be unloos'd for a little time, Vsher begins his second part by the explication of this place, and remarks that according to the maxim of Aristotle, nothing being called great or little, but by relation to another thing, the time in which the Dragon was to be un∣chain'd should be short, in comparison of the time during which he had ravaged the World, before he had been put in Chains.

Roman Catholicks demand of Protestants, where the Church was then, if the Pope was Antichrist? Vsher answers that the Church was then in the state, in which some Antients, and divers Catholick Au∣thors have said that it would be under the Reign of Antichrist. St. Augustin in his XX Letter, which is directed to Hesychius,

saith that the Church appear'd not, because of the excessive cruelty of the Persecutors. Eccle∣siam non apparituram, impiis tunc Persecutori∣bus ultra modum saevientibus. Several anci∣ent and modern Authors, have spoken to the same effect: Vsher takes occasion from hence to make a parallel of the State of the Churches, which followed the Council of Nice, in the times that the Arians were the strongest, with that wherein the West was found in these corrupt Ages. The A∣rians reproached others with their small Number, and their Poverty, as it appears by these words of Gregory of Nazianza: Where are those who upbraid us with our Poverty, who say that the greatest Number forms the Church, and who jeer the smalness of our Flock? But as there lived in the Roman Empire several People who were not Arians, Vsher con∣ceives that under the Government of the Pope there was a pretty great number of Per∣sons, who were not of these opinions.

To shew that he doth not advance a sim∣ple conjecture, he gives the History of the Original Opinions of the Vaudois, who have rejected several of the Sentiments of the Church of Rome. But he speaks more of them in the sequel, as being a place where∣in he should properly speak of them, which obligeth us to pass to the vii. Chapter, and afterwards we will return to the Vaudois.

Vsher divides the time, during which the Dragon hath been delivered from his Pri∣son, into three Periods; the first reacheth to the time of Innocent III. The second un∣to Gregory XI. And the third unto Leo X. The first comprehends two Ages, taking it's beginning from the year 1000. The State the Western Church hath been in during the first of these two Ages, and the com∣plaints that the Authors of that time made against Corruptions, which were equally seen in the Ecclesiasticks and People. There have been no less complaints made of the Disorders of the twelfth Age, as is plain in our Author, who relates a great number thereof, amongst which is this famous di∣stich of Hildebert Bishop of Mans, who saith in speaking of Rome,

Vrbs foelix, si vel Dominis Vrbs illa careret! Vel Dominis esset turpe carere fide!

Happy City, if it had no Masters! or if those who possess it believed it a shame∣ful thing to want Faith.

The Popes took great care in that Age to have paid to them from England a kind of Tribute, that they called St. Peters pence, which Alexander II. in a Letter written to William the Norman saith, had been paid by the English, ever since they had embra∣ced Christianity. It appears by this Letter, that the English sent this Money at first to Rome, only thro' Liberality; but this Li∣berality becoming a Necessity, because the Kings commanded absolutely to do it, the Authors of those times looked upon it as a Tribute. Therefore Bertold of Con∣stance, who lived towards the latter end of the eleventh Age, saith that it was then that the Prophecy of the Apocalypse was accomplished; which saith, That no Person could sell, or buy, without having the Mark or Name of the Beast, or the Number of its Name. The Reason of this is, that accor∣ding to the Relation of this Author, in his Appendix of Hermannus Contractus towards the year Mlxxxiv. William the first King of England rendred his whole Kingdom Tributary to the Pope, and suffered none to sell or buy, but such as submitted him∣self to the Apostolick See, that is to say, be∣fore he paid the Rome-scot or penny of St. Peter. Notwithstanding this same William refused to swear an Oath of Fealty to Hilde∣brand, and punished Bishops and other Ec∣clesiasticks, who had offended him, as he thought fit, without having any regard to the Prayers and Exhortations of this Pope. Some other Kings of England resisted the Popes likewise with the same vigour, and we have proofs that the opinions of Rome were not yet spread every where. Here is one that is pretty remarkable, which is that Frederick Barbarousse being gone in∣to the Holy Land to fight the Infidels in Mclxxxix. Niaetas Choniates observes, that the Germans were welcomed by the Arme∣nians, because the adoration of the Images of Saints was equally prohibited with the Armeni∣ans and Germans. Hereby it appears that they had not as yet forgotten in Germany the Council of Francfort. It is also remar∣ked that several English Authors, who have written after the arrival of the Nor∣mans, said that the Church had in abhorrence the worship of Images. The Doctrine even of Lanfranc concerning the Eucharist, which the Normans brought into this I∣sland, was contrary to divers ancient Forms and Writings of the English. And this is the cause that a long time after the Con∣demnation of Berengarius, there were in this Country several People of his Opinions, a∣gainst whom Matthew of Westminster, pub∣lished a Book in the year Mclxxx. Our Author gives the History of Berengarius in this Chapter, but this matter having been treated at large in French Books, by Ar∣nauld and Claude, the Reader will be there better satisfied. We shall only take notice here, that towards the middle of the twelfth Age, they had an Idea of the Sacrifice of the Eucharist far different from that which the Roman Church hath at this day, seeing Peter Lombard Bishop of Paris, who is called Master of the Sentences, speaks thereof thus, l. iv. dist. 12.

What is offered and con∣secrated by the Priest, is called a Sacri∣fice and Oblation, because it includes the Memory and Representation of the true Sacrifice and Immolation made upon the Altar of the Cross; Jesus Christ, adds he, once died, and hath been immolated upon the Cross in himself: But he is im∣molated every day in the Sacrament; be∣cause the Sacrament includes a Comme∣moration of what was once made.

Se∣mel Christus mort••us est in Cruce, ibique immo∣latus

est in semetipso, quot idie autem immola∣tur in Sacramento, quia in Sacramento recor∣datio fit illius, quod factum est semel.

The Beringarians have given exercise e∣nough to some Popes successively one after another. But the Vaudois, who begun to be known in Mclx. gave them much more. Reinier a Dominican, and an Inquisitor, who lived in the year Mccl. less than 100. years after the Vaudois, speaks thereof in these terms:

Amongst all the Sects which are, or have been, there hath been none so pernicious to the Church, as that of the Leonists; and this for three Reasons. The first is, that it hath lasted longer, for some say, that it hath been from the time of Sylvester, others from the time of the A∣postles. The second, because it is more general, for there is scarcely any Coun∣try, where some of this Sect, are not found. The third is, that whereas all other Sects gave a horrour to those who so much as heard of them, by the excess of blasphemies which they vomited a∣gainst God, the Sect of the Leonists hath a great shew of Piety, because they live well in the eyes of Men, and that there belief towards God is good, seeing they embrace all the Articles of the Creed. They blaspheme only the Roman Church and Clergy, against whom the multitude of Laicks suffer themselves easily to be overcome.

Hereby we may see, that the Vaudois boasted then, that there had been People since the Apostles time, who had been of the same opinions with them, so that they pretended not that theirs begun only in the twelfth Age. As to what con∣cerns the purity of their manners, several of those who have written against them, give them a good Name, as appears by the passages — which Vsher cites thereof. An Inquititor saith, with Ingenuity enough speak∣ing of them, Cognoscuntur Haeretici per mo∣res & verba, sunt enim in moribus compositi & modesti, superbiam in vestibus non habent, &c.

Hereticks are known by their manners and Discourse, their Manners are well-ordered and modest, and there appeareth no Vanity in their Cloaths.

It is not easie to know their belief; be∣cause those who have spoken thereof do contradict each other almost of them, and that most have endeavoured to blacken them the most they could. Monks are such Lyars, and so well known for so long a time, that one scarcely dares trust them, how lit∣tle soever their Interest is of telling a lye, and such are the principal witnesses which may be produced upon this matter.

Wick∣liff said facetiously enough in his Trialogue, that as it is a Topick Argument to say, that a man is luxurious, because he is too well dressed; it's also a Topick Argument to reason thus; this opinion comes from a Monk, therefore it is false: for the lyes of Monks, render this Topick Argument evident.

Sicut est Argumentum Topicum, quod homo comptus exhinc est luxuriosus: Sic est Argumentum Topicum; ista opinio origina∣tur à fratre, ergo est falsa. Nam eorum men∣dacia faciunt evidentiam ad hoc Argumentum Topicum. If any would have a more ex∣press Testimony of a Monk, let him read these Words of Thomas Walsingham a Bene∣dictine. This is a Monk, therefore he is a Ly∣er, is as good an Argument in form, and matter, as this Argument; That is white, therefore it is coloured. In ore cujuslibet, bo∣num fuerit Argumentum, tenens tam de forma, quàm de materia; hic est frater, ergo mendax: Sicut & illud, hoc est album, ergo coloratum.

Vsher sheweth that the contrary Testimo∣nies of divers Authors, that opinions have been attributed to them which they never had. Their principal Heresie is, that they rejected the excessive Authority of Popes, and that they condemned the Tyranny, Dis∣orders and violent Superstitions of Monks. They were called Vaudois not only by one Peter Waldo, who according to some lived in MCLX, and according to others much sooner, but also the Poor of Lyons, or Leo∣nists, Insabbathavies, Cathares, or Gazares, Paterines, Publicanes, Agennese, Petrobrusi∣ans, Henericians, Passagines, Iosephines, Ar∣naldists, Humilists, Albigese, Goodmen, &c. These Names are drawn either from the opinions which were attributed to them, or of some famous Doctors amongst them, or of places where they lived, as our Au∣thor hath at large shewn in Ch. viii. It's much to be desired, that there was as much method as reading, and that the additions which he made in the first Edition, were either better ranged, or better distinguish∣ed from the Rest: For it must be granted that in this great confusion are many repe∣titions, which all sorts of Readers are not equally fit to digest.

Peter Waldo, according to some Histori∣ans, was of Lyons and engaged himself after this manner to form a new Sect. One of his acquaintance dying suddenly, he was so frightened thereat that he gave all his Goods to the Poor, and so drew many of the People, which he went about to in∣struct in expounding unto them the New Testament. He was reprehended therein by the Ecclesiasticks of Lyons; which made him withdraw into Gasconny, and into the neighbouring Provinces, where he always taught the People, and censured the man∣ners of the Ecclesiasticks, praising volunta∣ry Poverty, and blaming the covetousness of Priests. A great number of Laicks join∣ed themselves to him, in spight of the Ex∣communication, which the Council of Tours held by Alexander the III. in Mclxiii, and the Bishops of each place darted against them. They assure us that in the beginning there were no learned men amongst them, but that afterwards there were. So that we cannot be certain that they at first had all the opinions which since appear amongst 'em; because nothing hinders, but that there might be some introduced by learned men, who entred into this party. If what Gaultier Mapes an Author of that time, saith of the Vaudois be true, they were also ex∣treamly

ignorant in the time of the III. Coun∣cil of Lateran held under Alexander III. in MCLXXIX. This Author saith, that some of them presented to the Pope, divers books of Scripture translated into French, with Comments, and demanded instantly of him the Power to preach. Two amongst them, who passed for the most able, were intro∣duced in an Assembly, where Mapes was Commissioned, as he saith, to Question them. He asked of them, if they believed in God the Father, the Son and Holy Ghost. They answered Yes. Do ye also believe, added he, in the Mother of Iesus Christ? The Vaudois replied they did, and made them∣selves thus, saith the Author, to be laugh∣ed at by all Men. Notwithstanding as it ap∣peared not, that they were willing to desist from their design, they were excommuni∣cated in the Council, yet they continued their Assemblies in Gasconny, and in the Neighbouring places, where they begun from that time to exclaim against the abuses they had observed at Rome.

History tells us, that Manicheans were mixed among them, tho' they were very different in opinions, and some were burn∣ed who were discovered in divers places of France and Germany. St. Bernard hath writ∣ten in the following Age against I know not what Hereticks, whereof he speaks ve∣ry contemptibly, and to whom he also at∣tributes, some of the Sentiments of the Manicheans. He assures us, that they chose rather to die than to be converted, and that they not only shewed Constancy, but even rejoyced when they were led to the place where they were to be put to Death. Mo∣ri magis eligebant, quàm converti; nec modo patienter, sed laeti, ut videbatur, ducebantur ad mortem. We may see hereby that seduced Persons as sincerely believe a false Doctrine, as the Orthodox do theirs, who defend the Truth, for infine, one would not be burned for what one look'd upon as a lye.

An Author of that time named William de ••uylaurens, in the Prologue of his Chro∣nicle, besides adds Arianism to them, and saith, that they as well as the Vaudois, tho' in different opinions (licet inter se dissides) agreed equally against the Catholick Faith. They made the greater progress by reason that Priests were fallen into the utmost con∣tempt, whereof here is a proof drawn from a vulgar way of speaking which this Author relates. To shew that they were far from doing a thing, they were accustomed to say, I would rather be a Iew; But the Pro∣verb changed, and it is said in Gasconny, I would rather be a Priest, than to do that: Mal∣lem esse Capellanus, quàm hoc vel illud facere. Men were every where so wearied with the Ecclesiastical Tyranny, and so scandalized at their lewd course of Life, that those who spake against them, were hearkened to with Delight and Pleasure, as they did to one Arnand of Bresse a Disciple of Peter A∣bailards, who went to censure them at Rome. The Poet Gunther speaks thereof more at large, in the third book of his Li∣gurin, and concludes thus what he says of 'em.

Veraque multa quidem, nisi tempora nostra fideles Respuerent monitus, falsis admixta monebat.

Our Author relates divers of the violent proceedings against them, and amongst o∣thers a Declaration of Alphonsus King of Arragon, published in MCXCIV, wherein he drives the Vaudois out of his Estates, prohibites his Subjects to give them any succours, upon pain of Confiscation of all their Goods, and orders them to add all manner of grievances and affronts, to beat and abuse them, yet upon Condition they will neither kill nor cripple them, praeter so∣lummodo laesionem mortis, aut membrorum de∣truncationem. This is a cruel mildness, which sometime Persecutors have practis'd, and whereof it would not be hard to find fresh Examples.

The second period of time, during which Usher believes the Dragon was let loose, ex∣tends from the beginning of the Pontificate of Innocent III. unto the beginning of that of Gregory XI. to wit, from the year 1194. unto 1370. Innocent endeavour'd not a lit∣tle to establish the indirect Authority of Popes, over Kings, and that which they pretend to have over all the Bishops of the World. He named himself, in a discourse which he made upon the Consecration of Popes, the Spouse of the Church. He main∣tain'd that all Bishops were but his Vicars, and that it was he alone, who retain'd an ab∣solute Episcopal Authority. So that other Bi∣shops might say of him as of God, we have re∣ceived of his fulness. He caused a Synod to be held at Rome in MCCXV, which is cal∣led the fourth of Lateran, where he confir∣med a Canon of the III. Council held in the same place, by which Alexander III. had absolved from the Oath of Fidelity the Subjects of a Prince, who had favoured He∣reticks, against the Remonstrances of the Court of Rome. Here are the terms of the second decree.

If a Temporal Lord re∣quired and advertised by the Church, neglect to purge his Lands from the pol∣lution of Heresie, let the Metropolitan and the other Bishops of the Province ex∣communicate him. If he makes not sa∣tisfaction in a year, let the Soveraign Pon∣tif be advertised, that he may declare his Subjects absolved from the Fidelity which they owe him, and give his Countrey to be possessed by Catholicks, who, having rooted out the Hereticks, may possess it, without any contradiction.

As this De∣cree is quite contrary to the Authority of Princes, some Catholick Authors, who have lived in places, where this indirect Authority of Popes is refused to be ac∣knowledged over the Temporalities of Kings, they say that the Canons attributed to this Council were suppositious, or at least that things did not pass therein after a canonical manner, so that these Decrees obliged no Body. But a famous English

Protestant hath shewn that these Decrees are not suppositious; that they are obliga∣tory, according to the Principles of the Roman Church; that they have been recei∣ved in England; that the distinction of those who say that the Decrees of Councils ob∣lige in matters of Faith, and not in matters of practice are unreasonable and contrary to the Principles of the same Church; and that tho' this distinction was true, it could not exempt them from submitting them∣selves to the Decrees of the IV. Council of Lateran. It was in this same Council that Transubstantiation was established, and that a Croisade was published against the Vau∣dois, as it was usually done against the Infi∣dels. Antoninus in his Chronicle affirms that the County of Thoulouse, and Lombardy being full of Hereticks, who amongst other errours endeavoured to take from the Church all it's Temporalities (omnem Tem∣poralitatem.) St. Dominick set himself to preach against them, and converted a hun∣dred thousand of 'em. He took, adds he, to his help some devout and zealous Per∣sons for the Faith, who conquered these He∣reticks corporally with the material Sword, when they could not convince them with the Sword of the Spirit. Quae corporaliter illos Hereticos gladio materiali expugnarent, quos ipse gladio verbi Dei amputare non posset. They were called the Brothers of the War of St. Dominick.

At that time Innocent established an In∣quisition at Thoulouse and in other suspicious places; because the Bishops being employ∣ed about their temporal Affairs took no•• care enough to extirpate Heresie. St. Do∣minick was Commissary over Gasconny, and established his Order there that they might assist him in the Work; there never was before regular and perpetual Inquisitions. Another Order of begging Monks was esta∣blished, besides that of the Dominicans, to wit, the Minor Brothers founded by St. Francis, and that of the Augustines, as an assistance to the Bishops and Pastors. But it soon appeared that instead of helping them they pretended to take the care upon them∣selves alone, which the Pastors were inve∣sted with; this necessarily caused a great many complaints, as our Author sufficiently shews. There was particularly a great quarrel in MCCLIII, betwixt the University of Paris and the Preaching Brothers; which was hard to be appeased, because the King fa∣voured the University, and the Pope upheld the Monks▪ who pretended to a Right of Teaching Divinity without having any regard to the Laws of the University. During this quarrel Iohn of Parma an Itali∣an Monk, and General of the Minors, pub∣lished a Book intituled the Eternal Gospel. This Book was full of Impieties, and of as strange absurdities as those of the Alcoran. The Author amongst other things maintain∣ed, that the Gospel should be abrogated, as not being capable of conducting to perfecti∣on, and that this was reserved to the Order of the begging Monks, who in the latter end of the World should teach a Doctrine much more perfect than that of Jesus Christ. This Book was condemned at Rome, and the Author was obliged voluntarily to quit his Charge, with the least noise that could be, not to irritate an Order then powerful enough, and which was of great use to the Court of Rome. A Book was also condemn∣ed, which four Doctors of the University of Paris had read against the former, intitu∣led, De periculis novissimorum temporum. It was burned at Anagnia, where the Court of Rome then was, and at Paris likewise, not for any Heresie which it contained, saith William de Nangis▪ a Monk of St. Denis, who lived in MCCC, but because it might give scandal and cause a Sedition among the Monks.

Since the time of Peter Abailard, to wit, from the year MCXL. the Philos••phy of the Age, as Trithemus says, begun by its vain cu∣riosity to corrupt Divinity. The new Order of the begging Monks furnished Doctors, which accomplisht its Destruction by the Philosophy of Aristotle, and a thousand ri∣diculous subtilties. There was amongst the Franciscans in MCCXL. Alexander de Hales, who was call••d the Doctor of Doctors, the source of Life, and the irrefragable Doctor. He commented on the first four Books of the Sentences of Peter Lombard, and summed up all the heads of Divinity, by order of Innocent IV. About the same time Gaultier Bishop of Poitiers made the first work de Quodlibetariis, which gave birth to the cu∣stom of disputing for and against all sorts of Propositions. Bonaventure, Sirnamed the Seraphick Doctor, was their Contemporary, and so much esteemed by Alexander de Hales, that he was accustomed to say, it seemed to him that Adam had not sinned in Bonaventure. Iohn Duns a Scotchman, who flourished at the beginning of the IV. Age, and who was a Disciple of the same Alexander, acquired to himself the glorious Sirname of Subtil Doctor. Thomas Bradwardin, had towards the middle of the same Age, that of Pro∣found Doctor. The Dominicans also have not fail'd of having Divines also in their party, whereof these are the two chief: Albert Bishop of Ratisbone, who died in MCCLXXX, Sirnamed The Great, even during his Life, and Thomas Aquinas, the Angelical Doctor, who was his Disciple. There hath besides been in this Order the famous Durand de S. Porcien, Sirnamed, the most Resolute Doctor, resolutissimus. There was at the same time a Carmelite named Gilles Romanus, who was called the most Pro∣found Doctor, Doctorem fundatissimum; and a little time after, in the Order of Cisteaux, Alain des Iles, who was named the Vniver∣sal Doctor.

Vsher hath also collected without much Order, divers things concerning the Origi∣nal and Sentiments of the Vaudois and Albi∣gese, and there begins to make the History how they were persecuted, from the begin∣ning of the third Age, until the year MCCXL. (As these events are found in

divers French and Latin Histories) we shall not relate them.

Here is only an Example of the barbari∣ty of that Age. William le Brebon contem∣porary Poet, saith in his Philippide LXVIII, with an Ingenuity particular to himself, speaking of the taking and sacking of Bezi∣ers:

60000 Souls had their throats cut, which the inordinate fury of the Vulgar, and the indiscretion of the Ribaldorum kill'd, without the consent of the Gover∣nours, making the faithful die with the incredulous, and not much mattering which deserved Death, or ought to have his Life saved.

Yet what he saith of the Consent of the Heads of the party is not altogether True. Arnold Abbot of Cisteaux, since Archbishop of Narbone, and Legate of the Pope in this occasion, was so much afraid that some He∣retick should escape, that he ordered the Sol∣diers to cut off indifferently all those they met. He is a witness not to be suspected who tells us it, to wit, Cesaire de Heister∣bach Monk of the same Order, in the Dio∣cess of Cologne, and who lived in the time this Massacre was.

Knowing, saith he, by their Confessions, that there were Catho∣licks amongst the Hereticks, they said to the Abbot, what shall we do, Sir? we cannot distinguish the good from the bad. But the Abbot and the rest fearing that the Hereticks would counterfeit them∣selves to be Catholicks, only for fear of Death, and should return to their old He∣resie, when the Army withdrew, the Abbot, I say, answered, as they tell us; kill them, for God knoweth those who are his: Caedite eos, novit enim Dominus qui sunt ejus.

If Vsher could have continued, he might perhaps have recovered Authentick pieces, to end his History. There was one seen, a little while since, which could have served his purpose, and would be of great use to those who would be willing to prose∣cute his design. It is an Original Register of the Inquisition of Thoulouse, written and collated by two Notaries of the same In∣quisition, which contains what it hath done against the Albigeses for sixteen years, from the year Mcccvii, to the year, Mcccxxiii. The forms of the Oath are therein which Civil Judges tendred to the Inquisition, to defend it, and not to protect Heresie direct∣ly or indirectly; and the Excommunicati∣on which was design'd against those who favoured it; amongst whom were reckon∣ed even those who accused those Hereticks which were of their acquaintance. There is the process of a great number of Persons condemned for Heresie, to divers punish∣ments according to the exigency of the case. Some of those were condemned who repen∣ted, after having kept them some time in Prison to put upon their cloaths violet cou∣lor'd Crosses; which they thus wore all their Life, not being suffered to appear with o∣ther cloaths, and with this clause that the Inquisition reserved a full power of change∣ing the Sentence pronounced, as it should be thought fit, whether those who had been condemned to wear the Cross were accu∣sed anew, or whether there was no accusa∣tion at all. Those whom they resolv'd to mortifie by a sad imprisonment were kept between four Walls, where they were con∣strained to go of themselves, and where they were nourished only upon Bread and Water. The obstinate Hereticks were put into the hands of the Secular. There was at that time in Gasconny of divers sorts, as well as before. In this Register are Vau∣dois, and Albigeses condemned for divers pretended Heresies, as of denying Transub∣stantiation, and the seven Sacraments of the Romish Church, of maintaining that we shall not rise in spiritual Bodies, &c. There have been besides Baguins, certain Monks of the third Order of St. Francis, who thought that it was not lawful for them to possess any thing whatever, who called the Pope Antichrist, because he suffered the Religi∣ous of St. Francis to possess Riches, and who suffer'd themselves to be burned ra∣ther than to retract these Fantastick Opi∣nions. There is also the Condemnation of divers Manicheans. And the proceeding against Peter Ruffit, who quite to overthrow Concupiscence, had with a Woman the same commerce, as some Priests had with Young Women in the time of St. Cyprian, a Custom which lasted so long, that the Council of Nice condemned it. As being us'd in the beginning o'th' fourth Age, and that St. Basil, St. Chrysostome, and St. Ie∣rome, employ'd all their Eloquence to cure several Ecclesiasticks of this Custom in their time, an exact account hereof may be seen in Mr. Dodwel's third Dissertation upon St. Cyprian.

Two small pieces of James Usher Archbishop of Armagh. One of the Original of Bishops, and the other of Proconsulary Asia, to which is added an Appendix of the Privi∣ledges of the British Churches. At Lon∣don, by Samuel Smith, 1687. in 8vo. And at Rotterdam, by Renier Leers.

THis is another Posthume Work of the Learned Vsher, Archbishop of Armagh, which sufficiently testifies that profound Learning that hath rendered him so famous, and makes him still respected as one of the Oracles of England. The Question he star∣teth here has so imploy'd the wits for some years past, that instead of reuniting for the common Interest, they cannot without much ado calm the Agitation; which this dispute hath caused, tho' it only concerns Exterior Order.

It is therefore pretended, that in this Work, Episcopacy is a Divine Institution founded upon the Old and New Testament, and the Imitation of the Ancient Church. Vsher immediately remarks, that the chief of the Levites bore a Title, which was trans∣lated in Greek by that of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, The

Bishop of the Levites, he expounds these Words of the Apocalypse Write to the Angel of Ephesus, as if the word Angel was the same thing as that of Bishop. The Succession of the Bishops of Ephesus appeared evident enough at the Council of Calcedon held in 451. And there 'tis likely enough that Timothy or one of his Successors, was the Angel to whom the words of St. Iohn are directed. St. Ireneus says, that he had seen Polycarp, who was established Bishop of Smyrna by the Apostles. Lastly he adds, that Tertulli∣an in his Book of Prescription against Here∣ticks, and St. Irenaeus pressed the Hereticks, by the Argument of the Succession of Bi∣shops from the Apostles unto their time; and chiefly upon that of the Bishops of Rome, beginning with Linus, Cletus, or Clement, that the Apostles had placed there, and continuing until Elentherius the twelfth Bishop from the Apostles. And it was E∣leutherius, who had the Glory of receiving into the Christian Faith Lucius King of Eng∣land with all his Kingdom: and that there were Bishops so well established from that time, that ten years before the Council of Nice, held in 325. three English Bishops assisted at the Council of Arles.

After having proved the establishment of Bishops by the Apostles, Vsher examines the origine of the Metropolitans to whom he gives the same Antiquity. For suppo∣sing as we have said, that St. Iohn speak∣ing of the seven Angels understands nothing else but Bishops, he extends his conjecture so far as to say, that St. Iohn having writ∣ten to the seven Churches of Asia without de∣noting them more particularly, it necessari∣ly follows, that they had some Prehemi∣nence, and that they were distinguished by themselves; that is to say, by their quality of Metropolis. He confirms it by this cir∣cumstance, that the Prefects of the Romans resided in these Cities as Capitals, and that the Adjacent Cities came for Justice thi∣ther. Whence he concludes, that they were as Mothers to the other Churches. He concludes in shewing it to be the Senti∣ment of Beza and Calvin, and proceeds to the second part of his Work, which treats of the Proconsulary or Lydian Asia.

He observeth, that the Name of Asia properly belonged to Lydia, for they pre∣tend that Asia was the Name of an ancient King of the Lydians; and that it was Vespa∣sian, that made a Proconsulary Province on't. After that these three Questions are resolved. The first if at the time of the Council of Nice, all the Bishops were sub∣ject to the three Patriarchs of Rome, Alexan∣dria and Antioch. It's proved by the very Ca∣nons of the Council of Nice, and by the first Council of Constantinople assembled under Theodosius the Great, that each Patriarch had Power no farther than the extent of his Ter∣ritory, and over the Bishops of his particu∣lar Province. And to inform us, where the Patriarchats were limited, he saith that, that o•• Alexandria comprised Egypt, Lybia and Pentapolis; but that Africk, Thebes, nor the Mareotides were not subjected to it. That of Antioch had not the whole Empire of the East, whereof Constantinople was the Capital. But only all that extended from the Mediterranean Sea towards the East, to the Frontiers of the Empire. That of Rome contained ten Provinces. The Islands of Si∣cily, Corse and Sardinia were three of them, and the Continent of Italy on the East-side made the other seven, that the ancient Lawyers called Suburbicaries. But not to leave the work imperfect, upon this Sub∣ject, he examines in what dependance the Churches were, who set up no Patriarchs. To this purpose he observes, that the Ro∣man Empire was divided into thirteen Dio∣ceses, seven on the East-side, and six on the West-side, in all 120. Provinces. Each Diocess had a Metropolis, where the Pri∣mate resided as well as the Praetor or Vicar, who decided appeals in Civil Affairs, as al∣so each Province had it's Metropolis. It will not be useless to add, that tho' Pri∣mates had the same Authority as the Patri∣archs, they preceded them notwithstanding in Councils; and that Rome, Alexandria and Antiochia were honoured with this dignity, which gave them the Preference, because they were the three chief Cities of the World.

The second Question is, whether the Bishop of Carthage was subject to the Patri∣arch of Rome or Alexandria; and answer is made, that he was subject to neither, because he was a Prima••e himself of one of the thirteen Dioceses, whereof we have spoken.

As to Jurisdiction, he saith, that accor∣ding to the Canons of the Councils, the or∣der of the differences amongst Ecclesiasticks, and all that concerned the Clergy was im∣mediately to be carried before the Metro∣politan, and by an appeal before the Pri∣mate without acknowledging the Superi∣ority of the Patriarchs. That which makes the difficulty is, that St. Augustine said that St. Cicilian in his difference with Donatus, appeals to the Bishops beyond Sea. But answer is made, that that ought to be un∣derstood of the Council, and not of a par∣ticular Bishop, as that of ••ome, who would draw the honour thereof to himself; and attributed that Right to himself from the time, that the Vandals under their King Genserick destroy'd all Africk; as the Popes have done since, in regard to the Greek Church by the fall of the Eastern Empire.

The third Question is, an enquiry whe∣ther or no England ever depended on the Patriarch of Rome; and its decided in the Negative. It had it's Primate, who was the Bishop of York. For although London according to the Relation of Tacitus, was already famous through commerce, not∣withstanding the City of York was the Capi∣tal, the Vicar of the Empire resided there, and the Emperor Constance, Father of Con∣stantine the Great died there.

If the Gallican Church hath it's Liber∣ties, the English Church is not wanting;

this is examined in a Treatise, which fol∣loweth those we have already spoken of, but 'tis not Vshers. The Author establisheth for a Foundation, that under the ancient Law, the Priesthood and Royalty was joyned together; and that when they were separated, the whole Authority always remained in the Person of the Prince. Which is justi∣fied by the example of Solomon, who nomi∣nated Abiathar to perform the Function of High Priest, and by other Examples inser∣ted in the request that was presented to King Philip the Fair, by all his Subjects a∣gainst the enterprizes of Pope Boniface VIII. And he thence concludes, that the outward Policy of the Church belonged always to the Prince, and that it's he alone, who hath the power to convocate Councils, and in particular by that of Nice and Constantinople, which were assembled by the Authority of the Emperours, and confirmed by Constan∣tine the Great, and Theodosius the Great. For tho' the Intrinsick Authority depended on the Word of God, the Extrinsick never∣theless depended on the Imperial Seal, to give them the force of publick Law.

From whence he infers, Patriarchs were not erected but by the Councils and Autho∣rity of the Emperours; and chiefly that of Rome, the Author evidently demonstrates, this dignity was not attributed to it, but by the respect that the Fathers and Councils had for the Capital of the Vniverse; which was adorned with the Senate and Empire. To convince these who are most prejudic'd in favour of the Court of Rome; we shall relate but the terms of the last Council save one. The Canon of the Council of Calce∣don, as it is to be seen in the Manuscripts of the Libraries of M. de Thou, and M. Iu∣stel. He says, that the Priviledges of Rome were granted by the Fathers, because it was the Mistris of the World; Quod urbs illa imperarèt. Neither by Divine, nor Apo∣stolick Institution, as he observes, but a motive purely Temporal. Therefore also the same Canon grants to Constantinople new Rome; the first rank after old Rome for the same reasons, because it was also honoured by the Senate and Imperial Throne.

After that, the Author descends to the Priviledges of the English Church; and maintains it did not depend on the Roman Patriarch, because it was a different Dio∣cess, and that it was not in the number of the Suburbicary Provinces. This Verse only is a proof on't.

Ad penitùs toto divisos orbe Britannos.

It's also further justified by this particular circumstance, that the English celebrated the Passover, according to the Custom of the East, and conformed not to the West.

Having thus prepared the Mind, he shews that the Order of Parliament under Henry the 8. who shook off the Popes Yoak was not a new Law, but the re-establishment of the Ancient Laws, and Maxims of the Kings of England, who have maintained in all Ages, that the Excommunications of the Pope were void in England; and he brings many Examples to prove it. He thence draws this Consequence, that the Church of England cannot be aspers'd with the odious term of Schismatick; because it hath not raised Altar against Altar; that it hath kept it's Ancient Government, and can shew a Succession of Bishops not inter∣rupted since the beginning of Christianity; and consequently it had sufficient Authori∣ty to reform it self.

There is added to these Treatises, the advice of Iohn Barnesius a Benedictine Monk. Who much disapproved these flatterers of the Court of Rome, who have incens'd the Minds of men, in maintaining that the Kingdom of England owes any homage to the Holy See, and have caused this breach with the Pope. He saith, it would be ve∣ry happy, if the Pope for the good of Peace, would again receive into his Communion the Kingdom of England, without rendering it dependant on him, until a Council may cure the evil. But the Court of Rome ne∣ver lets go its hold, and it's long since that Pope Paul the fourth answered to this Pro∣position of Barnesius. For the Embassadors of England under Queen Mary, asking him Absolution in the Name of the whole King∣dom, he omitted not to demand of them if he might send an Exactor of the Tribute of St. Peter, declaring unto them that they should not expect this Apostle should open them the Gate of Heaven, whilst they re∣tained his Patrimony upon Earth. Barnesi∣us confesseth it's very hard to be submitted to the Pope, who when he pleaseth Arms the Subjects against their King; and adds, that the Councils of Constance and Basil ha∣ving declared those Hereticks, who hold that the Pope was not Inferiour to General Coun∣cils, the Modern Popes are in the Case of Excommunication declared by these Coun∣cils. This he saith, not to quarrel with his Holiness, but humbly to insinuate unto him the means of bringing back so fine a Kingdom into the bosom of the Church. Notwithstanding the good Intentions of this poor Monk, have been very ill acknow∣ledged; for he was sent out of Paris, strip'd of his habit, tied like a fierce beast, and uncompassionately dragg'd to Rome, and there cast into the dark Dungeon of the Inquisiti∣on, where he miserably expired.

An Extract of the Letters of Grotius, I. PART, The Subject, Criticks and Divinity.

WE have not seen until now but a very small Number of the Letters of this Great Man; the Volume of those that he hath written to many Learned Men of France, which were Printed in Holland and Germany, contain two hundred and four, and we find no more than sixty nine in the Vo∣lume

of the Epistles intituled, * 1.78 Praestaentium ac Eruditorum Vi∣rorum Epistolae Ecclesiasticae & Theologicae, which he hath writ∣ten to some other of his Friends in Holland and elsewhere. Besides all those which have appear'd abroad until now, one may see in this Edition a great number that have been drawn from his Papers, and the Pub∣lick (without doubt) will receive 'em with the same satisfaction. In these he hath ex∣cepted against some Divine Pieces Printed for Monsieur Bleau in the year 1679.

This Volume is compos'd of more than two thousand five hundred Letters that are placed according to the order of the time in which they were written: The first whereof was directed to Monsieur Thou, and dated the first of April 1590. and the last, which was to William Grotius, bore date the 18th of Iuly 1645. just a month before the death of the Author, which happened the 18th of August following. It's true, there's about 750 Letters at the end, which cou'd not be put in the same order with the for∣mer, because they were receiv'd too late, notwithstanding they were mixt together in this same Method.

These Letters treat of an Infinite Num∣ber of Subjects, but without stopping at those which contain nothing very impor∣tant, as are the Letters of pure Civility, or those which speak of Domestick Affairs, I shall relate here what I find most curious on Criticks, Divinity, Law, History and Poli∣ticks: These are the five Heads to which one may reduce all that is remarkable in the Epistles of Grotius.

* 1.79 1. To begin with Cri∣ticks, we find in the 54th Let∣ter of the first part, Advice to Monsieur de Maurier touching the manner whereby he ought to regulate his Studies. But as this Advice is fitted to the Age, Charge and Imploy of this French Embassador in Holland, it shall not be related in particulars. He gives also to his Brother in the third Letter of the second part, that which he judges the most proper Method for the first Studies of those who are design'd for the Law.

* 1.80 Grotius being at Paris after he was escaped from the Prison of Louvestein, receiv'd Visits there from many Learned Men, and amongst others, from Monsieur Peires••, who hath done so much honour to the Inge∣nious of his time, and who hath also receiv'd from them the praises that he merited. In these Visits they often discours'd of Science, as it appears in the first page of the 107th Letter, where Grotius proves something that he had before advanc'd in a Conversation: 'Tis this, that the Latine Tongue hath very few words that come from the Phrygians, from whence the Latines drew their Origi∣nal, or from the Hetrurians, which was the most Antient Tongue of Italy, from which we may believe the Romans had theirs. He shews that the Original of the Latine must be sought in a Dialect of the Greek Tongue, because that the Greeks inhabited a part of Italy, as well as the Neighbouring Isles, from whence 'tis called Magna Graecia, very near that which he calls the Kingdom of Naples. They formerly divided all the People that spoke Greek in∣to Ionians and Dorians, which were the two Principal Dialects. The Attick Idiom, according to Grotius, is but a Branch of that of the Ionians, and differs only in certain Pro∣prieties. The Aeolian Dialect is also but a part of the Dorians, which they used in Sicily, as appears by the Eclogues of Theo∣critus, which are pure Dorick, whereas they spoke Aeolian in the Isles of that name. 'Tis this last Dialect that Grotius maintains comes from the Latine Tongue, as he proves by ma∣ny Examples. The other Dorians changed into A long, the common termination of the Feminins in Η, but the Aeolians changed it into A short, and for example 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nympha, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Fama. The 6th Let∣ter in the Antient Greek Alphabet was formerly called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as it is called Vau in the Phenician Alphabet, from whence the Greeks have derived theirs. Others call it the Aeolian Digamma, and, altho' its not seen in the late Alphabets, it ceases not to retain its place in the Greek num∣bers, for F, or ς, make six. The Aeolians used to place it before words which begin with a Vowel. As for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 they used to say 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, according to Priscian. The Latines follow∣ed their Example, and instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 they said Vesperus, instead of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Vinum, &c. The Aeolians put their Bau before those words which begin with R, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 frango, for the Dorick 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which comes from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is out of use, for which they say 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. It is appa∣rent from the Aeolick frago comes the La∣tine frango, since there is no difference at all, only an N more in the last, which sometimes was omitted, as appears by the Latine word frago, and confrages. The Aeolians also used an S before the Vowels, as well as the La∣tine, who for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 say serpo, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 say sus &c. Thence it comes that one finds in the Aeo∣lian Dialect only divers Latine words whereof no foot-steps are to be seen in the others, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nuncius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nepos, &c.

The same matter is treated on more at length in Vossius his Etymologicon, and in some of Salmatius Letters.

Grotius having consulted the last, to know if C or S was not taken for six with the Greeks, answers yes, and gives some proofs of it, which Grotius confirms by others in the 2d. page of 480. Letter. Our Author makes use of these remarks to prove, that Trajan is the same, whereof St. Iohn speaks in the 13. of Revelations and 18. v. be∣cause in the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is the Name of that Emperour. The number 666. is found in taking C for six, and not for two hundred, according to the general acceptation of the Σ.

In matters belonging to the Criticks, there is also some Explications of divers pas∣sages of Scripture, and of prophane Authors.

He shews for example in the 91. Letter 1. p. that this passage of the (a) 1.81 Proverbs and the 4. v. which is translated, God hath made all things for Himself, and the Wic∣ked for the day of Calamity, ought to be tran∣slated thus: God hath disposed all things, so that they answer one another, and the Wicked in the day of Adversity; that is, that God hath ordered it so, that even by the course of Nature, the Wicked should be punish∣ed. A passage very like to this in the 33. of Ecclesiasticus 14. v.

He maintains also, that these Words of the 1. of Timothy 3d. Ch. 2. v. Let the Bi∣shop be a Husband of one Wife, ought to be explained in this Sense; That a Bishop should have but one Wife only. Which excludes not simply the Plurality of Women at the same time, but second Weddings also. 'Tis thus, that Lycophron calls Helena 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Wife to three Husbands, altho' she never had three at a time; Theseus being dead, when Paris took away Helen from Menela∣us. Afranius hath called the same Bivi∣ram, a Woman that married a second time; and Tertullian, Vnivitam a Woman marri∣ed but once. The ancient Christians build∣ing upon this passage, as does the present Impiety of the Romans, who permitted not the High-Priest to marry a second time, forbid the same thing to the Clergy. It is thus, that the same Apostle c▪ 5. v. 9. would have the Widows that they chose for the service of the Church to be the Wife of one Husband only. That is, that they had married but one Husband, for it was never permitted to Women to have more at the same time, and St. Paul took no care to prohibite a thing that might never happen. But as the Roman Law suffered Women to repudiate their Husbands, so it came to pass that un∣chast Women changed them too often; witness this passage of Seneca cited by our Author: Illustres quaedam ac Nobiles Faeminae non Consulum numero, sed Maritorum, annos su∣os computant, & exeunt Matrimonii causa, nu∣bunt Repudii.

— Sic funt octo Mariti, Quinque per Autumnos.

As Iuvenal saith; see the Letters 297.323.

Peter du Puy Counsellor in Parliament, demanded one day of Grotius, the reason (b) 1.82 the Evangelist said nothing of what happened to our Lord before his 30th. year, except one thing only that befel him at 12. years, as St. Luke reports. Grotius answers to that, that it is, by the end which is proposed in an Author, that we must judge of what ought to be said, and what omitted: That the Evangelist had no de∣sign, to write only the Life of Jesus Christ, but to give the Gospel to Posterity, that is, a Doctrine under the Conditions of Re∣pentance, promising to men the Remission of Sins, and Life Eternal: That it is com∣posed of two parts, whereof the one hath a respect to the Doctrine, and the other to History, as much as is useful to confirm this Doctrine, as the History of the Mira∣cles, Death, Resurrection, and Ascension of Jesus Christ: That this History begins properly, but at the Baptism of Jesus Christ, because from that time he began to teach publickly without Intermission, and that he had done Miracles: So that the Evangelists have omitted all which passed in that time; and if they said any thing, it ought to be looked upon rather as a kind of Preamble, to make known the Person of Jesus Christ, than as the beginning of an exact History of his Life. Letter 143. first part.

(c) 1.83 We may add here to the Criticks, that which is in 264. Letter to Monsieur de Pegrese, touching the writings and Life of Nicholas of Damascus. Mon∣sieur de Pegrese having recovered a Manu∣script Copy out of the Collections of Con∣stantine ••orphyrogennete put them into the hands of the famous Henry of Valois then but young, who caused them to be printed in Greek and Latin with Notes of his own, 1634. in 4. at Paris. Grotius having seen this work before it was printed, writ to Monsieur de Pegrese, all that he knew con∣cerning Nicholas of Damascus, of which there are many fragments in this Collection. He treats of the writings of this Author, who was a particular Friend to Herod the Great, his universal History, and his Life of Caesar Augustus in 180. Books. He speaks of his Stile, and manner of Writing; and shews that that which bears his Name in the Manuscript of Monsieur de Piersc is really this Historians. He after that, writ his Life in Latin, and the fragments of his Works, that he found in Iosephus, Athenae∣us, Phocius, &c. In fine, he sends to his il∣lustrious Friend a Latin Version of a part of Nicholas's which was in the Collections of Constantine.

There is a remarkable place in the Dis∣course of Epictetus collected by (d) 1.84 Arian Book 2. c. 9. Why do you call your self a Sto∣ick? saith this Philosopher to a Jew who counterfeited a Heathen: Why do you deceive the Multitude? Why feign you your self a Greek, since you are a Iew? see you not why they call a man a Iew, Syrian, or Egyptian, and that if any one is seen leaning on both sides, we are accustomed to say, that he is not a Iew, but feigns himself to be so: But when he comes to be of the mind as those who have been baptized, and who have embraced this Sect; they call him a Iew, and he is so in effect. And thus we, who have been vainly baptized are Iews by Name, but in effect ano∣ther thing: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ruarus who proposed this passage to our Author, demanded of him who Epictetus meant by those, that he cal∣led (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) baptized in vain, if they are not Christians? and from whence it comes to pass that Epictetus puts himself in their number? Grotius answers, First, That

we must read in these last words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (or rather 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) which makes this sense: In like manner we resemble those who have been baptized in vain, we are honest men by name, but in effect another thing. Secondly, That the Author speaks not of Christians, which he else where calls Galileans, but of the Jews, which received none into their Reli∣gion that were not first baptized, Letter 322, 336. See the first Century of the Letters of Ruarus Epistle the 31. and

We find also in the first page of the 673. Letter, (a) 1.85 divers Correcti∣ons upon the works of Stace, that Grotius sent to Gronovius, who was then preparing an Addition thereof.

The most noble part of the Criticks, if (b) 1.86 we may believe those who make a Profession of it, is that which teacheth us to judge of Authors to discern their true Works, from those which are Suppositions, to distinguish their stile, to find out the de∣fects thereof, and to remark the faults they commit. For that Reason, we shall place here the Judgment that Grotius hath made of divers Books both Ancient and Modern.

The first Epistle of ••lement to the Corin∣thians. Grotius judgeth it to be much the same that Phocius read; that there is no rea∣son to believe, that that which Phocius read is not the same, that St. Ierome, Clemens Alexandrinus, and St. Irenaeus read, who where nearer the time of the Author. That the stile according to the remarks of St. Ierome is very near that of the Epistle to the Hebrews; as also there are many o∣ther marks of a true Antiquity, as this, Quod de Christo semper loquitur non ut posterio∣res 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sed simpliciter plane, & ut Paulus Apostolus solet, & quod alia qu••∣que dogmata, postea subtilius explicata tractet, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. For what regards the High Priest, Levites and the Laicks, relates (ac∣cording to our Author) to the Priesthood and to the Custom of the Jews. This Epi∣stle being written about the end of Nero's Empire, or at least before that of Vespasian whilst the Temple yet stood, Letter 347. 1. p.

Tacitus. After having said, that many learned men have discovered, of what use Tacitus is in Politicks, without excepting the the Italians, who pretend to be the great Masters in this Science; He saith, that Ber∣neggerus and Freinshemius, had given at Stras∣bourg an Edition of it in 8vo. with a very large Index and most useful Notes in the Margent. He adds, that he read it with pleasure, and that it was esteemed by all the Ingenious of Paris. The same Author undertook to make an Addition in Folio, with a perpetual Commentary drawn from all the Notes, which had appeared tell then upon Tacitus Letter 1092. 1. p.

Theophilactus. 'Tis the abridgement of the Greek Fathers, which had written before him and is, as the Voice of the Greek Church, who gave us the opinions of St. Paul, which he had preserved with much Fidelity, Letter 1243. 1 p.

Predestinatus. 'Tis the Title of a Book, in 8vo. printed at Paris 1643. by Father Sirmond. Grotius saith, that he hath drawn this Book from a Manuscript, which was formerly Hin••mar's Archbishop of Rheims, that this work is oppos'd to those that be∣lieve absolute Predestination. And that the Stile is strong and elegant, Letter 673. p. 2.

Father Casaubon. I have not had less ve∣neration saith our Author, for his natural openness and sincerity, than for his great Learning. He told me in the year, 1613. at London, where I was almost every day with him, when he went out of France, he quitted all Studies, which belong to the an∣cient Souldiery, to which he had been per∣swaded by Henry the 4th. who was as great a Soldier as a Prince, and that in England he had turned his Studies of that side, which most pleased King Iames, who was given more to peace than War. Casaubon had no Collection, except in his memory, Mar∣gents of his Books, and upon loose Papers. Wherefore we have no Notes upon Polybe, but what is upon his first Book, and they are imperfect also 184. Letter p. 2.

Selden. This Author who made his wit appear in many pieces, hath given to the Publick his book entituled Mare Clausum, in opposition to another intituled Mare libe∣rum. This work is very learned, and attri∣butes in particular to the King of England all the Sea that extends it self from the Coasts of England, Spain, France, the Low Countreys and Germany unto that of Den∣mark, Letter 590. p. 1.

Selden, saith Grotius in another place, hath taken figurative Expressions (whereof I have made use in my Poetry) to defend the Laws of the King of England; and hath op∣posed them to others more serious. I am very much obliged to him for the honesty with which he hath spoken of me, and I believe I shall not injure the Friendship that is between us, by this Epigram that I have made upon his Book.

Ipsum compedibus qui vinxerat (c) 1.87 Ennosigaeum, Est graeca Xerxes multus in Historia. Lucullum Latii Xerxem dixere Tagatum, Seldenus Xerxes ecce Britannus erit. Letter 371.2. p.

The Bishop of Bellai. I know him, saith Grotius, not only by his writings, but also by Conversation. He is an honest man, and well versed in Controversie. This is the Title of one of his Books, The Demo∣lishings of the Foundation of the Protestant Do∣ctrine. He hath a great hatred to the Monks, and would not have them instruct the Peo∣ple, but have it referred to the Ordinaries. He is very much esteemed amongst the Bi∣shops, and of an exemplary Life, Letter 1716. p. 1.

Crellius. I thank you, saith our Author to him, Letter 197. p. 1. both for the Let∣ter

and the book you•• sent me. I have re∣solved to read over and over with care all that you have written, knowing how much profit I have gain'd by your Works. When I received your Letter I was employed in reading your Commentary upon the Epi∣stle to the Galatians. You have very hap∣pily found the design and occasion of this Epistle as well as the sequel of this dis∣course. I have cast my eye, saith our Au∣thor, elsewhere in speaking to Ruarius friend to Crellius upon his Commentary to the Epistle to the Hebrews which is very Learned. I have profited much thereby, as well as upon that which he hath made upon the Galatians, of which the Ministers of Cha∣renton make the same judgment as I do. Let. 552. p. 1. He saith to his Brother, speaking of the Book that the same Crellius had writ∣ten against that of Grotius, de satisfactione Christi, that he hath written modestly, and with much learning, altho' he approves not of his opinions p. 2 Letter 138.

George Calixta Professor of Divinity at Helmstadt. I know not whether you have seen the preface that Calixta hath put be∣fore the books of St. Austin de Doctrina Christiana, and of the Commonitorium of Vin∣cent de Lerins, the book that he hath made de Clericorum coelibatu, and the first part of his divine Morals with a digression touching the new Method, de Arte nova. I approve the judgment of this Man and the respect he hath for antiquity, joyned to the love of Peace. A. M. des Cordes Canon of Limages. p. 1. Letter 350. see Letter 339. p. 1.

Salmatius. I have run through the book of Salmatius upon Simplicius. There is, as you say, much reading. I wonder he disposeth not his thoughts in a better order. 'Tis some∣times difficult to reconcile him to himself; he often disputes about words, &c. To Wil∣liam Grotius, p. 2. Letter 326. Salmatius hath been with me▪ he is dispos'd to defend eve∣ry thing to the utmost extremity, and even maintains that St. Peter never set foot in I∣taly. I wonder the spirit of a Party should have so much strength; says he, in the same Letter 533. Salmatius is pleas'd to defend Opinions abandoned by all the World, for even Blondel who is a Minister in France maintains in a book, Printed at Geneva, that St. Peter was at Rome. He denyes also a Wo∣man was ever Pope, but Salmatius affirms it in the same Letter 536.

A great friend of Salmatius, hath told me a little while since, that a Book could not easily be made de lingua Hellenistica Redi∣viva, drawn from this, that he saith he is con∣strain'd to confess in many places that he ac∣knowledges the thing, and disputes but of the Name. He saith that no body hath re∣mark'd that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 answereth to a manner of speaking Latin. But I had, and even in three places, Mat. vi. 2. &c. in the same book 6921.

Daniel Heinsius, I have read the Works of Heinsius upon Nonnus, which was not worth my while, for others have said several things which he remarks upon Iohn. I find that speaking of the Trinity he contradicts him∣self in many places, as it happens to those who would know too much upon this mat∣ter. In the same Let. 149. there are many things which are not to be despis'd in the book of Heinsius, but he hath not drawn a few thereof out of the Epistles of Scaliger, and the Works of Peucerus, of Fuller and Selden, without naming them. The more I consider him, the more I find that those who would know more concerning the Tri∣nity than Scripture tells us, are punished for their pride. The desire they have of con∣tradicting others, makes them to contradict themselves. See only p. 272. He calleth practice [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] which is really different, and not simply according to our manner of conceiving. After that he saith that Es∣sence in Trinity is really distinct, and the proprieties of the Persons, only according to our manner of conceiving, &c. Let. 152. Grotius censures such like absurdities in his Letters 156. and 157.

Ph. Cluvier. After having cast my eyes up∣on the Germany of Cluvier I cannot but ap∣prove the application, which alwayes produ∣ceth some fine thing, when it's applied altoge∣ther to one subject. He doth not seem to me so haughty, as he appear'd in a little book which he had sometime since publish'd, yet he shews a great boldness therein. A sensible proof of this is, that he often blots out and changes words in the antient Writings, without following any Manuscript but his conjectures only. He hath also much de∣light to reprehend others, and when it's any that's still living, 'tis the more easily to be suffered, but he often accuseth Caesar, Strabo, and, several other excellent Authors, of great Ignorance, &c. to Isaack Pontanus, Let. 11. P. 2.

C. Graswinkelius. This Author made an answer to Seldens book Intituled Mare Clau∣sum. Here is what Grotius saith on't. Let. 999. 2. par. The book of Mr. Graswinkel ought to be very dear unto me, seeing it hath cost me 11 l. 1 s. 2 d. Carriage. I approve his exactness in gathering all that can serve for his subject. He writes even Latin better than the most part of your Au∣thors &c.

Father Petau the Iesuit. Denis Petau, saith Grotius, hath publish'd three Books de Dog∣matibus Theologicis. He promiseth more up∣on other questions, more, or less necessary. He applyes himself to the opinions of the Greek and Latin Fathers, and speaks not of the Scholasticks. He distinguisheth the Te∣nets defined by the Church, from those up∣on which it is permitted to say what we will. He expounds-them all very well; his Books are extream useful. Salmatius is abu∣sed therein, and it's said it was he who na∣med himself Wallo Messalinus. But I could not but laugh to see him call Conrad Vor∣stius Calvinist, Let. 678. p. 2.

Mr. Arnaud Doct••r of the Sorbon. All the World knows that Grotius was very far from the opinions of Mr. Arnaud, upon Prae∣destination, and Grace, but this hath not hin∣dered Grotius from giving him the praises he

deserves. This he saith of his book of Fre∣quent Communion. Mr. Arnaud will have publick penitence re-established in regard to the publick sins, & that those who shall make their sins known but by their▪ Confession to the Priest, abstain from the Communion, untill they are assured that they are amended in it. This book was approved by five Archbishops, thirteen Bishops, and one and twenty Doctors; some have already introduced this Custom into their Churches. For it is lawful for Bishops to bring again into use the antient Ca∣nons, even by the Authority, of the Council of Trent, & by the example of Cardinal Berronius Archbishop of Milan, who hath been Canonized. Let. 669. p. 2. to William Grotius. Adver∣vertise your Stationers, saith he, in the 671. Letter, to send for the book of the frequent Com∣munion, and to get it Printed anew. You will do thereby a good service to Christianity. And elsewhere: They make it a crime in him for ha∣ving said in what he has written against a Iesuit, that he believes those who feel in themselves their ancient inclinations to vice, do not ill to abstain from Communion; and that he judgeth that even those who are given but to venial sins, do not amiss to abstain, and other such like things. The antient severity, which we are no more able to suffer, as one saith, annoy'd him. Nocuit antiquus rigor, cui jam pares non sumus, a••t ille. The Prince of Conde (for he hath also Written upon this matter, but without adding his name) thinks it's believ'd hitherto, that if any one hath confessed his sins, is in the resolution of never more returning to 'em, and to undergo the penitence that will be imposed on him, he may morally be assured that he is in a State of Grace, and that he doth well to Communicate. The Queen demanded the judgment of the Sorbon up∣on these matters. The Parliament and Sorbon think it is against the Laws, that a Subject of the King should be constrained to quit the King∣dom, especially the Abbot Dubyse (Dubysi∣um) who going to Rome to justifie himself, was immediately put into prison. Therefore Mr. Arnaud, being a Man of so good a life, that his greatest enemies could find nothing to say against him. being thirty six years old, and submitting himself to the judgment of the See of Rome, to the Catholick Bishops, and particu∣larly to the Archbishop of Paris and the Sorbon, as you may see by what I have sent you, we may judge here of his affair, adding to these Iudges those which the Pope hath Commissioned for that purpose. For my part, as I favour those who would reestablish the antient satisfaction, I see that the most part of those who favour Mr. Arnaud are Jansenists, to wit, Calvinists upon matters of Predestination. Thus it is that Gro∣tius speaks to his Brother in a Letter dated the 9th. of April, 1644.

Peter Hoofet. I have begun to read the History of Hoofet, 'tis a fine work, his expres∣sions after the antient manners of speaking will not please others. But Thucydides and Salust have given him the example, as well as Tacitus who lived a great while after them, Let. 636. 2. p. He also praises the Hi∣story of Henry the Great Writ in Dutch by the same Author.

Iustus Vondel. This famous Flemish Poet published in 1638. a Tragedy, which is a∣cted once a year at Amsterdam, entituled Gishrecht van Amstel. He dedicated it to Grotius, who makes this judgment thereof in a Letter to Vossius the 28th. of May the same year: Vondel did me a kindness in dedicating unto me (as to a man who hath some gust of these sort of things) a Trage∣dy whose subject is noble, whose order is excellent, and expression fine, &c. It is a folly not to have in a subject of 300 years, the customs of that time represent∣ed. Thus it is that those of Geneva in a French Edition of Philip de Comines, have observ'd every where, where the Author saith that the King heard Mass, that he was at the Lords Supper.

II. These are the chief things of the Criticks, which are in the Epistles of Gro∣tius. We shall observe in short the The∣ological matters before our Author was put in Prison, being still in possesion of his Employments, he Writ several Letters touching the Controversies of Grace and Predestination, which then were maintain'd with much heat, and which was the occassion of his ruine.

In Letter 31. p. 1. He quotes some words of St. Ierome, whom he saith 'tis hard ab∣solutely to excuse of Semipelagianism, as well as St. Chrysostome. He endeavoureth notwithstanding, to give a favourable inter∣pretation thereof. Here is one of these pas∣sages of St. Ierome, drawn from his third book against the Pelagians: Vbi misericor∣dia Dei & Gratia, ex parte cessat arbitrium, quod in eo tantum est ut velimus & cupiamus, & placitis tribuamus assensum. Iam in Domini potestate est ut id quod cupimus, quod laboramus ac nitimur, illius ope & auxilio implere valeamus. Grotius saith, that perhaps St. Ierome and the other Fathers, who speak thus have call'd Grace, but that which renders us holy and acceptable unto God, and not that which excites us to do well, and which pre∣vents the first motions of our will. He speaks more of this preventing Grace in the 31, 33▪ 34, and 62. Let.

He treats in Epistle 62. and 31. of Pre∣destination, and he maintains that on this occasion we ought not to prefer the au∣thority of St. Augustin, to that of all the Fathers who lived afore him in the purer Ages of the Church, and such as were also troubled with disputes. But he clearly maintains that all these Fathers rejected absolute Predestination, and maintain'd that God hath predestinated to Salvation, those only whom he foresaw would make good use of his Graces, and on the contra∣ry hath resolved to Damn those only whom he foresaw would continue impenitent, ac∣cording to the formal Concession of Prosper Disciple to St. Augustin. Retractatis priorum de hac re opinionibus paene omnium par invenitur & una sententia, qua propositum, & praedesti∣nationem Dei secundum praesentiam receperunt. He cites upon this occasion divers passages of Iustin Martyr, St. Irenaeus, St. Chrysostom and several others. But these things may be seen

treated on more at large in the Pelagian Hi∣story of Vossius, which our Author appro∣veth of in several places of his Letters.

Moreover he treats of Liberty, Univer∣sality, and Sufficiency of Grace, of Perseve∣rance, and of the certainty of Salvation in Letter 62. But as he speaks of these dif∣ficult matters only by the by, to compre∣hend well the sentiment of the Remon∣strants, which he maintains thro' the whole, we should read in those amongst their Do∣ctours who have treated thereof ex professo, as Episcopius, de Courcelles, &c.

Grotius seems to have believed in his Youth that the Socinians were far from deserving the name of Christians, and me∣rited not barely to be called Hereticks, as appears by a Letter Written in 1611. to Anthony Walaeus. But afterwards he was of another mind on this occasion, tho' he al∣ways protested that he was not of their opinions touching the Divinity and satis∣faction of Jesus Christ. He cou'd not how∣ever hinder his being suspected of having too much inclination to their opinions, tho' he took great care to Write the contrary to his Friends. See Letters 880, 883, 1035. P. 1.411.456. P. 2. He assures us in this last Letter, that after having had some Con∣versations with Ruarus, this Unitarian had in fine answered him upon the Article of sa∣tisfaction, so that there scarcely remain'd any Controversie amongst them. Alios quosdam, adds he afterwards, qui in illo caetu fuerunt, plene ad meam perduxi sententiam. This may be seen in their Confession of Faith, and in the Apology which they made about it a little after. This renders one thing credible e∣nough which Grotius saith in the same Let∣ter, which he had learned of Bisterfeldius and of some others, viz. that Crellius said on his death-bed that he would never have undertook to Write against his book of the satisfaction of Iesus Christ, if we had read what Grotius had remarked in his Book de jure Belli ac Pacis, concerning the Communi∣cation of Punishments.

The same thing happened to our Author in respect to the Roman Catholicks, as it did in regard to Socinianism. As he grew mild concerning the opinion of the Socini∣ans, which was the cause why his Enemies accused him of being an Unitarian, so he growing more moderate in regard to the Roman Catholicks, he was accused of be∣ing of their Communion. It may be seen by some Letters Written in his Youth, that he had the same sentiments of the Ro∣man Church as the generality of Prote∣stants, tho' he was then more moderate than several Reformed Divines. See his Letters 14. and 15. of the 1. p. and the 15th. of the 2. p. There is also a Letter from Paris of the 7th. of Iune 1622. wherein he exhorts Episcopius to refute the grounds of the followers of Cassander, who maintain that those who disapprove most of the errors of the Ro∣man Church, ought not for that to separate themselves from it's Communion. He saith that we ought principally to examine two questions against these Gentlemen: the first is, to know if an action permitted of it self, such as is genuflection in Communi∣cating, becomes unlawful by the Interpre∣tation which those give it who govern the Church, that this action hath Jesus Christ for an Object present under the accidents of Bread, or even the visible Signs: the o∣ther, to know if it be lawful for one to joyn with an Assembly, whose Pastours maintain certain Tenets which are disap∣proved, are necessary to enter into their Communion; tho' they exact not of Par∣ticulars a distinct profession. But Grotius believeth, that it's needless to prove a∣gainst these Gentlemen, that the Pope hath not the whole Authority which the Court of Rome attributes to him, because they do agree therein. He saith that they bow not their knee before the Images; that they shun the Processions wherein the Eucharist is carried; that they hold the belief of the Invocation of Saints, and that of Purgatory, as Opinions that are unnecessary; as they do not hold themselves obliged to embrace the definitions of the Latin Church, and that they place the force which is used to make them to be received, in the Rank of Per∣secutions which good Men ought to suffer, as well as the denying of the Cup.

It seems that in process of time the Cor∣respondence which Grotius had with some of those whom he calls Cassandrians, made him almost of their Opinions, as may be seen by the notes upon the Consultation of Cassander, and the other books which he published, touching the means of reu∣niting Religious. He testifies in many places of these Letters that he desired passionately the Reunion of Protestants a∣mongst themselves, and of Protestants with Roman Catholicks. But it appears also that when he reflected upon the difficulties of reuniting, which are already, and upon those w^ch arise every day, he look'd upon the Reu∣nion as a thing which ought to be wished for, but of which there is but little hopes. Thus it is that he speaks in several places. In the first part may be seen Letters 422.426.519.649.976. Where he complains particularly of the new Institution of the (a) 1.88 Scapular, and of the books of the Office of the Vir∣gin, which he looks upon as obstacles to peace. This is what makes him speak thus to his Brother William Grotius in a letter of the 21. of February 1625. Hoc voti magis est quàm spei, praesertim cum Romae M. Antonii de Dominis damnata si•• memoria, corpore exusto. Et tamen sunt qui me Romam invitent:

Sed quae tanta, precor, Romam mihi causa vi∣dendi?

But as when we ardently desire a thing, this Passion often makes the difficulties disappear which are in the obtaining there∣of, so Grotius hoped sometime that he should see it but rather as a simple object of his

wishes than his hopes: so it appears by the Letters 534. and 637. of the 2. p. that he flattered himself that in time the Roman Church might relinquish several of its Tenets, and correct several abuses whereof the most understanding persons of that Communion complain every day. He ho∣ped nevertheless to see it, but this Idea flattered him so pleasantly, that he could not but say,

Amare liceat, si potiri non licet.

What he had written in his youth was objected against him, as contrary to what he maintained towards the end of his life. But first he saith, that if all this be examined there will no contradiction be found in it, and he adds in the second place, that if by a more advantage, by the conversation of the Learned, and by much Reading, his judgment is become more solid, he ought no more to be accused of inconstancy than St. Augustin who retracted in his old age, several things which he had advanced in the first books he published. P. 2. l. 647.

Besides these matters of Divinity which respect Controversie some Questions of Mo∣rality are found in these Letters, which are not of a less importance; for example, What rule men should keep in the estimati∣on of things which are exchanged and sold, and in the Interest which can be demanded for ones money? l. 953. p. 1. As this de∣pends on infinite circumstances, the Laws have defined nothing upon these matters. People have been forced to be referred to natural equity, which all men ought to have for one another.

Ruarus demanded of Grotius if a Man can espouse two Sisters after one another, be∣cause the Divine Laws say nothing on't, tho' human Laws prohibit it? and if a Christian is oblig'd to follow but mans Laws? Grotius answers that Princes have Right to declare null these sort of Marria∣ges, just as the other Contracts, and that a Christian is oblig'd to follow the Laws, unless they are altogether unsufferable. Let. 327. and 336. P. 1.

In the Letter 1057. Grotius expounds a place of his book de Iure belli ac Pacis, and sheweth in what sense these words of Jesus Christ ought to be understood, He that will take your Coat from you, let him take your Cloak, &c. The sense of the explication which he gives in this Letter, cannot be comprehended without comparing it with the book above mentioned.

One Nicholas de Bye of the Society of the Menonites, which Grotius calls genus ho∣minum non malum, had sent him a great let∣ter, by which he endeavoured to prove that it was prohibited to Christians to make War, & to punish with Death. Grotius answers to that several things in the Letters 545 and 546. of the 2d. P. which may be added to what he hath said upon these matters in his book de Iure Pacis ac Belli.

An Extract of the Letters of Grotius, II. Part, Treating upon Law, History, and Politicks.

WE have run thro' the Criticks and Divinity in the Letters of the famous Grotius. It remains that we should make an extract of the matters concerning Law, History and Politicks. Tho' he under∣takes not to treat throughly on this subject, there are nevertheless several places which may contribute much to the understanding of divers hard questions in the Law. Histo∣ry and in the Government of States.

III. The famous question concerning the Domination of the Sea may be referred to Law, which hath been so often agitated in the North. There was at the beginning of this Age a dispute between the English and the Dutch concerning the fishing for Whales. Commissaries were named on both sides, to regulate this difference. Gro∣tius was one of the Commissaries of the Province of Holland, and he relates the suc∣cess of the Conference which they had with the English Commissaries in his Letter 56. 1. p. He saith they silenced the English, and made it appear that neither the Country of Greenland, nor the Sea belonged to them, and that the Dutch could not lose the li∣berty of their Navigation, nor of fishing for Whales, whereof none had any right to claim the Propriety to himself. We clearly shewed, saith he, that the Land belonged not to them, seeing before the year 1596. no body had gone to it, that the Hollanders discovered it, and gave it the Name which it hath yet, as is evident in all the modern Geographers Spheers, and Mapps. They would fain have persuaded us that Hugh Willoughby discovered it in 1553. But we prove by the very Journal of this Voyager, that he being parted from Finland, took Anchor at the Isle of that Name, which is very far from Greenland; that he in fine died with Cold and Hunger, with all his Companions, upon the Coasts of Lapland, where some Laponians found them the next Summer, and whence their journals were carried into England. The English could answer nothing to all this, only that there had been much wrong done to their master to contest a Right with him, which he had till then pea∣ceably possess'd.

In the letter 15. P. 2. He treats of this question, to wit. Whether a Lord of Hol∣land might yield something touching the Rights of Navigation and Commerce with∣out the Consent of the States. He main∣tains he cannot, because the Lords of Holland were but the Guardians of the Rights of the People, without being able to Alienate them, as he says may be shewn easily by the Laws of the Coun∣trey. Upon this occasion, he saith that Hol∣land was a free Countrey, even under its Lords, and that this liberty began not when the King of Spain was declared a Receder from his, Rights or when a Truce was made with him. Grotius brings some reasons for

this, which may be read in the Original.

Grotius had written in 1615 to the Em∣bassador of the States at the Court of France, touching the Controversies which were in agitation at that time in Holland, and his Letter was shewn to Peter du Moulin as then Minister of Charenton, who had made some Reflections upon this Letter, which were sent to Grotius. This gave him occasion to write to the same Ambassador the 62 Let∣ter of the 1. p. Where he treats of some of these Controversies, and amongst others those which respect the Authority of the Magistrate in Ecclesiastical things. It seems by what Grotius saith, that du Moulin should believe that a Magistrate ought to be Lear∣ned to have some Authority in Ecclesiasti∣cal things. Grotius refutes this thought. He applyes himself again to shew, that the Au∣thority of a Prince depends not on the truth of his opinions in matters of Religion. He brings the words of St. Augustin in the Let∣ter ad Vincentium: Reges cum in errore sunt pro ipso errore leges contra veritatem ferunt, cum in veritate sunt, similiter contra errorem pro ipsa veritate decernunt. He cites besides, the example of the Emperor Aurelian, who, at the prayer of the Christians, drove from his Bishoprick Paul de Samosate, who would not submit himself to the Authority of the Councils, w^ch had condemned his Doctrine. Grotius saith several things upon the Power of Princes, in the regulating of Controversies which arise in matter of Religion. But he hath treated on all this more fully in his Book de Imperio summarum Potestatum circa sacra.

We find in the Letter 329. the solution of another question which belongs to the Canon Law. It was to know if the Religi∣ous to whom the Pope permitted to Preach and Confess, can do it without consulting the Bishops, and without asking their Permission. Mr. de S. Cyran under the Name of Petrus Aurelius maintain'd they could not, and the Jesuites pretended that these priviledged Fryars needed no permission from the Bishops. Mr. des Cordes Canon of Limoge and a great friend to Grotius, had demanded of him his opini∣on thereupon. He answers that the Anti∣quity of Mr. de S. Cyran was certainly rea∣sonable, and that even where these Com∣missions are received, they ought to be in∣terpreted in such wise that they make the least prejudice to the Canons and received Uses. But he adds that he cannot tell how Mr. de S. Cyran, as well as the Jesuits, attri∣buting to the Pope an almost absolute Au∣thority, can maintain that he has not the power to do what Bishops do every day, to wit, to give the permission of Preaching and Confessing. He saith that in giving the Pope the power that is given him, they ought to fall into the same inconveniency wherein the Romans were under an Empe∣rour, who would have all the questions of Law to be sent to his Oracle.

In Letter 693. directed to a Polish Lord, who had asked him his opinion concerning Torments, he answers that there is nothing less certain than a Confession extorted by Torments, upon which he cites this word of an ancient: mentietur quiferre non potuerit, mentietur qui ferre potuerit. I have (saith he) infinite examples of People who were unjustly put to Death, upon so uncertain a foundation. I do not wonder that there have been grave persons who be∣lieved that Christians should not make use of Torments to extort Confessions, seeing it's certain there is no such thing in the Law of Moses: That in England Men live in as great security as any where, tho' Tor∣tures are not in use there, and that whilst Rome conserv'd it's Liberty the Citizens were never tortured.

William Grotius had made some questions to his Brother concerning the publick Law, upon which occasion our Author shews in his Letter 4. P. 2. the difference which is betwixt particular and publick Laws, and sheweth that they are equally founded upon Nature, the Law of Nations, and the Civil Law. He treats afterwards on this Questi∣on, If natural Right can suffer some change? He divides this Law into divers branches, and shews in what sense there may happen some change. He also treats on the same matter in Letter 6. It had been it seems objected against him that the Civil Laws do sometimes alter the Law of Nature, when they make void all the promises that a Pupil might make without the consent of his Guardian, seeing he violates this Right of the Law of Nature, that one must keep his promises. Grotius shews how Civil Law a∣grees herein with the Law of Na••ure, and also expounds some like cases; as if a Pupil having borrow'd without the consent of his Tutour, and being become rich by this bor∣rowing, whether he is oblig'd to pay? Grotius answers, that although by the Anci∣ent Civil Law of the Romans, a Creditor could not have an action against a Pupil, al∣tho' the Pupil is bound to pay by the Law of Nature, whereof here is an inviolable Law: That none ought to enrich himself with the damage of another. He cites divers Laws upon this subject.

He treats in Letter 4. of the same Part, of Servitudes, and sheweth that it is a Right esta∣blished by Men against Liberty and Na∣tural Freedom. He expounds the Law in fine ff. de aqua, where it is said that the low possessions have commonly this Servitude, that they receive their waters which run from those that are highest. In Letter 12. He speaks fully enough of Conventions in general, and of Stipulations in particular. He shews that the Law of Nature necessari∣ly obligeth one to keep his word, whence several Philosophers have given the name of Truth to justice, and Simonides said that Justice consisted in speaking the truth, and in giving what one hath received; notwith∣standing Plato and Theophrastus were of opinion that no body ought to have the power of forcing any one to keep his word by virtue of the Laws, but that it should be free not to keep it, as it is free not to be generous. But this Philosophy, saith our

Author, agrees not with our Age, where∣in few Folks are virtuous by their own motion, without the fear of Laws. He en∣ters after that, upon a great Question, to wit, how Civil Law can derogate from the Law of Nature, in matters of agreement and promises? He expounds in a few words in what manner the Roman Laws have ta∣ken away, from those who submitted themselves thereto, the Liberty of pro∣mising certain things, so that on these oc∣casions they have rendered contracts void, as well as when they were not extorted af∣ter the manner which these Laws prescri∣bed. He shews that the Laws have not in all that, injured the Law of Nature.

We find besides in Letter 352. p. 2. The examination of this Question: Vtrum voluntas testatoris coram septem testibus ad id convocatis declarata, nolle se Testamentum an∣te factum valere, habenda sit pro Testamento ta∣li quale esset, si haeredes ab intestato instituisset disertè? Grotius answers yes, and that it is thus he understands those terms, Voluitque intestato decedere in l. 1. §. Si haeres. D. si tabulae Testamenti nullae extabunt.

IV. Grotius hath also by the by spoken of some other Questions of Law, which are not necessary to be related here. We shall pass to what is Historical in his Letters, whereof one part belongs to ancient Histo∣ry, Profane or Ecclesiastical; and the other to the History of his Time, or of his own Adventures. We shall in a few words ob∣serve, what's most curious upon these mat∣ters.

We have already noted, that there is in a Letter to Mr. de Pieresc, the Life of Ni∣cholas of Damascus. There is no other pro∣fane History but this, except some allusion by the by, to some fact which he relates not, as Letter 399. p 2. One of the finest works, saith he, of Parrhasius is written in Pliny. He represented the People of A∣thens, after a very ingenious manner. He would represent a People Cholerick, Un∣just, Inconstant, and at the same time easie to be perswaded, Merciful, Clement, Proud, Cowardly, Fierce and Timorous. He pain∣ted the figure of a man, much as I would have the Republick of Holland, or that of the United Provinces, to be represented by a Virgin. I would have a Virgin to be painted, who hath yet her Virginity, but who makes it known, that it is burthen∣some to her.

In the Letter 122. p. 1. He remarks the Oaths that the ancient Jews were accusto∣med to make use of, but in things of small consequence, they believed one should not swear by Divinity it self, but by ones Fa∣ther and Mother, by the Earth, by the Stars, by Heaven, or by the Universe. It's apparent in the beginning of the Book of Philo, intituled de specialibus legibus. Which serves much, according to the Judgment of Grotius, to clear what Jesus Christ saith of Oaths, in ch. v. of St. Mat. Where he pro∣hibites us to swear at all, (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) to wit, after any manner which the Jews swear. He makes besides, some other remarks up∣on this place of the Gospel, but as he most enlarged upon this matter in his Annotati∣ons, it's better to send the Reader to them, and to take notice of another thing which is in his Letters touching the Jews. He saith, that since the Jews were banished from their Countrey, and dispersed amongst Na∣tions who hate them, they are more expo∣sed to calumny, and that we ought not slightly to believe the evil which we may hear of them; that notwithstanding he would not always answer for their innocen∣cy, seeing they believe it is lawful to curse Christians, as appears by the Thalmud, and by other Books. They are not satisfied with words, they proceed to effects, when they think themselves strong enough for it. You may see, adds he, in the History of Dion, what the Jews of Cyrene have done in times past; and in Sozomen l.vii. c. 13. and Socrates l.vii. c. 17. what the Jews did who lived between Calcedon, and Anti∣och. Nicephorus passeth for an Author, on whom one cannot well rely. It's not amiss however to hear what he saith of the Jews of Arabia, Samaria, and Antioch, l.xvii. c 6. & 24. l.xviii. 44. because, what he saith, is upheld by the Testimony of Paul the Dea∣con, l.xviii. and by Zonaras in the Life of Phocas. Polydor Virgil assures in l.xvi. of his History, that they were banished from England, because a cruel design was discovered which they had formed. Stum∣phius, Thomas Barbartensis in his Fortalitium fidei, Michael Neander in his Erotemata lin∣guae sanctae, accuses them of having killed Children, and gather'd their Blood for he knew not what uses at Munster, Zurich, Berne, at Weessensch, in Turing, at Vber∣lingue near Ausbourg, at Dieffenhof, &c. Sa∣bellicus affirms the same thing of the Jews of Trent, l.viii. Ennead. x. Bonfinius saith as as much of those of Tirnave in Hungary, l.iv. Dec. v. For to say nothing of the Ma∣gick and Superstitious uses which may be made thereof, the Blood of Infants being a remedy against Leprosie, whereof several Princes have been accused to have made use; Jewish Physitians might have easily undertaken to make a trial of it, because of the hatred which they bore to Christi∣ans, when they believed they had no rea∣son to fear the Laws. It's then visible, 'tis a long time since this crime was imputed to them true or false, Let. 693. p. 1.

There is another observation touching a Sect of the ancient Jews, wherein perhaps more likelihood of Truth will be found. The most exact Chronologists, according to Grotius, say that Pythagoras lived towards the end of the Empire of Cyrus. Numeni∣us, Porphyrius and Hermippus followers of this Philosopher say, he was in Iudea, and that he followed in several things the Senti∣ments of the Jews. If we seek, what Sect of the Jews might have served for a model to Pythagoras, none will be found, upon whom this suspition may fall, but that of the Esseans. There was nothing more alike

than the Assemblies of these Jews, and the common Auditories of the Pythagoreans, such as Porphyrius, Iamblicus, Herocles and others describe. In effect Iosephus says, that the manner of living of the Esseans and Pythagoreans was the same. If Iosephus speaks of the Esseans, only in remarking what happened under Ianathas, an Asmo∣nean Prince, it was but by the by, and on the occasion of mentioning the Sadduces and Phari••ees, without telling when this first Sect begun. Grotius believes, that their Sects were formed upon those of the Recha∣bites, and Nazarenes, Let. 552. p. 1.

Speaking of Ecclesiastical History in ge∣neral, he cryeth out, Let. 22. p. 1. What do those read, who read the Ecclesiastical History, but the Vices of Bishops? Qui Ec∣clesiasticam Historiam legit, quid legit nisi E∣piscoporum vitia? and elsewhere, upon the occasion of something which Heinsius said of the Trinity, he remarks that the Greek and Latin School agree not, after which he adds, Mihi constat Patres in explicatione ha∣rum rerum plurimum dissensisse, etiamsi vocum quarundam sono inter se conveniant: quae sex re∣pertae sunt bono affectu, successu non semper op∣timo. There arose in 1630. a pretty warm dispute between Mr. de l' Aubespine, Bishop of Orleance, and Mr. Rigaut, who had prin∣ted some Books of Tertullian corrected up∣on some old Mss. touching the sence of a passage of this Author, in his Book, de Ex∣hortatione Casti••atis. Mr. Rigaut thought Tertullian meant, that it was permitted to Laicks to Consecrate, being in places where they cou'd have no Priests. Mr. de l' Aubespine upheld, that in this place, he did not speak of the Eucharist, but of what we now call Blessed-Bread; because the Council of Trent defined, that it belonged to Priests only to consecrate. These are the Words of Tertullian; Nonne & Laici sacerdotes su∣mus? scriptum est, regnum quoque nos & sa∣cerdotes Deo & Patri suo fecit, Differentiam in∣ter ordinem & Plebem constituit Ecclesia, & honor per Ordinis consessum Sanctificatus: adeo ubi Ecclesiastici ordinis non est Consessus, & OFFERS & TINGUIS, & Sacerdos es tibi solus. Sed ubi tres, Ecclesia est, licet Laici, &c. Grotius took the part of Mr. Rigaut his Friend, and then printed a small Dis∣sertation; de Coenae administratione ubi Pasto∣res non sunt. It is in the third Tome of his Theological Works. We may also see an Abridgment thereof in a Letter to Sal∣matius, which is 260. of the 1. p. where our Author testifies, he was of Erasmus's opinion, to wit, that in the Primitive times the Faithful consecrated the Bread and Wine, and communicated together, there being often no Priest in the Company. See the Letter of Erasmus to Cuthbert Tonstar, l. xxvi. Epist.

Grotius seems to have much respect for Christian Antiquity, as may be seen by all his works, and by this place of the Letter 191. of the 2. p. Perhaps those who are of Vo∣etius's opinion will think, it will be a Socinia∣nism to make the principal part of Religion con∣sist in the observation of the precepts of Iesus Christ. But I see that the Christians of the first Ages, the Assemblies, the Doctors, Mar∣tyrs have been of this Iudgment, that there are few things which we ought necessarily to know, and that as to the rest God Iudgeth us, according to the obedience we have rendered to him. The same also appears by a Conver∣sation, that Grotius had with the Prince of Condé in 1639. and whereof he gives an account to Chancellor Oxenstiern in Letter 1108. of the 1. p. He relates to this Suedish Lord, that the Prince had given him a visit, that they had discoursed of several things, and that this Prince had approved his Opinions; that in this Age one may attribute to him∣self the Name of a Christian, and the Surname of Catholick, the Scripture must be believed, interpreted, not according to the particular Judgment of each one, which hath caused Seditions, Schisms, and often Wars, but according to the universal and per∣petual consent of the Ancient Churches; which we find in the Writings of several excellent men, and chiefly in the Symbols and Acts of the true Ecumenick Councils, which were held before the Schism of the Eastern and the Western Churches; and which the Emperors, and all the Churches have approved of: That moreover, we must abstain from calumniating any one, to leave off the Spirit of Parties, to endea∣vour the Unity of the Church, such as Je∣sus Christ hath ordained, and the Apostles have founded, and to hold for our Bro∣thers, to wit, for Christians and Catho∣licks, all those who are in these opinions, although those who rule over the Churches have separated themselves from the Exter∣nal Communion. Haec omnia Princeps & si∣bi dicebat probari, & sapientissimis quos cognos∣set hominibus.

Not that Grotius was very much concei∣ted with the antiquity he believed, as some are, that the Ceremonies which it hath constantly kept to, are all of Divine Right. Thus he speaks to Mr. des Condés about Confirmation and Imposition of hands, Let. 329. 1. p. I have found by reading, that the imposition of hands was a Jewish Ceremony, which was introduced, not by any Divine Law, but by Custom, every time that any Body prayed God for ano∣ther. For the Jews prayed God, that his Power should accompany that Man, as the hands which were put upon his Head, and which were the Symbol of the Divine Power, were united to him. Jesus Christ followed this Custom, as several others of the Synagogue, whether Children were to be Blessed, or the sick were to be Cured, in joining Prayer to this Ceremony. It is according to this Custom, and not conse∣quent to any Precept, that the Apostles laid their hands on those to whom they conferred the Gift of the Holy Ghost by Prayer. Thus it was, that not only Priests used the same, when they received any in∣to their Body, as it appears by the Exam∣ple of Timothy, 1 Tim. iv. 15. But the Apo∣stles

themselves received anew the imposi∣tion of Hands, when they engaged into a∣ny new design, Acts xiii.2. So if at every time, that hands were imposed, a Sacra∣ment was conferred, we shall find Sacra∣ments in all the Prayers, which have been made for any one; which is contrary to the true Signification of the word, and to the use of the Ancients.

It's from this Ceremony, continueth our Author, which was not ordained by God, but which hath of it self been introduced amongst the Jews and Christians, that sprung the Sacraments of Confirmation, of Ordination, and Penitence, of Extream Unction, and even of Marriage; for the Ancient Churches, laid their hands on those who were Married, as the Abyssins this day do.

The Baptism of Christians, adds he, con∣sisted in times past in immersion only, as that of the Jews who baptized all those who embraced their Religion. It appears not that any laid hands on those who were baptized, but those who had the Gift of conferring the Holy Ghost. This hath been introduced rather in honour of Bi∣shops, to persuade the People, that they had succeeded to the Rights of the Apo∣stles. In the second Age, and the follow∣ing, divers Ceremonies were added to Bap∣tism, by allusion to some passages in Scrip∣ture, according to the Custom of the An∣cients, who expressed themselves not only by Words, but also by Signs and Symbols. It is for that, that they made those who were baptized to tast of Hony and Milk. But it was thought fit to represent particu∣larly by these Symbols, that those who be∣lieve in Jesus Christ receive in their Soul the same Graces which Jesus Christ made the sick feel which he cured, in their Body, or that those who make profession of be∣lieving in him, feel the Eyes of their Soul to open▪ as well as the Ears of their Heart, that they are cured of all their spiritual ma∣ladies, and that the Devil hath no further Power over them. Therefore Exorcisms were made use of, and the term of Epphata, be opened, also of Spittle, of Oyl, where∣of Jesus Christ and the Apostles made use of in curing corporal maladies.

Posterity was not content with this. 'Twas thought it ought to be made appa∣rent, that Christians are Kings and Priests, in anointing with a more odoriferous oyl. This Unction was joined to Baptism, as it is yet with the Greeks, and as it hath been a long time in the Latin Church. The Priests who baptized, administred it as well as the Bishops, the Bishop according to the Testimony of St. Ierome, and St. Augu∣stine, differing from the Priest, only in this, that the Bishop had the sole right of Ordain∣ing Priests. Our Author, after having made these Remarks, gives his Sentiment concerning a Canon of a 1. Council of O∣range, which caused then great disputes be∣twixt Mr. de S. Cyran, and F. Sirmond, and maintains that the latter had well cited and understood it, tho' his Adversary accu∣sed him of falshood. Grotius believes, that this Canon gives the Power to Priests to administer the Chrisme, and orders that it should be administred but once: Nullus Mi∣nistrorum qui baptizandi recepit officium, sine Chrismate unquaem debet progredi, quia inter nos placuit semel Chrismari. Nam inter nos Chrismatis ipsius non nisi una benedictio est. Non ut praejudicans quicquam dico, sed ut ne∣cessaria non habeatur Chrismaetio repetita. But according to him, this hinders not, but that when they use two Chrisms in Italy, as it appears by the famous Decretal of Pope Innocent, who speaks of a Chrism, which Priests as well as Bishops administred in Baptism, and of another which Bishops a∣lone administred in Confirmation: Presbyte∣ri, seu extra Episcopum, seu praesente Episcopo baptizant, Chrismate baptizatos ungere licet, sed quod ab Episcopo fuerit consecratum, non tamen frontem ex eodem oleo signare, quod solis debetur Episcopis, cum spiritum tradunt Para∣cletum. Grotius also believes, that Father Sirmond had reason to follow the Mss. where there is non habeatur, and not the Editions, where this Negation is omitted, but that he hath not well expounded praejudicans by nocens, a signification which hath been gi∣ven to this Latine word only in the time of Bartolos, or of Baldus. He saith it signifies condemnans.

Grotius wonders, that Christians dispute so much amongst themselves for indifferent things as these, which are neither comman∣ded, nor prohibited, and which make no∣thing of themselves to the distinction of Bi∣shops and Priests. He treats besides of the same Ceremonies in Letter 355.1. p. where he saith, much the same thing. One may see what he thought thereof, before he was gone out of Holland, in Letter 62. Where he speaks very respectfully of these ancient Ceremonies.

Writing to one of his Friends, from whom he had received Letters, from Grand Cair, and who had consulted him touching the Schism of the Nestorians and Eutychians, he answers thus: The Schism of Alexandria whereof you write unto me, was begun from the time of Dioscorus, of whom there are several Proselytes in this Countrey, in spight of the Condemnation of the Council of Calcedon, and who are spread even into Aethiopia, as the party of Nestorius stopped at Babylon, whence it extended it self into all Asia. I doubt not, but Nestorius hath used hard ways of speaking, who inclined too much on one side, as well as Eutychus did on the other; and I freely follow in this, the consent of the greatest number of Churches. Nevertheless it seems to me, that the Ancients were too forward in put∣ting out of the Church, those who were not of their Opinion in all things. See Letter 239. p. 2. As Grotius believed, that his Friend was in Abyssine, he takes occasion to speak of some Ceremonies of the Abyssines, as follows; Suarez in his Book of the Laws, says, that although the Abyssines retain Cir∣cumcision,

provided they believe not that it is absolutely necess••ry to Salvation, they may be received into the Church. I believe, they make use of this Mark, not in imitation of the Jews, or from the time of Solomon, as they speak, but that it is much ancienter, seeing Herodotus puts it amongst the Cu∣stoms, which were always received in Ae∣thiopia. I should believe, that it owes its Ori∣ginal to the Children, which Abraham had of Kethura; who according to Iosephus went to inhabit Aethiopia. I suppose, they ab∣stain from certain Meats rather for health than for Religion. The annual Commemo∣ration of Baptism is a tolerable Ceremony. It is better to interpret favourably the Ce∣remonies, affirmed by the Observation of so many Ages, than to rend the State and the Church all at once.

To mix some diverting Subjects to these which are so serious, we shall not omit a remark touching the Original of Acade∣mies, which is in Letter 285. p. 1. In the time, saith he, that the Roman Empire was the most flourishing, each City had Profes∣sours, not only in Eloquence, Non Eloquen∣tiae tantum & Philosophicarum Haeresium (non∣dum ob id nomen comburi homines coeperant) sed Medecinae quoque, and in all the Heresies of Philosophy, thus the Sects of Philosophers were called in the Ages, wherein Heresie was not a Crime worthy of Fire, but also in Physick. An arrest only of the Decuri∣ons was needful. It's what the Pandects the Code, and several Greek and Latine Au∣thors teach us.

In the time of the Controversies about Grace, Grotius made a small Treatise inti∣tuled, Disquisitio an Pelagiana sint ea dog∣mata quae nunc sub eo nomine traducuntur. It is in the third Tome of his Theological Works. He endeavours to shew in this small work, that the Sentiments which then were called Pelagian are not so: But he doth more in the 19. Letter of the second part, where he maintains that these same Senti∣ments are far from those of some Pelagians. The Divines of Marseilles, saith he, who were called Semi-pelagians, pressed the ne∣cessity of Grace, after such a manner that they denied Grace prevented the first good motions of the Will, at least in some Per∣sons. We need only to see the Council of Orange, which hath condemned the Errours of the Semi-pelagians. This was all their Er∣rour, which the Council disapproved so, that notwithstanding the Communion was not refused those, who were of this opini∣on. But those who believe, adds he, that Predestination is founded upon fore∣sight, the universality of sufficient Grace, and the opinion of those who maintain that Grace can be resisted, and that it can be lost, are Tenets of Semi-pelagianisme, ritu sabino quod volunt somniant, according to the Latin Proverb. And as to the Semi-pelagi∣ans, we shall find a passage of Vincent of Le∣rius in Letter 31. p. 1. upon which Grotius makes some Reflections.

To return now to more modern Histo∣ries, Grotius relates, Letter 366. p. 2. A quarrel which happened between the Pope and the Venetians, in 1636. about an In∣scription which the Pope caused to be put under a Picture, of Pope Alexander III. and Frederick Barbarousse at his Feet, with these Words; Alexander Papa III. Frederi∣ci Imperatoris iram & impetum fugiens abdidit se Venetiis, & à Senatu perhonorifice susceptum, Ottone Imperatoris filio navali praelio à Venetis victo, captoque, Fridericus pace facta supplex adorat, fidem & obedientiam pollicitus. Ita Pontifici sua dignitas Venetae Reipublicae beneficio restituta est. These terms did too much ho∣nour to the Republick of Venice, the Pope caused the Inscription thus to be corrected: Fridericus I. Imperator Alexandrum III. Pon∣tisicem, quem diu insecutus fuerat, post constitu∣tas cum eo pacis conditiones, & damnatum Schisma, Venetiis supplex veneratur. Grotius sends to his Brother a Latin Epigram, where he equally disapproved the action of Alexan∣der and that of Vrban, and which ends with this distich,

Nolite in fastum titulo pietatis abuti, Esse jubet Regum libera colla Deus.

This quarrel of the Venetians with the Pope, makes me remember a rumour that ran at Paris, in 1630. they said that Fra. Ful∣gentio, a Divine of the Republick of Venice, and Successor to Fra. Paolo, endeavoured to inspire into the Greeks of the State of Venice, the Sentiments of the Protestants, to introduce the Reformation into Italy, by that means. See Letter 238. p. 2.

It may be, this was but a bare Report. Grotius was too far from the places, to be throughly inform'd in it, but he had oppor∣tunities to be perfectly instructed of some other things, which happened in Holland, whilst he was there. He saith, Letter 11. p. 1. That in a Conference▪ which Armini∣us and Gomarus had before the Gentlemen of the States of Holland, as Oldenbarndvelt said to these two Gentlemen, that he praised God for that the Controversies which was amongst them, were not upon any funda∣mental Article, Gomarus answered, that the Opinions of Arminius, his Collegue were of such a nature, that he cou'd not appear before the Tribunal of God with 'em. The whole dispute concerned Predestination▪ and the greatest difference that was betwixt their opinions, was that Gomarus believed God had resolved to create the most part of men to damn them, without having any respect to their Actions, only for the Ma∣nifestation of his Power; whereas Armini∣us maintained that God damns not men, but because of their unbelief and impenitence. This last opinion is Melancthon's, as Grotius saith▪ Ep. 58. p. 1. and elsewhere.

The Gentlemen of the States of Holland made in 1614. an Edict, which may be seen in the 3. Vol. of the Theological Works of Grotius, by which they ordered the two par∣ties, which then were in the Reformed Churches of the Low Countries, to sup∣port

each other, and to treat with mode∣ration the controverted matters, the then King Iames of England at first praised this order, also divers Bishops approved it, as Grotius saith in his Letters 28, and 29. But this Prince changing his opinion afterwards disapproved this conduct, as appears by Letter 111. p. 1. to Mr. Anthony de Domi∣nis, Archbishop of Spalatro. But that which was most fatal to Grotius and those of his party, was, that from that time di∣vers Provincial Synods were held where they were not favoured, as he himself says, in Letter 64. p. 1. The Magistrates of every City, promised Pastors of that party, shou'd exercise their charge as before, but those of the contrary party, thought the same toleration ought not to be given to them. Some refused to Preach in publick Church∣es, because the other party were suffered there. They assembled themselves in pri∣vate Meetings, so that the Magistrates fear∣ed these divers Assemblies wou'd cause trouble in the State, as they had in the Church. There was an attempt made at Rotterdam, as Grotius relates Letter 65. p. 1. to calm these troubles by a particular con∣ference, where the reasons of those Pastors were heard, who would not Preach in pub∣lick Churches with those who were not of their opinion nor communicate with them. But this Conference had no good effect, as may be seen in this Letter of our Author, and in the following, where he gives an account of what happened on both sides in this Assembly.

Lastly the Schism was made after such a manner as all the World knoweth, and that besides many other reasons was no lit∣tle hindrance, according to the Judgment of Grotius, to the design which several Pious persons formed some years after, of reuniting all Protestants. The King of Swedland too endeavour'd it a little before his Death, having assembled at Leipswich di∣vers Lutheran and Calvinist Divines. The authority of this great King, made this Conference end with mildness on both sides, but his Death which hapned a little while after, made all hopes of ac∣commodation vanish. It was at that time that an English Divine named Duraeus, who had as 'twere consecrated himself to endea∣vour this reunion, ran vainly over all the Protestant States to induce them to Peace, which the Archbishop of Canterbury William Laud, whose Encomium Grotius makes in divers places, (v. p. 2. Ep. 405, 406.532.540.) and several Bishops of England pas∣sionately desired: Grotius saith, that an an∣swer of Doctor Hois Preacher to the E∣lector of Saxony being too violent against the Reformation, hindered it very much; see Let. 444. p. 1.

Protestants not being able to unite with one another, there was no likelihood that the Union between them and the Roman Catholicks should succeed. Yet there was a great talk on't in France, and Car∣dinal Richelieu, if we believe Grotius Let∣ter 531. p. 2. affirm'd that it would be agreed on. Cardinalis quin 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 negotium in Gallia successurum sit dubitare se negat. This made several persons apply themselves to writing, to propose to the publick means and projects of an Union. Amongst whom none appeared that made so much noise as Theophilus Brachet dela Millitiere, which seemed the more surprizing, because be∣fore the taking of Rochel, this Author had attacked the Kings party, and all the Ro∣man Catholicks with an extraordinary heat, in a little Book which he Printed for the defence of some Assemblies held at Rochel. Grotius speaks of it in divers places, but particularly in Letter 373. p. 1. 385.343, 345. p. 2.

There was then a report at Paris, which gave some hope to those who penetrated not the policy of Cardinal Richeleu, that there would happen a change in the Gal∣lican Church, which would much contri∣bute to an Union. Which was that the Cardinal had a design to render himself Patriarch in France, and thus to draw the Gallican Church from the obedience of the Court of Rome. To this design was applied, according to the relation of Gro∣tius Letter 982. p. 1. this Tetrastich of No∣stradamus.

Celui qui etoit bien avant dans le Regne Aiant chef range, proche Hierarchie, Apre & cruel, & se fera tant craindre Succedera à sacreé Monarchie.

Some are so far from taking away from the obedience of the Apostolick See, that they scarcely dared to defend the Liber∣ties of the Gallican Church. The King who had given orders to make a Collecti∣on of the Edicts of the Kings of France, and of the Acts of Parliament, by which until then the excessive power of the Court of Rome was opposed, got this col∣lection suppressed in 1639. when the impres∣sion thereof was finish'd, Grotius who had promised himself much from the courage of the French on this occasion, could not dissem∣ble his grievance, which he too strongly expresseth: Ita sub Regibus aut ignavis, aut ignaris, tantum sape fit damni, quantum suc∣cessores aegre sarciant: mirumque est pro Re∣gibus scribi Lutetiae non licere, cum Romae quo∣tidie contra Reges & eorum jura liberè fiant. He speaks thereof also in as weighty terms in Letter 1105. to Lewis Camerarius, Ambassador from Swedland into Hol∣land.

This event and some others made Gro∣tius doubt of the Roman Catholicks ever giving any satisfaction to Protestants, con∣cerning the complaints made of the abuses which they believe to be slipt into the Ro∣man Religion. He testifies these doubts in Letter 85. p. 2. where he saith that there is more reason to wish than to hope for peace, particularly since the Memory of M. Anthony de Dominis had been condemn∣ed, by burning his body. It's known this

Prelate believed that it was easie to reunite Religions by correcting some abuses in the Roman Church; and Grotius saith of him, Let. 37. p. 2. Marc Anthony de Dominis now saith Mass at Antwerp. He followeth the opinions of Cassander, only he attacks more openly Transubstantiation, and some other Te∣nets. I know not what he will say of changing his Religion, if he says not that he hath not changed. ••or he believes that the Religion of Prote∣stants and Catholicks is the same. Another thing which made Grotius despair of ever seeing Religious united, was the establishing cham∣bers for the Propagation of Faith, whereof he complains in a Letter to the great Chan∣cellour of Swedland dated Iune 29. 1639.

Besides these matters wherein great King∣doms have been interested, there are se∣veral particular Histories in these letters, whereof we shall here relate some. Am∣brosio Spinola Besieging Breda prohibited duels in his Army upon pain of Death. His Son having afterwards transgress'd this Order, was seized and condemned to Death, but the Guards letting him escape, he turned all his severity against them, and hanged six of them. He demanded his Son of the King of France, into whose Countrey he was withdrawn, to punish him, but he had not his desire, Let. 83. p. 2. Here is moreover another example of a Roman severity. A Venetian Senator of the Council of Ten, named Zeni, after he had punish'd the Sons of the Doge, who had done something against the State, he was attacked by assassinates, who wounded him in divers places. The People running to him, he was carried to his house, where he ordered his Sons and his Men to take his Bloody Cloaths, and thus to carry them to the Palace of St. Marc, to call for Justice. The Senate thereupon promised a great recom∣pence to those who should discover the Ac∣complices; some days after the Doge himself came to accuse his own Son, who was with∣drawn from the State of Venice, after hav∣ing done the Fact, and was of opinion that a far greater reward should be promised to him who could deliver the guilty dead or alive, into the hands of Justice, Let. 166. p. 2.

Grotius relates in the Letter where he speaks of Spinola, which we have cited, a History of another kind, and which is more diverting. He saith that a Courrier named Doublet, who was sent in 1625 from Holland to the Ambassador of the States at Paris, not knowing his aboad, nor even him∣self, made a pleasant equivocation: Which is, that having asked where lived the Am∣bassadour of the Low Countries, he was carried to the Envoy of Brussels, to whom he gave the Packet, and immediately be∣gun to speak of affairs of great consequence, afterwards perceiving his mistake, he got himself conducted to the Ambassador of the States, where he yet committed ano∣ther fault, in opening his Port-mantle be∣fore those who conducted him, and shew∣ed them that there was Money in it, after which going abroad about some affair, he returned no more, and this caused in the Ambassador a great uneasiness.

It was doubtless a great imprudence to commit matters of State to so unhandy a Man, but Grotius relates another fault of a witty man, which is as great, if it be true. He saith that famous Peter du Mou∣lin was obliged to go out of France by rea∣son of a Letter he had written to King Iames, wherein he exhorted him to succour the Elector Palatine, who was of late chosen King of Bohemia, to which he added, that the Reformed of France would see what they could expect from him in such an occasion. These Letters being fal∣len into the Hands of the King of France, M. du Moulin staid not to be bid to withdraw, nor until he should be seized, Let. 640. p. 2.

Here are other Histories for the diversi∣on of Naturalists and Philosophers. Gro∣tius assures us in Letter 361. p. 2. that the whole Court of England had seen in 1635 a man aged 153 years, who was in good health, but that he lost his sight 20 years before. In the Letter 405. p. 2. a Soul∣dier, saith he, lying in the Trenches before Landrecy, was advertised in a Dream speedily to retire, unless he was willing to be over∣whelmed by a Mine which was going to play. Scarcely was he up, but the Mine blew up the place he lay upon. This will surprize you, but if you had M. de Saumaise, he would relate unto you a History which he has of his Father. A certain man who knew not a word of Greek, came to see M. de Saumaise his Father, who was a Counsellor at the Parliament of Dijon, and shewed him these words which he had heard, at night in his Dream, and which he had writ∣ten in French Characters as soon as he awaked, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; he asked of Mr. de Saumaise if he knew not their meaning; Mr. de Saumaise said unto him that they signified, Away, perceivest thou not thy Death? This man quitted the House where he lived, and it fell the night following.

If this History is true, it is assuredly sur∣prizing. It includes a prediction, which may be attributed to some Invisible power, who had advertised this man in a Dream of what was to happen the next day, but here is another prediction, which deserves not less our Relation. Grotius not only made a kind of Horoscope of a great Prince who was born the fifth of September in 1638. In the Letter 1079 of the 1. p. directed to Queen Christine, but foretold upon a sim∣ple passage, that he would be one day a great Conqueror. This Prince troubled several Nurses which were to be given him in biting the Nipple of their Breasts. Fugiunt eum conquisitae ad hoc Faeminae, saith Grotius Letter 189. p. 1. quod ubera earum morsicando lancinet robustus calidique Spiritûs puer; non sine omine futurae rapacitatis. Gro∣tius seems to have taken delight in this thought, seeing he repeats it in his Letter 1231. written to Barlaeus the following year: Nutrices, saith he, non lassat tantum, sed & lacerat, caveant vicini sibi à tam ma∣tura rapacitate▪ The Fable teacheth us

some such thing of Hercules, whom Iuno was obliged to abandon, after she had un∣dertaken to Nurse him, because he dealt too violently by her Paps. See Diodorus Lib. IV.

To finish the Extract which we are to make of the Historical things which are in the Letters of Grotius, we need no more but to add some matters which concern himself. Mr. Aubery, who caused to be Printed some years ago a Book Intituled Memorials of the History of Holland, hath made in this Book a kind of an abridgment of the Life of our Author, where he prais∣eth and blameth him, according as he thought him to have deserved either. But it is astonishing that being a particular friend to this great man, and having often seen him in the time wherein he was Am∣bassador to the Court of Swedland, he not∣withstanding doth advance divers things, which are contrary to what Grotius saith himself in his Letters. He saith for ex∣ample, that Grotius being vext because Car∣dinal Richelieu had cut off his Pension, the first time he was in France, and had caused him thus to leave it, See not the Cardinal under this fine pretence, that he helped not the Ambassadors. It's what Mr. Aubery calls an unconceivable stand, or for a better expression, a Dutch obstinacy, which hindered his re∣conciliation with this potent Minister, tho' he had a very great need of him for his service in his particular affairs, so that he treated but with the subaltern Ministers. Grotius saith on the contrary, that he saw him pretty often, and relates some discourses he had with him, as may be seen in 1. p. letter 491, 505, 535. and elsewhere. There is no great likelihood that Grotius gave the Chancellor of Swedeland, long relations of any affairs which he had negotiated, as he saith, with the Cardinal himself, if he had never seen him during his Residence in France▪ as Mr. du Maurier assures. But it seems this Au∣thor hath confounded the Cardinal of Ri∣chelieu, with Cardinal Mazarin, of whom Grotius thus speaketh in a Letter dated the 26th of September, 1643. I have caused your Letters to be given to Cardinal Mazarin; I shall not see him, without an Order from our Queen, because at his own house he gives not the hand to the Ambassadors of Crowned heads, and being treated with the Title of Eminence, he treats not again with that of Excellence, pre∣tending to be equal to Kings, according to the Opinions of the Court of Rome, and very diffi∣cultly yields precedency to Princes of the Blood.

Mr. du Maurier also says another thing, which is not conformable to the Letters of Grotius, viz. that the Ministers of Charenton, who despised Grotius, during the time he was but a private man in France, used him quite another way when he was Ambassador of Swedland. Having considered, saith this Au∣thor, that it would be a very great honour to them, that an Ambassador of so considerable a Crown should be present at their Assemblies, they sent unto him one of their Ministers, with the Elders of the Consistory, to pray him to honour their Sermons with his presence; telling him, that the very Lutherans were of late admitted to their Communion, by an Act of the last Synod of Charenton, hut he answered them haughtily, that they having neglected him whilst he was a private man and a Refugee, he would neglect them in his turn, being Ambassador. It's very well known, that the Ministers of Charenton endeavoured to draw Grotius to their As∣semblies, from the first time that he was in France; but as we see nothing of it in these Letters, we do not at all rely upon it. It's true, some were deputed to Grotius, as he says himself in the Letters 378. p. 1. 340, and 350. p. 2. but he refused not to go to the Sermons of Charenton, after the manner which Mr. du Maurier saith; he thus tells us himself, he received the Deputies of Charenton, Letter 350. p. 2. I have had this day at my House three Learned Reformed Mi∣nisters, le Faucheur Minister of Montpellier, and Mertrezat and Daille Ministers of this Church. They desired me to join my self to their Communion, and told me that what was in times past established at Alez and Charen∣ton, being changed by new rules, wherein Lu∣therans are admitted to the Communion, they hoped we should hold their Confession for a Chri∣stian Confession, as they had the same opinion in respect to the Remonstrants: that they re∣membred what I formerly writ against Sibran∣dus, to wit that I should be very much surpriz∣ed if the Reformed refused the Communion to Chrysostome and Melanchton if they came again into the World: That they had read and approved my whole Book of the Truth of the Christian Religion, and the admonition I gave at the end to Christians, to bring them to an agreement. I told'em I was satisfied with what they said, being conformable to my maxims: that the opinion of Melanchton had always ex∣treamly pleased me, and that I had sufficiently shewn it; that as to what concerns Ecclesiasti∣cal Peace, I knew well that it ought not to be troubled by a turbulent manner of acting. That there should be free conferences amongst the learned. They also said that they endeavoured to bring the Remonstrants of Holland into their Communion, and that they had written about it to M. Rivet: that they were become more prudent with time, and that they hoped that the Dutch after having well examined their rea∣sons, would do somewhat in their favour. Af∣ter having said these things on each side, I added that I was ready to testifie by the external signs the Communion of the Spirit, in which I had always joined with them; and that it was ne∣ver my fault that it was not so: that if I went into a Country where Lutherans, knowing my opinions of the Eucharist, would receive me into their Communion, I would make no difficulty to communicate with them. They approved this conduct. Grotius seemed after this to be inclined to go to communicate at Cha∣renton, but there was an obstacle which never could be taken away, that hindered him; 'twas that Grotius would have had a distinct place in the Temple, and to be received there in the quality of Ambassa∣dor of Swedland; which the Consistory of

Charenton would not grant him. Grotius complains thereof in these terms, in Letter 358. I am surprized at the inconstancy of these people, who having invited to their Communion the Lutherans, say that they cannot receive an Ambassador of Swedland, in the Quality of Ambassador, because of the difference which is be∣tween the sentiments of that Kingdom and theirs.

Grotius notwithstanding in the Letters which we have cited praiseth the modera∣tion of the Ministers of Charenton. But here is a good character of Mr. Daille in Letter 232. p. 2. A Roman Catholick having put several questions to M. Daille in a Letter, and amongst other things why the Reformed had condemned the Arminians; he answered that seeing peace was oftentimes offered to the Lutherans who are of the same opinions, it was not so much the Arminians who had been con∣demned as Arminianism. I fear saith Gro∣tius, that those who are here stronger than they, shall say one day that they drive not away the Calvinists but Calvinism; which I pray God may not befal them.

M. du Maurier relates a pleasant History of a Lutheran Minister that Grotius had at his House, whom he names Doctor Ambreus, whereas Grotius complains of Brandanus, Letter 840. p. 1.410. p. 2. He saith that this Ambreus, instead of expounding purely and simply the Word of God, flung him∣self into controversie with so much vio∣lence, that his Sermons were full of in∣vectives, which Grotius being at last weary of, exhorted him to expound the Gospel, without wounding Christian Charity. Up∣on which Doctor Ambreus told him he could not but say what God inspired him with: and Grotius having at last ordered him, either to abstain from railing, or Preach no more, this Ambreus leaving him in anger, and coming down stairs, said grumbling, that it was a strange thing that the Ambassador of the Crown of Swedland, would shut the Holy Ghost's mouth. Which Grotius related unto me, adds Mr. du Mau∣rier being ready to split with laughing, and said that this Ambreus complained every where that he shut the Holy Ghost's mouth, because he hindered him from speaking against his Neighbour. Yet Grotius com∣plains only of Brandanus, and also contra∣dicts in another thing M. du Maurier. This Author saith that one M. d'Or who was of the same Sentiments with Calvin, Preach∣ed in the Afternoons, and that he would al∣so engage himself in Controversie. Gro∣tius had only a design to take this M. d'Or after he had sent away Brandanus, and this M. d Or was formerly of the Judgment of the Arminians, on which account he came out of Sedan, where he was Minister before the Synod of Dordrecht. See Let. 410. p. 2. by the following Letters we see that Grotius made no use of him, tho' he had a design so to do.

We shall end the Extract of what con∣cerns the Person of Grotius, by his Epitaph which he made himself, and which is in Let. 536. p. 2.

Grotius hic Hugo est, Batavûm Captivus & Exul, Legatus Regni, Suedia magna, tui.

Concerning his works, he telleth us him∣self that his Book of the Truth of the Chri∣stian Religion, was translated not only in∣to High Dutch, French and English, but even into Arabick and Persian, to serve for the Conversion of Infidels. See the 2d. p. Letter 411, 444, 534. He saith also that the Queen of Swedland caused his Book de Iure Belli & Pacis, to be read which some Divines said included Socinian prin∣ciples. Grotius saith laughing thereat▪ Fiet & Regina Sociniana, si quid Voetio, Riveto, Cleopenburgio credimus.

V. To come, in fine, to what is in the Letters of Grotius concerning Politicks, we believe we may say to the publick what Peter Grotius Son to our Author, esteem∣ing so much the Letters which his Father had Written during his Ambassy, that he said they were as excellent in respect to Policy, as his Annotations upon the Gos∣pel were in matters of Divinity. It is what the Publick may Judge, and whereof per∣sons would yet judge better, if divers pla∣ces, which undoubtedly contain the most important things, were not written in figures, or if the Author had not made use of invented names, which are not easie to be understood M. du Maurier is of a senti∣ment very different, since he saith, that Grotius being withdrawn from the society of the Living, and passing whole days, and the most part of the Night with the Dead, he could only send into Swedland news about new bridge in fine Latin.

We shall not undertake to decide which of the two had most reason, because here we write a History, and not an Apology. Those who will take the pains to compare the news which Grotius writ to the Chancel∣of Swedland with the events of those times may judge thereof. But it would not be surprising that an Ambassador, who is ob∣liged to write very often and hath not al∣ways considerable affairs, should write news either not of great consequence, or perhaps false. Howbeit, we shall here collect some political places, which are spread through this great Volume.

In the 364. L. p. 1. we find a dispute some∣thing extraordinary, concerning the pow∣er of sending Ambassadors. The great Chancellor Oxenstiern, who after the Death of Gustavus, had a full power to do all he thought convenient for the good of the state, to send Ambassadors, &c. sent Gro∣tius into France. Some difficulties were rai∣sed thereupon, which Grotius refutes in this Letter by divers examples, and particular∣ly by that of the Ambassadors, who having been sent from Flanders by Arch-Dukes, in vertue of the power they had received from Madrid, were received in France and Eng∣land, as Ambassadors from the King of Spain. Grotius then tells us in what manner he was received, after he had been acknowled∣ged Ambassador from the Crown of Swedland.

He sometimes makes political remarks upon the Nature of Nations, and upon the manner wherewith one ought to treat with them, as when he says of the French, Let. 371. p. 1. that they are at first harder to be dealt with, but that by little and little, they become more tractable, according as they perceive they get nothing by acting haughtily. The same Nation, saith our Author Let. 582. p. 1. boasts of its riches, when it seeks for Allies; but when any thing is to be paid, 'tis not asham'd to say that it is extreamly poor: Galli cum socios quae∣runt, maximas praeferunt divitias; Vbi solvendum est aliquid, ultimam paupertatem. So he speaks elsewhere in what manner the French do use the Court of Rome, that when they do not obtain of them what they would, they me∣nace it. People, saith he▪ might make use of this way, to diminish the Pope's Power; but for the most part when the affairs of private Men go on well, those of the State are neglected. It's thought the Cardinal would frighten the Pope, that he may make him here a perpetual Legate to the Aposto∣lick See. For the Romans of these days do through fear, many things which they would never do with their good will, Let. 1292. part 1.

In this Letter also is the manner where∣with Cardinal Richelieu negotiated, and how he employed the most famous Father Io∣seph in the most difficult negotiations. Gro∣tius tells us that the Cardinal made use of him, to begin the negotiations, and to put them in a way of succeeding, after which he would put in himself. Butillerius Pater, saith he, & Iosephus Capucinus negotia cru∣da accipiunt, cocta ad Cardinalem deferunt. Let. 375. p. 1. An example hereof may be seen in Let. 371. In the 380. is the Histo∣ry of a Conference which Grotius had with the Cardinal and F. Ioseph. This Capuchin at first speaks there with the Ambassadour of Swedland, and goes thro' the hardest part of the Contestation. Afterwards the Car∣dinal intervened, as to make them agree in proposing a Medium. Dixit deinde Car∣dinalis, they are the words of our Author, videre se inter me & Iosephum minus convenire: velle se esse Conciliatorem mutuae inter nos bene∣volentiae.

After having observ'd in a Letter to Le∣wis Camerarius, that the Swedes had run so much in debt, that they were no more tru∣sted, and that the neighbouring Nations were not less drained, he adds this political reflection: Pro divitiis nobis erit eadem apud hostes paupertas; the poverty of our Ene∣mies will serve us instead of Riches. Let. 884. p. 1. But there are few places of the Poli∣ticks that are stronger and livelier, than a Description of the Court of France in 1635. whereof here are some words, for it is too long to be all inserted: The Cardinal burthened with care, unloads it on a Monk, this Monk dis∣chargeth it very slightly. Boutiller the Son only runs about, the Father defers every thing, the Commissaries of the Treasury, and the Ge∣nerals of the Armies, think they are all called to a Harvest of Gold. The Cardinal is charged with the Sins of all the World, and even fears his life.

It happened in 1637. that Grotius and the Earl of Leicester, the English Ambassa∣dour having sent their Coaches to meet an Ambassadour of Holland, the Swedish Ambassadours Men took the Precedency, in spight of the English, which made the latter draw their Swords. The Duke de la Force who went for the Ambassadour ran to the tumult, and thought he could easily decide it, but the Swedes made it appear they were prepared for this accident in gi∣ving the reasons they had to do so, which may be seen in Let. 722. p. 1.

I almost forgot to remark that in the 2. part which contains much fewer political Letters than the first, that the Opinion of Grotius may be seen upon these two questi∣ons: to wit, if one is obliged to send a Prince such succour as hath been promised him, when we are attacked our selves? Letter 16. and after what manner the Re∣publick of the United Provinces hold Demo∣cracy? Let. 209.

This is what was thought fit to relate of the Letters of Grotius concerning Politicks. The subject of his Embassy may be seen in the new History of Swedland by M. Puffendorf, lib. vii c. 4.

In this great number of Letters one may well judge that there are some of all sorts: but we were contented to mark the prin∣cipal subjects. The Letters of Consolati∣on may be added, whereof these are the most considerable, the 133. to M. du Mau∣rier upon the Death of his Wife: The 334. to G. Vossius upon the Death of his Son De∣nis: The 445. to M. de Thou: The 1116. to a Prince of the House of the Pala∣tinate.

What follows is a Continuation of Bishop Ushers Works, Entituled, The Antiquities of the Bri∣tish Churches, &c. And should have followed in pag. 37. af∣ter these Words, Day of his Death, but was there left out through the Printers mistake.

AFter the death of Innocent, (a) 1.89 St. Augustine and A∣lypius writ to St. Paulin Bishop of Nola, to exhort him to oppose Pelagia∣nism in Italy, provided he was in a Conditi∣on of making any progress. In the mean time Celes••••us that was return'd from Asia, whi∣ther he was gone after having made some little abode in Sicily, came to present him∣self

of his own accord to Zozimus, Born in Cappadocia, and successor to Innocent. He gave him a small Tractate, wherein he had particularly expounded his Opinions.

He ran over therein all the Articles of Faith, from that of the Holy Trinity, to the Resurrection of the Dead, and declared that he held all these Articles, after the same man∣ner the Catholick Church did. He added likewise,

that if disputes were rais'd in things that were not matters of Faith, as for his own part he had not attributed to himself the authority of forming an absolute Judgment thereof, but offered to be examined by Zozimus what he had Written upon these subjects drawn from the authority of the Prophets, and A∣postles, that it might be corrected if there was any errour. In fine every sen∣timent he there explain'd that we have before spoken of, and denyed manifestly Original Sin.

Zozimus cited ••elestius to appear before him in the Church of St. Clement, where he caused this Writing to be read, and asked of the Author, if he verily believed what he said therein. Cele∣stius answered, Yes; after which Zozimus put divers questions to him, the sense whereof may be contain'd in these two: If he condemned the Doctrines that Pauli∣nus Deacon of Carthage had accused him of maintaining? He said to that, that he could prove this Paulinus to be an Heretick, and would not condemn the propositions whereof he had accused him. The other question that Zozimus put to him, was if he agreed not with Pope Innocent in what he had condemned, and if he would not fol∣low the sentiments of the Church of Rome? Celestius answered, yes.

After these formalities Zozimus Writ to the Bishops of Africk a long letter, where he relates in what manner Celestius had ap∣peared before him, and how he had been examined. After that he reproachech them with having acted in this affair with too much precipitation (fervore fidei praefesti∣natum esse) and that they had too lightly be∣lieved extravagant reports, and saith the same to certain Letters of Eros and Laza∣rus, not being well assur'd of their worth. Lastly he citeth those that shall have any thing to say against Celestius to appear at Rome in two Months at farthest. Notwith∣standing he took not away the Excommuni∣cation that the Bishops of Africk had pro∣nounced against him.

As in that time the judgment of a Sy∣nod, or even of a Bishop, and particular∣ly that of the Bishop of Rome was of great weight in what manner soever they had proceeded, and that afterward Zozi∣mus was accused of having prevaricated in condemning Pelagius after having appro∣ved his Doctrine, St. Augu∣stine (a) 1.90 hath endeavoured to give the best turn he could to this conduct of Zozimus, as if this Prelate had acted mildly on Celesti∣us's account, only for pitty, and thinking to have an account of his Opinions only for the better instructing himself, & that seeing they could not not be attributed to him as obsti∣nate Heresies, it would not be so difficult e∣ven to bring him back to the truth. Zozimus in a Word according to St. Augustin, look'd upon Celestius as a Man of great wit, and who being corrected might be very useful to others The will of rectify∣ing, but not the falsity of Opinion is com∣mendable. (b) 1.91 In homine acer∣rimi ingenii, qui profecto si cor∣rigeretur plurimis profuisset, vo∣luntas emendationis, non falsitas dogmatis, approbata est.

'Tis a long while ago, saith our Author,(c) 1.92 that the Learned Vossius hath shewn this great Bishop en∣deavour'd in vain to hide the broken back of Zozimus, with his Purple. It cannot be doubted after reading the Letters that he Writ to the Bishops of Africk, that he not only favoured Celestius, but also Pe∣lagius, as being Catholicks, without dissen∣ting much from the true Faith.

Zozimus having sent his Letter unto A∣frick, received a Packet from Palestin dire∣cted to Innocent, whose Death was not yet known. There were Letters of Prayle Bi∣shop of Ierusalem, and an Apology of Pela∣gius, with a small book wherein he ex∣pounded his Opinions very clearly, as it may be seen by the reading of it. Prayle o∣penly took the part of ••elagius, and Zozimus caused to be read publickly these Letters and Writings, which were approved by all, as appears by what Zozimus writ a little while after to the Bishops of Africa. Would to God, saith he to them, my most beloved Brethren, that some of you could have assisted at the reading of these Letters? What was not the joy of the holy Men that were present? In what admiration were they all in? some could scarcely keep themselves from shedding tears. Is it possible that you could have defamed persons of so unspotted a Faith? Is there any place in their Writings, where they have not spoken of the assistance and Grace of God?

He condemned moreover in these Let∣ters Eros and Lazare, accusers of Pelagius and Celestius, as persons guilty of great crimes, erubescenda factis & damnationibus no∣mina and spoke with much contempt of o∣thers that were parties against them.

Notwithstanding the Bishops of Africk took no notice of these Letters, but assem∣bled themselves at Carthage to the number of ccxiv, and condemned anew Pelagius and Celestius, until they acknowledged the neces∣sity of Grace in the same sense, that it was maintain'd in Africk, without making use of any equivocations as they had done till then. This Assembly was held at the beginning of the year CCCCXVIII, they sent their Constitutions with a Letter to Zozimus, wherein these Bishops exhorted him to act against Pelagius conformably to them. Their Letter had the effect they desired, and Zozimus and all his Clergy (who had admired the Writings of Pelagius, where

they freely declared their sentiments, gi∣ving attention, as St. Augustin, says, to what the Romans believed thereupon, whose faith might be spoken of with Praise to the Lord) saw that all their Opinions, which were conformable to each other, were very zealous for the Catholick Faith against the Opinion of Pelagius. Not∣withstanding Zozimus in condemning him, spoke not so strongly, as he had in judging in his favour, as it may be seen in Vsher. The Emperors Honorius and Theodosius, re∣ceived also the acts of the Council of A∣frick, and thought fit to prop them with their authority, in making an edict which they sent to the three Prefects of the Praeto∣rium, for to publish it in the whole Empire, by which they banished Pelagius and Cele∣stius from Rome, and likewise condemned to a perpetual banishment and confiscation of Goods all those that should maintain their Tenets, where e're they were, au∣thorizing all persons to accuse them. The Prefects of the Praetorium accompanied this Imperial Law with particular Edicts, where∣of one is still remaining, and may be seen in the Centuriators of Magdebourg. It is of Palladius's, and in these terms,

If he that is fallen into the infamous Opinions of this dangerous Heresie be (a) 1.93 Laick or Ecclesia∣stick, whosoever he be that bringeth him before the Judge, without regarding the person of the accuser, the accused shall have his Goodsconfiscated, and depart immediate∣ly into perpetual banishment:

Et si sit ille plebeius ac clericus qui in caliginis hujus obscoe∣na reciderit à quocunque tractus ad judicem, sine accusatricis discretione personae facultatum publicatione nudatus irrevocabile patietur Ex∣ilium. Suspicious Persons may believe that this Edict▪ conceived in so emphatical terms, came from the Pen of some Zea∣lous Ecclesiastick; but it is nothing in comparison to those of the Emperours Honorius and Theodosius, that may be seen more at large in Vsher, p. 151. Those that know the Style of the Preachers then, will be persuaded easily that it was requisite to follow the like method for some time, to begin an Imperial Edict in these Terms. Ad conturbandam Catholicae simplicitatis lucem, puro semper splendore radiantem, dolosae artis ingenio, novam subito emicuisse versutiam, pervulgatâ opinione cognovimus: quae fallacis scientiae obumbrata mendaciis, & furiato tan∣tum debacchata luctamine, stabilem quietem coelestis conatur attrectare fidei. Dum novi a∣cuminis commendata vento, insignem notam plebeiae vilitatis sentire cum cunctis, ac pruden∣tiae singularis palmam fore, communiter appro∣bata destruere, &c. All the rest are of the same Style, by which may be seen the Spi∣ritual Excitations in Honorius time to con∣vert Hereticks, were not very different from such as have been made use of in these latter Ages.

Notwithstanding the same Bishops of A∣frick, who had lately condemned Pelagius, knowing nothing yet of the Emperours E∣dicts which were dated the last of April, as∣sembled themselves again at Carthage, the next day, and anathematized those that should say,

that the first Man was by his Nature mortal. 2. That little Infants ought not to be Baptised, or that they might be so, tho' they were not infected with the Sin of Adam. 3. That the Grace by which we are justified, serveth but for the Re∣mission of Sins, and is not sufficient to make us abstain from them for the fu∣ture: 4. That Grace assisteth us only to know our duty, and that it produceth not obedience of it self. 5. That Grace is given us, that we may the more easily by its means do, what we should do with most difficulty without it. 6. That it is only by humility that we are all obliged to say that we are Sinners▪ 7. That every one is not obliged to say, pardon us our sins for himself, but for others only that are sinners. 8. That the Saints are obli∣ged to say the same words by humility only.

It seemeth that this Council intended not only to condemn the Opinions of Pelagius, but also to anathematize aforehand those that could fall into the sentiments that should have any connection with theirs. For it's apparent according to these princi∣ples, he could absolutely deny the four last propositions. He believed not that Grace made us simply to know our duty, nor that there had been any man that had passed his life without Sin, excepting Jesus Christ. But it hath always been the custom of Councils to anathematise some supposed errors that no body held, in condemning the real Opinioins of Hereticks; it may be to inspire more horrour for Heresie, and to hinder that none should be so bold as to protect Hereticks. Thus as (a) 1.94 St. Augustin spea∣keth, By the Vigilance of Episco∣pal Councils, with the help of the Lord, who de∣fendeth his Church (and that of the Imperial Edicts) Pelagius and Celestius were condem∣ned in all the Christian World, if they did not repent.

Nevertheless Pelagius, who was still at Ierusalem pressed by Pinianus and Melanius, made a declaration of his thoughts concer∣ning the necessity of Grace, which he ac∣knowledged to be necessary to every act: and at every moment. He also saith, that he always was in regard to Baptism of the same sentiments, he had mention'd in his profession of Faith to Pope Innocent, which is, that Children must be Baptized as accu∣stomed. But whatever he could say, it was not believed that he understood what he spoke in the same sense with the Afri∣can Church. Nevertheless Iulianus Bishop of Celenes in Campania, published Commen∣taries upon the Song of Songs, a book de Constantla, and four books against the first of St. Augustins de Concupiscentiae & Nuptiis, where he maintained the sentiments of Pe∣lagius. In the last of these Works, he trea∣ted openly the Bishops of Africk, as se∣ditious and Innovators, and said that they

could not have Reason on their side,

since in the dispute, they frighted those that resisted them, with the Imperial Edicts, but that acting after that nature they per∣suaded not intelligent persons, but the fearful only: laborare illam partem rationis inopia,(a) 1.95 quae in disserendo cum terrorem surro∣gat, nullum à prudentibus impe∣trat, sed caecum à meticulosis ex∣torquet assensum.

He accused Zozimus of having used Prevarication in condem∣ning Pelagius, after having approved his sentiments, and as to the Synods of Africk he said

that those that had been condemned by them, could not de∣fend their cause; that none can well judge of controverted things, if he doth not bring a mind free from hatred, friend∣ship, enmity, or anger, that the Bishops of A••rick were not thus qualified, having an aversion to the Opinions of Pelagius be∣fore they knew them, that his sentiments were not to be received, but weighed; and finally all that hath been usual to be objected to the judgments of great As∣semblies.

A new Council was afterward held in the year CCCCXIX. at Carthage, com∣posed of CCXVII. Bishops, where all that had been done in the former against Pela∣gius was confirmed, and in effect to make use of the terms of St. Prosper, in his Poem of the Vngrateful,

An alium in sinem posset procedere sanctum Concilium, cui dux Aurelius, ingeniumque Augustinus erat.

But the Episcopal Authority was still upheld in this rencounter by that of the Em∣perours, who in a Letter directed to Au∣relius confirmed their precedent Edict, and ordered, that if any knew in any (a) 1.96 place of the Empire Pelagius and Celestius kept themselves hidden, and dis∣covered them not, or did not immediate∣ly drive them away, he should be liable to the same punishment those Hereticks were. And to correct the stubborness of some Bishops who maintained, by a si∣lent consent, those that disputed in favour of the Heresie, or that did not destroy it in publickly attacking it; Aurelius should take the care to depose those that would not sign the Condemnation of Pelagia∣nism, and should be excommunicated and banished.

Aurelius had orders to publish this Edict in all Africk, and he executed it punctually, joyning to it a circular Letter to the Bishops of the Byzacen and Arzugitan Provinces, by which he compell'd them to sign the acts of the last Council, as well those that had assisted at it, as those that could not be present, that it might be ac∣knowledged that there was not in Bishops neither dissimulation nor negligence, or fear∣ing that by chance there might remain some lawful suspicion of some bidden Heresie. The Bishops that were of the same Opinion with Pelagius subscribed the acts, but with great difficulty; and eighteen of them Writ to the Bishop of Thessaloni••a endea∣vouring to draw the Eastern Bishops on their side. That they might the easier in∣gage them in their own cause, they accu∣sed their adversaries of Manicheism, because the Manicheans maintained also the una∣voidable necessity of Sinning, and the na∣tural corruption of Man. This accusation was the rather more odious, that St. Au∣gustin the principal defender of these Opi∣nions, had been in his Youth infected with the Opinion of Manicheus, and that having abjured them, he had attacked them by the same principles whereof the Pelagians had made use, when he was come to the Episcopacy. On the other side Iulianus Writ to Rome, and Celestius sent to Con∣stantinople in the year CCCCXIX, to en∣deavour to win some Proselytes there. But after the Imperial Edicts that we have already observ'd, they could in no like∣lyhood have a good issue. Celestius was ill received by Atticus who had succeeded to Arsacius, substituted next to St. Chrysostom, but dead a little while after. The Pelagi∣ans were also very ill treated, according to the relation of St. Prosper, at Ephesus and Sicily; and Constantius that Honorius had as∣sociated in the Empire, made in the year CCCCXX, an Edict like to that of this Prince against those that should hide Cele∣stius. St. Ierome died this year, and St. Au∣gustin composed his four books addressed to Boniface Successor to Zozimus, and the six against Iulian addressed to Claudius. He, made therein the Elogium of St. Ierome and assures us that he was of the same sen∣timents with the Bishops of Africk, because it seems he had attack'd the Pelagians, tho' on the other hand he did not make use of St. Augustins reasons, as it may be seen in the first Tome of this Library. p. 21. St. Ierome said (a) 1.97 that the

Commandments of God are possible, but that every one cannot do that which is possible, not by any weakness of nature, which would be injurious to God, but the custom of the Soul, which cannot al∣ways have at the same time all vertues.

Possibilia praecipit Deus, sed haec possibilia cun∣cta singuli habere non possumus, non imbecilli∣tate naturae, ut calumniam facias Deo, sed ani∣mi assuetudine, qui cunctas simul & semper non potest habere virtutes. St. Augustin was so far from this Opinion that in the CXII. Sermon de tempore he speaketh thus: We ab∣hor the Blasphemy of those, who say that God hath commanded Man any thing impossible, and that the Commandments of God cannot be kept by ea••h in particular, but by all in common.

Execramur Blasphemiam eorum qui dicunt impossibile aliquid homini à Deo esse praecep∣tum, & mandata Dei non à singulis, sed ab omnibus in commune posse servari, here must be understood by the help of Grace.

Whilst (a) 1.98 Pelagius remain∣ed hidden in the East, and was silent, Iulian composed four Books against the second of St. Augustin de Concupiscentia & Nuptiis, having refuted the first in the four, whereof we have spo∣ken. St. Augustine undertook to answer to the last work of Iulian, as he had done to the precedent, but he could not end his answer, being dead before. We have two books thereof, with the two books Iu∣lian, that he refuteth, Printed at Paris, by Claudius Menard in 1616. Iulian kept no measure in his Books, and seems to have been willing to abuse the Adversaries of Pelagius, to vindicate himself of the severe Edicts they had obtained against him. But this conduct did him no good, seeing Cele∣stinus Bishop of Rome banished him out of Italy, with Florus, Oroncius, Fabius, and all the Bishops of the same party▪

It seemeth notwithstanding that Pelagia∣nism did spread it self in spight of all this, seeing the Emperour Valentinian, to clear the Gauls of it, published an Edict at A∣quilea in Ccccxxv, by which he ordered Patroclus Bishop of Arles, to visit divers Bi∣shops that followed the opinions of Pelagius, and to declare unto them, if in 20. days they they did not retract their Errours, they should be banished from the Gauls, and deprived of their Bishopricks.

Iohn Cassienus, originally a Scythian, that some call an Athenian, others a Roman, and some a Gaul, who had been a Dea∣con to St. Chrysostome, and made a Priest by Innocent the first, being retired to Mar∣seilles began to compose Books, by which sweetening a little the Sentiments of Pela∣gius, w••om he also condemned as a Here∣tick, he gave birth to the opinions, to which were since given the Name of Semi-pelagianism. His Sentiments may be seen in his Collations, or Conferences that St. Prosper hath refuted, and maintain'd a∣gainst the pure Pelagianism. (b) 1.99 Here in a few words is what they were reduced unto.

I. The Semi-pelagians allowed, that men are born corrupted, and that they cannot withdraw from this Corruption, but by the assistance of Grace, which is nevertheless prevented by some motion of the Will, as by some good desire; whence they said, n••cum est velle credere, Dei autem gratiae est adjuvare; to Will to Believe dependeth of me, but it's the Grace of God that helpeth me. God according to them expecteth from us these first moti∣ons, after which he giveth us his Grace.

II. That God inviteth all the World by his Grace, but that it dependeth of the Li∣berty of men to receive or to reject it.

III. That God had caused the Gospel to be preached to Nations that he foresaw would embrace it, and that he caused it not to be preached to Nations, that he foresaw would reject it.

IV. That notwithstanding he was wil∣ling all should be saved, he had chosen to Salvation none but those, that he saw wou'd persevere in Faith and good Works.

V. That there was no particular Grace absolutely necessary to Salvation, which God gave only to a certain number of men, and that men might lose all the Graces they had received.

VI. That of little Children which died in their Infancy, God permitted that those only should be baptized▪ who, according to the foreknowledge of God would have been pious if they had lived; but on the contrary those that were wicked, if they came to a more advanced Age, were ex∣cluded from Baptism by Providence.

VII. The Semi-pelagians were yet accu∣sed to make Grace entirely outward, so that according to them it chiefly consisted in the preaching of the Gospel; but some of them maintained that there was also an interiour Grace, that Pelagius himself did not totally reject. Others allowed that there was preventing Grace.

So it seemeth, that the difference that was betwixt them, and Pelagius consisted only in this, that they allowed Men were born in some measure corrupt, and also they pressed more the necessity of Grace, at least in words. Tho' the difference was not extreamly great, he notwithstanding anathematized Pelagius. But this they did, it's like, in the supposition, that Pelagius maintained all the opinions condemned by the Councils of Africk. St. Augustine ac∣cuseth them to have made the Grace of God wholly to consist in Instruction, which only regardeth the understanding, when as he believ'd it to consist in a particular and interiour action of the Holy Ghost, deter∣mining us invincibly to Will good, this determination not being the effect of our understanding. The other Sentiments of this Father, are known opposite either to the Doctrine of Pelagius, or that of the Semi-pelagians. We may be instructed herein particularly, in his Books of Prede∣stination and Perseverance, that he writ at the entreaty of St. Pro••per against the Semi-pelagians, and in the works of the latter.

To come back to the History, 'tis said, that in the year Ccccxxix, one Agricola Son of Severiaenus a Pelagian Bishop carried Pelagianism into England, but St. Germain Bishop of Auxerre, was sent hither by Pope Celestin, or by the Bishops of the Gauls, and extirpated it suddenly. Several mira∣cles are attributed to him in this Voyage, and in the stay he made in England, as Vsher observes. But if what (c) 1.100 Hector Boetius saith, a Histo∣rian of Scotland, who lived in the beginning of the past Age, be true, he used a means that is not less efficacious for the extirpation of Here∣sie, which was that the Pelagians that would not retract, were burned by the care of the Magistrates.

But whilst St. Germain purified England,

the Seeds of Pelagianism, that Cassian had spread amongst the Monks of Marseille, and in the Narbonick Gaul, caused it likewise to grow in France. St. Prosper and Hilary, had writ of it to St. Augustine, and had specified it to him, that several Ecclesia∣sticks of the Gauls looked upon his opini∣ons as dangerous novelties. St. Augustine answered to their objections in the books, which we lately have named; but the sup∣port that Hilary Bishop of Arles, and Ma∣xim Bishop of Riez granted to the Semi-pe∣lagians, hindered any body from molesting them, tho' they shewed much aversion for the Doctrine of St. Augustine.

Iulian and the other Bishops banished, as I have already observ'd, from Italy, were gone to Constantinople. where they importu∣ned the Emperour, to be re-established, but as they were accused of Heresie, he would grant them nothing, without know∣ing the reasons why they were banished. Nestorius Bishop of Constantinople writ about it to Celestine, who answered him after a very sour manner, and as if it had not been permitted to be informed of the rea∣son of their condemnation, reproaching him at the same time with his particular Sentiments. His Letter is dated the 12. of August in the year Ccccxxx.

It was at that time, that St. Augustine died, whose Elogium may be found in our Author who approveth of the praises that Fulgentius giveth him in his 2. Book of the Truth of Predestination, where he speaks of him as Inspired. A little after his death, the Letters of Theodosius, that had called him to the Council of Ephesus, arrived in Africk, whence some Bishops were sent thither.

In the year Ccccxxxi, the 22. of Iune, this Council composed of CCX. Bishops was assembled for the Condemnation of Nestorius▪ Cyril of Alexandria presided there, and whilst it was holding, Iohn Bi∣shop of Antioch was assembled with 30. o∣ther Bishops, who made Canons contrary to those of this Council. The particulars were, that the party of Cyril, and that of Iohn reciprocally accused each other of Pe∣lagianism; but the greater part approved of the Deposition of Iulian and other Bi∣shops of Italy, that Nestorius had used with more mildness. He is accused to have been of their opinion, and to have main∣tained that Jesus Christ was become the Son of God, by the good use he made of his Free-will, in reward whereof God had united him to the Everlasting Word. This was the cause, that in this Council Pelagianism and Nestorianism were both condemned together.

But notwithstanding all this, and the cares of three Popes, Celestinus, Xystus, and Leo the first, Semi-pelagianism was up∣held amongst the Gauls. It may be that the manner wherewith Celestine writ to the Bishops of France contributed to it, because that tho' he condemned Pelagius with heat, and praised St. Augustine, he said at the end of his Letter,

that as to the deep and difficult Questions, which were found mingled in this Controversie, and which were treated at length by those that op∣posed the Hereticks, that as he durst not despise them, he did believe it not neces∣sary to make a party therein.

Our Author shews (a) 1.101 what pains St. Prosper, and the Popes Xystus and Leo took to refute, or to destroy Pelagianism, and Semi-pelagianism. It was in the same time that Vincent of Lerins made his Commonitory to wit, three years after the Council of Ephesus. He is suspected to be the Author of the objections that St. Prosper hath re∣futed, under the Title of Objectiones Vin∣centianae; this Commonitory was Printed lately in 12. at Cambridge, with the Notes of Mr. Baluze, and the Book of St. Augu∣stine of Heresies.

Vsher in this same Chapter relates the Ravages, that the Scotch and the Picts com∣mitted in England, the arrival of the Saxons into this Island, the manner how they became Masters on't, and the other events of that time.

Before (b) 1.102 that these dis∣asters happened in England a Monk named Faustus retired from hence into the Narbonick Gaul, where he became Abbot of Lerins and after∣wards Bishop of Riez, after Maximus, whom he also succeeded in the Abbey of Lerins. He assisted at a Council, which was held at Rome, towards the end of the year Cccclxii, where it was concluded that eve∣ry year there should be a Council held a∣mongst the Gauls, which should be convo∣cated by the Archbishop of Arles. There was assembled one, in this City which or∣dered Faustus to express his Sentiments touching the matter of Grace, and another at Lyons by the order of which he added something to what he had already writ, because some new Errours had been disco∣vered. These Errours are those to which the Divines of Marseilles gave the Name of Predestinarian Heresie, that some maintain to have been a real Heresie, and others the opinions of St. Augustine. We have no more of the Acts of these two Synods, but the work of Faustus subsisteth yet. It is intituled, de Gratia & libero arbitrio, dire∣cted to Leontius Archbishop of Arles, and very clearly containeth Semi-pelagianism. Erasmus got it first printed at Basil, in M.D.XXVIII, and it hath been since in∣serted in the 8th. Tome of the Library of the Fathers. Faustus sent the opinions of the second Council of Arles to a Predesti∣narian Priest named Lucidus, to oblige him to retract his Errours, and to subscribe this Doctrine of the Council. His Letter to Lucidus is still to be ••ad, and the answer of this Priest directed to the Bishops assem∣bled at Arles, where he declares that he condemns the Sentiments of those that believe, that after the fall of the first man, Free-will was entirely extinct. That Jesus

Christ died for all men; that some are de∣stined to death and others to life: that from Adam to Jesus Christ no Pagan hath been saved by the first Grace of God, to wit, by the law of nature, because they have lost the free Will in our first Father: That the Patriarchs and Prophets, and the greatest of Saints have remained in Paradice untill the time of Redemption. This is almost a full Abridgment of the Book of Faustus. Some learned men have maintained that Faustus had passed his Com∣mission, and that many of those that had assisted at the Councils of Arles and Lions, had not subscribed his Book. It is never∣theless difficult to believe that a Bishop that was very much esteem'd as Faustus was, as it appears by the Letters of Sidonius Apollinaris Bishop of Clermont in Auvergne, who makes his Elogy in several places, and by Gennadus who praiseth this work; it is I say, difficult enough to conceive how he could have the boldness to attribute to a Council, opinions which were so odious to the greatest part of 'em, and to think the Members of this Council could not shew their Resentment thereof. Neither do those who say that Faustus exceeded his Commission, give any reason, only that they cannot persuade themselves that there were so many Semi-Pelagians amongst the Gauls. In our Author are the different Judgments that divers learned men have made of Faustus and the greatest part of 'em are not very favourable to him. Baronius too speaketh ill enough of him. So that it happeneth now to the Semi-Pe∣lagians, what did in times past to the Pela∣gians; which is, that those who believ'd their principal Tenets, condemned them only because those who have been more consi∣derable than themselves have formerly con∣demned them.

The Book of Faustus is (a) 1.103 not unknown, it being car∣ried to Constantinople, where mens minds were divided concerning the Doctrine it contained. Some maintained it was Orthodox, and others Heretical, as it appeareth by a Letter of Possessar an African Bishop, who was then at Constan∣tinople, and who writ of it to Pope Hor∣misda in the year DXX. to know his thoughts thereupon. Persons of the first quality amongst which were Vitalianus and Iustinian, who hath been since Emperour, desired to be instructed what Sentiments the Church of Rome had of it. Hormisda disapproved the Book of Faustus, and sent them to consult these of St. Augustin of Predestination and Perseverance. There was then at Constantinople, a Monk named Iohn Maxence, who writ an answer (b) 1.104 to the Letter of Hormisda, where he compareth the opi∣nions of St. Augustin and those of Faustus, and desperately censures Pos∣sessar and those that maintained that the Book of Faustus was Orthodox. It appears by that, that Possessar was a Semi-Pelagian, and consequently that the Councils of Africk, had not been able as yet to submit all the Bishops of this Church to their Deci∣sions.

The Vandals were become Masters of Africk, during the heat of the Pelagian Controversies, and as they were Arians, they drove away a great number of Bi∣shops that followed the decisions of the Council of Nice. Thrasamond King of the Vandals had sent 60 of them into exile from the Province of Byzacene, into Sardinia. They were consulted from the East upon the Controversies of Grace, rather to have a publick Declaration of their opinions, than to draw instructions from them, see∣ing those that did write to them, had al∣ready taken party and condemned in their Letters not only the Pelagians, but also the Books of Faustus. Fulgentius Bishop of Esfagues answered in the name of the others, and exposed the sentiments of St. Augustin, in a Letter, and in a particular Book di∣rected to one Paul a Deacon. The same Fulgentius made also other works upon this matter, whereof several places may be seen in our Author. He had composed seven Books against the two of Faustus of Grace and Free-Will, but they are lost. These African Bishops returned to their Churches in the year DXXIII. which was that of the Death of Thrasamond, as Victor of Ton∣neins informeth us in his Chronicle. But Fulgenius had refuted Faustus before he had left Sardinia, whence it followeth, as well as from the Letter of Possessar, that Binius hath not well related the third Council of Arles, whose opinions Faustus had expounded in the year DXXIV. But this is not the only fault he hath committed, he hath corrected, or rather corrupted as he thought fit, an infinite number of places of the Antient Councils, without having respect to the MSS. which makes Vsher (a) 1.105 to give him the Title of Contaminator Con∣ciliorum.

As Hilary and Leontius Archbishops of Arles had favoured Semi-Pelagianism, Cesario, who succeeded Leontius inclin'd to what the Divines of Marseille called Prae∣destianism, to wit the Sentiments of St. Augustine. It was by his direction, that the second Council of Orange was held in the year DXXXIX, which approved the opinions of St. Augustin, and our Author gives us (b) 1.106 an account of all their entire acts. A little while after another Council was held at Valence upon the same matters, and which also condemned Semi-Pelagianism. Boniface II. approved the acts of this Coun∣cil, by a Letter that he writ to Cesario in the year DXXXI, and which Vsher hath in∣serted in his Works.

Here it is that endeth the History of Pelagianism and Semi-Pelagianism, which was not nevertheless extinguished among the Gauls, nor in England, by so many Efforts and Decrees of the defenders of

Grace, as may be seen by the History of Godescalch, written by the same Vsher. What can there be concluded from thence, according to the Principles of St. Augustin, but that God would not apply his Grace to Anathemas, to Confiscations, to Depo∣sitions, and to Banishments, whereof the Pious Emperors and Holy Councils made use of against the unfortunate Pelagi∣ans?

We may relate the beginning of the third part of the British Antiquities in p. 268. where the Author begins to speak of King Arthur, and of the priviledges pretended to be given by him to the University of Cambridge. The rest of the Chapter, ex∣cepting what there is in it concerning Gil∣das, of whose works Vsher makes long Extracts, is but a collection of Fables and Citations of Monks.

The 15th Chapter treateth of the Colo∣nies that the Facts, a People of Scythia, and the Sc••••ch that inhabited Ireland sent into England, and of the manner how these Barbarous People were converted to Chri∣stianity. There are also in this place more Fables than Truths, seeing if we except some general acts, the remainder contains only impertinent fictions; in this Chapter are also new Fables concerning St. Ursula, which some Monks report to have been Daughter to a King of Scotland.

The 16 and 17th Chapters which con∣tain the Ecclesiastick Antiquities of Ireland, are of the same stamp as the preceding ones, and we may wonder how the Arch∣bishop of Armagh hath had the patience to make such a great collection of Fables, and to read such a great number of Works of Monks, both Manuscript and Printed. Those that are minded to know a great part of their fictions concerning the British Isles from the year DXXX unto the end of the fourteenth Age, may have recourse to the Original. In the same nevertheless may be found some more certain antiqui∣ties touching their fir•••• Inhabitants, and the names of these Islands, and some con∣siderable changes that happened in them. The Author hath also added at the end, a Chronological Index, where one may see in what time each thing ought to be relat∣ed. It's a thing much to be wish'd in other Works, which contain such disquisitions of Antiquities, where commonly there is a strange Confusion.

Those that desire to be throughly in∣structed in the Ecclesiastical Antiquities of England, ought to add to Vsher's Work, whereof we have given now the extract, a Book in Folio, of Doctor Stillingfleets, Intituled, Origines Britannicae, or the An∣tiquities of the British Churches; with a Pre∣••a••e concerning some pretended Antiquities relating to Britain, in vindication of the Bishop of St. Asaph, Printed at London 1685.

The true System of the Church, or Analysis of Faith, &c. by Sieur Jurieu Doctor and Professor of Divinity. At Dordrecht, Sold by the Widdow Caspar and Theodore Goris 1686 in 8vo.

THIS piece is chiefly designed to answer Mr. Nicoli, but the difficulties that Mr. Arnauld, Father Maimbourg, and the Bishop of Meaux have propos'd in the chap∣ter of the Church, are herein examined with the utmost exactness; the whole is reduced to these five general questions, 1. What are the essential parts of the Church? 2. What is the invisibility and ma••ks thereof? 3. What is its extent? 4. What is its Vnity and Schism? 5. What is its authority and judg∣ments the exact and profound discussion of these matters take up three Books.

The first is begun by the comparison of the Church with a Human Body animated, and it's pretended that as the essential parts of man are a reasonable Soul, and an Or∣ganised Body, and the Union of this Body and Soul; likewise the essential parts of the Church, are Faith and Charity, the Profession of Faith▪ the outward practice of Charity, and the Union of these four; Faith and Charity are the Soul of the Church, the outward Profession and Practice the Body, and according to this Idea, nei∣ther the Saints in Paradise, nor the Prede∣stinated that are not yet born, are any part of the Church, which is proved by Scrip∣ture; after that is examined if false Chri∣stians and Heretical Societies, make part of the Church; and having shewn the pro∣digious incumbrances whereunto the R. C. cast themselves, in maintaining that an ill man may be a true member of the Church, and even of those Members on whom God confers the Spirit of infallibility. We are taught after what manner the men of the World are in the Church, and may be law∣ful Pastors in it. Mr. Nicoli stands here a rude brunt, for he pretends that his efforts do make St. Augustin agree with the Scho∣lastick Divines upon the question, whether the wicked are true Members of the Church, which is full of obvious contra∣dictions. As to Heretical or Schismatical Societies, it's needless to prove to the R. C. that they do not belong to the Church, for they say it often enough, yet without giving good reasons why crimes are more priviledged therein than errors; but the incumbrance which may be in this res∣pect, hindreth not Mr. Iuricu from fully examining this matter; he enters there∣fore into the discussion of the Unity of the Church.

He maintains, always leaning upon his comparison of human bodies, that all the Sects of Christianity belong really to the body of the Church, and that in this there is no more absurdity, than to maintain that a distemper'd Member is a true part of Mans Body; he asks whence comes the Idea of the Unity which excludes from

the Church all the Christian Societies but one; and he persuades himself that the monstrous errors which are raised in the first Ages, have been the true Origin of this Idea, in accustoming the Orthodox, to think that Hereticks are Members whol∣ly separate from the Body. He adds that St. Cyp finding this Idea ready at hand, applyed the same to the Novations, & groun∣ded thereon such strong reasons against the validity of the Baptism of Hereticks, that nothing of weight was answered him; this occasions the Author to criticise on the Hy∣potheses of St. Cyprians antagonists. He shews them that they understood not what the Unity of the Church is. He makes the same reproach to St. Augustin and accu∣ses him of perplexing himself with a thou∣sand contradictions in maintaining on one side, that the Baptism of Hereticks is valid, and on the other that they are absolutely separated from the body of the Church▪ But St. Ierom is not so used; it's granted that he has better understood the question, and it's proved by his disputes against the Lucife∣rians, that he excluded not from the Church, even all Hereticks. After this it is maintain'd by eleven proofs, that the Ca∣tholick Church includes all the Christian Societies which retained the fundamentals of Christianity.

The first proof is drawn from the extent which the Word of God promiseth to the Church, for as it is evident that there is no particular Church which hath ever com∣pleated the notion of this extent, the pro∣mises of God must either be false or veri∣fie themselves by the extent of Christiani∣ty in General. Here are refuted the pre∣tensions of Mr. Nicole, upon the extent of the Romish Communion; the second proof is taken out of the places of the Word of God, which foretel that the Church shall have a mixture of good and bad, of wheat and tares, for if crimes hinder not a Christian to be a Member of the true Church, why should error have the fatality to hinder from it? It is surely a pretention that abuses the light of Nature, to say that a Man that kills another is yet a Catholick, but if he blames the retrenchment of the Cup, he is by that very thing Excommuni∣cated and banished the whole Communion of the Church; we need only to ask good reasons for this enormous inequality to make the most resolute Doctors sweat. The third proof is drawn from this, that God keeps the knowledge of the Truth, and Preach∣ing of his Word in Schismatick and erring Societies, whence we must conclude that God saves Men in it. Other proofs are founded on examples, or on the Opinions and Conduct of the Roman Catholicks. The examples are, the Schisms of the ten Tribes, which continued, as this Author saith, to be the People of God, and the Iews that were converted to the Gospel in the Apostles time, and who refused to have any Communion with the converted Gentiles. For the proofs ad hominem, they are drawn either from Father Goar, or from Leo Alatius, who said that the Schismatick Communions of the East are not out of the Church; Or, according to Mr. Nicole, se∣veral persons have been saved, tho' of the Arian Communion, or else the Gen∣tlemen of Port Royal; err, which glory in this point of Transubst antiation, to have Conformed themselves to the Schismaticks; or, according to the Confession of the Romish Church, that there is a true Mission and a saving Grace in the other Communions, so that other sects are Christians; and during the Schism of Anti-Popes, the true Catholicity was found under divers obediences. Mr. Nicole is strongly re∣futed upon this Article.

Neither is he with less vigour refuted upon the objection which he hath so much boasted of, which is, that the Vnity of the Church necessarily includes the Vnity of Com∣munion. It is the first difficulty which Mr. Iurieu examins in his answer to the argu∣ments, which may be alledged against his sy∣stem. The 2d. difficulty is found in the 7th. Book of Mr. Arnaud, upon the down∣fal of Morality, where he saith this Sy∣stem is that of the indifferency of Religi∣ons: but 'tis strongly denyed him, for it's maintained that one cannot be saved in all the Sects of Christianity, and that there are cases, wherein we must separate from them which err, and that we cannot Com∣municate in all, nor tolerate all, nor pass successively from one unto another. These are great questions, and for to clear them one must have as much wit, and depth of Judgment as Mr. Iurieu has: He makes a thousand fine remarks upon all this, he saith there are two ways which God makes use of to save Men in Heretical Societies, one is the Grace he gives them to discern the true spiritual nourishment from the false. The other is to bear with their faults ac∣cording to his great mercy. But lest Peo∣ple should abuse this Doctrine, the Author brings several Cautions which shew that such as throw themselves into the Commu∣nion of Rome, have reason to fear their Souls, and maintains, that it was well done to separate from it, as in the last Age. He speaks much upon the important subject of Toleration, nor will he have Soveraigns deprived of the liberty of reprehending their Heretick subjects in certain cases, nor will he have them that err, have any pri∣viledge of maintaining their pretended Truths, he examines upon this subject, the reasons that have been lately published to maintain the priviledges of a Conscience that really errs, and then passes to the vi∣sibility and perpetuity of the Church: two great questions, upon which he says some things that are both solid and curious. And so much for the first Book.

The second runs upon a subject no less important, that is, upon the Authority of the Church, and analysis of Faith. The Author begins his proofs against the infallibility of

the Church for this reason, that the Uni∣versal Church being a Collection of all So∣cieties that retain its grounds, and princi∣ples, can no ways be infallible, nor has it any need of being unerrable, for every part maintaining that each other part be∣ing contrary to it's self, has fallen into error, it follows that the Church being but a Collection of all these parts, whereof the one refutes the rest, is errone∣ous in all its parts; and that being so, how can it be infallible, or any single part thereof be unerrable. Nor is it less evident that the infallibility of the Church would be to no purpose, because it is not possible that a Congregation of all Christian Sects should clear or decide any difficulty. And it is confessed here that the unanimous con∣sent of all Communions to teach a certain truth, is a kind of infallible judgment given by the Church, and moreover the Chara∣cter of a fundamental truth so hard to be agreed upon is consented to; but lest the Socinians might come to cross it, it is de∣clared that neither they, nor the Fanaticks have any share in it, nor yet the other Se∣ctaries of these times. After this the Au∣thority of Councils is spoken of, and divers reflections made thereon: The Councils are considered different ways. 1. Either as the meeting of wise Men, that have a mind mutually to instruct each other; and Com∣municate their knowledge. 2. As com∣missioned Law-makers that Assemble for to regulate the form of Government, 3. As Judges established by their Church to learn the prevarications of Religious Socie∣ties. The first of these relations belong to them in respect of matters of Faith, the 2d. In respect of ordering of Discipline, and the 3d. in respect of censures and Excommuni∣cations; this is exactly ordered, and helps to resolve a thousand great difficul∣ties, the submission Christians owe unto Councils, and upon the infallibility that M. Meaux maintains that Protestants attribute to Councils. M. Nicole goes farther, for he affirms that they attribute the gift of infallibility to each faithful person to refute him; he is given to understand by several examples that it is not necessary to think ones self infallible to be convinced of any Opinion, and because the knot of the difficulty lies in this, that they which are deceived are no less convinced than the Orthodox, the Author acknowledges, that the Characters cannot be precisely shewn which distinguish the false and true perswasions, and at the same time says, that these diffe∣rences are real, and make themselves apparent. It is good faith that can convince the pub∣lick that Mr. Iurieu is none of those Contro∣vertists whereof M. Simon gives us such ugly Ideas, I would say of those that wou'd rather dye, than acknowledge that they cannot clear precisely this or that difficulty. He gives us at the same time many instructions upon the manner, how hearing and reading the Word of God, conducts infallibly into the Truth, those in whom the Holy Ghost works by an efficacious Grace, but lest people may confound the infallibility that is produced by this Grace, with the privileged infallibility which was belong∣ing to the Apostles, he teaches us the marks whereby to distinguish them, after which he fully answers two objections, that were proposed to make the Protestant Church seem to become to the highest pitch of impertinence. For it was objected that a private Person, how ignorant soever he could be, should be assured according to their principles, that he can understand the true sense of Scripture, better than all the Church besides, and that he owes no sub∣mission to Church, or Council, unless he sees by his own proper light, that their de∣cision is good; all these difficulties are solidly answered and made to disap∣pear.

The reader sees that hitherto M. Iurieu has met with several difficulties in his way, but they are but trifles to what he must en∣counter now, for he is going to answer objections that relate to the way of examen, and that are without any dispute the main strength of M. Nicole. He answers them first indirectly, and argues almost thus. We must go to the knowledge of Scripture either by Authority, or by way of examen, but it is impossible that Authority should conduct us to it, therefore we must make use of the way of examen. He proves the minor in shewing, that upon Earth there is no infallible and speaking Authority; and tho' there were, it would be impossible to have re∣course to it, because it cannot be known, by any certain sign of necessary truth. It is the bravest Field in the World where∣in the Enemy is led without having any place to retreat to, so that if there were able and disinterested Judges, as the Plato∣nists and Aristoteleans were, to observe the strokes given, there are no People in the World they would despise so much, as the Christians, whereof they would see the greatest part brag of a Doctrine that can∣not keep the Field one Moment in sight of the Enemy, and which nevertheless sub∣dues every day some of the other party, upon this may be well said, the absurdity which Sandaicat published concerning the Battle of Cerisoles les Spagnales victoriosos se∣rinder, however it be, let us mark in a few words what the Author does here.

He shews that if Faith did not enter the Soul, but by the way of Authority M. Ni∣cole would have it, the Iewish Church should never have had any good assurance of the Will of God, as well because there was not in a long time any Prophet or other infallible Tribunal that declared it, as that the Authority of the Prophets themselves might have been suspected to be false, & that amidst the most famous Miracles; because there was none that could infallibly assure them, that these Miracles came from God, or from the Devil. These dreadful diffi∣culties

are pushed to the time of Jesus Christ himself and his Apostles; and it's shewn that according to the Roman Church the Iews would have had no reason to be converted to it. The same thing is shewn in respect of following ages; in a word, it is maintained against M. Nicole, that his prin∣ciple is the great road to Pyrrhonisme, and Atheism, because for to trust well the way of Authority, we must know it well; but very few could be able to come to the requisite assurance by the way of ex∣amen upon this subject, and to the end that the difficulty should come to be more in∣explicable, the Author has invincibly refuted all that M. Nicole brought to prove that the Authority of the Church makes it self easily known, so that here is the way of Authority quite shut up; by what way then will people enter into the Faith? must it be by examen? if that be the way M. Iurieu must take away the Obstacles that M. Ni∣cole has put in it, and he must answer dire∣ctly, for to answer by retortions, as was observ'd by a Modern Author, is to furnish Deists with the best Arms that they ever yet made use of, and is to compleat what M. Ni∣cole has begun, for the dullest amongst them would say after he had seen Mr. Nicoles book, and what we have mentioned of Mr. Iurieu, that seeing God has not made Man capable of choosing without rashness, the only Religion that is Good, it is evident that he has Revealed us nothing of it, but has left it to our Education and Natural light; therefore of necessity to disarm these Libertines, he must answer directly to what Mr. Nicole says, and let us see how he will behave him∣self.

He accuses his adversaries argument a∣gainst the way of examen, of two great faults; one that it supposeth no help from the Holy Ghost to them who meditate up∣on Scripture; the other that he supposes a Cartesian principle that would entirely ru∣ine all Religions if it were applyed to Moral knowledge; this principle is, that we must be∣lieve nothing but what we understand clearly & distinctly, and to be lawfully assured that we have attained this evidence, we must first have examined a thing all manner of ways, and must have known that it could not have been other ways. Our Author says that this condition be∣ing impossible in regard of most People, and yet all men being obliged to be firmly satis∣fied of their Religion, it follows, that Reli∣gion is not subject to these preliminary con∣ditions, which Des Cartes only requires for the objects of speculation. The Remon∣strants believe they can draw great Ad∣vantages from M. Nicoles objections, be∣cause they believe that for to answer him, the points of Faith must be reduced to a very little number of Articles, clearly con∣tained in the Word of God, but the Au∣thor says that this answer would cure no evil, because to be assured to that degree of certainty which is required by Mr. Ni∣cole, that Jesus Christ came into this World, we must examine, according to the Cartesiaen method, whether the Gospel be a feigned Book or no, and hear all that is said by the Wicked upon this Subject, and ex∣amine all the moral demonstrations where∣on the certainty of things done, is ground∣ed. Moreover, we must be assured by Phi∣losophical reasons and by good answers to Spinoza's Systeme, that Man acts freely, that he has an immortal Soul, and that God pre∣pares pains and recompences: Where are Tradesmen or Peasants who are capable of so long a dispute pushed to a contradictory decree? So that this cannot be the way to answer well, for if we did but retain one or two Articles of our Creed, we should have enough to do to render our selves certain of them according to des Cartes method. And all this shews that Mr. Nicoles princi∣ple ought not to be applyed to matters of Religion. And he is shewn several other very inconvenient consequences of this principle, and it is concluded that Faith does not de∣pend upon an examen of discussion, but up∣on an examen of attention, the effects whereof are Learnedly explained in shew∣ing the manner how Divine Truths are imprinted in our understanding; this is very fine, and gives us a second example of Mr. Iurieu's sincerity, for without troubling him∣self whether Mr. Nicole will brag of ha∣ving obliged the Ministers to quit their ground, he leaves him wholly to the examin of discussion, and maintains that this was not what he ought to have disputed against, and he answers an objection of Mr. de Meaux, whether there be a time, wherein a Christian may doubt of the Truths of Scripture, and that according to the Prin∣ciples of the reformed Church.

Let us say a word upon the last Book of this answer; the Author has not so much indifference for Mr. Nicole, but he has taken care to hinder his too great brags of the full victory that he has had in several cases upon the examen of discussion, and says that this victory is but of little use to Papists, but that it furnisheth Weapons to Libertines and Pagans to combate the Christian Religi∣on: Moreover, he is not of Opinion, that all the Arguments that were thundered against the examen of discussion, are good, and as to what concerns the way of feeling, and this ray that he has so much laught at, he is shewn that there is no reason to be so merry upon that word, that there are real∣ly things in Scripture which are known by the way of feeling, and that it is no suffi∣cient Argument against it, to say that it de∣ceives Hereticks daily, for the Author says, if it deceives them, it is because it is not assisted by an interiour Grace from the Ho∣ly Ghost, as when we feel the light of Truth: besides this he maintains that the most simple were able to know what was requisite to make them quit the Ro∣man Communion. In fine he shews the analysis of Faith according to St. Augustine, and he answers Mr. Nicole in several things

concerning the calling of the first Refor∣mers, and the Schism whereof some would fain have convinced them, he answers him I say in all this, and accuseth him of a thousand frivolous quibbles, unworthy both of a Man of Honour and a witty Man.

I do not doubt but many of my readers may not understand what the analysis of Faith is. Let us then say that we under∣stand by these words, the reducing of Faith to its first principles, that it is a Metaphor borrow'd from Chymists, who call Analy∣sis the Operation that disunites the parts of a compound body, setting apart the ingre∣dients until they come to the most simple parts; so to make the Analysis of Faith is nothing else, but to mount by degrees to its beginning, and to the first reasons where∣on it is grounded, and in this the Religions of the West are very different, for tho' it is very true that the Protestants and Catho∣licks being questioned why they believe the Trinity, agree in answering that it is because God has revealed it in Scripture, but if you ask them this other question, how they do know that God has revealed it in Scripture, their answer will be very different, the Ca∣tholick will answer that it is, because he is told that the Roman Church finds the meaning of Trinity in certain passages of Scripture, but the Protestant will say, it is because he finds that these passages signify the Trinity, whence it follows that the Faith of a R. C. is grounded on the Authority of the Church, & that of a Protestant upon the very Light which he finds in the Object proposed by Scripture. There are but few who trouble themselves with this Analysis, they content themselves well enough with believing what they have a feeling of. Moreover, it is a great question with Roman Catholicks, whe∣ther in the Analysis of Faith they must stop at the Pope, or go on to the Council. Gregory of Valence, in his Analysis Fidei Catholicae, maintains firmly that they are to stop at the Pope. But Mr. Holden an English Man by Nation, and a famous Doctor of Sor∣bonne, hol••s for the Council in his Divinae fidei Analysis, seu de fidei Christianae resolutione, which has been re-printed lately at Paris, with some additions. A Lutheran Professor called Hannekenius refutes the Jesuite in the year 1683, by publishing paralysis fidei Pa∣paeae; I do not know whether he will pub∣lish such another Paralysis against the Do∣ctor of Sorbonne.

Mr. Iurieu put at the end of his Book a short answer to what Mr. Ferrand publish∣ed against the Parallel of Papism and Cal∣vinism; if this Article had not passed the bounds already, we could give a short ex∣tract of this short answer, it is admirable, and discomforts this Author, who to speak the truth, has not answered the hopes that the Catholicks of this Country conceived of his Work; they were a little surprized with the stroke they received from the parallel, and they expected that Mr. Fer∣rand that was chosen to revenge their com∣mon Mother, would acquit himself well of the Office, but they experienced that he did not hold to what the Church promised it self of him. Non illum nobis genetrix pul∣cherrima talem promisit.

The Accomplishment of Prophesies, or the Deli∣verance of the Church near at hand, &c. Corrected and Augmented almost a third part, with the Explication of all the Visions of the Apocalypse. By the S P. J. PEPETH. A. R. at Rotterdam, by Abraham A∣chers, 1686. 2. Vol. in 12.

THis Work has made such a noise, that there are two thousand Copies dispo∣sed of in four or five Months, and yet there are but a very few gone into France, which would have taken off a great many, if it were suffered, that it might be disposed of there, this considerable part of Europe be∣ing almost nothing by report in respect of the Booksellers Trade: one would think, that the first Edition should have sufficed, nevertheless there was soon occasion for the second, and it is that, which occasion∣ed Mr. Iurieu, to add to this Work the Additions, which are to be marked. We shall not speak of them that are insensibly spread all over the Book, but stick to such as form a new entire and well distinguished Member. The first of these Additions is in the Preface, and serves for an Answer to two complaints, the one treats on the fear that new Con∣verts may entertain in their state of Hypo∣crisie, in hopes of a great Reformation in a little time; the other is of what the Au∣thor has said, of the reign of a thousand years; he answers to the first of these complaints, and proves too much, because he proves, that God never promised the deliverance of the Church, and that Ieremiah never re∣veal'd to the Jews the near Destruction of Ierusalem, which God revealed to him; he adds, that God thought it convenient to keep the Knowledge of certain Pro∣phecies from Men, to the end, that they might not shun them, but that at other times, he thinks it convenient that we may be aiding in procuring the Effect and Exe∣cution; he says, that as it would be the sign of the last Judgment, to drink of stin∣king and impoison'd Waters, in hopes, that they might be purified in two or three years, so it would be a disorder both of Mind and Heart, that would be very strange, to stick to the Communion of the Church of Rome, in hopes that in some years it might be pu∣rified. As for the other point, he admires that some have made a noise against the reign of a thousand years, and declares that he will patiently wait for it, altho' some have threatned to complain of it, and he is not ashamed in this to be of the opinion of Cocceius.

The second Addition contains the eight first Chapters of this Work, and serves for Explication to the first nine of the Apoca∣lypse, so that there is nothing of Prophecy in the Revelations of St. Iohn, which is not explain'd, by Mr. Iurieu, he has judg∣ed, that in shewing the compleat systeme of all the eve••ts spoke of in the first book, it would dart a great light upon each of the Visions. He refutes them that believe that the seven Epistles of St. Iohn to the seven Principal Churches of Asia are Prophetick; and his opinion is, that the opening of the great Theatre of the Visions of St. Iohn was but at the fourth Chap. of the Apocalypse. He finds that it begins like that of the Prophet Eze∣kiel, and he stops chiefly at the four beasts, and at the twenty four ancients, that are about the Throne of God. After this, he gives us an Observation, which is called the Key of the Apocalypse. This whole Book is but a Paraphrase upon what Daniel says, in the seventh Chapter of his Revelations about the four Beasts; he explains the systeme of the seven Seals, and the seven Trumpets, in great and small, and always by very inge∣nious and happy Suppositions: and all that relates to the destiny of the Roman Em∣pire, to the day of Judgment. What fol∣lows, and what has been explain'd, in the first Edition, relates to the Church, and the Antichristian Empire, which was for∣med in the bowels of the Church. The third Addition comprehends the 14, 15, and 16 Chapters, and applies to the Em∣pire of the Papists, the second Chapter of the second to the Thessalonians, and the Vi∣sions of the 13th. and 17. Chapter of the Apocalypse.

The fourth Addition is very curious, and of importance to the Author, it is contain∣ed in the 15. Chapter of the second Tome; and answers to a remark made by a great many people, that things are spoken of here with great assurance, which ought not to have been proposed but as conjectures; he says, that it will be known some day, what made him speak after so decisive a manner, and with such confidence; but in the mean time, he would be willing that three things were considered. First, That he does not speak of the most part of e∣vents that are to happen yet, with so much Assurance as is thought. The Second, That whereas he has declared in proper terms, that he consents willingly, that that may pass with the Readers as conjectures. It is reasonable, that he may have the liberty of believing what he sees, or what he thinks he sees in the Prophets writings. The Third, That before we censure him of rash∣ness, upon what he so confidently believes, that we are at the end of the 1260 years of the Reign of Antichrist▪ his principles are to be considered and examined together; but because the Readers may chuse whe∣ther they will take notice of this last re∣monstrance, when there is any pains to be taken in finding out the connexion of di∣vers Principles, that are here and there in that great Volume; the Author eases them by summing up his Principles, and their Consequences, and after he has shewed their connexion, he concludes, that it is impossible that false conjectures should meet always; and that chance should unite one or two hundred upon the same Sub∣ject.

Whatever strength of Reason is in the Explication of these matters, Philosophers will not find what they will look for, but if they stop at the fifth Addition, they will find that Mr. Iurieu has laboured for them as well as for others; that he has re∣served for them the Conclusion of his work as a relishing piece, and the highest point of Meditation. The Title of this Appen∣dix is, An Essay of Mystical Divinity, where are seen proofs of the greatest mysteries of Religion drawn from Nature. This max∣im is first settled, that God applies his Es∣sence to all Beings, and that from this Ap∣plication comes an Impression that makes the Divinity, and all its Mysteries appear every where. After that he declares, that this Truth may be ascertained by three Examples, that will shew that the Union of the Father with the Word, the adora∣ble Trinity of the Persons in the Unity of Essence, and the Incarnation of the Word▪ are three Mysteries, whereof the Impressi∣ons were stamp'd in Nature. To shew this, the Author begins to consider the History of the Creation, and after having said in general, that these three Mysteries are found there, he examines in particular Adams Marriage, as the Image of the Uni∣on of the Father with the Son, shewing seve∣ral fine Relations of these two matters; then he raises himself to the higher Worlds, and he finds there the same marks, that he found below, for he finds that the Union of Matter and Motion is a kind of Marri∣age, which resembles much that of Adam; and the same resemblance appears yet more in the Union of the Spirit of God with what is called Nature, and in the Union of Jesus Christ with the Church. See then four Impressions of the Union of the Eternal Father with the Son, one in the Marriage of Adam and Eve; one in the U∣nion of Matter and Motion, and in what re∣gards the sensible World considered in its self; one in the Union of the Spirit of God with Nature, and this belongs to the sensi∣ble World, considered as united with the intellectual World; and the last in the World purely intelligible, or in the Union of Jesus Christ with the Church, ascending higher even to the infinitely perfect Spirit; we shall find not only the Impression, but the Seal it self, not a Copy or Image, but the Ori∣ginal: We shall find the Father united with the Eternal Wisdom, upon which there are several remarks. This is the first of the three Mysteries. The second, which is the Trinity of Persons, was not imprin∣ted in fewer Subjects, and has not made fewer Copies of the Archetype and Origi∣nal Seal. We are shewn here, the Im∣pressions,

(1.) In Spirits, which are think∣ing and understanding Substances, that is, these Qualities are Essential to them, and they have a Will, which is their active principle, (2.) In the Light, for we ob∣serve three things in it, viz. a luminous Body, Brightness, and Heat, (3.) In Bodies, for they have three Dimensions, length, depth, and breadth, all this is still clearer by three great parallels; whereof the last is, what was published in the Novels of Iuly, 1685. the others may be judged of by this, so we will not give an account, which could not be well done without transcribing the whole.

As for the Mystery of the Incarnation Mr. Iurieu does not meet with many Impressi∣ons in the Creature; he finds but one, and that so strong, that it is equivalent to ma∣ny; it is the union of the humane Soul with an organized Body, the parallel he gives between the Incorporation of this Soul, and the Incarnation of the Word is a very Col∣lection of the resemblances that a great Wit can imagine between these two things. A curious reflection upon the Reason, Why God said, let us make a man after our own likeness, worthily shuts up these parallels.

When the Author published in the Jour∣nal of the Novels, that of the Trinity, and of the three Dimensions of Bodies, he de∣sired the learned to send in their Objecti∣ons, and that they might do it the more freely, he does not name himself, he thought he should receive many; but whether it was, that the Orthodox had rather acquiesce to the Reasons that favoured them, than by examining them, to expose their own opi∣nion to doubt, or whether they found the thoughts convincing, or whether it was that the Hereticks had not wit enough to oppose these difficulties; or did not under∣stand the strength of this proof, and there∣fore despised it, or whether other reasons work't upon them both, there was but one man that sent in Objections. First, He sent those that are in the Nouvelles of Au∣gust, 1685. and a little afterwards, he sent some that were never printed. M. Iurieu examines them here after one another, and refutes them with his usual acuteness; the Author of these Objections having under∣stood by the Journal of September, that no more wou'd be publisht upon this Subject; but what was sent shou'd only be communi∣cated to the Author of the Parallelle, he writ again in Anonymy as before, that tho' he saw nothing easier than to reply, upon what was objected, yet he would do no∣thing, because of the Intentions which were published: Now he will find the lists o∣pen, and if the Glory of disputing against a famous Antagonist (that has at last named himself) does not tempt him, there will be reason to believe that he has but little to reply against his strong Answers.

Ioh. Raius his second Tome of the History of Plants, with a double Index, the one of the Names, and chief Synonyma's, the other of the Qualities and Remedies. To which is added, a Botanick Nomenclatura English and Latin, at London, 1688. in Fol. p. 951.

THE first Volume of this History of Plants, may be seen at the beginning of the third Tome of this Bibliotheck. It is needless to say more, but that it is belie∣ved, it may be profitable to the publick to communicate the Judgment of a Botanist up∣on this work, who liveth above two hun∣dred Leagues off London.

If they that write the History of Beasts meet with dif∣ficulties, in reducing them to certain spe∣cies, or to different kinds: The Botanists are as much troubled to put in order, and to find common Characters to divers kinds of plants, by which they may be placed under one kind. At first there occur very general differences, as when plants are divided into Trees, Shrubs and Herbs, as Animals are distinguished into four-footed Beasts, Birds, Fishes, and In∣sects, &c. But each one of these kinds is too general, because it comprehends under it, an almost infinite number of Species altogether different. Not∣withstanding it's impossible, that they which will know in particular all Ani∣mals or Plants, shou'd burden their me∣mory with so great a number of Specie∣ses. There must be found a mean, be∣tween these Extreams. We must shun on one side Divisions too general, and not multiply too much, we must reduce seve∣ral particular Specieses under subaltern kinds.

'Tis this, that Mr. Raius undertakes in his new method of Plants, and in his Histo∣ry. Cesalpine, who was Professour at Pi∣sa in the last Age, was of opinion, that one may distinguish the subaltern kinds of plants by the differences that are be∣tween their Seeds, their Husks or the little Shells that contain them. Mr. Rai∣us acknowledges, that the different dis∣positions of the parts, furnish these prin∣cipal differences and maintains, that the flowers and what environs them below, which he calls Perianthium, also furnish very essential differences upon divers oc∣casions, as well as the order of the leaves which are along the stalk, and a figure of the root. The Pease have a flower like a Butter-fly Florem papilionaceum, tho' their Seeds and Covers differ very much. The Order of the Leafs along the stalk essentially distinguish Plants, which are called Verticillatae as Hore Hound, and Pen∣ny-Royal, &c. These plants have betwixt, distances a round button that encompasses the stalk, and is composed of small flow∣ers of little leaves. This button is called Verticillum, because it resembles the small

buttons, that are put at the bottom of Spindles to make them turn, and which the Latins call Verticilla. After the same manner are distinguished Plants, that are called Asperifoliae or rough Leaves, that differ from the Verticillatae in this, that the Leaves which are along the Stalk do not altogether encompass it, nor are all dis∣posed in the same order. The Roots dif∣fer amongst themselves in this, that some are Fibrous and Thready, the other are like buttons; that is to say, round and so∣lid as Radishes. The others are compo∣sed of divers Tunicles or Skins▪ one over the other, as Onions, or disposed after the manner of Flower de luce. We must then examine all these Plants, that we may not confound them in the establishment of their kinds.

Those that have never applyed them∣selves to Botanicks cannot presently see what the use of this method is, and may judge to be only a dalliance of wit. It's notwithstanding most true, that nothing more useful could have been imagined, nor more proper for the acquisition of the Knowledge of Plants. One finds, for example, walking in a Garden, a Plant never seen before, and hath none to tell him the Name on't, and knoweth not whether it be a Forreign or Native one. If he had the most exact, and the most universal Herbal that can be imagined, it may be▪ he may look it all over, with∣out finding the Plant he seeks for, unless he takes the pains to read all the Descrip∣tions after one another, and to compare this Plant with the Figures; he may pro∣bably spend too much time, unless by chance he meets it on a sudden. On the contrary, according to the method of Mr. Raius, he only need take notice of the marks whereof we now speak, and to seek for the Plant in Question, in his Herbal amongst those that are of a like Character. If it hath been described, it will be infallibly found in the Rank, and under the kind it ought to be. Not but that there are Anomal Plants, that one can∣not tell where to range them: but if any of this Nature be found, it must be sought for in a particular book of the second Tome of Mr. Raius, where he hath put those whose Character was ambiguous.

The Author having made a Collection of all those, who have written before him, whether of the Plants of Europe, Asia, of Africk, or America; it may be said, that nothing will scape this Herbal, when there are Figures, That will un∣doubtedly render it a little dear, but whatever it costs, when all these Figures will be in it, it will not cost the tenth part of what all the Herbals would, which it comprehendeth. There are divers, which are no more to be found, or which are extreamly dear, as Fabius Columna, which is but a small one, in 4 to.

This is the Judgment of a Botanist, which Mr. Raius knoweth not. Nothing is to be added, but 1. There will be found in this Volume, the (a) 1.107 Abridge∣ment of the History of Plants of Mexico, by Francis Her∣nandez.

2. The Reader ought moreover to re∣mark in general the method of Mr. Raius, that it hath been invented, but to avoid Confusion, and to help the Memory. It would be ridiculous to imagine that, by the means of some Divisions and Subdivi∣sions drawn from the exteriour figure of Plants, their nature is throughly known: as the Philosophers of Schools imagined to know all by the means of the Vniversals and Categories, into which they reduced well or ill all the Beings that they knew. They did the same thing as a man would do, who for to know the forces of an Ar∣my, would carefully observe what colours the Cloaths of the Souldiers were that shou'd compose it, and should believe he could judge thereby of the enterprizes of this Army. The Truth is, that we know but the outside of things, and some of the Effects they produce, whilst the inside re∣mains in such Obscurity, as all our Know∣ledge cannot dissipate; so we cannot distin∣guish the Species, but by some outward ap∣pearances which cannot be so much as de∣scribed, but very gros••••.

A Body of Canon Law, with the Notes of Peter and Francis Pitheas Brothers. Sold at Paris, 1687. in Folio, 2. Vo∣lume, and at Rotterdam. By Reinier Leers.

THis new Edition of the Works of Pe∣ter and Francis Pitheas, is added, by the care of Mr. Pellatier Comptroller Ge∣neral of the Kings Exchequer, to the Works of Peter Pitheas his great Grand-Fa∣ther. This Family was originally of Nor∣mandy, and we find the Name of William Pitheas in the Catalogue of the Gentlemen of that Province; who made the Voyage to the Holy Land, in the year 1190. since they retired into the Countrey; and Peter Pitheas, who was Advocate in the Parlia∣ment of Paris rendered himself so famous by his profound Learning, that they called him the Varro of his Age. He was after∣wards Procurer General of the Chamber of Justice the King established in Guyenne, and after having refused the same place in Catalonia, he returned to Paris, where he contributed much to the Resubmission of this great City under the Obedience of King Henry the fourth. The most part of his and his Brother Francis's Works had been printed. But there were some others, upon which Francis wrought since the death of his Brother; and not having time to print them, he gave them to Anthony Alain his Friend who kept them a long time; and at last they came into the hands of Mr. Pelletier, who knowing how precious the Relicks of these great men of Letters are,

hath himself assisted in the Work, and given the publick this mark of his Love to Sciences. So we find in this Edition with another in Folio of Francis Pithou, which is the, Co∣dex Canonum vetus Ecclesiae Romanae notis il∣lustratus; Parisiis ex Typographia Regia, 1687. Many pieces that had not appear'd, which are enlarged with many fine Notes.

Two Treatises with necessary Indexes of Wil∣liam Seldens of Utrecht about the use and abuse of Books, Amsterdam, at Booms, 1688. p. 520

IF there be Plagiaries, who attribute un∣to themselves the works of others, whether it is in translating them into ano∣ther Language, or in publishing the same things in another order, and under another Name, the Publick may be assured that Mr. Selden is not of this number. He at∣tributes not his Works to the fertility of his imagination, and suffers us not to doubt, that they are fruits of his reading: For al∣most at every Period he cites the Authors, whence he hath taken what he saith. We see therein passages of Scripture, Fathers Scholastick Doctors, Canonists, Catholick and Protestant Divines, Lawyers, Physici∣ans, Philosophers, Historians, ancient and modern Poets, Humanists, Criticks, &c. And in case the Citations are as faithful, as they appear exact, this work may be ve∣ry useful to find passages or Authorities, which men want sometimes: we shall brief∣ly explain the Subject thereof.

It is divided into two parts, the first whereof treats in nine Chapters of those who love Books. 1. He begins by relating the Names of some persons who have Written, or became famous by their Works; and then passeth to the manner of describing how the Books of the Ancients were made, the mat∣ter and form of their Volumes, after which he sheweth that the fair sex is not desti∣tute of learned Persons, and that well orde∣red study cannot be displeasing to Women, 2. The multitude of Books is the subject of the second Chapter. He speaks herein of those Libraries, which have made most noise, and of the Invention of Printing. He ex∣amines whether this prodigious quantity of Writings, and great Reading spoils sound sense. 3. He gives rules to prevent the falling upon bad Authors, by marking, 1. That we ought not to Write with haste. 2. That we ought to propose general max∣ims and leave the application thereof to the Reader: which is the Origin of Apologies and Fables. 3. That the Style ought to be modest, sweet and moderate, whereup∣on he much diaspproves the heat of most of the Controvertists, and the false delicate∣ness of some Divines, who make capital errours of every thing, and who as soon as they see any, stumble, or to swerve from their Opinion, endeavour to make him be con∣sidered as an Enemy to Truth, to the good of the State and the Salvation of Souls. 4. He sheweth that order is the life of Books, and that those who have no method, have but confused Ideas of what they ad∣vance.

In the fourth Chapter he examines wherein consists the solidity of Writing. In the 5th. How clear it ought to be. In the 6th. He shews how briefness is acceptable, and the difference there is betwixt Plagiaries, Centons, and those who make a judicious use of their learning. In the 7th. he treats of Reading in general, and proves that it is so far from doing any injury to Divines, that they cannot throughly understand the Sa∣cred nor Ecclesiastical Authors, if they are not well acquainted with profane Wri∣ters. The 8th. speaks of the choice of books, and how to read them with advantage; and the 9th. of several famous Library-keepers, and of divers Princes, who favoured Lear∣ning.

II. The second Part treats in five Chap∣ters. 1. Of the hatred People have for books, and of its principal causes, sloath, avarice; 2. The love of novelty which makes us despise the labours of the Anti∣ents. 3. The pride and foolish vanity of the Learned, who contemn one another. 4. The mutual envy they bear one another. 5. In fine he endeavours to find the means to shelter Authors from the envy, or hatred which may be conceived against their Works, and speaks of the different destiny of books. We have two other Treatises of our Author, Otia Theologica & Concionator Sacer.

A Voyage to Dalmatia, Greece and the Le∣vant, by Mr. Wheeler; enrich'd with curious Medals and Figures of the chief Antiquities which are to be found in those Places: The Description of the Customs, Ci∣ties, Rivers, Sea-Ports, and of all that is most remarkable therein. Translated from the English. Amsterdam, for John Wolters Bookseller, in 12. 607 p.

TIS not above Ten or Twelve Years since the Celebrated Mr. Spon gave a very handsom Relation of this Voyage to the Levant, with Mr. Wheeler. Which hath receiv'd such applause from the Publick, that there's no reason to fear this will be less wel∣come. For as Mr. Wheeler's Curiosity hath carry'd him to many more Subjects than the other has treated on, so he likewise having made a longer abode in those Countries that he describes, has much more enriched and diversifyed his History. Whereas Mr. Spon engaged himself chiefly to the Observation of the Monuments of Antiquity, and made it his particular Study; It may be said of our Author, that he forgot nothing that was considerable in any place he pass'd through, of what nature soever. With the exact De∣scriptions he hath given of the Principal Monuments he saw, he has very agreeably added an Account of all the Plants of each place, the Cities, most of the Villages, Moun∣tains, Plains, Sea-Ports, Rivers, and all that he met with remarkable in his Voyage. He carefully observed the Genius, Manners, and Religion of the Inhabitants; the nature and price of the Commodities of the Coun∣try▪ what Foreign Goods sell there to the best Advantage; with the distance of the Ways; and many other things of this nature. As he opened that, both the Old and New Geographers were deceiv'd in the Situation of divers places, so he Marks what he thought the most agreeable to Truth. He gave him∣self the trouble to draw out a new Map of Achaia, incomparably more Correct than was ever seen before.

The whole Work is divided into two Books, each of which is subdivided into three others. The first contains, 1. The History of our Authors Voyage from Venice to Constantinople. 2. A Description of Con∣stantinople, the Neighbouring places and their Antiquities. 3. The particulars of his Voy∣age through the Lesser Asia.

In the second Book is comprehended, 1. The Voyage from Zant to Athens, and through divers parts of Greece. 2. The De∣scription of Athens, and it's Antiquities. 3. Several Voyages from Athens to Corinth, &c. With an Account of whatsoever he saw re∣markable therein.

Being at Venice that these two Illustrious Friends entred upon their Voyage together, Mr. Wheeler thought he was oblig'd to be∣gin his History with a short Description of the Original of this great Republick, of it's Progress, Losses, and in fine the Estate it was in at 1675. when they were there. The first considerable Place they visited in their course was Pola, where they found divers Monuments of Antiquity, which evidently shew'd it to be one of the Antientest Towns of Istria, and that it was formerly a free State. At one of the best places of Dalma∣tia, which is the Chief City thereof, call'd Zara, they found nothing less considerable; which place is more secured by the number and courage of the Morlaques, the natural In∣habitants of the Country, of whom the great∣est part of the Garison are compos'd, than by the goodness of it's Fortifications; they having an irreconcilable hatred to the Turks. But one of the most curious Pieces of Anti∣quity that this Country affords, is the resi∣due of a Palace that Dioclesian caus'd to be built near Salone, which was the place of his Birth, that he might pass the rest of his Life in this happy Retirement, when he had re∣nounced the Empire.

Those who have form'd an advantagious Idea of Ithica, because it was the Country of Vlysses, and the particular place of his Resi∣dence, will be surpriz'd to hear our Author affirm it to be a pittiful little Isle, that wou'd be a perfect Desert, if a People they call Thiaki went not from time to time to culti∣vate it. In this last is seen the Ruines of an Old Castle, which the Thiaki pretend was formerly the Palace of Vlysses. Samos, that's now known only under the Name of Cepha∣lonia, was the greatest Isle under the Com∣mand of this Prince: For according to Mr. Wheeler, 'tis 60 Leagues in Circumference, altho' Strabo allowed it to be but 300 Fur∣longs, which makes not above 19 Leagues, and Pliny but 22 Leagues. Zant, formerly call'd Zacynthos, is nothing nigh so large, since the utmost extent is but 15 Leagues. 'Tis very fruitful, and nothing cou'd be ad∣ded to make it more agreeable, were it not for the Earthquakes which in the greatest part of the Spring are very often twice a week. From this Island now comes the greatest part of those Raisins without Stones, that they call Corants, the Plant of which Fruit is not like our Gooseberrys, as without reason has been an Opinion generally receiv'd; but a Vine differing very little from the other sort of Raisins. At the foot of one o'the Hills of this Island is a Fountain, which to admira∣tion, casts forth with it's streams that are very bright and clear, lumps of Pitch in Quan∣tities so great, that every Year they fill 90 Barrels therewith. The Inhabitants profess the Grecian Religion. And instead of a Bishop which they will not admit of, they have a Protopapa as they call him, that is, an Arch-Priest. The Piety that our Author makes appear throughout this whole work, obliges him to complain of the little care that those of its Nation have taken to form an Ecclesiastical Body, and maintain a Pa∣stor therein.

Delos is the most celebrated Isle of all the Cyclades. It is two or three Leagues about, is also very full of Rocks, and by consequence Barren. And at present an uninhabited De∣sert. Tho' there still remain some Monu∣ments

of it's Antient Splendor. The most remarkable is a Pile of White Marble, on which the Temple of Apollo was supposed to be built. 'Tis otherwise with Sestos and A∣bydos, whereof there remains not the least Footsteps to be found, what is now called the Old Castles of Rometia and Anatolia, not be∣ing built in the same places, nor having any mark of Antiquity. Gallipoli, which is also near, hath preserved very few of 'em: But at Lampsaque, which hath still kept it's Name, and at Heraclea, are many more to be found.

Constantinople having been above Twelve Ages, the Seat of the Eastern Empire, Mr. Wheeler thought he cou'd not be too large in describing of it. Many Writings being extant of the same nature, I shall observe in our Author only what's the most curious. 'Tis thought, that Titus Livy's Works are all entire in the Grand Seignior's Library. But Mr. Wheeler being inquisitive about it himself, offer'd, as he assures us, great Sums to the Bacha, who hath the charge of the Books, yet cou'd not procure a sight of it. One of the greatest Conveniences they have for Travellers at Constantinople, and almost every where throughout Turky, is the Pub∣lick Houses to entertain Strangers; which they call Karavan-Seras or Kans, where Persons may live as well as they please, ha∣ving commonly near 'em Shops that afford all things necessary at a reasonable Price. It is true, the greatest part of 'em are like Barns, and have about the Walls what they call a Sopha, a Foot and a half high for Tra∣vellers to lye thereon. But those which are now built in Cities or great Towns, are in∣comparably more commodious, having ma∣ny Apartments all distinguish'd from each other. Our Author wishes the like conveni∣encies were establish'd amongst Christians, which wou'd cut off many useless Expences, and be a Remedy for several Disorders that occur from the contrary.

The Patriarchal Church is an obscure Edifice, without Beauty or any considerable Ornaments: And the Patriarchs Palace is not larger than one of the most despicable pri∣vate Houses in London. This Prelates Ha∣bit also is very plain, and little differing from the ordinary garb of Caloyers, or of the Monks of St. Basil. Nevertheless, 'tis hard∣ly to be credited with what earnestness this Dignity is sought after: And how dearly those that aspire thereto, pay for it to the Grand Visier, who to make it the most advan∣tageous he can, often upon the least pretence turns out those he has lately put in, to sell it to others; so that sometimes there have been five Patriarchs in the space of 5 Years. The Celebration of the Eucharist, Mr. Wheeler saith, is an Act of Religion, wherein the Greeks appear the most devout, yet he thinks it impossible to determine exactly, what is their general Opinion upon this Subject. At some places they hold Transubstantiati∣on, as at Corfou, and at Zant. But he assures us, the Bishop of Salone, and the Convent of St. Luke in Beotia, believes in this Sacra∣ment only, a Spiritual and Efficacious Presence; and as he found none that received the word Transubstantiation, or of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, except a∣mong those that had some connexion with the Roman Church, so he doubted not but o∣thers which were not yet deceiv'd by 'em, are of the same Faith with the aforesaid Bishop and Caloyers.

Tho' the Turks have always been lookt upon as sworn Enemies to all Learning: Ne∣vertheless our Author says, They have very Learned Men among 'em; and as in the Se∣raglio there are Historians on purpose to ob∣serve great Events, so at Constantinople and elsewhere are maintained Professors in all parts of the Mathematicks, in Poetry, and in the Arabian and Pers••an Tongues: That they have a Bazar, or Purse for the Manu∣scripts of each several Science, compos'd in the Turkish, Arabick, or Persian Language: And what appears the most surprizing, is their asserting to us, that they had seen an antient Book of Astronomy, which suppos'd formerly the Use of the Needle and Load∣stone, altho' it serv'd them not for Navi∣gation. From Constantinople Mr. Wheeler pass'd the Bosphorus, and came to Chalce∣don; and this Town which became so fa∣mous by having the 4th. Council held there in the Year 452. is now but a small Village that the Turks call Cadiqui.

Mr. Wheeler designing to Visit all the Celebrated Places of Natolia, and particu∣larly those where formerly the seven Church∣es of the Apocalyps were. He sail'd from the South-side; in passing by the Mount Olimpus of Mysia, the place where Ajax kill'd him∣self for Despair; which the Inhabitants have still stamp'd upon their Moneys. 'Tis ve∣ry sad to see the deplorable Estate the Chri∣stians are there reduced to, who having for∣merly defended their Liberty as much as they cou'd, are now constrain'd to pay dou∣ble to the others of Caratch, or Tribute, as 9 or 10 Piastres by the Year, the Caratch being commonly but five, or four and a half to the rest.

The first of these famous Cities of the A∣pocalyps that our Author arrived at, was Thyatira, a place well peopled with Turks, but not above 10 or 12 Christians therein: The antient stately Buildings of Marble ha∣ving been for a long time buryed in their own Ruines, and the place fill'd with low despicable Houses, it's Name was almost forgotten, but at length was discovered by some old Inscriptions that were dug out of the Earth. It is not so with Smyrna: For that being a very fruitful Soil, and situated advantageously for Commerce, they have taken care to keep it in it's former Splendor, by rebuilding each place as it fell to decay; nevertheless, it was overturn'd six times by Earth-Quakes, and it's final Ruine, accord∣ing to an Old Tradition, is expected by a seventh. A greater Number of Christians inhabited there, in a much better Estate than in any of the seven Churches, Philadelphia only excepted. Many Camelions are in that place, which obliges our Author to give us

a very exact Description of'em. At Ephesus all the Earth is covered with pieces of Mar∣ble, Pedestals, Pillars, and all the Ruines of the handsomest and most antient Architec∣ture: This City which was formerly the Capital of Asia, so famous, and populous, is not the receptacle at this day of more than 40 or 50 Turkish Families, who live in miserable Tenements, without having so much as one Christian amongst 'em. Which sorrowful Object drew Tears from our Au∣thor: When he there saw that Threatning accomplisht, that Jesus Christ had made to this Church when flourishing, To remove it's Candlestick from it's place. It fares little bet∣ter with Pergamus; whose Church for∣merly so fine, is now composed but of 12 or 15 Families of poor dejected Christians. Sar∣dis has no way the Advantage. Once the Capital of Craesus's Kingdom, is now the re∣treat only of Beggars and Vagabonds, which have a few Christians amongst 'em, who serve only as Slaves to these Infidels. But the Desolation of Laodicea surpasses all the o∣thers; for it is absolutely destroyed and de∣serted. There are still at Philadelphia 200 Christian Families, who have four Churches where they assemble together; which our pious Author omits not the observing, that 'tis an effect of the promises that Jesus Christ had made to this Church, to pre∣serve it in the time of Tryal that shou'd come upon all the World.

And Greece, which he afterwards travel∣led into, presented him with a Picture not less sorrowful for the Inconstancy and Vani∣ty of humane Things, than that of Natolia. It was no small trouble to Mr. Spon, and to himself, that they cou'd not find the place where Delphos formerly stood; and after a great deal of care and diligent Search, they perceiv'd some Old Inscriptions that testi∣fied this City, once so famous, was now a Village call'd Castri upon the Hill of Par∣nassus.

Athens has not perfectly shared the same Fate. It at least retains it's Old Name; for the Greeks still call it Athini; and not Satines, or Saitenes, as it is now read in the Modern Maps. 'Tis 2 or 3 Leagues in Circumference, and is possess'd by eight or ten thousand In∣habitants, who are all naturally of a great Wit and Politeness. Tho' there remains no sign of it's Antient Splendour, but the Ruines of some Rich Places and Noble Mo∣numents; Mr. Wheeler assures us next to Rome, 'tis a place that surpasses all the world for curious Pieces of Antiquity. The chief of which he describes very exactly. He ob∣serves amongst other things, that there is in the Acropolis, which is the Citadel, the Ruines of a Temple of Minerva, the Front of which is adorned with Historical Figures round a∣bout, to an admirable Beauty. Likewise he hath not forgot to mention the Stadium, where they celebrate the Publick Games call'd Panathenaica, 'Tis built all with Mar∣ble, in length about 120 Geometrical Paces, in breadth 26 or 27; which had two paral∣lel sides, and was enclos'd Eastward, and opened exactly at the opposite Point. Yet saith, he cou'd have no certainty of the Place where the Areopagite was, no more than many others, related to us in the Histo∣ries of former Times.

The Mount Hymetta, which is but three or four Leagues from Athens, is the most noted for it's Honey, which is indeed the best of all Greece. Megara, is but a small Village, with very pitiful Houses, cover'd with Fag∣gots and Turfs thereon: And there's nothing remains of the Antient Grandeur but the Footsteps of its Walls, and a few Inscrip∣tions that are not quite obliterated. Some∣thing more considerable is to be found of the Town and Theater of the Isthmus of Corinth, where they kept public Plays; and observes the place they begun to dig a Canal to joyn the two Seas together in Corinth, hath been more favourably dealt with by time than any of the former, since it is at this day large e∣nough to merit the Name of a Town; at least, it cannot pass for worse than a very handsom Village. Tho' nothing is more worthy observation, than the Change that hath happened to the Euripus, if what (a) 1.108 Pomponius Mela, and (b) 1.109 Strabo saith is true, That in their time it Fluxt and Refluxt regu∣larly seven times a day; since Mr. Wheeler affirms, That for two days that he staid there, he saw no more motion in it than that of our Marishes; and all the Inhabitants agree, that this Flux and Reflux is sometime regu∣lar, and often irregular, according to the Moon: As a Learned Jesuite found out, who resided two Years at Negropont, that it is regular, and very little differing from the Main Ocean, at the end of the Old Moon, till the first Quarter of the New; but at the other part of the Month it is irregular, and changes 12, 13, or 14 times in 24 or 25 hours. In the end of our Authors Work, he gives only a succinct Relation of his Return to Zant, and from thence to England.

A New Relation of China, containing the De∣scription of the Particularities of the most considerable things of this great Empire. Composed in the Year 1668. By the Reverend Father Gabriel de Magaillans of the Socie∣ty of Jesus, Apostolick Missionary; and Translated from Portuguese into French by the Sieur B.— Paris, at Mr. Claudius Barbins, 1688. in Quarto, pag. 385. and is to be had at Amsterdam at Henry Desbordes.

ALthough after so many Relations that have been given of China, since one Age or thereabouts, it seems it is difficult to tell us any new thing thereof; notwith∣standing we are assured that in this there is scarcely any thing to be found that hath been seen in others, and that it will appear to the Readers as new as it is curious. Be∣sides, that the History of China is a matter rich and vast enough, and therefore not to

be so easily drain'd, it's pretended that the most part of those who have written there∣of, instead of making exact Recitals, have said nothing on't but what's almost all Fabulous; that others having written in a different in∣tention to that of informing us of all the Particularities of this great Kingdom, have omitted the principal ones, or have spoke of them but by the By; and that finally, amongst so many Men that have treated of the same Subject, scarcely was there seen one who could so Learnedly speak thereof as Father Magaillans, and that had the same means and the same occasions of instructing himself therein. It was therefore in all likelihood to Supply what was deficient in the other Relations that this Jesuite so well informed, had composed his. But as he dyed in the Year 1677. without having published his Writings, and even without having finished it, the Publick would have run the hazard of being deprived of all the Fruit that it might gather from this Work, if the Translator, who is said to be the Abbot Mr. Bernou, had not drawn it from its Obscurity and Dust, and had not put into a condition to see Light by his Translation and Notes, and by all the care that he took thereof.

This Author begins (C. 1.) with the di∣vers Names that the Chinois and Strangers give to China. And he immediately no∣teth, that it is an ordinary custom, where some new Family becomes Master of this State, they make it to lose it's name. Under the Precedent Family, it was called Tai-Mim-que, that is to say, Kingdom of a great Brightness. But the Tartars which are now the Masters, call it Tai-cim-que, Kingdom of great Purity; and it's also the Name that the Chinois themselves commonly do give it. They call it also very often Tien-hia, or Kingdom which containeth all that is under Heaven; these People being prepossessed with a fancy of the Greatness of their Em∣pire, that they reckon as nothing all the States of the Universe besides. Strangers do also call it after several different Names, Catai, Mangi, &c. But the most part call it China; a Name that our Author brings, either from the Family Chin, which govern∣ed 169 Years after Iesus Christ; or more apparently yet from the Family Cin, which Reigned 246 Years before Iesus Christ, the chief whereof was the first Absolute and Universal Master of China. Father Magail∣lans sheweth at large and with great evidence, that the Countries of Catay, and of Mangi, are but parts of China, and not Kingdoms really different, no more than Tam-gut and Tainfa, that Cluvier hath also taken for other Kingdoms distinct from China, tho' they are but Cities, whereof the Name is a little corrupted.

(C. 2.) The Kingdom of China is situate almost on the Extremities of Asia on the East. It's length from North to South, ac∣cording to the Chinois Books, that is, from the Fortress of Caci-pim, upon the Frontier of the Province of Pekim, to the Meridional Point of the Isle of Hai-nau, at the South of the Province of Quam-tum, is 23 Degrees in Extent, which make 5750 Li, or Chinois Stades at 250 to the Degree, and 575 French Leagues at 25 the Degree. And it's breadth measured in a straight Line from the East to the West, from the Point of Nim-Po, a Sea-port Town of the Province of Che-kiam, unto the extremity of the Province of Su-chuen, is 426 French Leagues, and 4080 Li, or Chinois Stades, at 240 a Degree. But they pretend that that is not all the Extent of this vast Empire, seeing that in considering it in another sense, it is 8400 Li, which are 750 French Leagues in it's utmost length; and 5400 Li, which make 500 French Leagues in it's greatest breadth. In short, the Calcu∣lation is very sure and exact, and the pro∣portions of it's Measures very just and cer∣tain; and here it is that Men have not yet removed all the Difficulties as may be seen in the following Notes.

There are 15 Provinces in the Kingdom of China, all which for their Greatness; Richness, and Fertility, might pass for vast Kingdoms. Cluvier was mistaken when he counted 18 Provinces, and among them the Kingdom of Cochinchine, and that of Tim-kim, for tho' these have been at other times subject to China, they were so, but for some Years, and have not obeyed it of a long time. It's thought the Walled Places that are in China, amount to the number 4402 divided into 2 different Or∣ders, Civil, and Military. 'Tis true, that several Cities and Towns are comprehend∣ed in that number, situated in the Provinces of Yun-nan de Q'uel-ches of Quamsi and of Su-chuen, which tho' they are join'd to the Emperours State, pay him no Tribute, nor do they acknowledge him, but have particu∣lar Soveraigns, and make use in their Di∣strict of a different Language from the Chi∣noise; this great Empire is so Peopled, that near 12 millions of Families or Fires are counted therein, without comprehending Priviledged Families or Persons, Manderins, Magistrates, Souldiers, Batchellors, Licen∣ciates, Doctors, Bonzes or Eunuchs, nor a∣ny of those who are of the Royal Blood. In a word, counting only those that Till the Ground, or that pay Tributes or Rents to the King: Altho' all the rest, as may be easily urged, make up an almost infinite Number.

There are 2045 Places walled of the Civil Order, divided into Towns, Cities, and Royal Inns; these last places for the most part are not less great, nor less peo∣pled, than are the Towns and Cities, and in each of them is a place where Mande∣rins which the King sends, and all other Persons to whom he is pleas'd to do the like Favour, are Lodged, and their Charges born at the Princes Expences, and are entertained according to their Quality and Employ. The Military Order comprehends 7 different sorts of stony Places. The first and principal are great Fortresses, which are places upon the Frontiers, as the Keys and Defence of the Empire against the

Tartars, or upon the Borders of Provin∣ces against Rebels and Highway-men. There are 629 of this Order: The others are less considerable and less great propor∣tionably. And the last of these Places are small Forts, whereof some are built in the Fields, to serve as a Refuge to La∣bourers, when they fear the Insults of E∣nemies or Thieves, or are willing to secure themselves from the Imposition of the Soul∣diers, when the Royal Armies are in march, and the others are situated upon Mountains, whereof there are some almost inaccessi∣ble; all these Military Places amount to 2357. which being added to them of the Civil Order, make together the number marked above, 4402. Besides this, there are without and within these great Walls that surround almost all China, at least a great part, above Three thousand Towers or Castles, wherein are continually Guards and Centries kept. These famous Walls extend 405 Portugal Leagues, which make 23 Degrees 10 Minutes from East to West, which is to be understood in a right Line; for if the Windings of the Mountains and of the Walls were counted, it would amount to more than 500 Leagues: If we credit our Historian, There are more than Nine hundred thousand that guard the Frontiers, and there are Seven or Eight hundred thou∣sand employed in the Guard of the King∣dom within. But the Translator, to dimi∣nish somewhat the wonder, that such a prodigious number of Troops amount to, makes us remark in his Observations, that the greatest part of these Souldiers are of the Militia, and that there are but very few that have not another Calling besides being Souldiers. However it be, our Au∣thor assures us, That all these Souldiers are always entertained, and that China is so well furnished with all the Requisites of Defence, that the Tartars who have once invaded it, and are Masters of it to this very time, had never passed the Walls, if the Souldiers Cowardize, and the Trea∣chery of the Officers had not opened them a Passage.

There are in China Two thousand four∣score and ninety Mountains, famous either because they have been cut in Form of Idols and monstrous Collosses, or for their renowned Fountains, or for their Plants or Minerals, endowed with some particular Vertue; or these Mountains were looked upon for their extraordinary heighth, or for some other Advantages of this nature, that makes them be distinguished. There is a like number of Antique Pieces, as Sta∣tues, famous Painting, Vessels of great price and value; there are Eleven hundred and fifty nine Towers and Triumphal-Arches, and other Works extraordinarily sumptuous, raised for the honour of their King, or other famous Persons of both Sexes; and what deserves to be remembred, there are 272 Libraries embellished with many Ornaments, and full of Books, and built with vast Expence.

There can nothing be added to the marks of Love and Veneration, wherewith the Chinois are used to honour their Ancest∣ors deceased; they are not content with building them Tombs and Monuments, but they build them Temples; and there are seen more than 700 built at several times on this design, and these are equally con∣siderable for the Bigness and Beauty of their Architecture; as for Temples of Idols, there are 480 famous and much frequented, whe∣ther for their Riches and Magnificence, or thro' the Fables that are told of pretend∣ed Miracles done there; and it is in these Temples, and in the others of the Empire, whereof the number is incredible, that Three hundred and fifty thousand Bomzes live, which makes but about a third part of this sort of people, who according to the Account of our Author are above a million, counting all that are of it.

But there is nothing according to his Relation more magnificent, than the Bury∣ing Places of the Nobility of China, among others are seen 685 Mausolees, whose Rich∣ess and Architecture has render'd 'em ve∣ry famous; and the others do not want their Beauty and Pomp Our Historian brags of them all as very worthy of being seen and admired: He adds, That among them whose Memories are honoured, the Chinois Reverence after a particular manner 3636 Men, famous for their Qualities and Heroick Actions, and 208 Maids or Wo∣men who have for their Chastity or Cou∣rage, or something else, deserved to be Celebrated as so many Examples of Ver∣tue.

There is no Kingdom in the World so antient as that of China, nor that can brag of a Succession of Kings, so long and so well continued; it has stood in the same Form more than Four thousand Years, and the Succession has be••n continued by 22 Families, which during that time, have fur∣nished 236 Kings. It's what the Chinois justify by the History of their Country, whereof all the parts have been written by Contemporary Authors; and by a Chro∣nology which appears so just, so well fol∣lowed, and is backed with such good Cir∣cumstances, that it does not seem that it can be denyed; and they are so fully per∣suaded of this Antiquity, that it is a ca∣pital Crime among them to doubt of this Article; and generally this Antiquity with the other extraordinary Advantages of this Kingdom, puffs them up with so much Pride, that they conceive Opinions not a little unreasonable to other Countries, and as if all were at an end at the Frontiers of their Empire; they scorn as much as to inform themselves of the rest, and they never speak of it but with a mark of the greatest Contempt.

We believe that the Egyptians were the first that had Letters or Sciences, and Hie∣roglyphicks, yet it is certain, That the Chinois have had them before. However it be, the Chinoise Letters are not the

least Curiosity they have. For whereas, all other Nations have a common Writing that consists of an Alphabet of about 24 Letters, which are almost of the same Sound, tho they differ in Figure: The Chi∣nois have 54409 Letters that do all of them signifie something, and do not seem so much to be dumb Characters as speaking Words, or at least Figures and Images that represent to the life, what they signifie; so admirable is their Artifice. These Letters are either simple or compound; these last are a mix∣ture of the first, to signifie somewhat that has some kind of Relation to the Compo∣sition: As for Example, the Letter Mo, which signifies Wood, is simple; but the Letter Lin, that signifies a Forest, which comprehends many Trees, is composed of two Mo. The Author gives upon this many curious things; he shews, that all these Letters are true Heroglyphics, and that nothing has been invented with more wit than the Language of the Chinois. How∣ever, it cannot be denyed, but that i•• is a very surprizing thing, that this Language having but about 320 Words, and all of one Syllable, can bring them together, change them, and mix them in so many different Ways, and yet so Eloquent, and so multi∣ply the Use and Signification by the almost infinite Variations of Sound and Accent, that they that can speak it, can deliver their Thoughts upon all Subjects with as much facility, clearness, grace, force and energy, as in any other Language, tho' ne∣ver so rich and copious, as the Greek and Latin. Our Author who assures this, main∣tains at the same time, that the many dif∣ferent Significations that are given the same word, do not occasion the confusion and difficulty that some imagine; that on the contrary this Language has that benefit by the small Number of Monosyllables where∣of it consists, that there is neither a li∣ving or dead Language in all Europe, that can be Learned with so much Facility. And he alledges for proof, the Examples of the Missionaries of his Order, who in a very short time rendred themselves so Learned in it, that they composed Books much ad∣mired by the Chinois themselves; this gives the Author occasion to run much upon the praise of their Fathers, and to give us a List of their fine Works.

There is no Nation that is wittier than that of China; they are inventive and in∣dustrious, and we cannot dispute them the Honour of having been the first Inventers of Letters, Paper, Print, Gun-Powder, without mentioning other things. There is nothing imploys them more, than the Study of Morals; and yet they have wit enough lest to dive into the subtilest & most difficult. Questions of Mathematicks and Divinity, when they make it their Study: So that there is no Country that has so great a Number of Learned Men, and where the knowledge of Sciences is so universal and common as it is in China. And it may be said, that no Nation out of Europe has more Books upon every Subject, as well in Verse as Prose, than this has; among that great number, there are 5 which the Chi∣nois call V-kim, or the 5 Volumes; that are to them the same thing as our Bible to us. The first is a Chronicle of their 5 Antient Kings, whom they honour as Saints, with a particular Veneration: The second is the Book of Rites, that contains the greatest part of the Laws, Customs, and Ceremonies observed in that Empire: The third is Verse and Prose, in praise of Vertue and and dispraise of Vice: The fourth is Hi∣storical, and was composed by Confucius: The fifth is esteemed the antien••est of all, as being the most mystical▪ the Chinois be∣ing persuaded, that it is the Work of Fohi, their first Prince. In fine, these 5 Books are accompanyed with another, which is called the 4 Books, because it is divided in∣to four Parts, and which being but the Marrow and Quintessence of the first 5, has the same Weight and Authority as all the other together.

The Chinois are the most courteous, and abound most in Ceremonies of any in the World; our Author says, they have a Book to direct them, that contains more than 3000. and explains them, and it is very strange how punctual they are in them. They surpass all other Nations, both for the diversity and number of honourable Ti∣tles which they give themselves, as well as in certain Airs of Civility, and good Breeding, which they affect, and in the care they take of their Cloaths. There can nothi••g be seen more composed than the Countenance, Actions, and the Ways of their Learned Men: And the Women apply themselves after such a manner, to Bashfulness, Modesty and Chastity, that these Vertues seem born with them. Their Magnificence appears in their Feasts, which they keep with much Pomp, and in their Publick Works and sumptuous Buildings, which for their Greatness and Number in the Authors Opinion, easily surpass all other in the Universe. In general, the Pa∣laces of their Princes and of the chiefest Mandarins look like Towns, and the Houses of some private Wealthymen re∣semble Palaces. The great Canal which the Author describes with his ordinary exactness, and which he says is 3500 Fur∣longs long, which are about 350 French Leagues. This Canal, I say, is one of those Works of Art where Profit is so well joined with Magni••icence, that by means of it one may go from one end of the Kingdom to the other, which is the space of more than 600 Leagues▪ and all this way by the Chanel or by Rivers, only one days Journy by Land, and to cross a Mountain; an advantage which the Jesuite our Au∣thor, which has gone this Voyage him∣self, observes to be beyond any that is to be found in any Country of the Universe. He adds, that whereas there is no Town

nor Village that has not some River or Channel, or at least some Navigable Arm of the Sea, that this convenience renders Navigation so common there, that there are as many almost seen upon the Water as up∣on the Land; people may soon judge the usefulness of this for Commerce: and with what case, plenty spreads it self over all the parts of this Kingdom. Besides, there is no Country that is more rich in proper Goods, and that draws more from its own Fund than China; all is had there, and it may be said almost above wish, and not only what is necessary, but plenty of all de∣licious things: The quantity of Gold that each Province has, is so great, that in∣stead of coyning it, to buy other things with it, it is sold like other Merchandize. As for Silver, as there is none that comes in∣to the Country that can be carry'd out a∣gain, there being rigorous Laws that pro∣hibit it, it may be easily judg'd that this Nation that is more greedy of this Metal than any other is, has gathered immense quantities of it since the beginning of this Empire, that is, more than 4050 Years a∣go: All other Metals are found there, at least in as great abundance as in any other Climate, especially Tin an•• Brass, whereof the Chinois Handicrafts-men make several Works precious as well for the goodness of the Matter as for the excellency of the Work: Nor are Silk and Wax, what this Country has least of. The first is not only the fairest and best in the World, but is there in such great abundance, that most places of Asia and Europe furnish them∣selves thence, and that besides the incredi∣ble Quantity that is made use of in China it self, where the use of it is so common, that the very Foot-boys wear Satin and Damask. The Wax is of a certain sort peculiar only to this Kingdom, the fairest, neatest, and whitest, that was ever seen, and being of a more agreeable use than ordinary, is used by the King himself, and by all the Court, and the Lords and Mandarins, and by the Men of Learning, and general∣ly by all rich Folks. It is produced in cer∣tain small Trees near the bigness of our Chesnut-Trees, and that by means of cer∣tain small Worms, which by a natural in∣stinct pierce these Trees to the Sap, and which in eating all together, as admirable as it is peculiar to themselves, prepare, purify, and at length turn it into Wax as white as Snow; they after pass out through the same Hole that they made to enter; this Wax when it comes to the outward Surface of the Tree, the Wind and Cold congeals it, and it hangs in form of Drops.

In fine, one cannot express the Price, Beauty, Variety, and Quantity, not only of their rich Cloath, but also of the Skins and precious Furrs that this Nation makes use of, especially in the Northern Provinces, and at the Court of Pekin. And what belongs to other things, necessary either for the maintainance or conveniency of Life, as Flesh, Fruit, and other Provisions, it may suffice to say, that they have all that we have, and besides this, Stores of such things as we have not.

There is no Country in the World where the Nobility have greater interest to keep the Crown in the Reigning Family than the Gentry of China have, seeing all con∣siderable Noble-men and great Lords do not subsist, but whilst that Family lasts, and that as soon as another is raised to the Crown, they are all ruined by him. There has been but one Family to this very day, that could exempt it self from this sad Fate: And it was that of the famous Confucius, for the Merit and great Worth of this great Philosopher, and the incredible Veneration which his Memory is preserved in, has maintained his Fami∣ly in all its Splendour for above 2020 Years, so that flourishing yet in the same State of Esteem and Honour, it may be with justice call'd the Antientest Family in the World.

But among all the Advantages attribut∣ed to China, it is pretended, that it de∣serves to be esteemed for nothing so much as for the Excellency of its Government; and it is here that our Author gives the Relation as curious as important, of the Conduct of this Empire. In general, the Mandarins, the Officers and Magistrates of all the Kingdom, they are distinguished into 11 Orders, whereof the Differences are so well marked, and the Subordination so just, that in the Authors Judgment there is nothing comparable to it any where else. The Mandarins of the first Order, or the King's Counsellors of State form the Su∣pream Tribunal, whence all other depend. After this come 11 Great Tribunals, among whom the Kings of China have distribut∣ed all the business of the Kingdom. And they pretend that the Establishment was made 2000 Years before Jesus Christ, and that it has continued ever since in the same manner, wherein it is seen now, if some Corruptions be excepted that may have slipt in; of these 11 Tribunals, there are 6 of Mandarins of Learning, as they call them, and 5 of Mandarins of Arms. The 6 first are the most powerful, because there is hardly any thing but what is subject to their Jurisdiction, and they may be said to govern China. The first of the six is that which has a general Rule over all the other Manderins, and can give them their Places or Employment, or take them away. The second has a superintendance over the Customs and Tributes, and in ge∣neral over the King's Treasure. The third has the Direction of the Rites and Cere∣monies of Sciences and Arts. The fourth has for its share all that belongs to War, and to Arms in all the Kingdom. The fifth of the Crimes and Punishments of

Criminals, among which by the by, there is none look'd upon to be so base and igno∣minious as to be beheaded. The sixth o∣ver-looks the Works and Building of the King, so that there is no business of any nature, but is subject to these 6 Supream Tribunals; and as they have jurisdiction o∣ver almost all the Court, and over all them of the Provinces, there can none be more respected nor better obeyed than they are where-ever they go. The 5 Tribunals of Arms are governed by great Lords, as Marquesses, Counts, &c. and have above them one Supream Tribunal, called the High Tribunal of War, the President whereof is always one of the greatest Lords of the Kingdom; the Authority of this President seems very considerable, since his Jurisdiction reaches over the five other Tribunals, and over all the Officers and Souldiers of the Kingdom. But lest he might abuse so great a Power, he has given him for an Assister, a Mandarin of Scien∣ces, under the Title of High Regent of Arms, and two Syndicks or Royal Over∣seers, who take part in all Affairs: More∣over, it may be said, That all these Tri∣bunals of War, have more Show and Ap∣pearance than real Authority, because in all things that belong to Execution, they depend necessarily upon the Supream Tribu∣nal of Arms, which is the fourth of the six that we spoke of; this was one of the cunningest of the Politicks of the Kings of China, and an effect of the Knowledge they had of the Humour of their Subjects, whose ruling Passion is to grow rich, and to com∣mand. To have thus ordained so great a number of Tribunals or Courts, that a great many might have the means to con∣tent their Ambition by the Honours and Profits of the Imployments they are in, whilst the little Power they have takes a∣way from them the means of abusing their places: And the same measures within a very little were observed by the other Su∣pream Tribunals, whose Power seems greater and less limited: For as it might be feared, that any one of them might ren∣der himself absolute, if he were left to the entire disposal of the Matters belonging to him, all their Employments were distribut∣ed, and their Functions were ordered with so much Prudence, that not one among them is absolute in the Affairs of his Of∣fice, but all have a dependence upon one another.

All the Eleven Tribunals are placed ac∣cording to their Rank in magnificent Pala∣ces on both sides of that of the King's; the first six upon the left, which is the place of Honour, and towards the East, the other five on the right towards the West; and whereas each of the Six has under it several Subaltern Tribunals to pre∣pare and order Business, so have these in∣feriour Tribunals their Palaces within the great one, of which they depend; these lesser Tribunals are in greater or lesser number, in each of the great ones, propor∣tionably to the business they have, and according to our Authors Calculation, there are in all 44, in such sort, that it seems business should be treated of, exactly pas∣sing through so many different Tribunals; and yet it must be known that in the Pa∣lace of each Supream Tribunal, there is always a Hall and an Apartment for a Mandarin, who is called Overseer or Su∣pervisor, who examines publickly or se∣cretly all that is done, and as soon as he knows of any Disorder or Injustice, he is obliged to acquaint the King with it; all other Tribunals whether of the Court, or belonging to the Provinces, which are joyn∣ed to these Supream Tribunals, are govern∣ed with no less Policy. Those of the Court, which are established at Pekin, are so numerous, that we shall take no care to mention them here; for there are some for every kind of business, among others there are some that make up a Royal A∣cademy, and which consists of the best Wits of all the Kingdom. They are as it were the King's Learned men, with whom he discourses very often upon several Sci∣ences, and makes choice of many to be his Counsellors; and for other Tribunals, that which is called the Visitors, or that belongs to the general Supervisors, Over∣sees all the Court and Empire; it's charge is to see the Laws observed, and Justice executed, and to see that both the Manda∣rins and People do their Duty; this Tri∣bunal is much feared, and has under it 25 Tribunals, and is placed in a huge Palace; every three Years it causes a general Vi∣sit to be made, sending Visitors into each Province, who no sooner enter into them than they become above all Vice-Roys and Mandarins, and do all with an Authority that inspires no little Fear. But there is yet another Tribunal, the Functions whereof is not less considerable, nor of less importance, which is that of the Overseers, which we have spoken of already, which are divided into six Orders, as the six Supream Tribunals which they oversee; their Authority goes so far, that they may reprehend the King himself when he commits any fault in the Government of the State, and there are found some ge∣nerous enough to expose themselves reso∣lutely to a Banishment, or even to Death it self, in acquainting him of his faults, sometimes by a Memorial, and sometimes by telling him them to his Face. In fine, every Province has its Tribunals as well general as particular, and above all there is one that is Chief, and oversees all the rest, and gives the King and the six Su∣pream Tribunals of the Court an account of all important Affairs. It may be easily judged that all their Imploys have a great many Mandarins; and so there are 32000 in the Roll, which the Court sends

from time to time into the Provinces: and though this number may seem very strange; yet our Author says, That the distribution, distinction and subordination is much more marvellous and surprising. It seems the Law∣makers have not forgot any thing for the establishing of things upon the best bottom that it was possible to put them; and that they have prevented all the inconveniences that might be feared; but by ill looking to the Conduct and Goodness of the Officers, does not correspond to so good an order; for, as they all have an in••atiable desire of raising themselves, and becoming Rich, they transgress, for these ends, all Human and Divine Laws and Justice: and, whil'st they counterfeit in their Exterior, the ex∣act observers, and are very nice in Formali∣ties, they do not make the least scruple to commit the greatest Injustices in the bot∣tom; and to tread upon Reason, Religion, Honesty and Equity, which does not hin∣der the form of Government, from being in it self very excellent; Because, as our Author says, the Knavery of the Men, takes away nothing from the goodness and excel∣lency of the Laws.

What has been hitherto said, must give a very high Notion, or Idea of the Gran∣deur of this Empire: but, it seems, there is nothing can do that better, than the Pomp and extraordinary Magnificence that shines at the Emperours Court. Fancy it self would be troubled to add any thing to the Relation that has been here made in seve∣ral Chapters; and, it is hard, after Reading, but the Flattery of the People, will seem more excusable; who, dazled with this Splendour, never speak of their Soveraign, but in Hyperbolick Expressions, and treat all, who have Relation to his Person, with the terms of Heavenly and Divine. What the Author says in this Article, must be seen in himself; and the Account he gives of the City of Pekin, which is the Princes Place of abode, and Capital of the Empire, and, above all, must be seen, what he says of that Great and Magnificent Palace of this Empe∣rour.

There are but few Readers that will not take pleasure in this part of his Work, and to whom, the particular account he gives, will not seem curious; and the more, be∣cause other Relations have said but very lit∣tle upon this Subject, and very confusedly; which, in Mr. Bernon's Judgment, proceed∣ed from the small help that people had un∣till now, of Learning much of it: The Em∣bassadors that are sent to that Court, being always shut in, in the Palace that they have given them; and the Missioners, except a very few, having never seen Pekin, or if they have, it was onely in passing through it; So that, in his opinion, there were but Father Magdillan's, and two or three others, that could have any knowledge of the Court or City; And this Iesuite is the onely Man that gave us the Description, after 25 years abode there: In his Book then may be seen more distinctly, than ever yet was seen, the Situation, Form, Disposition and Greatness of this Famous City, which has been a long time spoken of without being known: his Description is as ample, and accompanied with as good circumstances as can be desi∣red; and the Great Palaces, that contain a great many other, and which, by its great and prodigious scope, and breadth, and for the Beauty, Riches, Majesty and Gran∣deur of all contained in it, may justly pass for the rarest and most marvellous thing in the World. Four Chapters are imployed in this Description, and the Author has joyned to them a Draught of the City and Palace, which serves much to comprehend the Symmetry and Order that accompanies all that Magnificence: in fine, in the last Chap∣ter that immediately follows these, the Au∣thor shews the way the Emperor goes out of his Palace, whether it be when he designs to divert himself in walking abroad, or in Hunting; or whether it be when he goes abroad to make some publick Function, as some one of the Sacrifices, which he does every year, in every one of the Seven Chur∣ches Ordained for this Ceremony; and which are situated in the City, without the Walls of the Palace: on either occasion it is believed, that no Prince can appear with so Magnificent an Equipage. But above all it is presumed, that the Pomp and Magni∣ficence cannot be equalled, wherewith he goes to the Publick Functions, for then he is accompanyed with the most Sumptuous and Majestick Guard that can be seen in any Court; nothing could better compleat the representing to us the Splendour of this Em∣pire, and all the Glory of its Monarch, than the description given to us of this Pompous March; and so Father Magaillans judged, that he could not better conclude his Hi∣story than by it; and this is the dash with which he was willing to finish the Picture wherein he has drawn the Grandeur and Magnificence of all China.

The Translator has added to this Relation, the Life and Death of the Author, Written by Father Lewis Buglio, his inseparable com∣panion all the time he staid in China, which was 36 years. According to this Account, Father Magaillans was a Portugese; and, ac∣cording to M. Abbe Bernon, he was of the same Family that Ferdinand Magaillans was of, who was, and still is corruptedly cal∣led Magellan; and who first discovered the Gulph that bears that Name, at the ex∣tremity of the Southern America. He shew∣ed from his youth, a great Passion for Vi∣siting the Indies; whither his Congregati∣on, or Society having sent him in the year 1634, he soon found the opportunity of passing into China; where, after suffering much from the Infidels, he was, at last, happy enough, to gain the Favour of the Tar∣tar Prince, who became Master of China; and by diverting him with his ingenious In∣ventions, and pleasing him from time to

time with some of his own Works, it occa∣sion'd, that when he died, the King caused him to be Sumptuously Buryed, according to the Custom of the Countrey; And Father Buglio, who describes us all the Ceremony, does not stick to say, that there has not been seen a more Famous one at that Court.

A JOURNAL of Chardin's Voyages into PERSIA, and to the East-IN∣DIES, by the Black-Sea, and by Col∣chis, the first Part; containing a Voyage from Paris to Ispahan. London, Sold by Moses Pitts, 1686, in Fol.

THE Author, in his Iournals, tells us, of a Famous River of Colchis, a Mile and a half broad, and more than 60 Fa∣thoms deep at its entry; and that he has gone round the Isle of Phase, if possible to discover the Remains of the Temple of Rhea, which Arian says was to be seen there in his time; and that he has not found the least sign thereof, tho' Historians assure us, that it was whole in the Low Empire, and was Dedicated to Iesus Christ, in the Emperour Zenon's time; nor could he perceive any Marks of the great City of Sebastia, or of that of Colchis: All that he found conform to what the Antients Writ of the Black-Sea, was only the gr••at number of Pheasants that are about it: He mentions, upon the Credit of some Authors, that the Argo∣nauts brought these Birds into Greece, where there were none before, and that they Na∣med them Pheasants, because they were ta∣ken about the Phase. I call to mind a con∣siderable mistake of a shepherd, who was otherways very Learned, as he has shewn himself in his History of the High-ways; and in his Treatise of the Break of Day, he says, in the 32 Chapter of the Fourth Book of this Treaties, That the Luxury of the Romans was so great, that they did not measure the goodness of Meats by the Tast, but by the Quantity and Cost, as were Pheasants, which they sent for to Colchis; he would find it a hard task to prove this; for, these words of Petronius, which seem to be his grounds for what he says, viz. A∣les phasiacis petita Colchis, signifies no more than that the race of these Birds was brought from Colchis. The hard usage that Mr. Char∣din had when he was in the hands of the Dovaniers, and from a Lieutenant, worse than the Dovaniers themselves, and that be∣fore he arrived at the Caucase, there were no incouragements to go to Travel into these Countreys. This Mountain is very famous, the top is always covered with Snow, and is inhabited; and the passage o∣ver it is Eight Leagues; all the rest of it a∣bounds with Honey, Corn, Gum, good Wines and Fruits; Hogs, and other great Cattle: There are many Villages, and most of the Inhabitants are Christians, live after the Gregorian Rule, and enjoy their ease.

Before we come to the Description of Ge∣orgia, it is pleasant to see the Author meet his Comrade, after a thousand troubles, with the Riches that he brought out of Europe. Georgia reached heretofore from Taunis and Erzorum to Tanais, and was called Albanie, but it is less now: there are some that would have its Name derived from that of St. George, the great Saint of all the Christians of the Gregorian-Order; others will have it derived from the Inhabitants who were cal∣led Georgi by the Greeks, which signifies La∣bourers; it has but few Towns. The King∣dom of Caket had many heretofore. It is properly the antient Iberia that was ruined by the People of Mount Caucase; and, as it's said, by the Amazons. The Author says, he has seen none in Georgia that ever was in the Amazons Country; but that he has heard much of them, and has seen at the Princes Palace the Habit of a big Woman, made of thick Woollen, and of a particular form, which they said was that of an Ama∣zon, killed near Caket in the last Wars.

The Sons of the Prince of Georgia under∣standing by Mr. Chardin, what History says of the Amazons, said, that they were some of the wandring Scythians, like the Turco∣mans and Arabians, and have transferred the Soveraignty to their Wives, as did the Achinese; and that these Queens were ser∣ved by some of their own sex, that followed them every where; after the manner that Georgia and its Inhabitants are spoken of here, it would move one to apply to them the Proverb, touching the Kingdom of Naples; (a) 1.110 Il regno Neapolitano e un delicato paradiso Mahabita∣to da gli dianoli: In effect, Georgia is as fer∣tile a Countrey as can be; one may live there deliciously and cheap: the Bread is as good as in any place of the World, the Fruit is very excellent, and of all sorts; abundance of very good Cattle, Fowl innumerable, and incomparably good: the wild Boar is as de∣licate there, as in Colchis, and there can no better thing be eaten than the Hogs, which the common people feed on: there is Fresh-water-fish, and Sea-fish in great quantity, and the best in the World. For 8 Livres may be bought a Horse-load of the best Wine in the Country, that is to say, 300 pound weight. All this resembles an Earthly Paradice; but if we consider the Inhabitants, they will be found like Devils only, except that they are Civil, Grave, Moderate, and very Fair: The Author Remarks, That he did not see one ugly Person of either Sex, but Angelick Fa∣ces; and, that nothing can be Painted more Charming, than the Georgines. Neverthe∣less, he adds, that they all Paint, they ge∣nerally have a great deal of Natural Wit, but being ill brought up, they become very Ignorant and Vicious, Cheats, Knaves, Traitors, Ingratefull, Proud, and strange∣ly Impudent in Lying, Irreconcileable in

their Hatreds, Drunkards, Usurers, im∣modest to the highest Degree. The Church∣men drink as well as the rest, and have with them handsome Slaves which they make their Concubines; and what is the height of all Corruption, none is scandaliz∣ed, because it is Authorized by the gene∣ral custom: The Author says, that the Guardian of the Capucins told him, that he heard it said by the Catholicks, (for so are called the Patriarchs of Georgia) that whoever was not drunk at the Feast of Easter and Christmas, &c. does not pass for a good Christian, and ought to be excom∣municated.

The Women are neither less evil or vicious, they have a great eagerness for Men, and have a greater part in this Torrent of Immodesty than is to be found in any other part of the World: Every one has liberty in Georgia, to live according to his own Religion, to discourse of it and maintain it: There are there more Armenians than Georgians; there are also Greeks, Iews, Turks, Persians, Indians, Tartars, Muscovites, and Europians. The Religion of the Georgi∣ans, is much the same with theirs of Min∣grelia; but that they Fast more, and have longer Prayers, and look after their Church∣es better: The greatest part live on re∣mote and inaccessible Mountains; they see them, and salute them at the distance of three or four Leagues, but hardly ever go thither; and what is yet more ridiculous, tho' the Prince is a Mahometan, yet he fills all Benefices; generally he places his Friends in them, and it is his Brother that is Pa∣triarch now; without doubt, it would be known how this Catholico first renounc'd Mahometanism; and it is very pleasing to see how the Georgian Princes have become Mahometans and Subjects to the Emperor of Persia: The Account is very distinct, and in few words opens all the History of that Country, from Ismael Sophi to this very time. There we learn among other things, that the Kings of Persia soon con∣verted them by inflicting great Torments upon them that continued in Christianity, and in giving great Advantages to such as abjured Iesus Christ, and this was done with not so much Reluctancy, as quitting the Protestant for Romish Religion; but as there never was Country or Age where∣in were not found some firm in the Reli∣gion that they believed good, so there was a Princess of Georgia that neither Iron nor Fire could shake: Abas the Great would not received the Lie, but sent Orders to the Governour of Chiras to make her a Mahometan at any Price; the Governour omitted nothing to overcome the constan∣cy of this Princess, he made her suffer 8 Years Martyrdom, by so much the more cruel, that he renewed her Torments every day; she died at last upon Flaming Coals in the Year 1624. her Body was thrown to the Birds of the Air, but the Augustins sent it secretly to the Prince her Son; she was called Kela••a••e, and very few have imitated her. The Princess of Georgia and great part of the Lords do now profess Mahometanism, some to imploy themselves at the Persian Court, others for Pensions, and some that they might marry their Daughters to the King, or make them enter into the Queen's Service.

The head City of Georgia is called Tifflis; there are fourteen Churches, which is much in a Country of so little Devotion, but that is not the most surprizing. It is more admirable, that these People should be so much against the Building of Mosques; the King of Persia their Soveraign could ne∣ver compass the Building of one at Tifflis. The People rise presently, and being arm∣ed, ruine the Work and abuse the work∣men; they thought to build one at the Fort, to accustom the People to the sight of Mosques, and to see their Priests call Peo∣ple to Prayer, from the top of the Build∣ing; but the first time that the Priest was do∣ing; this Functions, there were so many Stones thrown on that side, that obliged him to come down in haste; and after this Mutiny, there was none put to do this Office. The King of Persia's Patience, is to be more ad∣mired here than the Georgias Zeal: For tho they have neither Piety nor Vertue, the meer Passions of the Machine or Body, may naturally produce Sallies and Religious Ex∣travagances; it was a thousand times obser∣ved, That the most Pros••igate when let loose on the persecuted Party, by the chief Perse∣cutors, were those that shewed most Zeal.

The Capucins of Tifflis are very near as lewd as the Theatins of Mingrelia; their capacity in Physick and Chymistry is of more use to them than any they can have in Controversy; and they do not maintain their Embassies as they told M. Chardin, for any Benefit they reap, but meerly for the Glory of the Roman Church; which would not be Universal, say they, if it had not Ministers in all parts of the Inhabited World; they have the Popes leave to receive Pay for their Cure, which they turn to good Pro∣fit; they have power to absolve from any sin, and to disguise themselves to sell and buy, and to receive and set at interest. The Zeal of the Georgians for their Fast is so unreasonable, that they do not believe one a Christian that does not Fast as they do, which obliges the Capucins to fast the Georgian way, and to abstain from Hares, Tortoises, and other things, which the Georgians abhor.

There is also at large the Patent which the King of Persia, sent to M. Chardin full of Pride; and indeed generally the Eastern Princes assume the highest Titles that can be conceived. I believe that for the honour of Europe and Christendom, every one ought to know what Spirit guides them in the East; for when that is not known, we are thought the most ridiculous People in the World, which is false; for these in Asia surpass us, and if we keep our selves as we are, they will always excel us in that

particular; there was lately published, which was well done, a strange Legend of pom∣pous Titles which the Kings of Siam give themselves; the Author being minded to shew, That the Eastern Nations are infi∣nitely more vain than all the other; he has inserted in his Journal the Translation of a Letter from the Prince of Georgia to Iohn Casimer King of Poland; but because the Patent of the King of Persia is dressed with much form, there is care taken to expound all after an Instructive manner. I will meddle but with this Point; the Per∣sians have this way, never to place the Name of God at the bottom of a Leaf, they put it at top, and at the side, and leave a Blank whereto it relates; and they make a great business of this Circumspection.— And they take the same care for their King's and chief Ministers Names in all their Law Papers, and in Petitions and Publick Acts.

The Author being invited by the Prince of Georgia to a great Nuptial Feast, gives us the Description of it, which among other curious Circumstances, has this, that the Prefect of the Capucins all in white, and very old, was obliged to play upon the Virginals before the Guests, and to sing at the same time; he sung first the Magnificat, the Te-Deum, and the Tan∣tum ergo, and then the Tunes of the Court in Italian and Spanish, because the Hymns did not enough delight this Mahometan Prince: This Consort lasted 2 hours, du∣ring which M. Chardin that found it very mean, learned of a Steward that the Ma∣hometan Faith did not permit the use of Mu∣sick, and above all prohibits it in Mat∣ters of Religion, there being nothing but the voice of Man wherewith God will be praised. The Prince asking how the King of Spain his Cousin did, occasioned the Authors Learning, that Clement the 8th. writing to a Prince of Georgia, and saying, that Philip the Second was his Cousin, gave way to this pretension of Kindred; and that the Iberians and Spaniards were Bro∣thers. Before M. Chardin quitted Tifflis, he had the complaisance on the Account of a Capucin to write in his Table Book, several Secrets of an Old Woman that practis'd Physick. His Journey from Tifflis to Irivan was very tiresom. Irivan is a Town of Armenia, whereof he gives us the Descrip∣tion; it is the most considerable Government of the Kingdom: The Revenues producing near 500000 Crowns yearly without reckon∣ing the 200000 which it raises by indirect ways; he that was in possession of it then, was called Sefi-Couli-can, the Dukes Slave of Sefi; the Name of Slave, which really be∣longs to the Subjects of the Eastern Princes, is a Name of Honour in Persia, Chacouli or Coulom-cha, which signifies Slave of the King, i•• as honourable a Title as that of Marquess in France: The Slaves of the King have at the Persian Court almost the same imploy∣ments that ordinary Gentlemen have at that of France; they are Children of Quality that are engag'd very young in that Service, as well for the profit that they re∣ceive, as that they the sooner have admit∣tance to the Court; as for the rest, the Persian Eloquence does not flatter ill the Vanity of that Nation, when to signify that an Embassador has saluted the King: they say, He has kiss'd the King's Slaves Feet; and for to say, That a Prince has done some great Action, they say, The Princes Slaves have done a great Action. The Au∣thor imagines, That this is copied from the Alcoran, wherein the Works of God are of∣ten called the Works of Angels; the Ma∣hometans maintain, that it expresses more nobly the Works of God; for if they that are but Servants are capable of forming the World, what will not he do that is Master?

The Governour of Irivan seems to have much Merit for several Reasons; but be∣fore he is spoke of, Mr. Chardin rehearses several considerable Points of the Traditi∣on of that Country, which is of great Ser∣vice to the Christians of Europe, because it shews, that those of Asia make far more idle Stories; some of these Traditi∣ons relate to Noahs Ark. I shall be easily pardoned, if without stopping at these things I acquaint my Reader, that M. Char∣din shews us very curious things concern∣ing the Couriers of the King of Persia▪ and of the Persian Marriages. Their Mo∣rals upon the Chapter of Women, is the most licentious in the World. For they may have four, they may buy, or hire as many as they will, and use them as Treasure, without breach of Civil or Ecclesiastick Law. There are but few nevertheless that Marry more than one Wife; and they find it more to their advantage, not to trouble their Houses with Jealousies of several Heads, whereof every one would be Mistress, and to diversifie their Pleasures cheaper, by the number of Slaves, which they bring up to be their Concubins, without prejudicing in the least the Superiority of a Wife. Mahomet had been but a little Politick if in lieu of permitting them to have four, he had com∣manded them to have so many; and if the contrary were desired of him, as a favour it would be as Phaeton did: Poenam, Phae∣ton pro munere poscis. They are marry'd there without seeing each other, and a Man does not see his Wife until after the Consumma∣tion of Matrimony, and often he does not consummate it; for some days after she is brought to him, because she hides her self among the Women, and will not let the Hus∣band enjoy her. These Forms are more fre∣quent among People of Quality, because in their Opinion, it is like a debauched Person to yield the Last Favour so soon; especially the Women of the Royal Family, there must be sometimes whole Months to prevail with them. It is very probable, says Mr. Chardin, That this way of Marrying without seeing each other should produce very unhappy Effects, but happens perfectly contrary; for it may be

said, That there are more lucky Marriages in those Countries where they do not see the Women at all, than in them where they are seen and frequented: The reason is evident, when we do not see another Mans Wife, we do not so soon lose the Love we may have for our own. And the Reflection is very good. I shall say nothing of several other particularities which the Author mentions here in this great Chapter. He reports of the Governour of Irivan, which is a little better than the Answer of this which the Ambassador of Vi••qufort speaks of, that upon the demand made him, what he would have the Present consist of, that was intended him; he Answered in Bills of Exchange. This Governour understanding, That the Box which M. Chardin presented him with, was worth 10 Pistols: he desired him to take it again, and to give him the value of it in Keys, Springs and Strings of Watches; this and several other things to be seen in that Journal, shews that Covetousness is so predominant with the Eastern People that it puts them on a thousand base little Acti∣ons.

If this Article had not been a little too long already, I would have related many o∣ther things out of this Volume. The Au∣thor shews much skill in Geography, and gives us the Description of some considera∣ble Towns, with the Plans of them, and an Abridgment of their Histories, which may satisfie well enough the desire of any curi∣ous Reader. He represents us the City of Tauris as very beautiful: there are 250 Mosques in it, and a place where the Turks may put ••0000 Men in Battalia: He prefers their Opinion before any others that will have it to be the Antient Town of Echa∣tane. The Letters of Recommendation given him, and his Notes on them, are not the least curious part of this Book: For they help to teach us the Genius of the Persians: There we learn that they call their Kings the Vicars of God, because they pretend, That the Race that Reign∣ed these 250 Years, sprung from Ali Son-in-Law, and Successor of Mahomet.

Casbin the Country of the famous Locman, the Eastern Aesope, appears with great Pomp, but it would be nothing in comparison of another Town, called Rey, if it were true, that Rey was what the Persian Geogra∣phers maintain it to be, upon the credit of all the Eastern Authors, who say, That in the Sixth Age of Christianity, the Town of Rey was divided into 96 Parts, whereof each had 46 Streets, every Street 400 Hou∣ses and 10 Mosques, and that the Town had 6400 Colledges, 16600 Baths, 15000 lesser Mosques, 12000 Mills, 17000 Channels, and 13000 Caravanserais. The Magies Chro∣nicles affirm, That Chus Grand-Son of Noah was the Founder of Rey, and lay'd the first Stone under the Ascendant of Scor∣pion. This is no small comfort to our Nor∣thern and Southern Fablers: for if on one part they are concerned to be called Dream∣ers, they will have on the other side the sa∣tisfaction of having Companions all over the World: For what concerns the Mag∣nificence of the Mosques and Mausolees of Com? They are not Dreams, but Realities, since the Author professes himself an eye-witness thereof. The Tomb of Fathme, Daughter of Mouza-Cazem, one of the 12 Califes, which the Persians believe were the lawful Successors of Mahomet after Ali, is in the chiefest of these Mosques with those of King Abas, and Sefi. There is but ve∣ry little wanting in the Worship of Fathme among the Persians, to equal it to what most of the Christians pay to the Mother of the Son of God. This appears by the Prayers that Pilgrims of Com rehearse; and the People are persuaded, that the Virgin Fathme was transported to Heaven both Body and Soul, yet they do not celebrate the Feast of her Assumption. Mr. Chardin gives us in French some of these Prayers, as also the famous Elegy of Haly, made by the Learned Haran Cary: This Panegyrick is writ in great Letters of Gold, in the Gallery of the Tomb of Abas, and is a piece of Eloquence▪ where∣in may be seen not only the Genius of the Persian Poetry, but also Transports of the Mahometan Devotion. 'Tis in Songs divid∣ed by disticks; the first is all upon Maho∣met, the six other upon Ali. If I were minded to make a more ample Addition of the Spanish Rotomandos, many places of this Poem should be copied out. To speak seriously, there are some turns of Expres∣sions that have much Force in them, as when to express the Beauty of Ali the Poet▪ assures us, That God has assigned his Love us a Ioynture to the Ladies of Para∣dice: Naturalists will not find what they look for here, but they may examine the White Pot Work of Com, and they will find enough to busy themselves in; it refresh∣es Water in Summer very well, by the means of a continual Transpiration. The first time that this Pot is used, a Quart tran∣spires in 6 hours, and then less and less after∣wards until at last the Pores are closed by gross Matter that is in the Water, that stops its passage through the Pores; and then a new Pot must be us'd, or else the Water would stink in the other.

The Author set forth from Com the 16th. of Iune 1672. and arrived at Ispahan the 23d. And here the First Volume ends; it is to be sold at Amsterdam; Reprinted in Twelves at Wolfgang's.

Reflections on the cruel PERSECUTI∣ONS that the Reformed Church suf∣fer'd in FRANCE, through the Con∣duct and Acts of the last Assembly of the Clergy of that Kingdom, with an Examination of the pretended Calum∣nies whereof the Clergy complains to the King in the Profession of Faith.

PErhaps there never was seen so strange a difference as is found now between the Catholicks and the Reformed, who write upon the Conversions in France: The first maintain, that they do all mildly, and with Christian Charity, and upon this make continual Exclamations and Panegyricks. The last affirm, That they force them by threatning, or corrupt them by other means, and that at last they employed an Army of 50000 Men, who except killing commit∣ted all the Disorders that they usually commit when they live at discretion in an Enemies Country, which has made some merry People term it, The Dragoon Croisade, or the Conversion of the Dragoons.

They say a great deal more, but since it is the sign of prudence not to believe them lightly: Qui cito credit levis est corde. I would advise the Readers to sus∣pend their judgment a little. All wise Men should go on leisurely on these Matters, and should neither believe the Relations of the Catholicks, nor them of the Reform∣ed, until they have well considered all the Circumstances. What is most certain upon sight of all their pieces, is, that either the Reformed Writers must be the boldest Ca∣lumniators that ever were in the World, or that the Catholick Writers must be the falsest and the boldest Flatterers that have ever been heard of. For in fine, an Army that Plunders, or threatneth to Plunder the Hugonots Houses through all the King∣dom, is a thing that 'tis hard to suppress the Truth of, or to persuade that it is false.

The Author of this Work dedicates it to God: This Dedicatory Epistle has a very singular turn and an uncommon ad∣vantage, which is that it prosecutes his Praises to the highest, without becoming suspect∣ed of Flattery. I am mistaken if Praises be the only thing aim'd at in it: For certainly, there enters Censure either directly or in∣directly in the Reflections that follow this Dedication; they have much Fire and Wit, but are very disadvantageous to the Clergy; for they shew, That they managed their Work after so cheating a way, that tho' they have gull'd the People, yet there could be nothing so gross and ill knit together as their Artifices: This Author complains continually that on all occasions they seem∣ed to have wholly the Edicts of Pacifica∣tion, tho at bottom they had no such thought, as the Event has confirmed; one might press People far enough both accord∣ing to the Notions of the Gospel and Maxims of Morals, when they are convinced of such Dissimulation; but those that are acquainted with the Rights of the Art of Governing, and who have experienced, that Politick Wisdom is obliged to conceal their in∣tentions, and know that this is a necessary evil in this State of corrupted nature, will not trouble themselves with all these Com∣plaints, but will send all Protestant Wri∣ters to Plato's Common-Wealth, or to Sir Thomas Moore's Vtopia, because they think like Cato, without considering what a Man is in such an Age as this, and without thinking that a perfect Regularity does not belong to this World; we must stay until the Resurrection new forms Man from Head to Foot, to see him in this Order.

To these Complaints are added others; the violent Advices suggested by the Bishops, and after this are made some rough Reflecti∣ons upon the two Orations of the last Meeting of the Clergy, spoke by the Bi∣shop of Valence and the Coadjutor of Rou∣en, and there is to be seen the Discourse which the Lieutenant General of Rochelle made to the Heads of the Protestant Fami∣lies, wherein he declared, that if they did not quickly learn and enter into the bosom of the Church, they should be punished in this World with much Pain and Calamities. And here follows an Account of what pass'd at Mounaban, and of divers Remarks that help to shew, that the Persecutions of the Pagans, nor of the Duke of Alva, and them of Hungary, were not so grie∣vous as those of our Days: The Donatists are spoke of, and it's maintained, that they are not to be compared with the Hugonots, and that the success of the Persecutions raised against them is not to be expect∣ed now.

They found it on this thought, that the new Converts change only in the exterior, and that they will never be drawn from their Hypocrisy, but by having leave to return to their former Belief: If a thou∣sand Reports that run, were credited, it would be thought that there would become a true Samaritanisme in France, and a mixt Religion that would neither be Calvinism nor Papism, and which would have been soon excommunicated by the Pope, in the times that the Court of Rome could main∣tain his Pretensions. There was a Discourse that there is nothing asked of the most of the Proselytes, but a general Promise, That they would not remain Separatists. And the Gazett tells us, they are suffered to sing in the very Cathedrals the Psalms of Clement Marot: And upon this many cry, that it is an effect of the Promise, that they complain of. But as I have said al∣ready, A wise Man should not credit things of this nature upon Hear-says; we must ex∣pect until time clears all these doubtful Matters, to see whether the Prelates of

France will not, by good Apologies, annul the complaints spread of them through all Eu∣rope. As the Common-wealth of Sciences is a State of Abstraction and Precision from all Sects, and, as such, is not to take the part of any Sect of Divines, or Philoso∣phers; it will be its duty to give an impar∣tial account of the Books that will be pub∣lished by the Clergy, and which it will not neglect. The Author makes an end of the First Part of his Book with a Letter upon what happen'd at Guyenne, in the time of the M. of Boufflers Croisade. It's strange he says nothing of the Revocation of the E∣dict of Nan••es. And we may conclude hence, that his Book was Printed before that was known. Without doubt it will be the sub∣ject of another Work. He that made these Reflections, does not look as if he would slip so fertile a matter, or as if he would stop in so fair a road.

To understand better the Contents of his Second Part, I must first tell the Reader, that the Second Assembly of the Clergy brought a parallel of the Doctrine of the Roman Church, and that which is imputed to it by Protestants, which comprehends in Seven Articles, all the Points that are Dis∣puted of; and there are three Columns made on each Article of these: The first contains the Formal Terms of the Profes∣sion of Faith, and of the Council of Trent. The second, the French Translation of these Terms: The third is of the Imputa∣tions of Protestants, which the Clergy pre∣tend to be Calumnies of the highest degree, and have all, in a Body, petitioned the King for a Formal Justice. The Author having made several Remarks on all this, with his ordinary heat, descends to a more particu∣lar examination of these Seven Articles, and maintains, that the Calumnies that were complained of, are very unjust Accu∣sations, and pretends, that the most rigo∣rous and hard expressions of the Ministers contain nothing, but pure Truth; and marks, that the Translation of these pretended Ca∣lumnies contain a more injurious meaning than the Original: I will not enter on par∣ticular proofs; it is enough to say, that they are passed with much Vigour and Wit, and that for the honour of the Roman Com∣munion they must be Answer'd.

The Third Column will produce an in∣finite number of Books of Controversie, which may last a long time; for Questions of matters of Fact are sometimes an Abyss, whereof the bottom is never seen. The Philosophers of this Country will be less im∣patient for these Books, than for the Apolo∣gy; for that they hope that the Author of the Apology will teach them many curious things, touching the Nature of the Soul, and the Easiness of changing Opinions from morning to night: for, without this, their A∣pology will seem to want one of its most Essen∣tial Parts; because the Cartesians have made the World experience sensibly the great force of Prejudices that there are, but few thinking Men but believe that there would be need of the Adress of the most able Phi∣losopher for two years, to persuade all Peo∣ple, that Sensible Qualities are only in the Soul; that the Earth moves continually; that Body and Space are the same thing, &c. And, upon this, they imagine some hardness of the Fibres of the Brain for F••ith. But, in all likelyhood, they will be otherwise lookt upon in the Apology; and it will be Mechanically Explicated unto them a Method to be instructed, in four days, which makes People to pass from white to black, in Doctrines sucked in with their Milk, as of Matters of the greatest and most eminent importance.

The British Theater, or the True Histo∣ry of Great Brittain. Written by Gregorio Leti. Amsterdam: Sold by Abraham Wolfang, 1684. 5 Vol. in 12.

THe Author of this Book hath made him∣self known long since, by a grea•• many fine Italian Pieces, which have been Transla∣ted into divers Tongues; and, amongst o∣thers, by Italia Regnante, by Itinerario della Carte di Roma; by Politica de Princi∣pi; by il Livello Politico; by i Diala hi poli∣tici; by Vita di Philippi II. and by la vita de Gisto V. Printed lately at Paris, being Tran∣slated into very fine French. The Praise of some of these Works may be seen in the Journal of the Learned. Mr. Leti hath published the most part of them at Geneva, where he lived several years. In the First Book of the second Volume of this Brittish Theater, is the reason why he left it. He went into France immediately upon it, and presented to the King a Panegyrick, which he had made upon that Monarch, Entitu∣led, la Fama Gelo sa della Fortuna. The Gal∣lant Mercury of the Month of Iuly, 1680. and the Journal of the Learned of the 29th of the same Month, speak much in the Commendation of the Person of Mr. Leti, and of the Panegyrick which he presented at the same time to the King at Fontainebleau. He was very well received by this Prince, yet notwithstanding he made no stay at his Court, because he saw there was no∣thing to be done there for Protestants▪ he chose therefore to withdraw into England. He was soon known there, and honoured with a considerable Present by our King some few days after his arrival. Which al∣so obliged him to Compose a Panegyrick up∣on His Majesty, who received it very Gra∣ciously. He afterwards got leave to carry on the History of England, and the Secreta∣ries of State received Orders to fu••nish him with the Memoires which he would require. This was the reason why this Work was much talkt of; As it was one day spoken of at the King's getting up, some one said,

That he did not believe that a Stranger could succeed in Writing the History of England: others maintained, That a Stran∣ger would succeed better, because he would speak with less Interest; and that there ought to be no difficulty made to furnish him with requisites for it, rather than to a Na∣tive born. The King, who excells in Re∣parties, said thereupon; Let him alone; if he doth well, it is so much the better: if not, 'twill excite some other to try to acquit himself better. The Author knowing what was said of his Work afore-hand, neglected no∣thing of what could be useful to him: He visited carefully the Wisest Persons of Eng∣land, and had considerable Memorials of them: He informed himself of the Anti∣quities, of the Laws, and of the Customs of the State, and of all the Particularities of the Countrey. It must not be forgotten that he was made a Member of the Royal Society, by the Nomination of the Decea∣sed Duke of Norfolk.

He begun with describing the Antient and Modern State of Great Brittain, which he included in two Volumes in 4to. He propo∣sed to himself to compose three others, for the History it self of the Country. Whilst he was about these two first Volumes, the King asked him one day, If his History would be soon ended. He Answered, That he feared it would be finished too soon. And why, reply'd the King? Because, Answer'd Mr. Leti, I fear the Destiny of Historians, which is to be recompenced by Exile, or Impri∣sonment. You are too Wise, reply'd the King, to expose your self to that. If one was as wise as Solomon, answered the Author, ones de∣stiny cannot be avoided. Well then, added the King, if you believe there is so much danger in Writing Histories, Write Proverbs as So∣lomon did. That seemed to be a Presage of what hapned afterwards; but Mr. Leti ceased not to go on in his Work, and even to say to the Court, when the occasion of∣fer'd, That he Writ a History, and not a Pane∣gyrick; that they should dispose themselves so as to see the Truth there, without Flattery as well as without Satyrs.

As soon as the Edition of these two Vo∣lumes were ended, he presented them to the King and Queen, to whom they were Dedicated; to the Duke and Dutchess of York. They were very well received: and during ten days Mr. Leti was seen at Court as favourably as afore. He believed then, that seeing the King who was willing to read the Work himself, and who stayed up very late some nights to end the Reading there∣of, said nothing, it was a sign the Book did not displease him. From that time he made divers Presents to the Ambassadors who were at London, and to the Lords of the Court. It was, it seems, through the sug∣gestion of an Ambassador, that this Work which the King had read without any appa∣rent dislike, passed for a dangerous Book, and hurtful to the State, as treating too open∣ly, and too clearly of such Truths as were thought would be better concealed. The Council assembled divers times thereupon, and it was at last concluded, That all the Copies should be seized which the Author had, and that he should be commanded in Ten days to depart England. The thing was executed, but mildly. One may see what Mr. Leti saith thereof, p. 16. of the Second Volume. He relates in the Preface of the First▪ something a Prelate said to him, which deserves to be taken notice of. Signior Gregorio, saith he un••o him, a few days afore he left London, voi avete fatto l' Historia per altri, & non per voi, e dovevate far la per voi, e non per altri.

We thought that the Reader would be glad to learn the Adventures both of an History, and an Author, who have made so much noise. And therefore shall proceed to the Work it self.

What had been Printed at London con∣tained but the Antient and Modern State of Great Britain. It is to be had entire, with∣out any thing cut off in the two First Vo∣lumes of this Edition; except the Author thought it more expedient to reserve for the Fifth Volume any thing which was Histori∣cal.

The First Volume contains eleven Books; whereof the First gives a brief account of the History and Religion of England, whilst it had been possessed by divers Princes, and bore the Name of Britannia, to wit unto Eg∣bert, who reduced it altogether under his Power, and gave it the Name of England, or of Anglia, at the end of the Eighth Age. There are in this First Book divers things very curious concerning the Druides, and the Gods who were adored in England, before the Faith had been planted in it. The Au∣thor describes in the Second Book, the Great∣ness, the Situation, the Provinces, the Ri∣vers, the Cities, the Bishopricks, the Inha∣bitants, the Fertility, the Merchandises, the Negotiations, and the Buildings of England. The Third Book is employed altogether up∣on the Description of the Famous City of London. Here there is more exactness than in the very Writings of some English, who have given the Publick the state of this Fa∣mous City, and that of the whole Kingdom. There is, according to the supputation of Mr. Leti, near Four hundred fifty thousand Souls in London, and about Six Millions in the whole Kingdom. The Fourth speaks of the Government and Priviledges of the same City, as well as of the Factions which do di∣vide it. The Sixth describes the Humour of the English, and the Application they have to Religion, and to the Observation of the Laws of the Country. The Seventh is a Continuation of the same subject, and a de∣scription of the Laws and divers Customs of England. The Eighth speaks of the stran∣gers who are in that Country, and chiefly of the French Protestants who have fled thither some time since. In this is the Declaration of the King of France, importing, That the Children of those of the R. P. R. may

convert at seven Years; accompanied with political and very curious Reflections. In the Ninth Book the Author describes the Three States of England, the Clergy, the Nobility and the People, but particularly the first. It contains the number, and names of the Bishops of this time; the manner of consecrating them, their Revenues, &c. The Tenth speaks of the State of Roman Catholicks in England, of their number, of their Exercises, of the Endeavours to bring in again their Religion, of the Missions of Fryars, and of the Complaints they make of Protestants. The Author adds the An∣swer of the Protestants to these Complaints, and shews by the Catholick Authors the De∣signs of the Court of Rome upon England, and of the Intrigues it makes use of to bring it under its Yoke. The last Book of this Volume contains the Policy of the Court of England and its Maxims of State.

The Second Volume is composed of Eight Books, whereof the two first do treat of the Religion and different Parties which divide it. Therein are to be seen the Disputes of the Conformists, and of the Non-Con∣formists, the Opinions of the Quakers, of Anabaptists, &c. The Fourth contains the Foundations and the Rights of the Monarchy of England, the Revenues of the King, and other Particulars of this nature. There are several things in this place, which cannot be found elsewhere. The fifth de∣scribes the Government of England, the King's Council, the Parliament, and the divers Tribunals of Justice of this King∣dom. Herein are the Reasons why Par∣liaments have opposed in so many Rencoun∣ters the Designs of King's, which Stran∣gers are commonly ignorant of. The sixth speaks of the particular Government of Ci∣ties, and of Countries, as also of the Posts, of Governours of Places, of the Garisons, and of the Land Forces and Sea Forces of England. The seventh is a Description of the Court, and the King's Officers, and of the Royal Family. The last speaks of the strange Ministers who are at London, of the manner wherewith they receive Am∣bassadours there, Residents, Envoys, &c. and of the Priviledges they enjoy. Here is the Description of those who were in Eng∣land whilst the Author lived here. He tells very frankly their good or ill Qualities; and this is not a little useful to judge of their Negotiations, and to know why the one succeeds without pains in his Designs, whilst the other stumbles every where. It were to be wished, that all the Histories which we have, were thus circumstantiated. For as there would be much more plea∣sure in reading them, so we might also profit thereby much more than we do. We should know not only the Events, but also the secret Causes, the Intrigues, and the means which have contributed to the great Revolutions, and it is what may profi∣tably instruct us. What signifieth it to know in general, that a certain thing hath happen∣ed in a certain Year, if we do not know how and wherefore: It is the Conduct of Men which serveth us for an Example and an Instruction, and not the simple Events, which of themselves are of no use to us. But where are there Men so couragious as to write without Flattery the History of their Time? Where are there Princes who are so just as to suffer that their Truths should be told to their Faces? Where are there even Ministers of State, who would permit that their Defects should be divulg∣ed during their Life? Nevertheless, it is but then that it can be well done; for if in the time wherein things are fresh, more than one half is forgotten; much more are the following Ages deprived of the know∣ledge of a thousand particular Facts, which have produced great Affairs.

The Author having thus described the State of the Kingdom in the two first Vo∣lumes, takes up again in the three others, the sequel of the History of England, from Egbert, and continues it unto M DC Lxxxii. He hath disposed his Work after this man∣ner, that after having made all the Essen∣tial Remarks of the History of England in the two first Volumes, he should not be ob∣liged in the following to interrupt the course of his Narration. The third Vo∣lume contains Six Books, whereof the last is destined to the Life of Henry the VIII. The fourth Volume is composed of Five Books, the first whereof includes the Reign of Edward, and of Mary, and the Second that of their Sister Elizabeth. In the Third the Author after he begins the History of King Iames who reunited the Three King∣doms, makes a Description of Ireland and Scotland, and speaks of their Ancient and Modern State, after which in the Fourth Book he composes the History of the Reign of King Iames, wherein are very curious Particulars. There is the Life of famous M rc Antony de Dominis, Arch-Bishop of Spalatro, included in a Letter written from Rome. The Author had already publish∣ed it in the Third Part of his Brittanica Politica. It is a very curious Piece, where∣in is seen how this Prelate imbraced the Protestant Religion, and how being deluded by the Promises of Dom Diego Sarmianto de Acuna, Ambassador of France in England, and by that of the Court of Rome, he re∣turned into Italy, where he unhappily end∣ed his Days, without obtaining any thing of what he hoped. There also is a Letter of Pope Gregory XV. to the Prince of Wales, who was since Charles I. Upon his Marriage with the Infanta of Spain, and an Answer of this Prince to the Pope. The Fifth Book contains the Reign of the same Prince, where his Innocence may be seen, and the unheard of Violence of his Subjects describ∣ed without partiality, and all the Proceed∣ings which were made against him.

The last Volume is composed of Six Books. The first contains the History of Crom∣well's Usurpation more exact and sincere that it had been heretofore: Hitherto have been but Satyrs or Panegyricks there∣upon. The Creatures of Cromwell have raised him up to the Clouds, and his Ene∣mies have omitted nothing that might de∣fame him. The Author pretends that he hath been the greatest Politician, and the greatest Captain of his time, and that he was much more able to Reign than seve∣ral of those whom Providence hath plac'd upon the Throne by Inheritance. But he sheweth on the other side, That he was a Cheat and a Tyrant, who after having dip∣ped his hand in the Innocent Blood of his Master, all his Life cheated the People by a specious Zeal for Religion. The Second Book contains the History of Charles the II. until his Restauration. In this Book are seen the Honours which were rendred to him in Holland; his Magnificent Entry into London, his Clemency to those who had bore Arms against him, and his Justice towards the Murderers of his Father. The same History is continued in the Third Book from the Year M. DC. LXI. unto the Year M. DC. LXXX. There is also the Life of the Duke of York, until his Mar∣riage with Chancellour Clarendon's Daugh∣ter; the Quarrel, which happened between the Ambassadours of France and Spain, about Precedency: The subtilty wherewith the Spanish Ambassador carried it; the Marri∣age of the Princess Henrietta, and that of the King, the War of England with Holland, and with France; the Peace that was made afterwards with both the others, which was followed with a secret Treaty betwixt England & France, appeared in M. DC. Lxxii. the Marriage of the Duke of York with the Princess of Modena; the Calling, Proro∣gation, and dissolving different Parliaments. In fine, the Discovery which Oates and Bedlow made of a Conspiracy, which made so great noise, and whereof this Author appears not very much persuaded. We find in the fourth Book the sequel of the same Troubles, and the History of what passed in the Parliaments convocated in M. DC.LXXX. at London and Oxford. There is particularly in this Book one thing of ve∣ry great importance, which the Author re∣lates with as much sincerity, as if none was interessed therein. Which are, 1. The En∣deavours the Parliament of England made to exclude the Duke of York from the Crown. 2. The Reasons which were alledged for this. 3. The manner wherewith the Crea∣tures of this Prince defended his Rights. The Author endeth this Book by the De∣scription of Pensilvania, without omitting either the Offers which are made to those who will go to inhabit it, or the manner they may be established in it. The fifth Book begins with the Encomium of the House of Savoy; and tells us afterwards with a very great exactness the means which Ma∣dam, &c. made use of in M. DC. LXXX. and M.DC.LXXXII. to obtain of his British Majesty, that the Ambassadours of Savoy shou'd be received in London like those of Crowned Heads. It is one of the finest places of the whole Work, and they who love to read the particulars of a Negoti∣ation, cannot read a more curious one, nor one better related than this. The last contains the Affair of Count Koningsmarc, with all its Circumstances, which is a ve∣ry good History, and whence the manner may be Learned after what Strangers are judged in England. Here it is, that the Work endeth. The Author promiseth us in his Preface another Volume, where all will appear which hath happen'd in England till these latter Years.

The Style of this History, as well as the other Works of Mr. Leti, is easy and with∣out Affectation, contrary to the custom of most Italian Writers: But what is most considerable, is, that he relate•• Matters so nakedly, and speaks so freely of the Inte∣rests of the greatest Princes of Europe, that perhaps one day persons will not be easily persuaded, that the Author had caus∣ed this Work to be printed during his Life, and the life of those of whom he speaks, if at the beginning, the Year had not been marked wherein it was print∣ed.

Mr. Leti hath since written a Book which treats of all that concerneth Embassies. There may not only be seen the modern use of all Courts in this respect, but the ancient also; so that it will be a History of great concern. The Author is not con∣tented to speak of the Duties and Privi∣ledges of all the Ministers which one So∣veraign sends to another, but of each ac∣cording to the Degree of his Character; he speaks largely also on the Origine of this Function, and upon all the Principa∣lities which are formed in the World. He relates several Examples of Ambassadours, who have committed gross Mistakes, and gives Instructions how to manage worthi∣ly this Post, according to the different Courts wherein they are oblig'd to reside. Men, will easily believe that a Work which treats of things of this nature, and of so great a number of others, is worthy of Publi∣cation.

An Examination of the Infallibility and Right which the Roman Church pre∣tends to have in Judging Absolutely in Matters of Controversie. 8 vo. 1687. 255.

WHilst the Romish Church makes use of all the Power of Soveraigns, to re-u∣nite to its Communion those who have quit∣ted it, Protestants oppose these progresses, by co••ntaining their Cause with the sound∣est Reasons which they can think upon. Though they differ amongst themselves a∣bout several Speculative Doctrines, they perfectly agree upon Morality, and the Wor∣ship which we owe to the Divinity; they also, in general, are of one Mind, in those Princi∣ples of Religion which they admit, in re∣spect to Holy Writ, and have all an ex∣tream aversion for that Church, which pre∣tends to be a Judge in its own Cause; and which, without delay, forceth those it calls Hereticks, to a Worship which is against their Consciences.

Amongst the Protestant Societies, there is none who hath declared it self more o∣penly against Human Authority, in matter of Religion, and against the Constraining and Spirit of Persecution, than the Remonstrants. They will have the Fundamental Error of the R. Church to consist in this. We must not (saith Episcopius, in a Writing inserted by Mr. Limborg, in the Preface of this Work) con∣sider Popery in some of its parts, but in its whole; not in this Doctrine, nor in that, which is accused of Heresie; for it is almost the same thing on both sides; the one is mistaken in one point and the other in another..... We must look up∣on the whole Body of the Roman Church, which is a composition of ignorant, ambitious and tyrannical Men: I call them ignorant, not because they are not very Learned, for some∣times they are too much so; but because they know not, and are obliged to know only what is prescribed unto them, often against their Con∣science, against Reason and Divine Law. It is the most pernicious of all Ignorances, be∣cause it is a servile one, which is upheld only by the Authority of the Pope and Councils, and which is the source of the many Sophisms they are constrained to make, to maintain such Opini∣ons they have ingaged themselves into, whether they find them true or false. It extends its Empire, as well upon the Practice as Belief, because they are both tyed to the Foundations, which they are always to suppose unshaken, without freeing themselves by examining the solidity thereof.

Thence Tyranny is form'd. It is this which makes it impossible ever to come back from this ignorance; and which produceth Idolatry, and ridiculous thoughts of the Divine Worship. It is the Poyson of true Religion, because it leads Men to serve God, not according to his Will, or by a Principle of Knowledg and Conscience, but after that manner which the Pope liketh. So that it is in vain to say, that in this Church are many things, which are good, or sufferable; this availeth nothing, seeing they hold not what is good, because it is good; but because they are obliged to acknowledge it for such.

The Remonstrants have upon this, esta∣blisht Principles, which are very opposite to those of the Roman Church. They not on∣ly believe, with other Protestants, that Scri∣pture contains clearly all that is necessary to be known, to believe, to hope, to do, and to be saved; and that all those who read it with an attentive mind, and without preju∣dice, may acquire▪ by this reading a perfect knowledge of the Truths contain'd in it, and that there is no other Divine Rule of our Faith: but they admit also, and maintain the necessary consequence of this Principle, upon which many Divines expound not themselves distinctly enough.

Thence it followeth, saith Mr. Limborg in this Preface, 1. That no Man, whoever he be, no Assembly, how considerable soever its Authority is, and how Learned soever its Members are, have not a Right of pre∣scribing to the Faithful, as necessary to Sal∣vation, what God hath not commanded as such in his Word. 2. That from the Com∣munion are to be excluded those only whom God hath clearly revealed he will exclude from Heaven. 3. That to know certainly Damnable Errors, and wholsome Doctrines, we must see if in Scripture God hath pro∣mised Salvation to those who shall believe these Doctrines; or threatned with Dam∣nation those who shall embrace these Errors. 4. That the only means to procure the Peace of the Church, it to suffer those who retain the Fundamental Doctrines, although, according to us, they are mistaken in things which God hath not commanded, nor pro∣hibited expresly, under the condition of Salvation or Damnation. 5. That if this rule was followed, all Christians, who have quitted the Roman Church, would soon agree in Fundamental Points, and differ but in Tenets, which have neither been command∣ed, nor prohibited under this condition. 6. That consequently none have a right of im∣posing the necessity of Believing, under pain of Damnation, these non-essential Tenets. 7. That no other means can procure a true Christian Union; because constraint may tye the Tongue, but not gain the Heart.

This is the drift of the Preface; to come to the Work it self, It is composed of three Letters, and of a small Treatise of Willi∣am Bom a Roman Catholick, with as ma∣ny Answers, and some other Letters of E∣piscopius, concerning the Infallibility of the Church. The matter, we see, is of the utmost consequence, and it is sufficiently known after what manner Episcopius was able to treat thereof. Bom was a Priest, who was no great Grecian, as he confesseth himself, and who besides was ingaged in the weakest Hypothesis; which the Doctors

of Rome ever embraced; it is that which makes the Infallibility of the Church reside in the Pope's Person. So that although he hath exposed pretty well the common rea∣sons of his Party, it may be said of him, in relation to his Adversary,

Par studiis, aevique modis, sed robore dispar.

The occasion of this Dispute was a Con∣ference which Bom and Episcopius had, at the coming from a Sermon which the last had Preached. Some of those who had been present thereat, declared, That Bom had been reduced to silence: upon which, he being willing to shew how much these reports were false, Writ to two common Friends, to put them in mind of the Reasons he had said, and added to that a Writing, to prove that St. Peter was established chief of the Catholick Church. Episcopius at first made some difficulty of Answering this Priest; because there is nothing more tedi∣ous and more unprofitable for a Protestant, than to enter into dispute with a Catho∣lick, seeing that as it is an Article of Faith with him, that his Church is Infallible, so he believes himself obliged in Conscience not to confer with Hereticks, but in the de∣sign of instructing them, and not to have e∣ven the thought of receiving any instructi∣on, nor any light from them.

It is not possible, without ingaging ones self into an excessive prolixity, to relate all the reasons, which have been said on each side, in this dispute; we shall only stop at some of the principal proofs, and those which are not so commonly met withal in Books of Controversie.

Episcopius failed not at first to ask of his Adversary, in what place of the Gospel Iesus Christ had appointed any body to be Soveraign Judge of Controversies, and to decide, without Appeal all the differences which should arise in the Church, after the death of the Apostles? As there are not in Scripture, passages sufficiently express for this institution? Bom had recourse to the Practice of the Church; upon which Episco∣pius alledged to him three Acts of the Eccle∣siastical History, which agrees not well with the Belief of the Infallibility of the Pope.

1. The first is drawn from the dispute; which fell out towards the middle of the Second Age, concerning the day in which the Passover should be celebrated. Victor Bishop of Rome Excommunicated the Chur∣ches of the Diocess of Asia, because they Celebrated this Feast the Fourteenth day of March, and not the Sunday following, ac∣cording to the Custom of Rome, Palestine and the Gauls. The conduct of Victor plea∣sed not all the other Bishops, who exhorted him, in their turn, to have sentiments confor∣mable to a Peace, Unity and Love to our Neighbours. There are still of their Letters, adds Eusebius, wherein they reprehend Victor with eagerness enough. Amongst these Bishops was Irenaeus, who, in the Letter which he Writ upon this Subject, in the Name of the Brothers, over whom he presided among the Gauls, maintains also, that one Sunday must be Cele∣brated the Resurrection of our Lord: yet he ad∣vertiseth Victor with much gravity, that he ought not to cut off from the Communion whole Churches of God, who observe a Tradition and Ancient Custom.

It will be some difficulty to believe, that Bom found in this Affair a Proof of the Au∣thority of the Pope: Notwithstanding it is the conclusion he draws from it, and grounds, 1. Upon that the Bishops who were displeased at this Excommunication, would undoubtedly have acted with more haughti∣ness against Victor, if he had not been their Superior: whereas they speak unto him with a mildness, which marks well, that they contested not the Right of Ex∣communicating the Churches, as not being of his Jurisdiction; but that they only found fault with the use he made thereof, the cause of the Excommunication not be∣ing of consequence enough, according to them. 2. That notwithstanding they were deceived in that, and that Victor did well to use this rigour, because Blastus, one of the principal Patrons of the Opinion of the Asia∣ticks, would have introduced Iudaism, un∣der this pretence. 3. That the Church approved of the Conduct of Victor, in con∣demning the Bishops of Asia, to whom was given the name of Quartodecimal Here∣ticks. 4. That Irenaeus himself hath not doubted of the Superiority of the Bishop of Rome, seeing he saith elsewhere,

That all the Churches must, to wit, all the Faithful, of what place soever they are, come to this Church in which the Aposto∣lical Tradition hath been preserved, by those who came to it from every Part, be∣cause of its more powerful Principality.

Ad hanc enim Ecclesiam, propter potentiorem Principalitatem, necesse est omnem convenire Ecclesiam, hoc est, eos qui sunt undique fi∣deles, in qua semper ab his qui sunt undique, conservata est ea quae est ab Apostolis Tra∣ditio.

To this Episcopius Replies: That the Answer of the Bishops of Asia, and the Let∣ter of Irenaeus, would not be very respectful, if Victor had been the Chief of the Church; that the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signi∣fies properly to give a contrary order, and those of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, acerbius per∣stringere, are not invented to express the submission of a Subject to his Prince; and that if these Bishops could take it ill, that their Judge, a pretended Soveraign, and In∣fallible, should banish from the Church, and exclude from Heaven so great a number of Churches, for so slight a cause, they have therefore thought that he might be mista∣ken in his Decisions, upon matters of Faith, and that they had a right to examine them. 2. That the Heresie of Blastus justifies not

the proceedings of Victor; seeing the Asia∣ticks looked not upon the Celebration of the Passover as a necessary Observance, and which should precisely be applyed to such a day; that they were contented that Victor and other Bishops should Celebrate it on Sunday, if they had their Reasons for it; but that they, having not the same proofs thereof, believed themselves not obliged to abandon the Apostolical Tradition. It hath not been remarked that our Professor answer∣eth the passage of Irenaeus, because we need only to read it throughly, to shew, that there is no mention there of the Right of the Bi∣shop of Rome in the Decision of Controver∣sies, but only of the Characters which they, in the time of Irenaeus, did acknowledge A∣postolical. Thereupon he saith, That it must be sought for in the places where the Apostles have established Bishops; but because it would be too long to make an enumeration of all the Apostolick Churches, he stops at one of the most ancient and greatest, which is the Church of Rome. As this City was the Capital of the Empire, Principalitas Potentior; and that for that Reason the Inhabitants of divers Provinces negotiated there, and were obli∣ged to come thither; Irenaeus concludes, that the Apostolical Tradition could not fail of having been faithfully kept there; since that if the Christians of a Province, or of a City had been minded to corrupt it; the Christians of other places, who were at Rome, would have opposed it; it being im∣probable to suppose, that so many different Nations would agree to abandon, in so little a time, the Doctrine of the Apostles.

II. Bom often alledged passages out of St. Augustin for the Authority of Popes; that gave occasion to Episcopius of citing him the 22d Canon of the Council of Millan, where St. Augustin was Secretary; and ano∣ther Canon of the 6th Council of Carthage, where this Bishop also assisted; both which prohibited the drawing Ecclesiastical Cau∣ses of the Diocess of Africk on the other side the Sea, whether they regard the In∣ferior Members of the Clergy, or the very Bi∣shops. That the Deputies of the Pope ha∣ving represented to the Assembly, That this Canon destroyed the Priviledges, which the Council had granted to the Patriarch of Rome, in permitting Ecclesiasticks to appeal unto him in Judgments had against them by the Ordinaries; the Bishops of Africk were extreamly surprized, and said all Unani∣mously, That they never heard of such Pri∣viledges. Thereupon these Deputies rela∣ted three Canons, which they said to be of the Council of Nice, the Fathers of Carthage to Constantinople, Alexandria and Antioch, and the Authentick Copies of this Council; where, not finding these three Canons, they Writ to the Pope, That the Right of Ap∣pealing, which he pretended to, in quali∣ty of Supream Judge, and belonged not to him, by virtue of the Council of Nice, seeing the Three Canons, upon which he grounded his pretentions, were not to be found in the Originals.

The Exceptions are reduced to this, 1. That the Council of Millan prohibits but the Inferior Clerks to Appeal beyond the Sea; and that this is evident, because Pope Innocent, to whom the Synod of Millan submitted all their Decrees, as to the Head of the Church, approved the Canon in question. 2. That there is no reason to be∣lieve that the Copy of the Council of Nice, which was kept at Rome, was supposed, but that there is much more likelyhood that those of Constantinople, Antioch and Alexan∣dria were defective; seeing the Manuscript, upon which Ruffinus Writ his History, was so; and that there are several Canons of this Council, cited in that of Calcedonia, and in St. Ambros, St. Augustin, and Ierome, which are not found in this Historian. 3. That the Decrees which are accused of Supposition, have been cited by other Popes, before Zozime (as Iulius speaks, who li∣ving but Twenty years after the Council of Nice, could easily have been convinced of falshood;) as also by Leo and by Innocent. 4. That there are several proofs of the sub∣mission of the Bishops of Africk to that of Rome, as the Letter of Stephen Bishop of Mau∣ritania Written to Damasus in the name of three Synods of Africk, where, after several high Titles which this Prelate gives to the Pope, he tells him, That the Decrees of all the Fathers of these Synods have reserved eve∣ry Sentence, Iudgment of Bishops, and Deter∣mination of Ecclesiastical Affairs to his See, in honour of blessed Peter. 5. That it is not true, that this 6th Council hath prohibited to Appeal from Africk to the Pope, seeing that in the Letter, which the Bishops Writ to him, they only desire him not to hearken slightly to the Ecclesiasticks of Africk who shall have recourse to him.

To refute the first Objection, Episcopius relates the very words of the Canon of the Council of Millan, viz. It was ordered that when Priests, Deacons and other inferior Clerks shall complain of the Iudgment of their Bishops, they shall be heard by the Neighbour∣ing Bishops, who with the consent of their Bishop, and joyntly with him, shall pronounce a definitive Sentence upon his Affair. That if they would appeal from this Iudgment of Bishops, they shall carry their appeal but before the Councils of Africk, or before the Primate of their Province; so as it hath been often or∣dered in affairs which respect Bishops. If any one would appeal to the other side the Sea; that is to say, to Rome, or without the Dio∣cess, let him be excluded from the Communion of Africk.

The Letter which the Bishops of the 6th Council of Carthage, Assembled to the num∣ber of 207, Writ to Pope Celestin, after they had received the Original of the Coun∣cil of Nice, and seen that the Canons, al∣ledged by the Deputies of the Bishop of

Rome, were not in it, deserveth to be re∣lated. We pray you, say they, that for the future you give no more so slightly Audience, to those who shall go hence to you, and that you no more receive into Communion those who are excluded from ours; seeing you may easily mark that this hath been thus ordered by the Council of Nice. For if it seems that this Council was willing to prohibit from such Ap∣peals the inferior Clerks and Laicks, by how much more would it have this Prohibition to give place in the affairs which regard Bishops; whence it followeth, that those who are suspended from the Communion, amongst us, ought not to be re-established precipitatly, or unlawfully, by your Holiness. Let therefore all Refugé be taken away from bad Priests; seeing there is no Canon, which hath deprived the Church of A∣frick of this priviledge, and that those of Nice have as well submitted the inferior Clerks, as Bishops, to their Metropolitans. The Fathers of this Council have prudently and justly judged, that every Affair ought to be judged in the place where it happeneth; assuring themselves, that the Grace of the Holy Ghost would not fail to be poured into each Province, where there are Priests of Iesus Christ, capable of examining wisely the equity of an Affair, and of constantly main∣taining it; especially since that it is lawful for every one who thinks he hath reason to com∣plain of his ordinary Judges, to Appeal to the Provincial Councils, or to the General. If it be not, as some imagine, that God may sufficiently inspire every one of us, to judge of the equity of an Affair, but that he will refuse his Grace to a great number of Bi∣shops Assembled in Council.

It is a vain conjecture to say, That the Council of Nice, which was kept at Constan∣tinople, the Copies of the Patriarchs of An∣tioch and Alexandria, and all those that 207 Bishops had, were defective. But we can∣not believe that the Pope, knowing that some Canons were missing in Copies of Particulars, imbraced this occasion, to make three Canons of a Synod of Sardis to pass for Decrees of the Council of Nice, which were in his favour.

3. It's true that Iulius Writ a Letter to the Eastern Bishops, to get Athanasius and some other Bishops re-establish'd in their Sees; but it's also true, that when these Bishops had received it, they looked up∣on it as an outragious Letter; assembled themselves into a Synod at Antioch, and made him unanimously a civil Answer in ap∣pearance, but full of Ironies and Menaces, saith Sozomene; to which Socrates adds, That they severely reprehended Julius, letting him know, That it was not necessary that they should take Laws from him, in banishing some Persons from their Churches, and that they had not opposed him, when he had banished Novatus from his.

As to the Letter of Stephen to Pope Da∣masus, most of the Learned do take it to be suppositious, because it's only to be found in Isidonus Mercator, who hath attributed several other Letters to Damasus, and one to Aurelius Bishop of Carthage, which Baronius acknowledgeth false. But though it was true, What can be concluded from the Let∣ter of a particular Bishop, but that he was one of these Ecclesiasticks, who having been Excommunicated because of their Crimes in Africk, flattered the Bishops of Rome, to re-establish them again by their means? To this unknown Stephen are opposed famous St. Cyprian and Firmilian Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, who treated Pope Stephen with contempt enough, upon the occasion of the dispute touching the Baptism of Here∣ticks.

5. The terms, of not receiving slightly and unlawfully the Communion: the African Ecclesiasticks, who fled to Rome, mark not (according to Episcopius) and that the Bi∣shop of the City had a right to admit them to the Peace of the Church, provided this was done with the necessary Formalities. He pretends, that the Fathers of Carthage ex∣pressed themselves thus, to shew, that not only the Pope violated the Canons, but that he often did, with much temerity, and without any specious pretence, as when he received the Appeal of the Priest Apiarius, and admitted him to the Communion, though this very thing is expresly prohibi∣ted by the Canons of Sardis, which the De∣puties of Zozime would suggest, as Decrees of the Council of Nice.

III. The third Fact, which Episcopius al∣ledgeth, is the Erection of the Bishoprick of Constantinople into the Patriarchship, to whom equal Priviledges were given with him of Rome; in Ecclesiastical Affairs, with this only difference, That the Patriarch of ancient Rome would have the precedency in Councils, before him. The Bishop of Bizantium was in times past but a Suffragan of the Metro∣politan of Heraclea; but after that Constan∣tine had transported thither the Imperial Seat, it was considered as new Rome, and erected into a Patriarchiate by the Third Canon of the Council of Constantinople composed of 150 Bishops, and confirmed by the 28th Canon of the 4th Ecumenick Coun∣cil, which is that of Calcedonia. The ob∣jections that our Catholicks make against these Canons are so weak, that we think them not worthy of being related, especi∣ally seeing Mr. du Pin hath cleared this fact in his Historical Dissertations, p. 45, &c. fol.

IV. Bom after that takes another turn, to Answer the Question of Episcopius, touch∣ing the Institution of a Soveraign Judge o∣ver Controversies, who succeeded the Apo∣stles. He asks of him a formal passage, Wherein Iesus Christ hath ordered the A∣postles, that if there arose Disputes in the Church, they should Convocate a Synod, and make Decisions thereupon, to which the Faithful should be obliged in Conscience to submit. There is no appearance, adds he,

that the Apostles should do it, if they had not believed this Action conformable to the Will of their Master, nor that the Primitive Church should so soon imitate them, if the A∣postles had ordered nothing thereupon. It must then be that either the Institution of Sy∣nods is an Apostolical Tradition, or that it is an inseparable Sequel of the Ministe∣ry and Promises, that Iesus Christ hath made to those who exercise it; I am always with you until the end of the World; and other Passages, which tho they are at every mo∣ment in the mouth of Catholicks, seem not the stronger for that to Protestants.

Episcopius confesseth, that Iesus Christ hath commanded no where his Disciples to convocate Synods; and that notwithstan∣ding they have done it. He adds, That according to their Example, Ecclesiastical Assemblies may be held; but that it follow∣eth not that these Assemblies, where none less than the Holy Ghost presides, have as much Authority as the Apostolick ones. The reason hereof is, that the Authority of the Apostolick Synods depended not so much on the consent and conformity of their Opinions, as on the quality of their persons, and of the Authority which God had clothed them with, by the Reve∣lations he had made unto them, and the Or∣ders he had given them. This will appear evident, if we take notice of the conduct of the Apostles. When they have an express command from God, they expect not the Resolutions of a Synod for to act; and St. Peter understood no sooner the meaning of the Vision, which he had had, but he went to Cornelius. But when they speak of their own head, they say, I advise you, 1 Cor. vii. 25. On these occasions they took ad∣vice of one another: Sometime they a∣greed not, as it happened to Paul and Bar∣nabas, Act. xv. 39. But commonly the spi∣rit of Mildness and Peace, which fill'd them, and which shewed them all the Principles and all the Consequences of the Gospel, brought them mutually to consult each o∣ther: So that their actions being thus con∣ducted by the Spirit of God, they could say, It seemed good to the Holy Ghost, and to us.

But tho it was granted, that the Convoca∣tion of Synods is of a divine Institution, doth it follow, that all the Synods and Councils, which have been held after the Apostles, have made good Decisions? A Catholick denyes it, and if he is asked the reason: He must of necessity answer, that what distinguisheth true Synods from false ones, is, that there have been some which have had all the Conditions necessary for a true Synod, and have made good Decisions, and the others wanting these Conditions, have been but Conciliabula. But how can it be known that these Conditions are assured marks of the Truth of Synods, seeing that there is not one which is not equivocate, ac∣cording to some Doctors of the Roman Church? And how can one tell what Synod hath them? Will it be known by its De∣cisions? But they should be examined, and so to deny the Principle, to wit, that it might have pronounced a definitive Sentence. Is it enough to assure it lawful, that it be gene∣ral? Yes, for the Gallican Church which re∣ceives the Council of Basil, but not for Ita∣ly. It must besides be confirmed by the Pope; but who hath given him this Right? Is it a Priviledge of the Successors of St. Peter? How have they obtained it, and whence comes it that the Bishops of Antioch, who have succeeded this Apostle as well as those of Rome, have had no share in it? Af∣ter all, what needs there any trouble to prove the Authority of Synods, when People are of the sentiment of Bom, and the Iesuites. And seeing that St. Peter and his Succes∣sours are the Soveraign Judges of Contro∣versies, what need is there of these Ecume∣nick Assemblies, convocated with so much difficulty and Expences? It's not enough to interrogate this infallible Judge, and to receive his Decisions as Oracles from Hea∣ven.

The Passages which the Catholick alledg∣eth here in his behalf, and the Answers which he hath made to those of the Protestants, have been so often repeated, that tho Episcopius refutes them sufficiently after a new manner, we notwithstanding do not think it worth while to stop at them. We shall only relate the manner, wherewith our Professour tran∣slates the famous passage of the First Epistle to Timothy III. 15, 16. because it is not com∣mon, and that it destroyeth at once all the proofs which the Roman Church could draw thence. Episcopius having proved against his Adversary, as an illiterate Person, that the Division of the Canonical Books into Chapters and Verses, is not of the Sacred Writers, and that it is not they, who have put the Points and Comma's thereto; he sheweth him, that it is much more natural and more conformable to the aim of the A∣postle, to point this place otherwise than the common Copies are: And to Translate it thus: I have written this unto you, That if I delay to come, you may know how Men ought to behave themselves in the House of God, which is the Church of the living God. The stay and prop of Truth and the Mystery of Piety is cer∣tainly great, God manifested in the Flesh, &c.

When there is want of clear Reasons and convincing Arguments, people are con∣strained to have recourse to Prejudices, to Comparisons, and to the Reasons of Con∣venience. Therefore the Roman Catholicks say incessantly to us, That God who well knew, that there would arise Disputes in the Church, upon Matters of Faith (as there are Processes formed amongst Citizens of one State, touching the Goods which they possess) ought to establish a Judge, who should be consulted at all times, and who might instruct us in the true sense of Scrip∣ture in contested places, and thus end the Differences. It seemeth that Iesus Christ, otherwise would not have taken care enough

of his Church and the faithful who compose it; seeing he would not have given them means of assuring themselves perfectly, that the Doctrine which appears most conform∣able to Scripture, is true; if they might be in doubt as to several Articles of Faith, and that what they should most determinately be∣lieve thereupon, could not pass but for a a greater likelihood of Truth.

It must be granted, that there would be nothing better understood, nor more com∣modious than a Judge of this nature. There would be no more need for one to break his Head in examining all things, and to seek for truth; it should be all found, and People would go to Heaven by a very plain way. Why was not Iesus pleased to render the way more easy. and did not tell us where we should find such a Judge? We are therefore obliged to look for him, saith Episcopious; and this Disquisi∣tion must necessarily aim at either of these two things; Either that each particular So∣ciety of Christians, and even each Mem∣ber of this Society attribute to it self the Power of Soveraign judging of Controver∣sies; or that the Universal Church, to wit, the Body of all those who profess the Gospel, hath at all times right to chuse such a Judge. The first cannot be grant∣ed, because every one looking upon him∣self as Infallible, no body would submit himself to the Decisions of his Neighbour. The second is naturally unpracticable; for before the Universal Church can choose a Supream Judge of Controversies, it must needs have cast it's Eyes upon divers Sub∣jects capable of fulfilling this Charge, and examined carefully their capacity. And how shall it make this Examination? All the Christian Societies must concur in this E∣lection: But how should they agree there∣upon, and whom could they choose, who should not be suspitious or uncapable of this Employment? Seeing all Christians have already taken Parties, and those who are not Christians understand not our Dis∣putes. Add to this, that tho Men would be decided by the ordinary Judges of the Ro∣man Church, there would still a Party of Male-Contents remain. If the Pope was chosen, France would appeal to the Gene∣ral Council; if a Council was assembled Italy would not accept on't until it had been confirmed by the Pope; and this Bishop would only do it upon condition that this Ecumenick Council would ac∣knowledge it self beneath him; which is contrary to the pretensions of France.

The impossibility of this Design is an e∣vident proof, according to our Author, that God will not have his Church to be gover∣ned after the manner of the Kingdoms of the Earth, where one is obliged to submit without knowing for what; because there is but the Body and some transitory Goods in question. But the Kingdom of God extending it self over the Soul and Con∣science, Men must be instructed, convinced and persuaded. Men must read, pray, medi∣tate, and live Christianly, to obtain the Grace of distinguishing Truth from Falshood. In vain would Scripture teach us these Truths, and exhort us to these practices, if there were an infallible Judge. All this would be useless, neither is it of great me amongst those who believe they have one.

All the World knoweth the ridiculous ex∣plications the Roman Doctors gave to Scrip∣ture, before Protestants had put it into the hands of the People; and no body is igno∣rant of the many Truths which have been discovered, since it hath been believed that every one should instruct himself in the Will of God by his Word. It is true, that there have arisen Disputes, which are the una∣voidable consequences of Examination. But if Christians applyed themselves only to Scripture, and that instead of deciding of their Differences, when Scripture is not clear thereupon, they supported each other with a mutual Charity, we should soon see them become both more wholsome in their Opinions, and more reformed in their Manners. It is a consequence very clear and very easie to comprehend; but such as apparently will never be justified by Expe∣rience.

V. The last writing of Bom is a small Trea∣tise, to prove that St. Peter hath been e∣stablished Head of the Catholick Church, where this Priest relates the common Pas∣sage of Controvertists; Thou art Peter, &c. Feed my Sheep, &c. The Answer of Epis∣copius is not complete: but that which there is on't appears more than sufficient to re∣fute all the Objections of the Missionaries. The first Reason would be even enough; which is, that although his Adversary had clearly proved his Thesis, he would do no∣thing for all that, if he did not shew that the promises made to St. Peter regard also his Successors, whereas most of the Fathers have taken them for personal Priviledges, as Tertullian in his Book of Chastity, c. 21. who speaks thus to Pope Zephirin: If be∣cause the Lord hath said to Peter, Vpon this Rock I will build my Church; I will give thee the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven, and all that thou shalt bind or unbind upon Earth, shall be bound or unbound in Heaven: If I say for that cause, you imagine that the power of unbinding or binding is passed unto you, to wit, to all the Churches found∣ed by Peter, Who are you that overturn and change the clear intention of the Lord, who hath conferred this personally on Peter? Vp∣on thee, saith he, I will build my Church, and I will give thee the Keys, and not to the Church; and all that thou shalt unbind, and not that they shall unbind.

2. After having shewed that these Pri∣viledges are not personal, it should be pro∣ved that they regard only the Bishops of Rome, excluding those of Antioch. 3. That they regard them all without exception, and without condition; to wit, That all and every one of the Popes are infallible,

as well in Fact as Right, against the Ex∣perience and the Sentiment of most of the Doctors of the Roman Communion. 4. It should be defined what the Catholick Church is, and shewed by formal passages, that these Terms denominate the Body of Pa∣stours, which is called the Representative Church; which is impossible: Whereas, it is very easy to shew, that the Church signi∣fieth in Scripture only the People in opposi∣tion to Pastours. And in this sense, there is nothing more absurd than all that is said of the Power of the Church and it's Pri∣viledges, seeing it is but the Body of the Pope's Subjects and Roman Clergy, and that Subjects who are far from making Decisi∣ons, must submit and obey their Lot.

5. After all this, it should be still proved, that the Priviledges given to St. Peter, and the Bishops of Rome his Successors, import not simply a Primacy of Order, and some Authority in things, which regard the Dis∣cipline and Government of the Church, which Protestants could grant, without do∣ing a prejudice to their Cause; but they do moreover mark a Primacy of Jurisdiction, of Sovereignty, and Infallibility in matters of Faith; which is impossible to be proved by Scripture, and all the Monuments we have of Antiquity; and which is even con∣tradictory; seeing the belief of a Fact, or Truth, is persuaded, and forceth not it self. Have not Roman Catholicks much Grace to accuse Protestants of Obstinacy, because they refuse to embrace a Hypothe∣sis, which supposeth so many dubious Prin∣ciples, whereof most are contested even a∣mongst the Divines of Rome; and to ask them to obey the Church, without distinctly telling them what this Church is, or in what consists the Submission which is required of them, or how far it ought to be extend∣ed.

An Abridgment of Universal History. The First Part containing the Ecclesia∣stical History, in Two Books, by Hen∣ry le Bret, Provost of the Cathedral Church of Montauban, in 125. 3 Volumes. At Paris. Sold by Willi∣am des Prez. 1679.

IN the Design which this Author hath proposed, of giving us an Abridgment of Vniversal History, he hath begun these Three First Volumes with an Ecclesiastical History, which contains the First General one. He divides it, as he hat done the Preface, into Antient and Modern. The first treats of what passed in Religion▪ since the Creation of the World unto Iesus Christ▪ and the second, from Iesus Christ unto the end of the 16th Age; that is to say, this last contains the Establishment of the Gos∣pel, the Life of Popes, the Schisms, He∣resies, Persecutions of the Church, the Ge∣neral and Provincial Councils; and finally, the Elogiums and Characters of Saints, and of the Illustrious Writers of all these A∣ges.

As the Principal events which have hap∣pened in all these Revolutions are no more known, we shall touch here but certain par∣ticular things which Mr. le Bret takes oc∣casion to expound from time to time. For example,

Upon occasion of the division which Pope Marcellus, Successor to Marcellinus, made of Rome, into 25 parts, which Pope Evaristus, and Denis had begun; he speaks of the E∣stablishment of Parishes which succeeded after that. The Priests whom this Pope Commissioned to govern them, were na∣med, by the duty of the charge which was imposed on them, to Administer the Sacra∣ments and the Word of God to the Faith∣full, Parochi, from certain Magistrates which the Romans called thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a prae∣bendo, because they furnished at Rome, to the Ambassadors, even of strange Princes, Salt, Wine, and such like things. He remarks, that the Chief amongst the Priests were af∣terwards named at Rome, Carthage, and in several other places, Cardinals; because that as a Door, regitur a Cardine, each Church was so by its Bishop, and the Principal of his Clergy. This name was given them af∣ter the same manner in France, in all the Ca∣thedral Churches, which he confirms by a Synod (as Learned Coquille cites) held in 893, by Franco Bishop of Navarre, with his strange Canons, Cardinals, Arch-Priests, and Foreign Priests: to which he adds, that this name is still in use only at Rome, where, saith he, The Curates of the Principal Pa∣rishes are called Cardinal Priests; the Bene∣factors of the other Churches, which are not Parochial, Cardinal Deacons; and the Bi∣shops who are Suffragans of Rome, in the quality of Metropolitans, Cardinal Bi∣shops.

In speaking of the Right which Alberic had obliged Iohn the Eleventh to give the Patriarchs of Constantinople to use for e∣ver the Pallium, he explains what this Episcopal Ornament was. Eusebius of Caesarea attributes the Institution there∣of to Linus, immediate Successor to St. Pe∣ter; and he adds, That as the Ephod was the Mark of the Authority of the Priests of the Synagog••••, so the Pallium was to Chri∣stian Priests of their Pastoral Power. It was White, and of Lamb's-wooll, made in∣to a Circle, and of about four fingers broad, having four Bandelets hanging before and behind, two on the right, and two on the left, with four Red Crosses, which were not with∣out a Mystery.

The term of Corovesque, which is found in one of the Canons of the Council of An∣cyra, gives him occasion of expounding what this dignity was in times past, which is still us'd in the Church, but under ano∣ther title, for it was only for the Bishops properly, which we call now in Partibus; which, in quality of Suffragans are obli∣ged to the administration of the Dioces∣ses, when the Bishops are absent; at least the Institution of the Corovesques seems to have given place to that of other Bishops, who have notwithstanding some advanta∣ges which the Corovesques had not.

All the World knows, that the White Horse which the King of Spain payeth e∣very year, in quality of King of Naples, to the Pope, is a Right which is due unto them for the Remise which Sixtus IV. ge∣nerously made to Ferdinand King of Na∣ples, of the yearly Quit-Rent which he owed to the Holy See: but few know per∣haps what this Author remarks, after Fa∣ther Morin, of the Oratory, upon the Sub∣ject of Pope Iohn XV. That the Prede∣cessors of this Pope, who dated all their Acts from the years of the Emperors, thought expedient to change this date, after Charlemagne had made 'em Soveraigns; and as at first they dated from the Indicti∣ons, so afterwards from the years of their Pontificate, as at this day; See the Synod of Rome held by this Pope in 993.

The discovery of the Canaries, under the Pontificate of Clement VI. towards the year 1347. The Extirpation of the Order of Templars, who were condemned to be burned at the Council of Vienna, under Clement V. The permission which Innocent VIII. gave the Priests of Norwegue to Ce∣lebrate under the only Species of Bread, because there are no choice Wines; and that those which are carried thither, can∣not come without becoming sour, and an infinite other things of this kind, render this Reading very acceptable, and assure this Author (with whom, notwithstand∣ing all the World will not agree in what he saith on certain things, as upon the Nile, upon Abbot Gerseu, &c.) with what impatiency the Abridgment of his Political History is expected.

A Collection of several Relations, with many singular and Curious Treatises of T. B. Tavernier, Esq; Baron of Au∣bone. Divided into Five Parts. In Quarto. At Paris, Sold by Gervais Clouzier, 1679.

THE difficulty which there is of get∣ting into Iapan, is the reason that we can learn nothing beyond what the Hollanders have Written thereof in their Relations. They are alone permitted to go and Traffick in these Isles, which the Portuguese discover'd in 1542; since a poor Cook of a Ship, which parted from Am∣sterdam for the Indies, being come to the Charge of President of the Comptoir of Ia∣pan, put into his head to exclude the Por∣tuguese from this Commerce; for he in∣vented, to this end, such black Calumnies against them, and all the Christians of this Country in general, that the Emperor of Iapan resolved to Banish the first, and to Extirpate the others; whose number, which augmented every day in this Empire, was come to more than 400000. It's what Mr. Tavernier describes in the First of the Five Parts, which compose this Volume.

The Second is but a Relation of what passed in the Negotiation of the Depu∣ties, who have been in Persia and in the Indies, as well from the King as the French Company, for the establishing of Commerce.

In the Third, which contains the Ob∣servations of this Author upon the Com∣merce of the East-Indies, and upon the Frauds which may be committed therein, there are three or four singular things. The First he assures us he had learned of se∣veral old People in the Kingdom of Bengall, that Sugar kept 30 years becomes Poison, and that there are few sorts more dange∣rous. All the World assuredly will not a∣gree upon it. The 2. is the manner where∣with the Inhabitants of Kasaubasar use to whiten their Silk, which is yellowish, by the means of a Lye made of the Ashes of a Tree, called, The Fig-tree of Adams, which renders it as White as the Silk of Palestine: and the 3d is the manner wherewith Indi∣co is prepared; but that's too common to be further noted.

He pretends that the Relations which have been given to us hitherto of the Tun∣quin are not very exact. He corrects them in his Fourth Part, which is a Relation of this Countrey; in which he remarks, amongst other singular and curious things, two sorts of Dainties amongst the Tunquinois, which are far from ours. The first is that of the Batt, which in Tunquin are neither smaller nor less delicate than our Pullets; and the

second is of the Nests of certain Birds which are of the bigness of our Swallows, which being a kind of Gum, melteth in luke∣warm-Water; and is made use of in all the Dainties and Sawces which are made for Flesh and Fish; and communicates to the Flesh, which is seasoned thereby, such a good Tast, that these Nests seem to be composed of all the Aromaticks which are found in the East.

The manner whereby the Tunquinois do preserve Eggs, two or three years toge∣ther, deserves to be observed. They throw Salt into the water, and as soon as the Pickle is done (which is known when the Egg swims on the top of the Water) they throw Ashes into this Pickle, until it is made as it were a kind of Paste. Then they inclose each Egg in a great Leaf of an herb, which resembles the Leaves of our Beet. They put them afterwards in∣to great Pots of Earth, which they cover well, and thus they Preserve them for two or three years.

As the other Relations speak of the Good∣ness of the Air, of Government, Religion, and several other things of Tunquin, it would be useless to speak of them here.

In fine, the latter part of this Work is the History of the Conduct of the Hol∣landers in Asia. Those who would know the particulars will take the pains to read it in this Original; and we shall be satis∣fied to speak here of some Remarks which Mr. Tavernier makes therein by the by; as that of the ordinary Muscade Nut, which being preserved, inebriates more than Wine, though one should eat but one, whether at the beginning, middle, or end of ones Meal. He saith that the quantity of Elephants Teeth which are found along the Coast of Mozambique, is so great, that they make Palisadoes thereof about Gar∣dens, so that they may be said to have a Cloister of Ivory. In fine, the last Re∣mark is, that of a pleasant, but filthy Counterpoison. In the Isle of Iava the Soldiers have accustomed to Poyson their Darts, &c. with a Poison so strong, that all those who are struck therewith dye sud∣denly. The only remedy which prevents it is, that every one having dryed some of his own Excrements, and having reduced them into Powder, puts a few thereof in∣to a Glass of Water, and presently swal∣lows it as soon as he feels himself wound∣ed. By this means they feel no ill effect of the Poyson. If this Remedy is as So∣veraign as they say, this Secrecy deserves well to be known.

DISSERTATIONS of Mr. Bur∣man at Rotterdam, 1688. in Quarto.

THE Posthume Works of Great men are like Children half formed, who cause more shame than honour to their Fa∣thers. As Superstition hath Consecrated the Hairs and Bones of Saints; the respect and love Men have for the Learned, brings them to let Posterity participate of their most imperfect Essays. It is true, that there were in the Closet of Salmatius Trea∣tises upon the Warfare of the Romans, and upon Plants, which deserved a better lot than what they have hitherto met withal. But on the other side, Men do Print some Scaligerana and Petroniana, which should for ever had remained in the Closet of those who had them. Howbeit, here are the Dissertations of Mr. Burman Professor in Divinity in the Academy of Vtrect, where he died some years ago. He became fa∣mous chiefly in binding his Divinity with the Philosophy of Descartes, and in keep∣ing a kind of Medium between the ordina∣ry Hypotheses of the Divines of Holland, and the Opinions of Cameron.

The Four first Dissertations are to prove Providence. The Pagans who were so wise as to acknowledge a God, had much ado to believe that this same God presided over all the events. Some have denyed it openly; and as if they were afraid to trouble the Repose of this Infinite Being, or to oppress him under too great a number of Occupa∣tions, they have excused him from taking knowledge of what was done on Earth. If there are Gods who govern the World, whence do evils come, said Epicurus? It was also believed that all events depended upon a certain Chain of Second-causes, which drag∣ged the very Gods after them. In fine, For∣tune hath been substituted in the room of Providence. The Romans, naturally haugh∣ty, never received any disgrace from For∣tune, without taking their Revenge on her by a great number of abuses. Clement of Alex∣andria reproacheth them, that they had made an Altar to this Goddess in a place which was the receptacle of all the filths of Rome. Will ye take vengeance on your Gods, saith he unto them? Or do you believe that the ill smell annoyeth them not, as the good ones can∣not rejoyce them? otherwise they could not suffer the odour of the grease which is burned in Sacrifices, nor the smoke of Frankincense, which blindeth and blackeneth them. This Temple, whereof Clement of Alexandria speaks, is undoubtedly the same which Pli∣ny speaks of for the detested Fortune. This Fortune was every moment, called blind, perfidious, unconstant: Notwith∣standing these very Romans did put it in¦stead

of Providence, rendred unto it Divine Honours, and had dedicated several Temples in their City. There was one of these God∣desses which was called Primogenita, because she was considered as the Principle of all things, and the source of all Goodness. There was another, which was represented with Paps, to mark her abundance. In fine, there was one to whom young folks render'd Ho∣mage, when they began to have a Beard: The Platonicks were the wisest of all Philoso∣phers; for, by walking in the steps of their Master, who was the first Inventer of the Term Providence amongst the Greeks, they acknowledged that there was a God who pre∣sided over second Causes. The Iews jealous of the Glory of their Nation, have preten∣ded, that the Cares of God had a respect to them only, whilst they abandoned all other People of the World to the Course of Na∣ture, to the Influences of the Stars, or to the Malice of Devils. The wisest of the Rabbins believe, that most Animals de∣serve not the looks of Divinity. But that which is more astonishing, is, that St. Ierome was found to be of the same opinion, with∣out mentioning a great number of Philoso∣phers and Divines, who, to extend the li∣berty of Man, maintain, That God cannot foresee all events. The necessity of a Provi∣dence is proved, which extends its self ge∣nerally over all Creatures, because God ought to have an Infinite Knowledge: But his Knowledge would be necessarily limit∣ed, if he did not see to the very smallest actions of Creatures; or if he saw them but after a speculative manner, as People speak, to wit, without having any influence upon them. Moreover, if all the actions of Creatures depended not absolutely upon God, there would be certain Moments wherein Nature would be independant, it would subsist of it self, seeing it would act by it self, and consequently it would be God, whose greatest Perfection is to be Independant, and to subsist of himself.

The Author afterwards Treats of the na∣ture of Justification, whereof he distinguish∣eth three kinds: the one which would be solely done by Works, if the first Man had persevered in his Innocency: the other which we obtain by Faith in Iesus Christ: and the third whereof St. Iames speaks, which is done partly through Faith, and partly by Works. The first is not proper∣ly speaking a Justification: for this term supposeth a Crime and guilty Men. There was then no enmity betwixt God and Man, no demand from injured Justice. So there was no need of Repentance. In the second may be remarked three actions of God. For,

• I. He hath imputed our sins to his Son.
• II. He imputes to us the obedience of his Son, and keeps an Account for us of the Price which he hath pay'd for us in Suffering on the Cross.
• III. In fine, by vertue of this obedience which Iesus Christ has rendered, he forgi∣veth us our sins, he receiveth us into his Grace, and destines the possession of Hea∣ven for us.

Whence it's easie to conclude, that this Second Justification is purely Gratuitous. The Principal difficulty runs on the Second Action of God. For, say they, How can God justifie us by the Iustice of his Son? Can one be White with the Whiteness of another? And would it not be a ridiculous thing to say, That a General of an Army is brave, by the bravery of Alexander? But, these Exam∣ples are not proper for the matter of Ju∣stification. For it is true, that a Body can∣not be White by the Whiteness which ano∣ther possesseth: but nothing hinders but that a Man may be acquitted from a Debt which he had contracted, though it be not he, but a generous Friend who hath pay'd it. Man had contracted unmeasurable Debts with the Justice of God; Iesus Christ hath payed this Debt by his Death, and God keeps us an Account of his Satisfaction: There is nothing herein which implyeth contradiction. It was all the Consolation which was given to dying People in the time of Anselmus Archbishop of Canterbury, to make them solely to rely on the Justice of Ie∣sus Christ, as it appears by the Form of Consolation which he had made for Confes∣sours. And the Emperor Charles the Fifth found nothing finer than these words of St. Bernard, which he often repeated. I cannot enter into Heaven by my deserts: but I hope that Jesus Christ, who hath a double right to this happiness, will be satisfied with one; and that suffering me to enjoy the other, which is the Merit of his Passion, he will procure unto me the enjoymen thereof. This is the Foun∣dation of all my hopes. For it is a perfidious∣ness to put our confidence in our Merits.

Here the Socinians are engaged, who say, That God having foreseen that Man could not absolutely be exempt from Sin, had resolved to supply the defect of his Iustice, provided that af∣ter having consecrated his heart vnto him, he endeavoured to execute his Commandments, and to live conformably to his Will. This is to re∣new the opinion of the Ancient Iews, who denyed not, That the Mercy of God inter∣vened in the Work of Salvation; but, who maintained at the same time, that the Acts of their Repentance joyn∣ed to the Sacrifices which the Law had commanded, were the causes of their Justification, whereas Scripture repre∣sents it to us purely Gratuitous. St. Paul assures, That Man is justified by Faith without Works: whereas these Doctors make this Grace to depend of Works rather than of Faith. Moreover, How can God impute to

Men the Charity of Iesus Christ, to supply the defect of their Justice, if Iesus Christ in obeying perfectly the Law, and in dying upon the Cross, had not had a Design to satisfie for us?

The Third Justification is by Works. For the better comprehending thereof, we must observe, that Man can be accused of two things before the Tribunal of God, either to be guilty, or to be a hypocrite; God dischar∣ges us from the first of these Accusations, in imputing to us the Merit of Iesus Christ, which abolisheth all our sins. He discharges us from the second, by giving us, by his Spi∣rit, the force of producing good Works, which are marks of the sincerity of our Faith. It's in this sense, that it is said, that Abraham was justified by the Sacrifice of his Son: God himself thus expounding this passage, when he saith, Now I see that thou lovest me. And it is the same Expositi∣on which ought to be given to this famous passage of St. Iames, who teacheth, That we are justified by Works.

We shall not speak of the Disputes, which are the Third Part of this First Tome, be∣cause they are very short Analyses upon Isai∣ah, Hosea, and some other Prophets. The sense thereof is expounded after a very clear manner, and all along there are some re∣marks mixed, as when Hosea saith, That the People shall weep upon Bethaven; he re∣marks very justly, That the pride of anci∣ent Conquerors stopped not at triumphing over Cities, or over People they had Con∣quer'd, but insulted over the very Gods whom the People adored: and that thus this Pro∣phet threatneth the People of Israel, That the King of Assyria will lead their Calves in Triumph to Babylon.

There are at the head of the Second Vo∣lume Nine Dissertations upon the Synagogues of the ancient Iews. The Origine thereof is not very ancient. Those who believed that Moses had had a precaution, which all o∣ther Law-givers had past over, of making his Law to be Read every Saturday, that it might never be forgotten, have been mista∣ken. It was at the Return from the Capti∣vity of Babylon that Nehemiah did a thing whereof there was no example. For he Read the Law to the People without the Temple, in a Publick place. Since that time it was thought that the Service of God was no longer tyed to the Church of Ierusa∣lem, but that it could be done elsewhere; and each City took care to build them Syna∣gogues, sometime without the City, and sometimes without the Circumference of the Walls. This opinion which our Author be∣lieves to be truest, may be oppos'd by a great number of Objections. I do not stand at this passage of the History of the Acts, where it is said, That the Jews had Syna∣gogues according to an Ancient Custom, for 500 years, or thereabouts, sufficeth to give this Name. Iesus Christ calls the words of the Ancients a Tradition, which was much more new in the Jewish Church: and in the number of the Ancients or Fathers is put St. Bernard, who lived in the 12th Age. But Asaph in one of his Psalms, saith, That all the Synagogues of the living God will be burnt. Mr. Brochard was mistaken, when he belie∣ved, that this Asaph lived since the Capti∣vity of Babylon; for then he must needs have acknowledged that there were Pro∣phets since Malachy. And it is not only a constant Tradition, but Iosephus, who ought not to be suspected in the things which con∣cern the Glory of his Nation, assures us there were none. It is said, that this Pre∣diction concerns the Church under the Oe∣conomy of Iesus Christ. But this Oracle was not accomplished in the Ten Persecuti∣ons which the Christian Church suffered. Di∣oclesian caused a Monument to be raised, by which he boasts to have destroyed the Chri∣stian Religion. Yet then were numerous Churches seen amongst the Gauls and in England, which were governed by Constanti∣us. And if the Church afterwards hath been as it were interred, it was rather un∣der the number of Vices and Errors, than the violence of Persecution. Therefore there is much more likelihood that this O∣racle concerned the time of Antiochus, wherein the Temple of Ierusalem was pro∣faned, and the Service of God in some wise abolished. Therefore there were Synagogues in David's time. For how should he in∣vent a name to express a thing which he knew not, and which was not in use? Moreover, how could the Iews pass so ma∣ny Ages without making any publick exer∣cise of their Religion, since the Event hath shewn that it was a lawful thing.

The name of Synagogues became soon excessive. They built 460. in the very City of Ierusalem. Each Trade had its Chappel or Synagogue. Strangers also had a great many. The Thalmud speaks of that which those of Alexandria had built at their expen∣ces: and that of the Libertines is famous in the History of the Acts. Each Synagogue had its Judges, who had a right to cause those to be Scourged who were accused be∣fore them, as the Apostle St. Paul made a sad Experience on't. It had also its Pa∣triarchs and Apostles. Yet Cardinal Baroni∣us was mistaken, when he thought that Iesus Christ had borrowed from the Iews the name of Apostles, which he gave his Disciples. For it is easie to prove that this term is not in use with the Iews but since the establish∣ment of the Gospel. I know not if Mr. Bur∣man hath much more reason than Baronius, when he thinks, that by the Angels, where∣of St. Paul speaks, when he would have Wo∣men to be vailed in the Temple, because of the presence of Angels, the Ministers are to be understood, who bear this Name in the Old Testament.

The Service began with Prayers, to which the People answered, Amen. Yet there is a Tradition which says, That this was not done in the Temple of Ierusalem; but that at the end of the Prayers the People an∣swered, Blessed be the God of Glory, His Kingdom reigneth for ever. In the Great Churches, where the Voice of the Priest was not easily heard, he took a Pocket-Handkerchief, and shew'd it to the Peo∣ple, when it was time to raise their Voice. This custom of answering Amen, at the end of Publick Prayers, hath passed in the Christian Church, until at length the negli∣gence of the People hath obliged the sub∣stitution of a Deacon in their place. But what is most remarkable, is, that in the Prayers, which were said with a low voice in the Temple, or in a Closet▪ they were obliged to say Amen with a loud voice. Eu∣sebius, in speaking of the Martyrdom of Po∣lycarp, insinuates it; and the Acts of Suf∣ferances of Pionius suffer us not to doubt thereof. The Christian Church hath also borrowed from the Iewish the manner of ordaining Bishops. For one could not be a Doctor of the Law but after having recei∣ved the Imposition of Hands in the presence of three Priests. And the Councils have ordered the same thing for Bishops.

The Law was Read in Hebrew. But since the Captivity, that the knowledge of this Tongue was lost, there was an Interpre∣ter, who Expounded each Verse in the Chaldaick Tongue, that all the People might understand it. They pretend, that this re∣spect for the Hebrew Text had passed unto the Hellenist Iews. Our Author inclines much on that side. But it agrees not with the Veneration which they had for the Ver∣sion of the 70. If the Iews of Ierusalem con∣demned it, the rest of 'em had Instituted a Feast-day, to give God Thanks for that he had given it to them.

The Seventh Dissertation Treats of the Doctors of the Iewish Church. The Title of Rabbin is not before Iesus Christ, at least if we believe the Iews, who say that Ga∣maliel, the same Doctor whereof the Hi∣story of the Acts speaks, was the first who took it. But how could it be so common in the time of Iesus Christ, if it were not more ancient? According as Knowledge and Vertue diminished, this defect hath been endeavoured to be supplyed by proud Ti∣tles, which should draw the Veneration of the People. There have been none who have taken finer Names than the Scholasticks, whose knowledge was pure Barbarity; and the Monks, whose mind hath been almost al∣ways filled with Visions, and an Imaginary Devotion.

The Scribes are ancient enough, for they appear'd in the time of Esdras in a distin∣guished Rank, seeing they are raised above the Priests. Their Original is at this day the Subject of a great Contestation. For they pretend, that Moses, who was in∣structed in all the Wisdom of the Egypti∣ans, established Scribes at the same time that he did the Law; and that we owe unto them the Body of the Holy Scripture. But as they were never mention'd before E••dras, might it not be as well said, that they came from Chaldea and Assyria, for all the East had their Scribes, as well as the Egyptians; and that they established them∣selves with the Iews at the Return from the Captivity, where they got a great re∣putation? There were three sorts of persons who bore this name.

• 1. The Publick Notaries, and the Secreta∣ries of the Counsel. These first were the least considerable.
• 2. Those who were called Scribes of the Law, to wit, who had the right of Ex∣pounding unto the People. They were thought to sit in the Chair of Moses, as well as the Pharisees. They were consulted with in Important Controversies: and it's what Herod did upon the arrival of the Mes∣sia. Finally, their Decisions were recei∣ved with the same Veneration as the Law of God: the Iews saying, That even the Traditions of the Scribes are better than the Law.
• 3. In fine, the Title of Scribe is the name of a Magistracy with the Iews, as well as with the Greeks, and it was the latter who were called the Scribes of the Peo∣ple.

From the Ministers of the Synagogue we shall pass to those of the Christian Church. Iesus Christ had Clothed his Apostles with so great Priviledges, that they could not have Successors in their Charges. There∣fore the Protestant Divines, who pretend that Episcopacy is of Divine Institution, maintain, at the same time, That Saint Iames, Bishop of Ierusalem, was not an A∣postle. But St. Paul gives him the Title of an Apostle. They say, That this first Bishop of Jerusalem had a right of entring in∣to the most Holy Place, and to carry a Golden Reed, as the High Priest of the Jews. But it is certain at least, that St. Epiphanes mistook, when he relyes upon the Authority of Euse∣bius to prove it. For Eusebius never said a∣ny such thing, speaking of St. Iames; and there is a great likelyhood that this is one of these false Traditions, which cannot be applyed to any of the Apostles.

Besides the Apostles, there▪ were Prophets in the Christian Church, whose Charge con∣sisted chiefly to edifie the Church by the Ex∣position of the most difficult passages of Scripture. They penetrated sometimes into the time to come, and foretold its events. Justin Martyr assures us, that this Gift of Prophecy continued also to his time. But it was soon extinguished. For when Montan

begun to publish his Revelations, the Chur∣ches of Phrygia were moved thereat: and these motions of wonder and admiration are formed commonly on unheard of events, or which are extreamly rare. The Author affirms this Maxim: That Prophecies are not well understood until after their accomplish∣ment.

Opinions have been always much divided about the duration of the Ministery of Iesus Christ, who is the Head of the Church. St. Irenaeus refuting the Valentinians, is fallen in∣to a great Excess. For he believed that Ie∣sus Christ lived almost 50 years. The most common opinion is, that he Preached the space of 3 or three years and a half. Mr. Bur∣man takes another Party, and maintains, that Iesus Christ Celebrated but two Feasts of the Passover: whence he concludes, That he could live but a year and a half after his Baptism. The last Passover, wherein Iesus Christ Instituted the Sacrament of the Eu∣charist, makes another subject of Contesta∣tion. The Greeks, who think they have a great Interest to maintain, That Iesus Christ Communicated with Leavened Bread, pretend, That he Celebrated his last Pas∣sover after the Wednesday at night. This opinion, which is established by them but since the Dispute they had with the Roman Church upon the Azymes, deserves not much examination.

Scaliger hath not been ashamed to retract and to refute himself upon this matter. For after having inclined to the Greeks, he maintains at last, That there is reason to believe, that Jesus Christ eat the Lamb of the Passover a day before the greatest part of the other Jews, who begun to Celebrate the Feast but▪ on Friday at Night. Our Author believes on the contrary, That all the Jews were forced to Celebrate the Feast the same day, because it was necessary to kill all the Lambs in the Porch of the Temple.

The almost infinite number of these beasts which were to be killed, and which, if Io∣sephus may be believed, amounted to Five Millions five thousand six hundred, trou∣bleth him not. He believeth, that the great number of Priests who assisted at this Service, was sufficient for this great Execu∣tion. Not mentioning that each private Man had a right to kill his Lamb, provided it was in the Porch of the Temple, which was so big, that in the time of Solomon there entred into it 22000 Oxen, 12000 Sheep, besides the other Sacrifices which the People offered. Yet there remains a great difficulty. For the Lambs were not begun to be presented but at the Ninth Hour, to wit, at three in the Afternoon; and Iose∣phus assureth us, that this Ceremony end∣ed about Nine of the Clock. So, though the Temple should be spatious enough to contain the number of Lambs, the time would not be long enough to kill them.

The last Disputes concern the Eucha∣rist. But as this matter hath been treated on very often, we will make an end here.

A Famous SPEECH of Monsieur Coc∣quelin, Chancellor of the Church of Paris in 1686.

IT is the Custom amongst the Divines of Paris, before the Cap is given to those who have accomplished their License, to present them by a Doctor to the Chancel∣lour of the Cathedral Church. The Doc∣tor who presents these Licentiates, makes a small Discourse in their Praise, to which the Chancellor answers by another Discourse. As this which Mr. Cocquelin hath made this year on the like occasion, hath had some∣thing singular in it, as well for its Eloquence, which, how natural soever it is to the Au∣thor, had not notwithstanding appeared with so much lustre, but for the fine and delicate turn wherewith he manag'd his Subject, when he treated on the Affairs of the times, and by the fine Poem which he ad∣ded to it: We have thought we could not do better than to begin with this Piece which hath fallen by chance into our hands, and to gather together the scatter'd Pieces which we have promised to impart to the Publick, when they should deserve to have this Justice done them. Here is then what he saith.

VIris eruditis è Theologica Palaestra Bien∣nio quolibet secendentibus, Viri Ecclesiae Parisiensis Proceres, sapientissimi Patres, Au∣ditores humanissimi, non defuit huc usque ne∣que decrit unquam laborum laudisque sibi con∣ciliandae seges: si modo quod in scholis didi∣cerint & ad summum perducere, & pro re∣rum, pro locorum, pro temporum opportunita∣te impendere, & ad bravium de quo hodie A∣postolus, at que immarcescibilem corenam, totis viribus contendere voluerint.

Et sane quamvis pro uberrima Sacrae facul∣tatis Theologicae Paris▪ feracitate ex ipsius sinu viri in omni sacrarum litterarum genere quan∣tum patitur aetas, exercitatissimi longè plures uno quoque biennio prorumpant quam ex toto quantus quantus est reliquo Christiano orbe; quod nihilominus apud Apostolos Christus olim Dominus pronuntiavit effatum illud ipsum la∣bentibus exinde perpetuo saeculis, merito pro∣ferri potuit, poteritque inposterum: Messis quidem multa, operarii vero pauci.

At nunquam ejusdem Christi aliud oraculum vos Apostolos ad fidem religionemque praedi∣candam adhortantis aequiori jure quam in prae∣sentiarum possit usurpari, quo verae sapientiae candidatis ejusdem fidei religionisque aut dis∣seminand•• aut propagandae pro nostro munere concedamus Licentiam: Videte, aiebat Deus ille generis humani servator, videte Regio∣nes quoniam jam albae sunt ad messem.

Enimvero quicumque hactenus, sacrae Facul∣tatis Theol. Paris. stadium emensi, praeivere vo∣bis ad coronam, Galliam quae monstris ad Calvi∣num usque caruerat, aut totam Catholicae fidei de∣ditam, aut nascentem haeresim quae proinde tunc contemptui potius quam timori habebatur, aut jam adultam atque roboratam, atque adeo cui evertendae inutilis ut plurimum opera navabatur divino sacrae sapientiae lumine illustrandam ag∣gressi sunt: vobis vero Licentiandi meritissimi, id unum ex divinae providentiae ordine servaba∣tur, ut extincta & profligata haeresi, eorum mentes, quicumque ad Ecclesiae sinum redicrunt, coelestis doctrinae rore imbuendae obversentur.

Contemplanti itaque mihi atque praeterita Ec∣clesiae saecula animo repetenti nova prorsus sese rerum facies objicit & incredibilis stupor inge∣rit. Calviniana pestis, quae florentissimum latè regnum pervaserat quasi de coelo tacta momento de∣fecit, concidit, evanuit. O Prodigium inaudi∣tum! O Portentum supra emnem hominum fi∣dem incredibile!

Haeresim videlicet quâ peste nulla periculosius, nulla tenacius mentibus hominum inhaerer, tot an∣nos natam (supra centesimum enim quinquagesi∣mus annus est quo pestiferos Institutionum haere∣ticarum libros, pro ea quae haeresiarcham decet im∣pudentia, Francisco primo Reg•• Christianissimo Calvinus inscripsit) tot igitur annos natam, tot victoriis ferocem, tot epoto civium sanguine fu∣rentem, tot ediotis Regiis perduellionis ejus testi∣bus stabilitam, tot foederibus cum exteris Re∣gibus & Gallici nominis hostibus Batavis, Da∣nis, Suevis, Anglis, Germanis roboratam de∣repente corruisse: Quae ex perduellione nata cum ipsa creverat, adoleverat, profecerat, quaeque novo prodigio, quo plus sanguinis amisisset, eo plus ferociâ, plus viribus, plus phrenetico furore valeret, hanc illam puncto temporis extinctam evanuisse, erroris ministros, deceptarum & in∣cautarum ovium Pseudo-Pastores pravitatis hae∣reticae defensores, volentes lubentesque fuga sibi consuluisse; templa ubique diruta, deletos con∣ventus, amplexatam fidem, restitutam sacro∣rum religionem: iis etiam in locis ubi numero, viribus, locorum asperitate toties se tutati fue∣rant quicumque à veritate defecerant. Quod cum absque ulla mortis interminatione aut ulla cujusque caede contigerit, ut nobis qui haec coram intuemur pro singulari miraculo, sic exteris, sic posteris pro maximo quod usquam extiterit prodi∣gio dubio procul habebitur.

Dicam equidem quod sentio, Auditores, & confidenter dicam. Praeclarum illud facinus & hactenus inauditum, ut summae in Ludovico Magno Autoritatis, Prudentiae, Religionis, sic & summae in Gallis, in Ludovicum fidei, ve∣nerationis, & si ita loqui fas est, amoris sin∣gularis certissimum est & indubitatum argumen∣tum; qua quidem laude an possit aliqua sive Re∣gi sive subditis dari major non video.

Iactent itaque, si qui sunt qui possint, ingen∣tia bellicae laudis facinora: referant emendatam unius ••eris spatio male memorem Batavorum gentem: inscribant aeternis victoriarum trophaeis vi•• 50 dierum spatio urbes munitissimas plus∣quam 40 captas & expugnatas: tranatas narrent Rheni qua parte Romanis impervius semper exti∣tit, armato milite & superatas undas: dicant prolatos undecumque Imperii fines, scribant Hi∣spanos▪ toties concidisse, quoties nobiscum signa contulerint: spe toties excidisse quoties pruden∣tia vel arte contenderint; in commentarios re∣ferant Europam totam triplici foedere adversus Lodoicum Magnum conspirant••m ejusque gloriae invidentem id unum profecisse ut & ejus glori∣am promoveret altius, & ad pacis conditiones quas ipsa respuisset, armis victricibus impellere∣tur: memorent imperii praerogativam supra Re∣ges omnes media in pace frustra licet repug∣nante superbissima Hispanorum gente ex prae∣scripto assertam: depingant Algeriam, Tune∣tum, Genuam quasi de Coelo tactas Lodoici Magni podibus advolutas pacem supplices & sa∣lutem exorasse: dicant etiamnum totius Europae atque adeo totius orbis fatum ab unius Lodoici Magni quasi aliud agentis & in summa degen∣tis tranquillitate pendere arbitrio.

Aeternis, si qui sunt, rerum humanarum fastis inscribatur, Rex undecumque Magnus, ac longe supra titulos, qui rerum praeclare gestarum magnitudine, Regibus longe omnibus quotquot ex∣titere major, vicit hostes fortitudine, rebelles clementia, invidos virtute, quique subditorum suorum felicitati intentus orbi terrarum miseriis & calamitati sublevando indulgens pac••m inter trophaea concessit, hostibus pacis leges praescripsit, ipsi victoriae modum imposuit & sibi, sui simul & orbis victor.

Haec illi referant quibus tot referendis pro dignitate miraculis par est, si quae tamen esse possit, a••t saltem non impar omnino erit elo∣quentia; caeleri sileant & mirentur.

Nobis vero etfi haec omnia supra mortalium fi∣dem & conditionem videntur esse posita; longe tamen praestantiora, longe majora, longe lucu∣len••ora perpetuo videbuntur quae ex Lodoici Magni pietate, religione, fide, & Regio in Deum affectu profecta tanto caeteris antec••llunt quanto immortalia mortalibus, aeterna caducis, divina humanis in immensum praestare atque an∣teferri oportere nemo nescit.

Ita est profecto, Aud▪ non potes•• non esse ca∣ducum, non mortale, non humanum quodcum∣que pro rerum humanarum sorte atque conditio∣ne geritur. Hinc & id omne quod retro lapsis ante saeculis pro humanae gloriae consecutione f••nt inscriptum, aut deletum & obliteratum omnino, aut ex majori parte imminutum est: s••la religio, sola pietas, sola divinae fidei divinique cultus, sola Ecclesiae tutela, quia Deum spectant im∣mortalem, ipsa immortalitate donantur.

Tria igitur praecipue Augustissimo Principi, quoniam quidem ex illa felicissima scaturigine prodierunt, nullis rerum percuntium casibus, nullis temporum injuriis obnoxia, gloriam pe∣perere aeternumque parient omni prorsus laude & claritudine praestantiorem.

Haec illa porro sunt, quod piissimus Prin∣ceps sacrilega blasphemantium ora compresserit, quod duellorum furores compescuerit, quod hae∣resim extinxerit, quorum quae duo prima sunt, singularem licet mereantur admirationem: po∣stremum tamen sicut omnium expectationem vi∣cit, sic & supra laudem omnem videtur esse positum.

Decem & sexies ad minimum centena homi∣num millia, pestifera superstitione qua recen∣tes ab uberibus imbuti fuerant abjecta, ad e∣am religionem subito trans••isse adversus quam summo odio, summa animi ••ffensione, pravis s••. perduellionum erroris ministrorum artibus delusi ferebantur, absque ullo conflictus, abs∣que sanguine, sed sola regiorum edictorum aut constitutione aut revocatione, bonorumque non tam illatâ quam indictâ adversus pertinaces jacturâ, ut poena ad paucos, metus ad plures, salus ad omnes perveniret, ad amplexandam veritatem feliciter adactos in Catholicae matris gremium convolasse, ut in parentis optimae gre∣mio atque ejus tut••la ea sibi servata gestirent, quorum jacturam extra illius sinum positi me∣tucrant.

Agite ergo L. M. & quo par est mentis affectu, qua decet grati animi testificatione tanti principis Pietatem prosequimini, & tanta∣rum rerum sequimini ducem: Nos sapientiae stadium quo conclusi per biennium fuistis vobis reseramus; Latissimum ipse Ludovicus Mag∣nus ejusdem disseminandae campum apcruit.

Et illi quidem quicumque ab Ecclesia defe∣cerant ex divinarum scripturarum in quas pri∣vato sensu, seu privata potius temeritate, inva∣serant pravo intellectu, erraverunt, vos ex scripturarum peritia in Ecclesiae Christi spon∣sae Authoritate atque unanimi SS. PP. consen∣su fundata, viam veritatis, quam inoffenso pede decurrant, errantibus & quaerentibus a∣perite: illi ex superbia peccaverunt; vos ex ve∣stri dissidentia, sine qua omnis scientia inflet ne∣cesse est, tumorem animi superbientis depellite, atque adeo in tantae Lodoici Magni gl••riae par∣tem quo decet humili sensu pro vestra virili ip∣so & jubente & juvante venite.

Praeit & vocat illustrissimus Antistes tanta∣rum rerum, sicut & consiliorum ac secretorum praecipu••s administer: in quo, cùm summa sint omni••, ea tam••n videntur esse praecipua, qui∣bus eam sibi vel apud haereticos existimationem conciliavit, qua quidem freti in Catholicae ma∣tris gremium non nisi ipsius manibus plerique omnes deduci voluerint.

Rerum scilicet omnium mirabilis est in illo concentus, quibus ex summa apud homines exi∣stimatione nascitur omnium oriturque singularis benevolentia, ingenii nimirum sublimis excel∣lentia, stupenda facilisque eruditio, morum inconcussa suavitas, comitas in omnes, summa apud regem maximum gratia.

Tanto igitur huic operi L. M. his tantis prodeuntibus ducibus & Architectis toto animi conatu atque industria incumbite: divinae in vos providentiae benignitatem agnoscite, quae vos faustis adeo sideribus, in tam praeclari fa∣cinoris societatem adducit.

Vnus Moses sepeliendo mediis in undis Pha∣raoni seligitur, unus Iosue civitatis Hiericun∣tinae excidio destina••ur, uni Ludovico Magno sepeliendus error & excidenda Calviniana hae∣resis servabatur: Neque tamen Princeps opt. in tantae laudis venire part••m eos abnuit qui∣cumque aliquam ei promovendae possunt operaem impendere.

Nunquam porro è vestris excidat animis quae vir sap. & vigilantiss. Pastor sub cujus auspi∣ciis è scholis manumissionem postulatis erudita atque eloquenti facundia apud nos honorificen∣tissime peroravit.

Ut vero quod ejus orationi addendum duxi∣mus, ac praesertim quod de Rege augustissimo pro∣tulimus vestris mentibus tenacius insistat, stricti∣ori & heroibus celebrandis aptiori minerva quae exaranda censuimus pancis excipite.

REx magne, firmum robur & unica Spes Liliorum, Gallia, dum tuo Librata nutu, tot superbis Tempora dinumerat triumphis,

Dum vincit orbem fortior Herculis Confossa monstris dextera, & ultimae Gentes ad auditum pavescunt Cuncta supercilio moventis.

Illuxit orbi splendor & optimi Late refulsit gloria Principis; Ac solis aequavit labores Belligeri fama vaga Regis.

Immo diei longius orbitâ Excurrit, & quà nubibus atque atris Foetus procellis, squallet orbis Sole pigro dubiaque luce,

Intaminatis fulget honoribus Rex magnus illic, atque vicario Splendet corusco, sospitemque Terra suum merito salutat.

Victore major Caesare, & inclyto Quem Rex Philippus insuperabilem Produxit, & Persae tremendum Ut Dominum trepidi coronant.

Te Parthus arcu nobilis & fuga, Te Turca ferro dirus, & Algidi Rex magne cognovit Bootae Incola, teque tuasque palmas.

Alte tonantem te tremit Africa, Te fracta stupet fulmine Genua, Supplexque throno mox superbos Mente ponit meliore sensus.

Ut cum supremo pendulus aethere Praedam superbus despicit infimam Legitque dignos inter hostes, Quos superet generosus ales;

Virtutis altae sic superat jugum. Ast Sapientiae fundus hic est suae, Segesque, Christo quod rebelles Magnanimus Lodoix revincit.

Ruunt superbae moenia Jericho, Quamvisque nomen sit revolubilis Sortita Lunae, exterminati Damna nequit reparare cornu.

Cessere pestes, templaque cultibus Indicta pravis, fulmine corruunt, Fugantur erroris Ministri, Et Stygiae reserantur arces.

Quin ante pugnax & male perfida Linguam remordet Haeresis, os suum Obducit, aeternumque luget Tartareis revoluta stagnis.

Non ausa vultus tollere luridos Maegera, fusos colla super statim Condit cerastas, & resorbet Pestiserum pudibunda virus.

Non sic Eoo littore cum rubet, Altosque bigis sol rutilantibus Montes colorat, Belluarum Territa gens latebras reposcit:

Ut tu triumphos magne per inclitos Tutoque fretus praesidio, malas Repellis Erroris catervas, Haereticaeque venena sectae.

Procede fausto numine splendidus▪ Tuasque lauros scande super sacri Tutus triumphi, gloriosum Prome caput Pharaone merso.

Gens fastuosi nube supercilii Exosa Reges, scommatibus Deum Vel prorsus expungens, vel ore Sacrilego violans, rubentes

Dejecta vultus pone subit, manus Gravant catenae, vincula tinniunt Injecta collo, sordidusque Membra tegit maculosa Cento.

Illa illa frendet, ringitur ac solum Viru sequaci spumea collinit, Fidemque victricem retortis Luminibus furiosa limat.

Jam ponit errorem & facinus suum Damnat profusis fletibus, & nova Incude vesanum reformat Dogma, deumque fatetur ultra.

Est dextra victrix Principis optimi, Jacent superbae moenia Jericho, Prostratus & mordens arenam Semilacer Pharao recumbit.

Aptare dulci sic cytharae juvat Non indecoro carmine splendidum Heroa, dum praestabit albis Currere Calliopem quadrigis.

Joanni Poloniae Regi, Magno Duci Lithuaniae, &c.

Suos supra titulos Augusto, Quem virtus ad solium evexit, Quem pietas e solio Ad liberandam Germanian advexit; Quique Angeli instar Longinquos tractus permeans, Carpathia Saxa penetrans, Immanem Turcarum Tyrannum Strages late & ruinas Christiano orbi minitantem, Durâ & Senacheribeâ obsidione caput imperii prementem, Piorum votis potius quam armis suffultus, Plena Deo fortuna fretus Disrupit, disjecit, profligavit. Tota igitur Europa Nuper excidio proxima, nunc periculo exempta, Debitis & festis plausibus Indesinentibus cujuscumque Aetatis, Sexus, Nationis vocibus, Christo fatente & fide Jubente, Procumbens acclamat Inter natos mulierum non surrexit major

JOANNE.

Motet Dramatique, Ou Oratoire.

DEus venerunt gentes in haereditatem tuam,* 1.111 ut polluerent Temp∣lum Sanctum tuum; flagellum appropinquat tabernaculo tuo: fixerunt tentoria in circuitu Viennae, ecce quasi nubes ascendunt, & quasi tempestas currus eorum, velociores aquilis equi eorum, po∣suerunt morticina servorum tuorum escas volatilibus Coeli, Carnes Sanctorum tuorum bestiis terrae. Vae nobis!* 1.112 circumdederunt nos dolores mortis; vae nobis, dies, irae, dies tribulationis, vastati sumus, vae nobis. O vos omnes qui transitis attendite, miseremini, succurrite, accurrite. Exsurge Deus & vindica causam tuam,* 1.113 salvos fac sperantes in te, ne quando dicant gentes, ubi est Deus eorum? Fugite impii,* 1.114 cedite, fugite, pavidi, saucii, territi, perditi, cadite, crimina mortibus luite, dentibus fremite, tabescite. Arabes, Tartari, fugite, cadite, gladio occumbite, dissipamini, occumbite. Virtus Domini obvallavit Regem qui redemit Israel,* 1.115 qui factus est Columna in Templo Dei, in qua scriptum est nomen & Majestas Dei Sabaoth. Quis est iste Rex gloriae? Fuit homo missus a Deo cui nomen erat Ioannes,* 1.116 hic venit. Bene∣dictus qui venit, hic vicit. Benedictus qui vicit in nomine Domini, hosanna in excelsis; hosanna in terris, hosanna in excelsis.

Paralelle de Jules Cesar & du Roy de Pologne.

Venit, vidit, vicit, Quidni? In proximo agebat bellum in sequanis meditabatur Viribus potior, veterano milite, legionibus octo formidandus Improvidum, imparatum, foederis fide securum, pace sopitum Ariovistum oppressit, Vt rempublicam opprimeret. Noxae ideo dedendus, & Catonis sententia germanis tradendus. Meliori causa, feliciori successu, Poloniae Rex, Magnus Lithuaniae Dux, &c. E remota Lithuania advolans, dissitas regiones emensus Conscia virtute fretus, Caesare Promptior. Iustior. Fortior Venit. Vidit. Vicit. Immanem Turcarum Tyrannum, Nulla lacessitum injuria, bellum gratis capessentem Assyriam, Mediam, Thraciam, Aegyptum, Tartariam, Asiam Sub signis trahentem Orbi Christiano Strages, incendia, vastationem, vincula minitantem Alexandri sui in victorias adolescentis manu subnixus, Numine plenus Disrupit, fregit, profligavit Vt Europam liberaret Porro bellatorum, Iuli optime, Oblatum à Tribuno plebis Diadema recusasti Factum bene: Ioannem bellatorum Maximum Triplici Diademate Sarmatico adepto, Hungarico vindicato, Romano protecto Coronari sine. Acclamatum in orbe Christiano millies, millies, millies.

Some LETTERS; Containing an Ac∣count of what was most remarkable in a Voyage into Swisserland, Italy, and a part of Germany, in the years 1685 and 1686. Written by Dr. Burnet to M.B. The Second Edition Cor∣rected by the Author. With Additions concerning Swisserland, Italy, Commu∣nicated by a Person of Quality. At Rotterdam, Sold by Acher, 1687. in Octavo. p. 336.

THIS Book contains Five Letters, and is both in French and Dutch, as well as English. There have been lately added some Remarks Written in French by a Person of Quality originally of Italy, and who hath li∣ved there a long while. These Remarks are but Fifteen Pages, and respect only some parti∣cularities touching the Country of the Swit∣zes, Grisons, the Dutchy of Ferrara, the City of Bologne, and the Government of the Pope. We see thereby, as well as by the Letters of Bishop Burnet, that the greatest part of Italy, and particularly that which belongs to the Pope, is altogether deserted and ruined, be∣cause of the too absolute Government which is there every where exercised; and of the Maxim of those People, to lay always the greatest Taxes that can be. Princes in this Country seem to envy their Posterity the enjoyment of their Estates, they take such care to ruine them without remorse; and this evil is but too common elsewhere.

But Dr. Burnet observes in all this Voyage the same rules which he hath proposed to himself in his History. He praiseth and blameth, according as natural equity seems to require it, without having respect to Par∣ties, in which those he speaks of are enga∣ged. So he praiseth the fine qualities of Cardinal Howard in his Fourth Letter, and remarks what may be reprehended in the conduct of the Divines of Swisserland and Geneva, in regard to a Form which those who are received Ministers are obliged to Sign in that Country. As he who hath made the Extract of the Voyage of Dr. Burnet, which is in the French Republick of Letters, hath not spoken of this place, it shall be altogether inserted here. It is in the First Letter dated from Zurich, the 1st of September 1685.

As the Medium which Amyraut and Da∣ille have taken in the Controversies agitated in Holland, touching the Decrees of God, and the Extent of the Death of Iesus Christ, had been almost universally embraced in France, this same opinion hath found some defen∣ders at Geneva, and in Swisserland. These Gentlemen maintain the Universality of the death of Jesus Christ, and the sufficiency of Grace (objective) given to all Men; affirm∣ing otherwise, that God hath freely cho∣sen a certain number of Persons, to whom alone he gives a Grace (subjective) efficaci∣ous. They are called Universalists; and their number had begun to be considerable at Geneva, because two Professors in Divi∣nity openly favoured this Opinion. Those who incline to the contrary Sentiment, were extreamly moved at it, and the Dis∣pute grew so warm, that almost the whole City entred either into one or other of the Parties. If the Magistrate had imposed si∣lence on both, he had certainly done very well: for the Question was of Speculations so uncertain, and so little Essential to Reli∣gion, that the diversity of Sentiments ought not to cause any Quarrel or Faction. But though the Party of the Universalists was pretty considerable at Geneva, it was extreamly weak in Switzerland. Therefore some Divines of that Country upheld the received Opinion, and made Articles, where∣in they, in the first place, condemned the O∣pinions of the Universalists, and some Spe∣culative Sentiments touching the Immortali∣ty of Adam, and the qualities he had, accor∣ding to those Divines, in the state of Inno∣cency. Moreover, Cappel and other Cri∣ticks having maintained not only the novel∣ty of the Points of the Hebrews, but also taken the liberty of correcting the Text in some places, upon supposition that there were errors of the Copists in the Bible, both as to Vowels and Consonants: to oppose these Sentiments, all the Corrections were condemned which might be made in the Hebrew Text, and the Antiquity of the Points was asserted, at least as to the force, or manner wherein they have determined the Reading. If hereby all Divines are not engaged to be of the Sentiment of Buxtorf, as to what regards the Antiquity of Points, the Correcting of any thing whatever is hin∣dered, in the punctuation of these times: If this Consent of Doctrine, for so this Form is named, had been established as a Rule, a∣gainst which it was not lawful to Teach a∣ny thing, without incurring some censure, severity would have been more sufferable. But all those are obliged who aspire to the Ministery, or to a Chair of Professor, to sub∣scribe, Sic sentio, I am of this opinion. This Form being established at Berne and Zurich, the Authority of the Divines who had made it caused its being ••ent to Geneva; where the Moderator and Secretary of the Company of Ministers Signed it in the Name of all. So they were not satisfied to make a regulation touching these matters, but by a Maxim, which hath been so often fatal to the Church, they undertook to become Masters of the Conscience of the People, and to put the young Folks from their Im∣ployments, or to impose an Oath upon them, that all, perhaps, have not signed without remorse of Conscience. Yet some of those

who have established this Form are persons of an extraordinary merit•••• who I am persuaded have acted in this occasion by a sincere zeal, to maintain what they regard as Truth; I should only wish, they had more Extent, and a greater freedom of Mind.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The 33 Orations of The∣mistius, 13 of which have been former∣ly published. Dennis Petavius of the Society of Jesus, Translated many of 'em into Latin, with Annotations. To 20 of these Orations are added other Notes; and to the remaining 13 are joyn'd the perpetual Observations of John Harduinus, a Member of the same Society. Paris, in Fol.

THemistius was a Philosopher of Pa∣phlagonia, so Eloquent, that he had gi∣ven him the Sur-name of Euphrades. He published Commentaries upon Aristotle, when he was very young, which were so much e∣steemed, that one of the best Philosophers of Greece quitted his School to go to see him. He Taught with so much clearness at Antioch, Nicomedia, Rome, and elsewhere, that he out-did all the Philosophers of his time. The Romans were so charmed with him, that they sent to the Emperor, desi∣ring, that he would oblige him to live in the midst of them, but they obtained not this advantage. Themistius chose rather to return to Constantinople, where he passed the greatest part of his life. He was belo∣ved of Six Emperors. Constantius confer∣red the dignity of Praetor upon him, and honoured him with a Brazen Statue. Va∣lence had so great a deference for him, that in consideration of him he moderated the false zeal which led him to persecute the Orthodox. It is assuredly one of the great∣est marks of esteem which can be given to a Man; for as soon as a Prince hath deter∣mined to extirpate a Religion, all that re∣tards the progress of this design is uneasie to him, and incommodes him extraordina∣rily; they are very powerful Reasons only which can work an alteration of this na∣ture. Yet the Discourse of Themistius pro∣duced this great effect upon an Emperor animated to the ruin of the Orthodox, by the Counsel of some Arian Bishops, and by the Intreagues of the Empress. This Philo∣sopher represented to Valence, That he per∣secuted, without cause, Men of worth; that it was not a crime to believe and to think other∣wise than he did; that he should not wonder at this diversity of Opinions; that the Gen∣tiles were much more divided amongst them∣selves than Christians; that every one pointed at truth by some place; and that it had plea∣sed God to confound the pride of Men, and to render himself more venerable by the difficulty which there is of knowing him. It is pity that such fine thoughts have been said by a Pagan, and that it should be necessary that Christians should learn this Important Les∣son from an•• Idolatrous Man. Yet they ought to profit thereby. But Mr. Flecher, who hath so carefully related this Discourse of Themistius, to shame thereby the Me∣mory of an Arian Emperor, tells us, that the Emperor Theodosius a little while after, also took upon him a command, which was as a fit subject for a second discourse of Themistius; But he was far from doing it, because of the charge of Prefect of Constan∣tinople, and of Tutor to the Son of Theodosi∣us the Great, which this Emperor gave him, lest he should cease his Applauses for all the Orders of the Court. It is very strange that a Prince who abolished vigorously the Re∣licks of Paganism, and who gave even no very good quarters to the Sectaries of Chri∣stianity, should trust the Education of his Son to a Heathen. Yet it's true, that Theo∣dosius hath done all this; for those who say, that Themistius was a Christian, and Chief of the Sect of the Agnoites, who believed, that Iesus Christ was absolutely ignorant of the end of the World; they confound him with another Themistius, a Deacon of the Church of Alexandria, who was the head of this Sect under the Empire of Iustin, to∣wards the year 519. It signifies nothing to the proof of the pretended Christianity of Themistius, to say, that he hath cited this passage of Scripture, The heart of the King is in the hand of the Lord: This, I say, sig∣nifies nothing, because that besides his ci∣ting these words, as if he had taken them from the Books of the Assyrians; every one knoweth, that Longinus hath quoted Moses with Elogies on him, without being on that account, engaged e're the less in Paganism. Themistius must needs have been an honest Man, because he always had the Friendship of St. Gregory of Nazianze.

He had left 36 Harangues. Henry Ste∣phen is the first who hath published any of them. Father Petau being then at the Col∣ledge of la Fleche, made an Edition thereof. He added a second much better when he came to Paris, but it was yet very imper∣fect, seeing there lacked Sixteen Orations. He sought so successfully that he found thir∣teen, whereof he Translated into Latin the considerablest part. He left them as a De∣positum in the Colledge of Clermont's Biblio∣theck; and these are they which appeared the first time in the Edition of Themistius, that Father Hardouin hath lately given us. He is a very learned Iesuit, who was brought to Paris to be imployed with Fa∣ther Cautel to make the Supplement of Dog∣mata Theologica of Father Petau; but this design hath not succeeded; so that these two Jesuits have elsewhere endeavour'd, by o∣ther Works, to make their Talent be va∣lued. Father Cautel hath set his face ano∣ther

way. As for Father Hardouin, the Publick hath already known, that he work∣eth upon a Commentary of Pliny, in usum Delphini, which will be, say they, a most complete piece, and which will be publish'd in a year. Moreover, he hath a design to publish all the Manuscripts of the Bibliotheque of Clermont, which have not been as yet printed; and he hath begun by the Orati∣ons of Themistius, at the intreaty of Father Garnier, who dyed an Bologne in Italy the 26th. of October 1681. during the Voyage he made to Rome, about the Affairs of his Society.

In this Edition have been inserted all the Notes of Father Petau upon twenty Dis∣courses of Themistius, and many things are very Learned therein. There is in particu∣lar, a gross Error of Appian, who saith in the First Book of the Civil War, That the Romans have had Kings during 100 Olym∣piads, and Consuls 100 Olympiads; also where∣as it is certain, that Tarquin was banished Rome in the Year 244, after the Foundation of the City 156 years, before it had lasted a hun∣dred Olympiads. Besides that, Appian con∣tradicts himself visibly, seeing he places the Dictatorship of Sylla, but in the 175 Olym∣piad. Father Petau also pretends, That Scaliger was mistaken when he said, That the lesser Mysteries were celebrated at A∣thens but every three Years. This Jesuite maintains against him that they were cele∣brated every year. But when he afterwards proveth by a very obscure passage of Titus Livius, that they were celebrated every first Year of each Olympiad, he seems to give himself a needless trouble, seeing that if he hath proved well, that they were ce∣lebrated every year, it followeth without any difficulty, that they were celebrated the first Year of all the Olympiads. It may ne∣vertheless be said for his Justification, that he makes use of the passage of Titus Livius, but to shew the impossibility of the Hypothe∣sis of Scaliger. He corrects in this same place a passage of Plutarch, which seems to say, That the Mysteries were celebrated in the Market place, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Casau∣bonus who perceived the fault, thought he was bound to correct it in reading, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or else 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; but 'tis not for that, we must read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; to wit, to Agra, which was a place near the River Ilissus, where there was a Temple of Ceres, and whence Diana had apparent∣ly taken her name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In fine, her Remarks that most Authors have unseason∣ably confounded the Mysteries, with the Thesmophoria, which were celebrated in the Honour of Ceres. He relates several Dif∣ferences betwixt these two Ceremonies.

One of the things upon which he hath en∣larged so much, is the Bridge that Xerxes built to pass from Asia into Europe. He∣rodotus hath given us the Description there∣of; Father Petau expounds it, and corrects in it a great many faults. We should be too tedious if we should descend into a more particular Relation. Let us be content with this Remark upon a passage of Cassiodorus, L. 9. Ep. 5. Where it's ordered to keep no more Corn than would be necessary to maintain each Family, Sive in gradu, sive in aliis locis condita potuerint invenire. These words have much tormented the In∣terpreters, Father Petau saith, that by in gradu, an Isle of the Adriatick Sea, must be understood, situate towards the place where Venice hath been built, and not the Bread which was distributed upon the Stairs at Constantinople.

Let us now say somewhat of the Work of Father Hardouin. He has plac'd the Orati∣ons of Themistius, in the order they ought to be in, according to the time wherein they were spoken; and to effect this, he hath made a Chronological Table, the exactest that he could. He hath filled the vacancies which were in this Author; and cut divers things which had been added, and spoiled the sense; he hath corrected the faults which had slipped thereinto; and finally, he hath cleared the places that are most difficult by his Learned Observations.

He observes that the Romans had Dra∣gons in their Colours; and as 'tis also certain, that they had Eagles in their En∣signs, he teacheth us to discern these two things; it is, saith he, that the Eagles ser∣ved for the entire Legion, and the Dra∣gons for a Cohort. He pretends, that Sethus Calvisius having placed the Death of Procopius in the Year 365. and changed the Name of Iovinus designed Consul for the Year ensuing, into that of Dagalaiphus, hath added a false Calculation in all the sequel of his Chronology. He makes several Dis∣coveries, and several Remarks upon the Fa∣mily of the Emperour Theodosius, to whom he restores two Children that no body does more than mention, to wit, Gratian and Pulcherius, tho' it is certain, that St. Grego∣ry of Nissa, and St. Ambrose have spoken thereof. He speaks to the purpose, upon the Chapter of Genealogies, for he hath better distinguished than Mr. Henry de Va∣lois had done the two young Valentinians, whereof the one was Son to the Emperour Valentinian the first, and the other was the Son of Valens, and was named Galates, be∣cause he was born in Galatia. It was for this that the ninth Oration of Themistius was made. Mr. de Valois seemed to believe when he published the first time his Am∣mian Marcelline, that these two Valenti∣nians were Brothers. He is reproached with it here: but as he corrected this fault in his Notes upon Socrates, after he had seen the Idatius of Father Sirmond, and that the same fault was also corrected in the new Edition in Folio of Amien, it will be taken ill that Father Hardouin thought upon such a Censure, and it will perhaps be said, that he fetcht the occasion a little too far.

One of his most curious Remarks con∣cerns the passage which induced some to

believe, That Themistius made profession of Christianity, and which seems to be the same with that of Solomon, The heart of the King is in the band of the Lord. This Phi∣losopher cites his fine Sentiment as taken out of the Books of the Assyrians. Father Petau believed by these Assyrian Books, the holy Scripture was to be understood, because Themistius sometimes gave the Christians the Title of Syrians, according to the custom of the Gentiles, who often con∣founded the Iews with Christians. Father Hardouin rejects this Opinion, and founds his own upon this, that Themistius could not borrow the passage in question, nei∣ther from the Original of Scripture, nor from the Version of the 70. The Hebrew is, Leb melek Ve Iaed Iehovah, the Heart of the King in the hand of the Lord. The 70 have thus Translated it simply, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But Themistius saith thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He has this passage from another place, according to this Iesuite, and not from Holy Scripture. Some profane Au∣thor furnished him, as was that who taught him to say, That Men commonly sung up∣on Lebanon.

I know not whether it was ever said, That Aesop must needs have read Solomon, seeing he cites a Sentence which is found word for word in Chap. 3. of Proverbs, God resists the Proud, but shews favour to the Humble.

So it is, That the 70. have turned the passage of Solomon, and that the Apostle St. Iames hath cited it in his Epistle. There would not be much reason under pretence of this great conformity between the pas∣sage of Aesop, and that of the Scripture, to maintain that Aesop, had read the sa∣cred Books; for whence could he draw the signification which the te••m hath in the Sentence of Aesop, which is a particular signification to the Greek Bible of the 70. It is better to say with Vavasseur the Ie∣suite, That Plenuda is the Author of the Book which we call this day the Fables of Aesop. At least it is true, That some Christian is the Author of the Moral Sense, which hath been expressed in one of the Fables of Aesop, by the very Greek terms of the Scripture.

An Abridgment of the Prerogatives of St. Ann, Mother of the Mother of God, approved by the Doctors of the Sorbonne, and Translated out of French into English, to accompany a Book which is Entituled, Contemplations on the Life and Glory of the Blessed Virgin, with the Defence of that Work and other pieces of that nature; to which is added a Preface touching the Original of this History. Sold by Mr. Chiswell at London 1688. p. 44.

THe Devotions of the Roman Church appear so ridiculous to them that are not born superstitious, that the ablest Controvertists of that party have endeavour∣ed to hide them, or to make them pass for popular Abuses: but as it is impossible, that in a great Society all them that write should be of the Secret; so there are a great number of Bigots who feared that the Bi∣shops of Meaux and Turnai would with their mildness betray the Church, and were minded really to abolish the Ways that en∣riched it. So much the Protestants have seconded the sincerity of these latter, and have collected out of their Offices, Rites, and the most famous Doctours of Rome, the true Doctrine of our Church. To avoid the contestations commonly raised by such as do not act sincerely. The English are advised to translate whole Books of the Doctrine of Rome, as the Life of Magda∣lene of Pazzi, the Contemplations of the Life and Glory of the Blessed Virgin, and other such like.

The Abridgment of the Perogatives of St. Ann, is one of these Works. The time will not be lost that is imployed in making an extract of it; it is sufficient that it was ridiculous enough to cause the Effect, which the Translator proposed him∣self; it was printed at Paris in 43. with the approbation of the Doctors of Sorbonne, and was Dedicated to the Queen Mother Ann of Austria, then Regent; so that any godly Book could not be more Authen∣tick. The Reader will be far more ob∣liged by the taking out of the English Preface the History of St. Ann's Devo∣tions, by which may be learned what are the grounds of Monastick Orders, and the Authors of Legends.

The Friars used ways of forming the Genealogies of their King's, and attri∣buting great Deeds of Chivalry that ne∣ver hapned to their Princes, and thought that it became them to be no less libe∣ral to the Predecessors of Iesus Christ.

No Antient Author ever spoke of Iachim, and of St. Ann, who are said to be the Father and Mother of the Blessed Virgin, and St. Epiphanius, was the first that men∣tioned it by the by. In the succeeding Ages Germain, Hyppolitus, and Damascenus spoke of them, but 'twas little or nothing at all; and Nicephorus one of the greatest lyers among the Friars, made but a very short History of them; so that all the Le∣gends are grounded upon two pieces where∣of the Falshood is well known by Criticks. One is a Letter upon the Birth of the Blessed Lady attributed to St. Ierome; the other is the pretended Gospel of St. Iames.

As for the first, it cannot be precisely determined when it was invented. All that can be said, is that an old Fabulous Tradition has been the occasion of it. There is a feigned Letter of Chromatius, and of Heliodo••e, desiring St. Ierome to Translate the Gospel of St. Matthew out of Hebrew into Latine, which Armanius and Virinus said, was in his possession, and contained the History of the Infan∣cy of the Blessed Virgin, and that of our Saviour. Ierome begins to excuse him∣self from it upon the difficulty of the work, and because the Apostle did not design to make this Book publick, maintaining that he writ it in Hebrew, and did not menti∣on a word of it in the common Gospel, designing to keep this History from the Peoples Knowledge, adding, That it was a Secret that ought to be trusted to none but choice Clergy-men, that might make the extract of it to Christians. That Se∣leucus was the first that Translated it, and mixed several false Doctrines, tho not ve∣ry different from the Truth; in what re∣garded the History and Miracles; and for that reason, he promis'd them an exact Version of the Original Hebrew. There are in these Fables the Maxims and Folly of the Friars, which suffice to refute it. Besides this, Seleucus or Lucius was a Ma∣nichee, which doubtless was one of the rea∣sons why St. Augustin rejected a Work like this, or perhaps it might be the same with that of Seleucus. For says he, If one did alledge to me the Book of Apocrypha, where∣in Iachim is said to be the Father of Ma∣ry, I would not yield to that Authority, be∣cause that Book is not Canonical. Pope Ge∣lasius not content to term the Work A∣pocryphal, calls the Author a Child of the Devil.

II. The second piece whereon the Legend is founded, is not of better Alloy, because it is the Gospel of the false St. Iames. William Postel published it first, and having Translated it out of Greek into Latin, got it printed at Basil in 1552. under the Title of Prot-Evangelion cum Evangelica Histo∣ria Sanctae Mariae Evangelistae, & vita ejus, Octavo. Some years after Bibliander made Notes upon this Work; and this was print∣ed with the other, which was not much better under the Title of Orthodox Writ∣ing, Orthodoxographae. If any one is mind∣ed to know who William Postel was, he may be informed in the first Chapter of the Apology for the Reformers, by Mr. Iu∣rieu. Henry Stephens that was no Divine, but knew that such a Deist as Postell was might be suspected that he had embel∣lished this Work, and Casaubon attribut∣ed the whole to him. However it is, this pretended Gospel of St. Iames with many others was condemned in a Council of 70 Bishops held at Rome, under Pope Gelasius. Nevertheless, the Writers of Legends re∣ceive them, and form new ones, as the Book of the Birth of Mary, of the child∣hood of Iesus, and the Gospel of St. Ann. The latter may be judged of according to this passage mentioned by Henry Stephens, when Iesus was so grown that he could work, Joseph employed him to Carpentry; and one day having commanded him to saw a piece of Wood, he did it without taking notice of the Mark that was to direct him, and so made the piece too short. Joseph was angry at this, and had a mind to beat him, and would have done it, if Iesus had not lengthened the stick, by making Joseph pull at one end, whilst he pull'd at the other. If the Inven∣tors of those absurd Relations were de∣sign'd to dishonour the Christian Religion, they could not find a better way; the Gospel of the fictitious St. Iames is full of such extravagant Histories; and one would think the Inventor had a mind by his Ironique Imitation, to ridicule several pas∣sages of Scripture, and several Miracles of the Old and New Testament, among others the History of Abraham and Sarah, that of Hanna and her Son Samuel, and that of Zachary and Elizabeth.

And nevertheless, it is upon these counter∣feit Books and scurrilous Relations, that the most part of the Devotions of the Romish Church, are founded; the pretended St. Iames has consecrated a Feast to St. Ann, which is kept the 16th. of Iuly, and was ordained by Pope Gregory XIII. 1584. Sometime after Six∣tus the 5th. founded or at least confirmed a Religious Order, called the Maidens of St. Ioseph, who made choice of St. Ann for their Patroness; they afterwards established them∣selves in France, under the protection of Ann of Austria, Regent of the Kingdom.

So that it was in our times, that the Grand-father and Grand-mother of Iesus Christ were brought into remembrance; and I hope his great Grand-father and his Father will be soon deisy'd, especially if the principle lay'd by the Maidens of St. Ioseph in this work be followed; for if one must make his address to the Blessed Virgin, because Iesus Christ can∣not refuse her any thing, and if we must ad∣dress our selves to Ann the Mother of Mary, to have the Daughters Favour, then we must go back to great Grand-mother, and so on to the rest.

BOOKS concerning the Exposition of M. de Meaux his Doctrine.

• I. An Exposition of the Doctrine of the Church of England upon the Arti∣cles that M. de Meaux heretofore Bishop of Condom, has Explained in his Exposition of the Catholick Doctrine, with the History of this Book, Quarto, 1686.
• II. Defence of the Exposition of the Doctrin of the Church of England, against M. de Meaux, and his A∣pologists Objections, Quarto, 1686.
• III. A Second Defence of the Expo∣sition of the Doctrin of the Church of England against M. de Meaux and his Apologists new Objections, Quarto, At London, Sold by R. Chiswell, 1688.

IF it be useful in Civil Life to know them that give us advice, and the se∣cret motives that make them act; such an examination cannot be of less advantage for our Spiritual conduct in the different ways shewn to Christians by the Doctors of divers Societies: if Prejudices and Obstinacy do not damn, at least it cannot be de∣ny'd but they are very dangerous: but when Learned Divines, whose imagination is neither overheated with Dispute, nor with the Opinion of a particular Party, and does endeavour to call into doubts the most constant practices and publick cu∣stoms; there is reason to suspect, that they have imbib'd no less odious Princi∣ples than Head-strongness and Prejudice.

If the Roman Church ever had Judicious and moderate Controvertists, they were the Iansenists, and M. de Meaux, and some English, that in these times have imitated the former; so that if there be want of sin∣cerity in the proceedings of these Gentle∣men, it is a strong presumption against the Defenders of Rome, and no weak proof, that its Doctrin cannot be maintained but by indirect courses.

These Reflections were necessary, to shew the usefulness of the Modern History of Con∣troversies, as well in France as in England, which Dr. Wake gives in his Preface of these Three Works, and whereof we design to give a more than ordinary exact Abridg∣ment here, because there are remarkable circumstances known to very few.

I. All the World knows now that the Ex∣tirpation of all the Hugonots of France was resolved on even from the Pyrenean Peace; and there are some that believed it was one of the secret Conditions of that Peace: The difficulty was to put that Decree in execution without raising a Civil War, and without alarming the Protestant Princes. The Politicians took very just measures to weaken insensibly the Reformed of that Kingdom, and either lull asleep, or set at variance the Forreign Powers of their Com∣munion. There is none ignorant of the success; but it would have been more happy, if the Divines employed to maintain Rome's Cause had sped as well as the Coyners of Propositions, and Inventers of Decrees.

And nevertheless it might be said, that the Roman Catholick Doctors were not in the fault that things did not go on better, and that it was not for want of incapacity that they persuaded no body. The first that en∣deavoured to give a new turn to Controver∣sies, was M. Arnaud, whose very Name is praised enough. It is well known that this eminent Man, who was a Philosopher, a Mathematician, well read in the Fathers, and as well acquainted with Scripture; has had several remarkable victories over the Ad∣versaries of his own Communion; yet with all his great qualities, all that he did in his perpetuity of the belief of the Roman Catholick Religion, touching the Lord's Supper, was to repeat over and over, that Transubstantia∣tion being now the common Doctrine of the Church, it follow'd, that there never was any other Belief, because it cannot be comprehended how all Christians should have agreed to change their Opinion, which had it happened, the certain time should be marked wherein the Universal Church had varied in this Point; and when and how each particular Church came to Corrupt the Antient Doctrine.

It is very strange, that after so many proofs of matter of Fact, which M. Aubertinus alledged out of the Belief of the Holy Fathers, that an Argument, purely Metaphysical, should make so much noise, and be so much applauded by the Roman Communion. It's almost a certain sign of the weakness of a Cause, to see the maintainers of it blinded with the least Sophism, and Triumph in their fancy, for the least appearance of Truth.

There wanted no great strength to ruin these imaginary Trophies. The Prote∣stants had no harder task than to shew, that this reason supposed no error could be brought into the World, nor embraced by a numerous Society. The beginning of I∣dolatry is disputed upon, and nothing yet decided. Some will have it, that it began by the adoration of Stars, others from the deifying dead Men; and then, say they, Statues were erected for Kings, for the Be∣nefactors of the People, for Law-makers, and for the Inventors of Sciences and Arts. And this to reduce People to the practice

of Vertue; and, to do it the better, they spoke of their Ancestors, and proposed their Examples; their Actions were spo∣ken of in high Terms, and their Soul pla∣ced in Heaven near the Divinity; they thought they would not be idle there, but that God would give them some considerable office there, because they had acquitted them∣selves so well of the Employments they had upon Earth.

The common sort of People generally much taken with Figures and great Words, it may be, conceived a higher Idea of those excellent Persons, than their first Authors designed; and Priests observing that these Opinions made People more devout, and brought themselves Riches, made the Peo∣ple to pass insensibly from a Respect to a Religious Veneration. And hence Idolatry was rais'd by little and little to its height; now must we infer from hence, that it is not a pernicious Error, and that it was from the beginning of the World; because the precise time cannot be marked in which People begun to adore the Stars; nor tell who the first Hero was, that had Divine Honors rendred to him? and yet the Argu∣ment would be as concluding as Mr. Ar∣naud's. Many Learned Men have Writ much of the Antient and Modern Idolatry, and have shewn its various progress. One can tell very near what time the Saturnalia were Instituted, and the Mysteries of Ceres, and Corpus Christi-Day; and that of St. Ann. And at what time the Temple of Ephesus was built, and the Church of Lo∣ret; and when Hercules was Canonized, and Aeneas and Francis of Abisa; and Ig∣natius Loyola: all this is known: But the first beginning of an Error, is always im∣penetrable, and can never be found out.

As for the Consent of Christians, which Mr. Arnaud did alledge, he was shewn, that the Eastern Churches termed Schis∣maticks by Rome, were not of her opinion touching the Lord's Supper, and that if they had any Idea of a Real Presence, it drew nearer the Consubstantiation of the Lutherans, than the Transubstantiation of Rome. It is true, Mr. Arnaud produces several Attestations of Graecian Priests, to shew, that the Greeks were of the same o∣pinion with Roman Catholicks; but it is likewise true, that he obtained the most part of them by Bribes. Mr. Wheeler as∣sures us in his Voyages of Greece, that he spoke to many Pappas whom M. of Nointel, Nephew to Mr. Arnaud, had endeavoured to bribe for the same end. The Miscella∣nea of Mr. Smith may also be seen to this effect.

One might be satisfied with this Answer; yet the Superstitions of Rome being not so antient as those of Paganism, the Refor∣med have thought, that by a continual search, at last that Prodigious Opinion might be discover'd, which gave Birth to Transubstantiation. And they have accom∣plisht it, for they have shewn, how the Ener∣getick Expressions of the Fathers, touching Transubstantiation, occasioned in the ig∣norant Ages an obscure Idea of an Union, or of an incomprehensible change; and they have marked the Authors of these two O∣pinions differing thus about the Sense of Fi∣gure and Vertue: Iohn Damascenus in the year 728, began to Preach in the East the Union of the Bread and Body of Iesus Christ; and Paschase Ratbert was the first that published Transubstantiation, or the change of the Substance of one into the Substance of the other, in the Latin Church, in the year 818.

So that all that the Catholicks of France gained by Dispute, was, to see their He∣roes worsted, by a Minister, who, though Eloquent and Witty enough, would ne∣vertheless have yielded to M. Arnaud in ma∣ny other things.

This Tryal made the Romish Church sen∣sible that it ran the hazard of losing its repu∣tation with all honest People, if its Te∣nets came once to be examined. And there∣fore their Advocates turned wranglers, and barricading themselves with formali∣ties, prescriptions; and the ends not answer∣ing, they thereupon pretend that their Adversaries are condemnable without any necessity of examining into the bottom, who is in the right, and who is in the wrong. M. Nicole took upon himself to plead this part, and acquitted himself in his lawful Prejudices against the Calvinists, with as much cunning and Eloquence as could be expected from a Disciple or Friend of M. Arnaud.

By ill luck the Iansenists came to the worst, both in Rome and in France, in the Famous Dispute of the Five Propositions; and were forced to say, That the Five Con∣demned Propositions were not in the Augu∣stin of Iansenius; whence it clearly fol∣lowed, that neither the Pope nor Coun∣cils were Infallible in what they did, be∣cause they might call People as Hereticks, that were not so at all, in imputing to them Opinions which they never held, nor were to be found in their Works. The Iansenists saw this consequence, and main∣tained it openly, and did advance several Principles that destroyed the Authority of the Church, and its Infallibility.

The French Protestants presently took notice of this contradiction of Doctrin be∣tween the Author of the Prejudices and his Friends, or his Disciples, and did not fail to promote it. M. Pajon did it after, shew∣ing with much Wit and Acuteness, that the Arguments of a prejudiced Author, are more valid in a Iew's, a Pagan's or Ma∣hometan's

Mouth against Christianity, than they are, when used by a Roman Catholick against the Reformed.

About the same time M. Claude Answered M. Nicole in a direct way, shewing that the excess of Corruption, which the Doctrin and Worship of the Romish Church was come to, made our Predecessors to examin Reli∣gion strictly, and consequently to separate from a Society that would force them to receive, under pain of Damnation, a Faith whose practices were altogether opposite to Scripture.

That was enough to make the Roman Ca∣tholicks repent that they gave that turn to their Controversies, and that being their last shelter, there was no hopes they would leave it; for they continued turning their Prejudices into so many meanings, and pro∣posing them as confidently as if they had never been refuted. And these pitiful eva∣sions pleased the Assembly of the Clergy of France so well in 82. that they made Six∣teen Methods of Prescription, on which the conversion of the Reformed was to be la∣boured for. And which is yet more, these Gentlemen thought them so convincing, that they intreated the King, that a Copy of them might be given to every Consistory; imagining perhaps, that some Ministers may happen to be there, who might be wrought upon by these Illusions, or frightned with the Threatnings of the Pastoral Ad∣vertisement. The Intendant, or some other of the King's Commissaries, went on a Sun∣day accompanyed with some Clergy-men, deputed by the Bishop of the Diocess, and with Two Apostolick Notaries, to acquaint each Consistory with this Writing, and give several Copies amongst the People; making several Orations, to desire them from the King to enter into the Communion of the Roman Catholick Church; but all to no pur∣pose. M. Pajon, Minister of Orleans, made presently some Remarks upon this Adver∣tisement and Methods, and addressed a Let∣ter to the Clergy, wherein there are not so many Figures of Rhetorick, as in their Writing, but much more Sense and Judg∣ment. Dr. Burnet who has always gloried in assisting his Afflicted Brethren, seeing most of our Ministers out of a condition of defending themselves, gave himself the pains to examin the little Books of the Prelats of France. And at last Mr. Iurieu Answered them by way of Recrimination, in his Lawful Prejudices against Papism, which he proposes, to the number of Nine∣teen; which are so many, whereof the least plausible has more force than all those of the Clergy. We must add to these Books Two other of the same Author, wherein he Refutes two of the Indirect ways, which the Roman Controvertists use: the First is his Apology for the Morals of the Reformed a∣gainst M. Arnaud; and the Second, his true System of the Church against M. Nicole. All these Methods were in Vogue when the Book of M. de Meaux appeared. The turn he gave to the Controversies, did much more surprise the Protestants, than all the Sub∣tilities which the Divines of France thought of. There was a Prelat of great reputati∣on Tutor to the Dauphin, that did not in∣tangle himself in the Disputes of Grace, and that consequently was neither suspected by Iesuites nor by the Iansenists, nor by the Church of Rome, nor by the Gallican Church; he was seen, I say, to publish a Book well stocked with Approbations, wherein he en∣deavors to moderate the most displeasing Te∣nets of his Sect, to put their grosser abu∣ses in Oblivion; and finally, to bury the most part of School Disputes.

It was hard to think, that a Man sup∣ported by all that is great in his Communi∣on, whereof he seemed the Oracle, should Write to deceive his Fellow-Citizens; or that he should think that a bare Exposition of the Doctrin of his Church should be ca∣pable to bring back into its Bosom them that had quitted it with so much reluc∣tancy, and remained in it in spight of what could be inflicted upon them. The Tenets of Rome are not taught in the Indies, nor in America; nor are we to learn from the un∣certain relations of some ignorant Travel∣lers. We see its Practices and Devotions before our Eyes. The Books of their Doc∣tors are told in every place; and most part of our Reformers were either Bishops, Priests or Fryars; so that neither they nor their Disciples can be ignorant, neither of what the Romish Church Believes, nor of what it Practises: besides, the Ministers have no reason to dissemble in their Opinions, be∣cause the Clergy of it gain far more than those of any other Communion.

This Reflexion might make M. de Meaux's sincerity very doubtful; who declares at the very beginning, That he Designs to render the Tenets of the Catholick Church more clear than they are, and to distinguish them from such as are falsly imputed to it. Nevethe∣less the Reformed being brought up in a Religion which inspires true Faith, and be∣ing otherwise moved to desire a Re-union, in hopes to see the end of their Miseries; fancy'd, that the Accusation of this Bishop was but a pretext he used to cast out of his Creed what is troublesom and hard to be∣lieve. Besides the noise of an Agreement between the Two Religions, which was a long time sown among the People, and where∣of divers' Ministers were made to draw the Project. M. de Meaux and his followers slipt many words, which were general Pro∣mises of a Reformation, upon condition of Re-union.

If it appears now, that there was not the least shadow of sincerity in all the Pro∣mises that the Roman Catholicks made, and

that at that very time the clear-sighted could soon discover, that it was but a pure cheat, the Reformed cannot be praised enough for not trusting to them, nor can the o∣thers be blamed enough that make nothing of playing with what is most sacred, when they have a design to cheat the simple.

To know whether M. de Meaux be of this Number, as several Protestants pretend and endeavour to prove, in shewing the op∣position of his Sentiments, with those of the other Doctors of his Communion, it will not be unprofitable to know the Hi∣story of his Book, because it may be com∣monly perceived by the way that a design is managed which is the end proposed.

M. Turenne who saw a long time that his Religion was a hinderance to his Fortune, would have been very glad if he could ac∣commodate himself to the Romish Religion: But the vile Practices of this Church seem so strange to those who are brought up in other Principles, that he could not persuade himself to join with a Society that impos∣ed such ridiculous Superstitions upon its Votaries; to cure him of this Scruple, M. de Meaux published a small Writing, where∣in he strained himself to shew, That these small Devotions were not of the Essence of the Catholick Doctrine, and that one might live and die in its Communion without practicing them.

This Work, or rather the King's Cares∣ses and Liberalities having had Success, which all People know; our Prelate was of Opinion, That he could work the same effect upon others, and resolved to print this Manuscript that remained written four years before, and to add to it divers Secti∣ons, as that of the Lord's Supper, of Tra∣dition, of the Authority of the Church, and Pope, and obtained the approbation of the Bishop of Rheims, and of some other Bi∣shops.

Sorbonne these several Ages has been look∣ed upon as the source of the French Di∣vinity, it's therefore that not only the Doct∣ors of this University, but also Bishops and other Clergy are glad to have the ap∣probation of that famous House at the be∣ginning of what Books they write of Reli∣gion. M. of Condom had that design, but he did not speed; for having sent his Ex∣position as soon as it came from the Press to some of the Doctors of Sorbonne, instead of approving the Work, they marked se∣veral Places either contrary to, or favour∣ing but in a very little the Doctrine of their Church. So that Edition was presently suppressed, and another was composed, wherein the Passages were changed that were marked by the Censurers.

This could not be managed so secretly, but the Reformed came to know it. Mr. Noguier and M. de la Bastide who knew the Edition that was published; and this last did not fail to remark the Alteration that the Author made in the Manu∣script, and in the suppressed Edition. They also reproached him, that the true Roman Catholicks were but little pleased at his Moderation, and one of them finish'd the Refutation of his Book before any Protestant had Printed his, but he was not forbidden to publish it.

M. de Meaux's Credit was great enough to stifle the direct Answer that those of his own Party made to him: But he could not hinder them that were dissatisfy'd from taking an indirect course, and to say what they thought, and even to refute him. The Iesuites and the Friars sharp maintainers of the Superstitions that enrich them, could not forgive him at all. Father Maimbourg in his History of Lutheranism drew this Prelates Character, and criticiz'd on his Book under the Name of Cardinal Contarini, and of one of his Works, and says well, That these Agreements and Managements of Re∣ligion in these pretended Expositions of Faith, which either suppress or do express in doubt∣ful terms a part of the Doctrine of the Church, neither satisfie one side nor the other, who equally complain of swerving in a matter so momentous as that of Faith.

Father Cresset gave this Bishop a more sensible stroke in his Book of the true De∣votion to the Blessed Virgin, printed at Pa∣ris in 4to. in the Year 79. with priviledge from the King, and the Arch-bishops leave, and the consent of his own Provincial, and of three Iesuites that are the Censurers of all the Works of that Society. The Dau∣phins Tutor was too powerful an Adversary to be opposed directly. But a Writer of lesser Authority that adopted the Opinion of this Prelate, touching the Invocation of Saints, and Worship of Images, felt the weight of Father Cresset's Anger.

This Author was a German Gentleman, called M Widenfelt, intendant of the Prince of Suarzemberg, and his Book was Entitu∣led Monita Salutaria B. Virginis, wholsom Advices of the Blessed Virgin to her indis∣creet Votaries. This Book made much noise in the World, especially after the Pastoral Letter of the Bishop of Tournay, wherein he recommends this Book to his People, as full of Solid Piety, and very fit to remove the Abuses whereunto Superstition wou'd engage 'em. The Bishop of Mysia Suffragan of Cologne, the Vicar General of that City, the Divines of Gant, Malines, and Lovain, all approved it. Nevertheless, the Iesuite as∣sures that That Writing scandalized the good Catholicks; that the Learned of all Nations refuted it, that the Holy See con∣demned it, and that in Spain it was pro∣hibited to be printed or read, as contain∣ing Propositions suspected of Heresie and Impiety, tending to destroy the particular Devotion to the Mother of God, and in gene∣ral, the Invocation of Saints and the Wor∣ship of Images.

There are now near 10 Years past since M. Meaux kept us in Expectation of Mr. Noguier and M. Bastides Refutation, but at length instead of an Answer in form, there only appeared a second Edition of his Book, bigger by half than the first, by an Addi∣tion of an Advertisement in the beginning of it. One may soon judge, that it does not cost so much pains to compose 50 or 60 pages in Twelves as the taking of the City of Troy did. But tho' the time was not very long, it was too long to oblige all that time the Pope and the Court of Rome, to give their Approbation to a Book so contrary to their Maxims: With∣out doubt, the Secret was communicated to them, and they were assured, That as soon as the Stroke was given, and the Hugo∣nots converted either by fair or foul means, what seemed to be granted would be re∣called.

Some Roman Catholicks worthy of a better Religion, suffered thro' the ignorance of this Mystery. A Prior of Gascogne Doctor in Divinity, called M. Imbert told the Peo∣ple that went to the Adoration of the Cross on Good Friday in 83. That the Ca∣tholicks adored Iesus Christ crucifyed on the Cross, but did not adore any thing that they saw there. The Curate of the Parish said, it was the Cross, the Cross; but M. Imbert an∣swered, No, no, it is Iesus Christ, not the Cross. This was enough to create trouble; this Prior was called before the Tribunal of the Arch-bishop of Bordeaux, and when he thought to defend himself by the Au∣thority of M. Meaux, and by his Expo∣sition, what was said against that Book, was objected to him, that it moderated, but was contrary to the Tenets of the Church. After which, he was suspended from Ec∣clesiastical Functions; the Defendant pro∣vided an Appeal to the Parliament of Guienne, and writ to M. de Meaux to implore his protection against the Arch-Bishop, who threatned him with a perpetual Imprisonment and Irons; it is not known what became of it.

The History of M. de Witte, Priest and Dean of St. Mary's of Malines, is so well known, that I need not particularize upon it. Our Author refers us here to what the Journals have said: It is known what Persecutions he has suffered for expressing the Popes Supremacy and Infallibility, ac∣cording to M. de Meaux's Doctrine. He did not forget to alledge that Bishops Au∣thority, and to say, That his Exposition required no more of a Christian and an Or∣thodox; but this did not hinder the Uni∣versity of Lovain to judge that Propositi∣on pernicious and scandalous, that intimates that the Pope is not the Chiefest of Bi∣shops.

In the mean time the Reformed did not forget M. de Meaux; his Adver∣tisement did no sooner appear, but it was refuted by Mr. de la Bastide, and Mr. Iurie••, a little after made his Pre∣servative against the change of Religion, in opposition to that Bishops Exposition. But all these Books and those that were writ against his Treatise of the Communion un∣der the two Kinds, had no Answer; this Prelate expecting booted Apologists who were to silence his Adversaries in a little time.

The Roman Catholicks of England not∣withstanding their small number flattered themselves with hopes of the like Success, having at their head a bold couragious Prince, and one that would do any thing for them. They had already translated M. Condom's Exposition of 1672 and 1675 into English and Irish, and as soon as they saw King Iames setled on his Brothers Throne, they began to dispute by small Books of a leaf or two, written according to the method of the French Bishop. The Titles with the Answers, and the se∣veral Defences of each Party, may be had in a Collection printed this present Year at London, at Mr. Chiswells, which is Enti∣tuled, A Continuation of the present State of Controversy between the English Church and that of Rome, containing a History of the printed Books that were lately published on both sides. The Gentlemen of the Roman Church did begin the Battel by little Skirmishes, but found themselves after the first or second firing, without Powder or Ball, and not able to furnish scattered Sheets against the great Volumes made against them, said at last, instead of all other answer, that the little Book alone, entituled, The Papist Misrepresented, and there represented a-new, was sufficient to refute not only all the Dissertations which the English Divines lately published against Papists, but all the Books and Sermons that they ever preached against Catholicks. It is to no purpose to take the trouble of Disputing against peo∣ple that have so good an Opinion of their Cause. And in consequence of this the English answer to M. de Meaux's Exposi∣tion, and the Reflections on his Pastoral Letter of 1686. met with no Answer as well as several other Books.

But Dr. Wake had no sooner published his Exposition of the Doctrine of the Church of England, but these Gentlemen which know better to assault than to defend made a Book Entituled, A Vindication of the Bishop of Condom's Exposition, with a Letter of that Bishop.

Because we do not design to enter on the particulars of these Controversies, we will only take notice as to what past. That First, M. de Meaux denyed that any Roman Catholick writ against, or did design to write against it. Secondly, That Sorbonne did not refuse approving his Book. Thirdly, He says his Exposition was reprinted to alter those places which the Censurers had improved; and maintains that it was put into the Press without his knowledge, and that he had a new Edition made only to

change some expressions that were not exact enough. Fourthly, That he neither read nor knew any thing of Father Cresset's Book.

Dr. Wake published the Defence of his Exposition about the middle of the same year 1686, where he shews, First, That the deceased Mr. Conrait, a Man acknowledg∣ed by both Parties to be sincere, had told many of his Friends, that he saw this Answer in Manuscript, and other persons of known honesty that are still living, assured the Au∣thor, that they had this Manuscript in their hands.

Dr. Wake justifies his Accusations on the 2d and 3d heads, by so curious a History, that it seems worthy of being believed. He says, that one of his Acquaintance who was ve∣ry familiar with one of Marshall de Turenne's Domesticks, was the first that discover'd this Mystery. For this Domestick shewing his Friend in his Masters Library the sup∣pressed Edition of M. de Meaux's Exposition with Marginal Notes, which he assured him were Written by the hands of some of the Doctors of Sorbonne; the Friend desired to borrow the Book, which the Servant con∣sented to. So strange an accident made the borrower use his utmost care to get a Copy of the First Edition, but there was such care taken to suppress it, that all he could do was but to gather up some loose Leaves, whereof he almost made an entire Book, and copyed what he wanted out of M. Turenne's Original, which he then restored to the Ser∣vant; it is this same Copy which Mr. Wake has, with his Certificate, that gather'd it, and compared it with the Mareschal's Copy.

It is not at all likely that Mr. Cramoisi, Director of the Printing-House, at the Louvre, should Print a Book of Importance, without the knowledge and good-will of the Author, that was a Bishop, and Tutor to the Dauphin, and a great Favorite at Court; and it is more unlikely, that Mr. Cràmoisi should obtain the King's leave, and the Ap∣probation of the French Prelates, for a subreptitious Copy? And why did not M. de Meaux shew his resentment for a bold∣ness of this nature? And how came he to give this Printer not only the Corrected Copy, but also all the other Books that he made since?

We must examin but Fourteen places of the First Edition, taken notice of by Dr. Wake, to see whether the alteration that M. de Meaux made in it, did only concern the exactness and neatness of the style.

First Edit. p. 1. Thus it seems very pro∣per to propose the Doctrine of the Catholick Church (to the Reformers) in separating the Questions which the Church hath decided, from those which belong not to her Faith.

Second Edit. p. 1. It seems that there can no better way be taken than simply to propose the Doctrine of the Catholick Church, and to di∣stinguish them well from those that are falsly imputed to her.

First Edit. p. 7, 8. The same Church Teaches, That all Religious Worship ought to terminate in God, as its necessary end. So that the honour which the Church gives to the bles∣sed Virgin, and to the Saints, is only Religi∣ous, because this honour is given to them only in respect to God, and for the love of him. And therefore the honour we render our Saints, is so far from being blamable, as our Ad∣versaries would have it, because it is Religious, that it would deserve blame if it were not so.

M. de Meaux has thought it expedient to blot out the last period, and to express himself thus in his common Editions, p. 7. And if the honour that is rendred to Saints can be called Religious, it is because it regards God.

In the same place, speaking of M. Daille, the Author expressed it after a very ingeni∣ous manner, but little favourable to his cause; As for Mr. Daille, said he, he thought that he ought to keep to the Three first Ages, wherein it is certain that the Church then was exercised more in Suffering than Writing, and has left many things, both in its Doctrine and Practice, which wants to be made clearer. This Acknowledgment was of importance, and the Censurers had reason to note it, and has not been seen since.

All the other Alterations are as conside∣rable as these; and Dr. Wake protests he could mention more, if he were minded to shew all the places wherein the Manuscripts differed from the common Editions.

The Author may judge, whether these be words, or things, that M. de Meaux has cor∣rected; but as to Father Cresset▪ it may be said, that this Bishop has strained his bold∣ness to such a degree, that none dares give him the Epithet it deserves. Is it possible that this Author should not have heard of a great Volume in Quarto, Writ against the profitable advice of the Blessed Virgin; since the Pastoral Letter of the Bishop of Tournay, who approved this last Book, has caused such long Disputes in France? Can it be supposed, that M. de Meaux was ignorant that the Opinion of this Jesuit was contra∣ry to his Exposition? After M. de la Bastide reproached him with it, in his Answer to the Advertisement. And that the Author of the General Reflexions on his Exposition, and M. Iurieu in his Preservative, have made great Extracts out of the Book of The True Devo∣tion. Since Mr. Arnaud laughed at Father Cresset, in his Answer to the Preservative, and Mr. Iurieu refuted his Adversary, in the Iansenist convicted of vain Sophistry.

That Mr. Imbert in his Letter to this Bi∣shop, offered to refute the Preservative, pro∣vided he might be secured, that no violence should be done him, and that he might have

the liberty of saying what he thought. In fine, after that he himself Answered di∣vers passages of the Preservative, in his Treatise of the Communion under both kinds.

Let us add to all this, what M. de Meaux had the confidence to advance in his Pasto∣ral Letter upon the Persecution of France: I do not wonder, says he, my dear brethren, that you are come in such great numbers, and so easily into the Church: none of you have suf∣fered violence either in his Body or Goods. And so far from suffering Torments, that you have not heard talk of any. I hear that other Bi∣shops say the same. Let this notorious fals∣hood be compared with the Apology for the Persecution, which this Prelate made in a Letter to one of his Friends, that I read my self, Writ and Signed by his own hand; The Original whereof a certain Author prof∣fered to shew him. And it will be acknow∣ledged, that one may be very hard upon the Catholick Religion without committing so gross a contradiction.

But why should we stay so long upon the discovering the mystery of the Composition? the Gentleman had done it himself without thinking of it. Confessing, that he weighed all his words, and racked his Invention to cheat the simple. At least this is what they that understand French will soon perceive, in reading this period of his Adver∣tisement. In the mean time the Italian Version was mended very exactly, and with as much care as a Subject of that importance de∣served, wherein one word turned ill might spoil all the Work.

Though one must be very dull to look up∣on these pious Cheats as a sincere dealing, M. de Meaux was so fearful, lest he might be thought to abolish some abuses, and to la∣bour to reform his own Church, that he has lately given evident proofs of the hatred that he always bore the Protestants, and which he thought fit to hide under an affected mildness until the Dragoon Mission. It was in the History of Variations that he unmask∣ed himself, and shewed him what he was, by the Injuries and Calumnies which he cast upon the Protestants, and has gi∣ven a Model of the manner how he de∣serves to be treated.

There were Three Months past when Dr. Burnet, whom this Bishop attacked with∣out any cause, made a general Critique of all this History; to which he adds some Reflections upon M. le Grand. It was tran∣slated into French, and had been published long ago, had not M. le Grand busied himself in making a small Book against a Letter of Dr. Burnet, and against the Extract of his History of Divorce. The Author of this Bibliotheque had begun to Answer it, but this xi. Tome of the Bibliotheque, which lay upon him alone, and which could not be put by, made him discontinue; yet 'tis hop'd, that the Publick will lose nothing by this delay, but may see once more, if God be pleased to lend him health, and give him leisure to shew, that M. de Meaux is none of the sinc••rest in the World.

And yet this Prelate has subject to reason himself, since those who approve his Works, have as little sincerity as himself. At least Mr. Wake shews, that what the Cardinals Capisucchi and Bona teach in their Works is a very different Doctrine from that of the Ca∣tholick Exposition, concerning the Invocati∣on of Saints, and the Worship of Images.

Dr. Wake's Adversaries were so long silent, that the Dispute was thought end∣ed; but at last they broke silence about the middle of the year 1687, when was publisht a Reply to the Defence of the Exposition of the Doctrine of the Church of England, with a second Letter from M. de Meaux.

Dr. Wake a little after that made his 2d Defence, which he divided into two parts; in the first he justifies all that he advanced concerning the Expositions of M. de Meaux. He brings many Historical Proofs of the dif∣ference between the old and new Papism, or between the Speculative Doctrine of M. de Meaux, and of the other Doctors of the Catholick Church, and their common prac∣tice. And examins in particular what Rome Teaches concerning the Worship of Ima∣ges. The Second Part runs upon the Na∣ture and Object of the Divine Service; upon the Invocation of Saints, and upon I∣mages and Relicks, and upon the accusati∣on of Idolatry, which the Protestants charge the Roman Church with.

III. M. de Meaux's Apologist believed, that to be even with Dr. Wake, he should make a History of Controversies; and pre∣sently runs upon Generalities that are not to the purpose; he speaks of the Roman Catho∣licks Zeal, and of the different methods that Rome has made use of to bring back those who have left her Communion; but he has forgot the chiefest of them, at least that which had most success, which is her Per∣secution. Then he comes to England, jumps from the Monk Augustin to Henry the VIII. makes some Reflections upon the Duke of Sommerset, and on Queen Eliza∣beth, and then, like Lightning, passes to the Reign of Queen Mary, and then to Iames the 1st to Charles the 2d, and then to Iames the 2d.

These Preambles gave Dr. Wake occasion to speak of several remarkable things which would be too tedious to mention here. It will be enough to Remark two of the most important. The First relates to the Dis∣sentions of the Episcopal Party and the Pres∣byterians; and the other to the Murther of Charles the 1st.

1. As to the First; He acknowledges that many of those whom the Persecution of Q. Mary had Exiled, were obstinate in the Form of Religion which they saw abroad; but that this Spirit of Schism was foment∣ed by Roman Catholicks, who mix themselves

with them, pretending to be of their num∣ber. In effect it was by the Roman Catholicks in 1588, that the Puritans begun to make a noise, the Chief of them being Commin, Heath, Hallingham, Coleman, Benson, were all Papists; who thus dissembled and dis∣guised themselves, as appeared by a Letter which dropped out of Heath's pocket. And it was discover'd, that the Roman Catho∣licks had Colledges in Germany, France, Spain and Italy, wherein the Students were brought up in Sciences and Mechanick Arts, and they exercised twice a week, to Dis∣pute for and against Independents, Anabap∣tists and Atheism it self. After which they sent them to England, to play the best game that they understood. A Iesuit of St. Omers acknowledged, that there were some of the Fathers of their Society hid for Twenty years among Quakers, which is likely enough, because the scruple these Fanaticks make of Swearing, gives the Fryars the means of li∣ving among them, being so exempted from the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy.

In 1625. the Jesuites published a Book, Intituled, Mysteria Politica, or the Letters of some famous persons: designing to break the League that divers Princes of Europe made against the House of Austria; it con∣tained Eight Letters, equally injurious to France and England, to the Venetians, Hollan∣ders and Swissers. In the last, the Author that counterfeited the Protestant, forgot no∣thing which he thought proper to give a mean Idea of King Iames, and to sow divi∣sion between this Prince his Son and the Princess Palatine; and between the Lords of the Parliament, the Clergy of the Church of England, and the Puritane Ministers.

Upon the Civil Wars of England, and the death of King Charles the First, Mr. Wake acknowledges, that the fear of see∣ing Popery re-established, made the People take Arms; who, since the Reformation, had always horror for this Superstitious Wor∣ship. But he maintains, that the Papists were the first Authors of the troubles. M. du Moulin; Doctor of Divinity, and Chaplain to King Charles the II. accu∣sed the Roman Catholicks with this a lit∣tle after the Re-establishment of this Prince; and not contented to prove it in his An∣swer to the Philanax Anglicus, he offered to prove it legally, or by Law; there were then many alive that were ready to Swear, that there was held a Consultation of Cardinals and Doctors of Sorbonne, wherein it was de∣clared, That it was lawful for the English Roman Catholicks to push the King on to his ruin, thereby to endeavor the Change of Re∣ligion and Government. The Roman Catho∣licks, instead of taking this Challenge, made use of King Charles's Authority to hinder Mr. Moulin to press for the decision of this Suit. And though the Book and Accusati∣on remained without Answer for 17 years. The Author renewed the Challenge in a Se∣cond Edition of his Work, and dyed with∣out being Answered, none having Courage to undertake it. They that do not under∣stand English will find the most part of M. Moulin's proofs, in the Politicks of the Cler∣gy, in the last endeavors of afflicted innocence. And in Mr. Iurieu's Parallel betwixt Calvi∣nism and Popery, with some new reasons of the Author, to which if we add what Mr. Wake has here, the conjecture will be more than probable.

1. In the beginning of the Troubles, the King perceived that the Fanaticks were set on by the Papists. Their Principles, says he, in his Declaration against the Rebels of Scotland, are those of the Iesuites; their Preachers Sermons are the style of Becan, Scioppius and Eudaemon Joannes, from whom they borrow their very Phrases. The pitiful Arguments of their Seditious Libels are drawn word by word out of Bellarmin and Suarez. The means they use to make Proselytes are the pure Stories and Inventions of the Iesuites, and false Reports and Prophecyes, and pre∣tended Inspirations of Womens Dreams; as if Herod and Pilate were reconciled, and had joyned to destroy Jesus Christ his Worship and his Religion.

In 1640, there was a design discover'd to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, That the Pope, the Cardinal of Richlieu, and several English Roman Catholicks, but especially the Iesuites, were engaged together, and that what they proposed, was, to cause a Re∣bellion in Scotland, as was done a little af∣ter; this is certain, for the Histories of those times have it all at length.

Sir William Boswel was then King Charles the First's Resident at the Hague, he was told of this Conspiracy, and that the Roman Clergy misled the English, giving them hopes of a Presbyterian Government. That there were Indulgences from Rome, and Dispensations from the Pope, approved by a Congregation of Cardinals, that suffered Scholars to be instructed to Dispute a∣gainst the Episcopal Party, and against the Liturgy of the Church of England. That in the space of a years time 60 Priests and Fryars went from France to England, to Preach the Scotch Doctrine, and to endea∣vor to destroy the Bishops, whom they looked upon as the only Supporters of the Crown.

Arch-bishop Bramhall being in France some time after the King's death, learned there how this business was manag'd. In 1646, about 100 Popish Clergymen crossed the Seas, and being Mustered in the Par∣liament Army, they kept Correspondence with the Catholicks that served the King, and acquainted them with what passed e∣very day. The ensuing year, having deli∣berated among themselves, whether the King's death would not be an advantage to their Cause, and main Business; they con∣cluded in the Affirmative. But some Priests and Fryars were of opinion, to Consult the Universities, and among others, that of

Sorbonne, which made Answer, That for the good of Religion, and Interest of the Church, it was lawful to alter the Govern∣ment, especially in a Heretick Countrey, and that so they might take off the King with a safe Conscience.

Father Salmone in his History of the Troubles of England, Printed in France, with the King's Priviledge, makes menti∣on of two Companys of Walloon Catholicks which the Parliament had in it's Service; and that at Edge-Hill-Fight, there were many Popish Priests found among the dead of their Army.

After all these Proofs, if one does but consider the Principles of both Religions, it will be easie to find the true Authors of King Charles's Death. It is certain that the Reformed had not Pastors at the Court of Vienna, nor in Italy, nor in Spain, to cause Rebellions, or beset the Prince, and make them violate the Priviledges of their Sub∣jects. But it must be confest that they were for a Common-wealth, as their Ad∣versaries accuse them, and not that they did not obey a King as freely as they would States; it was because they loved Peace and Liberty, and that after the Example of Common-wealths, they sought quietness, suffering others to do as they please. Their Doctrine and Discipline dispose them e∣qually for a Peaceable Life. All their Mi∣nisters may Marry, and because this is a Grave and Staid State, there are few but do Marry. When one is engaged in such firm Tyes, there are but few that think of Removing, or Seeing and Travelling the World: whereas those that serve the Ro∣man Church have no greater engagement than that of a Mistress, which they may break at pleasure, and which they always do when a good occasion serves, or when they are sent into other places by their Su∣periors.

Moreover, the Popish Conspirations a∣gainst Q. Elizabeth and King Iames the First, without mentioning other Princes, make it more suspicious that the Monks were the contrivers of King Charles's death. What could not they do against a King who did not love them, and that is certainly dead in the Profession of the Protestant Re∣ligion; since they have Sacrificed the Re∣pose and Restitution of both his Sons, whereof the latter has declared in Ascend∣ing up to the Throne, that he was of their Communion? After a step of that conse∣quence, one should think, that the Roman Church had reason to be satisfied, and that they should study to blot out the remem∣brance of her past Cruelties, by a more moderate and mild conduct.

But on the contrary it is well known, how far the Jesuites have pushed this easie Prince; and his Retractations are un∣doubted proofs of the Infringments they made him guilty of; they may be seen in the Memorials of the English Protestants, and in his Highness the Prince of Orange's, (now King William's) Declaration, which now are very common. But if these Books, and several others, were lost, and that one had but the King's own Writing, they would be sufficient to condemn that Socie∣ty. The Proofs that were brought that the Prince of Wales was but a CHEAT, de∣served to be otherwise destroyed, than by Witnesses, incapable of being heard, to Swear according to the Laws of the Coun∣try. Or of such as only heard a Woman Groan, which they did not see; or have seen a Child new-born, without being sure that it was the Queen's. To examin a busi∣ness of this consequence, and to prevent Ci∣vil Wars, there ought to be a Free Parlia∣ment, according to the Custom of the Na∣tion. And though all England desired it, yet the Roman Catholicks stay'd the King a long time from calling it, to give all a∣long the marks of their bad intentions.

IV. It is time to give an Idea of each of these Treatises.

In the Exposition of the Doctrine of the Church of England, Dr. Wake follows the Bishop of Condom's Order, and in explain∣ing his Doctrine, he shews wherein it a∣grees, or disagrees with Popery, as Mr. de Meaux explains it, and according as the other Doctors Teach it.

There is a Preface in the beginning, where the Author examins the Principle by which the Expositor pretends to justifie the Tenets of his Church, which is, that it is unjust to impute the consequences of a Tenet to Adversaries that deny them. Which is true, when they deny as well in deed as in word. And thus the Contra-Remon∣strancers are to be excused, that make God the Author of Sin; for this Inference can lawfully be made out of their System of Absolute Predestination: Nor can it be imputed to the Lutherans, that some of them believe, that Iesus Christ ceased to be Man, and was Transformed into a Dei∣ty after his Ascension, though this is a clear consequence from the Doctrine of Ubiqui∣ty. The reason is not that Contra-Remon∣strants fear these consequences; but be∣cause they do not influence neither their Worship, nor their Practice; and because they Teach contrary Doctrines to these Principles. If in stead of this the first had maintained, that a Man was but a Ma∣chine, that had neither Liberty, Vice nor Vertue, nor Punishment nor Reward; and that all is necessary to God himself: And if the other affirms, that Iesus Christ In∣terceded not for us, and takes no care of his Church; and that he pities not our Infirmities, having suffered them himself; and that he will not come at last to Judge all Mankind; then there would be Reason to call the one Atheists, and the other no Christians: but every one knows that they are far from these impious thoughts.

The Protestants accuse the Romish Church of Idolatry, and for having recourse to other Saviours besides Iesus Christ; but the Mo∣derators make a noise of that, as if it were a hainous Calumny, and maintain that it is only God that is to be worshiped with Re∣ligious Worship, and that we are not saved but through the Merits of Iesus Christ. The Reformed shew them, that they in∣voke Saints, and that they worship them and the Cross, Images and Relicks, as the Pagans did their Heroes, their Demons, and inferiour Gods, their Statues, their Idols, &c. That they believe they satis∣fie Divine Justice, by Indulgences, Vows, and Pilgrimages, and that according to them the Merit of these Actions, and of the Saints, together with them of Iesus Christ reconcile Sinners to God. They prove that this is the Doctrine which their Di∣vines, Popes and Councils teach, not only in their great Volumes for the Learned, but also for the rest in their Catechisms and Prayer Books, and other Books of De∣votion for the use of the People; that it is not only the practice of the Laity and of some ignorant and superstitious Priests, but also of all the Roman Church in their Rituals Breviaries, Missals, and other Pub∣lick Offices, that it never punished such as pushed the Superstitions to an Excess, which the Moderator seems to blame: But that far from having a mind to redress these A∣buses, she prosecutes such as are suspected to have a design to abolish them, as the Ian∣senists and Quietists, tho' these two at bot∣tom are but idle People, and of little sin∣cerity. Would a Magistrate set a Murder∣er at liberty simply because he denyed a Deed that is well proved, or because he has the face to maintain, that the killing a Man at 12 a Clock is neither Murder nor a Crime punishable by Law? On the contrary, this Criminal would deserve a double Chastisement, as a Murderer and as a Disturber of the Publick Peace in teach∣ing a Doctrine that is contrary to Civil Society.

Because M. Daille acknowledges the Fun∣damental Points, which the Reformed teach, M. de Meaux pretends to justifie his Church, and prove it's Purity, tho this acknowledge∣ment serves only to state the Question be∣tween both Parties; and to shew that the Question is not whether the Fundamental Doctrine of Protestants be true, seeing that is confessed on both sides; but the Que∣stion is to know, whether what the Roman Catholicks hold over and above be Articles necessary to Salvation as they pretend, or whe∣ther they are contrary to the truth that both hold as Divine, and whether they ought to be cast away for this reason, as the Reform∣ed have done.

It is according to this method that Dr. Wake explains the Articles exposed by M. de Condom, marking in each what the Pro∣testants approve, and what they condemn in the Tenets of Rome, and bringing some of the chief reasons that make them re∣mark these Distinctions.

V. We said before, that we were not willing to enter upon the particulars of Controversies; but because the Roman Church continually fomenting the Divisi∣ons of Protestants, have persuaded some il∣literate People, that the Church of England agrees in a great many more Points with it than with the other Protestants. We shall mention her Sentiments here according to Dr. Wake's Exposition upon the Articles, wherein the Roman Catholicks brag of this pretended Conformity: As

• First, The Invocation of Saints.
• Secondly, Justification.
• Thirdly, The Necessity of Baptism.
• Fourthly, Confirmation.
• Fifthly, Orders.
• Sixthly, Real Presence.
• Seventhly, Tradition.
• Eighthly, Authority of the Church.
• Ninthly, That of the Fathers.
• Tenthly, The Question if one can be saved in the Roman Church?
• Eleventhly, If it be Idolatry?

First, The Invocation of Saints, Dr. Wake speaking in the name of his Church, says, it is an extravagant Practice invented at pleasure, and so far from being contained in Scripture, that it is several ways con∣trary to it. It is true, that according to an innocent ancient Custom, we make men∣tion before the Communion Table of Saints that dyed in the Communion of our Church, thanking God for the grace he did them, and praying him to give us the grace to follow their Example: But this respect we bear their Memory, does not hin∣der us from condemning a Practice that M. de Meaux seems to have omitted, and which cannot agree with us at all, which is, that Roman Catholicks recommend the Offering of the Host to God by the Merit of the Saints, whose Reliques are upon the Altar; as if Iesus Christ whom they pretend to Sa∣crifice, needed S. Bathilde, or Potentiana's Recommendation to become agreeable to his Father.

Secondly, Iesus by his Passion has satis∣fy'd Divine Justice for us, and therefore God pardons us all our Sins thro' the Merits of his Son, and by an Effect of his Good Will treats us with an Allyance of grace, and by Vertue of this Allyance solely found∣ed on the Death and Passion of Iesus Christ, he sends us his Holy Spirit, and calls us to Repentance. If we answer this Calling, God justifies us thro' his pure Goodness, that is to say, he forgives us all our past faults, and gives us the grace to obey his Precepts better, and better, and will Crown us in Heaven if we persevere in his Alli∣ance; he grants us all these Graces, not for any good Quality that he sees in us, or for any good we do, but only in ver∣tue

of the Satisfaction and Merits, of his Son that are applyed to us by Faith.

Thirdly, Tho' our Church take all man∣ner of care to hinder Childrens dying with∣out Baptism, rather than to determine what would become of them; they died without it; we cannot nevertheless but condemn the want of Charity of Roman Catholicks that excludes them from Salvation.

Fourthly, The Church of England does not believe that Confirmation is a Sacra∣ment, nor that the use of Chrism, tho' of an antient Custom, was an Apostolical In∣stitution; but because the Imposition of Hands is an antient Custom, and comes from the Apostles; the English have kept it, and according to their Discipline the Bishops only have liberty to administer it. The Prelate that does it, addresses his Prayer to God, to beg of him to strengthen with his Spirit him that he puts his Hands up∣on, and that he may protect him from Temptations, and that he may have the grace to fulfill the Conditions of his Bap∣tism, which he that he prays for ratifies, and confirms with his Promises.

Fifthly, Nor are the Orders a Sacrament according to the Church of England, because they are not common to all Christians; but she believes that no one ought to put him∣self upon the Function of a Minister with∣out Ordination, and that it belongs to the Bishop only to confer it; and she allows the Distinction of Orders: And tho' there is none under a Deacon, because the Scripture makes mention of none; yet she acknowledges that they are very antient.

Sixthly, As for the Real Presence, tho' Dr. Wake treats of it at length; we will omit speaking of it until we come to the XII. Article, where there are many Books seen that concern this Subject.

Seventhly, We receive, says the English Expositor, with equal Veneration all that comes from the Apostles, let it be by Scrip∣ture or Tradition, provided we be assured that they are the true Authors of the Doct∣rine or Practice attributed to them; so that when we are shewn, that a Tradition was received in all Ages and by all Church∣es, then we are ready to receive it, as ha∣ving the Character of an Apostolical Insti∣tution. So our Church does not reject Tradition, but only the Tenets and Super∣perstitions which Rome pretends to justify after this way.

Eighthly, And as for the Authority of the Vniversal Church of all Ages, the English acknowledges, 1. That they have re∣ceived Scripture from their Hands, and it is chiefly for this Authority, that they look upon Solomon's Song to be Canonical, and reject other Books Apocryphal, which perhaps they would have received with as much ease. These Books have our respect even before we know by reading whether they be worthy of the Spirit of God; but this Reading confirms us in the respect which the Authority of the Church gives unto them, as to the Holy Writings.

II. If there had been an Vniversal Tra∣dition not contested, that had come from the Apostles to us, concerning the mean∣ing of the Holy Books, as concerning their number, the Church of England would re∣ceive it also; but she does not believe that a particular Church, such as that of Rome, should usurp this Priviledge, nor that it ought to force others to follow the In∣terpretations which she gives of the Pas∣sages of Scripture.

III. When any Disputes arise concern∣ing Faith, the best way to appease them is to assemble a Council; but it does not follow, that such an Assembly can say as the Assembly of the Apostles at Ierusalem, It seem'd good to the Holy Ghost and to us, nor that it is Infallible, or that it's Canons are not subject to Correction.

IV. Dr. Wake goes on, and says, When we say, I believe in the Holy Catholick Church, we do not only understand, that Iesus Christ has planted a Christian Church which is to last to the end of the World, but also that the Son of God will conserve either among the Christians, or in the Vniversal Church, Truth enough to denominate it such a Church; that is, he will never suffer that Truths requisite for Salvation should be unknown in any place. So that tho' the Vniversal Church can err, it does not follow, that it can sink altogether, nor become wholly erroneous, be∣cause then it would cease to be; but such a particular Church as that of Rome, can err and fall into utter Apostacy. And tho' the Fundamental Points be clearly contained in Scripture, and that it is very hard that one Man alone should gain-say the Opinion of all the Church, nevertheless, if this Man was certainly convinced, that his Opinion was ground∣ed upon the undoubted Authority of the Word of God, we would be so far being afraid to bear with him, that we all agree, that the most glorious Action that St. Athanasius ever did, was that he alone maintained Christ's Di∣vinity against the Pope, the Councils, and all the Church.

V. And so, tho we acknowledge that God has subjected Christians to the Government of the Church for Peaces sake, and to preserve Vnity and Order, and that she has power to pre∣scribe to her Children what Doctrines are and are not to be publickly taught in her Commu∣nion, yet we believe that the Holy Scripture is the only Support of our Faith, and the last and infallible Rule by which the Church and we are to govern our selves.

Ninthly, That there are some that think that the Church of England makes the Fa∣thers of the three First Ages Idols, and equals them in Authority to the Holy Scrip∣ture: But Mr. Wake will undeceive them; for, says he, Tho' we have appealed to the Churches of the first Ages for new Proofs of the truth of our Doctrine; it is not that we think that the Doctors of those times had more right to judge of our Faith, than those had that followed them, but it is because that af∣ter a serious examination, we have found that as for what concerns the common Belief that is among us, they have believed and practised the same things without adding other Opini∣ons or Superstitions that destroy them, wherein they have acted conformably to their and our Rule, the Word of God; notwithstanding it can∣not be denyed, but that they effectually fell into some wrong Opinions, as that of the Mil∣lenaries and Infant Communion, which are rejected by both Parties.

Tenthly, Whether one may be saved in the Roman Church; the English think that as she yet conserves the Fundamental Doct∣rines, those that live in her Bosom with a disposition to learn and leave off their per∣nicious Errors and profess all the truth that they will discover, may be saved thro' the grace of God, and Faith in Jesus Christ, and by a general Repentance, that puts their Errors in the number of the Sins they do not know of. But that ill use may not be made of this charitable Grant, the Expositor limits it as followeth.

I. That it is harder to be saved in the Communion of this Church, since the Re∣formation than it was before, because its Errors were not so well known, nor so so∣lidly refuted, which rendred the ignorance excusable.

II. That they that live among Protestants and in a Country wherein they may learn and make publick and open profession of the Truth, are more condemnable than the other.

III. That Priests are yet more than Laicks. In a word the Protestants hope that the good Men of the Roman Church will be saved; but they have no assurance, that they are to be saved: Whereas they are assu∣red, That they will be saved that live Christian-like in their own Communion. They do not know, whether God will con∣demn Roman Catholicks for the Errors they professed, taking them for truth; but they are assured, that the Crime of those that being convinced of Popish Superstiti∣ons, leave the Protestants thro' motives of Interest and Ambition, and maintain Ty∣rannical and Superstitious Tenets against their Consciences, deserve no pardon.

Eleventhly, As for Idolatry, the Homilies of the Church of England accuse that of Rome, as well as the English Doctors who lived un∣der Edward the VI. and Queen Elizabeth. The Catholicks object, that the Learned of this Kingdom changed Opinion in the Reign of King Iames the First, and begun to maintain, that the Church of Rome was not Idolatrous; but these Gentlemen are so unlucky in Proofs, that of six Authors which they quote, the Arch-bishop Laud, Iackson, Feilding, H••ylin, Hammond, and M. Thorndike: There is not one but has writ the contrary.

These are the Points whereon the Ene∣mies of Protestants would make the Church of England pass for half Papists, tho there is not one but was taught by other Re∣formed, excepting Episcopacy. And this Government is so ancient, that even those who think Presbytery better, ought not to condemn for some little difference in Discipline a Church that is otherwise very pure, unless they are minded to ana∣thematize St. Ignatius, St. Clement, St. Po∣lycarp, St. Irenaeus, St. Cyprian, and the whole Church of the second and third Age, and a great part of the first.

Without question the Episcopal Clergy of England, have the like Charity for Presbyterians. I will not alledge the Testi∣monies of Modern Doctors, nor of such as were accused of having favoured the pre∣tended Puritans; we see the Marks of its mildness and moderation towards all, ex∣cep••ing some turbulent Spirits amongst 'em, which indeed are too common in all So∣cieties. If there ever was a time wherein the Church of England differed from Pres∣bytery, and had reason so to do; it was in the middle of the Reign of K. Iamss the First; and notwithstanding, you may see how the Bishop of Eli speaks, writing for the King, and by his Order, against Cardi∣nal Bellarmin.

One may see how much the Protestants of this Country agree, by Harmony of their Confes∣sions, where each Church acknowledges where∣in she agrees with the rest. Then lay aside those odious Names, seek our Professions of Faith in our Confessions. The Reproach you make us concerning the Puritans, is altogether absurd, because their number is but small, and the most moderate among them agree with us in the chief Articles of Religion. The Scotch Puritans Confession has no Error in Fundamental Points; so that the King might say with reason, That the Establish'd Religi∣on of Scotland was certainly true.

And as for the rest, there's no reason to suspect Dr. Wakes Testimony; for the Bishop of London, and the Arch-Bishop of Canter∣bury, have approved his Books: None of the other Doctors contradicted him; and some sided with him against Roman Catho∣licks. And these last have not accused him of swerving from the common Doctrine of the Church of England, only in the Ar∣ticle

of the necessity of Baptism; and he proves by several Authorities in his De∣fence of his Exposition, what he therein advanced.

At the end of this Defence are several curious Pieces:

• 1. A Comparison betwixt the Ancient and Modern Popery.
• 2. An Extract of the Sentiments of Fa∣ther Cresset, and Cardinal Bona, concern∣ing the Devotion to the Blessed Virgin.
• 3. The Letter of Mr. Imbert to Mr. de Meaux.
• 4. The Epistle of St. Chrysostom to Cae∣sarius, with the Preface of Mr. Bigot, which was suppressed at Paris in 1680. and a Dissertation of Dr. Wake upon Apollinarius's Sentiments and Disciples.

A DISCOURSE of the Holy EU∣CHARIST, wherein the Real Presence and Adoration of the Host is treated on, to serve for an Answer to two Discourses, printed at Oxford upon this Subject. With a Histori∣cal Preface upon the same Matter. At London, 1687. p. 127. in 4to.

DR. Wake, Minister of the Holy Gos∣pel at London, who is said to be the Author of this Book, gives, First, In few words the History and Origine of Transubstantiation, as it hath been ordina∣rily done amongst Protestants. Secondly, He names several Illustrious Persons of the Romish Church, who have been accused of not believing the Real Presence, or Tran∣substantiation, to wit, Peter Picherel, Car∣dinal du Perron, Barnes, an English Bene∣dictine, and Mr. de Marca, Arch-Bishop of Paris, who gave his absolute Sentiment hereon, in one of his Posthume Disser∣tations, tho' in the Edition of Paris; the places wherein he said, it have been chang∣ed or blotted out. But it could not be hindered, but that this Work having ap∣peared before Persons, took notice of these Sentiments; some entire Copies thereof have fallen into the hands of Protestants, who got it printed in Holland in 1669. without cutting off any thing. To these Authors are joined F. Sirmond the Iesuite, who believed the Impanation, and who had made a Treatise upon it; which hath never been printed, and whereof some per∣sons have yet Copies. M. de Marolles, who got a Declaration printed in form in 1681. by which he declared, that he believed not the Real Presence, and which was insert∣ed here in English: And in short, the Au∣thor of the Book Entituled, Sure and ho∣nest means of Converting Hereticks, whom we dare not affirm to be the same who published a Treatise of Transubstantiation, which the Fifth Tome of the French Bib∣liotheque speaks of, p. 455. The Cartesians, and several others, are suspected of not be∣lieving the same no more than the Prote∣stants. So that if the Catholicks cite some Reformed for them, Protestants also want not Catholick Authors, who have been of their Opinion. Thirdly, The Author shew∣eth the dangerous Consequences which a∣rise, according to the Principles of the Romish Church, from the incredulity of so many Men of Knowledge, be it in respect to Mass, or in respect of the Infallibility and Authority of the Church.

The Treatise it self is divided into two parts. The first contains two Chapters and an Introduction, wherein is expound∣ed the Nature and Original of the Eucharist, much after the Ideas of Lightfoot. In the first Chapter Transubstantiation is at large refuted by Scripture, by Reason, and the Fathers. We shall make no stay at it, be∣cause this Matter is so well known. The Second Chapter is imployed to refute what Mr. Walker said, concerning the Opinions of several Doctors of the Church of Eng∣land, upon the Real Presence. Dr. Wake at first complains, That his Adversary in that only repeats Objections which his Friend T. G. had before proposed in his Dialogues, and which a Learned Man had refuted in an Answer to these Dialogues, printed at London in 1679. As to what concerns the Faith of the Church of Eng∣land, which he maintains to have been al∣ways the same, since the Reign of Edward. He reduces it to this, according to the Au∣thor, who refuted T. G. viz. That she be∣lieves only a Real Presence of the invisible Power, and grace of Iesus Christ, which is in, and with the Elements; so that in re∣ceiving them with Faith, it produces Spiri∣tual and real Effects upon the Souls of Men. As Bodies taken by Angels, continueth he, may be called their Bodies, whilst they keep them; and as the Church is the Body of Iesus Christ, because his Spirit animates and liveneth the Souls of the Believing; so the Bread and Wine after the Consecration, are the Real Body of Iesus Christ, but spiritually and my∣stically.

He gives not himself the trouble to prove the solidity of this comparison by Scripture; and when he comes to the Exa∣mination of the Authors, that Mr. Walker hath quoted; he contents himself to pro∣duce other Passages, where they do not speak so vigorously of the participation of the substance of Iesus Christ, which ac∣cording to Calvin, descends not from Hea∣ven: The vertue of the Mind being suf∣ficient to penetrate through all impediments, and to surmount the distance of Places.

He cites several other places of Beza, of Martyr, and many English Doctors; by which it appears, that they did not believe the Body of Iesus Christ properly descended from Hea∣ven into the Eucharist, or is in divers pla∣ces

at the same time, though they say we are nourished hereby through Faith, but af∣ter an incomprehensible manner. Yet it must be granted, that if these Great Men un∣derstood nothing by nourishing our selves by the flesh of Iesus Christ, but to believe that we are saved by his Sacrifice, and, to feed our selves with this hope, or to receive his Spi∣rit, it was not necessary to tell us of a mi∣raculous Union of our Spirits with the Body of Iesus Christ, notwithstanding the di∣stance of places; the Spirit of God being every where, and Faith having no relation to local distance, there's nothing in the Spiritual eating of the Body of Iesus Christ, taken in the sense we have above-mention∣ed, of Miraculous, nor of Incomprehensible, more than in other acts of Piety, and o∣ther Graces which God gives unto us. Whe∣ther we suppose this, or any other method to expound the eating of the Body of Iesus Christ; there would be no danger to the Reformation, to say, that these Learned Men have not had an Idea altogether distinct thereupon, or that their Expressions are not exact. Although it were granted that they mistook in some things, it would not follow that the Romish Church could have justly rejected all their Doctrines; or that Protestants are in the wrong, by inviolably retaining their Sentiments, as far as they are conformable to Holy Scripture; and to abandon that wherein they might be de∣ceived. We do not make a profession of believing, that those who err in one thing, are deceived in all; or of rejecting every thing they have said, because they have not perceived the truth clearly enough in some things. Thus all the Objections of this nature might be ruined, without un∣dertaking to defend indifferently all that the Reformers may have said, seeing it's agreed on, that the Protestant Religion is not founded upon their Authority, and that they might be mistaken in incon∣siderable things, without its being in dan∣ger. But Dr. Wake thought not conveni∣ent to act in this manner. He believes that the Reformed never changed their Opinions hereon; and for the Divines of Edward and Elizabeth, he maintains that they were perfectly of the same opinion; which he proves by a passage of the Histo∣ry of the Reformation, by Dr. Burnet.

In the Second Part, which is wholly in∣cluded in the 3d Chapter, he answers first to what Mr. Walker affirms to have been allowed by Protestants, and main∣tained against him, that he hath not well understood the words of some of the Au∣thors whom he cited, that say very well, that in Communicating, Iesus Christ ought to be Adored, but not as Corporally pre∣sent under the Species of Bread and Wine. As for Forbes and Marc-Antony de Domi∣nis, it is agreed on, that the desire they had of reconciling Religions, made them say too much. Thorndyke speaks not less vigorously, but upon a Hypothesis quite different from that of the Roman Church, seeing he believed that the Bread is called the Body of Iesus Christ, and the Wine his Blood; because by the Consecration they are Hypostatically united to the Di∣vinity of Iesus Christ, as well as to his Natural Body. It was spoken of in the First Part. To oppose to the Catholick Author, Doctors of his own Party; they say, that Thomas, Paludanus and Catharin, maintains, that it was an enormous Ido∣latry to Adore the Sacrament without believing Transubstantiation. Thus, al∣though it is agreed on, that if a Conse∣crated Host is truly Adorable, one would not be guilty of Idolatry, if one Adored one which should not be Consecrated, thinking it once would be so: It's incre∣dible that the Reformed Religion can re∣ceive so much prejudice hereby, as the Authority of the Catholick Doctors who have been cited; because the Reformed deny that a Host can be Adored, whether it be Consecrated or not. As to the Grounds of this Subject, he sends us in his Preface to a Book, Entituled, A Dis∣course concerning the Adoration of the Host, Printed at London, 1685.

In the Second place, The Catholick Do∣ctrine is briefly examined; but as there is none who hath not read divers Treatises upon this Subject, we shall insist no longer upon it.

ORIGINES BRITANNICAE, Or, the Antiquities of the British Churches; with a Preface concerning some pre∣tended Antiquities relating to Britain, in vindication of the Bishop of St. A∣saph, by Dr. Stillingfleet. London, 1685, in Fol. p. 364.

WE should speak of the Preface of this Work, wherein the Author refutes the Opinion of the Scots, concerning the Antiquity of their Kings, if there had not been an Extract made (a) 1.117 of a Book, wherein it is already done, and the Prin∣cipal reasons related with much fidelity. It shall suf∣fice to say in general, that our Prelate in it defends the Bishop of St. Asaph; who, in his Relation of the Antient Ecclesiastical Go∣vernment in Great Britain and in Ireland hath shewn;

1. That the Scots could not be in Great Britain, so soon as they say.

2. That the Historians, from whom this is maintain'd, are not of sufficient validity for one to rely upon. As the Scots may be

pardoned the zeal they have for their Coun∣try, their Neighbours likewise may be suf∣fered to endeavor the refuting them, if it be necessary. It's a contestation, which as Dr. Stillingfleet observes, will not be decided nei∣ther by a Combat, nor a Process; and which hath no influence in matters of Reli∣gion, or State. That which concerns the Antiquities of the British Churches is more considerable, by the connection, which this matter hath with the important Controver∣sies, as it will appear hereafter. This ne∣vertheless is but the Proof of a greater Work, where the Author endeavors to clear the most important difficulties of Ecclesia∣stical History. Judging, that to Write a compleat Ecclesiastical History is a design too great for one Man to accomplish: he hath on∣ly undertaken to clear some parts thereof, and thought he was obliged to begin with that which concerns the Antiquities of the Church whereof he is a Member. This Book is divided into Five great Chapters, the Abridgment of which you have here.

1. It hath been believed for a long time in England, that the Gospel was Preached here in Tyberius's Reign. But if the short time be considered, betwixt the Resurrec∣tion of our Lord, and the death of this Em∣peror, and that 'tis thought during a long while, the Apostles Preached the Gospel only to the Iews; it will be hard to suppose, that in this little distance persons came from Iudea into Britain to Preach the Gospel. (a) 1.118 Some of the Learned of the Church of Rome have, by the same Rea∣son, refuted the Fabulous Tradition, which brings Lazarus and his Sisters at the same time into Provence.

The strongest reason to persuade us, that the Gospel was so soon Preached in Eng∣land, is drawn from a passage of Gildas's,(b) 1.119 which was not well understood. Interea gla∣ciali frigore rigenti Insulae, & veluti longiori Terrarum Recessu, soli vi∣sibili non proximae, verus ille non de firma∣mento solum (Dr. Stillingfleet reads▪ Sol) sed de summa etiam (those who read Solum for Sol, have also added this Etiam, for the clearing of the sense) coelorum arce tempora cuncta excedente, universo orbi praefulgidum sui coruscum ostendens tempore, ut scimus, sum∣mo Tiberii Caesaris (quo absque ullo impedi∣mento, ejus propagabatur Religio, commina∣ta, senatu nolente, a Principe morte dilato∣ribus Militum ejusdem) radios suos primum indulget, id est, sua praecepta Christus. These words of Gildas were taken until now, as if he meant that the Gospel was Preached in England towards the end of Tiberius's Reign. But thus the Bishop of Worcester understands them. Jesus Christ, the true Sun, who, as 'tis known, made his Light to shine over all the Vniverse, towards the end of Ti∣berius's Reign, at which time his Religion was propagated, without hinderance, in spight of the Senate, because this Prince threatned those with death that should accuse the Chri∣stians; Jesus Christ, I say, made his Sun∣beams to shine, to wit, his Precepts, not from the Firmament, but the highest place of the Heavens, (and which was from all Eternity) upon this frozen Island, distant from the vi∣sible Sun. Gildas speaks of two several times, wherein the visible Sun appeared; the one towards the end of Tiberius's Reign, at which it shined to the view of the whole World: and the other that it particularly appeared in England, and which he marks by the Particle interea. This word relates to the time whereof he speaks, to wit, that in which Suetonius Paulinus Conquered the Queen Boadicea, which happened to∣wards the middle of Nero's Reign, about Twenty years after that Claudius had sent A. Plautius to reduce England into the form of a Province.

The Monks of the last Ages, fruitful in Ancient Histories, affirmed, that Ioseph of Arimathea came from Glassenbury, where he founded a Monastery, Preaching there the Gospel. In a time, wherein all that came from these pious Lyars was believed, this Fabulous History was taken for an an∣cient Tradition; but the Bishop of Worce∣ster easily shews it is supported only by the Authority of such Men and actions as are very suspicious, and accompanied with ri∣diculous circumstances.

Nevertheless he believes it may be pro∣ved by good Authorities, and maintained by probable circumstances, that Christia∣nity entred into England in the time of the Apostles. Eusebius (c) 1.120 positively affirms, that these Holy Men Preached the Gos∣pel in the British Isles. Theo∣doret (d) 1.121 reckons the Bri∣tans amongst those People Converted by the Apostles. St. Ierome (e) 1.122 saith, that St. Paul, after his Imprison∣ment, Preached the Gospel in the West, in occidentis partibus; by which he seems to under∣stand England, as well as St. Clement, who saith, that St. Paul went to the farthest part of the West;. Terms which Dr. Stil∣lingfleet proves to have been commonly ta∣ken for Great Britain. He shews after that, by the History of St. Paul's Life, that this Apostle had time to come into England; and that he might have been persuaded to have taken this Journey, because this part of Great Britain was then reduced into a Pro∣vince. There is also some likelihood that Pomponia Graecina, Wife to Plautius, was a Christian; Tacitus (f) 1.123 assu∣ring us, that she was accu∣sed of a Strange Superstition, and that she lived in a con∣tinual Melancholy. If this Lady was a Chri∣stian, she might have inform'd St. Paul what state England was in, and encouraged

him to come hither. He might likewise have been instructed by those, whom Plau∣tius led Prisoners to Rome. True it is, that it has been said, that St. Peter and some other Apostles were in England, but these Traditions appear altogether Fabu∣lous; and if any came it was undoubtedly St. Paul, according to the Testimony of St. Clement, of whom we have spoken.

II. To pursue the Ecclesiastical History of England, our Prelate undertakes in the 2d. Chap∣ter (a) 1.124 to Collect what is found in the Antients, a∣bout the space of time, from the Apostles to the First Council of Nice.

The Principal Proofs from whence we conclude there were Christians in that time in England, are the Testi∣monies of Tertullian (b) 1.125 and Origen, (c) 1.126 which the Author defends, and Ex∣pounds at length. Many of the Writers of the last A∣ges, said, that a King of England, named Lucius, was Converted to Christianity, in the time of M. Aurelius, and Lucius Verus. But suppose this true, in the Main, there are divers circumstan∣ces, which are really false; as when this Lucius is made King of all England, which was, at that time, a Roman Province. Our Prelate believes there might be a Christian Prince of that Name, in some place of Eng∣land, and whom the Romans suffered to Reign, because he was of their side; such as might have been the Descendants of one Cogidunus, who favoured them. That this place of England perhaps was the Coun∣ty of Sussex, where there is no Monument of the Romans. This being so, it may easily be conceived, that Lucius had heard Discourses of the Christian Religion by some antient Britans, or Soldiers of the Army, which M. Aurelius brought hither, and which had been delivered from an eminent dan∣ger, by the Prayers of the Christians that were in it, as the Empe∣ror himself said (d) 1.127 in one of his Letters. After that, Lucius might send (as Tra∣dition has it) Messengers to Eleutherius Bi∣shop of Rome, to be better Instructed, be∣cause of the great Commerce which was be∣twixt England and Rome. If Persons had been satisfied to have related this History after this manner, it may be none would have called it in question; but the Lyes wherewith it's stuft, the better to main∣tain it, have rendered, according to the Remark of the Author, doubtful and sus∣picious, that which may be true in it. O∣thers will not fail to add to this, that in the Conjectures that are always made in the Enquiry after these Antiquities, founded upon the Traditions of as great Lyars as the Monks of the past Ages; that in these Conjectures, I say, Si trapassano i confini del vero, per scrivere negli ampii spatii del possibile, cose incerte & non seguite, (e) 1.128 according to an Ita∣lian Author.

And also the silence of Gildas, who in∣form'd us of all he knew of the Antiquities of England, yet speaks not one word of this Lucius, which renders this History very suspi∣cious, even in what appears most possible in it.

Our Prelate proves there were Christians in England, in the time of Dioclesian, and that several suffered Martyrdom in it; though the Persecution could not last long here, seeing Constantius, Father to Constan∣tine, stopped it. Constantius dying at York, and his Son being declared Caesar by the Army, the Christian Religion was se∣cure: we find the Names of Three Bishops of Great Britain, who Subscribed to the Council of Arles in CCCXIV. The Author believes there were a great many more; and that those Three were sent by the Bishops of the Three Provinces, for all were never at any of the Councils, which wou'd have been too numerous, if every one had gone thither. He believes also, that there was a continual Succession of Bishops in England, from the Apostles till that time. Some Monks have thought, that Bishops were Established in England in imi∣tation of the Flamines, and Archiflamines of the Heathens; but Dr. Stillingfleet shews 'tis but a Dream, and that the first Pagan Hierarchy was established by Maximinus, af∣ter the Model of the Christians, which was much more Antient.

Speaking of the Council of Arles, the Author shews, that its Canons were sent to the Bishop of Rome, not to Confirm them, as Baronius maintains, but to Pub∣lish them. Quae decrevimus, say these Fa∣thers, in Communi Coneilio, charitati tuae significare, ut omnes sciant, quid in futurum observare debeant. To this he joyns the Ca∣nons of the Council, which he reduces to certain Heads, and expounds, in a few words, particularly the Third De his qui arma projiciunt in pace, who ought to be suspended from the Communion. If an Allegorical sense might be given to these words, our Bishop believes they may be expounded of the Christians, who, in the time wherein the Persecution ceased, grew more indifferent, as to their manner of living, and less conformable to the Disci∣pline which they had kept before. But if they are understood Literally, they may refer to the Christian Soldiers, who would leave the Army, when there was no fear of being constrained to any Idolatrous act, in serving the Emperor, as they had been under the Heathen Princes. Constantine offered to dismiss all the Soldiers that desi∣red it. The Fathers of the Council might fear that all the Christians wou'd abandon his Armies, and that afterwards it should

be supply'd with Pagans; which could have been fatal to Christianity: So the Bishops assembled at Arles, and thought they ought to prevent this accident, in suspending from the Communion such Christian Souldiers as quitted the Service.

III. After having (m) 1.129 shewn, That there were Bishops in Eng∣land, before the Council of Nice; the Author speaks of the State, wherein the Churches of the same Island were after this Council to that of Rimini. Al∣though in the Subscriptions, which we still have of the Bishops who assisted at the Coun∣cil of Nice, there is none of any Prelate of England; it is very probable there were some of them. 1. Because Constantine did all he could, to assemble a great num∣ber of Bishops. 2. Because there is no like∣lyhood this Emperor should forget the Bi∣shops of England, where he was born and proclaimed Caesar. 3. Because they having been at the Council of Arles, which was held before, and at those of Sardis, and Rimini, which followed that of Nice, there was no reason to suppose, that they should be forgotten in this latter.

This being granted, Dr. Stillingfleet be∣lieves, that we may learn from the Canons of the Council of Nice, the Rights and Priviledges of the British Churches. There∣fore he relates and expounds these Canons; but makes the longest stay upon (t) 1.130 three which concern Ecclesiastical Discipline.

The fourth is conceived in these Terms, That a Bishop ought chiefly to be established by all the Bishops of the Province; but if that be too difficult, either because it requireth more haste, or that the Proceedings of the Bishops wou'd make it too long; there must at least be three present, and they have the consent of the Absent to consecrate him. But the Confirmation of all that is done in the Province, ought to be reserved to the Metro∣politan.

By this Canon, the Rights of the Me∣tropolitans are established after an uncon∣testable manner; but that which creates dif∣ficulty, is to know whether by the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to establish, which is at the be∣ginning, must be understood the Right of choosing a Bishop, was devolved on the Bi∣shops of the Province; or whether the Que∣stion be only of Conservation, which should be done by the Bishops upon the Election, made by the Suffrages of the People. Se∣veral Interpreters of the Canons, under∣stand by the Word to establish, to elect; and Dr. Stillingfleet sheweth, That all this may be proved, by a place of the Synodal Letter (n) 1.131 of the same Council to those of Alexandria, where it's said, That the Meletian Bishops, which the Peo∣ple should choose, should be received, and that in the time of the Council of Nice, the People named the Bishops, which hin∣dered not but that they were elected by their Brothers, and confirmed by the Me∣tropolitan, without which the nomination of the People signified nothing. So that all that can be concluded from thence is, that the People had the Right of Nomination; which they have since deservedly lost, by Seditions and Tumults, and which they cannot recall; unless it is shew'n whether it is a Divine and unalterable Right; which will never be, adds our Author, and which even those, who strive to win the favour of the People, in defending it's Rights, do not endeavour to prove, upon the Principles of the first Ages. It will not be denyed, but that the People had then the Right of Opposing the chosen Persons, by shewing, That they were not worthy. But in this case, the People were heard as Witnesses, and not as Judges. If the Bishops who had chosen him who was opposed, judged that the Accusations, which were against him, were just; they proceeded against the Accused, according to the Canons; and then they came to a new nomination, where∣of notwithstanding the Synod of the Pro∣vince was to judge: The Author expounds thereby the 16 Canon of the Council of Antioch, and the 12 of that of Laodicea, where mention is made of the popular E∣lection; not to mark the Preferment of some one to the Episcopacy, but the choosing of a Bishop already ordained, to be Bishop of some Church.

The fifth Canon of Nice informs us, That he who shall be excommunicated by one Bishop, shall not be received into Commu∣nion by another. If any one complained of being unjustly excommunicated, the Pro∣vincial Synod judged thereof, and if this Synod revoked not the Sentence of this Bishop, every one was to hold him Excom∣municated. 'Tis for that the Council of Nice orders, That there should be every where held Provincial Councils twice a year, at Easter and Autumn. Our Author main∣tains, that the Council of Nice doth not ordinarily acknowledge in her Procedures any other Tribunal than the Provincial Synods; except in places, whose ancient Customs were different, as it appears by the following Canon. So that all strange Juris∣diction is forbidden, by the Fathers of Nice; as the Churches of Africk maintained it boldly against the Popes. Thence it's con∣cluded, That the British Churches have a right of absolute judging of all that hap∣pens, in the Extent of their Jurisdiction, seeing they have no less Priviledges than those of Africk.

For fear this Canon should be contradict∣ed by the Bishops, who might have a more extended Jurisdiction, the Council made a∣nother, which intimates, That according to antient Customs, the Bishop of Alexan∣dria should extend his Jurisdiction over

Aegypt, Libya and Pentapolis seeing the Bishop of Rome had a like Custom; and so likewise at Antioch, and in the other Provinces, the antient Priviledges of Bishops should be kept, that no Bishop should be created, without the consent of the Metro∣politan; and that when differences should arise, the Plurality of Voices should decide them.

There are, according to our Author, three remarkable things in this Canon. 1. A Confirming the Priviledges of some of the greatest Bishopricks, as of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch. 2. A securing those of other Churches, against Invasions. 3. To put out of contestation the Rights of the Metropolitan Churches. For the last of these three things, it is so clear, that there is no stop∣ping at it; but the others, chiefly the second, are much inlarged upon.

It seems that the Church of Alexandria was the occasion of this Canon, and thereby it appears, that the Bishop of the City had a much more extended Jurisdiction, than that of the Metropolitans; seeing it reached over three Provinces, named in the Canon, upon which here are divers Remarks, which we shall pass over. Some Learned Men have maintained, that there were no Patriarchs in the time of the Council of Nice; but without disputing about words, Dr. Sillingfleet shews by this Canon, and other Proofs, that the Bishop of Alexandria had already before the Council of Nice, a true patriarchal Power over Aegypt, and which answered to that of the Governour, named Praefectus Augusta∣lis. Some pretend, that the Power of this Bishop was only that which commonly the Metropolitans had; because the Provinces of Aegypt had no other Metropolitan but him, and depended immediately of him. But tho this Authority was as that of Metropolitans, as to what concerns the manner of exer∣cising; it was Patriarchal, in respect of the extent. Such was also that of the Bi∣shop of Rome, who had under him no Metro∣politans, and who received immediately the Appeals of divers Provinces.

Dr. Stillingfleet believes, that the Coun∣cil of Nice provincially confirmed the custom of Alexandria, fearing that if it were abo∣lished, in remitting to the Provincial Coun∣cils of Aegypt, the Supream Authority, as was done for the most part by other Pro∣vinces, the Arians should draw an advan∣tage thereby, fearing also that this should draw too much hatred upon the Bishop of Alexandria, if he were named alone, those of Rome and Antioch were added; notwith∣standing afterwards, these Regulations of the Council of Nice were abused; several Churches aspired to the Patriarchship, and that of Rome, tho' named only upon occasi∣on, pretended that its Universal Suprema∣cy was established therein. The Agents of the Bishop of this City had (o) 1.132the boldness to falsifie the Title of this Canon in the Council of Chalcedon, and of drawing an Advantage from it.

The other thing that they principally pro∣posed, was to preserve the Priviledges of other Churches; for it is known that Ex∣ceptions render the Laws more uncontesta∣ble in unexcepted Cases; so the Provinces, which are not excepted in this Canon, have a right to govern themselves by their Pro∣vincial Synods, without acknowledging any Superiour Authority: Whence it's conclud∣ed, that the British Churches ought peace∣ably to enjoy this Right, seeing they never have submitted to the Patriarch of Rome. This Bishop hath never had the right of Consecrating the Metropolitans, or British Bishops, he hath not convocated them to his Assemblies at Rome, none of their Synods have been called to him; so that the British Provinces have the Right, according to the Council of Nice, of governing themselves in∣dependant of every other Church. It was upon this Principle that the Council of E∣phesus condemned the Patriarch of Antioch, who pretended to have right of Consecrating the Metropolitan of Cyprus, against the an∣tient Custom. The Canon of this Council may be seen, in our Author who defends it against the Carpings of some Roman Catholick Doctors, and shews the true sense thereof, par∣ticularly against F. Martin.

Notwithstanding, these same Doctors pre∣tend that the Pope hath always had a Patri∣archal Power over all the Churches of the West: It is granted that he had this Au∣thority before the Council of Nice, over the Diocess of Rome, or the Suburbicary Provinces; but it is maintained, that it reach∣ed not any farther, and divers Doctors are refuted who have pretended the contrary. (p) 1.133 Mr. Schel∣strate is particularly oppo∣sed, who in the second Dissertation of his Antiquitas Illustrata, hath undertaken to prove, That the Bishop of Rome hath this Patriarchal Power upon all the West▪ We agree with him, that the Patriarchal Rights consist in these three things:

• 1. The Right of Consecrating Bishops and Metropolitans.
• 2. In calling them to a Synod.
• 3. In receiving Appeals and deciding 'em.

1. As to that which concerns the Conse∣cration of Metropolitans and Bishops in all the Western Churches; Mr. Schelstrate grants, That it was not exercised by the Pope. His Adversary shews, even that St. Ambrose was elected Bishop of Milan, with∣out asking the consent of Damasus, who was then Bishop of Rome; indeed the Diocess of Rome extended not unto Milan, but

comprized only 5 Provinces, or 70 Bishops. Some call these Provinces thus: Marsi, Com∣pania, Thussia, Vmbria, and Marchia; and others thus, Latium, Valeria, Tuscia, Pi∣cenum and Vmbria.

To prove that the Diocess of the Bishop of Rome extended further, a Letter from Pope Syricius to Anysius, Bishop of Thessalonica, is cited where the Latter is declared Legate of the Pope in Illyria: But our Author shews at length, that that begun but in the time of Syricius, upon the end of the fourth Age: and that this Pope did thus, to op∣pose the Grandeur of the Patriarch of Con∣stantinople, who extended his Diocess too far; upon which there are Remarks in the Origi∣nal, that cannot be related here.

Tho' the Library of the Pope is obliged to grant, That the Bishop of Rome, consecrat∣ed not all the Western Bishops, he pretends to shew, that before the Council of Nice, he had the power of deposing the Bishops of the Gauls: He proves it, by the Example of Marsian Bishop of Arles, who was depo∣sed by Pope Stephen. But it appears, That nothing else was desir'd of the Pope in this Rencounter, but to join his Authority to that of the Bishops of the Gaules; that act∣ing jointly, the People should the more easi∣ly submit to their Order, as appears by the LXVIII Letter of St. Cyprian, wherein he speaks to this Pope as his Equal, exhorting him to do what we have said.

Dr. Stillingfleet refutes also two other Proofs of his Adversary, not very conside∣rable; we shall not stop at 'em, that we may not be tedious.

2. The Bishop of Worcester maintains, that the Pope could not convocate Councils, but within the extent of the suburbicary Pro∣vinces; tho' he denyes not, but on certain singular occasions other Bishops have not been invited to these Councils, as when Au∣relian permitted the Bishops of Italy to as∣semble at Rome, for the Affair of Paul of Samosatus. But the Bishops of the Diocess of Italy, who acknowledged the Bishop of Milan as chief, (q) 1.134 thought themselves not obliged to be at the Patriar∣chal Councils of Rome. And that which is remarkable, is that one of these Councils was of Sentiments very diffe∣rent from him, who then was upon the Pa∣triarchal See of this City, concerning the Ordination of Maximus, to be Bishop of Constantinople. Damasus writ twice (r) 1.135 to Constantinople, with much fervour, for the deposing of Maximus. But St. Ambrose, and the Bishops of his Diocess, in a Synodical Letter to Theodosius, justifi∣ed the Ordination of Maximus, and disap∣proved the Election of Gregory, and Nectai∣rus. The Defenders of the pretensions of the Bishop of Rome, are asked, If this Coun∣cil acknowledged the Patriarchal Power of this Bishop? Mr. Schelstrate saith after Father Lupus, That the Power of the Pope gave him the Right of deciding all things, consult∣ing only the Bishops, who could do nothing with∣out him. If that is true, it must be grant∣ed, That the Italick Diocess was without the limits of the Patriarchate of Rome, see∣ing the Bishops of this Diocess sent their Advices to the Emperor, without having a∣ny respect to the Sentiments of Damasus. Dr. Stillingfleet sheweth the independancy of the same Bishops, in respect to Rome, by the Example of the Council of Capua; where St. Ambrose presided, without asking so much as the Advice of the Bishop of Rome.

To prove that the Pope had the Right of calling the Bishops of all the West to all his Patriarchal Councils. Mr. Schelstrate relates some Examples of Bishops amongst the Gauls, and Great Britain, who were at some Roman Councils. But he is answer∣ed, That it is no wonder, that some should be found, in extraordinary Rencounters; and that it doth not follow from thence, that the Pope was Patriarch of all the West, no more than that Councils of Western Bishops being held at Mi∣lan, Arles, Rimini, Sardis, and elsewhere, prov'd, That the Bishops of these Cities were their Patriarchs. It ought to be shewn, That the Pope convocated the Bishops of the West, by vertue of his Patriarchal Authority. There was also a great Difference amongst the Coun∣cils assembled, for the Vnity of Faith and the Discipline of divers Diocesses; and the Pro∣vincial or Patriarchal Synods, c••nvocated at a certain time, to appear before the Metropo∣litan or the Patriarch. This is seen in the Diurnus Romanus (s) 1.136 where the Bishops of Rome oblige themselves to be present at the Councils of this City assembled at cer∣tain times, as Garnier sheweth. He saith, it was thrice a year; but no more for the Suburbicary Churches, which had no other Primate but the Bishop of Rome.

The last of the Patriarchal Rights was to receive Appeals of the Provinces of the Patriarchship. By these Appeals we must not understand, the free Choice that parties can make for one, to be an Arbitrator of their Differences; but Juridical Appeals, from an inferiour Tribunal to a higher one. It hath oft fallen out that Bishops have been chosen Arbitrators of a common ap∣probation, to make others agree; or that Bishops intermedled in the Differences of others, without pretending to end them with Authority. Our Author brings (t) 1.137 an Example of a Council of the Italick Diocess, who medled with a dissention at Constan∣tinople, whereof we have already made mention.

But to this is opposed, That the Bishops of Rome have several times sent Legates, throughout all the West, to examine the causes of the Bishops, and to make Report of ••em. For the Letters of the Popes to the Bishops of Thessalonica, which are in the Roman Collection are cited to prove this. But we have already taken notice, what Dr. Stillingfleet's Answer is to that. He adds here, that the Origine of these pretensions was from this, That the Council of Sardis, being exasperated against the Eastern Bishops, gave the Bishop of Rome the liberty to re∣examine some Causes in divers Provinces. He took the occasion from thence of sending Legates, and that was one of the first steps by which he ascended to so great a Power in the West. A Doctor of Sorbone, who writ some years ago, de antiquis & ma∣joribus Episcoporum causis, alloweth, That in the space of CCCXLVII Years, viz. a∣bout the time of the Council of Sardis, no Example of a Cause can be produced, which was referred to Rome, by the Bishops who were the Judges thereof.

It is besides Objected, That the Council of Arles attributes to the Pope majores Dioe∣ceses; but it hath been seen by the Govern∣ment of this Council, which has been spoken of, that it was far from acknowledging the Bishop of Rome for Superiour. Besides, there are reasons to believe, that the place where these words are, has been corrupted; and tho' it was not so, this may signifie another thing, except this Bishop had a Diocess more large than his Brethren.

Dr. Stillingfleet refutes some more Rea∣sons of Mr. Schelstrate of small consequence, and relates some places of the Letters (a) 1.138 of Pope Leo, where he presses hard the Canons of Nice, against the usurpations of the Patriarch of Constantinople; and maintains it was not lawful for any to violate or to reveal the Decrees of this Coun∣cil; from whence it's concluded, that the Churches of England are in no wise oblig∣ed, according to the Discipline of the first Ages, to submit to the Pope.

After having ended (b) 1.139 this Controversie, our Prelate shew∣eth there is a great likelyhood that some Bishops of England were at the Council of Sardis. But thence an occasion is taken, to say, that the British Churches ha∣ving received the Council of Sardis, they are obliged to acknowledge the Pope for the Patriarch of the West; seeing this Coun∣cil hath established the Appeals to the Bi∣shop of Rome. To see if this Objection be of any force, Dr. Stillingfleet examines the Design and the Proceedings of this Coun∣cil as follows:

Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria, had been deposed by two Synods of Eastern Bishops, for some Crimes of which he was accused. He could not hope to have this Judgment reverst in the East, because the Arian Par∣ty was very strong there; he made his Address to the Bishops of the West, and particularly to Iulius, Bishop of Rome, as to the Chief. He desired, that his Process might be reverst, and shewed, by Letters of divers Bishops of Aegypt, that he had not been heard according to the Forms neither at Tyre nor Antioch, because of the violence of the Faction of Eusebi∣us. Thereupon Iulius (b) 1.140 having communicated his De∣sign to his Brethren the Bi∣shops of the West, writ in their name and his own, to the Eastern Bishops, That it was just to exa∣mine this Cause, by Judges that were not suspected of Partiality; and desired them to go to the places where these Judges should be, with the Informations they had taken against Athanasius. The Bishops of the East would not hearken to it, where∣upon those of the West received Athanasius, Marcellus and other Bishops of their Party, into their Communion. Those of the East were extreamly affronted at it, there were many Complaints on each side, and at last the two Emperours Constantius and Constan∣tine agreed to call a General Council at Sar∣dis, to decide this Difference. There went Bishops to it from all parts, but the Western, Bishops were willing that the deposed Bishops should be admitted to the Commu∣nion, and take place in the Council; the Eastern would not suffer it, and withdrew to Philippopolis, where they protested against the Proceedings of Sardis, as contrary to the Canons of Nice. The Bishops of the West notwithstanding continued their Ses∣sion, and made new Canons, to justifie their Conduct. The Eastern Bishops complained, that the Discipline established at Nice, was manifestly violated; and the Western Bi∣shops said, That there was Injustice done to the deposed Bishops, that Athanasius had not been heard in Aegypt, and that it was just that all the Bishops of the Empire should re-examine this Affair. The Bishops of Sardis had no respect to the reasons of their Brethren, they renounced not the Com∣munion of Athanasius, and made divers▪ Ca∣nons, the chief of which are the III. the IV. the V. which concern the Revisal of the Causes of Bishops. In the third they declared, that the causes should first come before the Bishops of the Province; and if one of the Parties was grieved by the Sen∣tence, he should be granted a Revision. Our Author makes divers Remarks upon two Canons of the Council of Antioch, to which its commonly believed, that that of the Coun∣cil of Sardis has some affinity, which we have spoken of; our Author discovers the Irre∣gularities of the Councils of Antioch and Tyre.

He also remarks, that to obtain the Re∣vision of an Ecclesiastial cause, an Address was made to the Emperor, who convocated a greater number of Bishops, to make this new Examination. The Council of Sardis made an Innovation in this; for it seems,

that it took away as much as it could, the Right of reviewing these sorts of Causes from the Emperor, to give it to Iulius Bishop of Rome, in honour to St. Peter. He might, by the Authority of this Coun∣cil, if he thought fit, Convocate the Bi∣shops of the Province, to revise the Pro∣cess, and to add Assistant Judges to them, as the Emperor used to do. Besides this, the Fourth Canon enjoyn'd, that no Bi∣shop should enter into a vacant Bishoprick, by the deposition of him who was in it, nor should undertake to Examin a-new a Process, until the Bishop of Rome had pro∣nounced his Sentence thereupon. The Fifth Canon signifies, That if he judges the Cause worthy of Revising, it belongs to him to send Letters to the Neighbour∣ing Bishops to re-examine; but if he thinks it not fit, the Judgment pronounced shall stand.

This is the Power which the Council of Sardis grants to the Pope, upon which our Author makes these Remarks.

1. That there was somewhat new in this Authority; without which these Canons would have been useless. Thus de Marca, and he who published the Works of Pope Leo, have established this Power of the Pope upon the Canons of the Council of Sardis. But an Authority given, by a par∣ticular Council in certain Circumstances, as appears by the name of Iulius, which is inserted in the Canon, cannot extend it self to the following Ages; upon the whole, this Authority has changed nature so much, that now it passeth for an Absolute and Supream Power, founded upon a Divine Right, and not upon the Acts of one Council.

2. These Canons do not give this Bishop the Right of receiving Appeals in quality of Head of the Church; but transport on∣ly unto him the Right of a Revision, which the Emperor enjoyed before, It is a great question if the Council of Sardis had the Power of so doing; but there is a great likelihood, that the Protection which Con∣stantius granted the Arian Party, engaged it thereunto.

3. These Canons cannot justifie the con∣duct of those who should carry Causes to Rome, by way of Appeal, because they return the second Examination to the Bi∣shops of the Province.

4. The Council of Sardis it self took knowledge of a Cause, which had been de∣cided by the Bishop of Rome.

5. This Council could not be justified by the antient Canons, in that it received Marcellus to the Communion; he, who be∣fore had been Condemned for Heresie, as also afterwards even by Athanasius him∣self.

6. The Decrees of this Assembly were not universally received, as it appeared by the Contestations of the Bishops of Africk against that of Rome, seeing the first knew nothing of it some years after, as our Au∣thor sheweth.

IV. Arianism being spread every where, and afterwards Pelagius and Celestius being gone out of England, the Clergy of this Isle were accus'd of having been Arians and Pelagians in those Ages. Our Author (a) 1.141 under∣takes to justifie them from these suspicions, and afterwards describes the Publick Service of the British Churches. But as the Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Eng∣land afford no great matter, he hath sup∣plyed them by digressions. He immediately refutes I know not what Modern Author, who hath been mistaken in some facts con∣cerning the History of Arianism, since the Council of Nice, at which we shall not make a stay. After that (b) 1.142 there is an Abridg∣ment of this History un∣til the Council of Rimini.

The Arians being condemned at Nice, and vainly opposing the term of Consubstan∣tial, thought they could not better save themselves, than by yielding to the times. They also suffered themselves to be condem∣ned by the Council, and to be Banished by the Emperor Arius, with Theones and Secon∣dus his Friends. Eusebius of Nicomedia, and Theognis of Nice, Chief Heads of the Arian Faction, Signed as the rest, yet with∣out changing their Opinion. Afterwards they, in like manner, endeavoured to hide themselves under Equivocations. The Cir∣cumstances of this History may be seen, as Dr. Stillingfleet relates them in the Tenth Tome of the Vniversal Bibliotheque, p. 447. and the following ones. Yet there are these differences, that our Bishop is larger in Reflections drawn from St. Athanasius, con∣cerning the Address of the Arians, who ex∣pressed themselves almost as the Orthodox of that time, to deceive the simple. Moreo∣ver, the Relation which we have cited, was not made on design to justifie the Or∣thodox, and to get those of the Arians Con∣demned, but to give an Idea of these con∣fusions, without taking any Party; whereas the design of our Author is, to inform the Publick against the Arians, without repre∣hending any thing whatever in the conduct of their Adversaries. And our Author hath not applyed himself so much to the order of years, which he doth not mark; as hath been done in the Life of Eusebius of Caesa∣rea.

Dr. Stillingfleet goes also further then a∣ny, seeing the History of Arianism was left off at the death of Eusebius. Here is an Abstract of what he adds, and which is chiefly drawn from St. Athanasius. The Falsities of the Arians were not discovered until after the Council of Rimini; and it was chiefly at the Council of Seleucia, where they declared themselves more openly. It was then that the Followers of Basil of An∣cyre, who rejected the word Consubstantial, as well as the Arians, would separate them∣selves from them. But the Arians had still recourse, in this occasion, to their old Arti∣fices, and consented to Sign any Creed what∣ever, excepting that of Nice. They cau∣sed Athanasius to be banished a second time; but he was soon re called, and his greatest Enemies were obliged to make him Repara∣tion, if he may be believed. A little while after, the Persecution began against him and all the rest, who professed the Faith of Nice; as our Author describes at large, un∣til the Council of Rimini, whose Bishops were constrained to abandon the Terms of Hypostasis and Consubstantial. The Ortho∣dox Bishops would willingly depose all those who refused to Sign the Symbol of Nice, and the Arians did not treat their Adversaries better, when they could not prevail with them; so that they ceased not Persecuting each other reciprocally. Councils declared both for the one, and the other, which makes our Author reasonably conclude, that we must not yield to the Authority of any Council whatever, till having well exami∣ned the reasons of its Conduct. If it was not lawful to do it in times past, the Faith of Nice could not be re-established; which would have received an irreparable breach at Rimini; if the Orthodox Bishops were not restored to their Churches, after the death of Constantius, and had not re-esta∣blished, in smaller Assemblies, what so nu∣merous a Council had destroyed. We find a remarkable example here∣of (a) 1.143 in the Fragments of St. Hilary, where we see that a Council Assembled at Paris declares, that it abandons the Council of Rimini, for assenting to that of Nice. Dr. Stillingfleet conjectures, that the British Churches did as much, because St. Athana∣sius, St. Ierome, and St. Chrysostom, do, in divers places praise their Application to the Orthodox Faith.

Sulpicius Severus (b) 1.144 speaking of the Bishops of the Council of Rimini, saith, they refused to be entertained by the Em∣peror; excepting those of England, who were to poor, too bear this charge. There∣upon Dr. Stillingfleet makes divers Reflecti∣ons, whereof these are the Principal.

1. That it followeth from thence, that what Geoffrey of Monmouth saith of Riches, which King Lucius gave the Church of Eng∣land, is false.

2. That it is notwithstanding strange, that the Bishops of England should not have wherewithal to maintain them at Rimini, since before Constantine the Churches had divers Funds, besides the Offerings of the People, which were considerable in the nu∣merous Churches; and since Constantine had granted them great Priviledges, as is shewn at length by divers Edicts of this Empe∣ror, which are in the Theodosian Codicil, and elsewhere.

He comes thence to the Accusation of Pelagianism, (c) 1.145 which Beda and Gildas had before raised against the Clergy of England. He remarks first, that Pela∣gius and Celestius were both born in Great Britain, and not in the Armorick Britain, as some have believed; and Refutes, at the same time, some places of F. Garnier, who hath spoken of Pelagius, in his Notes upon Marius Mer••ator.

2. That the Monastick History makes him Abbot of the Monastery of Bangor, but that there is little likelyhood that Bangor had had a Monastery famous in that time, because the Convents of England are no an∣tienter than the time of St. Patrick; and if Pelagius was a Monk, he was of such an Order, as were Pammachius, Paulinus, Me∣lanius and Demetriades, who were pious persons, withdrawn from the Commerce of the World, but without Rule.

3. That the Occupation of these Men, after the Exercises of Piety, consisted in the study of Scripture; and that it was in such a Retreat that Pelagius Writ his Com∣mentary upon the Epistles of St. Paul, and his Letters to Melanius and Demetri∣ades.

4. That since he was accused of Heresie, he was imployed to defend himself; and that after having been Condemned in A∣frick, and Banished, he was yet Condem∣ned in a Council at Antioch, under Theo∣dotus, as Marius Mercator tells us; and all that, because the Sentiments of Pelagius were not well understood (d) 1.146 as the Bishop of Worcester justly saith.

5. That wretched Pelagius passed the remnant of his Life in obscurity, and dy∣ed, according to all likelihood, without re∣turning into England.

6. That without the extraordinary cares of the Bishops of Africk, Pelagianism would have been established by the Autho∣rity of the See of Rome.

Though Pelagius had been Condemned by the Emperor and the Councils; Agricola, Son to Severian Bishop, who had embraced Pelagianism, brought it into England. It was perhaps the severe Edict of Valentinian III. Published in CCCCXXV, against the Pelagians, who were amongst the Gauls, which drove him thence. Prosper witnes∣seth, that there were several of them in England, which made some believe that Celestius was returned hither; but our Au∣thor shews, that this Opinion has no ground. The Adversaries of the Pelagi∣ans not being able to defend themselves a∣gainst so subtil Controvertists, sent to de∣mand aid of the Bishops of the Gauls, who sent them Germain and Loup, two Bishops of great Reputation, but suspected to be Semi-Pelagians; the first being a great Friend to Hilary of Arles, and the second being brother to Vincent of Lerins, Semi-Pelagians. It's found in a certain Wri∣ting, that is attributed to Prosper, Dis∣ciple of St. Augustin, that it was Celestinus, Bishop of Rome, who sent him; but our Author shews, that there is reason to sus∣pect this to be the writing of some other Pro∣sper; and that though it were his, we have reason to believe, that he was de∣ceived.

Germain and Loup being arrived in Eng∣land, had a publick Conference at Verulam, and acted so, that they left England in the old Opinions, as they believed; but they were forced to return sometimes after. Our Author relates no Head of the Doc∣trine of St. Germain and Loup, by which we may know, whether they Taught Semi-Pelagianism, or the Predestinarionism in Eng∣land, to free themselves from the suspici∣ons which might be had of them.

He passeth (e) 1.147 to the Ju∣stification of Fastidius, an English Bishop, suspected of Pelagianism, and of whom there is yet a Book de vita Christiana, published by Holstenius. It is not so easie to justifie Fau∣stus of Riez, from Semi-Pelagianism, though in his time he passed for a Saint, and that he was Prayed to in this quality, during many A∣ges, in the Church of Riez: Sidonius Apollina∣ris gives him this fine Encomium (f) 1.148 Cui datum est soli melius lo∣qui, quam didicerit, vivere melius, quam loquatur; To whom alone it hath been given to speak better than he had Learned, and to Live better than he Spoke. What has been said of him may be seen, Tome 8. p. 228. and Foll. of the Vniversal Bibliotheque.

The Learned have much Disputed, to know if there really had been Hereticks who may be named Predestinarians. Some believed they were but Semi-Pelagians, who turn'd the Sentiments of St. Augustin into He∣resie, and consequences of 'em into ano∣ther Name; and others have said, that really there were some, who had indeed drawn, from the Doctrine of this Father, this consequence; That there was no Free-will, and consequently, that God would not Iudge Men according to their Works. Our Author proves (g) 1.149 there have been Men who maintained these strange O∣pinions, though there was not enough to make a Sect.

After that, (h) 1.150 Dr. Stillingfleet returns to St. Germain and Loup, who established Academies, or Schools in Eng∣land, and who also introduced here the Gallican Liturgy. Upon this Subject he seeks for the Origine of the most antient Schools of England, and speaks of the Gal∣lican Liturgy, which he compares with the Roman. He shews finally the Conformity of the English Church of this time with the Antient British Liturgy, and concludes, that the Non-Conformists are in the wrong, to accuse the Episcopal Church of having re∣ceived its Liturgy from the Roman Church. It sufficeth to speak of this briefly, because there are almost none but the English, who can be curious of these sorts of things.

V. The same reason obligeth us to make this use of it in respect of the 6th and last (i) 1.151 Chapter, where the Au∣thor treats of the fall of the British Churches. He sheweth,

• 1. That all Great Britain was never Con∣quer'd by the Romans; and that the Picts and Scots, being not subdued, made Ex∣cursions upon the Britans.
• 2. That what is said of Scotch and Irish Antiquities is no more assured, than what Geoffrey of Monmouth hath published of those of England.
• 3. That as soon as the Barbarous Nations of the North had some knowledge of Sci∣ences, they would have Histories, as they saw the most Polite Nations had; and to descend from some Illustrious People, such as the Trojans were, the Greeks and the Aegyptians, whence an Infinity of Fables hath taken birth.
• 4. That the Evils of the British Churches came from their being exposed to the Fu∣ry of the Scots and Picts, upon the Decli∣ning of the Empire of the West, which was no more in a way of helping them; and that several times there were Walls or Retrenchments made betwixt Scotland and England, to preserve the latter from the Incursions of these Barbarous People.
• 5. That the Britans being afterwards divided, one of the Parties called to its help the Saxons, whose Origine is here sought for, that they repented it soon af∣ter; and that the Britans were obliged to make War against them, whereof divers

• events are described, drawn from the Mo∣nastick Histories full of Lyes, and at the same time very defective.
• 6. That Armorick Britain was Peopled by a British Colony towards the end of the Fourth Age. There it was that Gildas Writ his Letter, where he Addresses himself to Five Kings, amongst whom England was divided, and describes at large the Vices of the Britans, to induce them to Repen∣tance.

Lastly, The Bishop of Worcester Relates the manner how the Prelates of England re∣ceived the Monk Augustin, who was sent hi∣ther towards the end of the Sixth Age, by Gregory Bishop of Rome. This Augustin be∣ing made Arch-Bishop of Canterbury by the Pope, desired to have a Conference with the British Bishops, to whom he represented, that they ought to embrace the Unity of the Catholick Church, viz. to submit to him and the Pope. All that he could obtain, is, that they asked time to consult; and offered afterwards to Answer him in a greater As∣sembly. There were Seven British Bishops, and several Learned Men, chiefly of the Monastery of Bangor, whereof one named Dinot was Abbot. The Result of the As∣sembly was, That the Britans altogether refused to submit to the Church of Rome, or to Augustin, as their Arch-Bishop. It is what Beda, whose Authority is indisputa∣ble in these matters, relates of this Confe∣rence. It is yet found more at large in a M. S. published in the Collection of Mr. Spelman, an Antient Britan, in English and in Latin. As there have been some objecti∣ons made against this History, and this M S. Dr. Stillingfleet Answers 'em at the end of this Chapter. Thence he concludes, that the British Churches are in the same case, in relation to the Dispute they have with the Bishop of Rome, as the Churches of Cyprus were, in regard to the Bishop of Antioch; who would fain be their Patriarch, against their Antient Rights, according to which they had a particular Metropolitan: As the Council of Ephesus condemned the Bishop of Antioch, who would extend too far the limits of his Jurisdiction: If the preten∣tions of the Pope upon England be this day judged by the antient Canons, he shall infal∣libly be condemned, for striving to extend his Patriarchship in places, where he hath not been acknowledged for above 600 years.

All the WORKS of James Alting, Pro∣fessor of Divinity in the Academy of Groningen. Fifth Vol. in Fol. at Amsterdam. Sold by Gerard Borsti∣us, 1687.

THose that have read the Schilo of this Author, his Treatises upon the Sab∣bath, the Conversion of the Iews, and his Theological and Philosophical Dissertati∣ons, will not wonder that Mr. Becker, Minister of Amsterdam, hath taken care to Print all his Works Posthum••. It hath been thought that the Style of Mr. Alting, which is simple enough, and sufficiently disen∣gag'd from the terms of Schools, would not be ill received in an Age, where neat∣ness is so much loved, and wherein great words are no more taken for great things. This is what may be judged by a general view of the Subjects to which this Divine hath ap∣plyed himself, and by an Essay that shall be given here of his Method.

1. We find in the First Tome an Analysis, and Notes upon the Four first Books of Mo∣ses, and upon the 24 First Psalms; a larger Commentary upon Deuteronomy, from the first Chapter until the XIX. Vers. 11, and Lessons upon all the Prophet Ieremy.

The 2d contains, besides the Parallel of divers Prophecies of the Old Testament ci∣ted in the New, very ample Commenta∣ries upon several passages of the Old Testa∣ment, whose sense is given, and whose use is shewn in Religion and Morality.

The 3d and 4th Volumes comprise Expo∣sitions of the same nature upon the whole Epistle to the Romans, and divers Texts of the New Testament, an Analysis of this Epistle, and of that to the Colossians, with Lessons upon the Epistle to the Hebrews, from the beginning to the Ninth Chapter, Vers. 10.

In the 5th there are the Dissertations which have been already Printed, with a very long Treatise upon the Nature of the Sabbath, where 'tis shewn it was altoge∣ther Evangelick; Notes upon the Catechism of Heidelberg; a Method of the Didactick Divinity. Five Heptads of Theological and Philosophical Dissertations; the First upon Holy Writ and its Perfection; The Second upon Justification; the Third and Fourth upon the Messia; and the Fifth upon divers Subjects.

Amongst the Pieces which have not as yet been published, are Nine Discourses, delivered at divers times, at the opening of the Academy of Groningen; Two Disser∣tations upon the Hebrew Tongue; divers Letters, or Extracts of Letters, which de∣serve

to be Read, as much for the matters of Critick which are therein treated, as for the moderation which the Author shews up∣on Controversies, which in his time were agitated amongst the Divines of those Pro∣vinces; and for several Historical Actions, which may be there learned. To help the Reader to judge of the knowledge of Mr. Alting, we shall shew some of the cri∣tical Subjects, which are treated on in his Letters, or in the Pieces which have not yet been published.

The First Dissertation of the Fifth Hep∣tad is Entituled, de Cabbala Scripturaria;(a) 1.152 He first seeks for the Ety∣mology of the word Cabal, which is the Name that the Iews give to their Tra∣ditions, and pretends, that even after that God had given his Law by Writing, a kind of an Oral Tradition was conserved in the Church, as long as there were Prophets and Apostles. He adds, that after the de∣struction of Ierusalem, the Iews esteem'd another Cabal, which they have equalled, and even preferred to the first, and which is not in the Talmud; but in Books a great deal less known; whether the Iewish Doc∣tors do keep them hidden, or whether their proper obscurity renders them impe∣netrable.

In regard to the Practick Cabal, which only serves for Magical Operations, the Au∣thor entirely disapproves thereof: but as for the Theoretick, where some make Thir∣teen sorts, and others Three, as it is a kind of a Symbolick Divinity, he will have it to be treated even as Allegories are. There's a great respect due to Allegories, whereof the Sacred Writers are the Au∣thors, as in Gal. 4.22. But those that have no grounds in Scripture are looked upon with contempt. Mr. Alting maintains, that we ought to make this use of the Cabal, and pretends that in the Old Testament there are divers Transpositions, Changes, Additions or Retrenchments of Letters, which have not been without a Mystery. He gives, for example, the change which God himself made, of the Names of Abram (a) 1.153 and of Sarai, into those of Abraham and Sarah. He saith these Names were given them by a particular Providence, to mark that they should be the Heads of a Holy Generation, whence the Messia should spring; that it is for this reason that Abram signifies Father raised, or rather Father of the raised; and that the Name of Sarai shews, that this Raised is the Messia, the Son of the Sove∣raign, being composed of Sar, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and of the first Letter of the Name Iehova, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 so that it signifies a Prince-Lord: that the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which marks Iehova was in the Name of Sarai, and not in that of Abram, because it was to the Woman Eve, and not to Adam, that God made a Promise of the Messia, or the Seed which should bruise the Serpent's head. That God, to reward the Faith of Abram, being willing to ad∣mit him to the participation of this Pro∣mise with Sarai, would have them partake of the Sign, which was the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and that they both should have, in their Name, (c) 1.154 a Letter of his, viz. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is worth Five, or the half of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which stands for Ten.

The Author in this Dissertation makes still many Remarks upon divers proper Names, and other words of the Bible, Written diversly, to shew, that this came not by chance.

There are many of these Mystical and surprising Expositions in the Fourth Disser∣tation of this Heptade, de arborum fructi∣ferarum praeputio, sanctitate & fruitione; where our Author Answers to the following Questions, according to his Method, viz. in relating the Opinion of divers Rabbins, and several Famous Divines, and then his own; These Questions are, Why God com∣manded that for the Three first years of a Tree, People should look upon the Fruit of it as polluted, and why he forbid the eating of it? And why he would have the Fruit of the Fourth year dedicated to him∣self? If these Consecrated Fruits belonged only to Priests and Levites, or if all persons which were not polluted, or if all unclean persons might eat of them?

The Second Discourse of the Seventh Heptade treats of the Anointing of the Chief Priests and Kings; where the Author menti∣ons the Opinion of the Iews, which believed, that Moses only made the Holy Oyl; be∣cause in the Second Temple there was none of this Oyl, the Vial wherein it was be∣ing lost with the Ark; which denoted, ac∣cording to Mr. Alting, that the Priesthood and Temporal Reign of the Iews was de∣clining, and making room for the Reign and everlasting Priesthood of the Messia. This Exposition is founded upon this, That the Chief Priests and Kings of the House of David were Consecrated with this Oyl, whose Dignity was hereditary, and descend∣ed to their Children. But for the Officers, whose Charges were not considerable, nor did belong to a certain Family, they were not Anointed. As for the Kings of Israel, after the Schism of Ieroboam, either they were Anointed, or not; if they were as Iehu was, it was with another Oyl, and not with that which was kept in the Tem∣ple of Ierusalem.

There was much of this Holy Oyl poured upon the Heads of Chief Priests and Kings, to Consecrate them; but the manner of this pouring was different. 'Twas poured round the Head of a King in form of a Crown; and the Forehead of Chief Priests

was Anointed in such a manner, that the Traces of the Oyl expressed the Figure of X. The Rabbins troubled themselves to find out the Reason of this Ceremony; but our Author finds it not hard to discover it in the Truth of Iesus Christ, Sacrificing him∣self upon the Cross.

In a Discourse upon the Leprosie, which is the Fifth of the IX. Heptade, it's asser∣ted, that the Iews believe, that the Lepro∣sie is no Contagious Disease; but an extra∣ordinary one which God inflicted upon cer∣tain persons, by an effect of his unsearcha∣ble Judgments; which they prove by Seven Reasons.

• 1. Pestilential Diseases fall indifferently upon Men and Beasts, but the Leprosie has ne∣ver infected a Beast. It's true, that there is talk of the Leprosie of Cloaths and Hou∣ses, but it's not well known what that is; and 'tis believed this kind of Contagion ne∣ver appeared out of Palestin.
• 2. All Lepers were to present themselves to one Priest, who should carefully examin, and was obliged to search them strictly. But if the Distemper had been Contagi∣ous, the Priests would have been exposed to great danger, because the Labour of their Duty, and the Obligation of going bare-foot made them very weak.
• 3. These who were attackt with this Di∣stemper, were comers-out amongst the rest of the People, till they were visited by the Priests, and declared Lepers. And this In∣spection was neither made upon the Sabbath, nor Holy-day, that Devotion and Publick Rejoycings might not be hindered. It is not likely that People should tarry so long a time to separate the Pestiferous.
• 4. The Gentiles who were not Proselytes, and who lived in Canaan, were not obliged to shew themselves to the Priests, though they were Leprous, and yet they were not hin∣dered to converse with all the World.
• 5. Those who were suspected to be Le∣pers, were shut up in the Field, or even in the Town, and there were only those who were judged Lepers, that were obliged to go out, which if they recovered, were not suffered to enter till after many washings, and other Ceremonies which they were to observe.
• 6. According to the Judgment which the Priest pronounced, a Man was looked upon to be clean or unclean, and so he was con∣versed with, or his company shunned. But it is not likely that this Sentence rendered a Man more or less Contagious.
• 7. The general Leprosie which covered the whole Body, did not render a Man unclean, because they were declared clean who had all their Body covered with White Leprosie, and in whom there was not a bit of Live flesh to be seen. Naaman the Le∣per had several to serve him, and he him∣self was Minister to the King of Assyria, which could not be if his Distemper was Contagious. Also the Word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Tame, which is spoken of polluted and unclean People, marks only a legal impurity, and is not applyed to them who are Infected with a Contagion.

The Heptades are followed by a small Treatise, entituled, Sciagraphia Biblica, seu specimen Oeconomiae Patriarcharum. It is as it were a Historical Abridgment of Divinity, disposed according to the order that is contained in Holy Writ. This Treatise is not ended, because it begins at the Creation, and ends at the Punishment of Sodom.

The Letters of Mr. Alting are one of the most considerable Pieces of this Volume, be∣ing all full of Moderation and Learning. In the Second he proposes some difficulties to Mr. Wetstein Professor at Basil, who said in one of his Dissertations, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were Sy∣nonyms in St. Iohn. The Author, on the contrary, will have the terms, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, shew not only, That the Word was in the beginning of all things; but supposeth also, that he was in being before; whereas the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, shew, that this word is destined to the Office of Mediator, which was done since or at the beginning; God having Promised the Messia who was to bring Life to Men, and that immediately after the first Sin.

In the Third Letter, which is Written to Buxtorf the Son, Mr. Alting, to shew that the Sabbath was a Ceremonial Institu∣tion, which Figured Iesus Christ, and the Gospel, thus Translates a passage in Isaiah, 58.13. If thou call the Sabbath a delight, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Likdos••h Iehova mecub∣bad; the Holy of the Lord. He pretends, that this Holy of the Lord is the Messia, who is called the Holy One of God, Mark. 1.24. Luke 4.34. And that the Father hath sanctified, and sent him into the World, John 10.36. The Author Answers in the 4, 5 and 6th Letters, some difficulties which were made upon the Explication of this passage, and upon Iob 11.7.

In the Ninth is sought the Origine of this Phrase 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Basar vedam, Flesh and Blood, which is common in the Rabbins and Writings of the new Testament. The Author believes, that the Iews did not begin to make use of it until after the Pro∣phets times, when Philosophy began to be brought in amongst them. They saw some Pagan Philosophers define a man a compound of Body and Soul, and searching in their own Tongue for familiar Terms, which would

answer this Definition; they added to the word Basar Flesh, by which the Scripture commonly marks Man, & that of Dam Blood. Besides the passages of Genesis 9. and Le∣vit. 17. where it is said, That the Blood is the Soul of Beasts; there are many others by which it appears, that the Soul and Blood are Synonymous, with the sacred Wri∣ters; so they say in some places, the Messia has given his Blood, and in other places, he has given his Soul to ransom many.

There is in the 16.50. a Judgment which deserves our observation; but to know the importance of it, we must know the dispute upon which it was delivered about the end of the Year 1655. There arose a dispute amongst the Mennonite Ministers of Amster∣dam, about the external State of the pre∣sent Christian Church; from Conferences they came to Writings, whereof there were several Copies soon made, and as soon print∣ed. The first which appeared upon this Subject was signed by Gallenus, and Da∣vid Spruit, who put it into the hands of their Brethren. The 11th. of Ianuary 1657. it was digested in Nineteen Articles wherein these two Ministers expounded their Opinion touching the Church, which is to this purpose:

1. That there is but one Church, which is called the Spouse and Body of Iesus Christ, and that it was to that alone that the pro∣mises of Iesus Christ were made.

2. That Iesus Christ has established in this Church Apostles, Prophets, Evange∣lists, Pastors, and Doctors, and hath given them the Gifts of the Holy Ghost, which guide them infallibly, so that they and their Hearers might be assured they did not err.

3. That not only the Apostles, but even the inferiour Ministers of the Apostolical Church, and even the Deans, and Anti∣ents after receiving the imposition of hands, were endowed with miraculous Gifts which were necessary for the Exercise of their Charge.

4. That so the first Ministers had a Right to call themselves Embassadors of Iesus Christ, and that the People were obliged to receive them in that Quality.

5. That the Church should fall into an entire Apostacy; that this Prediction should be accomplished soon after the Death of the Apostles, seeing that from the time of St. Paul and St. Iohn the mystery of Ini∣quity began to increase, since there were already several Antichrists. One must have but a small insight of Ecclesiastical History, to know that the Zeal of Christians cooled a little after, and that they fell from a Re∣missness into a corruption of Manners, from a corruption of Manners into that of Doct∣rine: and that instead of the Gifts of the Holy Ghost there was nothing seen to Reign in the Church but the Spirit of Supersti∣tion, of Tyranny over Consciences, of Schism and Excommunication.

6. That those who undertook in these late Ages to reform the Church, had nei∣ther miraculous Gifts nor an Express, not extraordinary Vocation from Iesus Christ.

7. That to prove that the Assemblies which were held are the true Church, they have only some Arguments drawn from passages of Scripture explained according to the weak Lights of their own reason, or to speak better, according to their con∣jectures.

8. That there is no Text in the Bible which priviledges a Man who is not inspi∣red to form an Assembly, which should call it self the true and only Church of Iesus Christ, and should appropriate to it self it's Priviledges, by excluding all others.

9. That nevertheless, Christians divided themselves into innumerable Sects, where∣of the most part excommunicates and condemns the other.

10. From all this it's concluded, That one cannot look upon any of these Church∣es, nor the Ministers thereof, nor the Tenets, nor the Ceremonies of them, with the same respect which one was obliged to have for the Church and Apostolical Pastors.

11. Consequently that these Assemblies have no Right to impose their Doctrine or Worship as a necessary Yoak upon Conscien∣ces, nor to condemn and excommunicate such as do not the same with them.

12. That Baptism and the Supper of the Lord, are Sacraments ordained by Iesus Christ, whose use is very profitable; that the Assemblies of Piety are so likewise, pro∣vided their Government be not Tyranni∣cal, that they are looked upon as the work of some godly Persons who have endeavour∣ed to imitate the model of the Church, which they found in Scripture; and they confess these Institutors were not infallible, and that they left faults in their Works, which they are willing to correct when they are better instructed. This was the occa∣sion of a Dispute, that then made much noise. One of Mr. Galenus's Brothers answered these Articles, which Mr. Galenus had print∣ed in the Year 1659. with a Reply to his Adversary. In 1660. Mr. Pontanus, Mini∣ster of the Remonstrants at Amsterdam, un∣dertook to examine this Opinion in a Trea∣tise which he made of the visible Church of Iesus Christ, of it's Office and Worship. Without doubt this dispute was spoken of in 1664. seeing one of Mr. Alting's Friends, ask'd him his Opinion upon it, to which this Professor answered:

I do not see that the Opinion of Galenus, such as you mention it in your Letter, is so con∣demnable; it would be in vain now to search the form of the Apostolical Church, and the Gifts which the Apostles conferred by imposition of hands. I remember I told you that we have a Faith which makes us uncapable of receiving Gifts. As we believe that the Signs which according to the Promise of Iesus Christ, Mark 16.17, 18. should accompany the Faithful, viz. the gift of Miracles, the gift of Tongues, and of Prophecy, have ceased in the Church, then it is not strange, that they descend not to us. In the Opinion of some Men, this Faith and it's Efficacy, lasted not as long as the first Age: It wou'd distract us to find out the Signs of it in such distant times; after this, I do not admire that most Doctors have taken so different ways, and that like Painters they have drawn more or less near after the model of the Apostles, according as their Pen∣cil was fine or gross. Thence sprung so many different Churches, to which were given the names of their Doctors, as commonly the names of Painters are given to their most excellent pieces. It's true, that there are some far better than others: but there are none but please some people so much, that they despise and condemn sometimes all other Churches, how little soever they differ from theirs. It's an evil that could only be deplored hitherto, and God only knoweth when it will be reme∣died: When he is pleased to give us this Faith which we have lost, he will give us it's Fruits, and 'tis then we shall be the Image of the Primitive Church. In the mean time, we must preserve, and endeavour to preserve and increase the Faith we have, which is that of Tenets, and which may conduct us to Sal∣vation, notwithstanding the faults of the exte∣riour form and Government of the Church.

In answering to the same who asked him his Opinion upon the Visions of Drabicius; he saith, I know nothing certain upon that bu∣siness now: I cannot approve them, and I dare not condemn them, I suspend my Iudg∣ment in the design to meditate upon this Sub∣ject, and perhaps at another time I will write to you at large of it, l. 17.

In the Twenty first Letter are a great ma∣ny helps for the History of David, and up∣on the Persecutions which Saul makes a∣gainst him. In answering a Divine of Her∣born who exhorted him to make a Transla∣tion of Scripture but, without swerving from the received Versions, and the common Tradition; I cannot, saith he, make that two Councils agree, for one ruineth the other, to what purpose is it to spoil Paper to say the same things a hundred times over? I take no∣tice of another fault, which has taken roo•• a∣mongst the Reformed, that is, that we are ve∣ry Orthodox upon the Theory or Speculation of Scripture, but as to Practice we are altoge∣ther Papists, Puri puti Pontificii. You will acknowledge it if you reflect upon the Actions of both the one and the other. You advise me to be silent upon the question of the Sab∣bath, tho' you acknowledge it is of great impor∣tance, and you will not have me to oppose my self to the received Hypothesis. I know full well, that it is an Axiom of the prudence of this Age not to touch an evil which is strongly root∣ed; but the Reformers of the past Age, had far more Christian Thoughts. They had the cou∣rage to attack the Errors which were in the peaceable possession of Mens understandings▪ tho' they foresaw the troubles which they would cause throughout all Europe. It is in vain to expect to gain time, till Men were silent or did agree all to maintain a false Hypothesis; this silence and this consent would not ren∣der it true. I do not take the Testimonies of Men, saith Jesus Christ, nor would he have St. John Baptist himself to be believed if his words were not conformable to the Writings of Moses, 50.27.

Upon the famous passage of the Romans, 3.25. the Author hath an opinion altoge∣ther different not only from the common Interpretation, but also from that of Bezae and of Cocceius; the first Translates 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dissimulatio, and the second Prateritio: But Mr. Alting will have it Transmissio or Translatio, a Transposition. He founds it upon this, That there is a Pleonasmus in the Version of these two learned Interpre∣ters, because the terms of Dissimulation, Praeterition, and Non-imputation, give no o∣ther Idea but the Patience of God, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of which mention is made in the following vers. 2. He adds 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which answers here to the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hegneb∣bir, which is spoken of Sins, 2 Sam. 12.13. and Iob 7.21. and that so Paresis mark'd in this place, that Action of God conside∣red as a Debtor, who transports the Debt or the Crimes of Sinners upon Iesus Christ, who is made their Pledge or Surety. So the sense of this Passage is according to our Author, that God has transported upon Ie∣sus Christ the Sins which were committed before his coming, and which he bore by his patience, and that God hath declared in the Gospel how much he loves Justice, since he has pardoned Sinners after that his Son, their Surety, had expiated their Crimes, and has even pardoned those which sinn'd before his coming. It was objected, to Mr. Alting, that the sense he gave to the term Paresis, was unknown to all Greece. He answers to this, it is the Custom with the Writers of the New Testament to give Hebrew Significations to Greek Words, and that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 answers to the Hegnebbir of the Hebrews; nor is it strange that St. Paul has taken 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for Transport. To confirm his Opinion, the Author brings many Ex∣amples of a very extraordinary Signification, of the Particle 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for, which answering to that of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Chi, In Hebrew, is em∣ployed for although in the following pas∣sages, Iohn 4.44. Two days after Iesus re∣turned into Galilee, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, altho' Iesus had testified himself, that

no Prophet would be well received in his own Country. Rom. 5.7. One would scarce die for a just Man, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, altho' for a good Man some wou'd even dare to die. There are infinite Examples of these Hebraisms: Thus the passage of St. Iohn 8.25. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which has given so much trouble to the Interpreters, is a phrase of the Rab∣bins, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Le∣bitchilla tascher ani omer Lachem: I am really what I tell you. The same Apostle doth not commonly take the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in a Greek sense, but in a signification which the Rabbins give to their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 bepar∣hesia, which signifies Publickly, 50, 27, 42, 44, 52.

In the 45.50. Mr. Alting proves the necessity of studying the Hebrew Tongue against a Professor who durst maintain in his Publick Lessons that that Tongue was not necessary for Ministers, nor for Students in Divinity, because St. Augustine and all the Doctors of his time were ignorant of it, except St. Ierome, who drew upon himself the hatred of all his Contemporaries. The same Author writing against the Jew Athi∣as, p. 4. according to the citation of Mr. Alting, Libros veteris Testamenti partem Bibliorum inutilem dixit, potiorem vero & sanctiorem novi Testamenti libros; that is, the Books of the Old Testament, are the un∣profitable Part of the Bible; but that those of the New Testament are the most holy and most considerable.

Mr. Perizonius designing to refute Spinosa, consulted Mr. Alting upon some difficul∣ties, which our Professor resolves in his 59. and 50. The first relates to the Authors of the Canon of the Old Testament; and 'tis asked whether it was Esdras? Mr. Al∣ting saith,

That 'tis commonly believed up∣on the Testimony of Buxtorf who assures us in his Tyberiade, That the Members of the great Synagogue assembled to bring into one Body the Canonical Books, and that Esdras presided in that Assembly, and that the three last Prophets were there accompanied with Mordocheus. But Gans David remarks that Simeon the Just, who is said to have been the last of the Assembly of this great Synagogue, lived eight Generations after Io∣shuah, Son to Iosadack. Add to this, that there is no likelyhood that Malachy was Contemporary with Esdras, since he doth not speak of the rebuilding of the Temple nor return of the Iews, and that he chief∣ly sticks to reprehend the Priests, who corrupted the Law by their Interpretati∣ons: So that this Prophet seems to have lived about the time of Hillel, when the Sect of the Pharisees began to flourish, and their Traditions to be in Vogue. Parker has remarked, that the Fathers of the Church pass'd for Apostolical Traditions, customs established by long use, whereof the first Author was not known, and to which they had a mind to give some Au∣thority. The same Remark may be made concerning the Iews. There were amongst them Institutions, whereof the Authors were uncertain, which they attributed to the Members of the great Synagogue, and made them come from inspired Men, which were but Traditions of the Pharisees. The Members of the Synagogue never lived in the same time, nor in the same place, and that consequently there never hath been such an one. It is an invention of the Sticklers for Tradition, to give some like∣lihood to their System.

The second difficulty regards the number∣ing of Iews who returned from Babylon to Ierusalem. Esdras and Nehemiah agree in a Total Sum, which was 42360. but when we our selves will muster up the num∣ber of each Family, there will be only found 29818 in Esdras and 31089 in Nehemiah. There is yet this thing remarkable, that Nehemiah mentions 1765 Persons, which are not in Esdras, and that Esdras has 494, whereof Nehemiah doth not all speak. The Difference that seems to make it im∣possible to reconcile these two Authors, is what makes them agree; for if you add the Over-plus of Esdras to the number of Nehemiah, and the Surplus of Nehemiah to that of Esdras, the same Number will come of them both.

〈 math 〉〈 math 〉

Which being substracted from 42360, there remains 10777. which were not mentioned perhaps because they lost their Genealogical Books, being of the Po∣sterity of the Priests, Chabaja, Cotzi, Bar∣zillai, or of the Israelites of the Ten Tribes.

In the sixtieth Letter our Author makes the History of the Canon of the Old Te∣stament,

Moses, saith he, committed the keeping of his Books to the Levites, Deut. 31.25. and the following, and created them as 'twere Doctors of the People.

Deut. xxxiii.10. And it seems that Malacby al∣ludes to this charge, Ch. 2. vers. 4, 5, 6, 7. Yet these Doctors did not much increase this Bibliotheque until the time of David. The Prince assisted with some Prophets, divided the Priests and Levites into di∣vers Classes, who were to serve by turns: But this Order was the cause of a great confusion amongst the holy Levites, where∣of none took care, but when his turn was come. Thence proceeds the disor∣der which is remarked in the Collection of the Psalms: David gave them to the

Levites, who were in their Week, accord∣ing as he composed them; each Classis kept those which had been remitted to it: In fine, there was a Collection made, joyn∣ing together what each Classis had recei∣ved, without having regard to the Order or time in which they were Written. The same thing sometimes hapened, in regard to the Sermons of the Prophets, Habac. 2.2; which having been intrusted to divers Priests, were gathered, according to this Method, and put into the number of the Sacred Books. As in the time of Malachy, they began to have too much esteem for Traditions, and to attribute unto them an Authority, which weakned that of the Sa∣cred Writings; this Prophet discover'd the Imposition of the Levites, who gave way to these Traditions (a) 1.155 because it augmented their credit. He prohi∣bited, for the future, that any Writing whatever should be put into the Sacred Volumes upon their Word, and before it had been compared with the Law of Moses, (b) 1.156 which he would have to be as the Rule to all Books: Thence it cometh, that after him nothing was added to the Canon of the Holy Writings. I cannot believe that this was done by the advice or order of some Ecclesiastical Assembly. There are no Footsteps of these sorts of Assem∣blies in Scripture, and 'tis evident that God would not suffer that there should be any; least it should be thought, that the Authority of his Word depended on the Will of Man; or that the Church, under this pretence, should attribute to it self the right of Pronouncing upon the Canon, and to reject, or admit the Books, as it should think fit. If the Church had this power, there are many Prophetical Wri∣tings which we should miss: undoubtedly we should not have the Prophesies of Iere∣miah, to whom the whole Colledge of Priests, and all the ordinary Prophets were opposed; and it is absurd to say, that the Church had this Power one time, and not another. God gave Credit enough to Moses, in speaking to him in the sight of all Israel, Exod. xix. 14. and his Wri∣tings never wanted the Authority of any Assembly to be received. As to the other Prophets, Do you ask how their Books were received, or how they have been preserved? It is a conduct of Providence, which I adore without comprehending its ways. It hath not yet been proved that we owe this obligation to the Pharisees, or Rabbins in particular. It is to the Jewish People in General that St. Paul gives the Title of Depositors of the Divine Oracles, Rom. 3.

Several other Questions of Criticks are treated of in these Letters, of Divinity and Morality. If Boaz * 1.157 E∣spoused Ruth by vertue of the Right of Next-a-Kin? What Motive compelled the Gibeonites to feign that they were come from a far Countrey? If the Seven Nati∣ons of the Canaanites were not of the num∣ber of those to whom God had commanded Peace to be offer'd? It's Answer'd, That these Seven Nations were excepted, and not contain'd amongst those to whom Peace was to be offered; (b) 1.158 That the Gi∣beonites being of their num∣ber, saw themselves obliged to put a Guile upon the Israelites, to be received amongst their Allies; that this having been Sworn, it was not permitted to break it, because it was not the Israelites who had offered Peace, but the Gibeonites which had demand∣ed it; a Conjuncture upon which God pro∣nounced nothing, and which seemed even to exempt them also: Submission being a mark of Faith, see Ioshua 11.9. and com∣pare the example of Rahab, Ios. 2. Yet as the Gibeonites had obtained this Alliance by deceit, and remained in the midst of Pa∣lestine, for fear they should corrupt the People, they were obliged to Abjure Ido∣latry; and an Employment was given them, which kept them with the Priests. As for the other People which the Israelites Con∣quered, they were suffered to live in their Religion, as it appears by the Example of the Neighbouring Nations, whom David made Tributaries.

It is Asked if the Daughter of Iephtha ought to have been Sacrificed, and it's An∣swer'd, Yes? Divers Questions are put about the Baptism of little Children, if it can∣be Administred without the Temples, and set Hours, or by Laicks? upon which occa∣sion our Author makes the History of this Sacrament, and concludes, that we ought to Conform our selves in this to the use of the Church wherein we live: that it is absurd to have the Publick stoop to our own parti∣cular Customs; and that a Protestant, who threatens to separate himself, for these things, from the Communion of a Church, hath already abandoned it, seeing he has a design to trouble the Peace thereof, and that he can suffer no Order but that which he establisheth: L.LXX. Other Questions upon Baptism of Infidels, may be seen in L.XCVIII.

Those who would have it, that the Pro∣phets who followed Moses, made alterations in his Writings; and those who suspect that the Pentateuch is a Collection of some other Prophet, who lived a long while af∣ter, and composed it upon the Memoirs of this Lawgiver, commonly do cite, to prove their Hypothesis, the Passages of the Five Books of Moses, where there are Names

which were not in use in his time. That of Genesis, Chap. xiv.14. where it is said, that Abraham pursued the Five Kings unto Dan, seems one of the strongest, seeing it is evident by Iosh. xix.47. and Iudges xviii.29. that this City was called before Les∣chem, or Lais. Mr. Alting Answers, 'Tis likely there were Three Cities of this Name, Leschem and Lais being perhaps different Cities, to which the Danites gave the Name of their Father; and that of Ge∣nesis, being, it may be, a Third City sci∣tuate near the source of Iordan: If we may not rather say, that it is at the very source of Iordan. And this source was but Ten Miles from Sidon; whereas Lais seems to be distant enough from it, Iudg. xviii.7, 28. This same source was very distant from the Territories of the Tribe of Dan, being at the South of Naphtali and Asher. There is no likelyhood that these two Tribes should permit the Danites to seize upon Cities, which were fallen unto them by Lott; nor that the Idol of Micah, to which the Tribe of Dan gave Publick Adorations, was e∣rected so far from their Land, Iudg. xviii.18, 30, 31. All this makes our Author be∣lieve, that Lais was scituate near Ioppe, more than Forty Miles from Sidon, since it is said, it lived after the Fashion of the Sidonians, because it was washed with the Sea, that it subsisted by Commerce, and that its Government was Democratick, as well as that of that Famous Republick, L.lxxx. and the Letters lxxxiii, lxxxiv, lxxxvii, lxxxviii, are Burman's and Al∣ting's, and Treat of several Questions, wherein these Two Divines differ'd in their Opinion, concerning the duration of the Sanhedrin, and the Scribes of the Old Te∣stament: What the Face of God signifies in the first Precept of the Decalogue? If the Seven Epistles of the Apocalypse are Prophe∣tical? The CXIV. contains Two Curious Questions of Morality: Whether it be lawful for a Christian to wear Modest Or∣naments, and to get his Livelyhood in ma∣king Lace, Ribbands, Perukes, &c. Af∣ter the Letters are Two Dissertations upon the Hebrew Tongue; the first Treats of its Names, Iudaic, Hebraic and Holy: The Second shews, that 'twas God him∣self who Taught Man this Tongue.

The Manner of Thinking well, as it has a Relation to the Operations of the Mind. In Dialogues. At Paris, Sold by the VVidow of Sebastian Mabre-Cramoisy, 1687. in Quarto, p. 402. And at Rotterdam by Reinier Leers.

IT is not difficult to find out the Author of the Dialogues of Aristus and Euge∣nius. Here we find the same Form and Politeness, with a Collection of the finest places of the best Authors, done by a de∣licate Hand. Yet we are not more charm∣ed with the choice of things, than with the pleasant turn, and refined manner, where∣with they are united, and which will ve∣ry well bear a second or third review by the Reader. As the Definition of an Art is, the manner of well-doing a thing; so this Work seems, at first sight, to be the same thing with a French Logick, attributed to the Gentlemen of the Port-Royal, and Inti∣tuled, The Art of Thinking. Wherefore Father Bouhours thought himself obliged to say in a Preface, That his Object was different, and that he hath not proposed the Teaching how to form Ratiocinations, with all the exactness that Reason requi∣reth, assisted with Reflections and Precepts; but that his end was to observe those In∣genious Sentiments which are called Think∣ing, as it has a relation to the Operations of the Mind. So that one regardeth exact Reason, and the other a good Relish and Fine Wit. The Two Persons that are to maintain the Four Dialogues, whereof this Work is composed, are adorned with all the Gifts which can render Conversation Ingenious and Sparkling. Science hath not spoiled them, nor have they much less Po∣liteness than Learning. The Judgment of the one is good, and nothing pleaseth him but what's Reasonable and Natural: And all that is Glittering and Bright charms the other. It's this difference of their Judgments which is the Subject of their Dispute. If there should a new Cleanthes arise, he would perhaps find that Father Bouhours could as well say, without Com∣plements, that he himself hath all the Good Qualities, seeing he is here both Eudoxi∣us and Philanthus, as he formerly was Ari∣stus and Eugenius. In short, unfold the matter (to wit) blot out those imagina∣ry Names, and the Elogiums run immedi∣ately back to the Author. This severe Critick would perhaps let go some fine Raillery, because Father Bouhours makes the Conversation proceed from the doubts upon the French Tongue proposed to the Aca∣demy by a Country Gentleman. Philanthus found his Friend intent upon this Book, and the business could neither be more agreea∣ble,

nor more necessary to the will of Fa∣ther Bouhours. But this place ought not to be examined with rigour. The ••ten∣derness of a Father left him, and he could not retain his love for this expos'd Child, which beareth not the Name of him that gave it Birth. Do we not for∣give the Transports of a Mother for her Infant, because of Nature? This secret power draweth us as 'twere against our Will, and possesseth all the affections of our hearts.

The first Thought that falls under the Censure of Father Bouhours, is that of Lu∣can, in this Verse so famous;

Victrix causa Diis placuit; sed victa Catoni. The Gods serve Caesar, and Cato follows Pom∣pey.

He saith, That notwithstanding the A∣dorers of this Poet, it hath only a fine ap∣pearance; and that when it's examin'd into, it is no good Sense. For it represent∣eth the Gods upholding the Unjust Party, as was that of Caesar, who Sacrificed his Countrey to his Ambition, and Oppressed the Publick Liberty. But good Sense will suffer the Gods to approve of the Un∣justice of an Usurper. And Cato being a Man of worth, according to the Poet, there is no reason to oppose him to the Gods, and to give him even the advantage over them. That would destroy his Character of Vertue. Notwithstanding, the Friends of Lucan might say, that his Thought shou'd be examined by the Spirit that reigned then amongst the Heathen. The Pagans, far from making any scruple to put their Gods in the unjust Party, made use of a way, in relation to them, which was not the most respectful in the World: On the contrary, they would sling them out of the Windows when they were not well satisfied with them; and it hath been observed, that Alexander was so angry because they had let Hephestion dye, that after having said a Thousand Injurious things to them, he de∣stroyed their Altars. According to this opinion of Father Bouhours's, there is no good Sense in all the Aeneids of Virgil. For one of the finest places is the Anger of Iu∣no, who persecuteth pious Aeneas, and ut∣terly resolveth the loss of so good a Man, in a passion, because Paris did not think her handsome. As for Cato, all the World knows, that those who were educated as he was in the Opinions of the Stoicks, had not a Piety so exact. Seneca would say bold∣ly, That the Prosperity of Sylla was the crime of the Gods. The quality of Honest Man that was given to Cato, regardeth only his unshaken Love for the Publick Liberty and Good wherewith he was animated. So the Poet that makes him a Hero upon that ac∣count, by a noble and bold thought, puts the resolution of Cato in ballance with the Power of the Gods, and the Fortune of Caesar. The Reader charmed with so fine a stroak, doth not stand to decide the Quarrel of Caesar with Pompey, nor to examin, which of the two had most justly unsheathed his sword. Father Bouhours, after having marked that Breboeus mistook the Sense of Lucan, and that he has been a little remiss in this place; begins to give Rules to discover a True Thought. He saith, That it ought to be Natural, and far from those Lustres which have no Solidity; that it ought to be a faithful Image of the Thing it Represents, and always founded upon Truth. Not but that a Thought which runs upon a Fiction, may be Just, provided it be autho∣rised in the Fable: but the points of Wit which the Italians call Vivezze d'ingegno, are not agreeable to the Judgment of this Age. Metaphors well placed produce a handsom effect; and they are very ingeni∣ously compared to Transparent Vails, which let us see what they cover. The Author disapproveth not Equivocations: For exam∣ple, this of Mr. Voiture, in favour of the Coachman that had overturned Cardinal Mazarin. He thought he could hazard no∣thing in overturning you, saith he to him, because you always fall upon your feet. The true sense of this Equivocation was, that nothing overturned either his Designs or Fortune, and that his Wit was still in the same scituation, and drew him out of the most entangling Affairs. But if the Reputation of Mr. de Voiture made it be approved in that time, we may doubt it wou'd not now have the same success. Our Age; delicate even to a scruple, loves not the Games of Wit, wherein Ambigui∣ty makes all the Finery; wherefore he adds here, that they become nauseous, and in∣sipid, even at the very instant that we think to gain credit by 'em. A mysteri∣ous appearance that forms a double sense, causes a secret despite; when having sought long to find the true meaning, we perceive it to be a thing of so little va∣lue. Hyperboles, so dear to the Italians and Spaniards, have a little more credit, provided there is nothing excessive in them. For Vertue it self ceaseth from being so, as soon as it runs into Extremities: and it was permitted to Mr. de Balzack only to speak with a Grave Tone things that were extream. If they are too harsh, they must be sweetned with Terms, and so prepare the Mind for it, that it might not be ob∣liged to revolt. Notwithstanding they lye, according to Quintillian, without decei∣ving, and lead to Truth by a Lye; be∣cause something on't is always abated, and the intent of it is reduced to a reasonable Sense. And if the exactness of thoughts makes the beauty of the Work, we must not be litigious with a Sporting Writer, who, in a small debauch of Wit, speaks a World of Follies to please himself. Then too much strictness would be a Fault. And as a Woman ought not to be regularly dressed but for Ceremonious days, so the'yre

only grave and important Pieces, where all ought to be in the utmost exactness.

After that, the Author relates Examples of false Thoughts, that he has drawn (if our Conjecture be true) from Essays of Morality. He condemns much this Moral Reflection: When Ignorant Persons see these great Libraries, they imagine a Man happy, or capable to know all that was contained in these Collection of Volumes, which they con∣sider as Treasures of Light. But they are mistaken; for if all that shou'd be reuni∣ted in one head only, it would not either be more Regular, or more Wise: It would but augment its Confusion, and darken its Light. Yet the Fancy is neither altogether just, nor altogether false. For if there are Wits capable of disintangling all these Idea's; there are a great many more to whom Read∣ing doth but produce disorder and obscuri∣ty. And, as the design is to make Men perceive the unprofitableness and vanity of Human Sciences, there was no great dan∣ger of pushing the Reflection a little be∣yond the Truth. Father Bouhours also condemneth the false Motions of Preachers. He Laughs at him, who, examining the Reason why Iesus Christ, after his Resur∣rection, first appeared to Mary, saith▪ That it was because God would have the Mystery of his Rising to be Publick, and that a Secret of this Importance, in the hands of a Woman, would speedily be spread every where. He maintains, that if Custom hath authorised, in Profane Works, such Thoughts, as make Fortune enter in the shape of a Person, that is like the trifling and Chimerical Divinity which the Pagans thought presided over Events, and dispensed Good or Evil, according to its Capriciousness; it ought now to be ba∣nished, because it savors too much of the Fable, and Paganism. After which he merrily proposeth this Question, Whether we may, with exactness, say, That the Heart is more ingenious than the Mind? But why should it not be said, Seeing those that Love have their sight more fine, and quick, than the most ap∣prehensive persons? Nothing escapes Love, it refines above all things, and knows how to deceive the most clear-sighted. This op∣position of the Heart and Mind may be ve∣ry delicatly applyed: And can there be a∣ny thing juster than this, The Mind can∣not personate the Heart very long?

At the beginning of the Second Dia∣logue, the Author gives us to observe, That from the Elevation of our Thoughts shou'd proceed a certain Sublimity, that transporteth even to ravishment. He cites this Magnificent Elogy that Seneca gives to Cicero, That he is the onely Wit that the Ro∣mans had equal to their Empire: and this of Horace; That Caesar brought into subjec∣tion the whole Vniverse, except the fierce and invincible Soul of Cato.

After this, is a long Chain of Passages of divers Authors, and a very Polite Com∣mentary upon the finest places of Tatius. He shews, that this Poet robbed others; but that sometimes he so pleasantly stole from them, that his Thefts were pardona∣ble. Father Bouhours ingenuously confes∣seth, that he's not violent for the An∣tients; and it's easily seen that the Mo∣derns have very much Charmed him. Wherefore he rangeth himself in the Sen∣timent of Chancellor Bacon, who said, That the Antiquity of Ages was the Youth of the World; and that in Accounting justly, we are properly the Antients. Those that will be willing to determin of his Judgment, may do it by examining the Choice of such Thoughts as he cites for Examples of Nobility and Majesty. In this great number, the Praises of the King are not omitted. It is, say they, a Noble Thought, to tell him, That he hath the Looks of a Hero; and that if the Title of Majesty was not due to his Rank, it would be to his Person: That he is not like those, that would be Nothing if they ceased to be Kings: but that the Hero is greater in him than the King, and that there is nothing a∣bove his Dignity but his Merit.

We shall add, that in the high Elevati∣on Kings are placed, they seldom tast, without mixture, the pleasure of being Praised, because it may be perplexed with this unquiet Thought, that in their Per∣sons is not adored the Fortune whereof they are Masters; and by this Reflecti∣on, so Judicious in a Prince: I should be proud of the Praises that are given me, if those that give them to me durst tell me the contrary.

Comparisons also produce a handsom ef∣fect, where they are rich and noble, well chosen, and borrowed from the greatest Subjects of Nature and Art. They must not be too bold, neither ought they also to be condemned with too much precipi∣tation; because with them often it is the same, as with those Pictures; where that which seems at first to offend the sight, by strokes too strong and particular, is a happy boldness, and a Master-piece of Work in the eyes of understanding Men.

In the matter of Comparisons it's said, that the Prince of Conde said one day, after having read the Lives of St. Ignatius and St. Xavier; St. Ignatius Caesar who ne∣ver did any thing without good Reasons: St. Xavier Alexander whose Courage hurry'd him away sometimes.

The Author ravished with so happy a Comparison, finds a wonderful Relation between the Character of these Two Aposto∣lical Men, and th••se Two Famous Conque∣rors. For St. Ignatius was Illustrious by

his fine Atchievement in Arms, and in leaving the World, he lost not his War∣like Ideas: On the contrary, he conceived the Affairs of God under these Martial I∣mages, whereof his head was filled; and it was in the Meditation of the Two Stan∣dards that he formed the Draught of his Or∣der, and in the same Mind he gave it a WARLIKE NAME, calling it the Society of Iesus. As for St. Xavier, as he has made many Evangelical Conquests in the Indies, so there is no Injustice in compa∣ring him to Alexander the Conqueror of A∣sia; both having always followed the ar∣dour that animated them, without being frightned at the perils inseparable from great Designs. But both have sometimes suffered themselves to be transported with their Courage, and have almost passed the bounds of Heroick Vertue. Can there be any thing more Noble, or that can give a higher and more magnificent Idea of the So∣ciety, than to make these Two Founders e∣qual with these Two Heroes, who have brought the World under their Yoak, and founded the Two Greatest Empires in the World? We must not therefore wonder, if the ORDER have kept the Spirit of CONQUERING, and this Warlike Hu∣mour, that makes People submit to it.

To awake the Mind of the Reader, Fa∣ther Bouhours observes, that the Gallant Strain hath its Licences as well as the Poe∣tick. He gives a Picture, (or rather Tran∣slation) of the Despair of the unfortunate Dido, and of the Habitation of Lovers in Hell. Virgil seats them in places besprink∣led with Tears, and in Solitudes under the shadow of Myrtles; because Melancho∣ly does not abandon them even in the Habi∣tation of Death. He confesseth, that his heart is touched with this Thought, and that nothing makes us more sensible, how far this foolish Passion reacheth. He very gallantly Laugheth at the folly of Orpheus, who went in search of his Wife even to Hell. The Torments of the Unhappy were suspended, according to his Opinion, more by the surprise that this Husband gave by his New Enterprise, than by his Melodious Voice: And the God of Hell, being touched to see him re-enter into such hard bonds, snatched his Wife from his hands to re∣compense his Musick.

After the Thoughts of Pleasantness, Men pass to those that are delicate; If you ask of me (saith he) what delicateness of Meat or Musick is, it would not be hard to content you: But I do not know where I should meet with Terms to expound a delicate Thought. It sufficeth not to say, it is the finest pro∣duction, and even the most Curious Piece of Wit; it must be added, that it contain∣eth a Sence, which is not visible enough to transport us of a sudden. It resembleth not those Sheperdesses, whereof the great Strokes offer themselves immediatly to our eyes; but such Master-pieces, where Nature worketh by little, and whose Matter and Structure, almost imperceptible, make us doubt whether it hath a design to shew, or hide its Address. For an Example of this Delicacy, which leaves more to be Thought on than is said, we'll cite this place of Cardinal Bentivoglio; The Illustrious Birth and great Merit of the Marquiss of Spinola made him a Grandee of Spain before he was so. Is not here a little Point and Game of Wit rather than Delicateness? This Stroak of the Panegyrist of Theodosius the Great appears more fine. You have, saith he to him, so acted, that no Man thinks himself Conquered when you are Victorious: and that of Cornelius, that makes Sabina say, being divided betwixt her Love to her Husband Horatius, and her Tenderness for her Brother Curiatius;

I fear our Victory as much as our Loss: Rome, if thou complainest that this is to betray thee, Make thy self Enemies that I can hate.

The Application of these two last lines to a Catholick who had changed his Reli∣gion, to Espouse a Huguenotish Woman, I believe is no less delicate than the Thought it self. It's a great Art continues the Au∣thor, to know how to Praise well; and no kind of Eloquence requires turns so delicate as this. A gross Praise, that is, a Praise that is affected, or strain'd, and which is in no wise conceal'd, makes Rational Per∣sons ashamed. A false Praise renders those ridiculous that are praised; Whilst the Praises that are acute flatter their Self-love, and satisfie their Vanity.

At the beginning of the Third Dialogue is his Criticks upon Thoughts, wherein too much Affectation and Art appears. 'Tis a defect that costs much: But the Reader loves not to perceive the Work of the Author, and will not have us shew him all the efforts that we make to please him. He imagins, that we would ravish his approbation. A Paint∣ed Discourse (if I may use the Expression) and too exact, as much displeaseth delicate Minds, as high flights displease Men of a good Judgment. Artifice spoileth Nature. A Thought is vitious in a sublime strain, when it is too far sought, and too much extend∣ed. True Greatness ought to have Just Measures: or to express our selves more Figuratively, A Discourse, like to a River, quiet in its Course, should not overflow, nor become of a sudden an impetuous Torrent, which produceth a Noise, and falls into Precipices. The Spaniards on∣ly are lovers of these Foppish Thoughts, and Chymerical Pomp, which they insert with so much Pride into their Works.

Lucan also sometimes raiseth things a little too high, and beyond their Nature.

Is there not an excess in this Flattery, wherewith he treated Nero? For after ha∣ving lamented the evils of the Civil War, he again cryes out, But if the Destinies wou'd not give Nero to the World, but only in lieu of so many Evils, let us no more com∣plain of any thing, we are very willing to buy him at that price.

Iam nihil, O superi, querimur, scelera ista nefasque Hac Mercede placent.

It's likewise a Vice to affect too much Finery in Ornaments, and it often happens that we Please not, for having too much Wit. For Example, these Verses are drawn from a Treatise, which hath passed for a Master-piece, and where the Author Paints a Fountain:

Within this Grove a Liquid Cristal Glides, Which like a Mirror made of Frozen Glass, Shews every Passenger his Mien and Face.

There is nothing natural in this. On the contrary it may be said, that it would be finer if it were less, and that it were better a Thought should be a little more Dim, than to be so bright. It is sufficient to adorn, without setting it off with so ma∣ny false colours. Seneca the Tragedian of∣ten falls into this Fault. He's so much a∣fraid lest a fine Thought should escape the Hearer, than he sets it off with all the co∣lours that can render it pleasing. Prest on by the heat of his imagination he will have every thing sparkling in his Works. But it's a sign of great Wit to stop, and know how to make an end when it's necessary. The Passions, of all things, will not be too ingenious. The agitation they cause suf∣fers no motions that are exquisite, for Na∣ture expounds it self more simply. In fine, Men Preach too acutely, because the Thought being too much refined, degenerates into sub∣tility, and evaporation. It is with them, as with Works that are over-fine, which have no solidity, and where Art is no more sen∣sible, because there is too much on't. The Author upon this proceeds to Tacitus, be∣cause his reflections are too refined. Eve∣ry thing is a Mystery with him, and he re∣lates not things as they fell out, but as he imagines they might have been. That is the Turn, addeth he, that pleaseth one of those Apes of Tacitus, who thinks to be as great in counterfeiting him, and in giving us noble Idea's which his Imagination furnisheth him with, as also Political Mysteries forged by his own brain, which he hath added to his Me∣moirs.

The Fourth Dialogue is design'd to re∣commend to us the care we ought to have for neatness of phrase. The Mind is not agreeably touch'd, when 'tis put to too much trouble to clear the obscurity of the thought. He shews here, the difference betwixt Gallima∣tius and Phoebus. Gallimatius (says he) is incom∣prehensible, and dark on every side, Phoe∣bus is less obscure, and seems to signifie something fine. Doth it belong to Phoebus to call the Long Robes of Women, Hyper∣bole's of Cloth? The Author relates the unimitable Models of Gallimatius, and the Abbot of St. Cyran furnished him with the chief of 'em. The Adorers of Aristo∣tle have invented a most honourable rea∣son to excuse his obscurity. They said, that the Ambition of Alexander could not endure that all the World should know as much as he did; and that these Mysteri∣ous ways produc'd more veneration to the sublimity of the Matter. But why should any one Write when he has no mind to be understood? He thinks that this Reflecti∣on is not well displayed, how fine soever it appears: Gravity is a Mystery of the Body, invented to hide the faults of the Mind. These Terms, a Mystery of the Body, are not altogether intelligible. Ob∣scure Thoughts resemble those Pits, whose depth surprizeth the Sight; or such Per∣sons as have always their Masks on their Faces, so that they cannot be known.

Is not this to lead the Reader into by∣ways, where perpetual Night Reigneth, or at least a very dull day? There are besides so great a number of fine things mixt toge∣ther in this Work, that it appears to be made only for the Imagination, and to please the Ears; that one is dazled with the varie∣ty of Objects. It must be granted that Fa∣ther Bouhours had the advantage of Youth in his Age, for he appears as Polite and Sparkling as in the Dialogues of Aristus and Eugenius, which was Writ Twenty years before. His Wit hath always the same advantages, and resembles not in any thing the Melancholly common to Old Age, which is an Enemy to the Graces and Charms of Raillery, under pre∣tence that it no longer becomes it: A great Wit, once said, that an Honest Man ought to be of all Professions, and to make no shew of his own. And here he may be pleas'd, for the Author does it without discovering his.

The History of a Christian Lady of CHINA: Where occasionally the Customs of these People, and the Exercises of Piety of the New Christi∣ans, are explained. At Paris, by Ste∣phen Michalet, 1681. in Twelves, p. 151.

THis is a Second Work of Father Cau∣plet's, who, after having given in his First Treatise an exact Idea of the Philoso∣phy of the Famous Confucius, and of the Principal Sciences of the Chinois, was wil∣ling, in this, to instruct us in the Life and

excellent qualities of a Christian Lady of Chi∣na: to which he adds the Relation of the Man∣ners and particular Intreagues of some of the Missionaries, and of the Establishment of the Christian Religion in this great King∣dom.

Yet he first declares, that he pretends only to give here an Abridgment of the Life of this Illustrious Lady; and that he intends to edifie the Publick by a more Ample Relation of her Vertuous Actions; which if we Judge of them by this A∣bridgment, ought to be very surpri∣sing, and the worthy Subject of an Apo∣theose.

The Author begins his History with re∣lating, in a few words, who were the An∣cestors of this Heroine; their Life, their Manners, their Employments, and their happy Calling to Christianity, in spight of the blind Error and Idolatry wherein they were plunged for so long a time.

He insists most a Discourse upon Paul Siu, her Grandfather, who, he says, was not only the Introducer and Protector of the Missionaries at the Emperor of Chi∣na's Court, but also the Apostle and Doc∣tor of his Nation, by the Translation of several Books and Treatises of the Chri∣stian Religion, and even by the Learned Apologies he made in its favour in the Chinoise Language.

He observes that Paul Siu was one of the Colao, which are the Chief Ministers of State, and the Great Officers of the Empire. From whence he takes occasion to speak of Matthew Riccius and Adam Schall Jesuites, and of their Entry into the Court of China, which was effected by the means of the Mathematicks, and Reformation of the Calendar they undertook, whereof he relates the Particulars: adding, that after Five years labour of these good Missionaries, Paul Siu took the pains to Revise and Translate into his Tongue their Works, with all the Elegance that could be expect∣ed from the most able and intelligent Man of all China: Which sufficiently shews, that no Science ought to be neglected: since the simplicity of Evangelical Doctrine would have rendered useless the important projects of this Mission, if it had not been upheld by Astronomy, to which, with the Protection of this Great Minister, it owes its Establishment.

After that, the Author comes to the particulars of the Life, and Pious Employ∣ments of the Grand-Daughter of Paul Siu, which he makes to consist almost wholly in Alms, building of Churches, and Orna∣ments for Chapels, the particular Chapter of the Missionaries, which they commonly imbellish with the most pathetick Figures to touch the Consciences, and inspire the most harden'd hearts with compassion.

Yet that nothing might be objected against the great Liberalities of this Lady, who was a Widow indeed, but had many Chil∣dren; he saith, that her Work, and that of her Daughters, was sufficient to have furnished all her Charities, which were so prodigious, that at one time she gave 220000 Livers to the Jesuits. She was so scrupulous, that she could not suffer her Son to Employ for the Maintaining of the Mission, the Money he got by his Employ∣ments: fearing lest what he got in the Tribunals of Justice, should not be acqui∣red by lawful means.

This Example would be dangerous to be proposed, if our Devotee's in the West had such tender Consciences on this Sub∣ject, as the Proselytes of the East.

He afterwards Treats of the different Congregations that were established in the Provinces of China, on the account of this Christian Lady, who is the Mother and Be∣nefactress thereof; and plentifully fur∣nishes them with Pictures of the Passion, Images, Beads, Agm••s Dei's, Crosses, Me∣dals, and other such things as may serve to the Instruction of New Converts.

And on this occasion he makes mention of the Conversion of the Bonzes, which would easily be effected in giving each Thirty Crowns a year, since the fear on∣ly of seeing themselves miserable and a∣bandon'd, hinders them from embracing the Christian Religion, whereof in their hearts they acknowledge the Excellency and Truth.

These are the Efficacious Means with which our Modern Apostles Convert Pa∣gans as well as Hereticks. But it's much to be feared that this Character of Inte∣rest does not agree with that of the In∣spirations of the Spirit.

This was not the Motive to Madam Hiu (which was the Name of this Christian Lady.) The Fervor of her Zeal did not permit her to be one moment at rest. She went from City to City, and from Pro∣vince to Province, to re-establish desolate Churches, to build new ones, and to pro∣vide, in all places, for the wants, and As∣sistance of the Missionaries and new Con∣verts.

Her indefatigable cares were very useful in the time of a great Persecution, which arose against them in 1664, which Father Couplet gives here the particulars of.

They were accused of Inspiring into the People a Spirit of Rebellion; and of

persuading them to change their Religion; a Capital Crime in this Kingdom: and they would infallibly have suffered the rage of their Enemies, had it not been for divers Prodigies that appeared in their favour, and which the Reiterated Prayers of Madam Hiu obtained from Heaven.

We must not wonder at it, since her Devotion was so great, and so universal: she observed all Duties of Piety, from the least unto the greatest, which she acquitted admirably well.

Never was there a Life better employ'd. Women, Children, Old Men, the Poor, and chiefly the Jesuites, were the conti∣nual Objects of her Care and Charity, without interrupting thereby her particu∣lar Exercises of Meditation and Prayer, which she Addressed to the Blessed Vir∣gin, to whom she Devoted her self.

From whence the Author takes oc∣casion to give us an account of the Devo∣tion of the Christians of China, which hath scarcely any other object but the Vir∣gin, the Angels, St. Ignatius, and Saint Francis Xavier, and consists entirely in the frequent Rehearsal of Litanies, and upon the number and measure of sundry Adorations, and Reiterated Genuflecti∣ons, which is as much as to say a kind of Idolatry, disguised under the Name of Christianity.

This Remnant of Pagan Superstition disperses it self through all their Acts of Religion, but particularly their Funeral Pomps, in which they express an ardent zeal to make them very Magnificent, for their Parents and Friends; whose Mourn∣ing and Ceremonies last many years after their death. This is it wherein the Missi∣oners have not had any great need of their Complaisance.

Father Couplet therefore confesseth, that these Funeral days of Christians are days of Triumph for Religion; and that the Magnificence of the Images wherewith they adorn them, the Wax-Candles, the Perfumes and Incenses they imploy there∣in, make the Chinois look on them with admiration, and as People of a singular Piety.

They have found by the Advice of Ma∣dam Hiu, the Secret of entring into seve∣ral Provinces, where they never had any establishment; in burying there the Bodies of some of the Fathers of their Mission, having first asked leave to perform their last du∣ties to them, which lasteth as long as the Devotion of Parents finds it convenient, and often as long as they live.

Upon this Subject the Author gives us an Account of a Stone Table adorned with the Figure of the Cross, and several Chi∣nois and Syriack Inscriptions, which were taken out of the Earth in 1625, in the Province of Kin-si. He pretends that the Names of Seventy Preachers of the Gos∣pel, which went from Palestine into China, in the year 636, are Engraven thereupon, and amongst others those of some Bishops: which he pretends are an Authentick Testimony of their Missi∣on.

Howbeit, its Antiquity is considerable, and if the Truth on't was called into Que∣stion, that joyned to what I have said be∣fore, would suffice to shew, how Inge∣nuous the Devotion is, when the Propaga∣tion of Faith is questionable.

He passeth from this to shew the diffi∣culties which the Missioners find in that Country, for the Instruction of the Neo∣phytes, and chiefly the Women, with whom there is no Commerce in China, no more than in other parts of the East.

Which sheweth, that they must needs have extraordinary regards and manage∣ments to succeed: to which the Charge of President of the Tribunal of Mathema∣ticks, and the Title of Mandarin that the Emperor of China hath given to Father A∣dam Schall, and to Father Ferdinand Ver∣biest, successively, and which they accept∣ed of, with the consent of the Pope, hath not a little contributed.

We must notwithstanding confess, if Father Couplet is to be believed, that no∣thing has so much contributed to the ad∣vancement of Christianity in this Empire, as the assiduous and charitable Cares of this Lady.

He imployeth the rest of his History to Relate some Surprising Particulars of her Zeal and Piety.

He saith that she hath Founded near Thirty Churches in her Country; that she also built Nine more, with Fine Houses in other Provinces; and that there is neither Chapel, nor Oratory, nor Mission, nor Congregation, that hath not had share of her Liberalities; that she would even Cor∣respond as far as the West, after divers Manners, to oblige, by her Example, the Christian Ladies to imitate her industrious Piety.

That which is very surprising in this, is, That in all these Foundations, and these particular Charities which she gave several Thousands of Persons, she only imployed the fruit of her Labour and Par∣simony,

without prejudicing the Fortunes of her Children.

He ends with a Remark which the Death of Madam Hiu causes him to make, upon the particular care that the Chinois shew in all the Funeral Apparel of their Burials.

They cause Rich Coffins to be made a long time before their Death; and even the Children often do make a Present thereof to their Fathers and Mothers, as did the Lord Basil Son to Madam Hiu, who gave her a Coffin worth Eight hun∣dred Crowns.

They buy Gardens; they build therein Houses and Chappels to be joyned to their Tombs: and the Great Mourning of the Parents who survive, answers well enough to the Care which the Dead have taken of 'em, to preserve their Bones, and to per∣petuate their Memory.

'Twas in one of these places that the Body of Madam Hiu was Interr'd after she dyed as she lived, to wit, as a Saint, whose Memory is blessed, to all the Chri∣stians of China.

If her Death hath not obstructed the Progress of the Gospel, their Number at present ought to be very great; seeing the Author saith, that at that time there were Ninety Great Churches in one only Province, and that Fifteen Thousand Chil∣dren were Baptized a year in all CHI∣NA.

But this we have only the Author's word for; be the whole true or false, it shews what the Spirit of JESUITISM is, and 'tis of Use to Expose their Ridiculous Principles.

The History of the East-Indies, by Mr. Souchu de Reunefort. At Leyden, by Frederick Harring, 1668. in Twelves, P. 571.

THe Great Advantages that Holland hath drawn from the East-India Companies (which are become so famous throughout all the World) have caus'd o∣ther States to form a Design of Erecting the like.

France especially, by reason of its Power and Advantageous Scituation, conceiving great hopes from this Enterprise, form'd a Com∣pany in 1664. for the Commerce of the East-Indies. They made a Fund of Fifteen Millions, whereof the King was pleas'd to advance Three; and his First Exploits were in the Isle of Madagascar.

This Isle, the greatest of the known Seas, was occupied by the Marshal de la Meilleraye for his particular profit; and the Company then, by Orders from the King, took Possession of it. The Portu∣guese call it the Isle of St. Laurence, be∣cause they discover'd it on the Feast of this Saint; and the French called it the Dauphine Island, in 1665.

The Description that is here made of it, gives a very pleasing Idea of the same, whereas the Orange-Trees, and Trees co∣vered with Flowers, like the Jasmin of Spain, by their mixture, form natural Ar∣bours, which surpass all the Regularity of Art. It produceth all sorts of Animals, and particularly Chameleons, whereof Natu∣ralists have so variously spoken. The Au∣thor assures us, that they take by the eyes the colour of the Objects upon which they stay.

The Cloathing of the Inhabitants is Fan∣tastick enough, and their Past-times gross and barbarous. He observeth neverthe∣less a singular Ceremony amongst them▪ which is, that the Master of the House offers the Fairest of his Women to the Pleasure of those that come to Visit him; It is an Incivility, and even a kind of Shame to make any Excuses. The Wo∣man, on her part, is grieved, when her Beauty acquireth only Looks.

The People of the Country are of a Large Size; they have a Proud Gate, and can Dissemble as well as the most re∣fined Nations. Their Blackness is unalte∣rable, and proceedeth not from the heat of the Sun. The Cause is chiefly in their

Blood; for the French there are Born as White as at Paris.

The Author shews that these Black Wo∣men have the advantage of having a con∣stant Beauty, because it hath not those inequalities and paleness of White Faces, which renders our Beauties variable.

Marriage is there accompanied with no manner of Ceremonies. The Virgins make none unhappy; and each takes a certain number of Women, according to his For∣tune, or his Quality.

There are no Temples seen in the Isle; and Circumcision, which is in use amongst them, makes us judge, that the Iews or Mahometans have left there some footsteps of their Religion. They Adore an Oly, which is a kind of a Cricket, that they nourish with great care. When one Re∣proches them that they prostrate them∣selves before a vile Animal, they Answer very seriously, That through it they respect the Author; and it being necessary to have some Object to fix the Mind on, the lowest best represents the Homage which they owe to the true and Soveraign Being.

The Beginnings of the Company was not Prosperous at Madagascar. The Jea∣lousie of Command divided the French; and that which hasted their Ruin in the Island, was, that the Catholick Zeal came in for a share. A Missioner, willing to Convert Dian Manangue, the most Valiant and full of Spirit of all the Princes of the Insulars, without staying for the tedious∣ness of Reasons and Persuasion, made use of Force and Menaces.

Dian Manangue, that had been drawn into the Dauphin-Fort under pretence of a Deliberation of War, perceiving the vi∣olent designs that were formed against his Person, very cunningly feign'd to yield himself, and set a day apart to be Bapti∣zed. He returned very full of Trouble, and meditated the Cruel Tragedy that he Executed some days after. For he Poy∣soned the Missioner who went to him to perform the Ceremony; and Marching at the Head of a small Army, being Clothed with the Surplis of the Missioner, and wearing the Square Cap upon his Head, in an Insulting manner routed the French, and forc'd them to shut themselves up within the Walls of the Fort Dauphin. Their Affairs were never since re-establish∣ed.

On the contrary, Dian Manangue ha∣ving raised the Chief Men of Madagascar, drove away almost all the French; and those that were left were forced to aban∣don this Isle, which might have served as the Center for the Commerce to the In∣dies.

The Company not being dismayed at these Ill successes, went further into the Indies, and took Measures how to esta∣blish themselves at Suratte.

This Puissant City is under the Obedi∣ence of the Great Mogul, and there are Inhabitants of all the Countries of the World. It is the Magazin of the Indies and Asia, and perhaps the Chief City in the World for Traffick.

The Author makes some Remarks upon the Manners of the First Inhabitants of the Country, and Affirms a thing that without doubt will find many Incredulous Readers; That there are many Hermophro∣dites at Suratte, who, with Womens Cloaths wear Mens Turbants, for distinc∣tions, and, to shew all the World, they have the advantage of both Sexes.

The Women for Decency and Honour are obliged to Burn themselves with the Body of their Husbands, and give them, after their Death, this sad Mark of their Love. Yet they ask permission of the Go∣vernor, who Grants it only according as he thinks fit.

They seem to believe that Old Women Ask it with all their Hearts, and they are permitted to Sacrifice their Sorrow∣ful Remainder according to Custom.

As for the Young, they are Command∣ed to be Comforted, and are acquitted for some Extraordinary Shew of Grief.

In short, the Company hath not made such progresses as answered what might be expected from a Puissant Kingdom, and the Cares that had been taken to render it Flourishing.

Of Nature it self: Or, an Ingenuous Disquisition into the received Notions of Nature: In a Letter to a Friend. By the Honourable R. Boyle, Esq Fellow of the Royal Society. In Twelves, at London.

ONE may see in the second Part of our Bibliotheque an extract of a Book taken from the English Journal: All the Matters which are treated on in this Work are well digested, but there is one thing wanting to render it conformable to our Method, that is, to make an Abridgment of one of the Matters, and also to give an Idea of it, and of the Author himself; but Mr. Boyle having lately done us the Ho∣nour to send it to us, we shall now supply the Defect, and set apart the eighth Section for it.

After having explain'd by other Causes in the preceding Sections the greatest part of the effects which we attributed to Na∣ture, we shall here shew that though some of these Phaenomena's which some would have Nature to produce, could not be explain'd by Mechanick Principles; yet it follows not that we must have recourse to an Imaginary Cause which is express'd by that confus'd word Nature, which gives us not to under∣stand after what manner these effects are produced; and to shew that this pretended Principle of all Motions and of all bodily Operations, is a Chimera, we demand of all Naturalists, If it is a Substance or an Ac∣cident? If they answer that it is an Acci∣dent, we continue to demand, What kind of Accident it is, and how it is possible that an Accident by it self and separate, can produce Effects so different and extraordinary? If they say it is a Substance, we ask of them, What sort of Substance? Created or Increated? Cor∣poral or Spiritual? And as they shew which Side they incline, so they lose themselves in such Absurdities as they cannot disengage themselves from. Mr. Boyle has not con∣tented himself to maintain this System with so many Reasons, but he also ends this Section by shewing that 'tis not less profita∣ble than true. (1.) Because it seems to de∣stroy the Opinion of those Heathen Philo∣sophers, who would make God the Soul of the World, and who would imagine that the Soul of Man is part of his Substance; this is a Sentiment, which those who make an ex∣terior Profession of Christianity, have re∣newed in our days under other Names, and which Mr. Boyle stiles wicked, pretending that their God is very different to that of the Iews and Christians.

The second Use which the Author draws from his Method, is, to justifie Providence and the Divine Wisdom against Atheists, who pretend that all things happen by pure Chance or Necessity, because of certain Events which they look upon as Imperfections and Disorders, such as Earthquakes; Innun∣dations, Volcanos, the Plague, &c. which he explains according to his own Princi∣ples.

I. God being one perfect free Being who created the World as a pure effect of his Bounty, when there was no Being besides himself, there could be no Bounds put to his Works by any other Power, nor could he receive Laws of any Creature.

II. And as the Divine Intellect infinitely surpasseth ours in Extension and Penetrati∣on, we must believe that God created the World, and form'd its different Motions for various ends; some to serve for Corpo∣ral Creatures, and some for Spiritual ones; those which are discovered to us to exercise our Reason, and those which are hidden from us to make us adore the unsearchable depth of his Wisdom.

III. We have Reason to think that this Infinite perfect Being has stamp'd his Works with a Character in which we may discover his Divine Wisdom; this Chara∣cter is the Production of a great number of things, by a small number of Principles, simple, uniform and worthy his Perfe∣ctions.

IV. According to these Suppositions, God having duly established among other parts of the World universal and con∣stant Laws, and which should be confor∣mable to the ends he proposed to himself in creating them, did dispose of things in such a manner, that the universal Laws should not contribute to the good of par∣ticular Beings, but so long as these parti∣cular Beings should agree with the simpli∣city and uniformity of these Laws, and with the designs of God. Thus laying aside Miracles and Events, wherein God acts after a particular manner, one might rea∣sonably say that the infinite Wisdom, to whom all things are present, having weigh'd all the Consequences of these Laws and all their connexions in all their Cir∣cumstances, he always thought fit to pre∣fer (Miracles and other Cases excepted) the universal Laws to the particular ones, the principal ends to the Subalternate, and the uniform Methods to an Inconstant Admi∣nistration. He thinks not fit to change these simple and pure Laws, to prevent what Men call Irregularities, as Earthquakes, Innundations, Flux and Refluxes of the Sea, the Eclypses of the Sun and Moon, &c.

V. He adds, That what appears Irregu∣lar to us, in comparing the Designs of God with what we know may be a very wise Method, to find out these other ends which are unknown to us; and 'tis very just to have this thought of God, since in those Works of his which we know least, we see clearly so much Order and so much Wis∣dom; we should have at least in this search as much Equity, as a Man of a good under∣standing wou'd have, when he judges of a Book that treats of many Heads, and which is written in divers Languages and Characters whereof he understands but

a part, if what he understands there pleases him, he imagines he should not be dissatis∣fied with what he does not, if he could find out the sense. Thus it must certainly be confessed, That the Eye was made to see, since all the parts thereof are so composed, that they concur to form the Organs of the the Eye.

VI. This Administration of God which discovers unto us clearly some of his ends, and hides others from us, is worthy of his Wisdom; and adapted to our Wants; for it convinces us of two Important Truths, That we are of our selves but Imperfection and Darkness, and that 'Tis God which is the Light of our Minds.

In fine, Mr. Boyle believes that there may be drawn from this System this Use, which is of great consequence in Religion, to wit, To look upon God as the only Governor of the World, and to attribute to him the great variety of Effects, which are falsly assigned to a Chimera of Nature.

An Extract of a Book, Entituled, A Philosophical Essay upon Human Understanding, wherein is shewn the Extension of certain Knowledge, and the manner of attaining to it: By Mr. Lock.

BOOK I.

IN my Thoughts upon Human Vnder∣standing, I have endeavoured to prove, That the Mind of Man is at first like a Tabula rasa, a blank Paper, without Ideas and Know∣ledge; but as this was to destroy the preju∣dice of some Philosophers, so I was per∣suaded that in a small Abridgment of my Principles, I ought to pass by all prelimi∣nary Disputes which compose the first Book: I intend to shew, in the following Discourses, the Source from whence we draw all Ideas which happen in our Reason∣ings, and the manner how.

BOOK II.

The Intellect being suppos'd void of all sorts of Natural Ideas, comes to receive them by degrees, as Experience offers them to it. If we will observe them, we shall find that they all come from two Sources, to wit, from Sensation and Reflection.

1. It's evident that the outward Objects in striking our Senses, give divers Ideas to our Minds, that they had not before. Thus it is that we have the Ideas of Red, Blew, Sweet, Bitter; and all the rest that are pro∣duced in us by Sensation. I believe that these Ideas of Sensation are the first Ideas of the Thought, and that until such time as the outward Objects have furnished to the Mind these Ideas, I do not see that there is any Thought.

2. The Mind in attending upon its pro∣per Operations, which regard the Ideas that happen to it by Sensation, comes to have Ideas of these same Operations which are in it. And this is the other Source of our Ideas, that I call Reflection; by whose means we have our Ideas of Thinking, Will∣ing, Reasoning, Doubting, Resolving, &c.

Its from these two Principles that all the Ideas come to us that we have; and I be∣lieve I may boldly say, that our Mind hath absolutely no other Ideas, but those which our Senses do present to it, and the Ideas that it hath of its proper Operations, re∣ceived by the Senses. This clearly appear∣eth by those that are born Deaf or Blind. It followeth, Secondly, That if we could suppose a Man that had been always desti∣tute of all his Senses, he would have no Idea, because he never would have an Idea of Sensation, the exteriour Objects having no way to produce any in him but by the means of his Senses; nor an Idea of Refle∣ction, because of the want of all manner of Sensation, which is that that exciteth first in him these Operations of his Mind, which are the Objects of his Reflection. For there being in the Mind no innate or natural Idea, to suppose the Mind occupied by Ideas, before it hath received them from without, is to suppose a thing contra∣dictory.

For the better understanding of what I would say, when I affirm that we have not, nor can have any Idea, but from the Sen∣sations or from the Operations of the Mind upon its Ideas, we must consider that they are of two kinds; Simple and Complex. It is of the Simple that I now speak, such as are the whiteness of this Paper, the sweetness of this Sugar, &c. where the Mind perceiveth no variety, nor any com∣position, but a perception only, or a uni∣form Idea. I say that we have none of these Ideas but by Sensation, or by Refle∣ction. The Mind in this regard is absolute∣ly passive, and cannot produce to it self any new Idea, though of those that it already hath it may compose others, and so make thereof Complex Ideas, with a very great variety, as shall be seen in the following Discourse. Therefore though we cannot deny but it was as possible to God to give us a sixth Sense, as it was to give us the five we have; nevertheless we cannot form to our selves any Idea, that might come to us by the sixth Sense; and that for the same Reason that one born Blind hath no Idea of Colours, because it cannot be had but by means of one of those five Senses, whereof he hath always been destitute.

I do not see that it is necessary to make here an Enumeration of all the Ideas that are the particular Objects of each of the Senses; because it would not be of any great use for my Design, to give a list of Ideas, whereof the most part present themselves of their own accord, and because the great∣est part have no Names; for Colours ex∣cepted, and some few Qualities that are perceived by the Touch, to which Men

have given particular Names (although a great deal less than their great variety would require) Taste, Odours and Sounds, whereof the diversity is not less, have but seldom Names, except in general Terms. Though the taste of Milk and the taste of Cherries, are as far distant as white is from red; notwithstanding we do not see that they have particular Names. Sweet, Sour, Salt, Rough and Bitter, are almost all the Names we have for an infinite number of different Sapors that are found in Nature. Therefore without applying my self to make an Enumeration of the simple Ideas, that belong to each Sense, I shall only mark that some of these Ideas are carried to the Mind by one only Sense, as the Co∣lours by that of the Sight, the Sounds by the Ear, the Hot and the Cold by the Touch. Besides these, are others that come to the Mind, by more than one Sense, as Mo∣tion, Rest, Space and Figures, which are apprehended by the Sight and the Touch. There are also Ideas of Reflection alone, as those of Thinking, of Willing, and of all their different manners. In fine, There are others that we receive by all the Me∣thods of Sensation and Reflection; as Numbers, Existence, Power, Pleasure, &c.

These in general are all the simple Ideas, or at least the most part, whereof we are capable, and which are the Subject of all our Notions, of which all the other Ideas are composed, and beyond which we have neither Thought nor Knowledge. Chap∣ters 3, 4, 5, and 6.

7. I shall yet remark something about simple Ideas, after which I shall shew how the Complex ones are composed, viz. That herein we are easily mistaken, and that we often judge that they are Resemblances of some things which is in those Objects, that perform them in us; but for the most part they are nothing like, although they lead us to the consideration of the manner whereby Bodies operate upon us by means of the Senses. I only pretend to expound Historically the Nature of the Understand∣ing, and to mark the way and manner by which our Mind receiveth the subject of its Notions, and by what degrees it comes at them; I should be unwilling to engage my self here, into a Physical Speculation. It's notwithstanding necessary to expound briefly this subject, to avoid Confusion and Ob∣scurity. For the better discovering the Nature of sensible Ideas, and making 'em more intelligible, 'tis necessary to distin∣guish 'em as they are Perceptions, and Ideas of our Mind, and as they form in Bodies the Causes of those Perceptions that are in us.

I call an Idea every immediate Object, every Perception that is in our Mind, when it thinketh. I call quality of the Subject the power, or the faculty it hath, of produ∣cing a certain Idea in the Mind. Thus I call Ideas, Whiteness, Coldness, Round∣ness, &c. as they are Perceptions or Sen∣sations in the Soul; and when they are in a Ball of Snow, that can produce these Ideas in us, I call them qualities

The original qualities that may be re∣marked in Bodies, are Solidity, Extent, Figure, Number, Motion or Rest. In what∣ever quality the Bodies may be, these qua∣lities cannot be separated from them, and therefore I call them original or first qualities.

What we ought to consider after that, is the manner whereby Bodies act upon one another. For my part, I conceive nothing in it but an Impulse. When therefore they produce in us the Ideas of some of their ori∣ginal qualities, which are really in them, as those of the Extension and the Figure that Senses perceive, when the Object we look upon is at a certain distance, they must needs press our Organs by means of some insensible Particles which come from the Object to our Eyes, and which by a conti∣nuation of Motion that they have caused therein, shake our Brains and produce in us these Ideas. Thus we cannot find any thing but the Impulse and the Motion of some insensible Bodies which produce in our Mind the Ideas of these original quali∣ties. Thus we may conceive after what manner the Idea of the Colour and Odour of a Violet can be produced in us, as well as that of the Figure. 'Tis by a particular Motion produced in the Organ by the Im∣pulse of Particles of a certain bigness, Fi∣gure, Number and Motion, and continued even unto the Brain: For it is not more difficult to conceive that God can stick the Idea of a Colour, or of an Odour, to Mo∣tions, to which they have no resemblance; than it is to conceive that he hath applied the Idea of pains to the Motion of a bit of Iron, which divideth our Flesh, to which Motion the pain bears no resem∣blance.

What I have said of Colours and Odours may be applied to the Sounds and Tastes and to some tangible qualities, as the Heat and Cold; for the Ideas of these qualities and some others like them, being perfectly distinguished from every perception of Big∣ness, Figure, Motion, &c. cannot be re∣semblances of any thing, that may be really in the Object which produces in us these Ideas. Therefore I call second qualities the power that Bodies have of producing them in us, according to the order God hath esta∣blished, by the different combinations of their first qualities, which are impercep∣tible to us.

Hence we may draw this Consequence, that the Ideas of the first qualities of Bodi∣es do resemble them; but that the Ideas produced in us by the second qualities re∣semble them not in any wise, and that there is nothing in Bodies themselves, that can have any conformity with these Ideas; there is only in them the power of produ∣cing in us Sensations, like unto them. That which is blew, sweet or hot in the Idea, is nothing else in the Bodies, to which these Names are given, than the Bigness,

the Figure and the Motion, of insensible Par∣ticles.

8. The operations of the Mind, are ideas harder to be known, than those that come from the exterior Objects which strike our Senses; I have treated at large of some of the principal ones in other Chapters, I shall here speak of perception which is the first of all.

9. In the following I have considered what I name Retention, which is two-fold: The first I call Contemplation, which retains a present Idea in his Mind, who considers it without dis-continuation. To the second, I give the Name of Reminiscence, which recalleth and bringeth back to the Mind an Idea that had been there once, but which it had ceased to consider. The Power or Faculty of renewing and re-establishing an Idea which is no more present with us, is that which is called Memory.

10. I also consider the operations of the Mind upon its Ideas: 1. To discern or distinguish them: 2. To compare them: 3. To compose and extend them: 4. To form Abstra∣ctions therefrom.

Having said how the Soul receiveth all these simple Ideas, I shall shew after what manner these Ideas are as the subject of all our Notions, and compose by their divers combinations all our compleat Ideas.

Although the Mind cannot produce to it self any simple Idea, besides those which it receiveth by the means of Sensation and Re∣flection, where it is purely passive; yet these Ideas being placed in the Memory, it can, by repeating and composing 'em of divers matters, produce a very great va∣riety of other Ideas, as well as it can re∣ceive like Compositions by the Senses. I shall give some Examples of this in things that appear most abstruse, after which I shall consider others.

12. I believe no Body will deny that the Sight and Touching do furnish us with the Idea of Space. We can neither open our Eyes nor move our Body, nor lean it against any thing whatever, without be∣ing convinced hereof. Having, by the Ob∣servation of some Bodies, which often present themselves to us and which are well imprinted in our Memory, the Idea of the greatness of a Span, of a Foot, of a Cubit, or some other Measure that is familiar to us, we can repeat this Idea in our Minds as oft as we please, and so magnifie it; adding thereto the like Extent, or another double to that of the Precedent. In this manner, though the Sensation furnishes us but with the Idea of a Foot, we may by this Repetition form to our selves, the Idea of a Space as great as we will. And as we feel in our selves the power to repeat these Ideas of Space, we may form to our selves thereby the Idea of Immensity, which is founded nevertheless upon the Idea of Space that we have recei∣ved from the Senses.

I shall not relate here what I have writ∣ten at large, to shew the clear difference which is betwixt the Idea of a Body and that of Space, which some have endeavour∣ed to confound. It shall suffice to say, That when we consider by Abstraction the di∣stance that is between two Bodies, with∣out having regard to those that may fill this Interval, it may properly be named Space: And when we consider the distance that is between the extremities of a solid Body, we may give it the name of Extent. If we apply, as it should be, these two Terms, that will perhaps serve to avoid Confusion, which we meet with in Discourse concerning Bodies and Space.

13. Time and Duration have much con∣formity with Extent and Space. If Men had well considered the source whence the Idea of Duration cometh to us, I am per∣suaded they would never have defined it mensura motus, since it hath no Relation with Motion, and should be always the same, though there should be no Motion in the World. Those that are willing closely to consider, and mark what passeth in their Mind, shall find that divers Ideas will ap∣pear and dis-appear to them successively, du∣ring the whole time they are awake. And that is so true, that though we never are without some Idea, whilst we are awake, it is not one Idea alone that remains in pos∣session of our Mind, but there are several which succeed incessantly one another. If any one doubt hereof, let him make a tryal of fixing his Mind upon one only Idea, without any other coming between: For if the least change is made in the Thought, by Addition or Substraction, or any other manner whatever, it is a new Idea.

It's by this perpetual change of Ideas that we make Remarks, and by this chain of new appearances, that we have a clear Idea of the Succession. We call Duration the existence of a thing equal to some part of this Succession; and we give the name of Time, to the distance which is between two points of Duration. It's visible that the Ideas we have of Time and Duration, draw their original from this Reflection; because the very Time that this Succession of Ideas ceaseth in our Mind, we have no per∣ception of the Duration, and it becomes al∣together null in respect to us. Therefore a Person, which hath no Dream in his sleep, perceiveth not the distance that there was between the moment he fell asleep in, and that in which he awoke. But if his Dream present him a Chain of different Ideas, the perception of the Duration accompanies it, and it is thereby he measures Time.

Although Mankind hath chosen the Re∣volutions of the Sun and Moon as the most proper measure of Time, by reason they may every where be seen, and because it is not easie to observe any Inequality in their courses; yet it is not because there was any connexion between Duration and Mo∣tion. Every other periodick appearance, which would have been common to the whole Earth, would as well have mea∣sured the Time, without any sensible Motion whatever.

14. Although the word Time be com∣monly taken for that part of Duration, by which the Existence of things natural, or the Motion of the Heavens does measure: Even as Extent is taken for the part of Space, which is measured and filled with Bodies; notwithstanding the Mind, having conceived the Idea of some portion of Time, as of a Day, or of a Year, can re∣peat the same as often as it will, and thus extend the Idea that it hath of Duration beyond the Existence or the Motion of the Sun, and to have an Idea as clear of the 763 years of the Iulian period, which pr••∣ceed the beginning of the World, as of the 763 years that are since past. By this power which the Mind hath to extend and repeat the Idea of the Duration, as often as it pleaseth, without ever coming to the end, it formeth to it self the Idea of Eter∣nity. So likewise in the power of still extend∣ing the Idea of Space, it findeth the Idea of Immensity, as we have already shewn.

15. All the Objects, as well of Sensation as Reflection, furnish us with the Idea of Numbers. For we reckon our Thoughts and the actions of our Mind, as easily as of Bodies and their Qualities. Having for∣med the Idea of Unity, we only need to re∣peat it, or to add several thereof together to make what product of Numbers we shall think fit.

16. As the Mind never can come to the end of these additions, and that it findeth in it self the Power of always adding more, according to what proportion it pleaseth to make, so we come thereby to form the Idea of Infinite; which, whether it be applied to Space or to Duration, seemeth to be no∣thing else than this Infinity of Numbers; with this difference only, that in the subject of Numbers, when we begin by the Unity, we are at the extremity of one line, which we may continue to Infinity on the other side. But in the Duration we extend the Infinity of Numbers or Additions on two sides, in regard of the Duration past, and in regard of that which is to come. As for Space, we find our selves as plac'd in a Center, whence we may add, from all Parts, Leagues or Diameters of the Earth, or of the Orbis magnus, with this Infinity of Numbers, which can never fail us.

Thus we form the Idea of Infinite by Ad∣ditions, which always leave an unfathoma∣ble multitude of Unities when it concern∣eth Numbers; and we have no positive Idea that comprehends Infinity. I cannot relate at large, in the briefness I have propos'd, the proofs I have thereof; but let every one examin his own Thoughts, and let him see if he has other Ideas of Infinite, than those I mentioned. I shall only say that if we did put any distinction betwixt the Idea of an infinite Number and that of the Infinity of Numbers, it would help to clear the Idea that we have of Infinity. We can have the Idea of the Infinity of Numbers, but we cannot have that of an infinite Number. The reason of that, is, that the Idea of Infi∣nite consisteth in an innexhaustible Remain∣der, which never can enter into a positive Idea; and the Mind in this Remainder, which is always beyond its positive Idea, be it never so great, can always go further by the repetition of Ideas of the same kind, or whatever greatness it pleaseth. It suffi∣ces here, to have shewn how the Idea of Infinite is formed of simple Ideas, which draw their beginning from Sensation and Reflection.

17. Although Solidity is a simple Idea, which we must constantly receive from a Body, and even so simple, that it is not ca∣pable of any Modification, because every part of a Body which has no Pores, is equally solid; nevertheless it being that which di∣stinguisheth the Idea of a Body from the Idea of Space, I shall again come to consider it, after I have examined that of Space, that it may the better be seen how these two simple Ideas, so different in themselves, do form a Complex Idea of a Body. This simple Idea is also called Impenetrability; and though this Name marks the same Idea as that of Solidity, I thought it was necessary here to make use of this latter, because a positive Name agreeth better with a posi∣tive Idea, than a Name that is only Ne∣gative.

18. Compositions formed of divers Ideas of the same sort, are those that I call simple Moods. It is not only Numbers of Extent and Duration that can form these Compo∣sitions; but also all other simple Ideas, in which are considered divers degrees, whereof all that may therein be distin∣guished, form distinct Ideas. Several of these Ideas joyned together, make a simple Mood. Thus divers Notes of Musick that compose one only Tune, or divers degrees of a Co∣lour, which make but one Idea, are like∣wise simple Moods. But these Combinati∣ons being not of any great use, there are but a very few that have Names, excepting those of Motion, as to Slide, to Roul, to Turn round, to Crawl, to Walk, to Run, to Dance, to Leap, to Leap over.

19. The Ideas of Reflection have also their simple Moods: Recollection, Attention, Me∣ditation, and a hundred others that may be named, are but divers Moods of Thought. But I shall only examin a few of them here, which are of a very great Importance.

20. Among the simple Ideas that come to us by Sensation and Reflection, those of Pleasure and Grief are not least considerable. They are to us of an infinite Consequence▪ and often accompany our other Sensations and our other Thoughts. As there are but few Sensations of the Body, which car∣ry not with them some Pleasure or some Grief; there are likewise few Thoughts that are so indifferent to us, as not to give us some Joy or some Sorrow. I comprise all under the Names of Pleasure and Grief, whether Satisfaction and Joy, Sorrow and Irksomness, &c. which our Mind resents, since they come from without, or from some inward Thought.

Every thing that is a proper Cause to continue and augment Pleasure in us, or to diminish and shorten any Grief, is called Good, and the contrary we call Evil. It's upon this Good and this Evil that run all our Passions; and the Reflections that our Mind hath made thereupon, produce in us the Ideas of the Passions. Thus any one reflecting upon the Thought he hath of Pleasure (which something present or ab∣sent may produce in him) is the Idea that we call Love. For when any saith in Au∣tumn, there are Raisons; and in the Spring, there are none, that he Loves them; he would say nothing else, but that the taste of Raisons doth give him delight. The Existence and Prosperity of our Children and Friends affording us constantly Delight, we say we love them constantly. On the contrary, the thought of Sorrow, which a thing present or absent may produce in us, is that which we call Hatred.

The Irksomness we feel when a thing is absent, which would give us Pleasure if it were present, is that which is called Desire, which is more or less great, according as this Longing augmenteth or dimini∣sheth.

Ioy is a Pleasure that the Soul feeleth, when it considers as certain the Possession of a good Present, or to come. Thus a Man half dead feeleth Joy when Succour arriveth to him, even before he receiveth the Effect thereof. We are in possession of a Good, when we have it so in our Power that we may enjoy it when we please. A Father, to whom the prosperity of his Child∣ren giveth Joy, is in possession of this Good, as long as his Children are in this State, for he only needeth to think there∣upon that he may take Delight.

Fear is an Irksomness of the Soul, when it thinketh on an Evil to come, which may befal us.

I will not run over all the Passions; it's not the Subject I propose. What I have said sufficeth, to shew after what manner the Ideas we have, draw their beginning from Sensation and Reflection.

21. I shall now speak of a simple Idea, to shew how it is formed, and to give Ex∣amples of some of its Modifications; after which I shall end this part touching simple Ideas and their Moods. Every one feeleth in himself that he can move his Hand or his Tongue, which were before at rest: That he can apply his Mind to other Thoughts, and abandon those with which he was at present taken up. Hence is formed the Idea of Power or of Faculty.

Every Power respecteth an Action, and we have no Ideas as I believe, but of two sorts of actions, to move and to think.

The Power that we find in our selves to prefer the presence of a particular Thought to its absence, or of a particular Motion to Rest, is that which we call Volition or Willing.

The Power that we find in us to act or not to act, conformly to the preference that our Mind hath given of Action, furnishes us with the Idea of that which we call Li∣berty.

22. Having thus briefly remarked the Source of our simple Ideas, and shewn in some Examples how the Soul can, by the means of their Modifications, come to those that first seem to be very far off, and which draw their beginning from some Idea received by Sensation, or from some ope∣rations of the Mind upon these Ideas; I now proceed to the Complex, and I shall shew that all the Ideas we have, whether of Natural Things or Moral, Corporal or Spiritual, are only Combinations of simple Ideas, that come to us by Sensation and Re∣flection, beyond which our Thoughts can∣not reach, though they should raise them∣selves to the highest Heavens.

The Complex Ideas we have, may, I be∣lieve, be reduced to these three sorts. 1. The Moods: 2. The Substances: 3. The Re∣latives. What I call Moods are nothing else than certain Combinations of simple Ideas, which do not include the obscure Notion that we have of Substance. Of these Moods are three sorts; the one is a Combination of simple Ideas of the same kind, as four, five, which are formed by the Conjunction of a certain number of Units. The other is a combination of Ideas of different kinds, such as are the Ideas that are marked by words of Obligation, Friendship, &c. I shall give the Name of simple Moods to the first kind, whereof I have already brought divers Examples; and to the second that of mixed Moods.

Although there is an infinite variety of mixt Maods, notwithstanding they are com∣posed of nothing else but simple Ideas, which draw their Origin from Sensation or Reflection, as every one may remark by ex∣amining them a little attentively. For Ex∣ample, if by the word Lie, we understand Discourse contrary to a known Truth; it compriseth simple Ideas: 1. From the Ar∣ticulated Sounds: 2. The Relation that is betwixt these Sounds and the Ideas whereof they are Signs: 3. The Union of these Signs, different from that which is between the Ideas that they represent in the Mind of him that speaketh: 4. The Knowledge, he that speaketh has, in that he abuseth these Signs. These are but simple Ideas, or such as may easily be reduced thereto. So it is with all the other mixt Moods which consist but in Combinations of simple Ideas. We should never have done, and it would be also unprofitable to undertake to make an Enumeration of all the mixt Moods which are in the minds of Men, seeing they include in their Extent all the matters that make the subject of Divinity, Morality, Law, of the Politicks, and divers other Sciences.

23. No body doubts but that there is in the World a very great variety of Substan∣ces. Let us then see what Ideas we have of Substances: Let us begin with the most general ones, as are those of the Body and

Mind. I ask if any thing else be seen in the Idea that we have of the Body but Solidity, Extent and Motion joyned toge∣ther, which are the simple Ideas that come to us by the Senses? It may be some Body will say, that for to have a compleat Idea of a Body, the Idea of a Substance must be added to that of Motion and Extent. But I ask of those that should make this Objection, what Idea have they of Sub∣stance, and whether they have a clear Idea of the Substance of Bodies, distinct from Solidity, Extent and Motion?

The Idea we have of the Mind is of a Being which hath the power of thinking and of moving the Body, whence I conclude, by the bye, That we have an Idea as clear of the Mind as of the Body. In the one we have clear Ideas of Solidity, Extent and Motion, though we know not what its Substance is. In the other we see with an equal clearness two Ideas, to wit, Thought, and the Power of moving, though we know not the Substance: For the Substance is in both of them the Subject in which is sup∣posed to be these Qualities, that is to say, some I know not what, which upholds them and in which they exist; so that all the Idea that we have of Substance, is an obscure Idea of what it maketh, and not an Idea of what it is. Thus all the Idea we have of the Substance of a thing, be it corporal or spiritual, being equally obscure, and the Motion and power of Moving being as clear the one as the other; we have nothing left to compare, but Extent and Thought. These two Ideas are both of them very clear, and the difficulty that some have for∣med against the Idea of the Mind, con∣sists in that they said that they conceived not a thing that thinketh, without Extent. I maintain on the contrary, that they can as easily conceive a thing that thinketh with∣out Extent, as they conceive a solid Extent. For to conceive a solid Extent, we must have an Idea of Cohesion of parts; but it is as easie to conceive how a Mind thinketh, as it is to conceive how solid parts do stay stickt the one to the other, that is to say, how a Body is extended. For where there are no parts that are tyed together, there are no parts extra partes, as Men speak, and consequently no Extent. If the Body is divisible, there must be parts that are united one with the other, and if there was no union betwixt them, the Body would be quite destroyed and would cease to be. Whosoever can tell what holdeth the united parts of Iron, or of the Dia∣mond, shall expound to me one of the capi∣tal difficulties of Physick. M. Barmuli, who hath endeavoured to give the reason of the Cohesion of the Particles of all Bodies, by the pressure of the Ether, hath omitted two ••hings of great Importance.

1. He hath not considered that how great soever the pressure of a flued Ambient may be, if there is nothing else to keep joyned the parts of Bodies, though they cannot be distant the one from the other perpendi∣cularly, nevertheless we may demonstrate that the one may be pushed off the other, as easily as if there was no pressure at all. The experience of two polished Marbles put upon one another (which the pres∣sure of the Atmosphere hold in this state) sheweth to the Eye what I would say, see∣ing they can be very easily separated, in pu∣shing them on one side, whereas they cannot be so perpendicularly.

2. He hath no regard to the Particles of the Ether, which being themselves Particles of Bodies formed of other Particles, ought to have something that may hold them united, which cannot come of themselves; for it is as difficult to conceive how the parts of the least Moth of matter stay united one to the other, as those of the greatest Masses. But without that, it is as difficult to conceive a Body as a Spirit, a thing ex∣tended as a thing that thinketh.

But suppose the notion of the Mind is more or less obscure than that of the Body, it's certain we do not receive it by any other way, than that whereby we receive the notion of the Body. For even as after having received by our Senses the Ideas of Solidity, Extent, Motion and Rest, we form to our selves the Idea of the Body, in sup∣posing that these four things are inherent in an unknown Substance: So in joyning to∣gether the simple Ideas that we have formed, in reflecting upon the operations of our own Minds, which every day we feel in our selves, as, to think, to understand, to will, to know, and to be able to move Bodies: In joyning, I say, these Ideas, and supposing that these operations of our Mind and all others coexist in a certain Substance which we likewise do not know, we come to have an Idea of the Beings, which we call Spi∣rits.

The Ideas that we have of the Intellect and of the power formed by the Reflection, which we have made upon that which pas∣seth in our selves, joyned to that Duration, and all that augmented by the Idea that we have of Infinity, gives us the Idea of the supream Being that we call God.

To convince our selves that all the Com∣plex Ideas contain nothing but what the simple Ideas do, which come to us by Sen∣sation or Reflection, we only need to think on the different sorts of Minds which are existent, or might exist. For though it were likely that there are more different kinds of Spiritual Beings, in ascending from us to God, than there of Material, in de∣scending from us to Nought; because we are at a distance more great from the Infi∣nite Perfection, than from the lowest de∣gree of the Being; nevertheless it's certain that we cannot conceive any difference be∣tween the divers natures of Angels, saving different degrees of Intellect and of Power, which are but divers Modifications of two simple Ideas, formed by Reflection upon that which passeth in our selves.

As to what concerneth the Ideas that we have of natural Substances, it is evident

that they are only Combinations of simple Ideas, which we have acknowledged to ex∣ist together by Sensation; for Example, What is the Idea of Gold, but a certain bright Colour, a certain degree of Weight, of Malleability, of Fusibility, and perhaps, as the Chymists speak, of Fixation, or of other simple Ideas that our Mind uniteth as coexistent all along in the same Substance? This Complex Idea includeth more or less simple Ideas, according as he that maketh this Conjunction is more or less exact in the Observations he hath made touching Gold. Such are our Ideas of the different kinds of Substances, which are nothing else than different Combinations of the simple Ideas which come to us by Sensation and Re∣flection, and which we suppose coexistent in I know not what Substance.

24. There is yet another sort of the Ideas of Substances, where the Mind joineth to∣gether divers Substances distinct, and ma∣keth but one Idea thereof. Thus an Army composed of 10000 Men, and a Flock of several hundreds of Sheep is as well one only Idea, as that of one Man or one Sheep. I call these Ideas, collective Ideas of Substan∣ces, and they deserve our Observation, tho' it were for nothing else, but to shew the Power that the Mind hath of re-uniting in one only Idea, things in themselves very dif∣ferent, and distant the one from the other. To satisfie fully those that may have some difficulty upon this Subject, we need but simply to name the Vniverse, and to remark that this word signifieth but one only Idea, be it never so compounded.

25, 26, 27. Besides the Ideas, whether Simple or Complex, that the Mind hath of things considered in themselves; it hath others that it formeth of the Comparison that it maketh of these things betwixt themselves, and which are called Relatives. A Relative therefore is the consideration of a thing that marketh, or includeth in it self the consideration of another. Seeing all our Ideas may be considered, in as much as they lead our Thoughts to something else, it followeth, that all simple and complex Ideas may serve for the foundation of a Re∣lative. And whatever Extent those Ideas may have that are Relatives, it may be seen how they draw their Origin from Reflecti∣on and Sensation, seeing they have no other foundation than the Ideas that come to us from thence. It's needless I should enlarge upon every sort of Relatives to shew it. I shall only mark that a Relative supposeth two Ideas or things, really separated the one from the other, or at least considered as distinct. We do not always regard these two things or these two Ideas, which is the cause why we pass over divers Terms for Signs of absolute Ideas which are effectively Relatives. For Example, great and old are Terms, as Relative, as more great, and more old, though it is not always believed. When we say that Peter is older than John, these two Persons are compared in the Idea of Duration, and we would say that the one hath more than the other: And when we say that Iohn is old, his Duration is compared with that which we look upon as the ordinary Extent of the Life of Men. Hence it cometh that we should be offended to hear one say, That a Diamond or the Sun are old, because we have no Idea of the length of an ordinary Duration that be∣longeth to them. So we have no Idea to which we may compare it as we have in respect to the things which we commonly call old. There is a great deal of these Terms, which under an absolute Form or Termination, hide a relative Idea; and to examin nearly our Ideas they are in a great part a Relative.

This is what I briefly conceive of the dif∣ferent sorts of complex Ideas we have, and which may all be reduced to these three, Subctances, Moods and Relatives. As they include nothing else than divers Combina∣nations of simple Ideas, that we have re∣ceived by Sensation and Reflection, so I conclude that in all our Thoughts, Contem∣plations and Reasonings, how abstract and extended soever they be, our Mind never goes beyond the simple Ideas that we have received by the way of Sensation and Re∣flection.

28. One thing may be considered in all the Ideas I have spoken of, whether Simple or Complex; it is that they may be clear and distinct, or obscure and confused. The simple Ideas are clear, when they are very lively in the Mind, such are those which we have from the Senses Object: Again, the Or∣gans being in a good disposition, and all the circumstances requisit for a clear Sensation; it is this clearness that rendreth the Ideas distinct. The complex Ideas are distinct not only when the simple Ideas whereof they are composed are clear; but also when their Number and their Order is clearly fixed and regulated in the Mind. Then the Mind seeth after a clear and constant manner, when his complex Idea as often as it's na∣med, as often as it's thought upon, perfectly distinguisheth from all the others to which it may have any resemblance.

29. Real Ideas are those that are con∣form to that which is considered as their Architypes, or to the real existence of things. Phantastick or Chimerical Ideas are those in which is not found this Confor∣mity.

According to this Rule, 1. No simple Idea can be Chimerical, because they all answer to that Power of producing them in our Minds, which God hath placed in things; and that this is the reality which is proper unto them: 2. The Moods and Relatives, unless we joyn incompatible Ideas, cannot be Chimerical, because they themselves be∣ing Architypes, they cannot but resemble their Originals: 3. The Ideas of Substan∣ces may be and often are Chimerical, to wit, when the Mind forms them of a cer∣tain Combination of Ideas, which are not ally'd to Nature. For the Ideas of Sub∣stances being formed, to represent them

such as they are, really existent without us, these Ideas cannot be real but in as much as they agree with their Originals. So the Idea that we commonly have of a Man or of a Horse, is a real Idea, and the Idea of a Center is a chimerical Idea.

30. Among real Ideas some are Compleat, (in Latin adaequata) and some other Vn∣compleat (inadaequata.) The simple Ideas and those of the Moods and of the Rela∣tives are all compleat, for nothing is omit∣ted there that may render them more per∣fect and more conform to their Originals. But the Ideas of Substances are all incompleat, because they include but one part of the Qualities which really are in the very Sub∣stances their Architypes.

31. Though, to speak exactly, Truth and Falshood belong not to Ideas, but to Propositions; notwithstanding because we often call the Ideas true and false, it is good to consider which are true and which are false, and why these Names have been given them. We must therefore first re∣mark that when we look upon any thing as true or false, there is evermore some kind of a Proposition, though it is not expressed in formal Terms, and whereof no heed is taken. Secondly, we often do refer our Ideas to Architypes, which we think they represent, and consequently when some among them agree with their Architypes, they may be called true, as they are called false when they resemble them not. Of these Architypes are two sorts; the one is real, and the other mental. Real Architypes are those that exist really in the very things. In this respect there are but the Ideas of the Substances that may be false: The Architypes of the other sort that we call mental, are the Ideas that are in the Minds of others. For in Language, Men often do refer the Ideas signified by their Words, to the Ideas that are in the Minds of other Men, and which are marked by the same Words. For Example, when we make use of the word Gratitude, we pretend that the Idea that is in the Mind, and whereof this word is the sign, is conform to the Idea that others have in their Mind, and to which they apply the Name of Gratitude: The same way that we pretend that the Idea of a Horse ought to be conform to this very Animal. Of the first of these two sorts of Ideas dependeth the reality of our Notions, and of the latter the property of Language. Every manner of Idea may be false, in re∣spect of this second sort of Architypes.

BOOK III.

After having considered the Ideas where∣of the Mind of Man is full, and found out how they come to us; and of how many sorts they are; I soon thought that I might pass to the examination of our intellectual Facul∣ties, and to see what use the Mind maketh of these materials, or of these Instruments of our Notions which I had collected in the preceeding Book. But when I came to con∣sider a little nearer the nature and manner of the Notions of Man, I found they had so much connexion with Words, and their Words are so much confounded, either by custom or necessity, that it is impossible to treat clearly of our Notions, without first saying something of Words and Lan∣guage.

I. The Ideas that are in our Mind are so absolutely out of the sight of others, that we could not communicate our Thoughts without joyning some sign to our Ideas.

II. The most convenient signs for vari∣ety and promptitude whereof Men are ac∣pable, are articulated Sounds, which we call Words. Words then are the signs of Ideas, but as there is no sound which natu∣rally hath any connexion with any Idea of our Mind, except the Idea of this same sound; Words are signs of our Ideas but by an arbitrary Institution, and they cannot be properly and immediately signs of any thing but the Ideas which are in the Mind of him that maketh use of these Words. For in employing them to express what he thinketh, he cannot make use thereof to mark Ideas that he hath not, seeing thus he would render them signs of nothing. It's true, we commonly make use of Words in two other Suppositions. 1. We suppose for the most part that Words are the signs of Ideas that are in the Mind of him with whom we discourse. This is supposed with reason, because without that he that speak∣eth could not be understood. But as it doth not always happen that the Ideas that are in the Mind of him to whom we speak, answer exactly to those, to which he that speaketh applieth his Words, this significa∣tion is not always true.

2. It's commonly supposed that Words are substituted not only in the place of Ideas, but also of things themselves; but it's im∣possible they should signifie immediately the things themselves. For seeing they cannot immediately be the signs of any thing but that which is in the Mind of him that speak∣eth, where there is nothing but Ideas only, they cannot hold the place of things, but where there are Ideas whereto they are conform.

3. Words are of two sorts: There are general Terms, and Names to particular things. All that Exist, some will say, being particular, what need have we of general Terms? Where are these universal Natures that these Terms signifie? for the most part of Words that are imployed in common, are general Terms. To answer to the first of these Demands, we must remark that there is such a great number of particular things, that the Mind cannot retain as ma∣ny Words, as would be necessary to mark them all; and though the Memory could retain them, they would be unprofitable; because particular Beings known to one Man are often absolutely unknown to another. So their Names could not serve us, to com∣municate our Thoughts, because they would not be signs of Ideas common to him that speaketh and to him that heareth. More∣over,

the progress we make in Knowledge, being got by means of the general Noti∣ons, we have need of general Terms. As to the second Demand, General Natures, whereof general Terms are signs, are but general Ideas, and Ideas become general on∣ly by abstracting time, place, and other particularities, which are the cause that these signs only represent individual Na∣tures. An Idea formed in this wife by Ab∣straction, and by being disengaged from all that rendred it individual, is capable to re∣present equally many individual things: And as much as each of them hath all that re∣maineth in this abstracted Idea, 'tis in that alone that consisteth the general Na∣ture, upon which so many unprofitable Que∣stions have been proposed, and so many vain Subtilties published. Ideas come thus to represent not a particular Being, but a sort of Things; and the Names of these Ideas signifie that which the Logicians usu∣ally call Genus and Species, whereof it's sup∣posed each hath its particular Essence. Tho' there be great Disputes touching the Genus and Species and their Essences, the truth is, That the Essence of each Genus and each Species, is nothing else than an abstract Idea in the Mind of him that speaketh, and whereof the general Term he makes use of is the sign. It's also true that each particu∣lar Thing has a real constitution, by which it is what it is and it is that which pro∣perly is called Essence. But this Word ha∣ving changed its first signification, and be∣ing applied to the Species and Genus of Schools, Essences have been commonly look∣ed upon, as belonging to the different or∣ders of Beings, ranged under divers gene∣ral denominations. In this sense, Essences are truly nothing else than abstract Ideas, whereof general Terms are signs. We may call the first Essences, whereof we speak real, and the second ones nominal; some∣times they are the same, and sometimes they are quite different the one from the other, in the same thing.

4. We shall more clearly conceive the Na∣ture and Signification of Words, if we consider the Relation they have with these three sorts of Ideas whereof I have already spoken; to wit, the simple Ideas, the Sub∣stances and the Moods, under the which I comprise the Relatives: 1. The names of simple Ideas and of Substances denote some Beings really existent, whence they are drawn as from their Original. But the name of the mix'd Moods do terminate in the Mind; and I believe it's for that reason that they are particularly called Notions. 2. The names of simple Ideas and of Moods always signifie the real Essence, as well as the nominal. The names of Substances sel∣dom signifie (though sometimes they have another signification) any thing else but the nominal Essence. 3. Of all things the names of simple Ideas are the least doubtful and uncertain. 4. But what I believe to be of a great use, and that no Body, as I know, hath remarked, is that we must distinguish the Terms that can and that cannot be de∣fined. I observe therefore that we cannot define the names of the simple Ideas, where∣as we may those of the complex. For to define, being no more than to make known an Idea, which is mark'd by a certain Word, by means of some Terms, that are not synonimous, the Definition cannot have place but in the complex Ideas. It's well known how much the Peripateticks, and even the modern Philosophers, not knowing what Names could or could not be defined, have vainly discoursed, and published such Gallimauphry, whilst they went about to define the Names of some few simple Ideas, because for the most part they thought it not for their purpose to undertake the same thing. Though they have defined Motion and Light; they have nevertheless waved the definition of the greatest part of sim∣ple Ideas, and the definitions of Light and Motion that they have hazarded to pro∣duce, will appear, if they are throughly examined, to have as little sense, as what may be said in expounding the terms of Red and Sweet. When a Man born blind shall be made to understand what Idea the word Blew will bear, we may likewise make a Man to comprehend, by the means of De∣finition, what Motion and Light signifie to a Man, who till then shall not know what it is, but by another way. The Names of simple Ideas have but a very few subordi∣nations in that which Logicians call Linea Praedicamentis, because these Ideas being not composed, nothing can be retrenched from them, to render it more general and to give it more extent. Therefore the word Colour, which comprehendeth Red and Blew, &c. only maketh a simple Idea, which we have by means of the Sight.

5. As to the Names of mix'd Moods and of Relatives, which are all general Terms, we must note, 1. That the Essence of their different sorts are all formed by the Intellect: 2. That they are arbitrarily and with a great liberty formed, the Mind not rela∣ting here to the real Existence of any Ori∣ginal: 3. Though the Essences or the Kinds of mix'd Moods are formed without Models, yet they are not formed at all Adventures and without Reason.

It is not only the signification of Words, but also the brevity, which is one of the greatest advantages of Language. There∣fore the end that we propose to our selves, is, not only to imploy the Sounds signifi∣cant of signs to certain Ideas, but also to make use of short Sounds, to signifie many distinct Ideas, which by their combinations form thereof one Complex Idea conforma∣ble hereunto, Men do reunite in one only complex Idea several separated Ideas, de∣pending of one another, and give it a name when they have occasion to think of proper Compositions, and of discoursing there∣upon together.

Thus it is that Men do arbitrarily from different kinds of mix'd Moods, in giving names to certain Compositions of Ideas,

which have no more connection in them∣selves, than others that are not united by any like denomation. This evidently ap∣peareth in the diversity of Tongues, where is nothing more ordinary than to find seve∣ral Words in one Tongue, which have none to answer 'em in another.

6. The names of Substances signifie their nominal Essences, and not their real Essences, which in Substances are very different from the Nominals. For Example, Colour, Weight, Malleability, Fusibility, Fixation, and perhaps some other sensible Qualities, form a complex Idea, which we have in our Mind, and to which we give the name of Gold, are the nominal Essence of Gold. But the disposition of the sensible Particles, or the Constitution, whereof these sensible Qualities do depend, whatever it may be, is the real Essence of Gold. It is in nothing like the nominal, and would give us quite another Idea of Gold, if we knew it. But seeing we know it not, and that our words express but the Ideas that we have, the word Gold cannot signifie a real Essence. It is then by their nominal Essence, that we range Substances under different kinds, and under divers denominations. These nomi∣nal Essences, being nothing else than com∣plex and abstract Ideas, formed of divers Persons of different combinations of simple Ideas, which they have observed or imagi∣ned to exist together, it is visible that the Essences of the kinds of Substances, and consequently the kinds themselves, in as much as they are ranged under different Names, are of the invention of Men. I do not say that Substances themselves, or the resemblance and conformity that is betwixt them have been made by Men; but only that the limits of the kinds, as marked by certain names, have been established by Men.

But notwithstanding Men are Authors of Essences, which limit and distinguish the kinds of Substances, they do not here make use of them so arbitrarily as in the Moods. In Substances they propose to themselves things really existing, as of the Models they design to follow. But by the diversity we find in their ability or in their attention, their complex Ideas formed of a mass of sensible Qualities, and marked with the name Specifick, are very different in diffe∣rent Persons, one comprehending therein a simple Idea, which the other omits. But the real Essence which we suppose to be in each kind of things, if there be any like Essence, would unalterably be the same.

If the first distribution of Beings in their lowest kinds depends upon the Mind of Man, as we have shewn, it's much more clear that it is so in the highest Classes, which we call Genus in Logical Terms. For they are but imper∣fect complex Ideas, whose divers Qualities are on purpose omitted, which are constant∣ly found in the things themselves. As the Mind, to form general Ideas, which com∣prise divers particular Beings, excludeth from it Time, Place, and other Circum∣stances, which cannot be common to seve∣ral Individuals: So to form Ideas still more general, and which comprise different kinds, the Mind excludeth from them the Qualities, that distinguish these kinds from one ano∣ther, and includeth in this new combinati∣on of Ideas, those only that are common to different kinds. Thence it followeth, That in this matter of Genus and Species, the Genus that is most extended is nothing else but a partial conception of what is in the Species, and the Species is nothing but a partial Idea of what is in each indiv∣dual. 'Tis conformable to the true intent of Language, to mark by a short sound a great number of particular things, in as much as they agree in a common concepti∣on. The Genus and Species then seem to me to be nothing else but a distribution of Beings, to give them general denominations; and the Essence of each Genus and of each Species is but an abstract Idea, to which this denomination is applied. The least attention will shew us that there is nothing Essential in the particular or indi∣vidual Beings; but that as soon as they are ranged under a general Name, or that which is the same thing, reduced to a cer∣tain kind, there is somewhat that becomes essential to them, to wit, all that is com∣prehended in the complex Idea, marked by this general Name.

We must further remark, in regard of the Substances, that they only have proper Names, to which we may add, that although the Specifick names of Substances can signifie nothing else but abstract Ideas, which are in the Mind of him that speaketh, and con∣sequently the Substances, in as much as they are conformable to these Ideas; never∣theless it often falleth out that Men do or∣dinarily substitute these Names to things, which they pretend to have the real Essence of the Species whereof we speak, and that they would have the names of Substances to signifie 'em as distinguished in kinds, by real Essences; which causeth a great con∣fusion and a great incertainty in the usage of Words.

7. Words have a double usage: 1. They help to Register (if we may so say) or retain our proper Thoughts, to which all manner of Words, whatever they be, may commodiously enough serve, provided we hold them constantly applied to the same Ideas. 2. The Words do serve to com∣municate our Thoughts to others, and for that reason they must be common Signs, and applied on all parts to the same Ideas, by those that discourse.

They have likewise a double usage in the communication they have of our Thoughts. The one is Civil, and the other Philosophi∣cal. The first serveth for the Commerce and ordinary Conversation: The Philosophical usage is to give precise notions of Things, and to expound in general Propositions cer∣tain and undoubtful Truths, whereof the Mind may be satisfied in the search of Truth. In this last usage particularly,

Words are subject to a great uncertainty, and much obscurity in their Significations.

Words signifying naturally nothing, it's necessary that their signification, that is to say, the precise Idea for which they are imployed, be fixed and stedfast; which is difficult: 1. When the Ideas, whereof they are Signs, are extreamly complex: 2. When the simple Ideas, whereof these Complex are composed, have no natural connection with one another; so that in Nature there is no ••ixt measure, nor any model to ratifie and regulate them: 3. When the significa∣tion of a Word relates to an Original which existeth, but which is not easie to be known: 4. When the signification of a Word, or the real Essence of a thing, are not exactly the same. The names of the mix'd Moods are subject to Equivocation, for the two first of these Reasons, and the names of Substances, particularly for the two latter. Conformable to these Rules, as well as to Experience, we shall first find that the names of simple Ideas are the least subject to Equivocation, because they are simple, and that it is easie to form them and to retain them; and because they relate to nothing but to the same perception, which things that exist produce in us.

Secondly, We shall find that the names of mix'd Moods are very equivocal, because the complex Ideas, whereof they are the signs, having no fixt and existent models in Nature, upon which we may regulate their Architypes, are nowhere but in the Minds of Men, and for that reason are uncertain. Moreover these Ideas being often very much compounded, its very difficult for them to agree exactly with one another, though they all are marked by the same name. Neither is it easie for a Man to keep the same precise Idea constantly applied to the same name, when it's very much compound∣ed. Where shall one find a Conjunction of all the Ideas that the word Glory signifieth at once? The complex and precise Idea, which the word Iustice marketh, is seldom fixt, or always the same.

Thirdly, The names of Substances are very equivocal, because their complex Ideas are not arbitrary Compositions, but rela∣ted models that are existing; nevertheless it is impossible to know after any other manner, even very imperfectly. 1. We have shewn that sometime it was suppos'd that the names of Substances do signifie themselves, in as much as they have certain real Essences. Every thing having a real constitution, by which it is what it is; it hath been usual to call this constitution its Essence, as if it were the Essence of a kind. But whether that be so or not, its certain that it being altogether unknown, it is im∣possible to know what the signification is of this word in this usage, or what thing it noteth: 2. Sometimes those Ideas, which the names of Substances denote, are formed up∣on like Qualities, which are observed in Bodies in which they solely do exist. And though that be the proper usage of these names, it's notwithstanding very easie to make true remarks of their significations in that sense; because the Qualities that we find in Substances, and whereof we form the complex Ideas that we have thereof, being for the most part Powers, or Facul∣ties, they are almost infinite. The one having no more right than the other to be included in our complex Ideas, which are the Copies of these Originals, it's very difficult to mark justly by means of these models, the signification of their names. And therefore the same name of a Substance, seldom denoteth in the Mouth of two Men the same complex Idea.

8. Besides this natural Imperfection of Language, Men do herein commit divers voluntary Abuses that are observed. 1. They make use of Words, to which they apply any clear and determinate Signification. All Sects in Philosphy and in Religion, are very often guilty hereof, there being very few but by an affectation to singularity, or to hide some weak place of Systems, make use of some Terms to which it's visible they have applied no clear and determinate Idea. Besides these Terms that have no signification, and which are proper to each part, there are others whereof we make use in our ordinary Language, though in the Mind there be no precise Idea, to which they are applied. It sufficeth to have learned the Words, that are in use in every one's Country, and that they may be im∣ployed in Conversation, though Men take but little pains to apply thereto a clear sig∣nification. If it were asked of those who have at every moment in their Mouths the words Reason and Grace, what they under∣stand thereby? It should often be found that they have in their Mind no distinct Idea, which may answer to these or other like Words.

2. Another Abuse that is committed here, is, That in the same Discourse, one only Word is at one time the signification of one Idea, and at another time that of ano∣ther. There is nothing more common in Controversies, wherein seldom we miss finding the same word in divers significati∣ons; not only in incident matters, but in places that are most essential, and concern∣ing which the Question in dispute is.

3. We may add to that an affected obscu∣rity, suppose in the usage of Words re∣ceived, or in the invention of some new Terms. There is nothing that hath so much contributed to that as the Method and Instruction of Schools, where all hath been accommodated to Dispute. This Method unavoidably casteth into a multiplication and strange entangling of obscure Terms. This dangerous Abuse of the Language having passed for Subtilty, and having ob∣tained the reputation and recompense due to true Knowledge, hath hindred Men to make true progresses in Sciences, as we all sufficiently do know.

4. The Language is yet abused, in ta∣king Words for things, which particularly

happeneth in relation to the names of Substances: For Men having formed to themselves particular Ideas and without ground, as they have thought it fit, to in∣vent or uphold certain Physical Systems, have accommodated thereto certain Words. After that, these Words becoming familiar to them have, been lookt upon by their Fol∣lowers, as signifying something real, and as necessary signs of things themselves. Thus substantial Forms, intentional Kinds, and a great many such Terms, by a fre∣quent and uncontested usage, have made several People to believe that there were real Beings meant by these Terms. It did not appear credible to them that their Fa∣thers, their Masters, their Divines, and their learned Men, had made use of words which signifie nothing but meer Chimera's, and which have no relation to any real Be∣ing in the World. I have already spoken of the abuse that is committed, in suppo∣sing that Words do signifie the real Essences of Substances.

5. Another more general abuse of Words, though less considerable, is, to suppose that their signification is so clear and constant, that one cannot be mistaken in the Idea that they signifie. Hence it is that Men find it strange, that they should be obliged to in∣form themselves of the signification of Words which they make use of, or that it should be asked of them; though it be vi∣sible that very often the sense cannot be assuredly understood in which a Word is taken, how they can tell in what precise Idea it hath been used.

6. Figured Terms, and all the sought for Ornaments of Rhetorick, are likewise a true abuse of Language: But with this it is even as it is with the fair Sex. Eloquence is sustained with too powerful Charms, to be endured in speaking against it. In vain should we mark the defects in certain deceiving Arts, by which Men delight to be deceived.

7. The imperfection and abuses of Lan∣guage being the principal sources of Dis∣putes and Errors, which are come into the World, it would not a little contribute to the Truth and Ease of Men, if they would seriously apply themselves to speak after a more exact and serious manner. I shall shew here for this word, some easie Precautions to those that pretend to Sincerity; for I am not so vain as to imagin I can reform so rooted an Abuse, and where so many would be found in the account. I believe nevertheless that no Body will deny, 1. But that every one ought to take care that he make not use of a Word without a signifi∣cation; or any sound, without having some Idea in his Mind that he would express thereby: 2. That the Idea that we mark by this sign should be clear and distinct, and that all the simple Ideas whereof it is com∣posed, if it is complex, should be fixt and constant. This is necessary in the Names of all complex Ideas; but we ought to take a particular care in Words that express the Ideas of Morality, which being composed of divers simple Ideas, are not as they should be, till we have fixed in our Mind the complex Idea, which we would denote by every Word. We ought to endeavour to be in a capacity of an easie Enumeration of all that entreth into this Idea, and to re∣solve it into all the simple Ideas which com∣pose it. For want of this it happeneth that our Words become so obscure and equivo∣cal, that neither others nor our selves can tell what we would say. 3. One ought to accommodate his Ideas as much as possible to the common signification that the words have in the ordinary usage. The usage is that which determineth the signi∣fication of the Words, and every particu∣lar Person ought not to make such change as he pleaseth therein. But because the com∣mon usage hath left a great part of Words, not to say the most part, in a very ex∣travagant signification, and Men often are constrained to make use of a common word, in a sense somewhat particular, it's often necessary to mark in what sense we make use of Words, especially when they belong to the principal Subject of the Discourse or of the Question. This Interpretation of our Terms, if we would be correct, ought to be conformable to the different kinds of the Ideas that they signifie. The best and even, in several occasions, the only way of making known the signification of the name of a simple Idea is to present it to the Sen∣ses. The only means to mark the sense of the most part of the names of mix'd Moods, at least of the Words that belong to Morality, is Definition; and the best means to understand the names of the most part of Bodies, is to shew the Bodies we discourse on, and in the mean while to de∣fine the names whereof we make use; be∣cause on the one side several of the Qualities, which distinguish them from other Bo∣dies, are not easie to be expressed by words; and on the other, since many other things among them cannot, without much pain and preparations, be discovered by the Senses.

10. I have shewn what the signification is of Words, and what care we ought to take, that we may not suffer our selves to be thereby deceived, that being necessary before we enter into the consideration of our Notions, which maketh the subject of the following Book. Before I finish this, I shall say only one word of the common di∣stinction of Terms, because I believe it may serve for the clearing our Ideas. It is the distinction of the Terms Abstract and Concrete, upon which we may mark, 1. That two abstract Ideas are never affirm∣ed at once. 2. That simple Ideas and Moods have concrete Names, as well as abstract; but that Substances have but con∣cretes, saving some few abstract Words affected by Scholasticks, which they never could bring into common use, as Corporeity, Animality, &c. The first of these two Re∣marks teacheth us, as it seemeth to me,

that two distinct Ideas are two distinct Essences, which cannot be affirmed both at once. The second includeth a clear Assertion, that Men have no Idea of the real Essences of the kinds of Substances, seeing they have in their Tongues no Terms to express them.

BOOK IV.

We have treated in the two preceeding Books of the Ideas and Words; in this we treat of Knowledge.

1. It's shewn in the first Chapter, That Knowledge is nothing else but the percepti∣on of Agreement or of Dis-agreement, which is between two Ideas. This convenience or dis-convenience may be reduced, for a greater clearness, to these four, 1. Identity. 2. Coexistence. 3. Real Existence. 4. Relation.

The first and principal act of our Intellect is to perceive the Ideas it hath, to see what each of them is, and in what they differ from others. Without that the Mind could not either have variety of Thoughts nor Discourse, nor judge nor reason upon what it thinketh. It's by this faculty that the Mind perceiveth what Idea it hath, when it seeth a Violet, and by which it knoweth that Blew is not Yellow. Secondly, our Idea of Substances consists, as I have shewn, in a certain mass of simple Ideas, which is noted by a Specifick Name. The most part of our disquisitions touching Substances, tends to know what other Qualities they have, which refer to this; to wit, what other Ideas do coexist, and are found uni∣ted with other our complex Ideas. Thus to seek, if Gold is fixed, is to seek if being able to be in the fire without being con∣sumed, is an Idea that coexisteth in the same subject with the Ideas of yellow Colour, of Weight, of Malleability and Fusibility, whereof our Idea of Gold is composed. The third sort of Agreement, is to know if a real existence agreeth or not to some thing, whereof we have an Idea in our Mind. The last sort of Agreement or Dis-agreement of the Ideas, consisteth in some other Re∣lation which may be between two Ideas. Thus this Enunciation, Sweetness is not Bit∣terness, marketh a dis-convenience of Iden∣dity: Thus, Iron is susceptible of the Im∣pressions of the Loadstone, signifies an agree∣ing of coexistence: These words, God ex∣isteth, inlcude an agreeing of real Existence: This Proposition, Two Triangles whereof the Base is equal, and which are betwixt two paral∣lel Lines are equal, marketh a convenience of Relation.

2. According to the different manner wherewith we perceive the convenience or the dis-convenience of our Ideas, the evidence wherewith we know them is different. Some∣times the Mind perceiveth the convenience or dis-convenience of two Ideas immediately. Thus it seeth that Red is not Yellow, that a Circle is not a Triangle, that three is more than two, and is equal to two and one. That is, what may be called intuitive Knowledge, or of a simple view. It is up∣on this simple view that is founded all the certitude and all the evidences of our No∣tions; and indeed every one findeth that this evidence is so great, that he cannot imagin nor consequently require a greater one. For no Body can believe himself capa∣ble of a greater certitude, than to know that an Idea which he hath in his Mind is such, as he perceiveth it, and that two Ideas, among which he seeth a difference are diffe∣rent, and are not really the same. There∣fore in the following degree of our Know∣ledge, which I call Demonstration, this in∣tuition or simple view, is necessary in all the connections of middle Ideas, without which we cannot come at any general Know∣ledge, nor to any certainty. 2. When the Agreement or Dis-agreement of two Ideas cannot immediately be perceived, but the Mind maketh some other Idea to intervene, to shew it, this is that which is called De∣monstration. Therefore the Mind not be∣ing able to joyn three Angles of a Triangle with two strait ones, so that it may per∣ceive immediately their Equality, it maketh use of some other Angles to measure them.

For to produce a Knowledge of this Na∣ture, we must know with a simple view, the Agreement or Dis-agreement of two middle Ideas, whereof we make use in each degree of Deduction; for without that there can be no Demonstration, and one cannot shew the Agreement or Dis-agree∣ment of two Ideas that he considereth. For either the Agreement or Dis-agreement of two Ideas is not evident by it self, that is to say, cannot be perceived immediately, we still need Proofs to shew it. This kind of Knowledge may be called a reasoned or demonstrative Knowledge, and how certain soever it may be, it's never so clear nor so evident as the Knowledge of a simple view. The reason of it is this, The Memory must intervene, to retain the connection of all the parts of a Demonstration together, and we must be sure we omit none thereof; which in a long Deduction demandeth an extraordinary Attention, if we design to avoid Error. I will not speak in this little Abridgment of what is commonly believed, That Demonstration belongs but to Ideas which regard Quantity.

These are the two sorts of Knowledge that we have of general Truths. As for the Existence of some particular finite Beings, we perceive 'em by our Senses, and we can call this Knowledge, sensible Knowledge. Though it hath not all the certitude of the two first degrees of Knowledge, notwith∣standing it must be granted that it hath something more than simple probability.

3. From what hath now been said it fol∣loweth, 1. That we can have no Knowledge, where we have no Idea. 2. That our Knowledge of a simple view extendeth not it self so far as our Ideas, because we can∣not compare the greatest part of them af∣ter a manner so immediate, that we may discover the Agreement that we look for. 3. That our reasoned Knowledge cannot make us to perceive the Agreement or Dis∣agreement

of all the Ideas, where the knowledg of a simple view faileth us, be∣cause we cannot find middle Ideas that may unite them after an intuitive manner. 4. That the sensible knowledge not extending it self further than the actual presence of the particular objects that strike our Senses, it has a great deal less extention than the two preceding ones.

What I pretend to conclude from all this, is that our Knowledg is not only infinitely below the Extent of Beings, but that it also faileth us in the greatest part of the disquisitions that we can make upon the Ideas we have. First of all, as to what re∣gards the whole Extent of Beings, if we compare this small Corner of Earth upon which we are confined, with this part of the Universe, whereof we have some know∣ledge, we shall find that the Earth is but as a Point; but if we carry our thoughts yet further, we shall find that 'tis more than probable, that this part of the Universe whereof we have some knowledge, is in it self, how immense soever it seems, but as a Point in regard to that which is altogether beyond our discoveries. And if we con∣sider the vegetable, the reasonable and corporal Animals (not to speak of the diffe∣rent orders of Minds) and the other things with their different qualities, more propor∣tionable perhaps to others Senses than ours, and whereof we have no Notion; if we make, I say, a little Reflection upon the number, the variety and excellency of Be∣ings, that may exist, and which without doubt do exist in an Extent as immense as is that of the Universe, we shall with rea∣son conclude, that the things whereof we have some Idea, are in a very small number, in comparison to those that we do not at all know. In the second place, if we con∣sider in what a small number, how imper∣fect and superficial are the Ideas, that we have of the things which are near us, that we can know them better, and which in effect are the best known to us. In fine, if we mark, by how little, we can discover by those Ideas we have, of Agreement or Disagree∣ment, we have cause enough to infer from thence that our Minds are extreamly limit∣ed, that they are no way proportionable to the whole extent of Beings, and that Men are not capable of knowing all things.

Its true, that in regard of Identity and of diversity our Knowledge of a simple view is as much extended as our very Ideas: But on the other side, we scarcely have any ge∣neral knowledge of the coexistence of Ideas, because not being able to discover the causes whereof the second qualities of the substan∣ces do depend, nor to see any connection between these causes and our Ideas, there are very few cases in the which we can know the coexistence of any other Idea, with the complex Idea that we have of some sort of substances; and thereby the know∣ledge we have of Substances is reduced al∣most to nothing. As for what concerneth other Relations of our Ideas, it does not yet appear how far our Knowledge can reach I believe nevertheless that if we studied well Morality, which consists in the Relati∣ons of Moods, it would be as capable of De∣monstration as the Mathematicks, as to the Existence we have our own, a knowledge of simple view, a demonstrative knowledge of the Existence of God, and a sensible knowledge of the Existence of some few other things.

I shall not put in this little Abridgment the particular Examples that I gave to shew the small extent of our Knowledges. What I have said here sufficeth, I think, for to con∣vince us that there is no proportion be∣twe•••• what we know, and those things of whi•••• we are in an irreparable ignorance.

B••••••des the Extent of our Knowledge in the Species of things, we may therein consi∣der another sort of Extent in regard of its Vniversality: When our Ideas are abstract the knowledge we have of 'em is general. The abstract Ideas are the Essences of Kinds, what names soever are given them, and are the foundations of the general and eternal Truths.

4. It will perhaps be said that this Know∣ledge which we make to consist in the con∣sideration of Ideas, may be Chimerical, and leave us in an entire ignorance of what things really are in themselves; seeing we see that Men can, and even often have, Ideas altogether extravagant. To that I answer, that our Knowledge is as real, as our Ideas are conformable to things, and no more. To be able to know what Ideas are conformable to the reality of things, we must consider the different sorts of Ideas whereof I have spoken above.

1. We can not doubt but simple Ideas are conformable to the things (I do not mean a conformity of Resemblance, but the conformity that is between a constant effect and its cause) because the Mind being not able to form any simple Idea, those it hath must be conformable to the Powers of pro∣ducing them, which are in things; and this conformity is sufficient to give a real know∣ledge.

2. Nevertheless our Complex Ideas, ex∣cepting those of Substances, are conforma∣ble to the reality of things; and we can assure our selves, because they are Archity∣pes, which the Mind hath formed, and not Copies by which it pretends to represent something existent out of it self: We have a design in our discourses and in our reason∣ings, touching this sort of Ideas, to mark any thing that existeth, but only as it is conformable to these Ideas.

3. But our complex Ideas of substances being formed upon design to represe••t the Architypes existent without us, we cannot be assured that our knowledge touching these Ideas is real, but in as much as it ap∣pereth by the real Existence of things them∣selves, (which the simple Ideas included in a combination, such as is that whereof our complex Ideas are formed) it may coexist together. The reason of this is, that not

knowing the real constitution whereof these qualities depend, we cannot know but by experience what qualities can, or cannot exist together in one same subject. If we gather in a complex Idea other qualities than those that can exist together, the know∣ledge of the substance which this Idea shall represent, shall be only the knowledg of a Chimera, which we shall have formed our selves, and not of any real Being.

5. According to this Description of Know∣ledge, we may come to discover what Truth is, which is nothing else but the conjuncti∣on or the separation of Signs, according as things themselves agree or disagree. By conjunction or separation of the Si••••s I mean that which is made in affirm••••g or in denying, and that which is called posi∣tion. As the Signs, whereof we 〈◊〉〈◊〉 use, are of two sorts, Ideas and words; the Pro∣positions are likewise of two sorts, Mental and Verbal. Truth is likewise of two kinds, real or purely verbal. A real Truth is found in a Proposition when it is Affirmative or Ne∣gative, according as the Ideas themselves are conformable to their Architypes. A Verbal Truth is included in a Proposition, when it is Affirmative or Negative, accord∣ing to the agreement or disagreement of our Ideas, tho these Ideas have no agreement with their Architypes.

6. Truth represents it self commonly to our Mind, or in being considered as included in certain Propositions: Its of importance to examin what Propositions are capable to bring into our Mind a certain knowledge of general Truths. 1. In general Propositi∣ons, where we suppose that the Terms signifie Kinds which consist in real Existen∣ces, and distinct from nominals, we are capa∣ble of no certain Knowledge, because not knowing this real Essence, we cannot know what qualities have an agreement or disa∣greement with this unknown Essence; nor even ever discover that the Beings belong to this kind. And this is it which happen∣eth often in the Propositions which regard Substances, and not in those that concern the other things, because we do not suppose that the other things have a real Essence distinct from the Nominal. 2. In all the general Propositions, where are substituted Terms in place only of the Nominal Essence, or from the abstract Idea, so that the kind is determined by that only, we are capable of Certainty as far as we perceive the agree∣ment or disagreement of these abstract Ideas. But this very little regards Substances, be∣cause we cannot discover but in very few re∣incounters the necessary coexistence, or the incompatibility of the other Ideas, with those that compose the complex Idea which we have of some kind of Substances.

7. There are certain Propositions, which are called Maxims, which some do look, upon as born with us, and which the most part look upon as the foundation of all Knowledge. But if we consider well what we have said touching the knowledge of simple view, or self-evidence, we shall find that these Axioms, so much boasted of, are not innate, and have no more evidence by themselves, than a thousand other Propo∣sitions, whereof some are known before 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Axioms, and whereof others are known as readily and as clearly; whence it follow∣eth that they are not innate, and that they are not the foundation of all our Know∣ledg and reasonings, as some believe.

It is allowed that these Maxims are evi∣dent in themselves: All that is is, and 'tis impossible a thing should be, and should not be at the same time. But if we consider the nature of the Intellect, and of the Ideas it hath, and if we think that the Intellect cannot but know its proper Ideas, and not know that the Ideas that are distinct in it are so, we shall of necessity remark, that these Axioms, that are believed to be the fundamental Principles of Knowledge and Reasoning, are no more evident in themselves than these Propositions, One is one, Red is Red, and it's impossible that one should be two, and that Red should be Blew. We also know evidently and even sooner these Propositions, and a thousand such others, that those that are commonly called Maxims. Is there any one that could imagin that a Child knoweth not that a Seed of Herbs against Worms is not Sugar, but by vertue of this Axiom, It is impossible that the same thing should be and not be at the same time? Our knowledge of simple view extends to all our Ideas in re∣gard of the Agreement or disagreement of identity, and consequently all the Proposi∣tions, which regard this sort of agreement or disagreement, whether they be conceived in more or less general Terms, if the Ideas that they signifie are known; these Proposi∣tions I say, are equally evident by themselves.

As we know very few things with a know∣ledge of a simple view, in respect to the Agreement or Disagreement of Coexist∣ence; so we cannot form thereupon but very few general Propositions evident by them∣selves, and a very small number of Axioms.

In the third sort of agreement, to wit in the agreement of Relation, Mathemati∣cians have formed divers general Proposi∣tions, touching the equality, to which they have given the names of Axioms; tho these Propositions have no other certainty than that which is found in all the other general Propositions, evident by themselves. Al∣though when one hath rendred to himself these Axioms familiar, Men often make use thereof, to shew the absurdity of false rea∣sonings and of erroneous opinions, in the less general Ideas; notwithstanding the manner, wherewith our Mind has acquired Knowledge, is not by beginning with these general Propositions, and thence drawing Consequences; but on the contrary, by be∣ginning by particular observations, and thence extending by degrees its knowledge to more general Views.

8. Besides these Propositions, there are others, whereof several are certain, but it teacheth us no real Truth, because they regard only the signification of Words.

1. When we affirm some part of a com∣plex Idea of the name of this same Idea; or, which is the same thing, when we affirm a part of a Definition of the name of the thing defined; this Proposition only re∣gardeth the signification of Terms, and such are all the Propositions, in which the most general Terms are affirmed by Terms which are so less; as when we affirm the Genera of Species, or of the Individuals. 2. When two abstract Ideas are affirmed by one another, the Proposition includeth no real truth, but only regards the signification of Words. If all these ridiculous Propo∣sitions were banished from discourse, the way to come at some knowledge would be much less entangled with disputes than it is.

9. Universal Propositions which include a truth or a certain falshood, concern the Essences only. The knowledge of Exist∣ence extendeth not it self beyond particular Beings. It is visible we have a know∣ledg of simple view of our Existence, and that nothing can be more evident.

10. There is a Demonstration of the Existence of God, that we may find with∣out being obliged to go out of our selves, to seek proofs, 1. Although God hath given us no Idea of himself which is innate, tho he hath not imprinted in our Souls any ori∣ginal Characters, that may make us read his Existence, having given to our Minds the faculties they have, yet he hath not left himself without Testimony, seeing we have Senses, Intellect and Reason, which cannot want Proofs of his Existence whilst we sub∣sist. We cannot justly complain of our ignorance in this regard, seeing he hath furnished us so abundantly with means whereby to know him, as much as it is ne∣cessary for the end for which we exist, and for our Felicity, which is the greatest of all our interests. But tho the Existence of God be a truth the most easie to be disco∣vered by Reason, yet his own evidence is equal, if I am not mistaken, to that of Mathematical Demonstration; nevertheless it requireth attention, and the Mind must apply it self to draw it from some uncon∣testable part of our knowledge by a regu∣lar deduction. Otherwise we should be in as great an uncertainty and in as great an ignorance in respect to this truth, as in re∣spect to the other Propositions, which may evidently be Demonstrated. To shew that we are capable to know, and to know with certainty that there is God, and to shew how we come to this knowledg, I believe we only need to reflect upon our selves, and upon the undoubted knowledg we have of our own Existence.

2. I believe it is Uncontestable, that Man knoweth certainly that he Existeth, and that he is something. If there be any that can doubt thereof, I declare it's not to him that I speak, no more than I should be wil∣ling to dispute against pure Nought, and to undertake to convince a Non-Being to be something.

3. Besides, Man knoweth by a knowledge of simple view that pure Nought can no more produce a real Being, than the same Nought can be equal to two strait An∣gles. If there by any that know that Non-Being, or absence of every Being can∣not be equal to two strait Angles, its impossible he should conceive any of Euclides Demonstrations. If we know that some real Being Existeth, and that Non-Being can produce nothing, its by a Mathematical evidence that there is something from all Eternity, seeing that which is not of all Eternity hath a beginning, and that every thing that has a beginning hath been pro∣duced by some other thing.

4. It is by the same evidence that every Being, which draweth its Existence and its beginning from another, deriveth also from another all that it hath and all that belong∣eth to it. We ought to know that all these Faculties draw their Origine from some place: Therefore the Eternal Source of all the Beings, must also be the Source and Principle of all their Powers or Faculties, so that this Being must be Almighty.

5. Besides, this Man findeth in himself some perception and knowledg. We may therefore yet advance from one degree, and assure our selves, not only that some Being exists, but that there is in the World some intelligent Being.

6. There hath then been a time in which there was no intelligent Being, and in which Knowledg hath begun to exist; or there also hath been an intelligent being from all Eternity. If 'tis said, there hath been a time, in which No Being had knowledg, and in which the eternal Being was destitute of intelligence; I reply, that it is then im∣possible that any knowledg should ever have existed. For its as impossible that a thing absolutely destitute of knowledg, and which blindly acteth without any per∣ception, should produce an intelligent Be∣ing, as its impossible that a Triangle should make for it self three Angles that should be bigger than two strait ones. It is so contrary to the Idea of a matter without sense, that it should produce to it self sense, perception, and knowledg, as it is contra∣ry to the Idea of a Triangle that it should make to it self Angles which should be big∣ger than two strait ones.

7. Therefore by the consideration of our selves and of what we infallibly find in our Nature, Reason leadeth us to the knowledg of this certain and evident Truth, that there is an Eternal Being, most powerful and most intelligent, what name soever we give it; whether we call God, or otherwise, there is nothing more evident; and in consider∣ing well this Idea, 'twill be easy thence to draw all the Attributes that we ought to acknowledg in this Eternal Being.

It seemeth clear to me, by what I have said, that we have a knowledg more cer∣tain of the Existence of a God, than of any thing else whatever, that our Senses have not immediately discovered to us. I

believe I may say even that we know more certainly that there is a God, than that we know there is something else without us. When I say that we know, I mean that we have in our power this knowledg which can∣not fail us, if we apply our selves to it as we do in other disquisitions.

11. We cannot know the Existence of other things but by the Testimony of the Senses. In this our knowledg extends it self not beyond that which we perceive by their means. The Existence of any other thing whatever having no necessary connecti∣on with any of the Ideas which are in our Memory, we cannot infer thence the Ex∣istence of any particular Idea, and we can have no knowledg thereof but by an actual perception of our Senses.

12. To augment our knowledg, we must regulate our Ideas in the same method whereof we make use in a search of truth. As to the substances, where our Ideas are but imperfect Copies, we can have but a very little general knowledg of 'em, be∣cause few of our Abstract Ideas have an Agreement or Disagreement of a Coex∣istence that may be discovered; and there∣fore upon this consideration, we must endea∣vour to augment our knowledges by parti∣cular Experiences and Observations. But when we speak of Moods and Relations, our Ideas being Architypes, and being the Real as well as the Nominal Essences of Kinds, we may acquire a general knowledg by the on∣ly consideration of our Abstract Ideas.

And as to these Ideas, our Searches re∣garding not the Agreement or Disagree∣ment of Coexistance, but respecting other Relations, more easy to be discovered than that of Coexistence, we are capable of making further Progresses. To augment this knowledg, we must establish in our Mind clear and constant Ideas, with their Names, or Signs, and after that exactly consider their Connections, their Agree∣ments and their Dependencies. As to know, if we could not find some Method, as pro∣fitable in regard to the other Moods, as Algebra in regard to the Ideas of quantity, to discover their Relations. 'Tis they that cannot be determined aforehand, yet we ought never to despair of it. Notwith∣standing I doubt not but Morality may be brought to a much greater degree of Cer∣tainty, than it hath been hitherto, if after having applied the Term of Morality to clear and constant Ideas, we examin them freely and without prejudice.

13. Knowledg is not innate, nor pre∣sents not it self always to our Intellect. We must often bring in our Searches both Application and Study, and 'tis that which depends upon our Will; but when we have examined some Ideas with their Agreements and Disagreements, by all Means that we have, and with all the exactness where∣of we are capable, it depends not upon our Will to know, or not to know the Truths that concern these Ideas.

14. Our knowledg extending not it self to every thing that belongs to us, we supply it by what we call judgment, by which our Mind concludes that Ideas agree or disagree, to wit that a Proposition is true or false, without having an evidence that may produce a certain knowledg.

15. The foundation upon which we re∣ceive these Propositions as true, is what we call probability; and the manner wherewith the Mind receives these Propositions is that which is called Consent, Belief or Opinion; that which consisteth to receive an Opinion as true, without having a certain know∣ledg that it is so effectively. Here are the foundations of probability. 1. The confor∣mity of something with that which we know, or with our Experience. 2. The Testimony of others founded upon what they know, or what they have experi∣enced.

16. In this Chapter we treat of the diffe∣rent degrees of Assurance, or of Doubt, which depend upon these two things, diversified by Circumstances that concur with others, or that counterbalance them; but they are in too great a number for to be noted in particulars in this Extract.

17. Errour is not the failure of knowledg, but a fault of judgment, which causeth Men to give their consent to things that are not true. The causes ares, 1. Want of proofs, such as may or may not be had. 2. The little ability Men have to make use thereof. 3. The want of Will to make use thereof. 4. The false rules of probability, which may be reduced to these 4. Doubtless Opinions supposed as Principles; Hypotheses receiv∣ed; unruly Passions, and Authority.

18. Reasoning, by which we know Demon∣strations and probabilities hath, as it seems to me, four parts. The first consists in dis∣covery of proofs: The second in ranging them in such order as is necessary to find the truth: The third in clear perception, or an evident connection of Ideas in each part of the Consequence: The fourth, in carry∣ing strait Judgment, and drawing a just conclusion from the whole. It appeareth by this, that Syllogism is not the great in∣strument of Reason; that is serveth but in the third part, and only to shew to others that the connection of two Ideas, or rather of two Words, by the interposition of a third one, is good or bad. But it is not at all subservient to Reason, when it seeks for some new knowledg, or would discover some unknow Truth, and the proofs upon which it is grounded, which is the princi∣pal use which we ought to make of Reason, and not to Triumph in Dispute, or to re∣duce to silence those that would be Liti∣gious.

19. Some Men oppose so often, Faith to Reason, that if we knew not distinctly their limits, we should run a hazard to entangle our selves in our Searches about matters of Religion.

The Subject of reasoning is Propositions, which we may know by the natural use of our Faculties, and which are drawn from

Ideas that we have by Sensation, by Reflecti∣on: The matters of Faith are those which are discovered to us by a Supernatural Re∣velation. If we carefully consider the di∣stinct Principles of these two things, we shall know in what Faith excludeth Reason, or imposeth Silence to it, and in what we ought to hearken to Reason as a lawful Judge of a matter.

1. A Proposition, which we pretend to have received by an original and immediate Revelation, cannot be admitted as an un∣doubted matter of Faith, if it be contrary to the clear and evident Principles of our natural Knowledges; because that though God cannot lie, notwithstanding it's im∣possible that a Man, to whom the Revela∣tion is made, should know it comes from God with more certainty, than he knows the truth of these Principles of Reason.

2. But an original Revelation can impose Silence upon Reason in a Proposition, wherein Reason giveth but a probable assu∣rance; because the assurance that we have that this Revelation comes from God, is clearer than the thing that is most pro∣bable.

3. If it cannot be granted that original Revelation may contradict our clear and evident natural Knowledg, it can yet be less granted to what we know by Tradition only, because that although that which God reveals cannot be called in Question, nevertheless he to whom the Revelation hath not been immediately made, but who holds it from the Relation of other Men, can never know that God hath made this Revelation; nor that he understands well the Words in which they are proposed to him, nor even that he ever had read or heard this Proposition, which we suppose to be revealed to another, with as much certainty as he knoweth the truths of Rea∣son which are evident by themselves. It hath been revealed, That the Trumpet shall sound and the Dead shall rise; but I see not how those that hold that Revelation only is the object of Faith, can say, that it is a matter of Faith, and not of Reason, to believe that this Proposition is a Revelati∣on, if it be not revealed that such a Propo∣sition advanced by such a Man is a Revela∣tion. The Question recurs, to wit, Whe∣ther I understand this Proposition in its true Sense?

20. In fine, conformable to these Prin∣ciples, I conclude, in dividing the Sciences into three kinds. The first, which I call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is the knowledg of Things, whether Spiritual or Corporal, or some of their Proprieties, in their true Nature: We propose in this no other end than sim∣ple Speculation. The second which I name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, contains the Rules of all our Operations, comprehends the things that are in our power, and chiefly that which be∣longs to the conduct of our Manners. This second Science proposeth the action for its end. The third, to which I give the name of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is the knowledg of Signs, to wit, of Ideas and Words, as also serving to other sorts of Sciences. It may be, if this last was well considered, it would produce a Logick and Critick different from those we have seen till now.

That Beasts are meer Machines, divided into two Dissertations: At Amster∣dam by J. Darmanson, in his Philo∣sophical Conferences in Twelves, with∣out the name of a Printer, 1684.

IF any thing can mortifie the Mind of Man, it is certainly the Controversie which hath been raised not long since be∣twixt the Cartesians and other Philosophers, touching the Soul of Beasts. All Men be∣lieved, without contestation, until the time of Mr. Descartes, That Beasts had Know∣ledg. Philosophers in that had no diffe∣rent Thoughts from the People; they be∣lieved, as well as the Vulgar, that there was the utmost evidence for it. They only disputed among themselves, whether the Knowledg of Animals extended it self to Reason or no, and to universal Ideas? Or if it was limited by the perception of sen∣sible Objects? Most of the ancient Philoso∣phers have believed that Beasts reasoned; but among Christian Philosophers, the most common Opinion was the contrary. They were contented almost all to attribute a Sentiment unto them. I say almost all, for there have been always some, who have maintained, that they were not deprived of the faculty of Reasoning. Mr. De la Chambre, one of the most illustrious Peri∣pateticks of this Age, hath openly declared for this Party, in which undoubtedly he hath been incomparably more judicious than any other of Aristotle's Followers, be∣cause perhaps never any Opinion was more unlikely to be maintained than this, That the actions of Beasts issue from a knowing Principle, and nevertheless that Beasts have not the Strength to conclude one thing from another. However it is in this par∣ticular Dispute, all Men were united in this fix'd point, and in this Article of Belief, That Beasts have a Sentiment. The most Subtle would have engaged, That there would never have been any Man so foolish, as to dare to maintain the contrary.

There hath nevertheless been one in the last Age, who durst assert this Paradox in a place, wherein it would be the least sus∣pected that so new a Doctrin should take Birth. I shall be well understood if I add only, That it was a Spanish Physitian that published this Doctrin, a Medina del Campo in 1554. in a Book which had cost him 30 years Labour, and which he Entituled, An∣toniana Margarita, to honour his Fathers Mothers Name. Who should ever guess that Spain, where the liberty of Opinions is less suffered, than that of the Body is in Turky, should produce so rash a Philosopher,

as to maintain that Animals feel not? It deserves to be spoken of here and every where for the Rarity of the Subject; and it is just that we should not suppress the Name of this Gallant Man, who hath been the first Author, as we know of, of this un∣heard Paradox. He was called Gamesius Pereira, and lived in the last Age, and not in the twelfth, as a Doctor of Divinity hath affirm'd, who places the quality of Abbot Gerard at the head of his Discourse, upon the Courtiers Philosophy. This Gamesius Pe∣reira was briskly attacked by a Divine of Salamanca named Michael de Palacios, and answered him as sharply without losing any Argument that he had advanced, For Beasts being Machines. But he made no Sect, his Opinion immediately fell. He had not the Honour done him as to fear him, so that he was not much more known to our Age, than if he had never come into the World; and there is a great Likelihood that Mr. Descartes, who read but little, never heard talk of him. Yet Men will have that he hath drawn from this Spanish Physitian, the Opinion which he had concerning Beasts; for in saying so, People think to take away from him the Glory of the Invention, and that it is still so much gained upon him.

But what is most certain is, That Game∣sius Pereira having not drawn his Paradox from true Principles, and not having pene∣trated into its Consequences, could not hinder Mr. Descartes from finding it first by a Philosophical Method. It is notwith∣standing very probable that he found it without seeking for it; very likely he be∣gun and ended his Meditations, without thinking upon the Soul of Beasts, and with∣out abandoning the Opinion which he had receiv'd thereof in his Infancy; and it was only in considering the sequel of that Prin∣ciple, concerning the distinction of the Cogitive Substance from that of the extended Substance, that he perceived the knowledg of Animals overturned all the oeconomy of his System. It may perhaps be, that he had then need that this Objection should be made him, and that before it did not come into his Mind. It is therefore thro' meer ne∣cessity that he maintained that Beasts cannot feel. If he could have defended his Principles without it, he had never concerned himself with an Opinion, which not only had always appeared undoubtful to all the World, but which was also cloathed with almost an in∣vincible Evidence. This Evidence made me say at first, That there is nothing more likely to mortifie the Mind of Man, than the Controversie concerning the Knowledg of Beasts.

For in fine, what can be more mortifying, than to see the State wherein this Contro∣versie is now? On the one side by Mr. Des∣cartes an Opinion upheld which never ap∣peared before in the World but once, and which took Birth rather through Caprici∣ousness than Reason; (for, as I have already said, Gamesius Pereira knew not very well himself, why he maintained it) which Opi∣nion hath been adopted by Mr. Descartes, only because he was constrained to throw himself into this Precipice, to confirm what he had once advanced. In fine, what so readily contradicts the natural light of ma∣ny Persons, that it is said openly in a thou∣sand Places, it is a shame for France and for our Age, to have produced a Philosopher, who hath been able with Success to put off that monstrous Opinion, that Beasts are Machines? What do we see on the other side? An Opinion generally approved of all Men who have been since Adam, until these latter years, and which so possesseth our Minds by I know not what Evidence that ac∣companies it, that Men are not more per∣suaded, that they enjoy a pleasure in eating, than they are, that Beasts do feel some like∣wise when they feed. Yet in spight of all these great advantages of the Opinion which the Cartesians have been forced to strive against, they boast of having after three or four years Dispute, reduced it in∣to so poor a condition, that it can be no longer preserv'd but by an Appeal to the People, and to what Hunters and Fisher-Men will say on't. As for Philosophical Reasons, they say it cannot bring any, either for its Defence, or to oppose the contrary. This is very humbling, and what may make us trouble for Opinions, which appear the most certain to us. A time will come, per∣haps, that those who will maintain them, shall see themselves more incumbred, than the Peripateticks at this day are, to de∣fend the Soul of Beasts.

The Cartesians (I am here but a simple Historian of their Thoughts) say that it will appear, that they use no exaggeration, if the Preface be read which hath been put by Mr. Schuyl, before his Latin Transla∣tion of Monsieur Descartes; the Trea∣tise of F. Pardies of the Knowledg of Beasts; another Treatise of Mr. le Grand, de carentia Sensus & cognitionis in Brutis; and a Book of the Soul of Beasts which was Printed at Lyons, in 1676. approved by two Doctors of Divinity, and composed by a Priest of Ambrum, named d' Illy, who died a little while after. All the World suspe∣cted F. Pardies, of designing to establish the Opinion of Descartes, in only pretend∣ing to refute it. And in effect he answers so well himself to his Objections, and those which he leaveth without Answer are so weak, that it is not hard to guess what he intended. And Mr. d' Illy having answe∣red the Reasons which this Jesuit had not refuted, it followeth that nothing hath been left undone, that could destroy the Opinion of Mr. Descartes. But those who maintain that Beasts have Senses, cannot boast of it, for they do not solidly answer the Objecti∣ons of the Cartesians if we belive the latter. It is a wonderful thing, that the Tenet of the Automata should so speedily come to perfection. It must needs have fallen into good Hands, and that 3 or 4 good Wits make more progress in 10 years, than others have done in divers Ages.

Religion was immediately interested in this cause by the hopes that the Anti-Carte∣sians conceived of ruining thereby the Machins of Mr. Descartes; but the advan∣tage cannot be related which hath accrewed from thence to the Sect of this Philosopher. For they think they have shewen that in giv∣ing Beasts a Soul capable of knowledg, all the natural proofs of the Immortality of the Soul are ruined. They have shewen that their opinion had no other obstinate Enemies than the Impious, and Epicureans, and that no greater diskindness could be done to those Philosophers, than to disarm them of all the false reasons, which they borrow from the Soul of Beasts, to con∣clude that there is betwixt them and us, the difference only of the greatest to the least. It is a certain thing that there are no Peo∣ple who affect more than the Impious do, to make Beasts approach near to the perfecti∣on of Man. Thus Mr. Descartes hath cun∣ningly Engaged Religion in his interest. But they are not satisfied with this reason. They have exalted their Search unto the nature of God, for invincible arguments against the knowledg of Beasts, and it must be confessed that they have found pretty good ones. The Author of the Disquisition of Truth hath spread the Draught thereof in some places of his Works. F. Poisson of the Oratory hath throughly treated of that which is founded upon the Principle of St. Augustin, that God being just, misery in a necessary proof of Sin; whence it followeth, that Beast having not Sinned, are not subject to misery, but they would be subject thereunto, if they had a Feeling, therefore they have no Sense.

The Book of Darmanson, which occasioned our making these general Remarks, chiefly en∣deavours to destroy the knowledg of Beasts, by Reasons borrowed from Divinity. For this effect he sheweth in his first discourse, that if Beasts are not Automata, it follow∣eth first, that God is not God; secondly, that our Soul is not Immortal. He hath the equity of remarking that these Consequences ought not to be imputed to those who hold the Doctrin from whence they arose. It is another thing to make a certain Judgment and to admit of all the Consequences, which may be thence deduced in good Philosophy.

For to prove the First of these, observe, that if Beasts have such a Soul as is imagi∣ned, it followeth, First, that God loveth not himself; Secondly, that he is neither constant nor wise; Thirdly, he is cruel and unjust.

He proves the first of these three things by some Principles which F. Malebranch hath exposed in his Treatise of Nature and Grace, and elsewhere; for Example, that God would have never Determined to pro∣duce any thing without himself, if his Eter∣nal Wisdom, and his Word had not ren∣dered Creatures by his Oblation, worthy of the Infinite Action of God; whence it re∣sults, that God refers to his Glory, all that he doth, But he would not do it, if he created Souls capable of knowledg, and love, without obliging them to love him and to know him; therefore, &c.

This Reason will appear stronger if we consider, that in the common Opinion the ca∣pacity which Beasts have of knowing Things, and to Love them, is terminated solely in the Body; whence it followeth, that God hath created them but to enjoy the Bodies; yet according to the Principles of St. Augustin, Sin is nothing else but aversio a Deo & Con∣versio ad Creaturam, or else uti fruendis & frui utendis, to wit, to swerve from God to turn towards Creatures, to stop at the Crea∣ture as our utmost end, and to make use of God himself, as a means whereby we may enjoy Creatures when as all thing ought to serve us only as a help to our enjoyment of God; therefore Beasts have been crea∣ted in the State of Sin, and Consequently God would have dispensed with the Law of order, which is notwithstanding the Sove∣rain and Indispensable Law of God. The Author sheweth how dangerous it is to let the Impious believe that God can Create Souls in disorder, to wit, without any Ob∣ligation of loving him, because if that was once supposed, it would be no more possible to prove unto them, that our Soul is in a disorder. It is certain that the Principles of St. Augustin are incompatible with the ordinary Doctrin, concerning the Soul of Beasts, as Ambros Victor hath fully prov∣ed.

As to the two other things, the Author proves 'em in shewing that the Soul of Beasts perishing when they dye, God de∣stroys his proper work, which is a mark of inconstancy according to this Author. Moreover, as the Soul of the Beasts is more perfect than the Body, and that the Body never ceaseth to exist, tho the Soul is de∣stroyed, it followeth that God preserves the Substances less perfect, whilst he An∣nihilates the most perfect, which is not like a wife Agent, no more than to unite two Substances to produce but the same effects, which one of them could do without the help of the other. But he pretends that the Machin of the Animals alone sufficient to produce what is necessary to their beings, therefore it would be a Superfluity unwor∣thy a wise Agent, to joyn a Soul to this Machin. It will easily be guessed in what manner he proves that God would be cruel and unjust if Beasts had a Soul, for we may perceive that it can be only by the Reason which we have heretofore mentioned; to wit, that this Soul never having offended God, would notwithstanding be subject to all manner of miseries, and that without ever expecting a recompence for the Evils, which they should have suffered. For again, could one conceive, that God imprints sen∣timents of grief in an innocent Creature, provided it was with a design to make it de∣serve Eternal Felicity, by it's acquiescing in the pain. To this the Author adds this consideration, that the Soul of Beasts being innocent, would nevertheless be sub∣mitted to all the unmeasured desires of

Man, which is a disorder contrary to natu∣ral Light. Which will be easily compre∣hended if we imagine two different Kinds of Men, whereof the one, to wit the Poste∣rity of Adam, should have reserved his Inno∣cence, and the other become criminal. If the Posterity of Adam being innocent, was submitted to the desires of these Cri∣minal Men, so that they should treat us as we treat Beasts, that they should make us tear one another for their pleasure, that they should kill us to feed their Bodies, that they should seek into our Entrails during our Life, to satisfie their curiosity, and all this in Vertue of the Empire which they should receive from God over us; who is it that does not herein easily perceive a disorder which offends all the Principles of sound Sense? We must then conclude (say the Cartesians) that if Beasts had a Soul, God would not have given to sinful Man the Empire which he hath over them. Let it be denied as much as they will with a Physi∣cian of Paris, named Lami, a provoked Epicurean, That Man hath over Beasts any other Empire, but that which Industry or strength procures unto him, it will be still true, and this Physician hath not the consi∣dence to deny it, that God hath suffered Man after the Flood to kill Beasts to feed upon them. Which is to grant him an Empire, great enough, to preserve all the force of the Objection of the Carte∣sians.

As to what concerns the second Conse∣quence, to wit, that if Beasts have a Soul, the Immortality of ours can no more be proved; the Author clears it very perti∣nently. He expounds the Equivocation of the Word Immortality, and sheweth that in a certain Sense, Bodies partake there∣of; but that there is another signification according to which Immortality belongs but to the Soul. It were to be wished that this Author should refute those who give an Immortal Soul to Animals; for it is unto this that some of those are now reduced who embrace not the Hypothesis of Mr. Des∣Cartes, being Combated by the purest Ideas of Divinity, and forced in their Retrench∣ments, they say that the Souls of Beasts perish not. As that enervates the greatest part of the Reasons of this Author, his interest is to refute this new Hypothesis. The Cartesians would willingly have Men to examin if it be just to make so much ado against their Doctrin concerning the Soul of Beasts, seeing they maintain it by Reasons, which reduce their Adversaries to the greatest Extremities; the Publick may judge whether they have Reason or not. This is what concerns the first Conference.

The second contains the Mechanick Ex∣plication of several actions of Animals. Descartes, de la Forge, de Cordemoy, d' Illy and Rohault in their Discourses, have spoken of the same thing much finer; therefore I shall omit it.

If there is a second Edition made of these Conferences, it will be a great deal better to correct the Trials. 'Tis advice which the Dutch Stationers have great need of.

A Collection of some curious Pieces con∣cerning the Philosophy of Mr. Des∣cartes in 12. At Amsterdam, Sold by Henry Desbordes, 1684.

THis Collection contains six Pieces. The first is an Extract of the Acts of an Assembly of the Fathers of the Oratory, which was held at Paris in the Month of Sep∣tember, 1680. This Assembly willing to give us an undoubted proof of their Submissi∣on to the King, caused a Writing to be presented unto him, by which they en∣gaged to Teach nothing which should smell of Iansenism, or Cartesianism. They observe in this Writing after what manner they think, Grace should be taught in Seminaries, Colledges, and in other Houses of the Congre∣gation. And as they would have it on the one Hand permitted to every one to Teach Pre∣destination, and Efficacious Grace by it self, they desire on the other, that Men have a particular care to shew that the Efficacy of Grace leaves Man in his Power of Acting, or not Acting, and that in every state there are Graces truly sufficient. As for the Pro∣fessors of Philosophy, the same Writing dictates unto them certain things which they ought, or ought not to teach. They re∣quire that in Phisick Men take great heed not to swerve from the Principles of Aristo∣tle, commonly received in Colleges, and that they teach that the Essence of the Mat∣ter consists not in the extent; That there is a substantial Form really distinct from the Matter in each natural Body; That there are absolute Accidents; That a Vacuum is not impossible, &c. This is what was under∣stood by this Concordat of the Jesuits and the Fathers of the Oratory, of which there hath been so much talk, and whereof there were no more Printed Copies in France.

The second Piece contains remarks upon this Concordat. The Author pretends that the Fathers of the Oratory have done great wrong to the Doctrin of St. Augustin, in that which they had given for a Model to their Professors, in the preceeding As∣semblies. He maintains that they have been taken for Fools, and that they have not seen the Artifice of some Clauses inserted in their Writings. He sheweth also it is dangerous to Captivate the Mind of Man, in regard to natural Truths, and to give an occasion to think that the Catholick Church, and Aristotle are really tied together, that the one cannot be overthrown without shak∣ing the other.

The third Piece is Entituled, An Ex∣planation of the Book of Mr. de la Ville. Mr. Bernieris the Author thereof▪ Mr. de la Ville pretends that all new Philosophers, whether

Cartesians or Gassendists, ruin the Mystery of Transubstantiation, by maintaining that the Essence of Matter consists in the Extent. As his Book dedicated to the Clergy of France made a noise, and injured the Car∣tesians. Mr. Bernier who is known to be a great follower of Gassendus was afraid him∣self, and Composed the Explanation whereof we speak, in which he endeavours to recon∣cile the Principles of his Philosophy with the Decisions of the Church. He pretends that Real-presence may be more commodi∣ously expounded by the Hypothesis of the new Philosophers, than by the Principles of Schools, and assures us that he hath made the experience thereof in the Indies, For, saith he, when I saw some of those new Chri∣stians in trouble about the mystery of the Eu∣charist, as not being able to conceive that up∣on the Altar where there seemed to be Bread with all its Extent, and being no Bread, that the same Body of Iesus Christ, which had been stretch∣ed upon the Cross, was upon the Altar, and his not appearing to be there; Do you think, that I stood to tell them all that in all Bodies there are small Entities vulgarly called Accidents, and that amongst these Entities there is prin∣cipally one called Quantity which extends the Body, without being always extended it self of the Body, or the Essence of the Body, or the Moods of the Body, and that God in the Eu∣charist depriving the Body of Iesus Christ of this Entity, made it to stay without Extention? Do you think, I say, that I went to tell them all this fine Discourse? Truly I was far from it: I should have embraced them again; and even as they have a very subtil Wit, & more fit for Sciences than we, when they are minded to apply themselves thereunto, it may be I should have given them a distast. I was satisfied to tell them simply and in three Words, That God who had made that World of nothing, could as well make that a Body should appear where there was none, and that there should appear no Body, where there was one. He adds, that these good People went away with this more contented, and more submissive, than if the Thing had been expounded to them after the ordinary manner. He is not only con∣tented to defend himself, he besides attacks the Cartesians, upon the infinity of the World, the Soul of Beasts, the cause of Mo∣tion, and Free-Will, &c.

The fourth Piece is the Work of a Car∣tesian against the same Mr. de la Ville, and in favour of the excellent Philosopher who hath made the Disquisition of Truth. Mr. de la Ville had witnessed some particular Spleen against him, and had by the by attackt his Exposition of Original Sin. He is an∣swered, and accused of relating the passage fasly. After that he is told, that the Coun∣sels have not decided all the particular Tenets; that the Philosophers of Schools have advanced to expound the Mysteries of the Eucharist, and that one may be a very good Catholick without adopting all these Tenets: That also it is not apparent that the Bishop of Condom spoke thereof in exposing the Doctrin of the Church. It is maintain∣ed against him that these Tenets were un∣known to the Ancient Fathers, and conse∣quently that Tradition and Reason are for those who are called Cartesians. There is added a Memorial to expound the possibility of Transubstantiation. It deserves to be read, for it is a different manner of expli∣cation to all those which have been seen hitherto.

After these four Pieces in French, comes a Dissertation in Latin Composed by a Pro∣testant against the same Mr. de la Ville, The Protestant is so wife as to intrude in∣to the dispute which the Catholicks have amongst themselves upon the Tenet of the Real presence. He lets them go on, he sup∣poseth that his mediation would displease both of 'em, and that it would be thought he rather endeavoured to put the evil for∣ward, than allay it. He is content to ex∣amin that place of the Book of Mr. de la Ville where this Author endeavours to prove by natural Reasons, that the Extent is not of the Essence of the Body; and because Mr. de la Ville to bring this about only weakeneth as much as he can the Reasons by which Cherselier, Rohault, and the Author of the Disquisition of the Truth have main∣tained that the Extent is the Essence of the Matter: The Protestant is contented to Restablish the Reasons of these Gentlemen in all their strength, in ruining all the Ex∣ceptions, and all the subtility of Mr. de la Ville. He applieth himself chiefly to shew that the penetration of Matter is impossible. The Printer hath added to this Dissertation some Theses of Philosophy, which come from the same Hand, and where it is main∣tained amongst other things, that Place, Motion and Time have not as yet been de∣fined but after an unexplicable manner. It is also remarked that the Reflection of Bo∣dies must needs proceed from their Elastick Vertue, being Motion is Divisible to Infini∣ty, and that by Reason of this Divisibility any fixt Body cannot hinder that which is in Motion to continue in its Motion in a right Line. Mr. Descartes had not taken care of this.

Lastly, at the end of this Collection are the Meditations upon Metaphysicks, which appeared in 1678. Under the name of William Wanduis. In this is the quintessence of the Cartesian Metaphysicks, and all the best things which are in the Meditations of Mr. Descartes: It even appears to be much better digested in it, more short, and pertinent than in that of Mr. Descartes, and that he is surpassed in it. The French Author of the Learned Mercury of the Month of February speaks of these Meditati∣ons of William Wanduis, and refutes some places thereof; but his Remarks tho good in his System, have no very great strength, when they are used against the Principles of the Author of the Medita∣tions.

Of the Agreement of Specifick Remedies with the Corpuscular Philosophy: To which is added, A Dissertation about the various usefulness of Simple Me∣dicaments: By Robert Boyle, Esq Fellow of the Royal Society.

WHEN the Ancient Philosophers were asked the Reason of any Na∣tural Effect, their Custom was, always to have recourse to certain occult Qualities, whereof they had no Idea at all. It was but in this latter Age, that People began to Discourse according to the Rules of Geome∣try, and to explain by Properties; by which we clearly conceive the different Effects of Bodies, the most universal Properties of Body and Extension, Figure and Motion. And whereas Bodies do not always act by their whole Bulk, but sometimes by their insensible Particles, it is necessary to speak of the Figure and Motion of these Particles. There have been an infinite number of Con∣jectures made upon these little Bodies, and some have made it their endeavour to draw hence Consequences, not only for Natural and Experimental Philosophy, but also for Medicine. As for Example, when some were satisfied that the mass of Blood was in a disposition that disagreed with its Nature, they thought that particle of a cer∣tain Shape and Figure should be made use of, to bring this Blood back to its due and natural Temper. And there were some that believ'd that universal Remedies might be found out which would produce this Ef∣fect, let the Distemper be what it would, and so have insensibly fallen into an Opi∣nion, That what is said commonly of Spe∣cificks, is but meer Fancy, and an effect of our own Brain.

1. Mr. Boyle intends to shew in the first of these two short Dissertations, That the common Opinion concerning Specificks, is not at all incompatible or inconsistent with the Modern Philosopher's Thoughts of the Operation of the insensible Particles of Bodies. To avoid Obscurity and Equivo∣cation, Mr. Boyle takes notice from the very beginning, That three kind of Remedies may be termed Specificks. 1. Such as may serve for the Cure of some Member of the Body. 2. Such as purge out some particu∣lar Humour, as it is believed. 3. Such as ease or cure certain Distempers, tho' we do not know how they operate. It's in this last Sense that the Author takes this way of Speaking.

Then he goes on, and proves that there are Specificks, against those which deny that there are any; after which, he makes it his Business to shew, That this agrees very well with those that give Mechanick and Sensible Reasons of the Effects of insensible Par∣ticles.

Here are his chief Reasons to prove that the first are mistaken: 1. Because Gallen and all the ancient Physitians, and an infi∣nite number of the Modern, have constantly assured it. And tho' in Matters of Philoso∣phy, Authority ought not to be made use of, yet great Prejudices are derived hence in favour of Specificks, because they are things whereof the fore-mentioned might have had many Experiences. Besides this, there is no more reason to deny that there are Specifick Remedies, than there is to de∣ny that there are Poysons that cause certain Diseases and Symptoms: These Poysons act in such small quantities, that their Effect cannot be attributed to any sensible cause, much less to the first, second or third Qua∣lities, speaking like a Physitian, which they themselves cannot explain clearly. It's well known, what terrible Symptoms the biting of a Viper causes, tho' perhaps a Pin's-head is a hundred times bigger than the quantity of Venom that it casts in the Wound. And Mr. Boyle relates as strange an Example, which he says he has learned of an Occulist: It is of a Man into whose Eye a Spider let fall a small drop of Liquor, which without causing any sensible Pain, took away his Sight immediately.

If there are Poysons which produce in so short a time certain Effects, and whereof we cannot understand the Cause, it is not im∣probable but there may be Remedies that may work after the same manner, and it is what Experience shews clearly. The bi∣ting of a Scorpion is quickly cured, in put∣ting some of the Oyl of Scorpion, or bruis∣ing the Body of the Scorpion on the Wound. There are Serpents in America which make a noise with their Tayl, and for that reason are called Rattle Snakes; their biting is very dangerous, but is happily cured by an Herb, which is for that reason called Serpentaria in that Country. More∣over the Kinkina is a Specifick against Agues, and especially against the Quartan. It's true, they say, that Specificks which are taken in small quantities, will lose their force by the digestion of the Stomach; and that if any Particle has any Vertue left, that this Vertue is so little, that it is quite insignificant; but there is no necessity of a great deal of Matter to act with the great∣est Violence. It's true that the Smell of Civet or Musk produces strange Symptoms in Hysterical Fits, which are immediately cured by other Smells, as of that of Sal Armoniac, &c. and yet the Particles that cause the Smell and ascend to the Nostrils, are not perhaps the hundredth nor the thou∣sandth part of a Grain.

The Crocus Metallorum makes a great quantity of Emetick Wine without the least diminution of its Weight: Quick-Silver communicates to Water by infusion, a Ver∣tue against Worms, without changing its Taste or Colour, and without losing or di∣minishing its own Weight.

Mr. Boyle applies himself after this to prove, That the Opinion of those that are for Specifick Remedies, does agree well enough with the System of insensible

Particles, in giving a Sensible and Mechani∣cal Explication of the manner that Speci∣ficks do Work.

First of all he supposes a Principle, which he has proved in another Work, and which is of the greatest Importance that can be, both in Natural Philosophy and Physick, which is, That the Body of a living Man is not to be looked upon as a simple Structure, consisting of a lump of Flesh, Blood, Bones, Fat, Nerves, Veins and Arteries; but as an admirable Machine, wherein the solid Li∣quid and spirituous Bodies are disposed, with so much Art for the uses they are desti∣ned to, that the Effect of any Remedy upon Man's Body is not so much to be judged of, in relation to the intrinsick Vertue of the Remedy it self, as to what comes of the mutual action of the parts of this living Machine in one another, and of their posi∣tion, if one may properly speak so, when they are once put in Motion.

This being so, one may perceive, that according to Mr. Boyle, Specificks work sometimes in disposing the Matter which causes the Distemper, so that this Matter may be divided with the proper Excrements, or be vented by insensible Transpiration: As for Example, The Blood impregnated with certain Particles may become a proper Menstruum to dissolve the morbifick Matter, as Water impregnated with Sal Armoniac is proper to dissolve Brass and Iron; and all such Menstruums act by their Figure, Big∣ness or Solidity, or by some other such like sensible Property, which is manifestly in∣cluded in our Notion of a Body, and not by certain sensible Qualities of their Humidity and Acidity. An infinite number of Expe∣riences persuade us that this is so; for whereas cold Water dissolves the White of an Egg, which the Spirit of Vinegar, of Salt, or the Oyl of Vitreal coagulates; the Spirit of Urine dissolves in a trice the filings of Brass, which the Spirit of Vinegar does but slowly; and on the contrary, the Spi∣rit of Vinegar dissolves Crabs Eyes in a moment, upon which the Spirit of Piss had no Effect at all: Quick-Silver, which is in∣sipid, dissolves Gold, which Aqua fortis leaves entire; and on the contrary, Quick-Silver cannot dissolve Iron, which Aqua fortis does easily. Common Oyl, that can∣not dissolve a very Egg-Shell, dissolves Brimstone, which is more than Aqua fortis can do. If there was nothing but Humi∣dity and Acidity required for the dissoluti∣on of Bodies, Aqua fortis and Aqua regalis would be universal Dissolvers, whose Force few Bodies could resist. They wou'd dis∣solve all such as are not extraordinary So∣lid. Whereas the quite contrary happens, because Dissolvers act by the figure of their Particles, it is not always proper to dis∣unite the Particles of all sorts of Bodies.

Mr. Boyle concludes, That since Specificks may work in the same manner in our Bodies, that it follows, That the Opinion of those who admit them, is not at all contrary to our Modern Philosophy. Nor does he only place among Specificks such as are taken in∣wardly, but also external Medicines, which are applied to the Arms, or hung about the Neck, as Camphyre, Amber-greece, &c. for these Bodies work by the little Particles that dis-engage themselves from them, and enter our Bodies by the Pores.

2. Specificks may act in mortifying Hu∣mours that are too acid, or that are hurtful by some other Excess; and they mortifie by the different Figures of their Particles as Alcalis mortifies Acids; or in covering the mortified Parts with a kind of cover. It's thus that Cinnaber dulls the Spirit of Vine∣gar, and that quick Lime destroys the aci∣dity of Aqua fortis, and Calamine that of the Spirit of Nitre and Salt; the Particles of these Acids engaging themselves in those that mortifie them.

3. They sometimes precipitate a pec∣cant Matter, which may happen otherwise than by the combat of Acids and Alcalies, as when after the dissolution of Siver by Aqua fortis the Silver falls to the bottom, when a piece of Brass is dipped in the disso∣lution; and it is so that Mr. Boyle sweetens a very stinking Water, and makes it very clear, by means of a Body which he does not name, that only precipitates a cer∣tain kind of Mud, which being taken away, leaves the Water without the least ill Smell; and what is very remarkable, is, That this precipitant is neither Bitter nor Acid, nor Urinous.

4. They may straiten the Heart or part affected, in joyning themselves to them, and in lancing the morbifick Matter, and casting it out of the Body, or in strengthening the Fibres of the distempered Part, or dilating the Pores, or irritating the infirm part, as Cantharides do the Bladder, tho' it does not irritate other parts that are quite as tender. And the Example of Ostecolla is mentioned as an experienced Specifick Remedy, to engender a thick Skin over broken Bones.

5. Sometimes they correct the Disorders of the Blood, as when they quicken its motion with Cordials, or correct its bad consistency in thickning or attenuating it ac∣cording as the Sick need it.

6. They may unite to this peccant Mat∣ter, and alter its Nature so much, that it will not have the same sensible Qualities, and make it cease to be hurtful, and dispose it to that, so as it might be easily carryed off; as when the Spirit of Wine and Aqua fortis are mix'd together, of these two vio∣lent Liquors is made a third, which is Sweet.

It is thus that Mr. Boyle reconciles the ancient Opinion concerning Specifick Re∣medies, with the Mechanical Explications that our Modern Philosophers will have, and the Effects of Nature. He cites all along a great number of Experiences, which could not be mentioned here, without tran∣scribing almost a whole Dissertation, where∣in all is useful, and where the abundance of the Matter answers very well the Solidness of the Discourse.

The second Dissertation of the Benefit of simple Remedies, is, an Advice to Physitians; wherein the Author exhorts them not to use other but simple Remedies, or at least very few Compounds; and to observe this Method as much as they can possibly. These are his Reasons for it.

In the first place it is easier to guess what Effect a simple Remedy will produce, than a compounded one; for Compositions change so much the nature of Medicines, that it is not easie to foresee the Effect. A Glass of Antimony dissolved in the Spirit of Vinegar, does not Purge or cause Vomiting; but very seldom unprepared Antimony, which some take without either being Purged or Vomi∣ted by it, if it be mix'd either with Salt-Petre or Tartar, it becomes a violent Pur∣gative and causes great Vomiting; and mix∣ed with Tartar becomes Diaphoretick and sometimes Diuretick.

In the second place simple Remedies are the surest; but what made them lose part of their Reputation and their Use, is, That those who have writ of them, applied themselves wholly to speak of their Ver∣tues and good Qualities, without mention∣ing in the least the Evil they do on certain Occasions, which makes People not to be able to foresee always their Effect when mixed with other Ingredients. Mr. Boyle was acquainted with a Person of Quality, whom Hony disordered almost as much as Poyson would have done: Worm-wood which is very wholsom for a great many, is found by Experience, to annoy the Sight of others; and there are an infinite of such sim∣ple Remedies, which are not always whol∣som.

In the third place one may take a greater Dose of a simple Remedy; when it is taken alone, it does not cause so much distast nor inconveniency to the Stomach. Wh••at, Rye, Barley and Oats, are all nourishing, but if there were Bread made of these four Grains for a Sick Man, it would not be so good as Bread made of Wheat only. If one had a mind to make Strong Waters, that should recover People from Sounding Fits in small quantity, he would not mix the Spirit of Wine with new Wine, or such as did not purifie it self by Working, nor would he mix it with strong Beer. It is affirmed that Gum Arabick is very excellent against the Heat of Urine; but if it be mix∣ed in a little Quantity among other Ingredi∣ents, it will do nothing; but if it be given alone, and to the Weight of a Drachm, it will produce great Effects. The Juice of Wild Thyme or Mother Thyme, is admirable for Children's Coughs; and the Infusion of the Herb called, Paronychia foliis rutaceis, or Whitlow Grass, dissipates the Swelling of the King's Evil.

In the fourth place all other things being equal, 'tis easier to find simple Remedies than such as are made of many Ingredients. Mr. Boyle shews some of these Remedies that are easie to be had, and serve to cure very desperate Distempers. Linseed Oyl is excellent to ripen pluritick Imposthumes; that of Turpentine to stop the Blood in Wounds, and conduceth infinitely to their Cure, and cures Gangreens; Oyl of Nuts is good against the Stone, as Spanish Soap is against the Jaundise.

In fine, one may draw from the use of simple Remedies, a more perfect Knowledg of the true Effects, than of such Remedies as are used now. It is very hard to know the Vertue of each Drug, when there are many mix'd together; since it is not easie to know it, when each Ingredient is examined by it self. The Soyl, the Clymate, the Seasons, and many other Circumstances, cause a very great change. The Author has experi∣enced that some Seeds which are used in Physick, yield an acid Spirit when distill'd at one time of the year, and an Urinous when distill'd at another time.

Mr. Boyle pretends that the most part of these Arguments used in favour of simple Remedies, which are now mentioned, ought to be applied to Chimick Preparati∣ons, which tho' simple enough, produce ad∣mirable Effects. What is particular in these Remedies, is, That the change of Operation may supply the place of Com∣position. According to the different prepa∣rations of Antimony, it is Vomitative, Pur∣gative, Diaphoretick and Diuretick,&c. and if one did mix two or three such like Things, and that it were done dexterously, one might make far better Remedies than are compos'd with much Ostentation, and with a great number of Drugs. The Spi∣rit of Vinegar corrects the Emetick and purging Vertue of the Glass of Antimony, much better than all the Cordials, Elixirs, and other difficult preparations. Quick-Silver makes such a considerable change in the Corrosive Sublimate, that of a most vio∣lent Poyson, it becomes a very good Re∣medy, and among other Vertues may be of great help in the Cure of Dyssenteries.

Some object against this Opinion of Mr. Boyle, that simple Remedies cannot pre∣vail against Distempers that proceed from the concourse of divers Causes, which pro∣duce many and differing Symptoms. But it is answered first to this, That it is not designed to throw away all manner of com∣pound Medicaments: And secondly, That simple Remedies do not fail in the Cure of Diseases that proceed from different Causes, as is seen by the Kinkina which cures tertian and quartan Agues; and that the cause of the Distemper being taken away, the dif∣ferent Symptoms cease; as the different Symptoms of the Rickets cease, the cause being taken away by a Remedy drawn from Vitriol, which Mr. Boyle calls E••s Veneris. 3. That Nature it self has formed the Bodies which we call Simple, of divers parts, endowed with different Qualities whereof some are Refreshing, others Hot, some Sweet, others Sour, as in Rhuharb, there are parts that purge, and others that bind. In the same Marcarito or Excrement of Metal, are found an acid Salt, two sorts

of Sulphurous Earth, some Brass and some Iron, which are all composed of different parts. 4. The Dissolutions of Chimistry shew that the Bodies that seem to the Eye the most Homogenial and all of the same nature are extreamly composed; and this is what may be proved with an Infinite number of Experiences. And its perhaps for this Reason that Remedies thought by some to be the most simple, are often proper for se∣veral Distempers. Mr. Boyl brings for ex∣ample Mineral Waters, Bolearmeniack, &c.

By this extract may be seen that Mr. Boyle's two Treatises concerning Specifick and sim∣ple Remedies, may be very useful to all sorts of People: But it would have been received better beyond Seas, If the Latin Interpreter had taken more pains to express the Origi∣nal better; for there are not only Baba∣risms in the Translation, but also Words taken in a Sense far from their own signi∣fication. The Author says, that Limon-Iuyce hinders the cutting of a Knife; but the Translator tells us, that a File is very contra∣ry or injurious to the Edge of a Knife. Lima cultri aciei contraria est, p. 14. Elkium is ac∣cording to him what others call Alce, a kind of little Coal. p. 95. Morbus comitialis and Morbus regius, the Falling-sickness and the Yellow-Jandies, are but one and the same thing in his Dictionary. 121. and p. 101. he calls Cornelian Lapis Cornelianus.

Reflections upon Antient and Modern Philosophy, and the use that may be made thereof: Translated out of French. To be Sold at the New Exchange Lon∣don.

THe Inclination Princes had to make great Collections of Books, made them without Distinction give great re∣ward to all who brought them in the Books of Aristotle, as Galen tells us: On that ac∣count such was the Industry of Book-sellers that Quarto Volumes of Analyticks bearing the name of Aristotle, were Collected, though he never Composed but 4. which confusion was the Cause the Interpreters of that Phi∣losopher were so puzled about the true Distinction of his Books.

The antient Philosophy is more founded on Authority, and the modern on Experi∣ence; the antient is simple and natural, the modern artificial and elaborate; the for∣mer is more modest and grave, the latter more imperious and pedantic: The an∣tient is peaceable and calm; for it was so far from Disputing, that it would have the Minds of Youth prepared by the Mathema∣tics, that they might be accustomed to sub∣mit to Demonstration without Hesitation; the modern is of a strain of Disputing every thing, of training up Youth to noise and the tumult of the Schools. The antient enquires into Truth only out of a sincere desire to find it, the modern takes pleasure to dis∣pute it, even when it is discovered: The one advances more securely in its Method, because it hath always the Metaphysics for a Guide; the other is unsure in its Steps when 'tis once deprived of that Conduct. Con∣stancy, Fidelity, sound Iudgment, and Sted∣fastness, were that which Men called Philo∣sophy in the Days of Plato; and the dislike of Business, Peevishness, and the renouncing of Pleasures, when the use of them is lost through the Conquest of the Passions. I know not what Authority that is which is derived from the Gray Beard, counterfeit Audacity, flegmatic Sullenness, moderation, and all that Wisdom which springs from the weak∣ness of Age and Constitution, which is the Philosophy of a great many now-a-days: The antient is universally more learned, it aims at all: Tho the modern confines it self to the sole consideration of Nature resting sa∣tisfied to be a mear Naturalist. In fine, the antient is more addicted to Study, more laborious and indefatigable in what it un∣dertakes; for the primitive Philosophers spent their lives in Study: The modern is less constant in its Application, more super∣ficial in its Pains, and more precipitate in its Studies, and the Precipitation accustoms it self by little and little to ground too easily Reasonings not very exact, upon uncertain Rumours, Testimonies of little credit, and Experiments not well agreed upon. It pro∣nounces boldly upon Doubts and uncertain∣ties, to satisfy in some manner the eager∣ness, that it sometimes hath to vent its imaginations, and to give Vogue to Novel∣ties: So that to make a decision between both, I am of the Opinion of an intelligent Philosopher of these last Ages, who, all things being well considered, was resolved to stick to the Antients, and leave the Mo∣derns to themselves: For the plain common Sense of the Primitive Philosophers, is preferable to all the Art and Quaintness of the New. Tho from what part soever Truth comes, it ought to be esteemed. Then let us not distinguish Antient Reason from New, for on what side so'ere we find it, and what colour soe're we give it, 'tis still the same. For in thinking nothing Truth but what is Truth, and nothing probable but what is so, saith Epicurus in Cicero, con∣sists all the prudence of the wise Man.

Through their various Opinions Dispu∣tation became the fruits of Philosophy, and 'twas more made use of to try the Wit than to Cure the Mind.

It is greatness of Soul, to speak as one thinks, and think as one speaks.

Logic may be said to be the first Ray of evidence, and the first Draught of Method, that is displayed on Sciences: Because its busi∣ness is to form the Judgment, which is the usual Instrument the Mind employs in Rea∣soning truly, and in discerning Truth and Falshood exactly, by distinguishing what is simple from what is compound, and what is contingent from what is necessary. And since this Art is the Source from whence flows Certainty, there is little security in all

the Reasonings of Men without its assi∣stance.

Alcuinus who explains exactly enough the Dialectick of Plato, says, that that Philoso∣pher made use of Division, Definition, and Induction, to come back to the Fountain∣head of first Truth, from whence he drew his Principles, to the end he might think and speak wisely of every thing; and that was his most usual Method. Division was as a Ladder, whereby to ascend from sensible things to things intellectual. Definition was a way to lead from things demonstrated, to those that were not: and Induction the means to find the Truth by the Princi∣ples of Suppositions. For by Division he came to Definition, and by Definition to Induction and Demonstration.

The Two Rules which Aristotle Establish∣eth for the perfect composition of a Syllo∣gism, are, That there ought to be nothing false in the Matter, or faulty in the Form.

The Principles of Epicurus's Doctrin are, 1. That Sense cannot be deceived; be∣cause the Impression that it receives from the Object is always true, being wrought by a sensible Species: but that the Reason∣ing which the Soul makes upon that Im∣pression may be false. 2. That the Opinion which is drawn from sentation may be true or false. That it is true, when the judg∣ment of the Senses is made in form, with∣out Let, and with such Evidence as Reason cannot resist; and that it may be false when it wants that Evidence. These are the Principal Maxims of the Logick of Epicu∣rus; upon which he grounds the different reasonings of the Soul that are made in the Mind, according to the Sympathy that there is between the Spirit and the Senses.

I hold with Plato, who saith in his Phe∣drus, That the end of Moral Philosophy is to purifie the Mind from the Errors of Imagi∣nation, by the Reflections that Philosophy sug∣gests to one. The two most Essential Points in it, are the End and the Means to attain it.

Not to receive for Truth, what is but probable is a necessary Caution, to make one walk discreetly, in so obcsure a Path as is that of natural Philosophy, the Ways where of are uncertain.

Descartes's first Principle is, I think there∣fore I am, which he proposes as the first evident and sensible Truth; but narrowly examined hath in it somewhat defective: For the Proposition, I think, being to be reduced to that, I am thinking; that is to say, I am, therefore I am, makes frivolous Sense. Descartes's Natural Philosophy is one of the most learned and accomplished Pieces of Modern Physics; in it there are Curi∣ous Idea's, and quaint Imaginations; and if minded well, there is to be found in it a more regular Doctrin, than in Galilaeus or the English; and even more Novelty and Invention than is Gassendus himself. It is a Work whereof the order is not excogita∣ted: His Method is alltogether Geometrical, which leads from Principles to Principles, and from Propositions to Propositions. However this is a fault in him, that he settles for the Principle of a natural Body, Motion, Figure and Extension, which are much the same with the Principles of Democritus and Epicurus. Fa∣ther Mersenne, who was resident at Paris, ha∣ving one day given out in an Assemoy of the learned, that Monsieur Descartes, who had gain'd reputation by his Geometry, was projecting of Natural Philosophy, wherein he admitted Vacuity: That Project was hissed at by Robertval and some others, who from thence forward thought it would prove no great Atchievement. Father Mersenne wrote to him that Vacuity was not at a-la-Mode at Paris; which obliged Descartes to devise measures to keep in good Terms with the new Naturalists, whose Suffrage he courted, and to admit the Plenitude of Leucippus: So through Policy the exclusion of Vacuity became one of his Principles. This made Gassendus start new difficulties to him; shewing that if there were no Vacuity, Mo∣tion, which was one of his Principles, would be impossible; because nothing moves if there be no Void for it. Descartes, to save that In∣convenience, invented his thin subtile matter, whereof he made a kind of Engine which he apply'd to many things; and thereby he re∣conciled the Opinion of Plentitude and Va∣cuity, according as he stood in need of ei∣ther. But as Plenitude, and that thin sub∣tile Matter got place in the System of Des∣cartes, mearly out of complaisance to the re∣lish of the Age, and as an after-game; so his Philosophy seemed weak in respect to Motion, which is one of his Principles. For that Philosopher taught that all Motion was created with the World, that there was no new Motion produced, and that it did no more than shift from one Body to another; that the thin subtle Matter by its impulse, caused all the gravity or levity of Bodies; that the alterati∣on of heavy Bodies towards the Center, proceed∣ed from the same impulse; that Heat was nothing but the agitation of the particles of the Air put in Motion by the subtle Matter, which in his Doctrin was a Kind of a Spring fit for all things. That the Vegetation of Plants, and Generation of Animals is performed only by a fortuitous Motion of his little Bodies, as a Palace might be erected by a heap of Stones moved by Chance; that there is no sentation in Animals; That these Demonstrations of joy, Sadness, Amity, and Aversion, and the impressi∣ons of pain and pleasure, that appear in them, are but the effects of a kind of Spring and Engine, that plays according as the Matter is disposed; that Heat is not in the Fire, Hardness in the Marble, Humidity in the Water; That these things are only in the Soul, which finds Fire hot, Marble hard, and Water humid, by its thought, and not at all by these qualities which are but Chimera's. In fine, Descartes, who would have us begin, by doubting of every thing, to lay aside all our Notices, strip our selves of our Sentiments, Custom, Education, Opinion, of our very Senses, and all other Impressions, that we may but learn some small inconsiderable matter, demands more than he promises. And when, to give the Reason

of things, he says, they happen by a certain Figure, Motion, or Extension, he hath said all; for he dives into nothing; for all he pretends to be so great a Democritist, he understands not the true Doctrin of Demo∣critus, His System of the Loadstone with these little hooked Bodies, these hallowed Spiral parts, is without Foundation. His Opinion of the Flux and Reflux of the Sea, by the Impression and Atmosphere of the Moon, is found false by experience; for the parts of Water that are under the Moon, swell instead of sinking, us he saith. The Explication which he gives to all the Motions of the Soul in its passi∣ons by the Conjunction of Nerves and Fibres (which are inserted in the Glandula Pinealis) is a Dream; for there are no Nerves which terminate at that Glandule. He says nothing rational concerning Sounds. In short, he may be said to be like those Pithagoreans, of whom Aristotle speaks, who did not so much endeavour to give a Reason of the things they explain'd, as to reduce every thing to their own Principle and System.

The natural Philosophy of the Chymists with their three Principles, Salt, Sulphur, and Mercury, hath no solidity: They are narrow Spirited Philosophers, who being unable to comprehend Universal Philosophy, have stinted themselves to limited Subjects, and their own Genius. They may be reduced to three orders. The first, such as pretend to the knowledg of Nature in general. The second, those who prepare Remedies. The third, those who apply themselves to the finding out of the Art of changing Metals, by giving them Figures, new Colours, or new Consistence: The first and second may be rational, as Albertus Magnus, Vanhelmont, and the Distillers are. The third are extrava∣gant; for to pretend to make new Crea∣tures, is to invade the Right of the Crea∣tor. And as for the Cabalists and Iudicial Astrologers, there is nothing more frivo∣lous than their natural Philosophy.

Unhappy are the Philosophers of that Genius who subtilize on the knowledg of the Creature, and stick at the belief of the Cre∣ator. That was not the Character of the Ancient Philosophers, who had not only higher Thoughts than we, but raised them∣selves above themselves, that they might acknowledg a Soveraign Reason, which they made the rule of all their Reasonings, and to which they submitted their Minds.

The end of Metaphysicks is the finding out of pure and abstracted Verity: Thereby it perceives things in their Original; that it may fully know them it ente••s into the Retail of all particular Species, which it reduces to their Principles; and that Retail is almost infinite: This is the Reason that without it all the Knowledges of Men are but Superficial and Imperfect, because there is not almost any true Demonstration with∣out its Principles.

It is not that one must needs be a Philoso∣pher to be a Christian; nor that the Wisdom of the World is a Rule to the Wisdom of Heaven; but that this Reason of Man being submitted to Faith, Faith how Divine soe∣ver it be, condescends to make use of hu∣mane Reasoning, to bring Reason to its obedience. Wherefore, that we may not mistake our selves, let us begin to study what is to be believed, before we set our selves on Reasoning.

Let us regulate the use of our Faith, that we may regulate the use of our Reason: Let us be Christians before we be Philosophers: Let our first Wisdom and our chief Philoso∣phy be our Religion: Men learn to Reason by Philosophy; but they learn to submit their Minds to Reason and eternal Verity, by Christianity. Religion is then the first Principle, according to which human Wis∣dom is to take its Measures: So that all the different Methods of Ancient or Modern Philosophy, all the new Systems of Natu∣ral, and all the new Maxims of Moral Phi∣losophy, may be good, if they be not con∣trary to it. For the Gospel ought to be the Rule of our Sentiments. And what's not conform to that Rule, leads to Disor∣der.

Cicero's Offices, with Notes of Mr. Grae∣vius. At Amsterdam. Sold by P. and J. Blaeuw. 1688. in Octavo.

MR. Graevius Professor at Vtretcht and the Author of this Commentary, is so famous amongst the Learned, that our Praises would add nothing to the Opinion that the Publick have conceiv'd of his desert: His Works and the Liberalities of the King which came to seek for him into the end of these Provinces, bear an Illustrious Testimo∣ny of his Capacity. He doth therefore con∣tinue here to give us his Corrections and his Notes upon all the Works of Cicero; and truly he could not make a better use of his Ability in these Sorts of matters, than in exercising it upon the Offices which are so fit to qualifie the Mind and Heart for the reception of Vertue. As his Works will be put in the Rank of the Dauphin's Com∣mentaries, so it is dedicated to the Dauphin; and in his Epistle he assures him, that how famous soever his Ancestors have been, the Beauty of his Nature, and the Extraordina∣ry Education he hath got, do promise to the Universe, that he will add a new Luster to the Glory of his Predecessours. He repre∣sents to him, that the true Happiness and most solid Glory of Kings consist in rendering their People happy; and that under him is expected a Reign as that of Titus, who was the love and delight of a Mankind.

The Author admonisheth us in this short Preface that he hath joined to the Offices of Cicero, Laelius, Cato, the Paradoxes and the Dream of Scipio. His first care was to reestablish the purity of the Text, and then to Illustrate it every where, by what Ancient and Modern Philoso∣phers

have Writ most fine upon this part of Philosophy. For this purpose he made use of the Edition of Lange, which is the most correct; and he also hath consulted several Manuscripts, whereof he gives here the detail. He by the bye inveigheth a∣gainst those who despise the pains that is taken in correcting ancient Authors, and against those that entirely destroy the sense of them by too bold Corrections. These are two Extremities that must equally be avoided. We owe respect enough to the Ancients for not to pull asunder their Thoughts and Sentiments, and not to sub∣stitute our Suspicions and Conjectures. But there is Superstition scrupulously to keep all their Words, or to spend our selves in find∣ing a fine Sense in their most obscure Ex∣pressions. Notwithstanding it hath been seen that Expositors were more proud for re-establishing one Word in the Text of an Ancient Author, after having sweated much upon a Manuscript, than if they had disco∣vered some secret of Nature, or put forth some fine Precept of Morality.

Mr. Graevius, who perceived the Study of Scholiasts to be commonly dry and bar∣ren, has intermixed with his Notes, very fine Lessons for the Conduct of Life; and to render the Matter more airy, he adds some Tracts of Literature. For Example, Ci∣cero saith, That Anger ought to have no share in the correction of Superiors: Upon this the Author tells us this fine saying of Plato to his Man, I would beat you if I were not in Anger. He teacheth us that we must look upon Person's Faults with much Indul∣gence, and hate the Crime, without hating him that commits it: Upon these Words, Quae Natura occultavit eadem omnes qui sana mente sunt, removent ab Oceulis: He tells us, Modesty is given to Man to preserve his Honour and Reputation, because it includes a secret fear of Contempt and Infamy. And this fear is very often a stronger Bar than love to Vertue. Such is he, who feareth not the Reproaches of his own Heart, yet dreads the Judgments of the Publick; Shame perplexeth and presseth him, and this Max∣im is as true as it is Ingenuous, That Vertue would not go far, if Vanity did not keep her Company. He adds very curious things upon Nakedness, which offends Decency only by Custom, and that Idea that Men have of this State. In fine, the Reader is not wearied by perpetual Corrections, and a certain variety is found here which occurs very seldom in these sorts of Works.

The History of PHILOSOPHY, containing the Lives, Opinions, Acti∣ons and Discourses of the Philosophers of every Sect: By Tho. Stanley, Esq The second Edition, at London, 1687.

THERE are many among the Ancients who have Writ upon the Lives of Philosophers, and we have explain'd their Sentiments; but there are very few whose Writings are come to our Hands, besides the Titles of Works which have been pub∣lished upon this Subject, by Aetius, Anaxi∣lides, Antigonus, Antisthens, Aristocles, Ari∣stoxenes, Callimachus, Clitomachus, Diocles, Heraclides, Hermippus, Idomeneus, Nicandre, Panaetius, Paphiras, Sotion and Theodorus. There remains only three entire Works on the History of Philosophy, viz. Diogenes Laertes, upon the Old, Eunapius upon the New, and an alphabetical Abridgment of Hesychius de Milet upon both together. 'Tis an hard Task to form a compleat History out of these three Authors, who have not spoken of all the Celebrated Philosophers of Greece, and who have not mentioned every thing that might be said even of those Lives which themselves have chosen to write upon; nor have they once menti∣oned the Eastern Philosophy, to which the Greeks have, according to their own Con∣fession, been indebted for all their Know∣ledg.

Mr. Stanley, Nephew of the famous Mar∣sham, Author of the Aegyptiac Canon, has undertaken to supply the defect as far as is possible, by collecting out of ancient Writ∣tings all that he cou'd find touching the Lives and Opinions of the ancient Philosophers, and joyning 'em to the Collections of those three Authors we have already mentioned: Our Author treats of the Philosophy of the Caldeans, Persians and Sabeans; the History of Egypt is only wanting to compleat the Eastern Philosophy; but he wou'd not med∣dle with that, since his Uncle (whom we have spoke of) has largly handled it in his Aegyptiac Canon.

This Work is divided into 14 Parts, in every one of which our Author treats of some Sect, whereof he makes an History, and explains their Opinions. The 1. treats of the Seven Sags, of Sosiades who collected their Precepts, and of Anacharsis. The 2. treats of the Ionick Sect, whereof Anaxi∣mandre was the Chief. The 3. of Socrates, and his Followers. The 4. of the Cyreneick Megarick, Elian and Eretrian Sects, which had but few Followers. The 5. of the An∣cient and New Academy. The 6. of the Peripateticks. The 7. of the Cinics, of which he relates Nine, whereof Antisthenes was the first. The 8. of Zenon and other Stoics. The 9. of the Italic Sect, to which Pythagoras gave place. The 10. of Heracli∣tus the Ephesian Philosopher, whose Writings were so obscure that he had no Followers. The 11. of Zenophares, Parmenides, Melisses, Zenon of Elea, Democrites, Putagores, and of Anarchus. The 12. of Sceptic Philoso∣phers. The 13. of the Epicureans. The 14. and 15. following, of the Caldean, Per∣sian and Sabean Philosophy, which we shall be more large on; but to be more particu∣lar in these we have named, especially the 12 Sects, of which we shall begin with the Ionic, whereof Thales his Scholar Anaxi∣menos was the Chief.

Therefore we shall speak in the first place of Thales, who first deserved the Name of Wise in Greece. Cities had as honourable a Quarrel for him, as that which fell out a∣bout Homer; for they disputed of the Ho∣nour of having given birth to him. Hero∣dotus saith that he was a Phoenician, but Plu∣tarch wou'd have it that not one of the se∣ven Wise Men should be born in Greece; and the most common Opinion is, that he was of Milot. He would never Marry, because without it Life is divided by a sufficient number of Cares, without entring into a Bond which draweth so many Sorrows after it. His Principle was, That Water is a Mat∣ter whose first Cause formed all Things; and he figured to himself this great Universe as a floating Vessel upon the Extent of Waters. He believed there was a God who had given Motion to every thing in Nature, and who animated the whole Machine. According to him there were two sorts of Souls, and his Sentiments thereupon were so obscure, that he gave a Soul to Amber and the Loadstone. To him it is that the Glory of the first Ele∣ments of Geometry is due, and the Inventi∣on of measuring the Pyramides of Egypt by their Shadow. He it was that made the division of the five Zones, and that first gave natural Reasons for the Eclypses which so lone a time passed for fatal Signs of the Anger of Heaven. They also add, That he foretold that which ended the War betwixt the Lydians and Medians: For these People frighted at this Accident, believed that the Sun would no more give Light to their Bat∣tles, and lay'd down their Arms. He found out very fine Sciences for the Phoenicians, and among others, the Art of Writing, which is pretended to be an Invention of this People, as Mr. Brebaeuf hath so pompously expressed in his Translation of Lucan. He was one day asked, What Recompense he would have for his rare Discoveries? And he declared, with the Gravity of Wise Men, That he expected but that of taking share of it with the Publick. Another asked him, What was most strong in Nature? He an∣swered, Necessity: 'Tis a hard Law more powerful than Reason, which draggeth with Violence and Rapidity. He lived in the 35 Olympiad, which answers, as I take it, to the year of the World 3310.

I. Anaxander, who began the Stoic Sect, was Disciple to Thales; tho' he admitted not of the Principles of his Master, he ne∣ver cleared well his Sentiments. They pre∣tend that he discovered the obliquity of the Zodiack. Mr. De Saumaise contests with him about Clocks, and maintains that Hours were not in use till a long time after.

II. Socrates was the Head of the second Sect, and the first that cultivated Morality, that part of Philosophy, so necessary for the ruling our Manners. He was the Son of a Statuary of Athens; but he raised him∣self above his Birth by the Beauty of his Genius. He had an Opinion of God very pure, and withstood with all his Might the Plurality of Gods. It was in effect the principal Accusation that his Enemies for∣med against him, and we may say that he was one of the first Martyrs for the Vnity of God: Wherefore some Fathers of the Church have believed that he is saved. And learned Erasmus saith very pleasantly, That at every time he read the fine end of this Philosopher, he was ready to cry out, St. So∣crates pray to God for us. So he dyed with a Tranquility which marked the Calmness of his Soul, and the Empire of his Reason over his Passions. Notwithstanding some have said, That he being by Honour enga∣ged not to fear Death, he out-braved it va∣liantly, that the Emotion he inwardly feit might not outwardly appear: He was very much laughed at by Aristophanes upon the Theatre of Athens, and he dyed in the 88 Olympiad, to wit, in the year of the World, 3522.

III. Aristippus was the Head of that which is called Cyrenaick, and Disciple to Socrates. He would have the Soveraign Good to consist in Pleasure, and he led his Life upon these Sentiments, for he passed it in Delights and Pastimes. He fell in Love with that famous Lais, who would sell so dear one Nights Lodging to Demosthenes. So being one day Imbarqued to go to see her, and seeing the Ship terribly tossed by foul Weather, he gave up himself to La∣mentations and Complaints: As an Amorous Design conducted him, perhaps he would have greived less to dye at his Return. Howbeit the Pilot less frighted, began to make him Remonstrances, and to propose himself as an Example of Firmness, which made this Philosopher ashamed. But Ari∣stippus scornfully answered him, Thou ha∣zardest but a vile and mercenary Soul, but I hazard a Soul of the first Degree, and a Life accompanied with Prosperities. He acknow∣ledged but two Passions as two great Springs which give Motion to all the rest, Grief and Pleasure; and these two Passions are diver∣sified in all Men according to their Tem∣peraments. He would reject the Tranqui∣lity of the Soul so much boasted of by other Philosophers, as an Imaginary good: 'Twas according to him a tedious Indolence. Doth it not seem that he had Reason? For what is there more Languishing, than to wish for nothing and even to fear nothing? The Passions do spread a certain Fire over all the Actions, which render them more lively and more acceptable. In a word, nothing was so offensive to the Gust of this Philoso∣pher, than that austere Vertue which makes the Soveraign Good to consist in the priva∣tion of Evil, and in a certain Firmness which deserveth but the Name of Insen∣sibility.

IV. Plato was the Head of the Academists, who have drawn their Name from the place he first established his School. Some relate, That his Mother conceived him by strength of Imagination, because she had looked on a Statue of Apollo with too much Curiosity: Others have said, That as Women often had the Art to make their Husbands believe

that Gods were willing to accompany with Mortals, the Mother of Plato failed not to make her self Honour by a Visit from Apollo in her Husbands Mind: That is to say, he was a Young Man as handsom as Apollo. Howbe••t, it's most certain he was of a most Illustrious Birth, and as he had not much hardship of Fortune, his Heart was there∣by the more peaceable and his Conduct the more vertuous. After having sometime heard Socrates, he travailed every where to hear the most famous Orators. It's pre∣sum'd that he had much Light out of the Books of Moses; therefore he was named the Athenian Moses, and that he was the Inventer of the Dialogue. But Mr. Stanley maintains that he only refined it, because it was then very dry and insipid; he conceived the Earth to be of a round Figure; he found out that it was necessary there should be Antipodes, and invented the Name of it. He distinguished the Elements, which Thales had confounded, and was the first that made use of the Term Providence. He said that God was an Eternal Principle, ineffable, and the immoveable source of Truth. And that which caused this great Veneration which Men had for him in the first Ages of Chri∣stianity, is, That he attributed to God a Son, whose Power reached over all Creatures. He added, That God had formed the World of a Matter before confused, but Eternal, and setled this fine order in the Elements. Yet he gave the World a Soul which from the Centre reaches unto Extre∣mities. Finally he held, That as Man was the Master-piece of the Works of God, so he had taken a particular care to form him. He furnished him with the five Senses, to procure him Pleasures and to defend him from exteriour Bodies; and hath placed the Soul in the Brains as upon the Throne, to rule over the Senses and Passions. He was persuaded that the Soul was Immortal, Free, Independent, and yet submitted to the ne∣cessity of Fat••, which the Pagans would not exempt Iupiter himself from. He is up∣braided with his Amours, and an Epigram so much talked of for a young Man he lo∣ved. It was Homicide, in his Opinion, to embrace an old Woman, because she was but as a Ground that was barren, and cou'd make no Return. Yet they say, that he be∣coming amorous of an old Woman, pushed Gallantry so far, as to tell her, That Love, as in an Ambuscade, had hid it self under her Wrinkles. Mr. Sarazin said more justly, That old Women were the Graves of Love. The Genius of Plato was clear and polite: He surpriseth the Mind by an Eloquent Stile and ••n Abounding Imagination, to which he gave himself sometimes too much.

V. Neither the Birth nor the Education of Aristotle, the Head of the Peripaticks, were altogether so happy as those of Plato his Master. Mr. Stanley notwithstanding justifies his Memory from the Reproaches that were cast on him, of having been redu∣ced to sell Medicines, and of following the Trade of an Empyrick in the City of Athens. He is also charged with having a Hand in the Conspiration of Antipater against Alex∣ander the Great; and of having so much Love for Pythias his Wife, that he made Sacrifices to her as to the Goddess Ceres. If our Author may be believed, they are all Calumnies, wherewith any great Man might be blackned. He denies not but that he was eager and enterprizing, so as to raise a great Party against Plato; and he relates, as a piece of History very suspicious, that he cryed out dying, Cause of Causes have pity on me. He it was that perfected Logick, and formed Syllogisms, in including an Ar∣gument in proper Terms. But Modern Philosophy is so like it, that 'tis not neces∣sary to expound his Tenets and Opinions. All the World knoweth how different the Fortune of this Philosopher was. His Ad∣ventures have been so various, that it's a hard thing to comprehend that so different Judgments have been given on the same Men. He saw himself, in a manner, raised unto the Clouds, and afterwards precipita∣ted into the lowest Stations. According to the Relation of Baronius, the Aetians were excommunicated for having made their Dis∣ciples to read him. Yet he is come into so high a degree of respect with Men, that Doctor Ramus was banish'd by the King's Declaration, for having written against him. Boileau jeers at the Understanding of our Age, in which a thousand People think that without Aristotle, Reason can do nothing, and good Sense is Madness.

VI. Aristhenes was another of Socrates's Branches, and one of his most able Disci∣ples; he was the Head of the Sect of the Cynicks, which Diogenes his Disciple hath rendred so famous. The Origin of the Name of Cynick does not a little perplex Men: Mr. Stanley thinks it comes from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because of the place where Antisthenes held his School, and where a Dog had brought a piece of Victim ••hat was Sacrifi∣ced. Others have believed, That it came from the hot and biting Humour of these Philosophers, because commonly Satyricks are compared to Dogs that bark at all the World. Diogenes was named the Prince of this Sect, and made so much noise by the sigularity of his Maxims, that Alexander had the curiosity of seeing him. Yet how great Glory soever Antiquity would have for this Philosopher, he can be scarcely ad∣mired seriously. The common Abode he made in a Tub, and the Lanthorn he car∣ried at Noon-day to look for a Man of Worth, have something so conceited, that a very high Idea cannot be conceived of his Sentiments. Riches and Grandeurs are of∣ten despised by Vain Glory, for the conso∣lation of not possessing them. So they re∣late that Diogenes going to dine at Plato's, said, in treading upon his Tapestries, I trample upon the Pride of Plato: To which Plato answered, Yes, with a greater. He had a pleasant Maxim, That every thing that is good is necessary to Man, and may be done every where. Upon this Account, a

Woman instructed at his School regaled a crowd of Spectatours with an Adventure like unto that of Dido and Aeneas in the Grott whereinto Virgil had care to conduct them, and where it's said was a kind of Hymeneus.

VII. Zeno was the head of the Stoicks, and taught in the Porch of Athens. This Philosophy hath formed great Men, and hath charmed many by the Haughtiness and Pride of its Sentences. It pretended to render its Proselytes happy in the midst of Torments, and unshaken against all the Darts of Fortune. Zeno did establish a God, whose Vertues are all expressed diffe∣rently according to the different Idea of Peo∣ple. He was Neptune at Sea, Mars in Battles, and Vulcan in the Fire. In his O∣pinion Vertue was the Supream Good, because it hath goods more lasting, and that 'tis it only that renders Men Immortal. He held that the Machin of the World will be one day destroyed, and that it will perish by Flames. The proud Empire he gave Man over himself and Reason, was the Source of this dangerous Maxim, that Men may kill themselves. We must notwithstanding con∣fess that in this was some I know not what grandeur of the Soul, capable of dazling those who seek but the brightness of Pagan Vertues. Must not one have an un∣daunted Courage to insult Death, this frightfull image that terrifieth the most resolute? After what way did Zeno instruct his followers for Glory and Vertue? He would have 'em wrestle against Evils, and to harden themselves under Stripes to be∣come Invincible: As Prosperities were only proper for low Souls, so it belongs on∣ly to great Souls to trample under Foot all Calamities and Disgraces. He dyed in the 129. Olympiad, about the Year of the World, 3690.

VIII. Phythagoras was the head of the Py∣thagoreans or the Stalian Sect. It's believed he was of Samos and a Jew by birth. He lived a long time with the Egyptians to be instruct∣ed in their Mysteries. Mr. Stanley relates that he was made Prisoner there by Camby∣ses, who sent him into Babylon, where he had a great commerce with the Magi and Chaldeans, and even with the Prophet Eze∣kiel. He was of all Men the best shaped and drew the Veneration of all People by his fair appearance. He of all Philosophers had the greatest number of Disciples. His Principal Opinion was the Metempsychosis or Transmigration of Souls. As he be∣lieved the Soul Immortal, he could not con∣ceive it could subsist separate from the Body. Therefore he thought expedient to make the Souls of Men to return into Beasts, and them of Beasts into Men, tho these Re∣volutions had no certain order. We know the Ridiculous History that he told of him∣self, that he had been Euphorbes at the War of Troy. He particularly applyed himself to the study of Mathematicks, as a Science sit to give extent to the Mind. He tryed his Disciples by a Rigorous Silence of two years, to make 'em more grave and retentive. Temperance was the Vertue he recommend∣ed with most care, because it is necessary to tame the Body. Therefore he used to get a Table full of Dainties for his Disciples, and making them to sit down, they should rise from it without touching any thing, to exercise their Vertue by so strong a tempta∣tion. He lived in the time that Brutus de∣livered Rome from the Tyranny of it's Kings in the Year of the World 3440.

IX. Heraclitus had so fine Temper that he had all his Learning of himself without the help of any Instruction. But he con∣ceived so high an Opinion of himself, that he had nothing but contempt for the rest of Men. His Humour being accompanied with Pride and Distast, gave him so much hatred for all Mankind, that he retired all alone unto a Mountain to be free from the com∣merce of any. Therefore he was called the Dark Philosopher. Darius Hydaspis writ to him to come to Court; but he answered him after an abrupt and saucy manner. Such a Tem∣per as is troublesome to other Men must be afflicting to it self; a sad Delicatness suffers every where. It is better to have a tracta∣ble Vertue, and let things go as they will, than on purpose to quarrel with all Man∣kind.

X. Democritus was the Head of the Elea∣tick Sect. He had a Countenance always smil∣ing, and made the Sovereign Good consist in a Position of Mind that was always at rest. It hath been said, that he looked on the World with a Jearing Laughter, which made his Wisdom to be doubted of, and caused his Fellow-Citizens the Abderites to send for Hypocrates to cure him. But ha∣ving shewn his Diacosmus, the finest of his Works, the Opinion that they had of his Folly was turned into Admiration. The cause of his immoderat Laughters was the vanity of this World, and the pains that Men take to run after perishable things. It was he that invented Atoms, adding that they wandred in a Vacuum, and were afterwards entangled with one another, whence the Universe was composed. So that Atoms and a Vacuum were the beginning of all things.

XI. Pyrrhon, chief of the Pyrrhonians or Scepticks, pretended that Man only judged of all things by the appearance of Truth and Falshood. Upon that he established a sus∣pension of Mind that hindred himself from determining. It seems that all his Subtil∣ty consisted in finding out pretty Reasons of doubting: But there was danger that this incertainty should extend it self to things which are not permitted to be Questioned, as the Power of the Laws. He lived in the time of Epicurus in the 120. Olympiad, to wit the year of the World 3650.

XII. Epicurus, an Athenian, head of the Sect which bore his name, hath composed more Books than the other Philosophers. He made the supream Good to consist in the Pleasure accompanied with Vertue. His Opinion is ill interpreted, and his Disciples have abused it, which hath made this Philo∣sophy

to be discried as a Source of Debauch and Impurities. But, saith Mr. Stanley, the weakness of his Complexion, and his ex∣tream Sobriety, drive away altogether such unjust Suspicions. The Altars that were builded to him after his Death do not agree with the Repute of Voluptuous. It's true he attributed much to the Empire of Sense, and maintained that when the Sense judged of simple Objects we ought not to doubt of their fidelity. But he would not have Reason to be subject to their Will. He used to moderate the severity of Wisdom by honest Recreations, to render it amiable, and would not have Vertue to be painted with an Austere Face and with a Forehead always wrinkled. In short, the Soul is so engaged in Sense and Matter, that this Philosophy is too fine, which in a manner, unmans a Man, and deprives him of all his Senses. This hath made his followers nothing but Idea; for they often perceive that they have a Body as other Men have, which troubleth and hin∣dreth them so much the more as they have a desire of giving all to the Mind. It must therefore be allowed that Wisdom it self may sometimes Laugh without offence. Every one knoweth that he admitted for Principle a Vacuum and Atoms. The Vacuum, because if all was full, there would have been no Motion. The Atoms, because according to him, nothing is made of nothing. He main∣tained that the World cannot be eternal, be∣cause it bears sensible Marks of Novelty: We know, for Example, the birth and pro∣gress of Arts and Sciences. He pretended that Providence medled with nothing, but leaves all things to Chance.

The Ancients agreed not amongst them∣selves about the time in which Zoroaster lived, and our Author relates all along and at the same time resutes their Senti∣ments: After all he subscribes to the Opini∣on of those which place it 600. Years before the Expedition of Zerxes against the Greeks, which goes back to the Year 3634 from the Iulian Period, that is to say, about the times of Samuel.

Very little as yet is known concerning the Life of Zoroaster. Plato calls him the Son of Oromazes, but this is the Name which Zoro∣aster of Persia, gave to the Divinity, (whose Son tis said he was.) for the Veneration he had for him. Plin. lib. 36. c. 1. says, that he laughed the same day he was born, and that his Brain beat with such Violence that it lift up the Hands of such as toucht it; a presage of Learning which one day he was to be Master of. He liv'd 20 Years in a Desart without growing aged; for having wish't to dye by Thunder, Heaven heard his Prayer: But before that, he advertiz'd the Syrians to keep his Ashes very carefully, assuring them, that their Empire should continue so long as they regarded that In∣junction. Suidas attributes this Advertisment to Zoroaster of the Chaldeans, and Cedrenus to him of the Persians. He composed two Millions of Verses, which were delivered in Greek, and upon which Hermippus made a Commentary. But some say, that the Oracles upon which Syrianus wrote 12 Books, made some of these Verses. There are some other Books attributed to him, which are evidently supposititious.

Africanus says that 'twas Belus who in∣vented Astronomy, and that this Prince lived in the times of Deborah; according to this Author, Belus began his Raign Anno Mun∣di 2682. There were yet some other Magi of the Chaldeans who were sufficiently cele∣brated amongst the Greeks, but the Names of 'em are only remaining.

He who first brought the Sciences of the Chaldees into Greece, was Berose, a Priest of Belus; he taught 'em Astronomy and Philoso∣phy in the Isle of Co, and composed three Books, in which he finisht the History of the Medes. Iosephus preserved some of his Frag∣ments in his Books against Appion; they were dedicated to Antiochus under the name of GOD KING OF ASSYRIA, under whom he liv'd, as Mr. Vossius believes; tho other Authors say that he lived under Antiochus Soter. We ought yet to take care, that we confound not this Berose with that of Annius of Viterbe, which every Body knows to be fictitious and full of ridi∣culous Fables.

Iustin Martyr assures us, that the Babylo∣nian Sybil, who gave her Oracles at Cames, was his Daughter; if it is true, then there was another Sybil besides that which lived in the times of Tarquin the Old, who lived two hundred and fifty Years before Berose. Onuphrius proves that there had been many Sybils.

Altho the name of Chaldeans properly belonged to a whole Nation, yet it was given in particular to certain Philosophers who liv'd retir'd in separate places, and were exempt from Imposts and publick Charges: They were particular Families which communicated their Knowledg to their Children, after such a manner, that it spread not to other Families, but only passed from Father to Son. They might thus perfect their Sciences better than by admitting Strangers in their Schools; and 'tis said that this practice is now used a∣mongst the Chinese in respect of their Trades.

The Greeks, who have spoken thereof, as Strabo, distinguish the different Sects of the Chaldeans according to the places where they lived. There was of 'em at Hipparena, Orchoe, Babylon and Borsippa, Cities of Meso∣potamia and Chaldea. They were not all of the same Opinion, if we may believe Strabo and Lucretius, who says (lib. 5.) that in case there was no fault of the Copiest in this Work, the Babylonians refuted the Doctrin of the Chaldeans touching Astrology

Vt Babylonica Caldaeam Doctrina refutans Astrologorum Artem contra convincere tendit.

The Babylonians gave diverse Names to these Sects, and some of 'em may be seen in the Prophet Daniel, but the signification

thereof is very uncertain: Our Author tells us the Conjectures of the Rabbins upon teefe Names.

2. He divides their whole Doctrin into four parts: The first thereof contains their Speculative Divinity, and their Phisicks. There was a study, as Mr. Stanley believes, appro∣priated to those which were called Char∣tummim 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The second includes their Astrology and art of Divination, in which those were employed who were called Chas∣dim 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And Mechasephim 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The third treats of Theurgie, or Natural Magic. And the fourth of Divine Wor∣ship, which was the study of the Asaphim 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Psellu•• tells us, that Zoroaster divided all Beings into three Orders. There is one, saith he, which is Eternal without beginning or end. Some have had a beginning, which will never end; But others shall have an end as they have a beginning. Divinity hath for its object the two first Orders; And Natural Philosophy the last.

The Chaldeans affirm'd but one only Prin∣ciple of all things, full of Goodness, and Wisdom. To represent its perfections they gave it the Name of Fire and of Light, which is the Reason that in those Oracles that yet remain amongst us, we often find God spoken of in these Synonimous terms, The Light, the Rays, the Brightness of the Father, Paternal Fire, the only Fire, the first and supream of all Fires. When any one demanded of 'em af∣ter what manner they apprehended the Di∣vinity, He Answered, that his Body resembled Fire, and his Soul the Truth. From whence it may be, they understood that God was Goodness it self, or the Chaldean word which they Translate for Truth, signifies Goodness: and that it appeared adorned with Fire. The Hebrews speak after the same manner, when they say God is a Consuming Fire, that he is full of Goodness and Truth, as is plain by many places of Scripture. It seems its for that Reason the Ancient Persians ador'd him under the form of a Fire, with∣out erecting any Statue to him, as will evidently appear by what follows.

Besides the Unity of the first Fire, they ac∣knowledg'd a kind of Trinity; and were us'd to say, that there was a Triple Trinity, each whereof had a Father, a Power, and a Spirit. They call'd the first kind of Be∣ings 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Intelligibles.

They said we must not strive to apprehend this Chief Intelli∣gible. But yet we may entertain the de∣sire of so vast a Spirit as would measure every thing besides it.

The second Order of things which have no end was the Beings which were called Intelligibles and Intelligents, which were yet subdivided into three Species. I. the Iyngues. II. The Synoques. III. The Teletarques. The Oracles which remain amongst us call these Iyngues, Ideas; and say, that they were the Intelligible Models upon which the World was made by other Idea's, which were call'd the second Ideas, as also the first, Original Ideas. The Synoques, which the Oracles called Anoques, are also of three orders, ac∣cording to the three Worlds which they Govern; the Empirean, which Govern the Empirean World; the Ethereal, which Rule the Ethereal World, and the Material which animate the Material World. A little after we shall explain the Nature of these Worlds. 3. The third Degree contains in∣telligent things, which were also call'd Cos∣mogogues, Governors of the World. There were divers Ranks of 'em, according to the Chaldeans. The first Supreme; Hecate, the second supreme: The three Amilictes, that is to say, which cannot be softned, and the last called Hypezoces, that is to say, Girt under∣neath, which the Oracles call'd Flower of Fire: These are in the Material World to preserve it and give it those regular Moti∣ons which it hath. Under these Cosmogo∣gues are other Intelligent Beings, which the Chaldees call Fountains or Sources. In the Number of which they agree not. Under these Fountains are the Hyperarques, or Princi∣palities. They call some of these Spiritual Beings the Fountains or Architypes of Souls and Vertues.

After the Hyperarques are the Gods with∣out Zone, and the Gods ty'd to a Zone, both of 'em are in the Material World; but the first have an equal Power above all Zones, whereas the last, are confin'd in a certain Extension in which they Circulate with Matter.

The Chaldees place next, the Angels and immaterial Demons. They believe that of these there are both good and bad; they say that the good are Light, and the bad Darkness.

In fine, this last Range of Beings contains Souls: There are of three sorts in this Di∣vinity, the Celestial Intelligences, which are never united to Matter; others which are united to Matter, and which are inde∣pendent, being Indivisible and Immortal, capable to will and determine of them∣selves. And lastly, others, which depend up∣on Matter, and which may be destroyed with it.

There are two Causes or Origines of Humane Souls, the Paternal Spirit, and the Fountain of Souls, which produces them by order of the Spirit. As they believ'd that there were places in the World distinct for the habitation of Intelligences, which we have spoken of, so they say that Souls come from Spaces which are above the Moon, and which are wholly replete with Light; whereas the Region of this Planet is partly Light and party Dark, as an Extent which is always covered with Clouds and Night.

'Tis from these places of Darkness that Humane Souls descend, because their Wings have lost their force; that is to say, because these Souls have not kept their Primitive Perfection, and obey'd the Will of the Fa∣ther, they never leave an Ethereal Body in which they are invested, and which is as their Vehicle. This Body is yet animated by another Species of Soul, which is with∣out Reason, and which contains the Sense,

the Imagination, and all the Faculties which do not necessarily belong to Reason; the Sages call'd this Soul an Idol or Image of the Rational Soul. 'Tis by this that the rea∣sonable Soul is untied to the Body, which we take from our Mother's Breasts; this unites the Ethereal Body to that of the Foetus, to which it stays conjoyn'd until the grosser Body be destroy'd.

Thus if the Souls thrown Headlong down from the Spaces which are above the Moon into the Places which we inhabit, do well acquit the Duty they owe to the So∣vereign Divinity, then they are restor'd unto the same place from whence they came. On the contrary, if they corrupt themselves more, they are sent into yet darker Aboads.

We have said, That these Intelligences had Places destin'd for their Habitation: And thus 'twas the Chaldeans divided the World, and the Limits where they plac'd those Eternal Spirits. They believ'd, That above the Corporal World was in Infinite extended Light, which they call'd, The Light above the World, that was properly the residence of Spirits. This Light they call'd an Image of the Paternal Profundity, that is, the Immensity of the first Being.

Temporal, or Corporal Things, held the third and last Rank in the general division of Beings. All included in seven corporal Worlds, situate under that Light just be∣fore-mentioned, according to this Order, 1. The Empyrean, or World of Fire: Three Etherial Worlds. 2. The Supream Aether. 3. The Sphere of the fixt Stars. 4. The Orbs or Planets: Three Sublunary Worlds. 5. The Air. 6. The Earth. And 7. the Waters. Some Christian Divines have confounded the Empyreal Heaven, which they make the Abode of God and of the Blessed, with that Light above the World; but the Chaldeans distinguish them very care∣fully. According to their Opinion, the Empyreal World is very different from the Ethereal, altho' this last is less pure and sub∣tle than the Precedent. As for the Sublu∣nary Worlds, Psellus tells us, That the Chal∣deans sometimes gave them a Name which the Greeks translated by the word Hades, or Hell.

The Chaldeans acknowledg'd two sorts of Demons, one Good, the other Bad; Ho∣stanus a Persian Magi, call'd the first, The Ministers and Messengers of God, who con∣tinued in his Presence. But the second, Ter∣restrial Demons, who incessantly commit∣ted Error in this Sublunary World, and which are Enemies to Mankind. They call'd their Head 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ariman, which signi∣fies The Enemy of Men; for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which properly signifies a Vessel, may Metaphori∣cally signifie a Man.

There are six sorts of 'em, 1. Those which they call Fiery, inhabiting the upper Region of the Air, above which they cannot ascend, altho' they are chas'd by the Intelligences which reside about the Moon. 2. Those that are in the Inferior Air in which we live, and which is call'd Aereal. The Terrestri∣al. 4. Those of the Sea, which abide in the Water. 5. The Subterraneous. 6. Those that sly the Light, and such as are very seldom visible. Altho' they are all Enemies to God and Man, some are much more Wicked than the rest. The three last kinds particularly are very pernicious, and not only deceive Men by Fantoms and Illu∣sions, but also sometimes even enter into 'em. Those of the Water, causing Ship∣wrecks; such as are under the Earth, and who fly the Light, often possess Men, causing Epilepses and Frensies: The Terrestrial and Aereal Spirits precipitate Men into unlaw∣ful Passions, and deceive them by appear∣ances.

They act, saith Psellus, by disturbing our Imaginations, entertaining us without any Voice or Noise. Those which speak to us afar off must raise a Voice to move our Ears, but such as are near may make us hear by speaking very low; but those which can pos∣sess our Brain make us understand without any Noise, tracing certain Objects into our Imaginations without affecting our Ears. That is, that Souls separated from Mor∣tal Bodies, entertain themselves without Voice or Words.

They make their Bodies what they please, and assume what Forms most agreeable un∣to 'em; some enter into Beasts, not that they hate them, but because the Natural Heat of Animals please them as well as the Humidity they meet with there, for their ordinary Habitations are cold and dry Pla∣ces. The Subterreanean Spirits cause those Persons to speak which they possess, and make use of their Mouths to give out their pretended Oracles. Those which fly the Light render their Patients Deaf and Dumb; and often make them fall into Soundings.

All have not the same Extent of Power, but it's diminish'd much according to the degrees I have observ'd. The Demons that fly the Light have the least of all. They transfer themselves so much the more di∣versly as their Power is less or more: It's believ'd that from one of these Transfor∣mations proceeded what the Greeks relate of Proteus, the Nexeiades, Naides, and other Nymphs. The Chaldeans fanci'd the Demons suffer'd when they hurt their Bo∣dies, altho' the Wound was cur'd again immediately; for their Bodies are like the Water, the parts whereof are no sooner separated but they joyn again in a Mo∣ment.

We may see by these Particulars of the Chaldaick Divinity, that their Thoughts concerning Good and Evil, were not very different from the Opinion of the Hebrews. For Example, in respect to the Good they had divers Orders of them, As Angels, Arch-Angels, Thrones, Dominations, Princi∣palities and Powers, which are spoken of in the New Testament. The Hebrews, as well as the Chaldeans, gave Kingdoms and cer∣tain Extents of the Earth, to the Govern∣ment

of Angels, as appears by Daniel. And like to them they plac'd the Evil Spirits in the Air, from when they are call'd Powers of the Air, Princes of this World, that is, of the sublunary World, Princes of Dark∣nes••, that is, this extended Darkness which we inhabit. The Hebrews also determin'd the ordinary abode of the Divinity to be above the fix'd Stars, and represented God dwelling in an inaccessible Light, environ'd with Ministers, which they call'd, as the Chaldeans did, Angels of Light. They ac∣knowledg'd three Heavens or three Worlds, so the Chaldeans divided the Universe into the Terrestrial, Ethereal, and Empyreal. As for the Evil Angels, its well known that the Iews believed divers Orders, and that they formerly attributed unto them the cause of many Diseases, as is evident by the great number of the Demoniacks, which is spoken of in the Evangelists, where also several other things may be observed concerning Demons, which agrees not ill with the Doctrin of the Chaldeans. According to the Conjectures of some learn'd Men the Iews receiv'd these Opinions, and some resembling ones from them in the Babilonian Captivity. All that can be objected against this supposition is, that perhaps the Chaldean Oracles, whereof we have spoken, were al∣ways suspected by the Iews and Christians and that the Explication of Plethon and Psellus were not true. This may be parti∣cularly opposed to this last authority, be∣cause he is said to have learnt from a conver∣ted Chaldean, what we have related of the Chaldaick Divinity. But for the Oracles we shall afterwards shew the Reasons why our Author believes they were not Suppo∣sititious; and as for the Doctrin, it may easily be prov'd that the Greek Philosophers who made Voyages into the East, brought Opinions from thence perfectly like the Chaldeans: As may be demonstrated without much trouble in respect to Pythagoras & Plato.

III. To return again to our Author, he afterwards gives an Abridgment of the Astronomy and Physicks of the Chaldeans. As the Heavens in that Country are very rarely troubled with Mists or Clouds, so the Learned applyed themselves to Astronomy which they pretend to have invented. But if what Diodorus of Sicily says is true, they were not so expert in the Art as the Greeks were, after they'd learnt the Principles of 'em. Because the Chaldeans gave very ill Reasons for the Eclipses of the Sun, and durst not predict, nor reduce them to certain Periods. For Astrology, or Apote∣lesmaticks, that is to say, the Art of pre∣diction, wherein it was more easie to impose upon the Credulous, if they attributed it on∣ly to their Knowledg, and boasted to have read such and such Events in the Stars.

Mr. Stanly gives here an Abridgment of their Doctrin drawn from Diodorus of Sicily, and fom Sextus Empiricus. They believed there was a great Sympathy between the Stars, and what inhabits the Earth, so that Terrestrial Bodies depended upon the Course and Vertue of the Celestial. They joyn the Planets, sixt Stars, and Signs of the Zodiack together; And maintain that our whole life had a dependence thereon, and that nothing happened to us, whereof they were not the Cause. The Chaldeans placed twelve Gods in the Zodiack, to each of which they assign'd a Month, and a Sign of the Zodiack. They said also that there were twenty four Constellations, one half where∣of was in the Northern Hemisphere; and the other in the Southern. The twelve which appear'd upon our Hemisphere, pre∣sided over the living, and the twelve which were invisible, over the Dead. They call'd these last the Iudges of all things. But they had a great regard to the Planets, the une∣qual course whereof, according to their Opinion, caused the inequality of Life. They much observed their rising, and set∣ting, and their Colour, &c. and pre∣tended to predict all things by that. Un∣der the Planets they held there were thirty Stars, which they call'd the Counsellers of the Gods: Whereof one half that was under the Earth, presided over what passed there∣in; and the other half that was above re∣garded what was done in Heaven and upon the Earth. Every tenth day one of the Su∣perior Gods, went to relate to those below what was done above, and they made use of the same Conveniency on the other side. These Stars had these regulated Motions according to the Eternal Revolutions.

In our Author are the particulars of their Opinion concerning the divisions of the Zodiack▪ with the agreement they thought it had with the Planets from their Aspects, and with their manner of drawing Horoscopes.

Besides the Art of foretelling by the Stars, the Chaldeans knew how to Divine by the Flight and Notes of Birds, by Dreams, Prodigies, and Entrails of Victims, ac∣cording to the report of Diodorus. R. Moses Son of Maimon affirms the same thing in his More Nebochim, and also attributes to 'em other ways of divining, the Names whereof are in Deut. 18.10, 11.

The Physicks of the Chaldeans was call'd Magic. There was two Sorts thereof, one Na∣tural, and the other Theurgick; The first was only a knowledg of the Virtue of Sim∣ples, of the disposition of Animals, and of the Power of Minerals. But this know∣ledg was mixt with many Superstitious Opinions, if we may believe Maimonides, who hath discoursed their Operations at large, and in our Author we may read his Words. Such was their Opinions con∣cerning the Talismans, which are certain Figures, or Letters graved at certain times, that they believed 'em able to defend 'em from divers Evils. In the Persian Tongue they are called Tsilmenaja, and in Arabick Tsalima, Words that come from the same root with the Hebrew Tselein, which signi∣fies an Image. This may be seen in Gaf∣farel's Book, entituled, Vnheard of Curiosities▪ They also call'd that Tsilmenaja, that the Hebrews call'd Teraphim, which were little

Statues, that answered to what they said when they consulted them, concerning the event of things to come. Onkelas, a Chal∣dean Paraphrast always Translated the Word Teraphim, for that of Tsilmenaia, and the seventy Translated it by the Words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Speaking, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Evident or Signi∣ficant, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Illuminations. Spencer may be consulted upon this, of Vrim and Thummim. The Theurgick Magick of the Chaldeans con∣sisted only in the knowledg of the Ceremonies that ought to be observed in the Worship of the Gods, to be agreeable and pleasing to 'em, and to obtain what they desir'd of 'em. Iulian the Father, and Iulian the Son, Chaldean Philosophers who lived under Mr. Antoninus, explain'd this Science in many Greek Books, both in Verse and Prose, as Suidas tells us. They thought by the means of these Ceremonies they were able to en∣tertain the Celestial Intelligences, and even cure all Indispositions both of Body and Mind. We shall observe one of these Ceremonies, the Sacrifice whereof is very Considerable.

There was two sorts of Apparitions, one of which was call'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Superficial View by the Greek Interpreters of this Phi∣losophy. It was when the Gods appear'd under some Figure. Then they ought to have no respect to, nor receive any advertise∣ment from 'em as true. The same Author calls the second 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a view of the same thing, when they saw a pure light without any form, and the Answer they received from it was true: Thus the Oracles speak in these Terms.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

When you shall see the Sacred Fire without Form, Burning from place to place, by all the Mysteries of Heaven, hearken to the voice of it.

As the Theurgy had Apparitions of good Demons, so they served to Chase away Ma∣terial ones, and hinder them from Injuring them.

4. One may reduce the Religion of the Chaldeans to three kinds. The first is a wor∣ship of the true God, but after an Idola∣trous Manner. The second, the Worship of Demons and Spirits; and the third is that of Celestial Bodies, and the Elements.

The Chaldeans, as hath been already ob∣serv'd, acknowledging one only Principle of all things, all powerful and good, it follows, that they must acknowledg the true God: and 'tis for this Reason that an Oracle that Porphiry cites, joyns them to the Jews, and says, that there's none but the Chaldeans and the Jews that adore that God and King who subsists by himself. But the Chaldeans adored him under the Name of an Idol, that they call'd Bel, which is the same as Baal of the Phenicians. The Iews also Worship'd him under the same Name, in the time of the Kings, and were reprehended for it by the Prophet Hosea, who tells them in the Name of the God of Israel, you shall no more call me, My Baali, Ch. 2.16. Those who instructed the Greeks in the Opinions and Customs of the Chaldeans, wou'd have it that they call'd the Supream Divinity Bel, they gave him the Name of Zeus, which was the Name that the Greeks gave to the Chief of their God's. Altho Bel or Belus might be an Ancient King, the same with Zeus it hapned in length of time, that these Names were join'd to the Idea of the first Principle of all things, that is to say, to the Idea of the true God. Hence Aratus speak∣ing of Iupiter, says, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. we are of his Offspring. St. Paul makes it no difficulty to apply these Words to the true God. Acts. 17. Thus Clement Alexandri∣nus remarks upon these Words of St. Peter, Serve God, but not as the Gentiles.

Thus this Apostle does not say, serve not the God that the Gentiles Worship; but serve him not after the manner that they do; he wou'd have us to change the manner of Worship, but not the Object of it.—

One may see in the first Book of Herodotus, who was at Babylon, the Description of the Temple of Iupiter B••lus; He says that the Priests thereof were Chaldeans; and Maimo∣nides affirms that the Idolaters of Chaldea were the same with the Prophets of Baal which were in Palestine.

In the second place, the Chaldeans Worshipt Demons and Spirits; and 'tis to these Subal∣tern Divinities, to which they addressed themselves by means of the Theurgy where∣of we have spoken.

In the third place they believed, that the seven Planets were animated by the Divi∣nities, which they made use of, as if they were Bodies; the greatest were those which inhabited the Sun and Moon; they had the same thoughts in respect to the sixt Stars. But they confest they cou'd not prove this Worship of the Stars so distinctly as the rest; as the Readers may see more at large in Mr. Stanley.

Some Ancients say that they Worshiped the Air and the Earth, as Iulius Firmicus and Macrobius; but these Authors, and par∣ticularly the last, do very much Confound the Divinity of all Nations without either Reason or Necessity, and might have attribu∣ted the Sentiments of the Greeks and Ro∣mans to the Chaldeans. Even some of 'em to maintain Paganism have taken great pains to shew, that all the Worshippers of many Gods did agree, and they also hop'd to answer the Objection of the Christians who accu∣sed them of the Diversity of Opinions. But without doubt the Chaldeans did Worship the Fire or the Supreme Divinity un∣der the Emblem of Fire (a) 1.159 Ruffinus and (b) 1.160 Suidas relate something to this effect, which deserves to be taken notice of here. 'Tis, that in the times of Con∣stantine certain Chaldean Priests ran through all the Empire, to shew to other Pagans, that the God of Chaldea was mightier than all the Gods, because the Fire that they Worship consum'd all the Statues of other

Gods. In fine, being come into Egypt, and having deify'd the Egyptian Priests to expose to the Fire the Statues of their Gods, one of these Priests triumphed over their Vanity by this Artifice. He took a Statue of the Nile, made it hollow within, and pierced it in divers Places: He clos'd up these Holes with Wax, so exactly, that they cou'd not be perceived, and fill'd the Statue with Water. Afterwards he took the Chaldeans at their Word, and surrounded his Statue with Fire, so that the Wax melt∣ing left free passage to the Water, which soon issued out and extinguished the Fire.

Mr. Stanley employs the 16th and 17th Part of his Work, in giving an Account of the Philosophy of the Persians, which we shall make an Abridgment of in few Words.

1. In speaking of the Origin of the Phi∣losophy of the Chaldeans, it was observed there were many Zoroasters: And so it was they call'd the ancient Sages of the Persians, who Instituted the Order of the Magi. Di∣on Chrysostom in his Dorysthenick Harangue, said,

That the Persians affirm'd that Love, Wisdom and Iustice had quitted the Commerce of Men, and that they were retir'd into a Mountain, continu∣ing there alone a long time: But when they had quitted it, a great Fire came down from Heaven, which inviron'd it from all Parts: That the King and Nobili∣ty of the Persians, going thither to invoke the Divinity, Zoroaster came out of this Fire, without receiving any Damage, and offer'd a Sacrifice, as if God had been present with him: That from that time he conversed no more with any sort of Men, but only those that were naturally more enclin'd to seek the Truth, and capable of knowing the Gods, as were those that the Persians call'd Magi.

The certain time of this Zorasters's Life is not known. Another wise Man call'd Hystaspes, that liv'd in the Court of Cyrus, much augmented the Learning of the Magi of Persia, by the Sciences that he learnt of the Brachmans, when he went into India. He that discover'd these Sciences to the Greeks was one Otanes, who accompany'd Zerxes in the Enterprise he made upon Greece. The Greek Philosophers that frequented the Persians before that time, either conceal'd what they had learnt, or else had not pene∣trated into their Mysteries.

The Magi were apply'd wholly to the Ser∣vice of the Gods, and their Name accord∣ing to some Ancients signifies the same as that of Priest. They mingled not them∣selves with other Persians, nor never Mar∣ry'd but to Persons of their own Sect, and liv'd in Towns separate from others. They were in very great Esteem; they Instructed the Kings before they took the Government upon them, and were call'd to their Coun∣cils. Their Life as to the rest, was very simple: They liv'd only upon Milk, Wheat, Fruits and Bread.

2. As to what regarded the Supream Divinity, they seem'd to have had the same Thoughts of the Chaldeans; for Zoroaster in his Sacred Collections, affirms, according to the Report of Eusebius, That God is In∣corruptible, Eternal, Indivisible, most Wise, most Good, Father of Equity and Justice, &c. He divided all Things into three Orders: The first Eternal, without Beginning or End; others that have had a Beginning, but shall have no End: The last, which are Corruptible. Oromazes was the Head of the first: Mithra, or the Sun, presided over the Second; and Arima∣nes over the Third.

'Tis Plutarch that tells us that of Zoroaster; but 'tis dangerous to trust wholly to the Greeks in these sort of Things which they understood but by halves, and wherein they might easily confound the Doctrin of a People with that of its Neighbours.

However, be it as it will, the same Au∣thor relates, That the Sages of Persia esta∣blish'd two Principles, the one opposite to the other, whereof one was Good and the other Evil. He call'd the first Oromazes, and the second Arimanes, and said, That among sensible things, nothing so well represented Oromazes, as Knowledge and the Light; nor Arimanes, as Ignorance and Darkness. They made certain Sacrifices to this last, that he might not afflict them; and to the first to obtain Happiness and good Fortune.

The Persians also said that Oromazes was Son of the Day▪ and Arimanes Child of the Night, and that they had a perpetual War: That Oromazes had made six Gods, The 1. the God of Benevolence. The 2. of Truth. The 3. of Equity. The 4. of Wisdom. The 5. of Riches. The 6. of Pleasure; Divinities, which all submitted to him that made 'em. That after that, Oromazes became three times greater, and was as far from the Sun, as the Sun was from the Earth: That he made Heaven and the Stars; and established the Dog-Star to keep the rest: They say likewise that he made twenty four Gods, which he plac'd in an Egg, but that Arimanes had made as many; but they broke the Egg, and from thence it happen'd that the Evil Ones were mingl'd among the Good: That the time drew near in which the mischievous Beings, and Arimanes himself shou'd be entirely de∣stroy'd by Pestilence and Famine; and that the Earth should be wholly united; and that there shou'd be only one manner of Living, and one only Society of all Mankind; and there shou'd be but one Language among 'em.

The Magi pretended they knew the Art of Divination as well as the Chaldeans. He∣rodotus tells us, They had neither Temples, nor Altars, nor Images, and that they look∣ed upon all such as had 'em as Fools: More∣over Strabo says the same. Herodotus sup∣pos'd that the occasion of this Custom was, because they did not believe with the Greeks, That the Gods had Human Shapes; and Cicero, because they hold that the whole World was but a House or Temple for

them, and therefore they cou'd not be con∣fin'd within Walls. Nevertheless Strabo often speaks of their Temples, their Al∣tars and their Statues, which perhaps only regarded the time that they were submit∣ted to the Greeks, in which they learnt part of their Customs; whereas in the begin∣ning they had nothing resembling them, as appears by that Action of Zerxes, in burn∣ing all the Temples of Greece, for Reasons which have been related.

(a) 1.161 Magis Auctoribus Zerxes inflammasse Templa Graeciae dicitur, quod parietibus includerent Deos, quibus omnia deberent esse pa∣tentia, ac libera, quorumque hic Mundus omnis Templum esset & domus.

When they (b) 1.162 Sacrific'd they erected no Altars, they light no Fires, neither had they Li∣bations, nor Flutes, nor Crowns, nor Meal, but he that wou'd Sa∣crifice went into a clean Place, whither he led the Victim. There he invoked the Di∣vinity, having a Branch of Mirtle upon his * 1.163 Tyara. He beg'd not the favour of Heaven par∣ticularly for himself, but for all the Persians (in the number of which he was comprehended) and for the King in an especial manner. After dismembring his Victim, having boyl'd its Flesh, and afterwards spread it upon the Grass, and particularly upon the sweetest Flowers, then the Magus that was present, (for without one of them no Sacrifice was permitted) sung a † 1.164 The∣ogonia, by the means of which they believ'd they might prevail with the Gods. In short, he that sacrificed, carry'd away the Flesh of the Victim, and did what he pleas'd with it. Strabo says, That the Magus who officiated, having cut the Victim in pieces, each Person that assisted took his part and went his way, without leaving any thereof to the Gods. For they say, God wou'd have only the Soul of the Victim. Others left upon the Fire a part of the Omentum. As may be seen in the same Book of Strabo, with divers of their Religious Ceremonies.

He tells us also, That the Magi ador'd Iupiter, the Sun, the Moon, Venus, the Fire, the Earth, the Winds and the Wa∣ter. But that which is the most perplexing in their Relations is, That they give the Names of the Grecian Gods to those of the East, because they conjectur'd they were the same Gods with theirs. Wherefore we shall not stand to relate what our Author says thereon, but the Curious may consult them if they think it to the purpose.

The 18th and 19th Parts of this Work, contains an Historical Abridgment of the Philosophy of the Sabeans.

1. The Sabeans were a People of Arabia, who have had among them great Philoso∣phers, if we may credit some Arabian and Iewish Authors. But these Authors are not of an ancient date, and living in a time wherein this Philosophy was extinct, it is not easie to know whether they were mista∣ken or no. Some say, That the Head of the Sect of the Sabeans was named Zara∣dast, which seems to be the same Name with Zoroaster: Others say, Tachmurat King of Persia, was the first Founder thereof: There are also many other Opinions about it. The Rabbins pretended 'twas in a flourishing condition in Chaldea from the time of Abra∣ham, and fail not to relate the History of that time, with as great an Air of Assurance as if they had been Witnesses thereof, or had drawn it from Contemporary Authors. Some of which may be seen in the 2d and 18th Chapters of Mr. Stanley.

Maimonides says, he had seen divers of their Books which our Author gives the Names of, that were full of Superstitions, conjurations of Demons, secrets for the Talis∣ans, and other Extravagancies of this Na∣ture, Liv. 1. cap. 8. Hottingar in his Histo∣ry of the East, assures us, That he had some of 'em in his Possession, compos'd by Abulfark Son of Abi-Iacub, and he wish'd that it had been made publick.

2. The Sabeans, according to the Rela∣tion of Maimonides, believ'd the Stars to be Divinities, but that the Sun was greater than all the rest, and govern'd both Worlds, Superior and Inferior. They attributed their Opinions to Adam and to the first Pa∣triarchs, and thereupon related Histories like to those that we find in the Alcoran and in divers Mahometan Authors; which is a very good Reason to make us suspect those Books to be Supposititious, partly from the Maho∣metan Superstitions, and partly from Cheats, which have often affix'd the Names of the first Patriarchs, the better to sell their Books to the Credulous.

They gave to each Day of the Week the Name of one of the seven Planets, to which they render'd certain Worship every Day and every Month. Their Monthly Devo∣tions are described at length in the Manu∣script of Hottinger, whereof our Author gives a very circumstantial Extract. They are only Fasts, Sacrifices, and Anniversary Solemnities in Honour of the Planets, and particularly in Honour of Belta, to whom the sixth Day of the Week was Consecra∣ted, so that this Name mark'd the Planet Venus, and of Sammael, a Name that the Iews to this day give to the evil Angel, whom they call, The Angel of Death. They call'd their Months after the same Names as the Chaldeans did, whose Language they much speak, or one very near it, because they were Neighbours. This also hath been the reason that the Ancients gave the Name of Arabia to one part of Mesopotamia; and that the Eastern People comprehended the Nabatheans and Sabeans, under the general Name of Chaldeans, as our Author observes in his Preamble to the 18th Part.

In the last Chapter he relates divers Cust∣oms of the Sabeans, contrary to many of

the Injunctions of the Law of Moses, as Maimonides observes. But those that wou'd be instructed in the Original of the Opi∣nions of the Sabeans, may read the second Book of that Work of the Learned Spencer, Entituled, De legibus Hebraeorum Ritualibus. Since what has been said of the Divinity of the Chaldeans is only founded upon those Oracles that yet remain among us, it is necessary to relate here the Reasons that persuaded Mr. Stanley they are not Suppo∣sititious. 1. These Fragments are not drawn from one Book only, which might have been composed by any Ancient Heretick; but from divers Platonick Authors, who had them in great Veneration; whereas they shew the falsness of some Books writ by the Gnosticks under the Name of Zoroaster. This Porphyry hath acknowledg'd in the Life of Plotinus, where he makes a great diffe∣rence between these Oracles and those that were Supposititious.

2. They are all full of Crack'd and East∣ern Expressions, altho' it is true there are many also that are purely Greek, which ought to be attributed to those that Transla∣ted it from the Chaldeans.

3. Picus de la Mirandula in a Letter to Marcilius Fieinus says, he had these Oracles in the Chaldean Tongue much com∣pleater, and larger than those they had in the Greek, with some Explications of the Do∣ctrin of the Chaldeans in the same Tongue. This Manuscript was found in his Closet af∣ter his Death, but so spoil'd and difficult to be read, that nothing cou'd be decifer'd of them.

4. 'Tis probable that these Oracles were Extracts of the Books of Berosus, who car∣ry'd the Chaldean Philosophy and Astrono∣my into Greece, or at least of Iulian the Son who had publish'd several of the Oracles and Secrets of the Theurgy in Verse, for Proclus cites some of 'em under his Name.

5. It may be the Name of Oracles was not given to these Verses only to mark their Excellency, but because they thought t'was the proper Terms of an Oracle. Ste∣phanus affirms that the Chaldeans had one of them, for which they had not less Venera∣tion, than the Greeks had for the Oracle of Delphos.

This Opinion may be confirm'd by the esteem some Platonicks exprest of this Verse, as Proclus, who calls them in his Commen∣tary upon Timeus: The Assyrian Divinity re∣veal'd from God, a Divinity receiv'd from God. In other places he also attributes them directly to the Divinity.

Some of these Oracles that had escap'd the Barbarity of pass'd Ages, were pub∣lish'd by Louis du Fillet at Paris, in 1563. under the Title of the Oracles of the Magi, descended from Zoroaster, with the Com∣mentary of Gemisthus Plethon. And after∣wards Translated by Iames Marthamus, and publish'd by Opsopaeus at Paris, in 1607. with the Commentary of Psellus. Francis Patricius had also published them with many Additions drawn from Proclus, Hermias, Simplicius, Damascius, Synesius, Olimpiodo∣rus, Nicephorus, and from Arnobius, so that he augmented them unto the number of 324. He reduced them likewise under cer∣tain Heads, and put them into Latin in 1593. Otton Heurnius Translated and Pub∣lished them also in his Book, Entituled, Philosophia Barbarica, in 1619. but under a pretext of putting them into better Latin, and making a following Discourse upon them, he corrupted the Sense of 'em. He was laughed at for adding Fragments drawn from different Authors, which had no Re∣lation to each other. Thus Heurnius spoil'd what Patricius had well done, altho' this last did not take sufficient care to publish them correctly, but wholly neglected the Measure of the Verse; even without ob∣serving, except in the beginning, the Au∣thors from whence he had taken them, so that it was not easie to re-establish them. Mr. Stanley has mentioned some which are Translated into English, and also adds his Conjectures upon such Places as are cor∣rupted.

Some of these Oracles appear'd so ob∣scure and intricate, that they seem'd absurd: But we ought to consider that Psellus and Plethon have explain'd many, which with∣out that wou'd not have appear'd more reasonable, and those that find them good, may very rationally presume that those they understand not, have not less reason to be supposed so. This made some believe they might publish them among the rest, with∣out diminishing the high Esteem which was formerly had of the Wisdom of the Chal∣deans: And 'tis this also engaged the Au∣thor to Translate the Commentaries of Psellus and Plethon into English.

These Oracles are placed under eleven Titles, the five first whereof regard the Supream and Subaltern God; and the rest the World, Man, and the Sacrifices. To make the Reader sensible of the Eastern Stile of these Fragments, I shall relate some here as exactly as I can. For Example, what they say of the Spirit (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) that is, the second Being: Light is born of the Father. 'Tis it only that has drawn the chief of the Spirit, in great abunance to the Pater∣nal Power. The Paternal Spirit having con∣ceiv'd its Works, disperses through the whole an ardent Love, to the end that all Things lo∣ving one another, they might subsist for a time without any Restriction. The Consequences of the Fathers Thoughts were not discovered to the Eyes of all things, because the Elements of the World subsist, being preserved by Love. It might by thinking, give Intelligence of its Father to each Source and Principle. It is the limits of the Pro••oundness of its Father, and the Source of intellectual Things. It goes not out from, but continues in the Paternal Depth, and in his Sanctuary, by a silence wholly Divine, &c.

Another Being is also spoken of in these Terms: Vnder two Spirits is the quickning source of Souls, and the Artist who himself made the World, being all Fire, cloath'd with

Fire, preserving the most refin'd part of his Fire, to qualifie the Sources of Vnion.

It's easily discern'd by this, That the Stile of these Oracles bears no resemblance to that of the Greek Poets, nor to that of the Oracles of Delphos. There's a kind of Light and Obscurity very particular. Be∣sides, it's easily seen that there's neither the Sentiments of the Platonicks, nor those of the Iews, but I know not what something very singular, which has entirely the Air of the Original, as will be more easily granted by those that read the Interpreta∣tions of Plethon and Psellus.

A Disquisition about the Final Causes of Natural Things; wherein is exa∣min'd if there be any, and with what Precaution a Naturalist ought to ad∣mit thereof: By Mr. Boyle, Fellow of the Royal Society. With an Ap∣pendix, wherein are some uncommon Remarks touching sore Eyes: By the same Author. London, 1688. in Octavo, p. 274.

MR. Boyle composed this Work several years since, at the Entreaty of Mr. Oldenburgh, Secretary to the Royal So∣ciety. It remained among the Author's Pa∣pers until 88. when he Publish'd it, with∣out adding to it any new Remarks, which he might have drawn from the Discoveries that have been made in Anatomy since it was composed, because he believed that what he had said, was sufficient to decide the Questions which are proposed. It is un∣doubtedly of a great Consequence to know if the Final Causes of Natural Things can be found; that is to say, to know why Bo∣dies are formed after a certain manner, and upon what design they are dispos'd in cer∣tain Places? If in this there was a design, and we should neglect to inform our selves thereof, we run the risk of not rendring unto the Author the Honour due for that Reason; and of not drawing from those Beings the Uses which we should, both in regard to Philosophy and Religion. If there was no design in all this, it is very profitable to know it, that we may not lose our time in vainly seeking for the same. Epicurus denyed there were any in the Thought he had, That all Things were formed by chance; and Descartes hath main∣tained, That it was impossible to know any of the ends of God, unless he had himself revealed them to us. Mr. Boyle undertakes not here directly to refute Epicurus, he ap∣plieth himself solely to Descartes; whose Opinion cannot nevertheless be refuted, without destroying at the same time that of Epicurus. To proceed more Methodically, he hath divided his Work into four Secti∣ons, in each of which he examins a parti∣cular Question; after which he concludes, That the Disquisition of Final Causes ought not altogether to be banish'd from Physick, tho' in this there must be certain Precauti∣ons used which he observes.

I. The first question is, if (generally speaking) Physitians can know the end and design of corporal Beings? If Descartes affirm∣ed simply that we cannot know all the ends, which God proposed to himself in the Creation of the World, or that we ought not to imagin that they all relate to Man, Mr. Boyle would not undertake to re∣fute him: But as Descartes speaks in Gene∣ral Terms, its maintained that his Opini∣on is false, taking him without exceptions. The Reason of it is, that suppose God is an intelligent Being, and that some of the things he hath made be perfectly proper to produce a certain considerable effect, and that they produce it necessarily, we ought to judge that God, who hath foreseen this effect, hath produced his Work, at least partly, for that Reason. So when the ad∣mirable disposition of the Eye is considered, and the effect it produceth, to wit Vision, there is nothing more reasonable than to say that the Eye was made for to see, tho it may be it was made for some other end, which we know not. So also the Sun, which is, according to Descartes, disposed in a proper place to illuminate all the Planets that turn in its Vortex, and which unavoidably produceth this effect, has been undoubtedly created partly to give us Light and Heat. It cannot be said here that all the ends of God are hidden in his Wisdom, because that would be to allow that we have no Testimony of his Works which should teach us that God is Wise. Yet this is no impediment to Physitians seeking out the mechanical reasons of these effects, as no∣thing hinders but that we may say a Clock hath been made to shew the Hours, and to expound at the same time mechanically, how its Wheels and its Springs produce this effect. Thus Descartes himself after having said that the Immutability of God requires there should be always a like quan∣tity of Motion in matter, sheweth how that may suffice to render a Reason of na∣tural effects.

Altho Mr. Boyle is not of that Number who believe that Descartes had a design to favour Atheism, since he finds his proof of the Existence of God, to be conclusive, he maintains, that to say none of the ends which he proposed to himself can be known, is to deny that we can see his Wisdom and Goodness in the Creatures, and consequently to take from Mankind the proof of the Existence of God, which is drawn from the order of the Universe. It is moreover to take from Men one of the greatest Reasons which they have of blessing and admiring the supream Being. For in fine, according to Descartes, God perhaps proposed to himself in the Creation none of these admirable effects, which are observed in the Universe; and if we enjoy any good therein, it doth not teach us that he design'd to do us any.

So that we cannot from thence conclude, that God is either wise, or a benefactor to us, and we have no Reason from thence to admire and praise him.

II. (*) 1.165 The second Questi∣on is in these Terms, Suppose we should affirmatively answer to the first, whether the ends of God can be consi∣dered in all sorts of Bodies, or only in some? To resolve this Query, we must divide Bodies, into inanimate and animate, The most considerable inanimate Bodies are the Sun and Stars. When we consider their Motions so regulate, and so necessary to the Earth: And on the other hand we sup∣pose with Descartes, that they were pro∣duced by an intelligent Being, why should we not believe that we may place the use we draw from them amongst the Causes for which this Being created them?

But there is much wanting in inanimate Bo∣dies, to render them as perfect as animate Bo∣dies. The Disposition of our Muscle, is much more admirable than that of the Celestial Orbs; and the Eye of a Fly, includes a thousand times more Art than the Body of the Sun. Tho there is no absurdity to think that Stones, Metals and other Bodies of this Nature are made for the use of Man; their inward Disposition is so simple, that it might be believed they were formed by the Simple Rules of Motion, even as we see that the Cristallizations, and Sublimati∣ons of Chymistries produce effects sufficiently wonderful. But there is no comparison be∣twixt these sorts of things, and Animals, as Mr. Boyle proves at large; (*) 1.166 for not to enter into an examination of the entire Bodies of Animals, he chiefly applies him∣self to the structure of the Eye, by which its clearly seen that it was made for to see. And this not only in regard to the Eye of Man that it may be proved; but we may be∣sides observe particular Dispositions in those of other Animals, which render this truth very plain. Frogs, for example, be∣sides what their Eyes have common with ours, have also a Membrane or Gristle, wherewith they cover them, without it's hindering their sight; for tho this Membrane is very strong, it is transparent, and may pass for a kind of Horny Movable. These Animals living not only in Water, but also upon the Water side, where there are often Shrubs and Bull-Rushes, and moving them∣selves by Leaps; if they had not these Fenses to their Eyes they would be in danger of putting them out at all times. It may be ob∣serv'd by holding a Frog so that it cannot turn his Head, if one strives to put out it's Eyes, 'twill soon be perceiv'd that at the very instant it will cover them with this Membrane, and that as soon as the danger is over the Frog will draw it back without trouble. The same thing is found in seve∣ral small Birds who Fly and hop in thick Trees and Bushes whose Thorns might easi∣ly put out their Eyes without an Horny substance wherewith they cover them.

We know that Men, and the most part of four Footed Beasts and Birds, have divers Muscles, by means of which they turn their Eyes where they please, accord∣ing to the occasion they have for 'em. Flies on the contrary have none, but in recom∣pense have on their Eyes, which are convex enough, a great number of little Eminences capable of receiving the Rays which come from all Parts. These Inequalities are par∣ticularly observed in the Eyes of Flies, (which fly upon Flesh) by making use of a good Microscope. Altho' Bees and other great Flies have immoveable Eyes, yet the same thing is not seen in them.

To these Remarks may be opposed, That the Eyes of Men being the most perfect, the Eyes of all Animals should resemble it. Mr. Boyle answers to that first, That since divers Organs of Animals are perfectly well disposed for the Uses for which they are destined, we ought to believe at least that it may be the same with Organs, whose Stru∣cture and Use are not well known to us. Secondly, we ought not to consider the Eye after an abstract manner, and simply as the Instrument of Vision, but as the Organ of a certain Animal to whom it ought to serve in certain Circumstances. And this, far from doing any wrong to the Creator of the Universe, renders him on the contrary much Honour, if we consider that in the infi∣nite variety of Animals which he hath pro∣duced, he hath given them such Eyes as were needful, to preserve themselves in such places of the Earth as they live in, and to nourish themselves after the manner that's most natural to 'em. Thus tho divers Beasts, as Horses, Oxen, and some others, have a seventh Muscle to turn their Eyes, besides the six which they have common with Men; we must not conclude that their Eyes are more perfect than those of Man, or that they have any superfluous part: For these Animals having their Head stooping, to seek out the Forage they eat, could not have their Eyes turn'd downwards so long to the ground without great Weariness, if they had not this seventh Muscle which serves them for that purpose. But Men having no need thereof, such another Mus∣cle would but trouble them. On the con∣trary it ought not to be thought that Ani∣mals, whose Eyes have not all that is ob∣serv'd in that of Men, are destitute of any part that may be necessary for them. Moles, for Example, have Eyes so little that it is commonly believ'd they have none, although those who have made a Dissertati∣on of them, have found they had Eyes. But being obliged to remain in the Ground, they needed not great Eyes, which would be in danger of receiving Injury.

It is known that the Camelion, among several remarkable Things which it hath in its Eyes, can move them independently the one from the other; so that he can look with the one on what is before him, and with the other on what is behind, to see with one what is above, and with the other

what is below, &c. Therefore he is a sloathful Animal, which lives upon Trees or Shrubs, where Flies are nourished, which he can see coming what side soever they are. Fishes have a Crystalline Humour almost Spherical, because the Water in which they live, causing in the Sun-beams a Refraction much greater than the Air, they would see nothing in the Water, if the Convexity of the Crystalline Humour caused not a Re∣fraction in the Light great enough, to re∣unite these Beams in the bottom of the Eye.

Mr. Boyle is persuaded, that those who might have Time and Means to examine af∣ter the same manner the Eyes of a greater number of Animals, would without diffi∣culty observe that they have them so dispo∣sed, as that the Places wherein they keep, and their manner of Living require it. Be∣sides this, he makes a Remark upon the form of the Eye-ball of some Animals, which serves to confirm his Thought; which is, That altho' Horses, Oxen, and divers other Creatures, have a long Ball as well as Cats, yet in the first it is placed transversely, and extends from the right to the left: Whereas in Cats, it is situate perpendicularly. A Friend of Mr. Boyles, well skil'd in Opticks, conjectured upon this Observation, that the reason of this is, That Horses and Oxen seeking their Food upon the Ground, can thus receive more easily the Images of the Forage, which pre∣sents it self to them from divers Parts in their transversal Ball: As Cats living upon Mice and Rats, which run along the Walls, can more easily observe them by the per∣pendicular situation of their Balls, than if it was otherwise disposed.

Thus this variety of Dispositions, in the Eyes of Animals, is far from giving us any disadvantageous Idea of him that hath pro∣duced them, we cannot but admire his Power and Wisdom: For it cannot be doubted but that a Mechanist who makes a great number of Machines, is of a greater Capacity, than another who could make but one sort. There is even much likeli∣hood, according to Mr. Boyle, considering Things but as a simple Philosopher, that the Author of the Universe hath produced so great a variety of Animals, but to let in∣telligent Creatures see his Power and his Wisdom. Therefore doth Revelation teach us, that this was one of the Designs of God in the Creation of the World, as Mr. Boyle shews, from p. 78. unto the end of the Section.

But before that, he makes some Remarks upon that which is called Chance, which de∣serves our Observation. As to the corporeal World, it's easily believed that nothing falls out in it by Chance, but all by the Rules of Motion, when any free Intelli∣gence comes in for a share. But because we consider certain parts of the World, as be∣ing particularly govern'd by the Divinity, or at least by what others call Nature, and as being destined to certain ends; if it hap∣pens that by the Intervention of some other Causes, which we foresee not, the things in Question produce a contrary Effect to that which we believe they were destin'd, we are accustom'd to say, That this Effect is produced by Chance. Thus Chance is nothing else but an Idea of our making, and which only subsisteth in our Brains. There is therefore no Reason to wonder why the Philosophers, which lived before Aristotle, have not put Chance among Na∣tural Causes, as we learn of Aristotle him∣self, who justly reprehends them because of this pretended Omission.

Those who favour Epicurus, are used to bring for Examples Things that are formed by Chance, of certain Stones whose Stru∣cture is admirable, as the Astroites. But besides what we have said of Chance, its answered, that Learned Men have of late maintain'd, with likelihood enough, That curious Stones of this Nature are really Ani∣mals, petrify'd by some Moisture in which they have lain. But by supposing that these sorts of Stones are formed in the Ground, it might be said, without advancing any Absurdity, That there are Seminal Princi∣ples in some of the Fossils, whose dispositi∣on is most composed, not to mention that there is no Comparison betwixt this Dispo∣sition and that of Animals. We ought in it not only to consider the solid parts, but also the Liquors, the Spirits, the Digesti∣ons, the Secretions, the Regulations and Motions of the whole Body; and tho' it were allowed that the Stones, which we speak of, are formed by Chance, it could not be infer'd that Animals are thus formed, for if a Smith shall give a certain Shape to a piece of Iron without thinking of it, yet it cannot be concluded that this Smith can, without thinking, make a Clock.

III. The third Question is, If it may be said that a Being destitute of Intelligence acteth for some end, and in what Sense it may be said? It's said that a Being tends to certain ends, in two Senses. The one is when the Agent knoweth a certain end, and that he acts purposely, to arrive at it. The other, when the action of the near cause is directed to this end, yet by an Intelligent Cause more distant. It's evident that we cannot say, in the first of these Senses, that any Cause destitute of Intelligence acteth in order to some end; therefore it must be the second: To which the Sentiment of Mr. Boyle has Relation; which is, That God having pro∣posed to himself certain ends hath produced a World proper for the producing such ends. For Example, an able Mechanist who proposeth to himself to make a Mill to turn round, and to raise Hammers to forge Iron, by the means of Water, he forms thereof an Idea which he afterwards executes, and whose Execution produces the Effect he had proposed to himself: Even so God having proposed to himself certain ends, hath created the World, so that he inevita∣bly comes at it that way.

Mr. Boyle admonishes here (a) 1.167 That if he hath said any Thing by the bye against the common Opinion, That all the Material World was made for Man; he thinks only that this Question ought not to be decided after a too Dogmatick or Exclusive Manner. Altho' the Reasons which are brought to shew that all the World, and particularly the vast Extent in which the fixed Stars are placed, was not made for Man alone, yet it appear∣ed to him more probable than those which favour the contrary Opinion; notwith∣standing he willingly granteth that among the ends which the Author of Nature pro∣posed to himself in divers of his Works, as Plants, Animals, Metals, &c. he had a De∣sign to produce them for the use of Man, and that this perhaps was his principal De∣sign. He hath even an inclination to be∣lieve, that there being a great many Things made for our use, and which notwithstand∣ing we do not know; and that the Things whereof we actually make use, may have other uses which are besides unknown to us.

Libertines have long since objected, That if other Animals had been made for Man, they would not come into the World in a better State than he: Whereas there are several produced in a condition of defend∣ing themselves from the Injury of the Air, and of seeking their livelihood without the help of another. To these slight Advanta∣ges is opposed that of Reason, which hath enabled Men to form Societies, and to be∣come Masters of all other Animals by their Policy. This Reason evinces, That Man is more excellent than the whole Globe of the World, or an Extent of much greater Mat∣ter without Intelligence. So that do but look upon the outside of Things with regard only to the littleness of the Body of Man, deny that the Earth and some of the Coe∣lestial Bodies were made for him, because they are infinitely greater, and because an Intelligence, such as the Soul of Man, is much more excellent than all these Bodies.

Mr. Boyle moreover draweth from this Consideration an important Consequence, which is, That tho' Man receives no use from some distant parts of his Body, he can nevertheless receive a very great one in regard of the Intelligence which animates it; which raiseth it self by the considerati∣on of the more distant Objects to the know∣ledg of their Author, and acknowledgeth in a thousand ways his Power and his Wisdom, and also renders him the Homage that is due unto him. Why should we not believe that among the ends of God, in producing these vast Bodies, which their excessive di∣stance hath not robbed from our Sight, he hath proposed to make himself known to the innumerable Intelligences, which he hath covered with Human Bodies? This is the most probable Inference that Men have ever made thereof, as Mr. Boyle sheweth.

But if we will yet consider Man, as co∣vered with a Body, we must take heed of committing a gross Fault, whereinto we fall by Imagining, That nothing can go un∣der the notion of having been made for Man, but that which all Men have always made use of; we ought to look upon Man, from his Origin upon this Earth, until his Dissolution, he changes Habitation, as does a Family, which in divers times makes use of divers things, altho' none of his Members do immediately participate of these Uses. Thus an Infinity of Things, whence much Profit is drawn of late, have notwithstand∣ing been made for Man, tho' he made no use of them some Ages before us. We may see particularly Examples thereof in the Original.

IV. (a) 1.168 The fourth Question is to know, With what Precaution Physicians ought to make use of the Supposition of Final Causes? Thence two sorts of Consequences may be drawn; the one relates to the Author of Nature, as when from the constant use of a thing, it is concluded that it was made for that. So after having acknowledg'd the use of Eyes, we ascend to the Creator, by saying that in creating the Eyes, he had a Design to make a Machine, as proper to produce that which we call Vision. The other Consequences conclude from the Supposition of certain ends, That Bodies ought to be disposed af∣ter a certain manner, because otherwise they would not be proper to produce the Effect for which they are created.

Mr. Boyle reduces what he has to say upon this Question, to five Propositions, upon which he makes divers Remarks which are briefly there; as also some of the most con∣siderable Reflections which are made upon them.

1. (a) 1.169 As for Coelestial Bodies in general, it is Folly to conclude any thing about their Nature, from the Sup∣position that God hath produced them for the use of Man.

Those who say, That the Earth being the Place which Man Inhabits, and the Sun having been created to light this Earth; it follows from thence, That the Sun turns round the Earth, and not the Earth about the Sun, against the Rules we have related. They suppose that the only end which God proposed to himself, in creating the Sun, is to light the Earth; and tho' that was so, their Consequence may be denyed. As to what regards the fixt Stars, whereof some are so distant that there is no use of the Te∣lescope to discern them, it is yet more rash to suppose that they were only produced for our Earth; tho' we do not deny but that we may draw from them both Moral and and Physical Uses.

It would be also a meer Presumption, to conclude from thence that they are disposed after such a certain manner, because that would seem more commodious for the use of the pretended King of the Universe. It is much more reasonable to think, that God might have proposed Ends which we see

not in the Symmetry of the World. Can it be said that the Angels, which are more excellent Beings than we are, take no share therein, and that God in creating it had no regard to them? On the contrary it's well known, that several Divines have conjectu∣red, with Mr. Boyle, That the Angels were created before the Material World, that they might render God the Praises due to him, for the Creation of the Universe. It may be these Intelligences perceive at first sight in this part of the Heaven, what we discover only with difficulty by the Tele∣scope, and in other Bodies which we know not, a profound Wisdom, and as admirable Ends, as those which we observe in Bodies which are nearest and most known to us.

To descend from Heaven upon Earth; tho' it is very rationally believed that God made, for the use of Man, Metals and Mi∣nerals being such Things as he can procure; there would be no Reason to believe, that that which is round the Center of the Earth, more than fifteen hundred Leagues below our Feet, is made for us, and even only for that end. There could never yet a thousand Steps be dugg into a strait Line, nor is there any appearance that the Indu∣stry of Men shou'd ever find the means to peirce the Earth Diametrically for a Mile; and without that they can neither see, nor apply to their use what it hides in its Cen∣tre. We may notwithstanding judge, by the knowledg we have of some other parts of the World, that what the Earth includ∣eth in its Bulk, may contribute something to the Order and Symmetry of its Vortex wherein it is placed. It might also be said, that there are divers Things in the World, which were produced, not for themselves, or upon a Design of immediately receiving some Benefit; but because they were neces∣sary Subjects of what God had directly de∣signed to create. So God it may be is the remote cause of Eclypses, but yet they are a necessary Series of the Motion of the Pla∣nets, and he did not think but that this Motion should be changed, to avoid Eclyp∣ses.

2. (*) 1.170 It is permitted to a Physitian to gather from the use of some parts of the Body of Animals, some of the par∣ticular ends to which they were de∣stined. We may even, in some occasions, upon the Knowledg which we have of Nature, and of the Disposition of certain Parts, establish pro∣bable Conjectures about the use of these Parts.

Mr. Boyle speaks here only of such ends which regard the good and preservation of Animals in particular. Those who have any Knowledg in Anatomy cannot doubt of it if they consider the whole Machine of Hu∣man Bodies and the regular Functions, which an infinite number of Parts perform therein, without the one hindring the other, tho' their Offices are very different. It evi∣dently appears that several Parts are desti∣ned to certain Effects, and that they are justly disposed, as they ought to be to that intent, because if there happens any change, this Effect either ceases entirely, or is not produced without much difficulty.

The Epicureans object, That Men make use of their Members in many things, not that they had them given 'em for that Design, but because we have found out by Experience that they were proper for them.

Nil Ideo quoniam Natum est in Corpore, ut uti Possemus, sed quod Natum est id procreat usum. Lucret. lib. 4.

But chiefly there are several Parts of our Body, which perform their Functions, without our being sensible of it, and with∣out our knowing how▪ Such are our in∣ward Parts, the Heart, the Liver, the Spleen, &c. and as to the Members which we move as we please, altho' we cannot imploy them before they are formed, it fol∣loweth not in any respect from thence that a blind Power hath presided over their For∣mation, without knowing what they should be good for. That is only a Supposition as little reasonable, as that of a Man wou'd be, who should maintain, that a Book was not made to be read, but that we read it, be∣cause Chance has formed it and writ it, after such a manner as we have Power to read it.

Suppose we knew well the Structure of one part, we might often affirm or deny certain Uses which are attributed to it. Those who writ formerly of Anatomy and Opticks, believed, as well as the Philosophers of the Schools, That Vision is made in the Cristal∣line Humour; but the Jesuit Scheiner hath shewn, the first Thing in his Treatise of the Eyes, That this part of the Eye, not being proper for that purpose, another should be sought for, which might be only the Coat or Membrane of the Eye. My. Boyle affirms, that having demanded of the famous Harvey, a little before his Death, what it was that might have given him occasion to find the Circulation of the Blood? He answered him, That it was the Disposition of the Valvulae or Folds, which permit the Veins to bring back the Blood to the Heart, but suffer it not to go to the Extremities of the Body, only by the Ar∣teries.

3. (*) 1.171 There are Things so proper and so well disposed for certain Vses, either in the Vniverse, considered in its utmost Extent, or in the Bodies of Ani∣mals, so that we may justly conclude, that Bo∣dies were made by an Intelligent Being, which hath thus designedly disposed them.

Mr. Boyle demonstrates this Thesis by a great number of Examples drawn from di∣vers Animals of Europe, America and Asia; where he examins only the exterior Acti∣ons, without engaging himself into any re∣fined Disquisition, because what we see is sufficient to convince a rational Man, that an Intelligent Being formed the World.

We shall not stop at it, because every Per∣son can present to himself an infinite num∣ber of convincing Examples, and like unto those which our Author relates. There is no Body this day in Europe, who hath any Learning, that believes pure Chance was able to produce Animals; but there are Men who believe that they are formed by the known Rules of Motion, or at least by Rules which we know not. Yet they must grant, that an Intelligent Being established these Rules, as Descartes does, or say that they are from all Eternity, in Matter as well as in Motion; whence it would follow that there have been Animals on Earth from all Eternity, which is contrary to History and good Sense; moreover the supposing that Matter moveth of it self, is to suppose as incomprehensible a thing as the greatest Absurdities of the most ridiculous Religion. So that the Proofs of Mr. Boyle may serve to destroy this Sentiment, tho' it does not directly aim at it.

4. (*) 1.172 We ought not precipitately to conclude, nor assert too affirmatively that a Thing is, or ought to be the parti∣cular end, for which any Body hath been formed, or the Motive which induced the Author of Nature to produce it.

It is true, there are some Ends that were designed in the Creation of Bodies, which are so clear and remarkable, that it cannot be doubted but these Bodies were effe∣ctively formed for these Uses, as the Eye to see; but there are several Effects either ne∣cessary or profitable for the conservation of Animals, to which Effects one part is not sensibly more proper than the other. It is very difficult likewise to observe the chief and the most considerable Use of each Part, as appears by these Reasons. 1. The whole Animal, whose Members are examined, is itself but a part of the Universe, and conse∣quently it cannot be affirmed that his Mem∣bers have no Relation but to himself only, and not with the whole Creation, whereof it makes a Part. 2. There is Danger in affirm∣ing, That a Member was not designed to such an Use, because it seems as if it could better perform this Function, if it was other∣wise disposed, without considering whether this Structure, which is judged the best for this particular Effect, would not be more disadvantagious to the Animal, in some other regard; or if it would not be con∣trary to some other End that the Author of Nature might have proposed to himself, in the Production of this Animal: 3. It is hard to determine what the principal Use of a Member is, because it may be equally destined to several. 4. Nature can accom∣plish the same End, by divers ways, equally sufficient for that Intent, though they are not all equally commodious. Mr. Boyle be∣lieves, That these two Considerations ought to be joyned together, because they are often found to be united. We imagine sometimes, without Reason, That Nature employeth but a Part in some one Function, whereas the Effect which she proposeth to herself is oft produced by a Series of Ope∣rations, which succeed one another, and to which different Members do diversly con∣contribute. Besides, that an Animal cannot subsist only by the means either of the Solid or Liquid Parts, which are seen in it when it is opened. It is a Machine that may be cal∣led Hydraulico-pneumatick, whose Functions (and perhaps the principal ones) are not simply performed by means of the Blood, or other sensible Liquors, because they are Liquors; but partly by their Motion, part∣ly by an Invisible Fluid, which is called the Spirits, and partly, perhaps by little Par∣ticles, which are suddenly loosened from the rest, or by a Portion of Air enclosed in our Body, or by some kinds of Ferments; all which things cease to act with Life, and cannot be discovered by the means of Ana∣tomy.

5. A Physician ought not to apply himself so much to the Disquisition of the Ends of the Au∣thor of Nature, as to neglect examining the manner whereby Natural Effects do happen, and the Causes which produce them more immediately.

In effect the one is not incompatible with the other; as nothing hinders us from know∣ing by what Springs and Wheels a Watch playeth, when we have learned for what Design it was made. A Physician, who would not be unworthy of this Name, ought to add the first of these Knowledges to the second.

The Book whereof we have given an Ex∣tract, though full of Matter (being little enough) Mr. Boyle hath added * 1.173 fourteen Curious Observations, about divers Infirmities of the Eyes. It hath been already observed, That he insisted much upon this part of the Ani∣mals, to prove that their Bodies were form'd designedly; so that these Remarks may serve only to confirm what he hath said: There is but one Power, and one Wisdom so great as is that of God, which could have includ∣ed so many things in so little an Organ: And we have an occasion still to admire his Providence, in that this Organ being com∣posed of so many Parts, and so easie to be spoiled: It nevertheless is found to remain in the greatest part of Mankind in the same state from their Birth to their Death. The Observations which Mr. Boyle gives us here, are so much the more remarkable, because he hath seen most of those Persons, whose Unhappiness he relates: This is the last, which was translated Word for Word.

Men, it may be, may be persuaded, That those who perceive Objects in a Light much less than it ought to be, for others to discern it, may rather be ac∣counted to have an excellent Sight, than to have infirm Eyes. But although this Delicacy of the Organs of the Sight, may be looked upon as a Perfection in Bats and Owls, which cannot take hold of their Prey but in the Twilight; yet in regard to Man, who ought principally to act in full Day, or in a Light almost equivalent; we

may be sensible of the Bounty of the Au∣thor of Nature, in that he hath given him Eyes so qualified as they commonly are; if he had the Coat or Membrane too ten∣der, it would be an Imperfection, or at least a great Inconveniency, as appears by the following Observation.

In the Army of Charles the First, King of England, there was an Ingenious Gentleman, who was Major of a Regi∣ment, and being forced by the Victory of the Usurper to go seek his Fortune out of the Kingdom, hazarded himself, at Madrid, to render his Prince a Service of very great Consequence, after such a manner as was judged in Spain to be alto∣gether void of Prudence; he was seized and put into a Dungeon, where there were no Windows, but only a Hole in the Wall, by which they gave the Prisoner his Victu∣als, after which they shut it, although perhaps not very exactly. This Gentle∣man remained some Weeks without see∣ing any thing whatever, and in a very deep Melancholy: But after that it seemed to him as if he saw a weak Light, which afterwards augmented from Day to Day, so that he could discover his Bed, or any thing of a like Bigness. At last he came to discern Objects so little, that he saw Rats, which came to eat the Crumbs of his Bread that fell on the Ground, and distinctly observed their Motions. He related several other effects of his Sight in this obscure Place: Which shews that this proceeded chiefly from his Organs, which became tender, staying so long a Time in such a dark Place, as it was. But his Affairs being changed, and having recovered his Liberty, he durst not imme∣diately expose himself to a full Sight, fearing left a too sudden Brightness should make him lose his Sight, but thought he should accustome his Eyes thereto by little and little. I add here, continueth Mr. Boyle, this strange History with much the less Difficulty, because I have it from the very Mouth of this Gentleman. He told me besides, other Particulars, which I dare not to mention here, because I have not those Memorandums I took of'm to re∣fresh my Memory.

An Extract of a Letter, written from London, about the Description of a Ship, built after a new Form, by Sir William Petti.

AS all Men expected the Success of Sir William Petti's Enterprize, of Building a Ship after a new Make; so there ran a multitude of People to the Thames-Side, to see this Ship Launched, being empty when it was tryed: It drew Water but seven Foot and an half. They were going to name it Gemini, because it was composed of two small Ships, but at last it was called the Experiment, because of the uncertainty of the Event it would pro∣duce.

To apprehend its Structure we must imagine two little Ships joyned together by a Plat-form, so that between the two there may be a Space almost as large as the two Ships together, through which the Water has an entire Liberty to pass. The Keel of each Vessel is eighty Foot long: The bigness with the Platform is only thir∣ty two Foot: The height from the Keel unto the Platform is fourteen Foot.

If this Ship is used in War, it will carry fifty Pieces of Cannon, two hundred Men, and three Months Provision. If it be used as a Merchant Ship, it will carry three hun∣dred Tuns.

The Advantages which are expected from this Ship, are First, That it will be swifter than those hitherto used. 1. Be∣cause it will carry twice or thrice as many Sails as others do. 2. Having no Ballast, it will be lighter, and consequently swifter.

Secondly, They pretend that this Ship will be surer than others. 1. Because the Figure of its Sides, with the Water which runs between the two Ships, will keep it from running aground. 2. And having no Ballast, it cannot sink, what Breaches soever it may meet with, especi∣ally if it be assisted by some Pieces of Can∣non. 3. Its Keel being supported by a great many streight Planks, will defend it, if it should touch the Ground with all its Weight. 4. Because it will not carry its Noses under the Water, and that its Mast will be sooner Break in the Tempest.

Thirdly, They say, this Ship is still more commodious than others. 1. In that the Water passing with its full Force to the Rudder, along its direct Sides, it will make the Ship turn more speedily than others do, whose Rudder receives only the broken Water by the Sides of those Ships, which are rounder. 2. This Ship not being so round as others, will toss less in a Tem∣pest; and as it will not Rise or Fall but very little, so they may make use even in a Tempest of its Cannons, which are plac'd very low, which cannot be done in other Ships. 3. When it is calm the Ship will go with Oars betwixt these two little ones, beneath the Platform: Besides the Oars, which may be used without-Side, as it hap∣peneth every Day to others. 4. Because this Ship will be equally proper to serve in War or Merchandise: And as it will be lighter than others, it is very useful to carry News to any Place, that they have occasion to convey it to; Relieve a Besieged Place, or go to spy out the Enemy, and even in Bat∣tle it will have many Advantages as easily may be imagined.

That which is the most feared in this Vessel, is breaking asunder: For, in fine, a considerable Space being betwixt the two Vessels (whereof the Ship is composed) it is feared the Waves which meet there

with great Force, will separate them. But as this Objection was made as soon as the Structure of this Ship was proposed; he that undertook it, hath, as he says, taken such Care to provide against this Accident, that he thinks it is the least thing to be feared. And certainly if there is no secret Cause that retards its Course, or renders its Navigation more perilous, there is no apparent Reason which hinders the succeed∣ing of the Enterprise. In this Case a great many things must be changed in Naval Ar∣chitecture, which hath been hitherto ob∣served: And Wits will have Subject enough to exercise themselves in the Disquisition of the Causes of the Motion, which will meet in the Agitation of this Ship.

An Extract of two Letters, one written from London, and the other from the Hague, concerning the Vse of Pendu∣lums, to find out the Longitude upon the Sea.

BEfore I give the Extract of these two Letters, we must say two or three Words of the Longitude, in favour of those who are not well acquainted with these kinds of Subjects.

One of the greatest Philosophers of these latter Ages has observed, That of all Arts, Navigation is the most Perfect, and that which can receive the least Addition: Yet, nevertheless, there are many Defects ob∣served in it. The chief is, That Pilots having lost sight of the Land, and knowing not where they are, run the hazard of loos∣ing themselves; for if the Compass and the height observed teach at what Distance they are from the North and South, and that so the Latitude is easily distinguished, yet no means could hitherto be invented, by which the Longitude could be precisely known; viz. what Distance one is from the East or West. Nevertheless, seeing it would be impossible to Navigate, if there was not at least an imperfect Knowledge thereof; Pi∣lots are reduced to make a Journal from Hour to Hour, to mark what Wind they have made use of, and observe the Violence and Impetuosity of Currents, through which they have passed. Therefore they hold a very exact Register of these things; and afterwards computing their Journals, they judge by the Estimation of the Way which they have gone towards the East or West; and thus they conjecture at what Distance they are from it. But as this man∣ner is very uncertain, and that the best Pilots agree but very seldom in their Reckoning, they often lose themselves in Places against Rocks, which they think themselves very far from: So that it may be judged of what consequence it would be to discover a certain Means to find out the Longitude, seeing after that the Place may be precisely known in what part of the Sea soever one is; and so we might Sail in great Security. This is what Mr. Huggens hath found out, by means of the Pendulum. All the World knows its Exactness, that it fails not one Moment: And as soon as it appear∣ed, it was not doubted but it would serve to find out the Longitude, provided a means could be invented of carrying it on the Sea, without its losing any thing of the Regula∣rity of its Motion. For suppose this ex∣actness, it is certain, that if in parting from the Port, the Pendulum's adjusted to the Hour it is in the Port, from which the Longitude and Latitude is known, when one is on the Main Sea, it will be easie to know by the Sun or the Stars the Hour of the Day, at the Place where one is; and in com∣paring this Hour with the Hour it was at the Port whence one parted, as it is given by the Pendulum, the Longitude will be found without Trouble: For as it is known how many Degrees of Longitude the Sun makes in one Hour, one may infallibly de∣termine by the Difference of the Hours, how far one is towards the East or West; and then to judge by the Map of the Distance of the Place where one is, from all the other Places, which are marked in the Map.

An Extract of a Letter written from London, January 1665.

CAptain Holmes is at last arrived, and the Relation he made us of the Expe∣riment of the Pendulums, makes us confident they will succeed. He parted from the Isle of St. Thomas, which is under the Line, accompanied with four Vessels: He was ob∣liged to gain the Wind proper for his Re∣turn, toward the West, and to sail six hun∣dred Leagues without changing his Road: After which, finding the Wind favourable, he drew towards the Coasts of Africk, di∣rectly to North-North-East. But as he had made about four or five hundred Leagues upon this Rumb, the Pilots of the three Ships, which were under his Conduct, fearing they should lack Water before they arrived at the Place intended, proposed to him to go and take Water in at the Barba∣dos. Hereupon this Captain having assem∣bled them, and made them bring their Jour∣nals, they found themselves distant, in their Reckoning from his, one eighty Leagues, the other one hundred, and the other one hundred and twenty; for this Captain judged by the Pendulums, that he was not much more than thirty Leagues from the Isle of Fuego, which is one of those of the Green-Cape, which these Pilots judged then to be very far off: And because he had an entire Confidence in these Clocks, he maintained that they should continue their Road; and the next Day in the Morning the Isle appeared, according to his Expectation.

An Extract of a Letter, written from the Hague, the fifth of February, 1665.

CAptain Holmes, at his Return, hath given such Relations concerning the Usefulness of Pendulums, as surpassed my Expectation. I did not imagine that the Clocks of this first Construction would suc∣ceed so well, and I reserved my chief Hope for the New. But seeing those have alrea∣dy been so successful, and that the others are more exact, I have the more reason to believe, that the Invention of the Longitude will be in its utmost Perfection. Neverthe∣less I shall inform you concerning what you desired to know of the manner wherewith the Gentlemen of the States received my Pro∣position, when I asked them for the Privi∣ledge of New Clocks, and such a settled Price on the Invention, in case of Success, that they have without Difficulty granted me my Request, and willed that I should cause one of these Clocks to be carried into their Assembly, to expound the Invention thereof unto them, and then the Applica∣tion to Longitudes: Which I did with great Approbation. I have published this Week, That the same Clocks will be ex∣posed to Sale, with necessary Instruction to use them at Sea; and thus I have opened the way. The Objection was made me here, which had also been made by you, against the Exactness of the Pendulums, to wit, though they agreed together, they might both fail, because the Air at one Time would be more thick than at another. But I answered, That this Difference, if there be any, is not at all felt by the Pendu∣lums; seeing the Observations made from Day to Day, and continually from Winter to Summer, always shewed that they agreed with the Sun. As to the printing the Fi∣gure of my Clock, I shall defer it as yet for some Time; yet it shall appear never∣theless with all its Demonstrations, and a Treatise of Pendulums, which I have writ∣ten some Days past, and which is of a very subtle Speculation.

The Publick is obliged for the Commu∣nication of these two Letters, to the un∣parallel'd Mr. Chaplain, who adding to his other fine Knowledges that of the most Cu∣rious Philosophy, kept a Correspondence in all Europe, to be advertised of the New Discoveries which are made therein.

An Extract of an English Iournal.

MR. Boyle has communicated a Letter to the Royal Society, by which he is advertised of a Monster, born at Lim∣mington, in Hampshire.

A Butcher having killed a Cow, found she was big with a Calf, which began to be Hairy. Its Hind-Legs had no Joynts, and its Feet were divided like the Claws of a Dog. His Tongue was triple, and after the manner that Cerberus's is described, one in the middle of its Mouth, and two others on the Sides. Between the Fore and Hind Feet, there was a great Stone, upon which it was laid: This Stone weighed twenty Pounds and an half; its Colour was greyish, like to a Cut Stone, which is commonly called the Grison; the Superficies thereof was unequal, and full of little Ca∣vities; when it was broken they perceived small Grains of Stone, of an oval Figure, and its Colour was mixed with Yellow and Black Veins, which were all over it. Dr. Haughtein of Salisbury keeps very care∣fully this Stone, of which he hath sent a Part to Mr. Boyle, who hath shewen it to the Royal Society.

An Extract of an English Iournal.

MR. Moray hath told the Royal Society, That Brimstone and Vitriol are ta∣ken from the same Minerals, and that it hath some resemblance of the Lead-mine, which often separate by rubbing when they meet together. Sometimes the Mine is digged fifteen or twenty Fathoms or more, according as the Vein leads the Work-men, or the Subterranean Waters permit them.

When Men are minded to make Brim∣stone, it is broken by little bits, which are put into little Pots of Earth five Foot long, of a Pyramidal Figure, the two parts whereof must be disposed after a leaning manner, and are plac'd one upon another: There are eight underneath, and seven above, ordered so that there is an emptiness betwixt, thro' which the Fire passeth, which by this means toucheth them all. The Brim∣stone, which is melted thro' the violence of the Fire, droppeth, and coming out by the lesser end of the Pot, falls into a Trough of Lead, which is common to all of them, and thro' which there continually runs a little Brook of cold Water, carried thither by Pipes, to congeal the liquefied Brim∣stone, which is commonly four Hours melt∣ing. When that is done, the Ashes are drawn out with an Hook of Iron, they are carried in an Iron Wheel Barrow without the Place, and are broken to bits, and cove∣red with other Lye-Ashes which are dry, to keep them the warmer, which is done so long as they yield Brimstone.

When Persons are minded to make Cop∣peras or Vitriol, they take a quantity of these Ashes, which are put into a square Hole made in the Ground, about four Foot deep and eight Foot in bigness, which is every where covered with Boards of Wood well joyned together. After that, they throw Water upon it till it swims, and so it's commonly lest twenty four Hours, or

else until an Egg swims on the top of it, which is a mark that the Water is strong enough. So when they are minded to boyl it, they make it run thro' Pipes into Kettles, and add thereto one half of the Mother Water (as they call it) which is that which remains when the Vitriol is made. These Kettles are of Lead, and are four Foot and an half high, six Foot in length, and three Foot broad; and they lay 'em on Iron Grates, and boyl this Liquor in the Kettles with a great Cole Fire, for twenty four Hours or more, according as the Grounds are stronger or weaker. When the Water is well consumed, the Fire is taken from un∣der it; they let it cool a little, and draw it from the Kettles by holes which are on the sides, and by wooden Pipes whereby they make it pass into Recipients, which are three Foot deep and four long, where they leave it fourteen or fifteen days, and longer if it may be necessary, until the Vitriol is separated from the Water, becoming clear and hard. The Water which remaineth, when the Vitriol is drawn off, is that which is called the Mother Water, and the Lye-Ashes which remained at the bottom of this boared Hole, are the Faeces which the Water leaves, when the Vitriol is made.

An Extract of an English Iournal.

'TWas attempted a long while ago, to take the Whales which are in the American Sea near to Bermudas, but the At∣tempt was altogether given over as Fruit∣less, because of the Fury and extraordinary Swiftness of these Fishes. But it was begun again sometime since with more Success, as a very able Mariner told us, who was pre∣sent at the taking of some of 'em: The last time he was at Sea, two old Females were taken, and three young Males.

One of these old Whales was eighty eight Foot in length from the Head to the Tail; it's Tail was twenty three Foot in bigness, the Fins twenty six Foot in length, and it's Gills three Foot; it had great Beards hang∣ing under the Nose unto the Navel, and towards the end of the back Parts, a Crest upon its Back; within it was full of Fat like the leaf of an Hog.

The other was about sixty Foot in length; one of the young Ones was thirty three Foot, and each of the two others about twenty five and twenty seven Foot in length.

The Fish is of a very sharp Figure be∣hind, much like the ridge of an House; near the side of it's Head are several little Lumps, its Back is extreamly black, and its Belly white.

He saith that the Swiftness of these Fishes is incredible: And that having hooked one, it dragged the Vessel wherein he was, six or seven Leagues in three quarters of an Hour.

When these Whales are Wounded, they make a horrid Cry, to which all the rest that are within Hearing, immediately swim thither, but without hurting any Body.

He struck one of them one day, which by estimation was more than one hundred Foot in length. He believes that these Fish are like those which are called Iubartes; they have no Teeth, and are of a greater length than the Whales of Greenland, but not so thick.

They feed on the Herbs which grow in the bottom of the Sea, which is apparent by the opening of their great Sack or Sto∣mach, in one of which there have been found two or three Hampers full of green Stuff, like to Herbs.

He thinks seven or eight Tuns of Oyl may be drawn from the biggest of these Whales, tho' all those he took, afforded him but eleven Tuns: But he believes the Reason was, because he had not a Skilful Cooper to hoop them well. The young Ones give but little, and it is more like Jelly than Oyl. That of the old Ones is curd∣led, and yet burns very well. That which is drawn from the Fat, is as clear as Whey; but that which is drawn from the inter∣larded Leanness, becomes hard as Tallow, and sparkles in burning. As to that which is made of the Leaf, it is like the Fat of an Hog. This Oyl, he says, hath a marve∣lous Quality; for tho' it is boyling hot, one may dip ones Hand in it without being burned. It is Soveraign for Wounds and several other sorts of Evils, being applied to the afflicted part.

Upon what he first said, That the catch∣ing of these Whales lasts from the begin∣ning of March unto the end of May; he was asked, where they might be the rest of the time, seeing they were not in the Sea? To which he replyed, That the common Opinion was, that they withdrew into the Weedy Caves of the Gulph of Florida, be∣cause it hath been observed, that upon their Fins and Tails there were quantities of Viscosities, upon which there grew Shells; and there has been seen upon 'em Shells bigger than Oysters, many of which have been ranged upon the Palisadoes of the Go∣vernour of Bermudas.

An Extract of an English Iournal. A new Invention which they use in Vir∣ginia to kill Bell-Serpents.

THere are in several Places of America a kind of Serpents, most dangerous, which is called the Bell-Snake, because with the End of their Tail they make a Noise very like that which Bells do, when they are moved. This Animal is very big, about five Feet long, and of Brown Colour▪ mixed with Yellow: It hath a forked Tongue, and long sharp Teeth, and moves with as much Swiftness, that it seems to Fly.

As there was Discourse in the Royal So∣ciety of this kind of Serpents, Captain Silas Taylor gave there the Relation of the man∣ner how they are killed in Virginia, and afterwards gave it in by Writing, attested by two Persons worthy of Credit, in whose Presence the Experience had been made: These are their own Words.

The wild Pouliot, or the Dictam of Vir∣ginia, is about a Foot high, the Leaves are like unto those of the Pouliot, and little blue Knots, at the Places where the Branches are joyned to the Trunk; and though the Leaves are of a Red Colour, inclining to Green, the Water, which is distilled thence, is of a fine Yellow, and is like Brandy. When these Leaves are opened and put upon the Tongue, they seem very hot and pricking. They take of these Leaves, which they tie to the End of a splitted Stick, and some one puts it very near the Nose of the Bell-Serpent, which useth all its Endeavours to draw away from it, but the Smell, as it is believed, kills it in less than half an Hour.

This Experiment was made in Iuly 1651. at which Time it is thought the Venom of these Animals is in its greatest Strength. This Gentleman also assured the Royal So∣ciety, That where ever the wild Pouliot groweth, or the Dictam of Virginia, there are no Bell-Serpents to be seen.

An Extract of an English Iournal, about a remarkable Spring, which is near Paderborn in Germany.

NEar the City of Paderborn there is a Spring or Source, which is called Methorne, whence there comes three differ∣ent Brooks. There are chiefly two, which, though they are not distant from one ano∣ther above about a Foot and a half, yet have very contrary Qualities; for the Water of the one is Clear, but blewish, Blood-warm and Boyling, which seems to partake of an Armoniac Salt, of Oker, of Iron, of Vitriol, of Alum, of Brimstone, of Niter and Ars∣nick, which they usefully make Use of against the Epilepsie, the Pains of the Spleen and Worms. The other has a Water as cold as Ice, Muddy, Whitish, more Heavy, and of a Stronger Taste than the former, and imbibes much of Arsnick, Salt, Iron, Nitre, and a little of Armoniac Salt, Alum and Vitriol; and it is said, That all Birds that drink on'•• do dye suddenly: Which gave an Occasion to a curious Person to make Trial thereof, by himself, upon Hens, to which he gave of this Water to drink, after they had been fed: He remarked, That all those which after having fed upon Barly, Oats, or Crumbs of Bread, drank thereof, did im∣mediately stagger and fall, being attacked with strange Convulsions, in which they dyed a little after, and became Stiff al∣most like Sticks. But those which he made to swallow a little Common Salt, immedi∣ately after they had drunk, lived a little longer: Others, which he made to swal∣low Vinegar, lived almost seven or eight Days, being very much incommoded there∣by, and about that Time dyed. He had the Curiosity of opening all those which dyed, and found that they all had the En∣trals and Lungs withdrawn, and gathered together. Notwithstanding, it is certain, that several Persons have been cured of the Worms in taking a little of this Water, which they mixed with other common Wa∣ter; for though most of them became there∣by Sick, yet none of them d••ed, and they have been delivered from Worms, after having voided a great Quantity of them.

As to the third Brook, which is a little below the others, about twenty Paces from them, it hath a Water Greenish, Clear, of an Acid Taste, and agreeable enough: It is not as Light as the first, nor so Heavy as the second, but it seems to keep a medium be∣twixt both; which makes those who have examined it to believe, That this Brook is formed, and comes from the Mixture of the others, which come to joyn together. This is principally known, in that if they mix an equal Quantity of the Water of these two first Brooks, and if there is a little Well-water put thereto, shaking them altogether, it falls out that after they settle, there is a Water which hath the same Taste and the same Colour as that of the third Brook.

An Extract of an English Iournal. An Opinion of the Astronomers of Eng∣land upon the Contestation happened be∣twixt two Learned Men, about an Ob∣servation made of the First of the Two last Comets.

THere happened a Difference betwixt these two Famous Philosophers Mr. He∣velius, and Mr. Auzout, upon the Subject of the Observation made by the former, upon the 18th of February, 1665. and afterwards some famous Astronomers of England, con∣sidering the Importance of this Dispute, resolved to examine it; we have thought, that those who have heard it spoken of, would not be displeased to know what they have done and remarked on this Subject. Having then compared the Printed Writings of these two Gentlemen with one another, and consulted carefully the Observations which have been made here with Prospe∣ctives, by some of the most Learned Astro∣nomers amongst them, who have exactly observed the Position of this Comet with the Telescopick Stars which are in its way; they have unanimously concluded, That whatever this Appearance was, which Mr. Hevelius hath seen, near the first Star of the Ram (of the Truth of which Ap∣pearance they would not doubt) the

aforesaid Comet hath not approached near this Star, which is in the Left-Ear of the Ram; by which Mr. Hevelius supposeth it hath passed, but that it took its Course near the shining Star, which is in its Left-Horn, according to the Tables of Bayerus. And whereas the Observations which have been made by very Judicious French, Italian, and German Astronomers, which are come to the Knowledg of the English, do entirely agree with that of theirs; they doubt not but a Consent so unanimous meeting, between so many Persons, concerning what we have said, and the Dispute being a Question of Fact, wherein Authority, Number and Re∣putation ought to prevail, Mr. Hevelius, whose Knowledg and Sincerity are known of all Men, joyneth to them, and is of their Opinion.

An Extract of an English Iournal, con∣cerning a Mine of Mercury, which is in Frioul; and the manner of making Wind by the Falling of the Water.

THE Mines of Mercury, which are in Frioul, are situated a Day and a half's Journey, or thereabouts, from Cori∣tia, drawing towards the North. The Mine, wherein we entred, which is the Richest and Greatest of all, is more than six hundred Foot in Depth. It is descended into with much Pains, by Ladders placed perpendicularly: But there is one of the Descents, where there are from Space to Space Boards laid across, to rest upon them. When we were at the Bottom, we saw the Mine, which is dug out with Picks, because it is for the most part as hard as a Stone. It is of the Colour of Livers, or of Crocus metallorum. In these Mines is a soft Earth, in which the Mercury is all by little parcels. There are besides, round Stones found in them like Flint of different Bigness, and resembling little Balls of Hair, which I have often seen taken out of the Bellies of Oxen in England. This is the manner how Mercury is got. They take the Earth, which hath been dug from the bottom of the Mine, and brought up in Baskets, which is put into Sacks, whose Bottom is made of Wyer, so disposed that one may put his Fin∣ger betwixt two: Thence they carry it into a Brook of running Water, where it is washed until nothing more can pass through the Sack. The Earth which passeth not is put apart in a Heap, and that which hath passed through the Sack is put into the Hole, whence a second Man draweth it, and puts it into another Sack, and from that into ten or twelve others, which are more bruis∣ed the one than the other. It happens often that there is Mercury at the bottom of the first Hole, whence the second Man draweth his Earth; but in any Place where the Iron Wyers of the Sacks are nearest one to ano∣ther they find Mercury in a greater Quantity. The Earth is laid in a Heap, which was set aside, and they begin again the same Ope∣ration. The fine and thin Earth which re∣maineth after that, and from which the Mercury can no more be separated, by means of the Water, is put into Retorts of Iron, proper for the luting of the Recipients, in which the Violence of the Fire pusheth on the Mercury. The Officer who had the Conduct thereof, deluted several of 'em in our Presence, to shew them to us; and I observed in all, that there immediately issu∣ed out perfect Mercury very fluently, and afterwards a black Dust, which being wetted with Water, appeared to be nothing else but Mercury, like the other. They piled up the Caput Mortuum, and began again the Operation, until they can get no more Mercury from it. The Water which im∣bibes the Qualities of the Mercury cures the Itch and Ulcers.

This is the manner they draw, what they call, Common Mercury; for that which they call Virgin, is found either perfect in the Mines, or drawn by Lotions and Washings of the Earth. The Virgin Mercury is much more esteemed than the other. I asked some of the Officers of the Mine, What Vertue it had in particular? they told me, That when Gold was mingled with Virgin Mer∣cury, this Mixture being put over the Fire, the Mercury volatilizes the Gold, which com∣mon Mercury doth not.

Common Mercury is in far greater Quan∣tity than Virgin Mercury; for we saw by the Account these Officers had given the Emperour, That of 695334 Pounds of Mercury, which was drawn out of these Mines, in the Years 1661, 1662, 1663, there were 667666 of Common Mercury, and only 27668 of Virgin Mercury.

The Machines which are used in these Mines are admirable; the Wheels are the greatest that I ever saw in my Life, and are all moved by the Force of the Water, which for little Cost is brought from a Mountain that is three Miles from thence. The Water which is drawn from the Mine, by the means of fifty two Pumps, twenty six on each Side, is employed to move other Wheels, which serve for different Uses.

The Workmen are paid but one Iules a Day, and stay not long at this Work: For although there is none who is more than six Hours under Ground, they become all Pa∣ralytick, and dye Hectical, some sooner, and some later.

We saw there a Man, who wrought at these Mines but six Months, so full of Mer∣cury, that immediately after he had put a bit of Brass into his Mouth, or that he had rubbed it betwixt his Fingers, it became as white as Silver, and as if he had rubbed it with Mercury it self. He was so very Para∣lytick, that he could not carry to his Mouth a Glass half full of Wine, without spilling it. I have learned since, That at Venice, those who work behind Lo••king-Glasses, are also subject to the Palsie. •• did

not observe that these Men had black Teeth, and it may be we unjustly accuse Mercury of spoiling the Teeth, when it is given in Ve∣nereal Distempers. It is true, I did not make this Observation upon the Place; but as black Teeth are very rare in that Coun∣try, if they had been so I should undoubt∣edly have remarked it.

I am willing yet to impart to you an In∣vention that I find new, which they make use of to blow the Fire in the Brass Forges of Friouli, near Rome. It is the Water which bloweth the Fire, not in moving the Bellows, as is commonly done, but by mak∣ing a Wind. There is a River, from whence proceeds a Fall of Water, which is received into a Tub; out of the Side of this Tub comes a Pipe, like the Nose of a Pair of Bellows; on the upper-side of the Pipe there is a Hole, with a Stopple, to stop or unstop it at pleasure; the Tub empties itself under Ground when the Hole in the Pipe is stopped; at its Mouth comes out incessantly a great Wind; and when the Mouth of it is stopped, the Wind comes out with such Violence, by the unstopped Hole, in the Top of the Pipe, that I believe it would make a Ball leap, as that does of Frescati.

An Extract of an English Iournal, con∣taining Instructions for those who take great Voyages upon the Sea.

THE Design of the Royal Society, be∣ing, according to its Establishment, to apply it self to the Search of Nature, and conformably unto the Observations made upon divers Phoenomenas, and the effects thereof, which were observed by 'em, to compose a Natural History, that might serve for a Foundation to establish a solid and profitable Philosophy, they have from Time to Time given Orders to divers of their Members, not only to labour after the Search of Remarkable Things, which they might meet with in Foreign Countries, but also to give some Instructions for Private Men, who should have the same Curiosity. It is for this End, that considering the great Advantages which might be drawn from Voyages that shall be made for the future into all Parts of the World, Mr. Rooke was heretofore chosen and charged with the Care of giving some Advice to those who go to the East or West Indies, the better to en∣able them to make such Remarks as might contribute to the Accomplishment of their Design. After which they desired the Ma∣riners to keep an exact Register of these Observations, which at their Return they should give two Copies of, one to the High Admiral, and the other to Trinity-House, to be revised by the Royal Society. Therefore Mr. Rooke, before he dyed, acquitting him∣self of his Commission, and having made up a Memorial, according to the Order which he had received thereupon, it was thought fit to publish it, and to give a Copy thereof to all the Mariners, in the ensuing Form.

I. To observe the Declination of the Compass, or the Variation of the Needle to the Meridian, marking as exactly as pos∣sible, the Place wherein the Observation shall be made, and the Method which shall be used to make it.

II. That they should carry with them Needles of a good Temper, and well-touched with a Load-Stone, and to remark after the same manner the Inclination of the Needle.

III. To observe carefully the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea, in as many Places as they are able, with all the Ordinary and Extraordinary Accidents of the Tide, as what is the prefix'd Time of its Ebbing and Flowing in the Rivers, or Promontories or Capes, what way the Current of the Wa∣ter takes, what perpendicular Distance there is betwixt the highest and lowest Tide, what Day of the Moon, and what Time of the Year falleth out the highest or lowest Tide; so of the other Accidents which may be observed in the Tides, chiefly near the Ports, and about the Isles.

IV. To make Draughts and Descriptions of the Aspect of the Coasts, Promonto∣ries of the Isles and Ports, marking the Approaches and Distances as exactly as possible.

V. To Sound and Observe the Depth of the Coasts, Ports, and other such like Places near the Shore, as they shall think fit.

VI. To endeavour to know the Nature of the Earth, which is at the Bottom of the Sea, and to sound it after all the ways, to know if it be Mud, Sand or Rock.

VII. To make a Memorandum of all the Changes of Winds and Tides which hap∣pen at every Hour of Day and Night, mark∣ing the Point or the Place whence the Wind comes, and if it be strong or weak; as also the Rains, Hails, Snow, and such like Things, with the precise Time of their be∣ginning and continuance; but chiefly to have a great Care to remark regular Winds, in what Degree of Longitude and Latitude they begin at first, where or when they cease or change, and become stronger or weaker, and by how much; which ought to be done as exactly as possible.

VIII. To observe and put in Writing all the extraordinary Meteors, such as are Light∣nings, Thunders, Comets, and false Fires, always remarking the Place and Time of their Apparition and Duration.

IX. To carry about them good Ballances and Viols, that contain near a Pint, and have a very narrow Neck, which shall be filled with Sea-Water, in different Degrees of Latitude, as shall be thought convenient; and to remark carefully the Heaviness of the Viol full of Water taken at each Time, and especially the Degree of Latitude, and the Day of the Month.

An Extract of an English Iournal, con∣taining some Observations made by Mr. Boyle, and taken from one of his Letters, about the Baroscope, and the manner of Weighing the Air.

I Shall make no Difficulty to say, That I have hitherto found nothing that pre∣sages more certainly, and makes known so exactly the Changes of the Time, which happen after a long and constant serenity, than the Baroscope. I know not also whe∣ther in the most clear and serene Climates this Instrument might not be absolutely in∣fallible; for in these Northern Isles the Clouds are so little, and discharge some∣times so suddenly, that often the Weight of the whole Atmosphere of the Air receives thereby so small an Alteration, that we are deceived therein, and cannot find out the true Causes of the Constancy or Change of Air: Therefore I should desire to see some good Kalendar or Journal made at Tangiers, or in some other of our Northern Places or meridional ones of America. At least I can affirm, That after having tryed all sorts of Hydroscopes, whereof I have a great Quantity, and observed carefully the sweat∣ing of Marble, and as many other famous Prognosticks, as I have heard spoken of, I have at last found out, That there is none which comes near the Excellency of the Barometer, to signifie the Changes of the Times which are to happen

2. To confirm what I have advanced, I am willing here to give some Remarks which I have made. The Weather appeared ex∣treamly charged the fourth of last Ianuary, but yet more on the seventh, and it remain∣ed the following Days so gloomy, that all the World believed certainly that we should have Rain; nevertheless, I observed then, That the Mercury of my Baroscope did not fall down, and that, notwithstanding the Mists, which sometime appeared pretty Thick, and some Drops of Rain which fell, it remained very high; which made me know certainly, That there would not hap∣pen any great Change in the Weather. It is true, that when there fell some small Drops of Rain, it would fall a little, but this was not considerable, and rather con∣firms my Assertion than destroys it. And in the last cloudy Weather, which we have had, I have not been Mistaken in my Judg∣ment thereof, upon this same Founda∣tion.

3. Another Time, seeing that after a small Rain, the Mercury rose very high, I thought that we should have a Serenity that would last; but, on the contrary, having remarked that it descended after it had rained, I was in much Doubt whether we should have Cloudy and Rainy Weather.

4. I believe that the Principal Reason for which we become more chilly and more weak when the Mercury appears at the low∣est, and the Air is the highest, is because the Air serves to our Bodies for Nourish∣ment, even as Water serves for Aliment to Fish; when we are deprived of the ordi∣nary Quantity of this Nuurture, it happens to us as it does with Fish, when Water faileth them.

5. That the lowest I ever saw the Mer∣cury fall, since the Time I remarkt it, was the twenty eighth of October, 1665. towards Evening, for it appeared to me then fal∣len twenty seven Inches and an half, as I find it in my Remarks with these Circum∣stances.

The twenty fifth of October, in the Morn∣ing, the Mercury was twenty eight Inches and an half; great Storm and Rain.

The twenty sixth of October, in the Morn∣ing, the Mercury was twenty eight Inches; Wind without Noise, with gloomy and very thick Clouds.

The twenty sixth of October, at Evening, the Mercury was twenty seven Inches and an half; that Day and the following ones an unconstant Time, and frequent Rains: The Mercury was lower than it used to be.

6. To be still more exact, I laid over the Place where my Baroscope was, a Weather∣cock, disposed so that one may easily take each of the thirty two Points of the Wind, from the half Points and quarter Points, pretty far off; otherwise all our Conjectures would be found false, as Experience inform∣ed us: By this means, when some Cloud draweth nigh, or some other Meteor gets higher or lower, or when there riseth some Storm or Fresh Wind, be it Night or Day a Servant may bring certain News of the Weight of the Air, as easily and surely as he might the precise Hours, after having consulted a Sun-Dial.

The Baroscope or Barometer, whereof we have spoken, is nothing else but a long Pipe of Glass, having about four Feet in length, and a large Cavity of about the fourth part of an Inch. This Pipe is her∣metically stopped at one of the Ends, and the other is filled with Quick-Silver: After∣wards it is prepared, turning down the End which is not stopped, and sinks into other Mercury, exposed to the Air, and contained in a larger Vessel, which is under it. By this means the Quick-Silver, which is in this Pipe, striving to escape, as much as it can, and to run into the Mercury, in which, as we have said, the Stoppage of this Pipe is thrust, it follows of necessity (as all those know, who have seen this Ex∣periment) that what remains of the Quick-Silver stayeth suspended in this Pipe, at the height of about twenty eight or thirty Inches (more or less, according as the Air, to which this Mercury is exposed, is more Light or Heavy) leaving the Superior Part of this Pipe empty.

That which the Iournal of England calls Ba∣roscope or Barometer, is no new thing in France, where it is almost as Ancient as the Suspension of Mercury; for the Experience of the Tute, which having been invented in Italy

by Galileus of Toricelli, was first used in France in 1646. by Monsieur Petit, Intendent of the Fortifications, as appears by the Discour∣ses which he printed thereupon at Seb. Cra∣mo••sy's in 1647. Afterwards it was augment∣ed by Mr. Pascal and several others, who left the Mercury suspended in the Pipe, for conti∣nual Experience, as they called it, to see the Change which would happen, as to the heighth of the Mercury, according to the Diversity of Time and Seasons. It is more than nineteen Years since Mr. Merseune had one, according to the Relation of Mr. Pascal, in his Treatise of the Equi-librium of Liquors: We see that in 1649. the same Experiment was made in se∣veral Places, which hath been continued here in divers Times, and is so yet by Mr. A••zout and Tycho; but finding hitherto no certain Rule of the Difference which happeneth to the Heighth of the Quick-Silver, according to the Change of the Air, they had not thought fit to publish any thing on't.

An Extract of an English Iournal, con∣cerning a new Method, how to sound the Depth of the Sea without a Cord; and to discover the Nature of the Wa∣ter at bottom of the Sea.

MR. Hook is the Author of these two new Inventions; from whence Ad∣vantages may be drawn for Physicks as well as Navigation.

1. To found the depth of the Sea with∣out a Cord, one must have a Globe, or Bowl of Fir, Maple, or some other light Wood; it must be rubd over with Varnish of Pitch, or some such like Matter, to pre∣serve it from the Water; then take a piece of Lead or Stone, the weight whereof must be sufficient to sink the said Globe, which must have a Staple made of Wire-Thread, and a Spring also of the same Wire, whose end must be crooked or bent; into this Sta∣ple must be drawn the Wire-Spring, which presses the crooked or bended end, to which a Weight must be hang'd by its Ring, to let the Globe and all the rest fall into the bot∣tom of the Water, where the Weight touching, the Globe also stays there; whence it follows, that the Globe of Wood which is dragg'd to the bottom, only by the vio∣lence of the Motion which it acquir'd in descending, must also unbend the Spring, and set it self at liberty to ascend again to the top of the Water; so that if it be ob∣served how long this Bowl tarries under Water, 'tis easy to discover the depth of the Sea, by means of some Tackle that may may be made for that end.

He says we must take great care that the Heaviness and Figure of the Leaden Weight, be proportionable to the Bigness, Weight and Figure of the Wooden Globe, in such manner as Experience shall discover what is most covenient.

In some Essays which have been already made of this Instrument, the Globe, which was of Maple, and well covered with Pitch, was 5 13/16 Inches Diameter, and weighed 2 ½ Pounds. The Lead weighed 4 ½ and was Pyramidal, and 11 Inches in length, the Point turn'd downwards: The Basis was 1 2/16 Inches Diameter, and the Point was 1/16: In the Thames, where these Experiments were made, where it was 19 Foot deep, there was only six Seconds of an Hour betwixt the Immersion and Emersion of the Globe: And in another place, where the Water was but 10 Foot deep, 'twas but about two Se∣conds and an half. When there shall be more Experiments of this Nature made, without doubt 'twill not be very difficult to find out a Method for the Computation of the depth of Water, according to the length of time which these Globes stay under Water.

It's also Remark'd, that in making new Experiments in the Thames, this Globe being cast into a place where the Water was deep∣est, it was not longer in ascending to the top, than in passing the length of two Boats from the place where it was cast in, being carryed so far by the Stream.

The other Instrument, which was to draw in the Water that was at the bottom of the Sea, was a Pail of Square Wood, whose top and bottom were made after such a manner, that a Weight coming to sink the Iron (to which the Pail is fastned by two Ears, 'having at both ends moveable Bottoms, in the form of two folding Doors) and by this means drawing in the Water at the bottom, the resistance of the Water taking hold of the Pail in such a Posture, so that the Water might easily pass over it whilst it descended. But so soon as the Pail is drawn up again by a Cord, the resistance which the Water makes to this Motion carries the Pail to the bot∣tom, and keeps it in a close Posture, so that Water that is without cannot get in; nor that which is shut up within, cannot get out.

By means of this Instrument it may easily be perceiv'd, whether the Water at the bot∣tom of the Sea is salter than that on the Surface; as also whether the Water is fresh in any place of the bottom of the Sea, as the Industrious Iohn Hugh van Linschoten assures us, who in his Relation of the Voy∣age into the East-Indies, tells us, That near the Isle of Barem in the Persian Gulf, with certain Instruments ( of which how∣ever he gives us no Description) they drew out of the Sea from under the Salt Water, four or five Fathom deep, some Water that was as fresh as that of a Foun∣tain.

An Extract of a Letter written by Mr. Peti, Intendant of the Fortifica∣tions, to Mr. Galloys P. concerning the Depth of the Sea, the Nature of the Water which is at the Bottom of the Sea; and some other Curiosities.

IT will be hard to judge right of the Depth of the Sea by the Machine men∣tioned in the English Iournal, and which was related in a Journal of the third of May: For neither the Figure nor the Discourse explain intelligibly the turning and situa∣tion of the Spring, which ought to be un∣bent when the Lead toucheth the bottom, and how the wooden Bowl is disingaged from that of the Lead. But suppose, that the Lead remaining at the Bottom of the Water, the light Body should Ascend, and that the Time of the Descent and Ascent of these two Bowls together, was well ob∣served, as it is easie to do; besides that one ought to know many things which are yet unknown, to be able to judge of the Depth of the Water.

1. How much Time a Heavy Body re∣quires to descend into the Water, accord∣ing to such a certain Depth.

2. If it descends with the same Propor∣tion of Swiftness as it would do in the Air: I do not say Swiftness, but only in the same Proportion of Swiftness; for Experi∣ence shews us, That when a heavy Body falls in the Air, it falls unequal Spaces in the same Distance of Time; as for instance, suppose it falls twelve Foot for the first Second of Time, in the next Second it will fall thirty six Foot, in the third Second it will fall sixty Foot, and so on. By this means one may know the Highth of a Tower, or the Depth of a Well, in letting a Stone fall from the Top, or another heavy Body, and measuring the time of its fall with a Pen∣dulum of a String of nine Inches and a quarter long, which shall mark the half Se∣conds; as a String of 37 Inches marks the Seconds, 60 whereof makes a Minute.

This is very near the proportion of the fall of heavy Bodies in the Air, according to the Observations which I have made there∣of in times past. But to know whether the same Bodies falling into the Water, and in the Water of the Sea, and if they keep the same proportion, is the difficulty; and this difficulty is encreased, when a heavier Body than the VVater is joyned to the lighter.

We should besides this, know when a light Body ascends from the bottom of the Water unto the top, in what proportion of Time and Swiftness it mounts. For to assert that 'tis the same as that by which it descends in the Air, which I have now expounded, is what will never be determined. And tho', for my own Curiosity, and that of Father Mersenne, I have in times past made several Experiments, to know if a Dart perpendi∣cularly shot by a Bow, would descend in the same equality or proportion of Time and Swiftness in which it mounted; and if a Bomb or an Iron Ball as big as one's Fist, cast by a small Mortar, would take more or less time to fall in, than it wou'd to mount by the violence of the Powder, I can deter∣mine nothing on't, if I did not again make the same Experiments several times; tho' I remember there was but little diffe∣rence betwixt the one and the other, and that the time of the natural Descent of Arrows was to their Assent, as 7 is to 5: But for the Bullet of a Canon or Mortar, we judged that it descended almost with the same Impetuosity as it mounted; and to in∣form our selves the better, we overturned the Mortar, and put it's Britch upwards, shooting into the Ground, and we found that the Bullet sunk but a little deeper by the violence of the Powder, than it did by its natural force, when it fell on the Ground. This proportion of swiftness of a Body mounting and descending, being not yet given by Mr. Hook nor known by the Experience which is related thereof, which marks but the time of the Motion of these two Bodies together, to wit, the Descent of the heavy joyned with the light, and the mounting of the light alone, there remain still many Things to be known, before any use can be drawn from this Invention.

Besides, it is not a new Invention. For several have written, that for to ••ound the depth of the Sea, one needed only to take a Lead of eight or nine Inches long, made into a Cone or a figure like a Horn, at the top of which there must be tyed a Spike of Iron about the length and thickness of a Finger, a little inclined upon the Lead. So that this Machine may represent a Figure of Seven, whose long Leg is a weight of Lead, and the Spike of Iron the Head. If in this Spike there is a Ring well fastned to a wooden Bowl, and this Machine is cast in∣to the Water, as soon as the Lead comes to touch the Earth, it must fall, not being able to keep up, being pointed at the end like a Sugar-loaf, and the wooden Bowl be∣ing rais'd up by the Water will make its Ring to disengage from the small Iron Spike, and then it will ascend with such proportion of swiftness as I believe to be unknown. Thus without other Artifice, one may, it seems, do the same thing, supposing the bot∣tom was firm, and that there should be no Vessel.

As for the other Invention, of drawing Water from the bottom of the Sea, it is so darkly expounded, that it can scarcely be understood; one must guess that there were Pails at the two Handles, that they were moveable, and made like a Spring. But without all this ado, I have done the same thing before now, with a Brasen Pump of about a foot long, which I let fall into the Sea with a Cord, and which had the same effect as your Pail with its Lead and all its Apparel; for the lower Pipes opened them∣selves in descending, and shut themselves in ascending; and brought up Water from the bottom of the Sea.

But I have always found this Water Salt, for five or six Fathom deep, having made no Experiment lower. And certainly if Experience and good Physicks were con∣sulted, the Sea should be more Salt in the bottom than at the Surface, seeing the Salt being more heavy than the Water, it wou'd stay at the bottom, and the lightest and sweetest wou'd always rise uppermost, as we see by the Rain, by Lembicks, and by all sorts of Evaporations; and I do not be∣lieve that one can doubt of this. For the Authority of Iohn Hugh van Linschoten a Hollander, which says, in Chap. 6. of his Voyages (that writ in his own Tongue, not in English) That in the Isle of Baharem, which is in the Persian Gulph, there is fresh Water found four or five Fathom below the Salt. We shou'd doubt this to be Matter of Fact, had it not been related by this Author. For he knows it not by Experience, and re∣lates it by Hear-say, as he doth many other false Things; were it nothing but what he saith of the Tomb of Mahomet, whom he pretends to be in a Coffin of Iron suspend∣ed in the Air, by a Vault of Stones made of Loadstone, which all the World knows to be false.

But tho' fresh Water shou'd be found at the bottom of the Sea near the Isle of Baha∣rem, four or five Fathom under the Salt Wa∣ter, it follows not that one should find it else∣where. For the cause related by Texeira, in his Relation De los Reyes de Harmuz, where he saith, That the Isle of Baharem hath much Water, whereof the best is that of certain Wells, very deep in the midst of the Isle; and that there are great Veins of pure and fresh Water which spring in the next Sea, where the Divers go for it above three Fathoms, or thereabouts; and that they are of Opinion, these Fountains were in times past in fi••m Ground pretty far from the Sea, which hath since covered them. So you see that it is a Fact altogether parti∣cular; from which we ought to not conclude, That under 4 or 5 Fathoms of Salt-Water, there is commonly sweet Water found; but only by such Causes, or by the Springing up of some Rivers which are lost under Ground, and come out into the Sea by Subterranean Chanels, which are sometimes to be found.

An Extract of an English Iournal, Communicated by Mr. Hook; how to cause a Plano-convex Glass of a small Sphere, to retort the Rays of the Sun upon a Focus of a greater distance than its Convexity requires.

TAKE two Glasses, whereof the one is perfectly flat on both sides, the other of one side only, and Convex of the other of what Sphere soever, so that the flat Glass may be a little larger than the other. Afterwards take a Ring of Brass made very round, in which you must cement these two so that their Superficies may be exactly pa∣rallel, and the Convex side of the Plane∣convex Glass may be turned inward, yet without its touching the flat Superficies of the other Glass. Being thus well cemented in the Ring all round, pour into a little hole that must be at the brim of the Brass-ring some Oyl of Turpentine, Spirit of Wine, Salt and acid Liquors, &c. and having filled the empty Space which is betwixt the two Glasses, stop this hole with a Vice, and ac∣cording to the different refraction of the Liquors put betwixt the two Glasses, the Focus of this Prospective shall become either longer or shorter.

Mr. Hook adds, That he wish'd he had ex∣amined a Tryal, among several which may be made, upon the possibility of making a Glass wrought in a little Sphere to serve a Prospective of a very great length; tho' for fear of promising too much, he ought to add, That among the Spherick Objects those which are greatest, and whose Matter hath a greater Refraction, are the best.

It's long since that Mr. Hook proposed to Mr. Azout this Problem, to lengthen the Focus of Prospectives. Mr. Azout gave them a general Solution of it for every length given, by the disposition of a second Glass, whose Figure he determined; as may be seen in his Letters, printed by I. Cusson, and whereof mention was formerly made in the French Journals. But Mr. Hook having inform'd him, that the Invention which he had found was very different from what was before thought upon; Mr. Picard, very understanding in these sorts of Matters, proposed about five Months ago, the means of lengthning the Focus of Prospectives by Liquors, after the same manner as hath been seen in the Journal of England. Notwith∣standing, the Glory of this Invention is al∣ways due unto Mr. Hook, who hath had the first Thought thereof. It's true, there will not be much use drawn from it; yet it is very Fine and Curious.

An Extract of a Letter written from Oxford, May 12. 1666. by Mr. Wal∣lis; and inserted in the Iournal of England, about a Visit to a dead Body. struck with Thunder.

THERE was here a frightful Thunder the 10 of May, wherewith two Scho∣lars, who were alone in a Boat without a Water-man, were unhapily struck, and cast out of the Boat into the Water. One of them was killed out-right, and tho' he was taken out of the Water, where he scarcely stayed one Moment, yet there appear'd no mark of Life, Sense or Motion in him: The other was very well, yet fallen down in the Boat, without being able any way to help himself, and as immoveable as a Stake; but

there appeared no Wound in his Body; and all the harm he had, was, that he remained so troubled in himself, that he could not re∣member how he fell into the Water; and whether it was the Thunder or some Light∣ning which was the cause. He remained in this State the Night following, and I know not what became of him since.

As for him who dyed, as soon as he was drawn up, we endeavoured to bring him to Life by all manner of Remedies, but all was in vain. Therefore he was brought the next Day Morning into the City to be Buried. Dr. Willis, Dr. Mellington, Dr. Lower, and I, had the Curiosity to visit this dead Body, to remark the Particularities thereof.

We found no considerable Wound in all the Skin. His Face and Neck were black and livid; on the right side of his Neck there was a small blackish Spot an Inch long, and a quarter of an Inch large at most, like unto a mark made as if it had been with a hot Iron, an Inch long and a quarter of an Inch broad; there was another a little big∣ger, I think, on the other side of his Neck under the left Ear; and below on the left side of his Breast, there was a place which was about nine Inches long and two Inches broad; in some places more, in others less, which appeared burnt, dry, and like the Skin of a roasted Hog: On the fore-part of the left Shoulder, there was such another Spot almost of the breadth of a Six-pence, yet it was not so black nor so much marked as that of the Neck; from the top of the left Shoulder downwards towards this part of the Breast, there was a little place of the Skin which was, as it were, broiled, as if by that something entred into the Neck, which went down towards the Breast, and which afterwards extended further.

The most part of his Buttons were car∣ried away, the Neck of his Doublet was broken in two, just before the left Shoulder, and in some places the Stuff of his Doublet appeared as if it were cut off or taken away by a blunt Instrument, but the Fashion with which it was lined, did not appear to be broken.

His Hat was strangely torn round about the edges; there was among other things on the Side, a Hole big enough to put ones Fist through. There were in other places deep Cuts to be seen, which appear'd to be made by an obtuse Instrument. As for the rest of the Cloaths we perceived nothing more, and they had no smell of Brim∣stone.

The following Night we open'd the Head, where we found no sign of Contusi∣on. The Brains were intire and in a good State, the Nerves whole and without any hurt, the Veins and Arteries sufficiently full of Blood, so that none of the Company could say any thing against it. It is true, that this was done by a Candle, and that each part could not be examined with all the exactness which could be wished for, partly because of the Concourse of People, partly because the Body was to be buried a little Time after: Notwithstanding, I believe if there had been a considerable Defect among so many Spectators some one would have discovered it. There were some who imagined to see a little Cleft on the Scull, and those who held him whilst it was sawed, said, That then they had felt some crack∣ing, but it was such a small Business that no∣thing certain could be known of it by the Candle.

On the right-Temple were seen some Hairs, manifestly burned, and the lower part of the Ear was a little blacker than that which was round about the upper part of the left Shoulder; and the left Side of the Neck was yet Blacker than the rest of the Body, yet without driness, as if this Colour had not been caused but by the sedi∣ment of Blood.

After having thus examined the Head, the Breast was opened; and it was found that the Burning traversed almost the whole Skin, which was scorch'd in these Places, hard and like a Horn: Yet there appeared nothing else under the Skin. The Muscles were in their natural situation, and had lost nothing of their ordinary Colour. The Lungs and the Heart, which we afterwards drew out of the Breast, had their ordinary Colour, and seemed nothing altered.

This is what was chiefly remarked: To which I shall add, That in the Night the Body swelled much more than it did in the Morning, and that it had a strong and stink∣ing Smell; which, notwithstanding might come from the Heat of the Weather, and the multitude of People which was continu∣ally in the Chamber.

We have carefully related all the Parti∣culars of the Visit of this Body, because it being made by several most Learned and Experienced Physicians, it may serve for a certain Ground, to reason upon the Nature and the Qualities of Thunder.

An Extract of an English Iournal: An Experiment to examine what Figure and Swiftness of Motion Produces, or Augments Light and Flame.

THis Experiment was communicated by Doctor Beale as follows.

The fifth of May 1665. fresh Mackarels were boyled in Water with Salt and fine Herbs, and when the Water was cooled very well, the Mackarels, the next Day, were left in the Water to be seasoned.

On the sixth, other Mackarels were boyled, which were fresher, in a like Water, and on the seventh both the Water and Macka∣rels were put with the first Water, and with the first Mackarels. I relate particularly all these Circumstances, because whether it be the Mixture of the Pickle, made after one another, or something else that was

necessary was wanting, the Experiment suc∣ceeded not another Time with the same Trial.

On Monday the eighth, towards the Evening, the Cook moving the Water, to take some of the Mackarels out, observed, That at the first Motion it became very luminous, and the Fishes shining through the Water much encreased the Light, al∣though this Water, by reason of the Salt and Herbs, which they had boyled in it, was rather Thick and Black than of a Clear and Transparent Colour; notwithstanding, be∣ing moved, it was Luminous, and the Fishes appeared through it altogether whole, and very shining.

Where-ever Drops of this Water fell, they shone after they had been moved, and the Children took Drops in their Hands, as large as a Penny, and carried them up and down the House; and the lustre of this Light made each Drop shew far and near, as large as a six Penny-piece.

That Side of the Fish that was downwards was turned upwards, but there came no Light from it; and after the Water had rested long enough, it shined no more.

Tuesday Night we began the same Expe∣riment again, and we saw the same things. The Water shewed no Brightness before it was stirred, and it appeared even obscure and thick in the Day as well as by Candle: But so soon as a Hand was put into it, it begun to shew Bright. When it was strong∣ly stirred it shined so that those who looked upon it at some Distance from thence, even as far as the other End of the Chamber, thought it was the Light of the Moon which came in at the Window upon a Vessel full of Milk: And when it was stirred round more swiftly, it seemed to be a Flame, and there was a great Brightness both within and without these Fishes, but chiefly about the Throat and some other Places, which seem∣ed to be broken in Boyling.

I took a bit thereof, which shined most, and adjusted it the best I could, in the Night, to my great Microscope, and then to another that was less; but I could not find any Light by the means of these Instru∣ments, neither in this Bit, nor in any of the Drops of Water, which shined before, and which I had put into Glasses.

The tenth of May I examined a little Bit of this Fish, with my great Telescope, at the brightest Beams of the Sun, which shin∣ed most of the preceeding Night, but we remarked nothing considerable. Its Surface seemed whitish and dry with deep Inequa∣lities; and the rest, as well as I, thought they saw a Vapor, rather obscure than lu∣minous, which raised from this Fish after the manner of small Dust and small Sparkles, which were almost imperceptible; notwith∣standing we are very certain of having seen them, for we reckoned them, and we all agreed in their Number, their Order and their Place; yet I am not so assured of this Vapour, whereof I have spoken, but that I am afraid the Light of the Sun deceived us, and that this Vapour was the Dust of the Air.

Having made Trial, in the Day, with a great Microscope, upon this Bit, we exa∣mined it at Night, but it gave no more Light, whether it was looked upon with Glasses or otherwise.

Seeing it was dry, I thought, that by wetting it with Spittle and handling it, I could make it shine a little, which also hap∣pened; but this Lustre lasted not long, and besides, there were seen some small Sparkles, which disappeared immediately: We perceived them with our Eyes, without making Use of Spectacles.

The Fishes as yet had no ill Smell, and had not lost their Savour, according to the Judgment even of the most delicate Palates; therefore I caused two to be kept, to make other Experiments two or three Days after∣wards, when they should begin to be cor∣rupted, hoping to find more Light therein; but I found nothing of what I expected, neither in stirring the Water, nor in drawing out the Fishes.

An Extract of an English Iournal, con∣taining divers Experiments about Pe∣trification.

THough there hath been already much written of the manner how Stones are formed, notwithstanding we have not as yet a perfect History; therefore the Curi∣ous ought to apply themselves to this mat∣ter, to perfect it, and to discover the Cause of this Transmutation; for besides other Advantages which might be drawn from this Knowledg, it would be of great Use to hinder a Stone from generating in Hu∣man Body, or to dissolve it when it is formed.

To this End there has already been given, in divers Places of the English Journal, se∣veral Relations touching this Matter, as the History of a Monstrous Calf, which was found in the Belly of its Dam, laid upon a great Stone, which weighed more than twenty Pounds: As also that a certain sandy Earth in England converts into a Stone such Wood as is put therein, although there is no petrifying Spring in it. There is also mention made of two Stones which were found in the left Ventricle of the Earl of Belcarras, one of which was of the bigness of an Almond, and the other was one Inch broad and two in length. Mr. Boyle relates in his Essay of Firmness, several such Histo∣ries, upon which he makes very curious Re∣flections. There are also several other Ex∣amples in the Micrography of Mr. Hook, and in the Book of Helmont, entituled, De Lithiasi; where, among other things, he relates what Pareus saith of a Child petrified, that was to be seen formerly at Paris, and which served for a Whetting Stone to him that kept it. There might several other

Histories be added, still more surprizing, if they were suspected, as that of an entire Company of Men, and of a Company of Beasts, which, according to the Relation of Aventius and Purchas, were converted into a Stone; and what Acosta speaks, of a Company of Spanish Cavaliers, to whom a like Accident happened.

Dr. Beale tells us, upon this Subject, That there was an Inspection about the Time of Easter into the Matrix of a Woman, whence a Stone was drawn, which she car∣ried for eight or nine Years with unsuffer∣able Torments, of which she was since entirely well cured. He assures, That he hath seen the Stone, and that having then weighed it in excellent Ballances, he found it weighed near four Ounces, but that its Weight is since a great deal diminished, and is become very Light for a Stone of the Bigness. He adds, That it is of a whitish Colour, a little clearer than that of Ashes: He believes it is not much different from that which Scaliger speaketh of, and after him Mr. Boyle, in his Essay of Firmness, which being exposed to the Air, became like Plaister, as much in Consistence as Co∣lour. It hath no considerable unevennesses, and its Figure is almost Oval, but one of the Ends is not so much like a Hen's Egg as the other, which is bigger and more ob∣tuse than that of a Goose-Egg. This Stone is now given to the Royal Society, with the Certificate of the Chirurgeon who made the Operation, and of several credible Persons, who were present thereat.

Micrographia: or, some Philosophical Descriptions of minute Bodies, made by Magnifying Glasses, with Observa∣tions and Enquiries thereupon by R. Hook, Fellow of the Royal Society; in Fol. Lond.

ONE of the greatest Obstacles which is in the Progress of Natural Science, is, that the Ancients being entirely taken up to perfect Reason, have neglected the Knowledg of the Senses, having rather chosen to guess the most part of things, than to see them. Notwithstanding, as the Soul knoweth nothing, but by the Interposition of the Organs of the Body, the Operations of the Senses serve not less to acquire a perfect Knowledg of Nature than those of the Mind; and they are even more necessary, that the Wisdom of God being infinitly above the Reach of our Imagination, it is more easie to know what it hath done, than to imagine what he hath been will∣ing to make.

To remedy this Defect, the Moderns hav∣ing endeavoured to perfect the Operation, of the Senses, particularly that of Sight, which is the most necessary of all, as it is the noblest, have invented two kinds of Glasses, the Telescope, to draw near the Objects, which are invisible because of their Distance; and the Microscope, to magnifie those which are imperceptible, because of their Smal∣ness. And with these two Instruments they have discovered more things in a few Years, than the Ancients had done with all their Reasons for the Course of many Ages. By this means all Nature has appeared New unto us. For the Telescope hath shewed us in the Firmament new Motions, new Stars, and new Meteors: And the Microscope hath discovered unto us, upon the Earth, a little World, altogether new, and hath made us perceive in each thing an infinity of small Creatures, which are not less admirable than all those which have been known hitherto.

The Ingenious Mr. Hook having made several curious Observations with both the one and the other of these Instruments, but particularly with the Microscope, hath gathered them together, and communicat∣ed them to the Publick in this Book, which he hath entituled Micrography, to wit, a de∣scription of small Bodies, because he prin∣cipally examines what is least in Nature.

He begins with the Point of a very fine Needle, which though it seems imperce∣ptible, appears by the Microscope, which he made use of, as large as the fourth part of an Inch. The Extremity of this Point does not terminate in a Cone, as People imagine, nor is it round or flat, but obtuse, unequal and irregular, and resemble∣eth a Pin, whose End is broken. More∣over its Sides are not eaven, as our Eyes do represent them unto us, but knotty and full of little Cavities and Risings.

He saith also, That having considered, with his Microscope, the Edge of a Razor, well set, it appeared as thick as the Back of a Penknife, and observed several Teeth in it. That the Surface of a Looking-glass, well polished, appeared to him, before the Sun, to be full of Rays, and composed of an infinity of unequal Bodies, which reflect∣ed a Light of several different Colours. And that the best made Points, which serve in printed Books, at the separation of Peri∣ods, appear like uneven Ovals, and not rounder••han Chesnuts. And it is not to be wondred at, because the Files, the Stones and other Things, which are used to polish or to make round, being composed of une∣qual Parts, they must also of necessity leave several unequalities on the Surface of those Bodies upon which they act.

He also examined some very fine Linen-Cloath, whose Threds, through the Mi∣croscope, appeared unto him as great as Ropes; and he hath observed, That that which renders those thin Cloaths so transpa∣rent, is, That there are many Holes betwixt the Thred, almost like to the Bars which are put in the Grate of a Window. He found out, That the Waves which appear in divers Stuffs, upon the highest Parts, cause a different Reflection of Light; and he remarked, That in the Syphons and Tears

of Glass: There were several curious Things, which the brevity of this Journal will not permit to relate.

After having spoken of the Works of Art, he comes to those of Nature, to which the Microscope is much more advantagious than to the others: For there is this difference betwixt them, That the Works of Art be∣ing always very imperfect, and will be only seen afar off, and the more exactly they are considered, the more Defects are found in them: But as the Works of Nature are the Effects of an infinite Wisdom, they do not fear to be examined, and always appear the more admirable as they are the nearer lookt upon. Mr. Hook, in this Treatise giveth several Descriptions thereof, of which there is none but what is surprizing; but as they cannot all be related here, I shall only re∣mark some of the most Curious.

1. He describes the Foot of a Fly, and expounds how these small Animals can su∣spend themselves upon the top of a Ceil∣ing, and thus to walk without falling. Some have believed, that their Feet were full of a sticking Moisture, by means of which they adhere to whatever they touch; but the true Reason is, as it hath been found out by the Microscope, That Flies have at the End of each Foot two Talons, which easily enter into the least Pores of all Sorts of Bodies; and moreover the Soles of their Feet are covered with an infinity of little Points, like to the Combs of Carders, with which they easily stick to the least unequality of the most polish'd Bodies.

There is nothing uglier than a Lowse, and yet the manner wherewith it is repre∣sented unto us by a Microscope, is as curi∣ous as this Insect is hedious in it self. Mr. Hook hath drawn the Figure of it with the Microscope, because it being a Foot and a half long, if sheweth better than others how far this Instrument can enlarge Ob∣jects.

2. A Lowse hath two Eyes placed behind its Horns, quite contrary to other Animals; for as it hath no Eye-Lids, the Hairs through which it passeth, would hurt its Sight continually. It seems to have some Appea∣rance of Chops. Its Paws are covered with a Shell, as that of Lobst••••s, and have two Talons, with which it grasp∣eth the Hair, when it walks on the Head. It hath upon its Breast a light transparent Substance like unto Horn, and upon its Belly a Skin spotted, through which may be seen, that the white Spot, which perhaps is the Liver of this Insect, is agitated with a continual Motion. Mr. Hook having shut up in a Box one of these Animals for two Days, without giving him any thing to eat, and having afterwards put it upon his Hand, this Insect thrust its Snout into the Skin, without seeming to open any Chop, and immediately a little Torrent of Blood was perceived, which passed directly and spee∣dily from its Snout into its Belly by means of a kind of Pump, which seemed to be the Heart or the Lungs. Through the Scale of the Breast were plainly seen several Vessels, which swelled up with this Blood, which was carried and distributed into divers Parts. Mr. Hook remarks, that the Di∣gestion is made in the Body of this Insect with a marvelous quickness: For the black and thick Blood was seen, whilst it sucked it; when it was in it's Guts, it appeared of a fair red; and the Part which was di∣stributed in the Veins, was all white. He adds, that altho' its Snout was not the 25th part as long as Line, and that it did not thrust it quite through the Skin; yet the Blood was seen to come out not only in the Skin, but even unto the very Cuticle.

3. The Structure of the Sting of a Bee, is not less marvelous. It is composed of two parts, whereof the first hath several Knots or Joints, and besides that several Pricks which perfectly resemble the Nails of a Cat, and which the Fly stretcheth or draweth in as it lists. The other part is the point of a Sting which is shut up in the first as a Sword in its Scabbord, and which is also armed on each side with Nails. It is they which stop the Sting in the Wound which the Fly hath made, and which hinder that it cannot draw it back. But that which chiefly maketh the Pain, is a corrosive and venemons Liquor which is shut up in the Scabbord, and which being pushed into the Wound gnaweth the Fibres, and causeth the Inflammation.

4. The Leaf of a Nettle hath much Re∣lation with a Sting. For this Author re∣marks, that it is covered with very sharp Pricks, whose Base, which is a little Sack or Bladder of a flexible Substance, and al∣most of the Figure of a wild Cucumber, includeth a sharp and venemous Liquor; but the Point is of a very hard and strong Sub∣stance, and hath a hole in the middle, by which this venemous Liquor runs into the part which is prick'd, and excites Pain therein: Which may be easily perceived with a Microscope, if one presseth with a Finger the end of these Pricks against its Base: For then through these Pricks which are transparent, this Liquor is manifestly seen to mount and to descend, as Mr. Hook assures he hath often made Experiment.

5. This Author having examined with the Microscope several of its Hairs, hath found that they were all almost round. That at the End they were bigger than towards the Root; that from one End to another they appeared transparent as a Horn; and that there are no Threds to be seen in their Root, as in that of several Plants. He adds, that they are solid, and that he hath disco∣vered no Cavity in them, no more than in the Bristles of an Hog. But that the Beard of a Cat being cut, hath just as the Elder-Tree, a large Marrow in the middle; yet the Weaving thereof is so close, that there can be no appearance of Pores perceived therein.

6. As the Opinions of Philosophers are very different, touching the manner where∣by Fire is produced when one striketh Fire,

this Au••hor made several Experiments to find out the Truth of it. Having then for this Design struck Fire upon a leaf of white Paper, he found at the place where the Sparkles were fallen, little black Spots, but Luminous; and having considered them each in particular with a good Microscope, he found that they were little Bowls round and shining, among which there were two diffe∣rent from the others; the one whereof was stuck by one end to little bit of Steel pret∣ty long; the other was but a Blade of Steel very small. Thereupon this Author makes divers Arguments, and lastly he concludes, That these Sparkles are nothing else but Particles of Steel or of a Flint Stone, which are sometimes made red, sometimes melted, and even often vitrified, according to the different degrees of Heat, which Motion produceth. And to confirm this Opinion, he after having made some File-dust of Steel to pass over the Flame of a Candle, he saw shining Particles fall from them like unto Sparkles of a Flint, only that they were a little bigger.

7. But there is nothing more admirable, nor which better shews the Excellency of a Mircroscope, than what this Author saith of Mouldiness. It was never thought that it was a heap of small Plants, and that all the Things which appear mouldy, were as so many small Meadows enamelled with di∣vers Flowers. Some had round Buttons, and which seemed not to be opened; others were half Budded; some were altogether Flowered; and there were some whose end appeared to be broken, as if they had be∣gun to cast their Flowers. Tho' they were very near one another, each had its Root apart. Their Stalks were red, long, cy∣lindrick and transparent. Their Substance was very tender, and almost like that of Mushrooms; for in touching them with a Pin they broke easily, and being put to the Flame of a Candle three or four times, they remained whole. As for their Odour it was strong and unpleasant, as well as their Taste.

8. A Flea hath six Legs, which hath three Joynts each, whose Disposition is altogether different. For the Joynts of the two fore Legs enter and are entirely trust into one another; those of the Thighs of the mid∣dle have their Extent quite separate; but the hind Thighs have their Joynts folded upon one another as the Leg and Thigh of a Man. When the Flea leaps, it stretcheth at the same time all its Legs, and its diffe∣rent Joynts coming to unbind together as so many Springs, cause this Leap, which some have attributed to Imaginary Wings.

9. It is wonderful to see the quantity of small Pores, which the Microscope discovers in a Coal. They are disposed in order, and white all over, so that there is no Coal, how long soever it is, through which one may not blow; and if a bit of it is broken a little short, the Light is seen through with a Microscope. Their number is so great, that in a rank, the 18th part of an Inch long, Mr. Hook hath reckoned 150. whence he concludes, that in a Coal of an Inch Dia∣meter, there ought not to be less than five Millions, seven hundred, fourscore and four thousand. It is to this great quantity of Pores, that he attributes the blackness of a Coal: For he saith, when a Body hath many Pores in which the Light is not reflected, it appears necessarily black; whereas Blackness is nothing else but a privation of Light, or a de••ect of Reflection.

10. He saith, that the other Senses may be perfected even as the Sight, by Instru∣ments like unto a Microscope, he pretends he has already made several Experiments of it which have succeeded with him.

11. He makes an Infinity of fine Remarks about Colours, Light, the Moon and the Stars, &c. which I should relate, if I had not already inlarged upon this Book much more than usually: But as it contains many curious Things, I thought the World would be glad to have an ample Extract thereof in this Journal.

An Extract of an English Iournal, con∣taining some Curious Observations made by means of the Microscope.

IN a late Journal we have spoken at large of the Observations which Mr. Hook made with the Microscope. Mr. Lewenha••k imparts now those which he hath made with the same Instrument.

1. He examined certain yellow Grounds of England and Flanders, near the City of Tournay, whereof China is made, and he found that it was composed of several small Globes a great deal less than the least Grains of Sand. Those of the Earth of Flanders, were less than those of the Earth of Eng∣land; but he observed yet less near Esphen, whereof they make pretty strong Pots, and which is easily changed into Glass. This Ground cannot be used to make China, be∣cause it is too red; but it is good, being mixed with the two other Earths whereof we have spoken. This Earth is not so pure as the others, it is mix'd with other parts which it seems are of rotten Wood, and Particles of Sand.

2. He found that in the white of the Eye of a Beef there were some little Globes. That the Cristallin was also composed as round Scales laid upon one another; and that these Scales were composed also of small Globes. He discovered the Vitriol Humour was much fuller of little Globes than the Watry Humour. The Cartilage being dryed, he saw also that it was composed of Cristallin little Globes very even among themselves; and if this Membrane suffers some Separa∣tion, it seems to him as if it was wet. These little transparent parts appear white when they are laid upon one another, as Cristalling appears white when it is dry or

broken, and appears so no more when it is wet. And he hath found out that all the other Tunicles were also composed of even little Globes united to one another.

3. The Optick Nerves in which he hath remarked small Arteries, appeared to him to be composed of Threds pretty tender and a little strait. These Threds are like wise composed of little Globes.

4. What he hath remarked upon the Sea∣Water which is on the side of Berkelse-Sea, is also very Curious. The bottom of the Sea is very marshy in that place: In Winter it appears very clear; in the middle of Summer it begins to whiten, and in the midst are seen as it were small green Clouds. Mr. Lewenhook having filled a Glass with this Cloudy Water, and stirred it, after having let it settle a whole day, hath remarked in it as it were Strings of a Spiral Figure, and thick as Hairs, composed of small green G••obules, where were also an Infinity of small Animals, round or oval figur'd, which were of different Colour, and moved on all sides, but very slowly, and which appeared a thousand times less than the least of those which are seen in Cheese, Fruits, or in Moldiness.

5. Finally, having exhal'd the Solution of Salt, he found that the Saline Particles were either Round, Pyramidal, or Quadrangu∣lar and very polished.

An Extract of an English Iournal, con∣taining some Observations made upon the Salts and Oyls of mix'd Bodies.

MR. Coxes, who made these Observa∣tions, finds much probability in the Opinion of Vanhelmont, who saith, That the variety of Brimstone commonly makes the diversity of Species in the Mixt; and that the most considerable Changes are made by the Separation of a Sulphurous Nature, and by the Introduction of a new one. This Brimstone is not a simple Body, but infla∣mable and in form of Oyl. This Oyl, which is drawn commonly with the Water, includes the principal Qualities of the mix'd. But the Salts, as well fix'd as vo∣latile, restore the Earth and Water to their elementary Simplicity, if they retain not something of this Specifick Oyl. So the fix'd or volatile Salts are different among themselves, but proportionably as they yet retain some mixture of these Oyls.

Let one take some volatile Salt whatever, let it be sublimated in a Vessel of Glass high enough for a gentle Heat, let this Opera∣tion be reiterated several times, it shall be found that there still remaineth some Oyl at the bottom of the Vessel, and the Salts being deprived of this Oyl, shall become very homogenious. But because it is hard to rule the Fire so justly, that no Oyl shall be mixed with Salts, they may all be reduced to a certain Simplicity by a more easie way.

Spirit of Salt well rectified, must be poured upon a certain quantity of vola∣tile Salt a little purified. When there shall be no more Ebullition, and that the Salt shall be enough, the Phlegm must be sepa∣rated from it, which is done with a mild Heat. This Phlegm will carry with it some portion of the volatile Salt. Sublimate what remains, and you shall have good Ar∣moniack Salt. Mix it with an equal quan∣tity of good Alcali Salt well calcin'd, or pour upon it good and strong Grounds of an Alcali, because the volatile Salts do not so well mix with the fixed as the Acids do, the least degree of Heat shall sublimate the volatile Salt deprived of all its Oyl, and by this means all the volatile Salts are reduced to certain common Proprieties.

What all these Artificial Operations do, is yet more easily effected in the Air, which is full of volatile Salts which are sublimated from Subterranean Places, from Plants, from Animals. The Air depriveth these Salts of their Oyl; but being dissolved in the Rain or in the Dew, and carried in Vege∣tables, they are specified by the other Prin∣ciples, tho' they may be easily reduc'd by Nature or Art to their first Simplicity.

The same Uniformity is the Spirits that have the taste of Wine, which are nothing but the most subtle Oyl of Vegetables, which are as it were pounded by Fermenta∣tion into lesser Branches than the Oyl: For before the Fermentation there is Oyl drawn from it, but not Winy Spirits; after the Fermentation there remaineth a little Oyl; and even after the Fermentation of a Plant, when you draw the Oyl from it, you'll scarcely have any thing of the Winy Spi∣rit. When this Spirit takes with it some part of this Oyl whose Branches remain whole, it puts difference among the Spirits; but when after several Digestions or reiter∣ated Distillations, these oleagenous parts are cut into lesser Branches, or that the de∣gree of Heat which raiseth the Winy Spi∣rits cannot raise those grosser Oyls, what difference soever there was in the whole Bo∣dies, these Spirits became very homogeni∣ous; and this is seen in changing the Oyls of Vegetables into a Winy Spirit, which is done in several manners. Put upon an Ounce of the essential Oyl of a Vegetable, two or three Pounds of the Spirit of Wine well dephlegmed; the Spirit immediately, by a simple Agitation, devoureth this Oyl and changeth it in its Nature.

New Experiments drawn from the Eng∣lish Iournal.

ONE of the principal Vertues of Salts which are drawn from Plants, is to make the Image of these Plants to revive and appear in all its Beauty. It hath been doubted a long time whether the Thing can

be done. Some do even as yet doubt there∣of: But the Experiments which have been made in France, Italy, Denmark, and else∣where, suffer us no more to doubt on't. Mr. Coxes hath lately made some in Eng∣land upon this Subject, and he writeth that having drawn a great deal of Salt of Fern, and dissolved a part thereof by the damp Air, after having dryed it, the rest of the Grounds being filtred became as red as pure Blood. This colour denoted, that there remained many Sulphurous Parts. He put this Solution into a great Vessel or Bottle of Glass, where after it had rested five or six Weeks, a great part of the Salt fell to the bottom and became browner, whereas the upper remained white. And then it was that upon the Surface of this Salt, there was seen to rise up a Fern in great quan∣tity.

When the Fern was burned, it was as yet betwixt dry and green: So the Salt was, as it were, Tartarous and Essential; being dryed by a great Fire it diminished much in Weight, and became whiter, be∣cause there had been before some Oyl and some Acid.

Having mixed equal Parts of these Ashes which came from the North, and which are called in English Pot-Ashes, with Armoniack Salt, there arose immediately a volatile Salt; and some time after he saw appear a Forest of Pines, Deals, and of another kind of Trees, which he knew not.

An Extract of a Letter of Mr. Hugens of the Royal Academy of Sciences, to the Author of the Iournal of the Learned, concerning the Catoptrick Glass of Mr. Newton.

I Send you the Figure and Description of Mr. Newton's Telescope. As to my Opi∣nion, which you desire to know touching this new Invention, though I have not as yet seen its effect, I think I may say it is Fine and Ingenious, and that it will suc∣ceed, provided there be Matter found for the Concave Looking-Glasses, which may be capable of a lively and even polishing, as that of Glass, which I do not despair of.

The Advantages of this Glass, over those wherein nothing but Glass is employ∣ed, are first, That the Concave Looking∣Glass, though of a Spherick Figure, ga∣thereth much better the parallell'd Beams towards one Point, than our Spherick Glas∣ses do; as this may be Geometrically de∣monstrated. Whence it followeth, that of two Glasses of the same length, whereof the one shall be of this new manner, and the other an objective Glass as usual; the first bearing a greater opening, may unite much more Beams coming from the Objects, though the little Looking Glass hindreth some of them; and yet it may be made to magnifie much more than the other. So that with the half or the third part of the length of the old Glasses, or perhaps less, the usual Effect may be had.

The second Advantage, is, That by this Invention an unseparable Inconveniency of the objective Glasses is avoided, which is the Inclination of both their Surfaces to one another. For though this Inclination is little, yet it hinders the Beams which pass towards the sides of the Glass, and it would hinder still more, if we should make use of Hyperbolick or Elliptick Glasses, which would require greater Overtures.

I reckon for a third Advantage, That by the Reflection of a Metalline Looking Glass, there are no Beams lost, as in the Glasses which reflect a notable quantity thereof by each of their Surfaces; and besides that, do not intercept one part by the obscurity of their Matter.

And this Matter being also so difficult to meet with the Goodness which is requisite for long Glasses, because for the most part it is not altogether homogenious, is a fourth Advantage of this Catroptick Glass, that in the Metal there needed no other Goodness but that of the Surface.

Those who have seen Mr. Newton's Glass, do observe, that there is a little difficulty to order it towards the Objects. But this may be easily remedied by fastning thereto a Glass which may be exactly parallel to it, by which the Object may first be sought for: It is true that for this there needeth a second Observator, if the Catropick Glass is big; because that he that looketh at it, ought to be at the end which is raised on high: But this Incommodity is inconsiderable, consi∣dering the usefulness of the Invention. If instead of Spherick Looking Glasses, there could be had parabolick ones, exactly formed and polished, these Glasses would have the effect which were hoped for from the Ecliptick or Hyperbolick Glasses; and I believe it much easier to succeed in Look∣ing Glasses.

Experiments about Freezing of Water, made by Mr. Mariotte, of the Royal Academy of Sciences.

AS the Royal Academy make every Win∣ter Observations of the Cold, Mr. Ma∣riotte, to contribute to the Design of the Assembly, hath applied himself to examine how Ice is formed; and for that end he hath made several curious Experiments, whose principal ones I shall relate.

EXPERIMENT I.

He put common Water into a Vessel of Brass which was about 8 Inches broad and 6 high, and having exposed it to the Air

during a hard Frost, some time after he per∣ceived, that long Shreds of Ice begun to form, some whereof did go from the Top to the Bottom, others ran across, some more fastened to the Bottom and Sides of the Ves∣sel, and others crossed in divers Places. Afterwards he saw these Shreds to widen into very thin Blades; and having softly poured out the Water, by stooping the Vessel, that so he might the better see the Blades of Ice, which were formed at the Bottom, he found that they all had the Breadth of about three Lines, and that they were separated from one another by equal Intervals, whose Breadth was also about three Lines.

EXPERIMENT II.

The same Vessel having been filled again with new fresh Water, and exposed to the Frost, there formed immediately Ropes and Blades of Ice as before; and afterwards the Blades of Ice, which were at the bottom, grew large by little and little, and com∣posed a continued Ice, which covered all the Bottom of the Vessel. The Blades of Ice which were on the Top of the Water, were also joyned together; but there was about the middle of the Surface of the Water a little Place which froze not, and the Ice was more than an Inch thick when this little Place not frozen. The Water went out by little and little through this Hole, and freez'd round it according as it was spread; so that the Hole became still narrower, and there was was made round about it a Rising of Ice, about an Inch high, which formed a little Channel. Fi∣nally, the Hole being quite stopped, the Ice some time after broke with a Noise, before all the Water which was in the middle was frozen.

EXPERIMENT III.

To find out what made the Water come but by this little Channel, and what broke the Ice, Mr. Mariotte took a great Glass, of a Conick Figure, and having filled it up with Water, within three or four Lines of the Brim, he carefully considered the Pro∣gress of the Congelation. After that small Ropes were formed, and then small Bars of Ice, whereof some were cut like Parsley Leaves, and others dented as a Saw, several small Bubbles of Air began to ap∣pear at the Bottom and at the Sides of the Glass, and magnified by little and little: Some of these stayed engaged in the Ice, others were loosed and raised up to the Top. The more the Water freezed the more Bubbles were formed; yet the Water came still forth by the little Channel, and as it freezed so it spread: The Ice in fine became so high round about the small Channel, that on one Side it passed the Brims of the Glass, so that the Water ran over it. Then he made another Channel with a Pin at the other Side, where the Ice was less thick, and the Water immediately went that way. This Channel was renew∣ed from Time to Time, and the first Hole, by which the Water passed no more, was entirely shut up. Afterwards the Water stopped also the second Channel, which was no more renewed; and yet there were Bubbles that were formed in the Water, which was not as yet frozen, and raised unto the Top of the Water. Some time after the second Hole was stopped, he heard the Ice crack, and found that it was cleft at the Top at two Places; that about two thirds of the heighth of the Glass the Ice above was entirely separated from that which was under, by a Space of about two Lines; and that in the midst of the Ice there was a little Water, which was not yet frozen. He remarked also, That in all this Ice there was an infinite Number of little Bubbles, which ended in a Point, and which extended almost all towards the middle of the Glass; and that at the Place which the Water had frozen last, the Ice was whitish, and a little transparent, almost as Snow.

By these Experiments we judged, That the reason why the Water included in the Ice raised and spreaded at the Top, was, That the Bubbles which were formed, coming to stretch, pressed and pushed it out; that the little Channel had remained a long while without freezing, because the Water which continually passed through it, kept it open: That when the Ice had at last stopp'd this Passage, the Bubbles, whose number always increased, was at last too much press'd, and by the Strife they made to ex∣tend themselves, had broke the Ice: That it was also this same Strife, which had made the Ice above to part from that beneath; and that the whiteness of the Ice, which was last formed, happened because there were many of these Bubbles mixed with it.

If it be asked, Whence these Bubbles come? he answers, That they are formed of an Aerial Matter, with which the Water is all full, as is seen by Experiment of the Void; for if there is a Glass full of Water put into a Recipient, there are seen many such Bubbles come out of the Water when the Air is pumped: And the same thing hap∣peneth when there is Water put to boyl on the Fire. It will perhaps be said, That in boyling Water these Bubbles come from the Fire: But Mr. Mariotte hath seen several of these Bubbles stay more than six Weeks at the Bottom of a Dish filled with Water, without any notable diminishing in bulk, although the Dish was no more on the Fire, but exposed to a pretty cold Air; whence he concludes, That these Bubbles are not Particles of the Fire. It might also be doubted whether they come from the Mat∣ter of the Vessel, or from the Air which is contained in these Pores. This Doubt, which seems pretty well grounded, gave him an occasion of making a curious Expe∣riment: He poured Oyl into a little Vessel, and with the Head of a Pin he put softly a Drop of Water over this Oyl. Having afterwards put the Vessel on the Fire, he

saw no Bubbles come from the Oyl, but he saw a great many come from the Drop of Water: When the Oyl was more warmed, the Drop of Water fell to the Bottom, and Bubbles continued to come from it. But what is wonderful, a little after there fell out a kind of Fulmination, and at the same instant the Top of the Oyl was all covered with Bubbles, whereof some were bigger than the whole Drop of Water. This Experiment made him to judge, That the Matter, of which the Bubbles were formed was contained in the Water, and that it changeth into Air when the Water is frozen, or boyled, or that the Air about it is pumped out, in making the Experiment in the Void.

It remains to know how the Bubbles are formed, why they swell, and how the Ropes are made, which appear at the beginning of Freezing; which he also easily expounds, according to the same Principles. He saith, There is a great likelihood that the fluidity of the watry Liquors comes from that their Parts are continually agitated by the Mo∣tion of this Aerial Matter, and that this Motion is maintained by Heat; whence it followeth, that when there happeneth a great Cold, this Motion becomes so weak that it can no longer agitate the Parts of the Water, so that they stick to the Vessel, and then they joyn to one another; and thence comes these Ropes and Bars of Ice, which are seen to appear when the Water begins to freeze: Then the Aerial Matter is disingaged from the Water, which freez∣eth; and as the Spirits of new Wine, be∣ing separated from the Gross Matters of the Wine, put themselves into Motion, and make the Wine come out by the Bung-Hole or Break the Barrel, if they have not Passage given them; so this Aerial Matter in dilat∣ing makes the Water come out by the little Hole, which remains open, and where this Hole is stopped, it breaks the Ice, which keeps it too pressed. To shew that there is no other Cause of this Rupture, Mr. Ma∣riotte made the following Experiment.

EXPERIMENT IV.

He put fresh cold Water into the Vessel, which he had made use of in the two first Experiments, and when the Water was altogether frozen above, so that there re∣mained no Channel, he pierced the Ice with a big Pin; there came immediately out a Spout of Water more than two Inches high, which took away the Pin which remained in the Hole. He continued to pierce the Ice from Time to Time, until the water was altogether frozen, and after that he left it exposed to a very cold Air, two Days and two Nights successively; but the Ice burst not, though other Ice which had not been pierced, burst just by it.

EXPERIMENT V.

He was minded to see if there needed many of these Bubbles to break the Ice; and for that end having set another Water to freeze in the same Vessel, he pierced the Ice from Time to Time: When the Water was frozen almost all over, he drew the whole Ice out of the Vessel, having heated it a little, and left it exposed to the Air, with∣out piercing it any more. A quarter of an Hour afterwards he heard it break, and found it separated into two Parts, almost equal; in each of which there was a Cavity of about an Inch diameter, which was the Space oc∣cupied by the Bubbles, and the rest of the Water which remained unfrozen. The Ice was above the Fingers thick, all round about; and yet the Bubbles which were formed of the little Water which remained, did nevertheless break it.

EXPERIMENT VI.

Many Persons have endeavoured to make Burning-Glasses of Ice, but it is hard to suc∣ceed, because Ice is commonly imperfectly Transparent. Mr. Mariotte having judged by the precedent Experiments, That if the Aerial Matter was exhausted, which is in the Water before it was exposed to the Frost, one might have very pure Ice; and he was minded to make a Trial of it: Wherefore he boyled some clean Water up∣on the Fire, for about the Space of half an Hour, to make the Aerial Matter evaporate, and then exposed it to a very cold Air. Very near this hot Water, he put as much cold into another Vessel, to compare them together: The cold Water begun to freeze before the hot Water had as much as cool'd, and there were formed a great many Bub∣bles. The hot Water also freezed at last, but the Ice was two Inches thick on all Sides, afore any Bubles were formed, so that it was perfectly transparent: He put a bit of this Ice into a little Concave Spherick Vessel, and having set this Vessel near the Fire, he made the Ice on one Side to melt by little and little, until it had taken a Convex Spherick Figure: He did as much on the other side, turning the Ice often, and pour∣ing the Water on it from Time to Time, according as the Ice melted. When the Ice had a Convex Figure, pretty uniform, he took it by the two Edges with a Glove, that the heat of his Hand might not so soon melt it; and he exposed it to the Sun. This Experiment had the Success he expected, for in a very short Time, by the Heap of this Ice he made some fine Powder to take Fire, which he had placed in its Focus or Point where the Rays met together. It is true, that notwithstanding all the Care which may be taken, it is impossible to make all the Aerial Matter to evaporate from the Water, and to hinder that some Bubbles do not form in the middle of the Ice; yet there is always a considerable Part on't which is perfectly Transparent.

An Extract of a Letter of Mr. Hugens, of the Royal Accademy of Sciences, to the Author of the Journal of the Learned, touching the Figure of the Planet Saturn.

THE last Conjunction of this Planet with the Sun happened the twelfth of March past of 22 Degrees 35 Minutes of Pisces, and the great Obliquities of this Place from the Zodiack to our Horizon, when it riseth, is the Reason why it was almost three Months before it was seen in a clear Morning; for it was but the fifth of Iune when Mr. Cassini observed it the first Time, the Arms of Saturn being already vi∣sible and large, it was judged they were re-established a long Time before. He re∣marked also upon the North Side of the Descus of Saturn a little Tract of Shadow, which agreeth as well as the re-establishment of the Arms, with what is mentioned els∣where, concerning the Ring with which, I suppose, Saturn is surrounded. But be∣cause this Hypothesis is chiefly confirmed by the Observations which have been lately made, whereof some have not been as yet published, you will suffer me to relate them on this occasion, with the Reflections I have made thereupon.

In the Year 1671. Saturn appeared round, without Arms or Handles, as I had foretold it fourteen years ago, when I pub∣lished my System; though this happened two Months sooner than I expected, to wit, from the beginning of the Month of May. Afterwards an Intermission was perceived in the round Figure, which I had not seen before, and it had been hard for me to do it, having observed Saturn but for one Year only, when I writ these Predictions: But you know that as soon as I heard that the Arms were returned, which Mr. Cassini observed on the eleventh and fourteenth of August, I said, that assuredly he would take them up again in a little Time, which was also found to be true; for about the fourth of Novem∣ber the Arms of Saturn were to obscure that I doubted whether they appeared as yet, though Mr. Cassini assures he had seen them the thirteenth of December following, after which the round Figure continued until Saturn hid himself in the Beams of the Sun. This Last Eclipse of the Arms proveth chiefly the Truth of my Hypothesis, seeing it may well be judged, it would have been hard for me to foresee this second Change so near the first, if I had not known what had been its true Cause. Besides, that the man∣ner it self wherewith the Arms were lost this second Time, was precisely such as I have established in my System; for they were seen to lose by little and little their Bright∣ness, though they remained always large enough to be seen; which was a certain Mark that the Beams of the Sun lighted very obliquely the Surface of the Ring of Saturn, which was turned towards us, and that at last they lighted no more, but the other opposite Surface. In the Precedent Apparition of the round Figure, from the end of May unto the fourteenth of August, the Arms were not become invisible for want of being lighted, but because our Sight was very little or not at all raised upon the Surface of the Ring, which the Sun looked upon.

All these Reasons cannot be understood but by those who have taken the Pains to examine attentively what I have written thereof in the System of Saturn; and it is for them that I shall adhere yet, that as to the Lines of the Equinoxes or of the round Apparition of Saturn, which Line is made by the Intersection of the Ring, and of the Draught of the Orb of this Planet, there have been hitherto no Observations made, which oblige me to place it elswhere, but at the 20▪ Degree of Pisces and the Balance, which is the situation I have given it in Writ∣ing the System. Every Time that the Place of Saturn meets in these Places of the Zodi∣ack, it ought to appear round and even, it is only two Degrees or thereabouts from it. For the Observations of the last Year, 1671. oblige me to straiten thus these Li∣mits, which I had in Times past established six Degrees; which I had done to save some Observations of Galileus and Gassandus, whose Prospects have been of less effect than I had dared to suppose them. According to these last Limitations the Appearances of the round Form of Saturn ought to last less than by my former Predictions, so that in 1685. it will not be at the beginning of March but only at the Month of Iuly, about the End of the Appearance of Saturn, that he shall be seen to lose his Arms, which he shall recover in the Month of November; and so in the Year 1701. it cannot be seen round but in Iune, at the beginning of his Appearance, and from the Month of August his Arms will begin to grow again.

Before I end, I shall add, That the Table which I have given of the Motion of the small Moon or Star, which accompanieth Saturn, and which turns round about him in sixteen Days forty seven Minutes, hath been hitherto found so conformable to the Observations, that I cannot as yet see whether I ought to add to it or diminish from it.

An Extract of the Registers of the Royal Accademy of Sciences, containing some Observations which Mr. Perrault made concerning two remarkable things which were found in Eggs.

THE first Observation is upon a little Egg, which was found in a great one, and was about as large as a little Olive; it was also of the Form of an Egg, only a

little longer in Proportion than Eggs com∣monly are; but the End which is the sharp∣est in Eggs, was so much more in this: When it was first found in the big one, which inclosed it, it had no Shell; it was only covered with a hard and thick Mem∣brane, which became hard in a very small Time as the Shell of all Eggs. The Matter wherewith it was filled was not Yellow, as it is common in other Eggs, but White and Serous, such as is that of Eggs which are found in an Ostrich, when she is near laying, or such as are those that are Barren and Corrupted.

Another Observation is, of an Egg, in which a Pin was found inclosed; and the Place by which it got in was not to be seen. This Pin was covered with a whitish Crust, of the thickness of the third Part of a Line, which gave it the Form of a Bone of a Frog's Thigh. Under this Crust the Pin was Black and a little Rusty.

The great Number of Examples which we have of the easie Penetration which Living Bodies are capable of suffering by the Dilatation of their Pores, may make it credible, that the Small Egg entred the Covering of the Great one without Dif∣ficulty, notwithstanding the little Disposi∣tion which its blunt Figure gave it for pe∣netrating; and that the Pin passed through the Body of the Hen without wounding her, though its pointed Figure was very cap∣able of doing it.

It appears that the insensible Motion of Things which are pushed by little and little produceth these two marvelous Effects. It is seen, that the Parts of the Plants, al∣though blunt (such as the Points of Spar∣row-grass) penetrate the most hard Earth by the slow Strife they make; and there are Persons who thrust sharp-pointed Pins up to the Head in their Arms and Legs, without Pain, because they are used to it by little and little. It seems, nevertheless, That nature finds more safety to make blunt things pass, which are capable only of dilating the Pores of Living Bodies, than those which by their Figures are more sharp; and this is seen by the Care it hath to make, as it were, a Case to the Point of a Pin, which we speak of: And we have, moreover, observed a like Providence in the Dissection of a Duck, in whose Ventricle we have found a great Knot of Ribbons, made of Thred and Gold-Lace, which being a Weaving of small Bars of Metal, capable of tearing the Skin of the Ventricle and Intestines, each Bar was covered as with a little Leather, which took the Roughness away; yet we have further remarked in the Ventricle of an Ostrich, That two coyned Pieces, which it had swal∣lowed, seemed only to have been kept a long Time, and were not covered with this Crust, so much as in the very Places of their Cavity, because perhaps these Pieces of Metal were not capable of hurting the Body their Figure; there being some Reason to believe, That things which hurt the Parts by their asperity, make a Salt come out capable of causing the Coagulation of the Humour, whence this Crust is pro∣duced.

Howbeit the Examples of Penetration, which blunt Bodies may make, and the Histories which we have of this Nature, about Bodies swallowed and entred, by Places where there is no apparent opening; render this Thought probable, That the little Part, which was found harder about the Point than the Film of an Egg is, rea∣dy to descend into the Channel called Ovi∣ductus, might penetrate these Films, being pushed on softly and insensibly.

An Extract of an English Iournal, con∣taining some very Curious Remarks made by Dr. Grew, about the Structure and Vegetation of Plants.

THE First of these Remarks is, That in Plants there are organick Parts, somewhat like those of Animals; so that ac∣cording to him one may say, they have En∣trails, a Heart, a Liver, &c.

2. That all the Entrails are not of the same kind, but that they contain divers Liquors, and that the Concurrence of two Liquors particularly different, is not less necessary for the Vegetation and Nourishment of Plants than for that of Animals.

3. That the whole Body of a Plant, in respect to its Structure, is like a Piece of Lace, in the same Form as it appears upon the Cusheon. The Substance of the Liver and the Parts which are about it, are like so many small Threds; those which are nea•• unto the Heart turn on both Sides, and form divers little Bladders of the Barks, like to small Threds that are turned and moved in making Lace, and cause the little Holes which appear in it.

4 That the Juice supplying the Place of Blood in Plants, there is a continual Profu∣sion made on't, and a Circulation very much like the Blood in Animals.

5. That the Motion of the Air in Plants is not less necessary for their Vegetation than the Motion of the Juice; that it enters into it by the Trunk, and particularly by the Root, from whence it is distributed into all the Parts of the Plant.

6. That the Juice is not always the same, that it is at first like Oyl, afterwards like Milk; and that it is apparent from the gros∣est Parts of the Juice, which are thus found, the Matter of Rosin and Gum are produced upon the Body of Trees.

7. That the Motion of the Juice ascends up to the Top of the Branches by the new∣est Fibres, which compose the last Circle which is formed in the Body of the Tree; and he pretends, That there are so few of them in the oldest Fibres, that it may be said they are rather filled with a kind of Vapour than a true Liquor: Notwithstand∣ing

as this Vapour moistens the sides of these old Fibres, yet it doth not nourish them; and it is for this Reason that Oni∣ons and other such like Roots, being only plac'd in a moist Air, encrease and grow.

An Extract of a Letter written from Florence, concerning a prodigious Fire in the Air.

AN Hour after Sun-set, there appear'd in the City of Florence, in Tuscany, so great a Brightness, by the means of a prodigious Fire which run in the Air, that it was thought, by a new Miracle, the Day would re-appear. Every one spake as he thought of this new Prodigy, and gave it a Name according to his Fancy. Some affirm'd they had seen a Flying Dragon which vomited Flames, and heard his Hissings; others call'd it a Column, a Beam, or a great Club of Fire; others gave it the Name of a Fatal Comet, which foretold very great Misfortunes. But intelligent Persons agreed, that in the middle Regions of the Air there was seen, at the beginning, a little whitish Flame like unto a little Cloud, which immediately darkned the Moon, and which kindling still stronger, be∣came in a little time of a considerable great∣ness and thickness.

It's Course lasted not long. It first ap∣peared under Arcturus, thence running with a surprising Impetuosity against the Motion of the first Mobile, and whistling after a frightful manner it came to the vertical Circle, and travers'd the Zodiack under the Lines of the Lobsters and Gemini; but coming at the right Shoulder of Orion, it fell into a Cloud which was at the West, as if it had been entirely quenched, there was no more Fire nor Brightness seen; but during the Space of eight Minutes a great noise was heard, much stronger in some pla∣ces than in others, and which might pass for an Earthquake.

This Prodigy ought not to go for a new one in Italy; for we find that in the same City of Florence, in 1325. a Figure, as it were a Spindle of Fire, was seen to fly at Night in the Air, which was very big. In 1352. there was likewise seen in the Air after Sun-setting, a great Mass of gathered Vapours, which was accompanied with a noise as great as a Thunder-clap. In 1353, and 54. there appeared two more: The first as a great Serpent all in Fire, about one of the Clock at Night; and the other about six at Night, like flying Fire. Finally, in 1557. there appeared in the Air a great Vapour kindled, which was seen throughout all Italy, and which was follow'd by three different Noises.

There may be a Physical Reason given for this Meteor, which ought to be put into the number of those which are called burning Torches. It arose from the great Heat which was at Florence about the end of that Winter, which had less of the rigour of this Season than of the mildness of the Spring, and was warmer than usually. For the preceeding Summer having been almost without any warmth, the Exhalations re∣mained spread in the low Region of the Air, not being able to rise up to the middle one. They were balanced and preserved in this first Region by the great Humidity of Autumn. But the last forty days of the Winter having been very dry, as we have already said, there was Heat enough for these Exhalations to be raised higher, where they were easily inflamed, and aided by the violence of the Winds which reigned then, by means of which they made a violent Passage through the Clouds, which inclosed them.

Mr. Cassini had Advice that the same Phoenomen was seen at Rome, at Genoa and Bologne, and Imola, and several other Places, the same Day and about the same Hour that it appeared at Florence. The Relation which Mr. Vittori hath sent him from Bologne upon the Observation which he made of it himself, is almost like to that of Florence: But as it specifieth many things which the Rela∣tion of Florence does not, it will not be un∣agreeable to give here a little Abridgment of it, which Mr. Cassini hath had the good∣ness to communicate to me.

Mr. Vittori observed this Phoenomen at Bologne, at a quarter past one of the com∣mon Clock, which was then an hour and three quarters after Sun-setting. It was as large as the Moon in its full, of the co∣lour of pale Fire, and inclining a little to Green, bright as the Sun when it is among Vapours after Rain, with a long Tail as a sparkling Flame, its Head being a little ob∣scure, as if it were lighted Iron. It had a very quick Motion from the East to the West. It lasted but a Minute of Time, and in less than a quarter of a Minute it passed from the Constellation of Orion to Venus which was at the West, it augmented in apparent bigness, and made a noise like to that which several Serpents do when they are cast into the Air. Several Persons smelled an odour of Brimstone and Bitumen.

The Tail of the Phoenomen was follow∣ed with some black Clouds, which after∣wards covered the Heaven, and the same Night there hapned a small Rain which was much expected for four Months.

What Mr. Cassini finds remarkable in all this, is, that this Phoenomen was seen at the same time from Bologne and Florence, to pass through the Constellation of Orion: Whence he conjectures that it was very much raised, yet it could not be said how much, because the Constellation of Orion is great, and the Observation of Bologne marks not the Star by which it passed, as that of Florence, even as the latter telleth us no∣thing of the Clouds, wherewith the Tail of this Phoenomen was followed, as we learn by that of Bologne.

An Extract of the Iournal of England, containing some new Experiments made and communicated by Mr. Boyle, concerning the Course of the Air weak∣ned, and the Change of Colours which are produced by its Operation, in some Dissolutions and Precipitations.

THESE Experiments are but a Series of the Design which Mr. Boyle had proposed to himself in the Conjectures which he gave us upon some Qualities of the Air which had not yet been observed. The two principal Things which he pro∣posed in these new Observations, are, to discover, 1. If even as the Corruption of some Bodies inclosed in Vessels makes the Air to augment, as he hath already marked elsewhere, so some other Corruptions might not also weaken it by some contrary man∣ner. If in some Dissolutions or Precipita∣tions, the Air might not produce some new Phoenomen, by some Quality which had not as yet been observed.

EXPERIMENT I.

Having taken some Leaves or Dust of pure Brass, and put them into a Cristal Glass of a Conick Figure, into which very good Spirit of Salt had been cast for about the height of three Fingers above the Brass, the Glass was neatly shut with a Stopper which had been made for this effect. Then it was left for some Days upon a Window without stirring it, and some time after∣wards was perceived in the Liquor a brown and obscure Colour by the Dissolution of the Brass. But this Colour being vanished, the Liquor appeared like clear Water; which is also a certain considerable Phoeno∣men; and then taking away the Stopper without troubling the Liquor with any Mo∣tion, and giving thus a free axcess to the exterior Air, the Surface of the Liquor regain'd in a few Minutes its first Colour, and having insensibly penetrated more deep∣ly, all the Body of the Liquor appeared a quarter of an Hour after, coloured after the same manner. The Glass being well re∣stopped, the Menstruum in a few Days lost its Colour; and when it was again unstop∣ped, it retook its first Tincture.

EXPERIMENT II.

The Liquor became more clear than usu∣ally in this second Experiment, which was made after the same Method as the first; but the Glass having been unstopped and the Liquor thus exposed to the exterior Air for half an Hour, the Surface of the Liquor was found more coloured than the rest: This perhaps was not because it was expo∣sed to the exterior Air, but because it might be doubted whether the Air had made some Operation upon the rest of the Liquor, tho' it appeared not at first to try it.

EXPERIMENT III.

The Vessel was stopped, and having left it thus two or three Hours, there was per∣ceived in the Liquor a Colour something like Green, pretty thick, and indifferently transparent, which it lost not, even when it was exposed to the open Air after that the Glass had been unstopped, and that it had been left so 24 Hours. But because they might, in part, attribute this slow and imperfect Success to the Season of the Year, which was a little too late, since 'twas to∣wards the middle of October, he made the following Experiment, for better Informa∣tion.

EXPERIMENT IV.

A little of the strong Spirit of Salt being preserv'd upon the Brass until the Dissolu∣tion was come to a Colour intermingled with red and black, he put about three Spoonfuls of it into a Recipient which held eight times as much: The whole having been preserv'd in a Void for about half an Hour, kept the same Colour; but the Ves∣sel being open'd, and the exterior Air ha∣ving free Access, the Dissolution appear'd in half an Hours time turn'd to a very clear and transparent Green, although we saw no precipitation of the Substance disturb'd by the Faeces.

As for the Influence of the Air, and the Knowledg of weakning and diminishing it, by any other Method than that of Cold and Compression, just as we see it encreases by Heat and Dilatation; having often found the Menstruum which breaks and spoils some Metals after such a manner, that it produces small Bottles or Bubbles capable of exciting the Spring of the Air, shut up in Vessels where the Dissolution is made: Mr. Boyle found it worth his Labour to exa∣mine, whether in some Metalic Dissolutions, where he only observ'd a few Bubbles almost imperceptible, the Springs of the Neigh∣bouring inclos'd Air might be satisfied. See his Experiments.

EXPERIMENT V.

After having taken some thin Pieces of Brass, and put them with Mercury into a Conic Glass stop'd up exactly with a Clod of Earth, he turn'd so much of the fermen∣ted Spirit of Urine upwards, that it swam above to the height of three or four Fingers, and then he carefully clos'd up the Glass. After this he perceiv'd that the Mercury was much depress'd, and the Stoppage ha∣ving been taken out for the Admission of the exterior Air, he saw that by this en∣trance of the Air it had a manifest Effect up∣on the Mercury.

EXPERIMENT VI.

A certain quantity of good Brass being put into a Conic Glass, with as much Spi∣rit of fermented Urine as will make it swim above the Brass the breadth of a Fin∣ger, he stop'd up the Glass very exactly, placing a crooked Pipe about it, wherein there was Mercury after such a manner as it lean'd upon the bottom and sides of the Glass: And they observ'd that the Quick-Silver was set down in the side of the Pipe seal'd Hermetically; and that the Menstru∣um began to operate very slowly upon the Brass in a very silent manner, without ma∣king any Noise or sensible Bubbles, produ∣cing a very agreeable green Colour, which continued so the space of two or three days; but every day afterwards became pa∣ler till the Glass was unstopp'd, and the en∣terior Air having a free Access, the Surface of the Liquor in four or five Minutes time reassumed an agreeable and livly Green, which gently insinuated it self to the bot∣tom, and in ten Minutes space changed into a rich blue Colour which work'd through all the Liquor, and intermix'd it self so with the Green, that in a little time it be∣came very dark. The Glass being un∣stop'd again, the Liquor began to lose some∣thing of its Colour; this Experiment, af∣ter several Repetitions, always produced the same Effect, even during the Night: Without one might attribute it to the Agi∣tation of the Liquor when the Glass is shook, following the Opinion of some, that one might raise a fine and subtle Powder, which being precipitated from the Tin∣cture, and thus mingled again with the Li∣quor gives it its first Colour.

EXPERIMENT VII.

The strong Spirit of Sal Armoniac made without Quick Lime operates also more easily and strongly upon the Brass than Spi∣rit of Urine. An Experiment having been made after the same manner as we just be∣fore related, the same Phoenomen was not only observed for Colour, but also that the same Mercury, which was plac'd according to the precedent Experiment, descended, although very slowly, for two or three days in the seal'd side, until it appear'd to be the fourth part of an Inch lower than it was; and probably the descent of Quick-Silver wou'd be greater if the Glass had not been touched, by which the compleating of the Experiment was hindred. The Event whereof, nevertheless, seem'd sufficiently to declare, that the Spring of the Air inclosed in the Concavity of the Glass, and mixing with that which is contained in the open side of the Pipe where the Mercury was, was weak in respect to that which was en∣closed, where it could have no Communica∣tion, since the Quick-Silver hindreth it on one side, and the Glass that was seal'd Her∣metically, on the other.

EXPERIMENT VIII.

The same Spirit of Sal Armoniac made without quick Lime, produces the same Ef∣fect upon Leaves of Brass; the Glass in which they are both put being stopt up, the Liquor assumes a gross blue Tincture; which it lost in a little time, becoming pale and almost like common Water; whereas the Glass being open'd, the top of the Li∣quor appear'd of a perfect Blue in a Mo∣ment; and this Tincture was not only dis∣persed throughout the whole Liquor, but also continued for many days after the Glass was stop'd.

EXPERIMENT IX.

The Experiment being often shew'd to Mr. Boyle, that the Spirit of Vinegar with Minium of Lead, works very gently with∣out producing any Scum, altho' upon Coral and many other Bodies, it causes not only a great quantity of Bubbles, but also a kind of strong Elasticks; He had a mind to prove if this gentle and quiet Dissolution of the Minium wou'd be attended with a permanent changing of the Spring of the Air.

He one day placed the crooked Pipe with the Mercury in a Conic Glass, the bottom of which was cover'd with beaten Coral and stop'd it very carefully, after ha∣ving pour'd some Spirit of Vinegar upon the Coral; and there appear'd a quantity of Bubbles, which for some little space of time were very considerably produced, as soon as the Menstruum began to operate up∣on the Coral. But these Bubbles successive∣ly dissipated in the concavity of the Glass, and this continual Succession so strongly shut up the Air, that that which was in the seal'd side of the Pipe also felt the Effect. After the Corrosion had ceas'd, and the Compression that this new Air had made be∣came manifestly more feeble, and the Air shut up within the Pipe forc'd its way be∣low the Mercury to a certain Mark, it continued the space of five or six Hours; so that in this Operation, it seem'd as if Nature exercised a double compressive Pow∣er. The first might be call'd Transitory and of little duration, through the agitation of Exhalations and Vapours: The other Permanent, by the means of the Air and of the Parts which went out, and were produced from it, excited by the Action of the Spirit of Vinegar upon the Co∣ral.

An Extract of an English Iournal. Some natural and remarkable Particularities taken out of a Letter written from Dublin.

WE every day see new Effects of Thun∣der. But Mr. Havard relates one that was not a little surprizing. He says, that in a Vessel that went to the Barbado's, the Compass was strangly disordered by a Clap of Thunder, which however touched it not, but threw down one of the Masts, broke the Cords and tore the Sails, so that this Vessel changed its Course and return'd again for England, just as they were in sight of Burmudas; Grofton that com∣manded, always conducting it by this Com∣pass, in which he cou'd not observe the al∣teration that was made in the Needle, whereof the position of both ends was chang'd. He had thus continued his Course, if Mr. Havard, in the Company of whom he made his Voyage, and whose Vessel had not been injur'd by Thunder, had not re∣call'd him, and corrected by his Compass the Change that the Thunder had made in those of Grofton. But what was yet stranger in this Accident, was, that the new turn which the Thunder had given to all the Needles that were in Grofton's Vessel was so strong, that tho' they were turn'd with ones Finger to the first Situation, it wou'd always return with great violence to that Position which it received by means of the Thunder, and these Compasses cou'd never be recover'd.

2. 'Twas observable that there was a no∣table Change in the Temperature of the Air of America, since the Europeans went thither, and especially such Places as the English have rendred themselves Masters of: Either it is to be attributed to the Cut∣ting down of the Wood, or the cultiva∣ting the Earth, which the Savage Inhabi∣tants took no care of, or to some unknown Cause: As it has happen'd in Ireland, which being less cultivated than it was before the late and bloody Wars of England, there be∣ing fewer People than there was, is how∣ever much more Temperate; for it has been sometimes two or three Year without either Snow or Ice during the Winter; whereas before that, it used to be two or three several times in a Winter, and con∣tinue fifteen Days or three Weeks together, with so much Violence, that not only the Lakes, but the most rapid Rivers, were co∣vered with Ice.

3. There is nothing more rare than a Horned Beetle. That which is found in the Woods of Virginia, has this Particular only proper to it self, That where it tarries up∣on the Body of a Tree, or ordinarily rests it self, it begins to sing with a very shrill Voice, raising it by little and little with so much force, till all the Wood ecchos with the sound; and afterwards it diminishes with the same proportion until it makes so gentle a Murmur that it seems almost asleep; and then flying upon another Tree, it be∣gins and ends his Song after the same man∣ner.

4. Those who believ'd it was a particular Quality of the Thames, only to recover its natural Sweetness after it has been putri∣fied, and that this wonder is to be met with no where else, know not that the Wa∣ter of New London in New England, hath the same Virtue of recovering its first Sweetness after an Insupportable stinking.

5. M. Iosselin affirms, That the Testicles of the Animals that we call Musquash, smells as well as Musk it self; and he pre∣tends to maintain it by Experience.

The Art of Navigation demonstrated by Principles, and confirm'd by many Observations drawn from Experience: By Father Deschalles, &c.

IT cannot be deny'd that the Ancients allow'd the Loadstone to attract Iron: But it is certain they were Ignorant of its propriety in causing the Needle that is touched with it, to turn towards the North and the South. This Wonder of Nature was not observ'd till towards the end of the twelfth Age; and one may affirm, that the true Science of Navigation begun but since this happy Discovery. And this is likewise the Reason why we have no Ac∣count of the Ancient Authors that writ up∣on this Subject.

The time is not precisely known in which they begun in Europe to make use of the Loadstone for Navigation. Some be∣lieve that Paul Venetian having made a Voy∣age into China, about the year 1260. he brought this Invention from thence: And that which confirms their Opinion, is, That in the beginning they made use of 'em in Europe after the same manner; that the Chinese did also about the end of the last Age; which was a kind of little Frog made of Linnen, upon which they let the Loadstone swim in the Water, to give it the more facility to turn towards the North. The general Opinion is, That Iohn Gira, Native of Amalphi, who was a Citizen of Naples, by searching into this new Know∣ledg, invented the Compass about the year, 1300. This Author pretends that its like∣ly he might find out the manner of using the Needle; but that the Flower de luce, which in all Countries is placed beneath the Compass to mark the North, sufficiently shews that the French have brought it to this Perfection. Let it be how it will, it's certain that the great Navigations were made only in the following Ages, by Chri∣stopher Columbus, in 1492. by Americ Ves∣putius some time after; and by Magellan, in 1519. but never endeavoured with more Ar∣dour

than in these two last Ages, to bring the Art of Navigation into its utmost Per∣fection.

F. Deschales hath collected all that has been said of it, and hath treated of it in Latin in his Mathematical Course; but as this Lan∣guage is not always familiar to those who have the Conduct of Vessels, no more than to many others who are curious to have some Intelligence of this Art, he hath vo∣luntarily render'd it into French much bet∣ter, than those who have written since Petrus Nonus, that famous Portuguese Mathe∣matician, who began in the year 1530. and have done it after an obscure, perplext and untelligible manner.

He first establishes four Principles, upon which the whole Science depends. The 1. whereof is the Course or Rumb that the Compass corrects, which must be given very exactly. 2. How much way the Ship makes. 3. The Observation of the height of the Stars. And 4. to describe the Line that the Compass makes. In explaining these Principles, he touches all other things that regard this Matter, so well, that in seven Books whereof this Treatise is com∣posed, it contains whatsoever is necessary for the Knowledg of Navigation.

He teaches, for Example, in the second Book, the manner of observing the height of the Stars with the common Instruments, and with others which may be very ser∣viceable upon the Sea: To which end he gives, in the beginning of his Book, the Principles of the Sphere necessary to Navi∣gation.

In the third, he forgets nothing that be∣longs to the Compass; and in the fourth, he explains the Nature, Proprieties and Use of the Loxodromick Lines, that is, the secret Principle of this Art, which few Persons understand. How to make a right estimation of the way which the Ship steers, is the Subject of the fifth Book. In the sixth, this Author explains all the Methods of correcting it, by the different manners of observing the Latitude. Upon which he likewise proposes the famous Problem of the Longitude, for which the French, En∣glish and Dutch, have profer'd so conside∣rable a Recompence; and examins the Means that have been made use of all along to accomplish it.

In fine, in his seventh, he teaches many practical Rules very useful upon the Sea, as the Method of keeping a Journal, of rai∣sing the Plan of a Port, or of a Coast all entire, the means of knowing the Hour when it is full Sea on each Coast, the Histo∣ry of the Periodic and running Winds, that of the Flux and Reflux of the Sea, &c.

He stops particularly upon this last Sub∣ject, and after having examined and refu∣ted the Opinions of all those that have yet treated on it, he establishes his, which at∣tributes the Flux and Reflux of the Sea to one of the most common Principles, which is that of Fermentation, made in the Sea like all others of Levin, of Wine, of Beer, &c. by the Spirits that agitate it and throw it up. He says, that the Moti∣on and Agitation of these Spirits ought to have its Periods even independently of all exterior Causes, as we see in Critical Days, and in all sorts of Fermentations: So Winds blow by Gusts and the Surges of the Sea are unequal, the tenth being more violent than the others. And by that he gives a Reason why Lakes have not a Flux and Re∣flux, the Water being very pure, and by consequence have not these Spirits that agi∣tate it from time to time; and why Tides are greater in some places than others, is more difficult to conceive, in his Opinion, than the Reason why Vines thrive more in some places than in others.

The Moon, according to his Judgment, may determine these Spirits, and contribute to their Agitation; from whence it comes that the Periods of the Tides agree so ex∣actly with those of this Planet: And he pretends 'tis as probable as to say, That the Moon concurs to the Effects which cause Melancholy in Lunaticks, by the Tempera∣ment that it produces in the Air, which is dispersed every where; but he does not think that the Moon excites these Spirits precisely by its Heat; for we see that an extraordinary Heat often hinders these Fer∣mentations. It may be, adds he, that it mingles some Spirits with the Light which are devolved with those of the Sea: Thus we see 'tis not Cold only which produces Ice upon the Water, but that certain Vapours mingling themselves therewith, assist in the Coagulation.

An Extract of an English Iournal; con∣taining Remarks upon Mr. Plot's Hi∣story of Oxfordshire.

THE Remarks upon Oxfordshire are only the Inventions which many Learn∣ed Men of that Province have at divers times made known to the Publick.

The First is, An Instrument, invented by Sir Christopher Wren, to know the Changing of the Weather, which therefore is called the Weather-Clock. This Instrument serves also to discover the Cause of the Good or Bad Air, and to prevent the mischievous Accidents which proceed from the last.

The Second is, Another Instrument, in∣vented by the same Person, to know exactly the Quantity of Rain which falls in a Years Time, in such a Space of Earth as shall be determined.

The Third is, A Striking Clock, invent∣ed by Mr. Iohn Iones, the Motion whereof is caused by the Air of a Pair of Bellows; and this Air has the same Effect as the best Spring in the World.

The Fourth is, A way how to prevent Stacks of Hay from taking Fire, and Rats and Mice Eating of Corn.

The Fifth is, A Mill which Grinds Corn, Breaks Stones, and does other things, all at the same Time.

The Sixth and Last is, Also a Mill which at the same Time makes Cyder and Mustard, Grinds Corn, and passes Meal through four different Shutters altogether or sepa∣rately, by the Labour of one Man and an Horse.

An Extract of an English Iournal, con∣taining many Experiments made with Phosphorus, prepared by Dr. Slare, of the Royal Society.

THere are two Sorts of Phosphorus, the Liquid and the Solid, which are not materially different, being both drawn from the Body of Man.

That which is Liquid is a Substance mixed with a Liquor, which although burning, when it is in a Solid Mass, cannot spoil, nor even heat a Hand, how delicate soever it may be, when it is washed therewith.

If this Phosphorus be stopt very close, it preserves not its Light much longer; never∣theless, in one of those Experiments that I have made, I observed for five or six differ∣ent and successive Times a kind of Darting, although the Vial was close-stop'd; which made me conclude, The Experiment was the same with the shining Phosphorus of Dr. Esholt, its Darting bearing some Resemblance to Lightning.

The Solid Phosphorus is not materially different from the Liquid, as I have already said, being made chiefly of Urine. I am convinced one might do as much with the Blood, if it could be had as easily, and in as great a Quantity, since Urine is only the Serum of the Blood, passed by the Reins.

The Substance of this Phosphorus may be made as Transparent as any Rosinous Body, and melts in hot Water like Wax. When it is covered all over in Water, it ceaseth to shine, but as soon as any little part thereof escapes, and gains the Air, it shines again, although the Vial was sealed Her∣metically.

I have kept it without Water many Days in a very large Vial, and although it always shined, its Brightness or Weight diminished not at all, or so little that it was not dis∣cernable.

The Pieces of this solid Phosphorus are some of 'em much more inflamable than others. Some of'em one may take in ones Hand without Danger; but others, that take Fire and burn as soon as ever they are touched, if the Hand be never so little warm. We have seen a Piece weighing about two Drachms, which taking Fire in a Chamber, where there was no Candle, and distant from us, light like a Faggot, and burnt the Carpit and Table whereon it was laid. This Sort of Phosphorus ought to be ma∣naged only by Men of Experience and Wisdom.

With that which is not so inflamable one may make Characters upon a blank Paper, which in the Dark appear like Rays of Light; but if it comes near the Fire these same Characters, as soon as they are warm change Dark, and continue so for as long a Time as good Ink will.

This Light is very diffusive of it self. I have made with this new manner of Pencil above an hundred Characters, without wasting a twentieth part of it. Half a Grain laid upon my Hand, communicated its Brightness to the utmost extent of it, and so continued all Night, the Hand shining also the next Day. A Grain of this Sub∣stance exposed to the open Air flamed for seven or eight Days, so that during the Day, shutting the Windows of my Closet, I cou'd always perceive it stiring, and when I look'd very earnestly, I could see a whit∣ish Flame come out of it into the circumam∣bient Air.

After all the Matter was consumed there remained no Cinders, but only a little Moi∣sture, which had an acid Taste; but having left off to consume the more gross Portion, there was found much more Moisture, which had the Taste of the Oil of Sulphur: This made me remember, That the greatest part of my Friends, who saw this Experiment, called it a Sulphurous Flame. Indeed it seem∣ed, that in all its Proprieties it had more relation to Sulphur than Saline Concretes, chiefly because of its inflammability, and because it did not destroy itself nor dissolve in Water.

An Extract of an English Iournal, con∣taining the manner how, with many singular Experiments of Preserving Fish, Butter, Flesh, Fowls, Fruits and Roots in a very good Estate, and for a long Time.

THis is done only by the means of Salt; upon which he observes.

1. That refined Salt is the best of all to salt Fish, because that by that it loses its Hot, Dry, Burning, Corrosive, Mortifying Quality, so that it will never give any Ill Taste to the Fish: And as this Salt, on the contrary is more Lively, Sharp and Pierc∣ing than if it were not refined; it pre∣serves the Fish more Fresh and Cool; and even in the Hottest Country prevents its Fermenting, which is so apt to spoil the Fish.

2. That the Brine in which they keep Herrings ought to be strong enough to bear them up upon it; for then this Pickle surmounts and overcomes the Nature of the Herring so strongly, that it makes it very stiff and preserves it: Whereas on the con∣trary, if it is weaker, then the Nature of

this Fish, it is overcome by it, and so the Herring wasts and is spoil'd.

As for the Experiments, some have been made of Eggs, Flesh, Wine and of Fruits. Eggs being put intoa Barrel of Salt keep a long time; whereas those that are kept in Meal soon decay and grow Musty.

Having put a Leg of Mutton and a whole Salmon into a heap of Salt, they kept good, agreeable and fresh, for three Months together.

Wine is preserved so even in Bottles for a long time, because that the Salt defends it in the Winter against Frosts, in the Sum∣mer against the Heat, and at all times a∣gainst such Particles of Air as are very well known to corrupt and decay all Material Bodies.

One may, by the same means, preserve Fruits, as Oranges, if they are wrapt up in Paper and so put into Salt.

Some have, after this manner, also pre∣served Artichokes, Sparra-grass, and other such Things.

Some Curious Observations upon Insects.

ABundance of very fine Remarks may be made upon Insects; we shall only speak here of the different manners they make use of to preserve themselves from the rigour of the Winter.

1. Insects continue all the Winter with∣out any Motion; so that if they are cast out of their Places where they hide them∣selves in the Winter, they have not strength enough to transport themselves▪ thither again; but if they are a little warm'd they assume their Motion, and rest not till they find some place where they may continue in Security; or that the cold Air again ma∣king their Bodies stiff, hinders them from Moving. This Cessation from Motion or Rest, is not common to all Insects. For Bees open and shut the Gates of their little Habitations all the Winter; and even the coldest Weather hinders them not from seeking Food for their young Ones, which they breed in that Season. Therefore we see their young Ones in the beginning of the Spring, which has made some say that has kept them, that little Bees appear'd in the same time as Swallows did.

2. They continue in the form of Worms not only upon and under the Earth, in hol∣low Trees, between Leaves which stick to∣gether, and in Fruits, but even in the Wa∣ter, under which they are often found to be Froze and without any Motion. But what is still more surprizing, is, that In∣sects are of a much stronger Constitution when they are in the form of Worms, than after their changing, and when they be∣come peculiar to their kind. Hence it is that the Aquatick Worm, whereof the Fly Ephemeris is engender'd, is so vigorous, that after having been run through with a Pin it nevertheless lives some Days; where∣as after its Change without receiving any hurt, it cannot live four Hours.

3. When Insects cannot find a place that agrees with their natural Constitution, they suffer not that little Strength they have, to decay presently. Thus we see it happens to Worms which are found in Nut-shells. For unless they are kept in moist Sand or Dirt, where they are hid for the Winter, they dye not only in a little time after, but in one Night in the Air become so hard and dry, that they may easily be reduced to Powder: The same thing happens to the Worms that are upon the Leaves; but they make no holes in the Earth, they only spin a kind of a Web which serves to cover them, and defend them from the Severity of the Cold.

4. There are some which subsist in the Water only, where they continue three en∣tire Months without taking any Food: But if they are not capable of taking Nourish∣ment, it proceeds from the Weakness of their Members, or that the Coldness of the Air congeals them, or else that the super∣fluous Humidity that environs them, not be∣ing sufficiently agitated, renders them inca∣pable of taking any Food. From thence it comes also that they eject no Excrements; because they taking no Nourishment, have no superfluous Humours to evacuate.

Tentamen Porologicum, sive ad Porosi∣tatem Corporum tum Animalium, tum Solidorum detegendam: Auth. R. Boyle, &c. Lond. 1685.

THE Observations of Mr. Boyle in proving the Existence of Pores in Animate Bodies is very Curious; as also what he has said about the Pores of solid Bodies.

He observes, that an equal quantity of Powder of Brimstone, Sal Armoniac and good quick Lime, being pulverised and mix'd together in a Horn, and pounded by little and little, until the Dust become red, it raises a Spirit, the penetrating Fume where∣of, changes the colour of Brass or Silver, altho' covered with a double Skin: And the same Vapour has penetrated through a Skin glued upon Egg-shells, tho' there is nothing so close; and made a piece of Brass black, which was inclosed in it. It has had the same Effect also upon this Metal, on a piece of Silver covered with a Calves Bladder that was wet; which has not happen'd when the Bladder has been dry.

A notable Example, according to this Author, of the Porosity of the Membranes of a Man's Body, is, that of a young Gentleman, that Harvey gives the Relation of, who had a received such a Wound in the Breast that a Hole was made thereby,

through which one might see the Motion of the Heart. He nevertheless recovered his Health, and was afterwards a General of an Army. Mr. Boyle, to whom he one day shewed his Breast, which gave him an op∣portunity to perceive the Motion of his Heart, said that this Gentleman gave him to observe, among other things, that as from time to time an Injection of a cer∣tain vulnerary Liquor was made into this Hole, the Smell and Taste of this Medica∣ment ascended immediately to his Mouth; and that his Breath was always touch'd with the Odour of some Aromatick Powders, which he wore in a Bag upon this place, to preserve the neighbouring Parts, and keep it warm.

This agrees with what Galen himself ob∣served of the Injection of a Hydromel into a Wound in the Breast, that the sick Person vomited up again with a Cough: To which Mr. Boyle adds, that a strong and vigorous Man being strangled, it was believed upon it, that there was observed in him no other Indisposition than a little dry Cough, that he found some putrefaction in one of the Lobes of his Lungs; but that he found them very healthful, and only in one place of the Pleura there was white purulent Mat∣ter about the breadth of a Crown, shut up between the Pleura and the Sides; which gave them occasion to suppose, that the corrupted Humour had penetrated the Pleu∣ra, and produced in the Branches of the Lungs the Irritation that had caused this lit∣tle dry Cough.

The two following Matters served also as Proofs to Mr. Boyle. The first is, That a Person that had the Dropsy, attributed his Sickness to a Schirrus in the Spleen, having been counsell'd by a Surgeon, to whom he complain'd, to apply upon it a Sponge dip'd in Lime-Water, and afterwards squees'd out, was cured in a little time by this means. And the second, That Mercury has been found in the Bones of some of those that have been cured of the Venereal Distemper, by the Frications of Quick-Silver; and even in the Teeth, which a certain Person had caused to be drawn out, after he had used some of the same Remedy.

A Treatise of the Loadstone, divided into two Parts: The first, containing Experiments; and the second, the Reasons that may be given for it: By M. D. At Amsterdam, in Twelves, 1687.

AS the Effects of the Loadstone were discover'd before the Reasons there∣of were sought after, so the Author of this Treatise believ'd he ought first to relate the most considerable Experiments that have been made concerning the Vertue of the Loadstone; and afterwards proposes the most probable means that may be made use of to explain these Effects. He had no de∣sign to give us a new Hypothesis for this, nor to shew us any new Properties in the Loadstone; but only to relate with as much clearness and brevity as he could, the most curious and likely Arguments that have been hitherto Written by all the Phi∣losophers that have treated on it. Indeed we have not yet seen any Treatise upon this Matter, so short, compleat, and clear all at once.

* 1.174 After some Reflections upon the Names that the Greeks, Latins, Ger∣mans, Italians, Spaniards, Eng∣lish and French, have given to the Loadstone, it is ob∣served, altho' it is to be found where-ever there are Iron Mines, yet it is not every where of the same Colour. He saw some which had the Colour of Iron before it is forg'd, some reddish, and some that were blackish, but 'twas very rare to find any which had much Power. The Ancients had some Knowledg of it, and agreed that it joyn'd it self to the Iron, but were entirely ignorant of the Propriety it had of turn∣ing towards the Pole, because they never spoke a word of this Propriety, and often made mention of the first. He affirms al∣so, that the Inventer of the Needle was one Iohn Goia de Melphi, a Citizen of the Kingdom of Naples near Salern; that he li∣ved about the year, 1300. Others attri∣bute the Invention thereof to the Chinese, from whom Paul Venetian, a famous Voya∣ger, that lived in the year, 1260. brought it into Europe.

* 1.175 This is what is known concerning the Original of the Compass; he afterwards passes to the propriety of the Loadstone, which shall be related here in brief. 1. The Loadstone's uniting it self to the Iron, which is falsly call'd its Vertue of attracting the Iron, since this Union is made by a true Impulsion, and that proper∣ly speaking there is no Attraction, as the Author proves. But that is not true that Ptolomy said, * 1.176 that there were Isles in the Indies, where Ves∣sels, which have in some Parts been joyned together with Nails, have stop'd, because of the great quantity of the Stone of Hercules (a Name that is gi∣ven to the Loadstone in Greek) that is there to be found. The Author reprehends Gonzales d'Oviedo, & Olaus Magnus, with many others, that have said something like it. 2. The Loadstone can keep Iron or Steel suspended at a certain distance, altho' it never touches it. Its false however, that the Mosque wherein Mahomet's Body is kept, is incrusted with a Loadstone; and that his Tomb is suspended in the middle, as some fabulous Voyagers have related: Whereas on the contrary, this Tomb is placed upon a piece of Earth in the middle of this Mosque. The Author believes what gave Birth to this Fable was this, that in the

same Mosque there is a great Loadstone fasten'd to one of the sides of the Wall, to which hangs a piece of Silver across, that's kept there by a Chain of Steel. 3. That the Vnion of the Iron to the Loadstone is reciprocal, and that one may as properly say that the Iron unites it self to the Loadstone, as that one piece of Loadstone unites it self to another. He proves it by divers Experi∣ments, that he makes very clear and sensi∣ble by Figures, which he has taken care to give, as often as he relates any Experi∣ment. 4. The Loadstone always presents one side to the North, and the other side to the South. It seems this Property of the Loadstone had not been discovered, only by chance, leaving it floating upon the Water in a lit∣tle Gondula. Having thus observed the Poles of the Loadstone, he confirms him∣self in his Thought, by throwing upon it the Filings of Steel, which are otherwise dispos'd towards these places than others; and by other Experiments, whereof the Author relates some. 5. The Poles of the Loadstone are ordinarily unequal in respect to their Power, and also very often diametrically opposite, altho' it sometimes happens that they are situated irregularly enough. 6. The Loadstone communicates its Vertue to Iron that it is rubbed with, altho' removed from it to a certain distance. The Author shews what Method must be taken to touch a piece of Iron well with the Loadstone. 7. The Loadstone does not only communicate to Iron its Property of drawing other Iron, but also gives it Poles which direct it towards those of the World, as is clearly seen by the Compass: Upon which he observes, that these Poles differ from those of the Load∣stone, that is, that the point of the Needle which should be touched on that side of the Loadstone, which they call the North, as the Loadstone does, but towards the South, and so the other on the contrary. 8. When a Loadstone is cut in two Parts following its Axis, when they joyn it together again, one part turns almost perfectly to a Situation oppo∣site to what it did before it was cut, and when it is cut perpendicularly to the Axis, new Poles are made in the Faces of the Section. 9. Ha∣ving presented to the Poles of one Loadstone the Poles of another Loadstone, they joyn themselves together, offering the opposite Pole it seems to shun it; this happens also in respect to Needles touched with the Loadstone. 10. A Needle being in Aequilibrio before it be touched, it loses this Property, after having been touch∣ed by the Loadstone. Of this side of the Line the Point which respects the Northern Pole is inclined towards the Earth, and the contra∣ry happens as soon as it is passed the Line: Which obliges Pilots to add to that side which appears to be the lightest, a little Wax, to render the Needle in Aequilibrio, and for the augmenting or diminishing the weight of the Wax, as they are nearer or more distant from the Line where the Need∣le hath no need of Wax to keep it in Aequi∣librio. The Author gives some Methods to find out how many degrees the Needle is inclined, and observes that in Countries that are 49 or 50 degrees of Elevation, the Needle is enclin'd to the Horison about 70 Degrees. 11. The Power of the Load∣stone may be augmented or diminished, by di∣vers means which the Author observes, but if it is entirely lost it cannot be re-established. 12. In fine, altho' the Needle always turns one of its ends towards the North, 'tis ob∣served that they often decline in some degrees towards the East or the West. 'Twas above a hundred years that it declined six degrees towards the East; sixty years after, its De∣clination was hardly one degree of the same side. Mr. De la Hire of the Royal Academy of Sciences, and Royal Professor in the Ma∣thematicks, observed at Paris, towards the end of the year, 1684. that it declined four Degrees ten Minutes North-West: Now it declines there but a little more than one Degree.

2. These are the Experiments which he relates concerning the Loadstone, here fol∣low the chief Generals by which he ex∣plains * 1.177 all these Effects. 1. That the Earth is made after such a manner, that out of its Poles continually issues a very subtle Matter, both impalpable and invisible, which circulates within and about it self, till it re-enters by the opposite Pole to that which it went out of, and passes by parallel Pores ito its Axis. 2. That the Pores by which this Matter pas∣ses, are furnished with certain Particles like small Hairs, which are so disposed as easily permits this Matter to pass over after a certain manner, but which stands upright and stops the Pores, if the Matter presents it self to pass over after a contrary man∣ner. 3. That each Loadstone hath two Poles like the Earth, and is disposed after the same manner as it is.

Those who have any knowledg of the manner whereby the Cartesians apply their Supposition of an effluvious Matter to the effects of the Loadstone, may without any trouble apply the Principle of the Author to the Phoenomena's that have any relation thereto; and those who are not sufficiently acquainted with this Matter, to be able of 'emselves to make an Application of this Principle, may in less than two hours time read all that the Author hath said of it. As the Chapters of the second part answer to that of the first, so Things are there more at large explain'd than in the first, with an addition of divers new Experiments concerning the same things. For Example, there is in the XIII Chapter the particular manner of arming the Loadstone, that is, the furnishing each of its Poles with a lit∣tle plate of Iron, to augment the force thereof.

From this place also may be learnt something of the Configuration of the insensible parts of Iron and Steel. The Author observes, that when the Iron is forged, the little parts whereof it is composed, dispose themselves at length, and range themselves like little Needles all of the same manner the length of the

Iron, and that they must take the Ar∣mour of the Loadstone, in such a man∣ner that the length of its little parts an∣swer to the extremity of the Armour, which must lift up the other Iron that they shall present unto it. The Author having made one after this manner, and taken an other and applyed it directly contrary, that is, in which the little parts were travers'd, found that the first rais'd up a fourth part heavier than the other. * 1.178 He also observed that a Blade of Iron which is not soak'd in Water, breaks very difficultly, and when it is broken the place where it breaks, look'd upon with a Mi∣croscope, appears like the small points of Needles, which pierce the Hand with the least touch. The other on the con∣trary (adds the Author) is easily broke, and the broken place resembles little Balls or Cubes, and is not sharp at all. He afterwards gives Philosophical Rea∣sons thereof, which is best read in the Original.

As the declination and varation of the Loadstone can only be perceived by the means of a Meridional Line, so the Author hath in the XV Chapter given six different manners of tracing it. The first is, to cut a Body of a Tree that has been much ex∣posed to the Wind and the Sun horizontally, and to observe in what place the Excentrick Circles are closest, and the place where they are the most distant one from the other. The last notes the South, and the first the North. But as one cannot always rely upon this Experiment, so he only relates it by the by; and says also, that those who concern themselves with Agriculture ought to observe it, and that when they transplant a Tree, care must be taken to place it in the same Situation as it was in be∣fore in respect to the North and South. The three following ways of finding out the Meridional Line, are done by the Points of the Shadow. The fifth manner is pra∣ctised by two Shadows of a Threed rai∣sed perpendiculy; and taken with two equal Lights from the Sun. And in fine, he shews how the Meridional Line may be found, by two equal Heights of two Stars.

He finishes this Work, by the Descripti∣on of some Curious Machines made with the Loadstone; and those who desire to know more thereof, he sends them to Bettinus, Kirker, Schotus, and some others, that have treated of this Matter. I shall say no more of this Book, only that the Author endeavoured to proportion it to the Capacity of all sorts of Persons. He has not taken it for granted, that every one that reads his Book, should be a Physician or Geometer; on the contra∣ry, he has endeavoured to render him∣self Intelligible, to those even that are Ignorant both of Physick and Geometry 100.

An Extract of an English Iournal, con∣taining an Estimation of the quantity of Vapours that the Heat of the Sun exhales from the Sea: By Edmond Halley.

THE quantity of Vapours that the Earth is charged with, is very con∣siderable, since the Rains and Snows fall sometimes in so great an abundance, that 'tis observed, that this Water descending from the Intervals, which the Particles of the Air leave among themselves, make a very sensible part of the Weight of the Atmosphere. But no Person that I know of, has examined to the purpose the pro∣portion that is between the Sea and these Vapours, which are the original, not only of Rains, but also of Fountains. This Search is nevertheless one of the most ne∣cessary, of that part of Philosophy that treats of Meteors, and deserves to be exa∣mined by the Royal Society. I believe none will be sorry to know the manner how I essay'd to determine the quantity of Va∣pours which are exhaled by Heat.

'Twas thus: I took a Vessel full of Wa∣ter, the depth of four Inches, the Diame∣ter whereof was seven inches 2/10, in which I placed a Thermometer. Afterwards, by the means of a Cha••ing-Dish full of hot Coals, I brought the Water to the same degree of Heat as we feel in the hottest Summer, as appeared by the Thermo∣meter. That being done, I ty'd this Vessel, without taking any thing out of it, to one end of the Beam of a Ballance, and put on the other side Weights exactly of the same heaviness. It was easy to preserve the same Degree of Heat in the Water, by the Cha∣fing Dish of Coals, either drawing it nearer or putting it at a farther distance. I soon observed, that the Weight of the Water sensibly diminished; and in about 2 Hours space 233 Grains of Water was evapora∣ted, altho' no Fume was observ'd to ascend, and the Water appear'd not hot to the touch. This quantity of Water evapora∣ting in so small a time, seems very conside∣rable; for it follows from thence, that in 24 Hours it wou'd evaporate six Ounces of Water from so small a Surface, which was a Circle of 8 Inches Diameter.

To draw an exact Computation from this Experiment, and to determine the great∣ness of the quantity of the Water that is thus evaporated, I made use of the Experi∣ment that Doctor Bernard affirmed to have been made at Oxford. It is, That the quantity of Water of the bigness of a Cu∣bic Foot, weighs 76 Pounds of Troy weight. This number being divided by 1728. which is the Number of the Cubic Inches contain'd in this Foot, gives 253 Grains and ⅓ or one ½ Ounce, 13 Grains ⅓ for the weight of a Cubic Inch of Water. The weight then of 233 Grains, is 233/253 or 35 parts of a

Cubic Inch divided into 38. Now the Area of a Circle, the Diameter whereof is 7 Inches, 2/10 contains 49 Inches square, by which dividing the quantity of the evapo∣rated Water, viz. 35/38 of an Inch, the Quo∣tient is 38/1862 or 1/5.3; from whence it ap∣pears, the quantity of this Water is the 53 part of an Inch; but for the facility of the Calculation, we will suppose it is but the 60 part. If then the Water (as hot as the Air is in Summer) exhales the 60 part of an Inch in two Hours from the Sur∣face described; in twelve Hours it will ex∣hale the 10 part, a sufficient quantity to furnish all Rains, Fountains and Dews. This Calculation may even suppose the Sea without its diminishing or overflowing, like the Caspian Sea, which is always of an equal height; and supposing also the Cur∣rent, which they say is always in the Streights of Gibralter, altho' the Mediter∣ranean Sea receives a great number of con∣siderable Rivers.

To make an estimation of the quantity of Water which is exhaled by Vapours from the Sea, I believe one need only consider it during the time the Sun is up; for as for the Night, as much Water falls in Dews or even more, than it draws up in Vapours during that time. It is true, that the Sum∣mer days are above 12 Hours, but this length of the day is counter-ballanced by the weakness of the action of the Sun when it is up, and before the Water is hot. Thus if I suppose that if it raises every day in Vapours 1/10 of an Inch (the Extent already observed) from the Sea, this Sup∣position cannot be rejected.

According to this Hypothesis, 10 Inches square from the Surface of the Water, will furnish every day in Vapours a Cubic Inch of Water; each Foot, the square whereof, produces half a Pint; 4 Feet square Gal∣lon; a Mile square, 6914 Tuns; and a De∣gree square, supposing it to be 60 English Miles, will exhale in Vapours 33 Millions of Tuns. If we give to the Mediterranean 40 Degrees in length and 4 Degrees in breadth, in respect to those Places that are broader and those that are narrower, the least without doubt that can be given, will be a 160 Degrees square; and by conse∣quence, all the Mediterranean Sea, in a Sum∣mers day, will emit in Vapours 5280 Milli∣ons of Tuns. This quantity of Vapours, altho' very great, is however the least that can be supposed, according to the Experi∣ment that I have related. It is true, there is another thing that one cannot reduce to certain Rules; it is the Winds, which from the Surface of the Water, take more Particles than the Heat of the Sun evaporates; as may be easily conceived, if we do but reflect on the Winds which some∣times blow.

It is very difficult to make a true estima∣tion of the quantity of Water that the Me∣diterranean Sea receives from the Rivers that fall into it; unless one had some way to measure the Mouths of the Rivers and their Rapidity. All that can be done in this Affair, is, rather to give 'em a greater quantity of Water, than indeed they have, than to take from them; that is, to sup∣pose 'em greater than they are, according to all appearance, and afterwards to com∣pare the quantity of Water that the Thames carries into the Sea, with that of those Ri∣vers which we shall calculate.

The Mediterranean Sea receives these nine considerable Rivers; the Eber, * 1.179 the Rhone, Ty∣ber, the Po, the Danube, the Nester, the Boristhenus, the Tanais and the Nile, others being neither so ce∣lebrated, nor so large. Wee'l suppose that each of these nine Rivers have ten times as much Water as the Thames, not that there are any that have really ten times as much, but to comprehend in our Calcula∣tion other Rivers that are less, which dis∣charge themselves into the Mediterranean, the bigness of which we can no otherwise make any estimation of.

To measure the Water of the Thames, I take it at Kingston Bridg, where the Reflux never happens, and where the Water always runs downwards. The breadth of it is 100 Yards, and its depth 3, supposing it every where equal; in which computation, I am certain I give it rather more Extent than it really has. The Water is then in this place 300 Yards square, that multipli∣ed by 48 thousand (is I believe the quan∣tity of Water that is drawn up, admitting 2000 each Hour) or 84480 Yards, give 25344000 Yards of Water which will be drain'd in a day, that is 2030000 Tuns each day. I am persuaded that by what I have added more to the Channel of this River than it really hath, I have sufficiently com∣pensated, by comprehending therein the Ri∣vers of Brent, Lea, Wandal and of Darwent, which are of some Consideration, and which discharge themselves into the Thames below Kingston Bridg.

Now if every one of these nine Rivers had ten times more Water than the Thames, it wou'd it follow that from each River wou'd every day run into the Sea, 203 Milli∣ons of Tuns; and that the whole will be but 1827 Millions of Tuns, which is but a little more than the third part of what I have shewn is evaporated out of the Mediterrane∣an Sea, in 12 Hours time.

The Knowledg is still wanting what be∣comes of these Vapours when they are rais'd in the Air, and from whence comes that Current which always appears at the en∣trance of the Straits of Gibralter; but Mr. Halley sends us back once more to examine it; only advertises the Reader, that to make the Experiment which he hath spoken of, he must make use of Water which hath been Salted, to the same Degree that the common Sea Water is, dissolving therein one fortieth part of Salt.rindx; 1.180

Notes

• (a) 1.1

  c. 30.
• (b) 1.2

  Cap. 3.
• (c) 1.3

  Pag 117.
• (b) 1.4

  p. 371.
• (c) 1.5

  p. 390.
• (a) 1.6

  p. 410.
• (a) 1.7

  p. 446.
• (a) 1.8

  c. 34.
• (a) 1.9

  Cap. 2.
• (b) 1.10

  C. 3. ad 5.
• (c) 1.11

  Cap. 6.
• * 1.12

  Cap. 7.
• (a) 1.13

  cap. 8.
• (b) 1.14

  cap. 9.
• (c) 1.15

  cap. 10.
• (a) 1.16

  cap. 10.11, 15.
• (a) 1.17

  cap. 17.
• (a) 1.18

  In Ep. ad Celantiam.
• (a) 1.19

  cap. 38.
• (b) 1.20

  Lib. 4.31.
• (c) 1.21

  Ep. 37.54.71.
• (a) 1.22

  De Leg. 2.
• (b) 1.23

  Page 543.
• (a) 1.24

  pag. 30.
• (a) 1.25

  De pec. mor. & v••n. 2.36.
• (b) 1.26

  Page 76.
• (c) 1.27

  Ep. 55.
• (d) 1.28

  De Vnitate Ec••lesiae.
• (e) 1.29

  Page 82.
• (f) 1.30

  Page 88.
• (g) 1.31

  Page 94.
• (b) 1.32

  pag. 271.
• (c.) 1.33

  de p••••n. l. 6.
• (d) 1.34

  Ep. 55.
• (e) 1.35

  Pag. 314.
• (f) 1.36

  Thorndike Antiquit. Eccles.
• (a) 1.37

  De. Nat. Deor Lib. 1. and 2.
• (b) 1.38

  Iulian Heraclit.
• (a) 1.39

  In Timaeo.
• (b) 1.40

  De Leg. 2. Georg. sub s. m.
• (c) 1.41

  Tus. 1. & in Laelio, c. 117.
• (a) 1.42

  De Benes. 4.7.
• (b) 1.43

  In Exerc. Grot. p. 140.
• * 1.44

  Eman. Down∣ing. pag. 16.
• * 1.45

  Cap. 3.
• * 1.46

  April 17. 1655.
• * 1.47

  l'Armee p. 240. Q. 2. Tom.
• * 1.48

  So this is not in the five Ca∣nons of the first Council of Car∣thage, which Vsher reserv'd for a careful examination.
• (b) 1.49

  Constantius 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.50

  He writ ••t in 1617.
• * 1.51

  In Pec. c. 5 § 13.
• * 1.52

  Vid. Psal. 100.146.
• (a) 1.53

  In the Bin∣nit Colledge.
• * 1.54

  In prolog. in Ezek.
• * 1.55

  Tom 14. in Joac.
• (a) 1.56

  Ex Cicad. Attic. lib. 1. ep. 7.
• (b) 1.57

  In Helena, Act. 5.
• (c) 1.58

  Tom. 1. pag. 351.
• (d) 1.59

  pag. 93.
• (e) 1.60

  In Pro••m. Dial. cont. Pel.
• (f) 1.61

  c. 1. & 3.
• (g) 1.62

  Dogm. Theol. T. 3. pag. 586
• (h) 1.63

  Lib. 1. Ep. 314.
• (i) 1.64

  c. 19. p. 116.
• (a) 1.65

  Aug. de Pec. Orig. c. 6. &c.
• (a) 1.66

  Qu. 1.
• (b) 1.67

  Qu. 2.
• (a) 1.68

  p. 125.
• (b) 1.69

  De lib. Arbit. p. 621. Edit. Moguntinae in S.
• (a) 1.70

  Aug. de Gest. Palest. Syn.
• (a) 1.71

  De gest. Pal. Syn. c. 1. and 2.
• (b) 1.72

  Vid. Bull. Harm. Apostol. Diss. 2. c. 7. §. 14. & Exa. Censur. p. 157.
• (a) 1.73

  Petav. de Pal. c. 2. & Siqq.
• (a) 1.74

  Vsher p. 141.
• (a) 1.75

  Apu•• Aug. lib. 1. de G••at. Chr. c. 17.
• (a) 1.76

  p. 614. ibid.
• (a) 1.77

  C. 10.
• * 1.78

  Amsterd. in Fol. 1684.
• * 1.79

  Things be∣longing to the Criticks.
• * 1.80

  The Origi∣nal of the La∣tine Tongue.
• (a) 1.81

  An Expli∣cation of Prov. 19.4.
• (b) 1.82

  The design of the Evange∣list.
• (c) 1.83

  Nicholas of Damascus.
• (d) 1.84

  A passage of Arian explica∣ted.
• (a) 1.85

  Corrections of Sta••e.
• (b) 1.86

  Iudgments upon divers Au∣thors.
• (c) 1.87

  Nep∣tune.
• (a) 1.88

  a Monks dress worn over their faces.
• (a) 1.89

  c. 10.
• (a) 1.90

  de pecc. c. 5, 6, 7.
• (b) 1.91

  ad Bonif. lib. 2. c. 3.
• (c) 1.92

  p. 147.
• (a) 1.93

  T. v. Col. 849.
• (a) 1.94

  Ep. 157.
• (a) 1.95

  Ap. Aug. cont. Iul. lib. 3. c. 1.
• (a) 1.96

  p. 161.
• (a) 1.97

  lib. in Pe∣lag.
• (a) 1.98

  Cap. 11.
• (b) 1.99

  Peta••. lib. laud. c. 7.
• (c) 1.100

  Hist. Scot. lib. 8.
• (a) 1.101

  Cap. 12.
• (b) 1.102

  C. 13.
• (a) 1.103

  C. 14.
• (b) 1.104

  Tom. 6. Bibl. P. P. Ed. Col.
• (a) 1.105

  P. 235.
• (b) 1.106

  P. 262.
• (a) 1.107

  p. 1929.
• (a) 1.108

  De situ Orbis. l. 2. c. 7.
• (b) 1.109

  Strab. l. 9.
• (a) 1.110

  Camer. 1 Vol. l. 5. c. 5.
• * 1.111

  Historia.
• * 1.112

  Chorus Lugen∣tium.
• * 1.113

  Bassus.
• * 1.114

  Chorus Angelo∣rum.
• * 1.115

  Altus.
• * 1.116

  Cantus. Chorus.
• (a) 1.117

  In the 13th Tom. of the V∣niv. Bib. p. 169.
• (a) 1.118

  Sirmond de 2 Dionys. cap. 1.
• (b) 1.119

  Tom. 5▪ f. 350. & 8, & 216.
• (c) 1.120

  Dem. E∣vangel. l. 3. c. 7.
• (d) 1.121

  T. 4. Serm. 9.
• (e) 1.122

  De Script. Eccles.
• (f) 1.123

  Annal. 13. c. 32.
• (a) 1.124

  Page 49.
• (b) 1.125

  Cont. Iu∣daeos, c. 7.
• (c) 1.126

  In Ezech. Hom. 14. in Luc. 1 Hom. 6.
• (d) 1.127

  Tertul. Apol. cap. 5.
• (e) 1.128

  Idea dell' Vngheria in the Preface.
• (m) 1.129

  P. 88.
• (t) 1.130

  Page 95.
• (n) 1.131

  Conc. l. 1. c. 9.
• (o) 1.132

  Conc. Chal∣ced. Act. 16.
• (p) 1.133

  Pag. 112.
• (q) 1.134

  Sirm. App. ad Cad. Theod. p. 97.
• (r) 1.135

  Collect. Rom. p. 37.
• (s) 1.136

  p. 66.
• (t) 1.137

  p. 128.
• (a) 1.138

  Ep. 78, 79, and 80.
• (b) 1.139

  p. 134.
• (b) 1.140

  Vid. Ep. Iulii ad A∣thanasium.
• (a) 1.141

  Page 145.
• (b) 1.142

  Page 150.
• (a) 1.143

  Hil. Frag. p. 431.
• (b) 1.144

  L. 2.
• (c) 1.145

  P. 180.
• (d) 1.146

  Pag. 185.
• (e) 1.147

  Pag. 196.
• (f) 1.148

  L. 9. Ep. 9.
• (g) 1.149

  P. 199. and foll.
• (h) 1.150

  Pag. 202.
• (i) 1.151

  Pag. 239:
• (a) 1.152

  Cabal. 1. v. P. 4. p. 118.
• (a) 1.153

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• (c) 1.154

  Abra〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉am, Sara〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (a) 1.155

  Malac. 2.8, 9.
• (b) 1.156

  Malach. 4.4.
• * 1.157

  Lett. 68. & 69.
• (b) 1.158

  Deut. 20.10, 15.
• (a) 1.159

  Hist. Eccl. lib. 2.
• (b) 1.160

  In voce 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• (a) 1.161

  Cicero de leg. lib. 2. p. 1197. Ed. Elzeoir.
• (b) 1.162

  Herod. lib. 1. c. 131.
• * 1.163

  A round Orna∣ment for the Head which in Persia they wore upon such Occasions.
• † 1.164

  An Hymn which contained the Ge∣nealogy o'th'Gods.
• (*) 1.165

  p. 39.
• (*) 1.166

  p. 45. &c.
• (a) 1.167

  p. 81.
• (a) 1.168

  p. 103.
• (a) 1.169

  p. 107.
• (*) 1.170

  p. 142.
• (*) 1.171

  p. 180.
• (*) 1.172

  p. 214.
• * 1.173

  p. 245.
• * 1.174

  p. 1. c. 1. & Seq.
• * 1.175

  c. 5. and so on to the 17.
• * 1.176

  Lib. 7.
• * 1.177

  Ch. 1, 2.
• * 1.178

  p. 97.
• * 1.179

  The Author says nothing of the Ri∣vers of Greece and of Asia, which are in as great num∣ber, altho' they are not so big nor ce∣lebrated, as those he names.
• rindx; 1.180

  Next to this 3d. Alphabet must be placed the 5th, beginning with Page 321. for the 4th. being the beginning of this Book, is therefore placed there, and should have been Letter A, had it not been for the Printer's Mistake.