A voyage to the world of Cartesius written originally in French, and now translated into English.

A VOYAGE TO The World of Cartesius.

PART. II.

THE Weather was very serene, the Air extreamly clear, the Moon was in the Full, and the Stars glittered, methought, in an extraordinary manner, which made me wonderful impatient to contemplate those Glorious Bodies more nigh them, whose Splendor, Vastness, Number and Order have been thought a Subject of Admira∣tion by all Ages, the worthiest Object of the Study and Meditation of Philosophers, and most sensible Proof of the Divinity; notwithstanding which, my Guides caused me to make a Halt upon the Pinnacle of a Tower, raised far above

the rest of the Town, to observe the Nature of the Air of that low Region, and the Parts of which it is composed. Come on (says my old Gentleman) you shall know by your own Expe∣rience, the Truth of Descartes his Sentiments, in the Explication of Natural Beings. Remem∣ber what he says in his fourth Book of Principles, that the Air is only an Amass of branched and ragged Parts, of the third Element, extreamly small, sever'd from one another, and floating in the middle of the Balls of the Second Element, whose Motions they obey. See how the Parts of the First Element are mingled through the whole, and fill up all the Intervals the little Globules and the branch'd Parts leave betwixt them; how the Fluidity of this Body, as well as all other we call Liquids, consists in the Motion of its insensible Parts, which have an indifferent Ten∣dency to any Side; for being they are all in Motion, and have mostly quite different Deter∣minations, we may readily conceive two things: First, That upon a Liquid Body's ceasing to be confined and bounded by a Solid one, it must diffuse itself on every Side, since it's Parts are in a Motion every way. Secondly, That upon a solid Body's offering to pass through, finding all the Parts in Motion, it easily makes a Separation; since, to do this, 'tis only requisite to give them different Determinations instead of those they had before; it being certain that when Bodies, and especially small ones, are in Motion, a Mo∣tion so different as that in which the little Parts are found, 'tis the easiest thing in Nature to give them new Determinations, and by consequence to divide a Liquid Body, and pass through it. These two Phaenomena's then of a Liquid

Body, being explain'd so cleverly and so intel∣ligibly as you see they are, by the Principles of Philosophy; the Gentlemen Philosophers of the Schools would have a great Sway over my Mind, if they would oblige me to acknowledge Flu∣idity for an absolute Accident, distinguish'd from the Motion of the Insensible Parts of a Liquid Body.

As much inclined as I was to defend the In∣terests of the old Philosophy, I must own this Reasoning, joyned with that I saw my self, made great Impression on my Mind; for though I could perceive no such Thing as the little Glo∣bules of the Second Element, of which he talk'd, and which was a meer Illusion of a Soul intoxi∣cated, as much as possible, with the Ideas and Prejudices of Cartesianism; yet I was forced to Acknowledg in the Air those little insensible Parts loose and disingaged of one another, that undoubtedly constitute all Liquid Bodies. I plainly saw that subtle Matter which Aristotle himself acknowledged under the Name of Ethe∣rial Matter, and taught to be dispersed through∣out the World, in a most rapid Motion. There∣upon I could not disallow that plain Explication he had made of the Properties of a Liquid Body: And I must grant, That were Descartes's Philo∣losophy as reasonable in all its Parts as this, I might be a little tempted to turn Cartesian, with∣out troubling my self to dispute the Globules with him of the Second Element, or offering such other Doubts and Scruples as then came into my Mind; with entire Submission I complemented upon all the rest, both these Companions of my Voyage; that is to say, upon the subtle Matter, and on that branchy Matter, which I termed in

their Language without more ado, the Matter of the First and Third-Element. I much applauded their Explication of Fluidity, and commended it for its Neatness and Simplicity; but a little Adventure turned the Discourse, and had like to have spoiled the Fruit of all my former Com∣plasance.

There was on the top of the Tower on which we lighted, a kind of a Twirl that was in the Nature of a Weather-Cock, about seven Inches Diameter; its Substance was of Plate of Steel, very thin and light; its Sails were exa∣ctly equal, and the Pin on which it turn'd, smooth and polish'd: So that the gentlest Gale of Wind set it a going, and at the same time turn'd about a bent Iron Rod (for the observ∣ing the point of the Wind) whose end made the Axis to the Twirl. It fortun'd that a Soldier of a Suitz Regiment that quartered in the Town, discharg'd his Musket in the Air: It was loaded with two Bullets, one of which as it flew, but just glanc'd upon the end of one of the Flyers of the Twirl: And yet impress'd so considerable a Motion as lasted a long time. The Bullet con∣tinu'd its Motion almost in a right Line, and went very near as far and as swift, as the other Bullet that never touch'd upon the Weather∣cock. I had good Reason to take notice of that last Circumstance. Father Mersennus slipt not that occasion to demonstrate to me another of M. Descartes's Principles. You see (said he) these Flyers; if that Ball had not slanted upon one of them in passing, seeing there is not any breeze of Wind, do you think they would have left that quiet Posture they were in, and turn'd themselves about? No certainly (I reply'd.)

The posture they were in a Moment since, could never have been chang'd for that they are in at present, but by the assistance of some External Cause that has made that alteration. But now (added he) that they are in a directly contrary State, do you believe they could quit the same, without the determination of some other Cause that should destroy their Motion, as the Bullet did their Rest? Father (said I) that Question seems more difficult than the other to resolve: I have heard it always held, as an unquestionable Axiom, That every Body, whilst it is in Motion, tends to its Repose as to its end. We'll grant you (reply'd he) that Philosophick Banterage every Body, whilst in Motion, has a tendency to rest, as to its end. A Body is endu'd with Reason and a Will, first to have an end, and then to make unto it. But if that Proposition is capable of receiving any tolerable meaning, it says no more than this, That in the situation and disposition Bodies have among themselves in the World, sensible Bodies that are mov'd do truly lose their Motion by Degrees, upon the opposition they receive from other Bodies, to which it is communicated, and at length they rest. For if nothing did destroy that State of Motion it would last for ever, by the same Rule, that if nothing did disturb the rest of a Body, it would always remain immoveable. And this it is of which I had a desire to convince you, by the Example of this little Wind-mill, For∣tune has presented us.

Supposing this Gimcrack had turn'd in the midst of Water, as it does in the midst of Air, it is a plain Case, it's Motion would quickly have been destroy'd by the great Resi∣stance

the Water would have made. If two of its Sails had been longer, larger and heavier, than the other two, the Motion had ceas'd soon∣er yet: Because that inequality would have been another Cause of a more forcible Resistance. Again, if you add to this, that the Pin on which it turns had been thicker, as also rusty and un∣polish'd, the Motion had been lost still sooner, for the same Reason. But because it stands in Air, and in Air that's very fine; because it Sails are exactly pois'd, and its Axis slender, smooth and polish'd, the Resistance that it finds is less, and the Motion so much greater, and longer it will last. Whence we may thus conclude: Much Resistance destroys much Motion; a less Resi∣stance destroys less; and a lesser yet, destroys a lesser Motion still; and so on: Hence, if there was no Resistance at all, the Motion would not flag, but continue always; hence as a Body would maintain its Rest, unless an external Cause disturbed it in the Possession of that State, so a Body would continue its Motion, as long as it should meet no Molestation in it. So then, the great Principle of M. Descartes is establish'd, That a Body of its own Nature stays always in the Capacity it is plac'd; if it is at rest 'twil always rest; if it is of a Triangular Figure it will be of a Triangular Figure always; if it is in Motion it will for ever be so: But for the rest this Principle is not peculiar to Descartes, Gali∣leus before him, Gassendus, Hobbes, Maignan, &c. suppose it true. And I remember likewise, That in making my Collections for my Commentaries upon Genesis, where I have introduced an infi∣nite Number of Philological, Philosophical and Astronomical Dissertations, I have remarked more

than one Place in Aristotle, where he either teaches of supposes the same Doctrin; and Vasques one of the subtlest of the School Philoso∣phers has proved it at large, as to the concern of Motion: It may however be said, that no one ever carried it to that Pitch, and used it so dex∣trously, and with that Advantage as Descartes; and thence it was that particular Difference and Honour was paid him rather than to others upon that respect.

I am much of your Opinion (I returned,) That General Principle is without Controversie one of those, the Mind of Man admits without offering Violence to itself; and the Difficulty that is found in applying it to Bodies, consi∣dered in Motion, proceeds only from that false Idea, so commonly received, of what we call Modes in Philosophy, and from our conceiting Motion as a positive being, and Rest as its Priva∣tion, though neither Motion is a Being, nor Rest the Privation of a Being, but one and the other are different and contrary States, of which a Body Natural is capable. But, Reverend Father, this Whirl-gig here has raised a Scruple in me, of which I'd fain discharge my Conscience; i•• is grounded on another Principle of Descartes, concerning which you may call to mind, if you please, that the Ball that touch'd the Sail, seeing it but glanced upon it, lost nothing, or next to nothing of its Motion, that it had so far pre∣served, and we saw it arrive to its Journey's End as soon as (at least was but a Trice behind hand with) the other that never touched at all; and on the other Hand impressed a very consider∣able Motion on the Engine: For whether we measure the Quantity of the Motion, by the Bulk

Compass of the Body moved; or whether we measure it by the largeness of the Space traversed by the Body, in those innumerable Circles it described, spight of the Resistance of the medium wherein it turned: Or likewise whether we con∣sider the swiftness of the Motion, it is manifest the Ball communicated much more Motion to ••he other Body than it lost itself: And on the contrary, granting the supposition you have just made unto my Hands, to demonstrate a Propo∣sition of Descartes; I mean, that the Sails had been unequally ballanc'd, and of a different Big∣ness, that the Axle had been Gross, unsmooth, or rusty, and that the Ball had grazed on one of the Sails less obliquely than it did, it is cer∣tain, in these Circumstances the Ball had lost much more of its swiftness and its Motion, yet would have impress'd or communicated much less than it hath at present. What now's be∣come of those grand Principles of M. Descartes? that a Body at the same instant that it moves another, communicates exactly so much Motion to it as it loses, and precisely loses the same Quantity it communicates; for here the Bullet communicates a great deal, but loses little; and in the other Supposition it loses much, and com∣municates but little: What now becomes of those mighty Axioms that lay the Foundation of his Physicks, and support the whole Frame and Stru∣cture of his World? That God in the Creation of the World, or Matter, created at the same Time in it a definite Quantity of Motion, or Transport (as he himself styles it) from one Place to another, which is always the same with∣out Increase or▪ Diminution, although the Parts of which the World's composed, have sometimes

more and sometimes less of it; forasmuch as what is lost in me, is of Necessity received into another: That God is the universal Cause of all the Motion in the World: That the Creatures have no Pretence to its Production, and can only determine that produced already, &c. For if a Body communicates more than it has in it self, God or the Body it self must needs produce the overplus of the new; and if a Body loses more than it communicates, that which is lost and not communicated, must of necessity be annihilated. And this is sufficient to demonstrate that the Quantity of Motion is not always the same in the World, but on the contrary it increases and de∣creases every Moment. In a Word, we see here a considerable Part of Matter put into a rapid Motion that before had none at all. I will sup∣pose it was in an Equilibrium, and that a little thing would turn the Scales; that will not do our Business, it will still be true to say, there is a new Transport communicated to a large Quan∣tity of Matter: That that Transport is no small one, since it carries a great deal of Matter through a great deal of Space; yet notwithstand∣ing the Ball hath not lost the least imaginable, see∣ing it is carried as far, and as swift, within a Trifle, as it would have been if it had communicated none at all. But that which seemed of most Im∣portance was, the Immutability of God, that was interessed in this Affair: For the Reason why M. Descartes was so zealous to preserve the same Quantity of Motion to a Grain, was because God's unchangable. See where this Trifie now has led us? But what a Mischief would it be, if this petty Instance overturning the Principle of the Quantity of Motion, should shatter all those

Seven fine Rules of Motion Descartes has esta∣blished with so exact a Calculation? Mean while they all take it for granted, and subsist but on the Courtesie of that Supposition; however he makes no Scruple to conclude his Explication with this remarkable Passage, All this is so evident it needs no Demonstration.

But not to lose Time in drawing other Infe∣rences, methinks, my Reverend Father, I may at least with some Pretence of Reason say, M. Des∣cartes here has weakly maintained his Resolution, that he made in his Stove in Germany, when he there began to play the Philosopher; I mean, of avoiding, above all things, a too heady for∣wardness in his Determinations, and the esta∣blishing any Principle, without examining of it with all possible Diligence, and upon greater Evidence than the most palpable Demonstrations in Geometry afford; of having so strict an Eye in every thing, and of making so exact an Ana∣lysis of all the Propositions he advanc'd, that he might be certain nothing could escape him; for had he guarded himself with these Precautions, before he proposed his Doctrin concerning Mo∣tion, your Wind-mill, and an hundred Instances might have come in to his Head, and probably have altered his Opinion, at least prevented him from saying, These things were all so evident they seemed to need no Demonstration.

I foresaw that this Discourse would not relish well with my Companions; and I am sure my old Blade began already to repent him of his Vouching for me to Father Mersennus, as a Per∣son that with an implicit head-strong Resolution embraced Cartesianism. The Good Father how∣ever gently reply'd, That he had observed three

Things in my Discourse, a little Malignity in my Reflections, abundance of false Prejudice that still stuck by me, whatever Assurance I had given to the contrary, and some Difficulties at the Bottom, for the clearing of which it was conve∣nient to discourse Cartesius: But let them (said he) seem as Big and as Frightful as they can, they will presently disappear, upon his convers∣ing with you; I have experienced it an hundred Times. No Man was ever more troublesome to him in Questions than my self, which I us'd to make on all Occasions, even 'till I wearied him. These Difficulties once I thought inexpli∣cable; but one Letter, of about a Page he wrote me, dispersed all my Doubts, and gave me more Light into the Matters then in Hand, than the entire Volumes of other Men. I much expected the Reproach of Prejudice, for that's the ordi∣nary Refuge of Cartesius, and the Gentlemen his Disciples, when they find themselves press'd a little home: I urged however that Point no fur∣ther to him; I only excused my self from the Malignity he charged upon my Reflections, and upon the Hopes he gave me of the Solution of my Difficulties by M. Descartes, (I rejoyn'd) You exceedingly rejoyce me, Reverend Father, for I am a Cartesian in my Heart, though I am not a through pac'd one in my Mind, wanting sufficient Light to extricate my Doubts, which the Reading the Books of that Great Man has raised in me; but I have a sincere Love for Truth, and assure your self, I shall wholly resign my self up unto her, so soon as M. Descartes shall present her to me.

After that Protestation, which seemed a little to reinstate me in their good Oponion, we

launch'd again: And it will not be amiss to ad∣vise my Reader here, this once for all, That whatever Room these Harangues and Disputes take up upon the Paper, they lasted but one single instant, since separate Spirits entertain each other a quite different way from that they use when in the Body, whose Tongue pronounces but one Syllable at a Time; one Spiritual Word that a Separate Soul shall speak unto another Soul, is more full and expressive than a thousand pro∣nounced or written: And since my taking of this Voyage I have made a World of fine Disco∣veries, for the explaining the Way that Angels discourse together; I question not but to be in Print some Time or other upon that Occasion: I confess I shall speak many Things that for want of Use will not be understood; but my Book may find no less a Welcome and Esteem for that, but rather the good Fortune Books of My∣sterious Divinity have met with, that have been for some Time the only ones in Fashion, re∣commended meerly by their being unintelligible to those that read them, and pretending to be understood by the Composers; for it is known by too manifest Experience, the Authors of those Books are not always such mighty Saints as they would seem.

We parted then from the Top of the Tower, before the Instrument desisted from its turning, and we steered towards the Globe of the Moon: My Soul perceived an unspeakable Plea∣sure to scud it in the Air, and to wander in those vast Spaces, she could only travel with the Eye before, when united with the Body; that minded me of a former Delight I had sometime ••asted in my Sleep, in dreaming that I whipt

through the Air, without ever touching Ground, above which I thought my self exalted many Yards.

We met upon the Road vast Troops of Separate Souls, of all Nations, Laplanders, Finlanders, Brachmans; and I then remembred what I had read in several Books, That the Se∣cret of separating the Soul and Body was known among those People. But about fifty Leagues on this side that Planet, there is a Region very well stock'd, especially with Philosophers, and those Stoicks for the generality: And quite from that Place to my Arrival at the Globe of the Moon I descryed how swingingly History belies an infinite Number of Persons, that it supposes dead, like other Men; though, in truth, they are no more Dead than M. Descartes himself. I shall discourse with some of them as I go along.

The Moon has an Atmosphere like the Earth, that by a moderate Computation may amount to three French Leagues in height. As we were just ready to strike Sail, we made a good Di∣stance from us, three Souls that held a very seri∣ous Conference together; we judged they might be Souls of Consequence, by the deference many others in their Retinue seemed to pay them: Upon our enquiring who they were, we under∣stood they were Socrates, Plato and Aristotle, that were met in Consult, for the Publick In∣terest; for that being advised by certain News from our World, That the Venetians had beaten the Turks, not only out of Ancient Peloponesus, but also the Famous City of Athens, where here∣tofore these three Philosophers had made so great a Figure; they had resolved in their Debate,

so soon as any Noble Venetian's Soul should arrive in these Quarters, to petition her to recom∣mend their Interest to General Morisini and the Re∣publick's Consideration; To require the replacing the Statues the Athenians had erected to them; To re-establish the Academy and the Lyceum with all their Priviledges, and to restore the Marbles in the Prytaneum, whereon was engra∣ven the Justification of Socrates, with the Exe∣crations charged on Anytus and Melitus his Accu∣sers: And in case they should push their Con∣quests as far as Macedonia, to have as great regard for Stagyra, at present Liba nova, as Alexander the Great had formerly on the account of his Master Aristotle, whose Country that was. I am surprized, says Father Mersennus, to see these Philosophers; I never heard any Mention of them here, nor did I ever meet them in all my Travels: It is true, I have observed in my Com∣mentaries upon Genesis, That Plato and Trisme∣gistus used to quit their Bodies, the better to contemplate the Sovereign Good; and that Socrates, as Alcibiades relates in Plato, had from Time to Time such sort of Extasies: 'Tis true also, I never took Aristotle for so great a Fool as to throw himself headlong into Eurip••s, for the Madness and Despair of being unable to comprehend the Flux and Reflux of the Sea: And many things I have read in that Philosopher, in∣duced me to suspect he knew the Mystery of Se∣paration; but I never thought to inform my self whether these Gentlemen made use of it to pre∣vent their Dying. You'll see (he added) that as M. Descartes has determined to put the Project of his World in Execution, that he framed while he lived on Earth, so Plato will resolve upon the

Undertaking that of his Republick, which we shall see fix'd somewhere in those Vast and Desart Spaces above the Heavens, where he will convoy a Colony of Separate Souls, to constitute his Government.

That supposed (said my old Gentleman) Lu∣cian had but ill Intelligence from the other World, since in his Dialogues of the Dead he of∣ten talks of Socrates as a Man that had passed the Stygian-Lake in Caron's Boat, and as an old Inha∣bitant of Hell. But what, Gentlemen (said I) do you say of our Modern Lucian, I mean the Author of the New Dialogues of the Dead, that without farther Ceremony places Monsieur Des∣cartes in Hell, and brings him on the Stage discoursing with the pretended Demetrius of Mos∣covy? Is it reasonable to think, That Author, upon his entertaining us in that Work with some pretty Things, and diverting us with an abun∣dance of choice Historical Observations, to think, I say, under that Shelter he had Right to put off all the Frolicks of his Imagination, without any regard to Truth? To place M. Descartes in Hell, at the same Time he's above the Heavens, is not this (to express my self in the Quodlibetique Style of our F••iend M—) Aberrare toto Co••lo?

In the interim we saw the three Philos••phers advance towards us: 'Tis known they were three of the finest Gentlemen, that have bore that Character in Antiquity, and that they have al∣ways been distinguish'd from that Rascality of Sophists and Cynicks that generally were meer An∣drew••, and only purchased the Reputation of Sages at the Expence of the most abusive Extra∣vagances. Socrates made the Address, and in a

most obliging manner told us: He easily per∣ceived we were of France, not only because we came that Road, but also that he saw in us the Character and Genius of the Nation; which Peo∣ple was the most polite at present in the World; that though he had but little Commerce with our World, he had yet enough to be certified of that Particular. He demanded the Occasion of our Voyage, and where we were a going.

Father Mersennus took the Word, and made answer, We were upon a Visit to a Friend of ours, that lived at a vast Distance; that we were happy in timing our Voyage so exactly, as to have the Opportunity of paying our most hum∣ble Respects to those Personages, that have given Renown and Glory to Antiquity, and whose Names after the Tract of two thousand Years were still acknowledged and held Venerable by all the Nations in the Earth.

'Tis believed below we are dead, said Socrates; True (replyed Father Mersennus) and I my self was guilty of that Universal Mistake: But here are two Gentlemen (continued he) meaning us, that are still Inhabitants of the lower World, and who will undeceive it as to that Particular. I shall not be sorry, for my part, answered he; and it would not be amiss to acquaint the People there, That the Soul of a Philosopher, such as I am, staid not to be dismissed from the World by the Decree of a Faction of Corrupt Judges, and the Clamours of a Multitude, incensed by the Envy and Buffoonry, of a Coxcomb of a Comedian. Hear the State of the Matter; well knowing the Rage and Popularity of my Ene∣mies, I thought it not worth while to stay, but quitting my Body, I gave Orders to my Familiar

Spirit, to enter in my Room, and to put a good Face upon the Business to the End; being more Secure of his Performance than my own, what∣ever Constancy and Resolvedness I found in my self. He acted his part to a Tittle; and I scarce think 'tis yet forgotten in the World, what Constancy appeared both in my Looks and Words, when the Sentence of my Death was heard pronounced; with what Undauntedness I was seen to take from the Executioner the Hem∣lock-potion that poisoned my Body, and the Fury of my Accusers, that were ready to burst with Malice, to see me a Philosopher to the last. It is true (I replyed) that last Action of your Life has procured you a vast esteem among Po∣sterity to this Day, and I question whether it will make for your Glory, for us to publish the true Matter of the Fact, as you have related it. No matter (said he) I have still a greater Love for Truth than my own Glory, and am more concerned for Her than for my self. Most bravely answered (I cry'd) and worthy of your self; That one Sentence is worth all the Oration your Demon harangued your Friends with, to comfort them in your Death, and I am resolved it shall lose nothing of its Value in the Carriage. If one fine Wit of our World had but heard it, he would certainly have canonized you for't; he, I say, that in reading your Story, was much put to't to forbear an Invocation, and crying Sancte Socrates ora pro nobis (That Extravagance is known to be Erasmus's, and Socrates himself thought it very impertinent.)

Aristotle next obliged us to disabuse the World of those false Reports, that were current of his Death; some making him dye of the Colick;

others affirming he poisoned himself; others again, That he drowned himself in Euripus; these last came nearest to the Truth. He told us then, That being disgraced, and banished from the Court, upon Suspicion he was dipt in the Conspiracy of Calisthene, his Friend, against Alexander, he retreated to Athens, where he opened his School of Philosophy; That he was there impeached of Atheism, as groundlessly as Socrates, by a Priest of Ceres; which obliged him to retire to Calcis: That one Day as he was taking a Turn upon the Bank of Euripus, and recollecting in his Mind the glorious Advantages he had lost, of making his Fortune, seeing all his Hopes unravelled, that he was for ever dis∣carded from the Court, and discharged from Athens, the Melancholy that seiz'd him made him resolve to leave the World; that, to that intent, he made use of the Secret Aescu∣lapius had left him, from whom he had the Ho∣nour to descend in a Right Line by his Father Nicomachus, formerly Physician to his Majesty King Amyntas, the Grand-Father of Alexander; he made use of it, I say, to separate himself from's Body, which he left in a Place where the Sea, in a high Tide, chanced to carry it off. Upon the finding of his Body drowned, every one made his Conjecture: The Court, that un∣derstood what Impression Disgrace would make upon the Spirit of a Courtier, whose Nature it is, more than may be supposed, upon Tempta∣tion, to dispatch themselves out of the World, concluded very rationally on the Point; but the Opinion of Aristotle's Disciples carried it. At that Time he was about explaining the Phoeno∣menon of the Flux and Reflux of the Seas: He

had confess'd contrary to his custom, that he did not throughly apprehend it: And that vex'd him to the heart. Thence they readily concluded that the cause of his despair. One of them con∣fidently proclaim'd it in several parts of Greece. And as if he had been behind him, when he threw himself in the water, added the words he spoke unto the Sea, just upon his jump; Since I can not comprehend thee, thou shalt comprehend me. The Antithesis seem'd very pretty. That gave Legs to the report, and by that Pass-port it arriv'd to us.

There is something strange and new in these Particulars as well as in the Story of Socrates. And many of the Circumstances are left out in most of the Authours that have treated on this Subject. That encourages me to hope they'l meet with a kind Entertainment from the Pub∣lick; since tis this that now a days lifts our Historians unto Reputation, and sets 'em above the common herd of Writers: And nothing ••akes so much as Paradox in History; since a Manuscript that shall thwart the long receiv'd Opinions of Mankind, is the only piece in fashion, especially if sland••rous and invective, and the Extracts sent to the Compilers of the Holland-Iournals, and the News of the Republick of Learning to advance the Rate of these Books, are fill'd with hardly any thing but rare and admirable Dis∣coveries. But tis not on the faith of Manuscripts I ground my Reports, things commonly subject to be question'd, but on the Testimony of the Persons mainly concern'd in the History, and who have either done or suffer'd the thing there∣in related. And I challenge all the Burnets in England to evince me false in any thing, by all the Histories of the Kingdom of the Moon.

As for Plato, he told us, It did not so much trou∣ble his Head, what were the Sentiments of Men concerning him, and thank't us for the offers of our Service that we made him: But Experience convinc'd us of the truth of Father Mersennus's conjecture, touching the Republick; and also that had his Reverence been a little more conversant in the Affairs of the Globe of the Moon, he would have made no wonder at his finding Plato and Aristotle thereabouts; since the first had effectually establish'd his Republick there, and the second his Lyceum, both which we see geographically describ'd in the Mapps of that Country by Father Grimaldus a Iesuit, one of the Notablest Mathematicians of the Age. We have nothing of certainty as to Socrates's abode; but 'tis more than probable his ordinary Resort is in his belov'd Disciple Plato's Com∣monwealth.

After this little Entercourse, as we were tak∣ing leave of these Gentlemen, Socrates demanded what Friend it was we went so for to wait on? Father Mersennus answer'd, that it was Descartes: Descartes! (reply'd Aristotle:) What that mad Blade that came from the other World above thirty years ago? He that was made the Owl of all the Philosophers, not able to endure him here, and that forc't him to seek out for other Quarters! Truly a very pretty Fellow, that to have treated me so Bully-like, and with that disdain I am told he did: Me, I say, that have been the Tutour to the greatest Prince and greatest Conquerour that ever was! Me, to whose Honour Philippe and Olympias erected Stat••es! Me, that have taught Philosophy in Athens, that have wrote so many Books and had a whole Regiment of Com∣mentatours!

Me whose Words had pass'd so long for Oracles, and the decisions of the Schools; Me, in fine, that all the Philosophers plume them selves as having gain'd unto their Party, and not willing, nor indeed daring to confess, I take the contrary side! I would fain see that bold Merchant venture on the Benches. I have seen his Books and pity 'em. Would you guess (said he) turning hastily to Socrates and Plato; what is the first step he would have his Wise men make, in order to his safer conduct to the attain∣ment of Truth? He makes him doubt of every Thing, and bids him take for false the most self∣evident Proposition in the World, that Two and Three are Five, that the Whole, is greater than its Part, &c. You know Gentlemen, said he, what work the World have made with him there∣upon. For my par't, I'd only ask the Gentle∣man one Question, Does he suppose a Man can doubt of every thing, or does he not? If not, Why makes he it the leading precepts of his Method? For in point of Precept and Method, 'tis necessary they be such as can be put in Pra∣ctice. If he does suppose it, how is it he more than once mantains in his Meditations, and his Method, that the arguments of the Scepticks, which were next a kin to those he brings to fetter us in doubts, were never capable of stagger∣ing one single person, that was in his Senses as to those apparent Truths? Does he think that those he has to deal with, have lost their Senses? Or does he imagine that the Arguments of the Scep∣ticks would be more effectual in his Mouth, or in his Writings than in theirs, whose only Design, for the generality, was to torture and plague the other Sophists and to make themselves

sport with those as should indeavour seriously to confute them? But never dream'd of one Mon∣sieur Descartes that should one time or other Martial their Sophisms in the Van of his Method.

But now supposing M. Descartes had induc'd me to doubt that Two and Three made Five; and that the Whole was bigger than its Part; I would fain know what Method he would take to rid me of this doubt, and to replace me in the Statu quo of certainty where I was before? This could not be done without the aid of another Proposition, more evident than the other; which must serve to convince me, that what I began to doubt, was undoubtedly, not to be doubted of. Now what is with him that high and mighty Proposition, that must brandish its Light on all the rest, and act the Sun among the other Stars? Why: I think, therefore I am. For, says he, '••is impossible to think unless I am. Most▪ ad∣mirably condluded! And is it less impos∣sible that Two and Three should not be Five; that the Whole should not be bigger than its Part; than 'tis impossible I should▪ be mista∣ken, unless I think, and that I should think un∣less I am? If I could bring my Mind to doubt once of the two first Propositions, should I be much pain'd to make question of the third? Or if a Sceptick should be so impudent to deny me those, need he be more, to deny me this? And should not I find my self equally impower'd to demonstrate to him all the three? Descartes in that procedure pretends to silence a Sceptick that challenges him to demonstrate any thing; or to shew him the evidence of a Proposition, himself pretends to have made him doubt of. The Sophist, resolv'd to deny the evidence of the plain∣est

Proposition, baffles him: And so will I; telling him, I stay in the maze of Doubt into which he led me, and am like do to so, since the Prop••si∣tion he brings to expedite me thence, is as blind and dark as those which he made me boggle at before.

But probably (in pursuance of his humour) you are charm'd with the wonderful progress he makes in his following Method. Reflecting, says my Great Philosopher, upon that first Conlu∣sion, I think, therefore I am. I observe I am no other way assur'd of the certainty of it, than by having a clear and distinct Idea of what I there affirm: So that I can take it for a general Rule, that whatever I can clearly and distinctly conceive, is true. But is this the peculiar of that favourite Proposition, only I think therefore I am? Supposing that Descartes had left me in the capacity I was, and where I must be still, in spight of Fate, as to the certainty of these Propositions Two and Three are five, the Whole is bigger than its Part; might not I make the same reflection on these Propositions as he makes on his? And being not oblig'd to invent a Rule of Truth for the Gentlemen Scepticks, but only for my self, which I might make use of in forming all my Judgments, might not I be allow'd to argue upon my Propositions as he does on his? The reason why I am ascertain'd of these Propositions, that is; why I not only doubt not of them, but perceive, I cannot doubt of them, if I would, is, that I have a clear and distinct perception of what I there affirm: And seeing I have such an one, can I still doubt whether I have or not? When to have and to judge I have, or rather to be sensible I have it, is the self

same act of the Understanding. For in effect, from thence it is; from my own Conscience it is proceeds the impossibility of doub••ing of that Proposition, two and three are five, as well as of that other, I think therefore, I am, as all will agree that we are able to judge any whit nicely in such Cases. I might then equally from these and a thousand other Propositions draw the same Inference, Descar••es concludes from his, to make a Rule of Truth on, What I clearly and distinctly conceive is true. And it is as trifling as absurd, to make the Certainty and Evidence of such sort of Propositions, depend on the Certainty and Evidence of any other, since they are th••s certain and evident of themselves, not from any thing prejudicate or antecedent to them. All of them stand on the same Square as to their Conviction, and nothing's more unreasonable or against the Rules of Method, than to go to prove them by one another: Hence it is they are called Imme∣diate Propositions; and even Descartes himself will own, That that General Principle, What I can distinctly conceive is true, is no ways a Rule of Truth for such kind of Propositions; but that their Rule of Truth, i. e. that which convinces me of their Truth, is, as I have been saying, the only Experience, and internal Sense alone my Mind has of that Truth, at the instant of forming those Propositions.

Aristotle, whom the very Name of M. Des∣cartes had put in Humor, staid not long in so pleasant a Road, but pursued to push his Cri∣ticisms home. The greatest Pleasure (said he) I had in reading that admirable Piece, was to see a Man so ••oil, and perplex himself, as to lie open, not only to the most subtle Sceptick, but

to the meanest Logician, that with three Grains of Wit and Sense, knew how to inforce the Rules of Logick he has learn'd: With that he run through his Method, his Meditations, and the first Part of his Book of Principles, so as to let us know, he had attentively examined them. He shewed us, in presenting the Order and Array of Descartes's Propositions, that no Man ever went so preposterously to work as he, for the Invent∣ing and Establishing a Rule of Truth: For that after having made us doubt of all Things, and next, in this dark Passage introduced one Spark of Light, all that we can distinctly conceive is true: He presently makes us suspect that again by Dis∣course drawn from his third Meditation.

But many things which before seemed evident, are become again uncertain; which has determin'd me hitherto to question, whether Two and Three are Five: Hereupon it came into my Mind, That possibly there was a God, that could have made me of such a Composition, as I might be imposed upon in Things that seem most clear and evident: And as often as that Thought recurs of the Power of God, it is impossible for me not to own, but that, if he pleased, he might easily have framed me so, as to be mistaken in the Things I most clearly conceive: But otherwise, upon my steady be∣holding those Things I distinctly conceive, I am urged with so clear Conviction, as to be unable to forbear exclaiming. Deceive me who can; It is impossible, so long as I think, I should not be, or that I should not have been, since it is true at present that I am; and per∣haps it may be equally impossible that Two and Three should not make Five, and so of other

Things, wherein I see a palpable Contradi∣ction. And indeed having no inducement to believe there is a God, a Deceiver, and not knowing as yet whether there be any at all, the Reason that makes me doubtful, being grounded but on that Suspicion, is but weak, and, as I may so say, Metaphysical. But to take away this Doubt it self, it is necessary to en∣quire, Whether there is a God? And sup∣posing there be, Whether he can be a De∣ceiver?

Here Aristotle began to descant, That Descar∣tes had no longer Right to put off that Axiom for a Rule of Truth, All that we distinctly conceive is True: Seeing he had rendred it suspicious by that Reason, drawn from the Power of God; a Reason that appeared to him so forcible, that it was impossible, whilst he reflected on it, not to own, that God, had he pleased, could most ea∣sily have made us so, as to be mistaken in things we most distinctly conceive. This supposed, the Stress he laid upon the Evidence of his other Propositions, could at best but ballance it, and render his Rule of Truth a Probability: Nay it could not do so much, since it was not to be done, but upon the Strength of the Evidence of the Propositions; a Rule that became a most uncer∣tain and fallible, by that sole Argument, which he found impossible to resist, when he reflected on it: And that the Argument that made him suspect his Axioms, though founded on the bare Supposal of the Existence of a God, which as yet he had not examin'd, ought not to be re∣garded as so weak and trivial, in reference to a Man, that in pursuit of his Method acknowledges the Power of God, in case he does exist, extend••

to every thing, and possibly to the making us such sort of Creatures as might be deluded in things they most distinctly conceive. And that, lastly▪ it thw••rted all the Rules of Method, for a Philosopher▪ that was yet in Doubt of the Truth of that Proposition; All that I distinctly can con∣ceive is true: To dream of proving the Existence of a God, to clear him of that Doubt: For how would he be convinc'd of the Existence of a God, but by some evident Demonstration? And how shall he be convinced by some evident Demonstration, so long as he shall doubt, if what a Man distinctly conceives is true?

From whence Aristotle concluded, Cartesius made a Circle in his Method; which is the most vile and unpardonable Fault that reasoning can be guilty o••: For, according to him, he could no ways be perfectly sure of that Principle, All I distinctly conceive is true: But because there is a God, and because that God is no Deceiver; nor could he know there was a God, and that that God was no Deceiver, but because he knew distinctly the Existence of a God, by the Idea he found in himself, and because he distinctly conceived, That to Deceive was a thing unwor∣thy of God. In a Word, that he proved the First Proposition by the Second, and the Second by the First, without having the Right to sup∣pose the Truth of either. But Gentlemen (con∣tinued he, in an insulting way) upon your Con∣sideration, I pardon your Worthy Master that his unhappy Stumble: It was only a false Step he chanced to make in the Dark, notwithstand∣ing which, he recovered himself, and stood upon his Legs. He concluded, For the Existence of a God, and many Truths that we undoubtedly

and clearly know; the Conclusion is true though the Inference be false. But you must not take it ill if I add one Word more, a disgracing his Principles and Axioms one by one, make you sensible how ill founded is the Reputation of a Philosopher, said to Argue conclusively and closely. I remember I have read in that Author a Proposition pleasant enough; viz. That God could change the Essences of things; That the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 we call necessary are only True, because 〈◊〉〈◊〉 will have them so: And if God had willed it, as he might have willed it, if he pleas'd, that Two and Three should not make Five, that Proposition▪ Two and Three are Five at this Day would be false. When Descartes advances that Paradox, he would fain be believed to own a vast Respect for, and most humble Submission to the Omnipotency of God, and is angry with the other Philosopher••, and impleads them of almost Blasphemy, for presuming to say, God was not able to cause, that Two and Three should not make Five: Yet if you track Descartes a lit∣tle, you'll quickly find▪ That 'tis not altogether for his Devotion-sake he maintains that Thesis▪ but because that absurd Ten••t was the evident Result of some other Points of his Doctrin: To have admitted of a Proposition so harsh as that, upon Constraint, and as a Conclusion drawn naturally from a Principle of his laying, would not have made much for his Honour, and would besides have discouraged others: That made him think it his best way to be before∣hand with them, to make the Out-cry first, and to wonder how the Philosophers could be so rash and inconsiderate as to prescribe Boundaries to the Almightiness of God. I shall not at present

meddle with the Absurdity of that Proposition; I design not to correct all the Blunders of that Knight Errant of a Philosopher; it will be too Glorious for him to understand I have conde∣scended to criticise upon him. But to enlarge a little on the Business in Hand, I say, should all I have urged against his Method be false; should all the Arguments wherewith the World has baited him, be Void and Null, that Paradox alone would totally overthrow him; and le•• him suppose it true, 'tis impossible he should give a•• any Rule of Truth: For if it hold, That the Truth of Propositions so depends on God, as that he could have caused those este••m'd neces∣sarily true, to have been false, it was in his Power to have made these two be false; What I conceive distinctly is true: To deceive is an Imperfection. If God was able to have done it, how knows Descartes but he actually has? What greater Reason has he to believe he hath not, rather than the contrary? Hath God revealed it to him? Upon his Principle, I'll doubt, not only as a Sceptick, but now I'll doubt in earnest; Thus his two Rules of Truth are no longer Rules of Truth. What now betides his Glorious Pro∣position, I think therefore I am? I have no need to be a Sceptick to discredit it: Why? Because I know not whether God from all Eternity de∣signed it true or false. Nor could I purchase that knowledge without a Revelation; and still it must be questioned whether Revelation could ••erve for a Rule of Truth, in these our Circum∣stances. Thus Descartes Wiseman, who had al∣ready made so far a Progress as to know, he thought, and that he was, is here unfortunately non-plus'd. I have a world of Reflections more to

make, and I should never be exhausted if I would enter upon his egregious Metaphysicks, his new Demonstrations he pretends to give for the Exi∣stence of a God, the Distinction of the Soul and Body: Upon his way of answering Objections made against the rest of his Method, if I would trouble my self to let you see how (when his Propositions are attacked, and at once the con∣nex•••••• of them, or the Method he takes to come to the knowledge of Truth) he contents him∣self sometimes to defend his Propositions well or ill, without endeavouring to justifie his Method, though that is the Piece in which he has pretended most to shew his Excellency; and which is the most despicable of all at Bottom, as I think I have sufficiently proved to you: But this is enough to satisfie you, I have not pass'd Judg∣ment on your Master without sufficient Knowledg of the Cause: And since I have delayed you too long, Gentlemen Cartesians, I am your most humble Servant; recommend me to your Illustrious Doctor.

Socrates and Plato followed him, taking Leave more civilly, and more like Gentlemen than he: And Plato added, he was transported to see Ari∣stotle's Reputation so run down in the World; and that he deserv'd it were it for nothing, but his Behaviour towards the Philosophers his Prede∣cessors, and especially for his ill natur'd Carri∣age unto Plato himself: That he had used all Endeavours possible to suppress the Reputation with which they flourished in the World, and had used less reserve toward him than all the rest, although he had been his Master; and meerly by his Calumnies in Point of Doctrin, he had raised himself to the Character of Prince of Philosophers.

You know not, said I, what Time may still bring forth, and you need not despair of coming in Play again. Aristotle's Philosophy has had many Turns of Fortune within this Fifteen hun∣dred Years; and I'll tell you, as a Piece of News from our World, That hardly more than four∣score Years ago, the Sovereign Bishop of the Chri∣stian Church was upon putting forth a Placate, commanding your Philosophy should be taught at Rome, instead of Aristotle's, and he had gained the Point, but for a great Man of that Time, called Bellarmine. If that had once passed at Rome, there had been a Fatal Stroke to Aristotle's Philosophy, and yours had carried it all the World over. You at once surprize and please me, (replyed Plato) I am extreamly Glad, and most highly obliged to you for this News: Ari∣stotle shall know it, and I'll imploy it to revenge the Insult of his late Discourse.

Mean while my two Guides were enraged to hear their Master treated in so vile a manner; they had waited the End of his Discourse, to answer it, but observing him troop off with∣out giving them the Opportunity, they endea∣voured, what they could to stop him: As they saw it was in vain, the old Gentleman raillying, hol∣low'd him at a Distance, So ho, Good Monsieur Aristotle, where may a Man find your Sphere of Fire? we have not met with it in our Voyage; though your Books give us Intelligence it was placed above the Air, and yet below the Moon. For my part I was highly gratify'd with that Encounter, and Discourse; I had the Pleasure to observe, That Spiritual Philosophers no more than Corporal could forbear disputing, and were no less jealous of their Sentiments and Reputation.

I had the Happiness of this Diversion more than once in my Voyage, upon several Occasions; of which I shall give account.

After the Departure of our three Philosophers▪ well, (said I to Father Mersennus) what think you, Father, now of Aristotle? Indeed he seem∣ed to me a litte hot; but after all, methinks he's no ill Disputant: That way of tracing M. Descartes step by step in his Method of the re-search of Truth, is very maliciously design'd, and capable of raising Scruples, especially that last Argument taken from the Truth of Neces∣sary Propositions, that with Descartes have their Dependance upon God, seemed perplexing enough: And I do not remember that any one has before hit upon the Use that he hath made on't.

Stuff! meer Stuff! (he replyed) All that Ari∣stotle has said, scarce any thing was tolerable but the Circle he charged upon Descartes; and that's an antiquated Objection; I my self have touched upon it heretofore, as you may see in the Second Objections, that come after his Me∣ditations, which are my own as well as the Sixth. I am glad I know so much, (I returned) they be both most worthy of you, and admirably pro∣posed, and I am very well satisfied, That Circle is something more than imaginary; for 'tis not to be supposed, that Father Mers••nnus, Aristotle, M. Arnauld, who is the Author of the Fourth Set of Objections, and several others, had all met in the self-same Point, but that there was some∣thing in it very like at least, what they there apprehended. But under the Rose, do you take that answer M. Decsartes gives to get out of that unlucky Circle, and that no one ever yet has

took in hand to be satisfactory or fit to be re∣ceived? He answers, That in saying, We knew nothing certainly, before our Conviction of the Existence of a God, he had expressly noted, That he only meant it of some Conclusions that might come into our Mind, at the s••me Time we reflected not on the Principles, from which they were derived.

It would perhaps be somewhat difficult to make that Proposition capable of any tolerable Sense; but 'tis the easiest thing of an hundred to shew it to be a meer Fetch and Evasion; and to disprove the Truth of the thing itself, it is but reading the same Place Aristotle now cited, of his Third Meditation, Page the thirty fifth and thirty sixth of his Method, Number the fifth of the first Part of his Principles; and one shall see he there makes us doubt of all, even of Principles that carry with them their own Evidence; in∣cluding that Principle itself, What I distinctly▪ conceive is ••rue, by the Suspicion we have there is a God, who could so have constituted us, as we might be mistaken in things most clearly appre∣hended: So that when he says, We know no∣thing surely, before the Knowledg of a God, he speaks not only of some certain Conclusions that strike upon our Mind, separately from their Principles, but of all sorts of Knowledg, and of that it self, What we distinctly conceive is true. And hereupon it is your self, Aristotle, M. Arnauld and others, have trapt him in a Circle.

I own, That Answer may be found in some of his Letters, occasioned by the same Objection started to him afresh. I know that he repeats it not by way of Answer, but couching it cun∣ningly

in the First Part of his Principles, where he gives us an Abstract of his Method, and his Meditations; but that's no Salvo to the Business. Besides, those Words have a very ill Effect, in the First Part of his Principles, for they unhappily stand so near the other, that make us doubt of self-evident Propositions, because of the Suspicion we have of a God, that, may be, employs his Power to deceive us; that the Contradiction plainly strikes our Eyes.

Nor has his famous Proposition, I think there∣fore I am, any better S••ccess; for having given us that Proposition as the first of which we could be assured, we might demonstrate to him, That cannot be the first, since its certainty necessarily supposes the Truth of some others, and in those of these: It is impossible that that which thinks should not be; it is a Contradiction for any thing to think, and yet not be in the instant that it thinks. The Proposition (which is very remarkable) by which he proves that other, I think therefore I am, at the same Time he pretends it to be the first of all. He declares then, That when he says, that Proposition, I think therefore I am, is the first and most certain of all those which offer themselves to the Mind of a Man, who observes Method in Philosophy; he pretends not to deny but that he must be certain of this before; It is impossible that he that thinks should not be; as also of divers others. ••oyn this Acknowledgment with what he says in the foregoing Page,

We must likewise doubt of other Things, which we held most certain, of Mathematical Demon∣strations, even of Principles that we thought self-evident until now:

What are then self∣evident Propositions if not these? It is a Con∣tradiction,

That a thing should be and not be: A thing cannot be, and not be ••t the same Time, cannot act, and not be, and the like. He then supposes not the Truth of these Principles, be∣cause he doubts of them. And in Truth, the Reason he brings to make us doubt of self-evi∣dent Propositions extends equally to all. We must doubt, says he, of Principles that we call self-evident, because we have heard there is a God, who can do all Things; and who knows, but he may have so contrived us, as we might always be deceived, even in things that seem most evident? And be pleased to recollect, my Father, what Aristotle said in Concluding; That Descartes's Propositions were less to be found Fault with than their Conn••xion and their Dis∣posal in his Method that he takes to come to Truth; and that the Truth of some certain Pro∣positions was not absolutely contested, but only with reference to the Method that he takes, by which he forfeits the Priviledg to suppose them, be they as true as may be, since according to that Method he is disabled from acquiring the Knowledg of their Truth. And it is upon that account, probably, he was put so out of Humor with Gassendus and Father Bourdin a Iesuit, who were those that chiefly closed with him in that Loc••. Their Scruples are proposed in a lively manner in Latin; and it were well if the French Translation equalled the Original. But upon the mentioning the French Translation,

Give me leave to add one little Remark, I made a few Days since, and thought not fit to communicate to others. M. Descartes's dear Disciples being possibly put to it (at least I so imagine) to disengage their Master of those

petty Perplexities, of which I have been speak∣ing; in the French Version, that has been put forth, of his Works, and which had his own Approbation, have somewhat sweetned that distastful Proposition, in the first Part of his Principles. The Latin has it thus, Dubitabimus etiam de reliquis, quae antea pro maxime certis habui∣mus: Etiam de Mathematicis demonstrationibus, etiam de iis principiis quae hactenus putavimus ••sse per se nota. It would be natural to render it: We will doubt of other things, which before we held most certain; also of Mathematical Demon∣strations; also of those Principles which hitherto we thought self-evident: They have turned it so, I say, in French, as to make us believe, That M. Descartes spoke not of self-evident Principles in general, but only of Mathematical: Nous dou∣t••ro••s aussi de toutes les autres choses qui nous ont semble autrefois tres certains: Meme des demonstra∣tions de Mathematique, & de ses principes, encore que d'eux-memes ils soient assez manifestes. We will doubt also of all those things we hereto∣fore esteemed most certain, even of the Demon∣strations of Mathematicks and their Principles, though they are sufficiently manifest of them∣selves. If this was designedly done, as one may reasonably suppose, it was a little Innocent Le∣gerdemain, that obliged Descartes and injured no Man; and prevented at least the Contradi∣diction should be visible. But to return to the Answer Descartes made to the Circle alledged, What think you Father, is't a good Defence? Or is it not to make a Retreat and Capitulate with his Enemies? Or ••••ther, to speak more plainly and truly, to unsay and contradict? In good Faith, Father, declare it ingenuously; you have treated

Monsieur Descartes somewhat like a Friend, or rather as a generous Enemy, you have disarmed him: He was a Man that scorned to beg his Life; you foresaw too how high he'd carry it after the Combate, and still would challenge all he met with; yet for all that, you have thought fit to give him Quarter, as a Man that did de∣serve it in Consideration of those other great Services he has done Philosophy: I applaud your Generosity, and you have no reason to repent on't.

That little Softning, with which I temper'd the Harshness of my Criticks, had its design'd Effect, which was not wholly to sowre Father Mersennus. He took it graciously enough, and only answered▪ in a rallying way, You are a very Wrangler, and delight to find a Quarrel; and the Humor that I see you are of, had you lived in Descartes's Time, you had certainly incurred his spending a whole Chapter on you. But all that you say comes to just nothing, as I could easily convince you; but the Discussion of Fact, and Contradiction is too tedious an Employ∣ment for us Travellers. I perceive too Monsieur is tired already with it, continued he, in shew∣ing me the old Gentleman, and only wants a Mouth to yawn. Come, says he, Monsieur, you seem something Melancholy, brighten a little, brighten; What do you think of?

Think? of nothing said he. How M••nsieur, (I replyed) What's that you spoke? certainly Blasphemy against the Doctrin of our Master: If Aristotle had heard you, what would he have said? Do you think of nothing? So, What's become of the Essence of the Soul, that accord∣ing to Descartes is thinking? I had as lieve you'd

tell me that you have no Being as that you do not think.

He took me up in a very serious Air, which sufficiently bespoke a greater Displeasure my Words had given him, than Father Mersennus before. You put a perverse Construction on my Proposition, which meant no more, than that my Mind was not possessed with Melancholy Ideas, as you thought: I am heartily glad, Monsieur, said I, for Gayety and Briskness are never more necessary than in a Iourney: But since we are fallen bechance upon the Essence of the Soul, I could wish you'd plainly expound what Monsieur Descartes has said thereon; for as pure a Spirit as I am, I have no clear insight in∣to my own Essence; and I wonder at it. A very ill Sign, said he, that's as much as to say, your Intellect is benighted still with Prejudice, and which I have already too much perceiv'd in you: And I well observe, that Novice which we lately met has raised fresh Scruples in you by his Sophistry. Monsieur, I replyed, to use no Disguise with you, I'll frankly lay open the Dis∣position of my Soul, in which I find it. I am ravish'd in my Thoughts to meet with those that contradict Descartes's Philosophy; that opens and enlarges my Mind: But how strong soever their Arguments appear, I secure my self against them, and still reserve my Mind docil and tractable for the Instructions of that great Genius, supposing he has the Leisure or the Goodness to bestow some on me, when I shall have the Hap∣piness to see him. As for the Preconceptions of the Schools and Childhood, I have for the most part quit them, as I passed my Word before I undressed me of my Body: Yet I confess some

still remain, concerning the Essence of the Body, and the Essence of the Soul, which I hardly can call by that Name, in the signification you im∣ploy it, since they seem grounded upon Expe∣rience and on solid Reason. I have however too great a Deference for M. Descartes, to be throughly confirm'd that they are not false; so that I am willing to acknowledg, to speak in ••iner Language, a gloomy kind of Darkness over∣casts my Mind in those Particulars; and I have not yet obtain'd the Priviledg of Cartesian Souls, to have most distinct Ideas of those two kinds of Being, which make up the World. But once more I shall submit to your Instructions and Descartes's.

He then began to explain the Doctrin of Car∣tesi••s thereupon, but said no more than I before had read in his Meditations, in his Method, in the first part of his Principles, and in some of his Letters. I shall not here give any Exposition of that Doctrin, because I shall have an occasion to speak of it upon an Adventure that befel us in the Globe of the Moon. I pretended out of Complaisance to have a better Taste of it than before, and to find more Solidity in it than when I read it by my self. That acknowledg∣ment restated my Companions in their jo••ular Humour, who after much Merriment and Droll, upon Aristotle's Philosophy, wheel'd about unto his Sphere of Fire, which according to his Map of the World ought to be situated under the Moon, of which yet we saw not the least sign or footstep in our Voyage. They were very Se∣vere and Witty thereupon, and reminded me of a Suit commenc'd some years ago, by the Perip••∣teticks against the new Philosophers, for di••sturbing

them in the possession of that Sphere, warranted by the Prescription of so many Ages; and of a Decree made in favour of the Aristotelians, pur∣suant to a falsly suppos'd Survey they had take•• of the place. 'Twas ordered that the Sphere of Fire should still remain where Aristotle had pi••ch'd it. Now as that Decree, say they, was •• Decree upon Request and not Contradictory, the new Philosophers may revive the Action, and bring the Process to a second Hearing: And in that Case you are able to give evidence of the Truth, and convict the Peripa••eticks of the inva∣lidity of their Titles, in a Concern of that Im∣portance.

You may say what you please, said I, tho' that Sphere is not now to be found; If I was to judg in that Action, I should not so readily condem•• Aristotle. It may have been dispers'd, and spent in the space of almost two thousand years: For that many Stars that have formerly appear'd in the Heavens now disappear: What's become of the seventh Pleiade, and of that seen the last Age in the Constellation of Cassiope? And suppo∣sing any one, since its ceasing to appear, should bring his Action against Tyco Brahe and others that observ'd it, as false Intelligencers, that abus'd the credulous World, do you think it would not be thrown out? And does not M. Descartes himself give us to apprehend that our Vortex, infinitely greater than the Sphere of Fire, shall be sometime swallow'd up, when one least thinks on't? And when by that Absorption the Sun shall become an Earth, and perhaps at once the subtil Matter which is conf••••'d in the Centre of our Earth, forcing its Passage throug•• the Crusts that cover it, shall make that a Sun;

granting that the Books of M. Descartes existed in another Vortex where are Men, would not they look on all he has wrote of our World as Fabulous and Romantick?

However, granting that there never was a Sphere of Fire, it was ever admirably suppos'd. Never was System more exactly contriv'd than Aristotle's of the Elements. They all are rang'd according to the Dignity or Meanness of their Nature. The Earth as the most unactive and ignoble Element, has the lowest Seat. The Water, less course and heavy than the Earth, takes place above it. The Air, by reason of its Subtilty, is exalted higher than the Water. And the Fire the most noble and most vigorous of them all, owns no Superior but the Stars, and the subtil Matter in which swim the Planets. The extent of each is likewise proportion'd to the Merit of their Nature: Like Brethren they have divided the Estate of the four Qualities▪ each of them has two, one of which in the Su∣perlative Degree. The Earth is cold and dry, the Water is cold and moist, the Air is hot and moist, the Fire is hot and dry. And to the end they may bear up still, in the perpetual Com∣bats they give each other; if the prevaling Qua∣lity of one's more active, the predominant Quality of the others put them in a good post∣ure of Defence against the effort of their Ene∣my. Could any thing be more justly or inge∣niously imagin'd? In fine, with how many fine Thoughts has that Sphere of Fire, and that or∣derly Disposition of the Elements, furnished our Preachers heretofore, and still supplies those of Italy? But to mention something better in its kind, that one Devise of Father le Moine, of

which the Sphere of Fire is the Substance, de∣serves there had been one, and would deserve there should be one still, and that it should en∣dure for ever. Designing to signifie the more pure are Friendships, the more durable they are, he painted the Sphere of Fire, with this Spanish Motto, Eterno porque Puro. This Fire's Eternal, because it's pure. What an unhappiness it is that that Thought so fine and solid as it is all over, should at last be false for want of a Sphere of Fire?

Thus I was defending as well as I could, the Peripatetick Interest, whilst we arriv'd at the Globe of the Moon. I shall not be tedious in giving a large Description of it, since others have don't before me. I will only say that the Earth, look't to us that view'd it from the Moon, as the Moon appears to those that view it from the Earth, with this difference, that the Earth seem'd big∣ger far, because it really is so. So we judg'd that the Earth, in respect of those that beheld it from the Moon, had the same Phases as the Moon, in regard of those that behold it from the Earth; that it had its Quadratures, its Oppositions, its Conjunctions, except that it could never be totally Eclips'd, by the reason of its greatness in comparison of the Moon, whose Shade could not have a Diameter so large as the Earth then in Conjunction.

The Moon is a Mass of Matter much like that of which the Earth is compos'd. There you have Fields and Forests, Seas and Rivers. I saw no Animals indeed, but I am of Opinion if there were some transported they would thrive, and probably multiply. 'Tis false that there are Men there, as Cyrano reports; but 'twas

undesignedly that he deceiv'd us, having first been deceiv'd himself. One of the separate Souls which we found in great Multitudes, and which were there at his Arrival, told me the Original of that Error. A great Company of Souls surpriz'd to see a Man with his Body, in a Land where the like was never seen before, had a mind to know the meaning of it. They a∣greed together to appear in Human Shape to him: They accost him, and enquire by what Method he accomplish'd so great a Voyage: Made him relate what he knew of our World; and as he seem'd equally inquisitive as to the Transactions of the World of the Moon, and the Life the In∣habitants led there, the Familiar Spirit of Socra∣tes, who was among the rest, took upon him to answer: And having declar'd who he was, as that Historian himself relates, he made him upon the Spot, a Fantastical System of the Republick and Society, which is the same he gives us in his Relation, where he seriously tells us, There are Men in the Moon; characters their Humour, describes their Employments, their Customs and Government. But 'tis worth the knowing that some ••opperies he has inserted, he brought not from that Country, as the Soul assur'd me; and that many Profane Allusions and Libertine Reflections he there makes, were only the Fruits of a debauch'd Imagination and a corrupt Mind, such as was that Historians, or of the Imitation of an Author, yet more Atheistical than himself. I mean Lucian, one of whose Works was made the Plan to his History of the Moon.

The Inequalities we found in the Globe of the Moon are partly Is••es, wherewith the Seas there are pleasantly chequer'd, and partly Hills and

Vallies in its Continent. They belong to several famous Astronomers or Philosophers, whose Names they bear, and who are the high and mighty States there. We landed in Gassendi, a Seat ex∣traordinary fine and very apposite, and such in a Word as an Abbot, like Monsieur Gassendus, could make it, who wanted for neither Genius, Art nor Science, and who had no use for his Revenues, in gaming treating and living high. The Lord of the Mannor was then absent, whom we should have been glad to have waited on, since we heard that he still continu'd his Civility and Moderation, which were his Natural En∣dowments. And though formerly there were some Misunderstandings betwixt him and Carte∣sius, yet he always very obligingly, and with a Mark of Distinction, entertain'd the Cartesians that came to pay a Visit, and especially Father Mersennus, who was his peculiar Friend. He was a Man that equall'd M. Descartes in capa∣city of Genius, excell'd him in the reach and extent of Science, but was less heady and con∣ceited. He seem'd somewhat a Pyrrhonist in Natural Philosophy, which in my Opinion is becoming enough of a Philosopher, who provi∣ded he looks into himself, must know by his own Experience the Limits of a Human Under∣standing, and the short Sightedness of its Views.

From Gassendi, Father Mersennus conducted us to the Land that bears his Name. It is very con∣veniently situate upon the same Coast, as Gassen∣di, bordering upon the round Sea, which others call the Sea of Humours, which is a great G••lph of the Lunary Ocean, bounded on one side by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Continent, on which lies Mersennus, and on

the other by an Isthmus, at the end whereof, Northwards, is a Peninsule call'd Dream-land. Mersennus is only commendable for its Situa∣tion and Prospect, being a very hosky and bar∣ren Country by the reason of the abundant Heat there, from which it has taken a Name, and is call'd Hotland.

We staid in this place about half a quarter of an hour, when I intimated to ••. Mersennus, that before we prosecuted our Iourny, I should be glad to traverse the Hemisphere of the Moon wherein we were. That Hemisphere always fa∣ces our Earth, and 'tis false that the Moon turns upon its Centre, as some imagine: It only has a Motion of Vibration, which weighs it from East to West, and from West to East, which Motion Galilae••us first perceiv'd, having observ'd by a Tube, that the place we call Grimaldi, is sometimes nearer and sometimes farther off the Oriental Zone of the Moon, and that the Caspian Sea, opposite to it, is sometimes nearer and sometimes farther off the Occidental Zone. Fa∣ther Mersennus, willingly consented to my Pro∣posal, for as much as he himself had never made that Voyage. We cross'd the great Ocean, leav∣ing on the left Hand the Isle of Winds, and on the right, that of Copernicus, and pass'd•• over that of Pitheas, still pushing on quite to the Sea of Rains, which is bounded by a vast Land stretch'd from East to West, much like that of America, as it is decypher'd in the Maps; whose Eastern part is call'd Fog-land, and the Western Hait∣land, both seem'd like two mighty•• Deserts. Towards the middle of that Land, upon the Shore of the Sea of Rains, we discover'd a kind of a large Town, of an oval Figure, which

we had the Curiosity to go to see; but we found all the Avenues guarded with Souls who deny'd us Entrance, tho' civilly and obligingly enough. We demanded of one of them, What Town that was, and why there was no Admission? He answer'd, it was call'd Plato, and was the same where that Philosopher, whose Name it bore, had establish'd his Common-wealth; that no Persons were admitted there, which he himself had not first examin'd, which Caution he observ'd, for fear some Stranger should bring thither the dan∣gerous Maxims of the other World, which were the only Pestilence that Republick had to fear; that Plato was not at home at present, but would return in a little time; and in Case we desir'd to have Admission, we might, waiting the re∣turn of Plato, commence our Quarantine at La∣zaret, which was a little Seat upon a rising Ground, we saw some distance from the Town; that that Quarantine was not a Quarantine of days▪ but a Quarantine of Years; because the Con••a∣gious Diseases a Spirit was tainted with, wer•• purg'd off with far greater Difficulty than the Pestilential Airs of Bodies are dispers'd, which come from infected Places. We thank'd him for his offers, and told him, We came not there with a Design to settle, but that we were going farther; that if Plato had been in Town, he probably would have had some Condescension towards us; that we had met him in our Journy, and had receiv'd great Civilities from him: And that we must endeavour to be contented upon the disappointment of our Curiosity, on tha•• occasion. So we bent on our Journy, dissatis••fied enough, from the Republick of Plato, where we little thought they had treated Strangers a•• they do in China and Iapan.

From thence we travell'd over all that Land from North to South, after which we discover'd another Sea, call'd the Sea of Cold, in which stood a very fair Island, which they said was Aristotle's; we made no Debate whether we should take it in our Road: The only Question was, Whether if we were ask'd who and what we were, we should declare our selves Cartesians? It was my Sentiment not to carry it so high in an Enemies Country: But Father Mersennus and my old Gentleman, concluded for the contrary, with∣out more ado adding, there was nothing we need to fear; that if we were beset we had wherewithal to defend our Selves, and in point of Spiritual As∣saults, the Number came not in the Account; that it was not the first time, there had been seen a single Cartesian, that fronted with good Suc∣cess a Class of four hundred Peripateticks, mar∣shall'd by a Regent of consummate Experience. Only we must keep a strict Guard upon our selves, to offer no Insult or Raillery, that might give Offence to those we conversed with.

But it was a great Surprize to us upon our Ap∣proach, to see this Island under a stricter Guard than that of Plato. They were there in Battel Array, as in a Town that had the Enemy at the Gates, and expected the next News should be of being begirt with a close Siege. There was your Court of Guards advanc'd far into the Field, your Centuries upon all the Hills round about, and Scouts and Intelligences in all parts of the Air. As we came within three hundred Paces of the place, we saw a Detachment of about a dozen Souls, drawn from the Court of Guard, approach us. He that commanded them

gave the Word, Stand, who's there, and to what Sect do you belong? Our old Veteran un∣dauntedly cry'd, Long Live Descartes and the Cartesians. He was amaz'd at the Reply; or∣dered us not to stir a step, and forthwith dis∣patch'd an Advice to the Officer of the Guard.

No sooner the Advice arriv'd to the Officer, but all his Troops at a Signal given, were arm'd capape, and gave us to understand by their looks they were in readiness to receive the Enemy: That is, they were accountred with Syllogisms, in all sorts of Modes and Figures whereof some concluded for the Soul of Beasts, others for the necessity of Substantial Forms, in mixt Bodies; others for Absolute Accidents, and such like Things, against which M. Descartes had declar'd. The Officer himself coming up, we presently knew him. He had been an ancient Professor in the Vniversity of Paris and formerly my Re∣gent in Philosophy: O God! said he, adressing himself to me, and must I have the Affiction of seeing you on the side of our Enemies conde∣scending even to the servil Office of a Spy? Is this the Recompence you make for the Pains I have taken? Have you met with a course of Philosophy, comparable to mine, which was then reputed, the most gentile and solid in the whole Vniversity of Paris? Where's that Respect and Submission you own'd in your greener years, for the Prince of Philosophers? What Obligati∣on had you to take up arms against him? Mon∣sieur (I reply'd) I still preserve that Respect, that Esteem and Friendship for you, which I owe, inviolable, and I take it for a peculiar favour of Fortune to meet you here, to make a fresh Protestation of them. And I assure you, that

I am neither come in quality of a Spy or Enemy, but if you please so to receive me, of a Voyager: 'Twas purely curiosity that brought me hither, by the way. As to the concern of Philosophy, I must acknowledge I am a little Sceptical in that Matter, and know not at present what I am. I am resolv'd to try all Sects before I am deter∣min'd; so that you may, Sir, look upon me as a Man of an uninterested Country, and that contrives no Plot or Mischeivous Design against your Commonwealth: These Gentlemen, indeed, are profess'd Car••esians, but they are Philosophers and Men of Honour, and have Esteem for Merit though it be on the contrary side; and who hold, that Liberty of Conscience in point of Philoso∣phy, is the unviolable Charter of all honest well bred Men: But (I pursued) I am highly sur∣priz'd at the bustle and disturbance in this Country: There's no Spanish Town in Flanders so readily Alarm'd as yours; What is't you so much dread?

That which we so much dread, said he, is, that Im∣placable Enemy of our Sovereign▪ your Descartes, who when on Earth, did all imaginable towards the extirpating the Peripateticks, and only desisted there, as we are from good Hands inform'd, to come to ruin them in this Country. It is now more than thirty years, so exact a Guard has been observ'd, to prevent a Surprize consequent to the Advice we have had, that in all this time he hath been forming a Party, and gathering all the Forces possible, in order to a Descent. This is the Intelligence we have receiv'd from a Dutch Professor of Philosophy, who acts here as Generalissimo in Aristotle's Absence. But Descartes may come as soon as he pleases; you see we are in a capacity to receive him.

Well, Monsieur (said I) if that be all, you may sleep secure; Monsieur Descartes, I assure you, has no Design of an Invasion in his Head; he's a thousand Times farther off this Place than 'tis from hence to Earth; he is thinking of Build∣ing a New World above the Heavens; he has in∣vited us to see the Execution of his Grand Design, and thither 'tis we are going: And to convince you of the Truth of what I say, 'tis but deput∣ing, when we part, some Souls to bear us Com∣pany, and they shall bring you an account of what they there shall see.

You rejoyce me mightily, said he, for we Pe∣ripateticks are tired with these long Fatigues: but take it not ill, that I execute my Orders, and conduct you to the Governour of the Place, according to the Custom, That all Philosophers of a different Sect from ours, arriving here, give him an account what Project brought them hither; we have used this Course but since Descartes has given us these Alarms. So we took the Road that led to the Place, convoyed with a Detach∣ment of about fifty Souls, Academiques for the most part and Collegians, who look'd as if they did not wish us very well; that Place was only a great Garden that represented the Lyceum in Athens, where Aristotle used to teach his Scholars walking, whence they derived the Name of Pe∣ripateticks: 'Tis of a great extent and very finely kept, it is cut into abundance of Allies, whereof the four greatest meet in the middle of the Gar∣den, at a round large Fountain, whereon is raised a stately Pedestal of the most delicate Marble I ever saw, on which stands the Statue of Alxander the Great, crowned by Victory with Lawrels, trampling under Foot Scepters and

Crowns, and Bucklers and broken Arms, and the Treasures of Asia. Four great Statues, chained to the four Corners represent the Prin∣cipal Nations Alexander conquered. I found that Monument so like that of the Place des Vi∣ctoires, that I should have believed one had been the Pattern to the other, had not I at the same Time made Reflection, that the near Resem∣blance of those two Hero's, might easily have furnished the Minds of both the Undertakers with the same Ideas. All the Figures of the Mo∣nument, no less than the other Statues in several Parts of the Garden, as those of Philippus, Olym∣pias, and many other illustrious Personages, who formerly honoured Aristo••le with their Friend∣ship, are of Silver, for Silver is very cheap and common in the Globe of the Moon; and it is pro∣bably for that Reason Chymists who always affect Mystery in their Words, call that Metal by the Name of the Moon.

As we were admiring that noble Monument, we were astonished to see all of a sudden, four Water-Spouts rise from the four Angles of the Pedestal, the largest and the highest that ever were; they mounted at least four hundred Poles in heighth, and they were brought from a River behind a neighbouring Mountain that was higher than the Wells of Domme in Auvergn; over which the Water was carried by the admirable Contrivance of the Old Philosophy, that in sup∣posing the Horror of a Vacuum in Nature, shew'd how with Pumps to s••ing Water infi∣nitely high, which Secret is unfortunately lost in our World; for since the Time of Galileus we can raise Water no higher than three or four and thirty Foot. We saw these Water Spouts on

every Side, the least of which exceeded the high∣est Trees that encompassed the Garden. From the middle of the Garden we observed four Halls of different Figure and Architecture, one at the End of each of the four Alleys: We were con∣ducted to the biggest of them, which was of ex∣quisite Beauty and Magnificence, being of Gold, Azure and Precious Stones. On both Sides, in the Intervals of the Windows was your Imbossed Work of Silver, excellently carved; but that made a Gallimaw••ry odd and humerous enough; for on one Part on the Right-hand were r••pre∣sented the famous Exploits of Alexander, the de∣feat of Darius near the City Arbela, the Attack of Poru•• his Army, the Passage of Granicus, and the Taking of the City Tyre. On the other were Tri∣umphs of Aristotle over the rest of the Philosophers, and the Extravagancies of those that went for Wisemen before his Time.

The first on the Left-hand exhibits Pythagoras, doctrining his Disciples, and presenting them with a sort of Table-Book, wherein, among others, were written these three Precepts: First, That they were to hear him full five Years with∣out speaking a Word to contradict him. Second∣ly, They must lend an attentive Ear, especially in the Night, to the Musick and Harmony of the Celestial Spheres, which only Wisemen are priviledged to understand. And, Thirdly, they must abstain from eating Beans.

The Second shews you Democritus laughing with Might and Main, and Heraclitus weeping in warm Tears, and a Troop of little Chil∣dren hooping after them as after two Fools.

In the Third we had Diogenes the Cynique, ha∣bited like a Morris-Dancer, mounted upon a Cross-way-stone, at bottom of which lay his Tub, expounding to an Auditory much like that of the Singers du pont neuf.

In the last sate Aristotle on an exalted Seat, that looked more like a Throne than a Magiste∣rial Chair, and at his Feet stood all the Philoso∣phers that lived before him, in Admiration, and listning to him as an Oracle. Before the Throne of Aristotle were heaped the Books that repre∣sented the Writings of those same Philosophers, his Predecessors, which one was putting Fire to, to sacrifice them to the Goddess Wisdom, whose Head resembled a Sun, brandishing abundance of Rays upon the Face of Aristotle, and making a Glory round about it.

At the Bottom of the Hall, upon a kind of Al∣tar, stands a large Silver Statue of the beautiful Pythias, formerly Aristotle's Lady, for whom his Passion was so strong, as to Sacrifice unto her.

At the Top of the Hall was a Ceiling, enrich'd with admirable Paintings, lately done, divided likewise betwixt Alexander and Aristotle, agree∣able to the Embossings; for on one Side was the Hero receiving a Thunderbolt from the Hand of his pretended Father Iupiter Ammon, to fulmi∣nate all the Princes of Asia; and on the other the Philosopher receiving another from the Hand of Minerva, to thunderclap all the Chieftains, of the New Sects of Philosophy, among which we easily knew M. Descartes, M. Gassendi, Father▪ Maignan, and many others.

As we were taken up with the Curiosity of all these different Pieces of Sculpture and Painting, the Vice-roy of the Place came in to give us Au∣dience.

Never was Man so much surprized as my old Gentleman, at first Sight of the Govern∣our; he had formerly known him in Holland, when he there accompanied M. Descartes: He was called M. Voetius, the most resolved Peripa∣tetique in the World, and the most avowed of all Descartes's Enemies; he that most disturbed the Quiet he came to seek in Holland, and the most obstinately as successfully opposed his Design of gaining a Party there: Whereas that Man acts the greatest part in the History of Cartesianism, of which, at the Entrance of my Relation I en∣gaged to give some Particulars when occasion served; and seeing at the Intercourse of which I speak, we fell upon a Negotiation with him, as to a Project of Peace between the Peripatetiques and the Cartesians; it will not perhaps be trouble∣some and impertinent, briefly to insert the Dif∣ference he had with M. Descartes, and the Mo∣tive that determined him to fix in the Globe of the Moon.

M. Descartes, after he had finished his Course of Philosophy, in the Colledge de la Fleche, ceased not to be a Philosopher thereupon; nay pretends he commenc'd one but from that Time. As he was fully convinced there was far less to be gained from the most curious of Books and Libraries than from the great Volume of the World, the most Compleat and Instructive of all others, to such as know how to study it as they ought; he pitch'd upon Travel. During nine or ten Years he run through most Countries; frequented the Court, as also the Armies of most Foreign Princes: But still as a Philosopher, i. e. continually making serious Reflections upon the Intellectual and Moral Part of Man, upon the different Customs of Coun∣tries,

upon the contrary Judgments Men make of the self-same things, conformably to the dif∣ferent Notions they have imbibed concerning them, endeavouring always herein to alembeck Truth from Falshood, and to advantage himself equally by the Folly and Wisdom of other Men; that he might collect a System of Life, composed and regulated by defecated Reason, whose Hap∣piness, as far as possible, should be independent of the Turns and Wheels of Fortune.

He began to put his Project in Execution, in a certain Place in Germany, which he does not name, where he passed the Winter, at his Re∣turn from the Coronation of the Emperor Ferdi∣nand III. where closeting himself whole Days to∣gether in his Stove, he recollected in his Mind all the Observations he had made, upon the Con∣duct of Mankind; which he imployed to con∣stitute his Rules of Morality, as they are at pre∣sent in his Book, entituled, Dissertation de la me∣thode de bien user de sa raison. From whence passing to Metaphysical Notices, and those of Natural Philosophy, he laid the Scheme to the most part of his Works he since hath left us; making at the same Time an Essay of his Physicks, in the Me∣chanical Explanation of the Motion of the Heart and A••teries, which certainly is not the worst Piece we have of his Works.

Next he deliberated what Place was most con∣venient for a Settlement; he was byassed against his stay in Britanny, his Native Country, where his Family then bore, as it does to this Day, a considerable Port, foreseeing the Incumbrances he should find among his Relations, would ine∣vitably retard his vehement Pursuit of Philosophy. In fine, he resolved on Holland, as a Retreat

freest from Disturbance, where every one, said he, minds his own concerns, without medling with other Men's; and where the Maintenance of those numerous Troops, served but to recom∣mend with more Security to the whole Country the Advantages of Peace, in the midst of a rage∣ing War.

He passed near eight Years in Peace and Quiet, making his ordinary abode at Egmond, a little Town on the Coast of Holland, insomuch that during all that Space▪ he never left the Country, but on the account of his Domestick Occasions, that indispensibly oblig'd him to make some Journies into France. Happy, if his Zeal for the Publick Good, and his Compassion for the Mise∣rable Condition of Philosophy, had not made him transgress that excellent Moral Maxim he had prescribed himself, to leave the World as he found it, without endeavouring to reform it, or rectifie its Ideas, to think only of finding Truth for himself, and of conquering his own Passions; but he was worsted first by that of Printing, and after by all the other, Authors are subject to, when they find their Opinions contradicted: For it must be confessed, although M. Descartes had formed an Idea of a Wise-man to himself, much like that of the Stoicks, yet any one may see in reading some of his Works, he was not yet ar∣rived to that Apathy and Indolence which makes their Essential Character.

No sooner had he impressed his Dioptriques, and his Meteors; Next that, his Dissertation concerning Method, and since his Meditations: But he found himself set upon from all Hands; all the Vniver∣sities of Holland took the alarm. Doctor Revi••s for that of ••eyden, Voetius and Dem••tius for

Vtrecht, Schook for that of Groiningue, ratified a triple Alliance against this upstart Enemy; who for his Part, before he declared and set up his Standard against Aristotle, had made under∣hand a considerable Party. Revius having en∣gaged Doctor Tkill on his Side, a hot and active Man, undertook the Censuring his Meditations, throughout his Divinity; and the Affair was carried on so far that M. Descartes Friends ad∣vised him to interpose the Authority of the Prince of Orange and the French Embassador, to put a Stop to its Progress: But he satisfied him∣self, to proclaim he was injured, and to demand Justice of the Procurators of Leyden, who thought they had done him a special Favour, in obliging their Doctors Silence, and prohibiting them the mentioning Descartes and his Opinions in their Academick Exercises; a Proceedure that was not very Satisfactory to M. Descartes. He was a lit∣tle better satisfied on the part of the Vniversity of Groiningue, which at the Solicitation of the French Embassador, severely check'd Schooks Out∣ragious Conduct.

But all this was nothing in comparison with his great Concernment at Vtrecht, where Voetius fell like a Lion loose upon him. Voetius was one of the Supports of the Vniversity; whom the Quality of Divinity Professor, as also that of Mi∣nister and Rector, joyned with his Reverend G••ey Heirs rendred awful and venerable to a Town, in which the Corporation of the University main∣tained a very considerable Grandeur: He had learn'd how to employ these Advantages to the gaining absolute Authority and Command over the Minds of Men, insomuch that his Sentiments were the Decisions in the University and Oracles

in the Town. 'Tis known what they were in regard of the New Philosophy, which was the Reason why those of Descartes's Party durst not declare themselves: Notwithstanding, at last, Regius the Physician, whom Descartes styles, his Proto-martyr, could no longer stifle the Hatred he had conceived against Substantial Forms; he affixed his Theses, wherein he had banished them, to substitute in their Room the different Configuration of the insensible Parts of every Body. This makes a great Noise in the Vniver∣sity, some take one Side some another: This is the whole Discourse of the Town, News and Poli∣ticks are hush'd, and the Exchange now rings with nothing but Substantial Forms.

Mean time Voetius slept not in an Affair of this Importance; he went to the first Disputes of Regius, suborned a great many Scholars he had gained, and placed them in several Parts of the Hall; who as soon as Regius his Disciple began to talk of Subtil Matter, of the Balls of the Second Element, of Ramous and Chamfer'd Particles, burst out a Laughing, set up an Hiss, clapt their Hands, and were seconded by the Doctors, the Friends of Voetius: That tumultuous Outcry dismounted poor Regius, and obl••ged him to cut off his Disputations. He wrote to M. Descartes▪ desiring Counsel in this Conjuncture, and how he ought to behave himself in respect of Voetius, who had forthwith put up Theses in Defence of Substantial Forms; and against the other Points of the Cartesian Philosophy: He had particularly addressed them to the Faculty of Medicine, and the Professors of Philosophy, imploring their Prote∣ct••on of Sub••tantial•• Forms against Regius.

M. Descartes's Advice was, That he should forbear Publick Disputations, endeavour to draw over Voetius to answer his Thes••s, but with all the deference and civility imaginable, to mani∣fest a grand Respect and Esteem for his Adver∣sary, yet so as still couragiously to maintain the Cause of Truth▪ Regius took that Method, not without Fear it might cost him his Chair; and certainly he ran a great Risque. Voe••ius under∣took him; put young Voetius his Son, and Schoo••, upon writing against him: And a little more had caused him to be condemned as an Heretick by the Divines: He had him before the Magistrates; nor had he so escaped, but upon giving Security for the exact Performance of what they ordered in a Publick Decree, Never to teach Descartes's Philosophy, to hold fast to the ancient Dogma's and to make no Attaque for the future on Substan∣tial Forms.

That Blow went with M. Descartes to the Quick, though he seems in his Letter to Regius to make slight on't, insomuch that he could not forbear revenging himself; venting a Phamplet under-hand, called the History of Voetius; in which he scurvily treated him, and ridiculed him severely. That turned the Bent of Voetius's Fury on himself, who quitting thenceforward Regius, whom he saw foiled and groveling, and looked upon as a Forlorn-Hope, sent out to Piqueer and Skirmish, by Descartes, thought he must double his Forces to make an On-set on this New Sect, and assault it in its Leader. As ill Fortune still would have it, Descartes and Regius fell to Swords-points, and sharpned their Quills against each other, as if it had been the Fate of that Philosopher, at that Time, to have all the

Learned Men of Holland for his Enemies, whose Names did terminate in Ius, Revius, Demma∣tius, the two Voetius's and Regius.

The first thing that was done at Vtrecht, was to damn Descartes in all Companies as an Athe∣ist, as another Vaninus, who under pretence of establishing by his Arguments the Existence of a God, aim'd only to rout and confute it. Voe∣tius▪ declaim'd eternally against him in his Le∣ctures, in his Disputations, in his Sermons. He pitch'd purposely on Theses of Atheism, where he brought in every thing that might bring an Odium on Descartes. And so success∣fully did they decry him, that when the News of his Death arriv'd several Years after at Vtrecht, Prejudice was so deeply rooted, as to make an addition of dreadful Circumstances, and it was the Current Report of the Town, That he dyed the most impious and wicked Vil∣lain in the World, without Faith, without Re∣ligion, like Iulian the Apostate, casting up a thousand Blasphemies against Iesus Christ.

Voetius indeavour'd to uncement the most in∣timate Friends he had, and as much a Protestant Minister as he was, wrote to Father Mersennus in France, to enter in a League with him, and to excite him to write against Descartes, but sped not in that Negotiation. He accus'd him of being a Clandestine Enemy to the Religion of the Co••ntry, and seem'd by that to be willing to impeach him as a Traytor to the State. He ad∣ded, he was an Emissary and Spy of the Iesuit••, and held an Epistolary▪ Correspondence with them, and produc'd one Letter, especially a∣gainst him, which he had wrote to Father Dine••, sometime after Confessor to the King. So true it

is that Titus Oats is not the first that thought of persuading the Protestants of his Country, the Iesuits gave Commissions in England to levy an Army, in which they had the Disposal of all places of trust, and made general Officers, Co∣lonels and Captains.

In short; Voetius partly by hi•• Reputation and Vogue, partly by his Intrigues, brought it about, that Descartes's Philosophy should be condemn'd throughout the University, of which he was Rector: He cited him by the order of the Magistrates, with a great noise, at the sound of a Bell, by the notice of a Bedel, to come and answer to the Calumnies he was said to have written against Voetius. In so much that his Friends advis'd him ••o be upon his Guard, as being scarce secure in the place where he was, though it was out of the Reach and Jurisdiction of Vtrecht. Two Papers, wherein M. Descartes mention'd Voetius, one of which was the Letter he had wrote to Father Dinet, were declared diffamatory Libels. That Declaration was Printed, and affix'd and sent to the principal Towns of the United Provinces. If we may believe M. Descartes, there was no less Design on Foot, than the Banishing him all the Provin∣ces by a Decree, the loading him with prodi∣gious Fines, the burning his Books by the Hand of the common Hangman, to which, some said, Voetius had resolv'd to make so great a Fire in burning of them, as the Flame of it should en∣lighten all the Countries thereabouts. In a word, M. Descartes was forc'd to get clear of these Troubles, to imploy the credit of his Friends, and the Interest of the French Embassa∣dor, that might hinder it from proceeding any farther.

These Quarrels were kept up many Years▪ and M. Descartes foreseeing the Apologies he he design'd to have presented to the Magistrates of Leyden and Vtrecht, to justifie himself, and demand the reparation of his Honour, would be ineffectual in the procuring such satisfaction as he pretended due to him, thought often of leaving Holland, where he found not the Re∣pose he at first propos'd to himself. The Let∣ters he received from the Court of France at that time, with the promise of a good Pension, if he would come and live at Paris, determin'd him to depart: But the Troubles of the King∣dom unluckily-stop'd the Career of his good Fortune. Letters were sent him in Parchment curiously seal'd, and full of the greatest Praises in the World: But that was all; nor had he his Letters gratis. Never Parchment, as he plea∣santly says, cost him so dear, and was so unuse∣ful as that: Nothing could hinder him from re∣turning to his beloved Holland, without fear of falling afresh into the Hands of Voetius, Schook and Revius: But not long after, the Queen of Sueden sent for him to Stockholm, where 'tis vul∣garly said he dy'd.

What I have hitherto said of the difference of Voetius with M. Descartes, has been taken for the most part out of the Letters of that Philo∣sopher. Voetius inform'd us in the Globe of the Moon, of the other Particulars that concern'd himself, to wit, That after M. Descartes's De∣parture from Holland, he grew reconcil'd to Regius the Physitian, who in the Feast of Recon∣ciliation, as a Badge of the real Intentions of his future Friendship, presented him with some of Descartes's Snush, which he often made use

of, but especially to come to the Lyceum in the Moon; that having highly merited of Aristotle, by those famous Exploits manag'd against Regius and Descartes, in the Defence of the Peripatetick Philosophy, that Prince of Philosopher•• had of∣fer'd him the Imploy we saw him in possession of; that he nevertheless wav'd the accepting of it, till, understanding that Descartes's Soul left no Stone unturn'd to bring the Souls of these Parts over to him, his Zeal for the Ancient Phi∣losophy had wrought upon him to quit his Body, in order to oppose the Designs of that dange∣rous Enemy.

This is that very Voetius that was formerly the Hero of Peripa••ecism in Holland. Our Greet∣ing notwithstanding was extraordinary civil on both Hands; and after our mutual Compli∣ments to each other, he express'd the Joy he had to hear M. Descartes was hatching no ill De∣sign upon the Lyceum of the Moon. He confess'd likewise the Regret he had for urging that Phi∣losopher heretofore so far: But that his own Reputation in Holland was incompatible with Descartes's. That if he had once permitted the new Philosophy, to take Footing in the Vniversity of Vtrecht, he must either have been oblig'd to learn it, or hold his Tongue in all Disputes: And he found much uneasiness to consent to one or the other: That he was then too old to be∣come Descartes's Scholar; and that it was easily guess'd how ungrateful a Task it had been for an old Philosophy Professor, to hear all his Decisi∣ons disputed, without the Priviledg of defend∣ing them, at least by way of Arguing; for that Descartes having thrown out of Doors the Terms made use of in the Schools, he had been

oblig'd in all publick Acts, to stand as a Person that was Deaf and Dumb: He that had always been renown'd for his Subtilty and Penetration. That he had observ'd in his Philosophy many good Things, among abundance of others that seem'd somewhat hard. And that having often discours'd Aristotle concerning that Philosophy, they had both concluded it would not be im∣possible to make some Accommodation, and if we were willing, it would be no trouble to him, to enter in a particular Conference thereupon: We gladly embrac'd his Offer, and after ha∣ving order'd his Attendants to retire, he spoke as follows:

You may easily see, Gentlemen, by the Rank I hold there, I have a great share in the Favours of the Prince our Soveraign: I have yet a great∣er in his Confidence: You will readily think so, by one Profession he has made me, and which I am well assur'd I may safely venture to make you in his Name. It is this, That his Interests are indeed closely united with the Interests of those Philosophers that write themselves Aristo∣telians, but at the bottom they are no more the same than are their Sentiments in point of Phi∣losophy: But notwithstanding he hath hitherto dispens'd with the Promiscuous confounding of them. The Pleasure, and at once the Honour to see himself Marching at the Head of all the Philosophers in Europe, that with an unanimous Consent attributed to him the Quality of their Prince, was well worth the trouble of conniving at the diametrical Repugnance he saw in the rea∣soning of most of those, who declar'd to be intirely his. That division it self, which was to be found among his most zealous Par••isans,

who took it to be a greater Honour, and made it of more Concernment to have ingag'd him on their side, than Truth it self, did not a little contribute to his Glory: To see himself inde∣pendently on Reason, by the sole weight of his Authority made Umpire of all the disagreeing Philosophers; to injoy peaceably the Priviledg of Infallibility, among those that disputed it with Pope and Councils, had something charming in it, that induced him to think it best to be contented, without being much concern'd at their taking or mistaking of his meaning; see∣ing, whatever they say, he only, by the Voice of both Parties was always in the right. But since that M. Descartes, M. Gassendi, and some others, have thrown off the Yoak of his Autho∣rity, and to justifie their Conduct have under∣took, and with Success enough, to shew the Ab∣surdity, or the unsoundness of some Opinions of the Schools, of which they pretend to make him the Warantee, because the best of his Dis∣ciples have awarded them unto him with an uni∣versal Consent: He hath thought fit to declare himself on the first occasion, and to intreat the Publick, as also those Gentlemen the new Philoso∣phers, to do him Justice in that Particular. He protests then to separate his Interest in many Articles from theirs, that style themselves his Disciples: He declares that in the Questions of the Schools, many things go under his Name which are none of his; as is for Instance, that most Childish Notion of the Horror of a Vacuum. That he himself hath certify'd and prov'd by Experience, the Pressure of the Air, which at this Day is made a Principle in the Physical Ex∣pilcation of such Phenomena's, as have most alli∣ance

to the Question of a Vacuum. That he is no ways the Father of an infinite little Beings, introduc'd in the School Philosophy. That his Writings have often been mis-interpreted, and Men have commonly taken for Natural Beings, what in his Idea were only Denomina••••ions and Metaphysical Attributes.

This Calm, continu'd he, with which I speak, after that ungovernable Obstinacy you formerly knew me guilty of, might stand for my Creden∣tials, as to you, in Aristotle's Absence: But I will farther add, that since you meet him out of the Globe of the Moon, he hath dispatch'd an Express, in which he gives orders, that if you pass'd this way, I should not fail to inform you of his Thoughts and Intentions, and to let you know that whatever Warmth appear'd in him in his Discourse against Descartes, he would not∣withstanding gladly hearken to some Accommo∣dation with him: Furthermore this is no unpre∣meditated Resolution. The Expedient has been form'd, and written long ago, and the Fault will not be ours if you do not see it, and take upon you the presenting it to Descartes, if you so think convenient. We return'd, we most joyfully accepted it, and that we thought our selves happy any ways to contribute to the Re∣conciliation of the two greatest Philosophers the World has known, and the Reunion of two Parties, that were at present the only conside∣rable in Europe. He took forthwith out of a Cabinet that was at the end of the Hall, and where, upon handsom Shelves, stood a good sight of Books, excellently bound, and that look'd exactly like Books the new Philosophers have compos'd, within this thirty or forty

Years, and that Aristotle and Voetius had un∣doubtedly read; he took, I say, from a Cabi∣net, a kind of Memoirs, with this Title in La∣tin Words, De Consensu Philosophiae Veteris & Novae. We have, said I, an Ingenious Man of our Wo••ld, that has wrote a Book with the same Inscription. I my self have read it (he replyed) and a Man may easily see by the way it is wrote in, the Author is well vers'd in all parts of Philosophy. He is a Gentleman unbi∣assed as to one side or other, is throughly ac∣quainted with the Interests of each Party, and therefore the fittest Person that I know to me∣diate in that Affair. A preliminary Point is taken from his Preface, which is much in the right on't, and whereto Aristotle and Descartes must forthwith accord; that the Sect-Leaders of Philophy, Neque omnia, neque nihil viderunt. With that he presented us the Project of Ac∣commodation, and desired us to read it at our leisure, in our Voyage; as also to take with us, as we had offered at our Arrival, some Aristo∣telian Souls, to accompany us to Descartes's Place of Residence, to the end he might know by them, what that Philosopher had resolv'd upon the Propositions laid down in that Treaty. We thanked him for the Honour he did us, in in∣trusting us with so Important a Negotiation; assured him, we would do all that lay in us to∣wards the facilitating its Success; and after much Expression and Acknowledgment of his Civilities, we beg'd his leave we might persue our Voyage, since we had a vast way still to go, and had spent many Hours in that we had pass'd already. He conducted us out of the Lyceum, and giving some Instructions to two Souls of

the Country, that seem'd Spirits of Note and Fashion, ordered them to wait on us, so made his Conge.

Designing to run over that whole Hemisphere of the Moon that is oppos'd to our Earth, we kept on our Road to the North, and leaving Democritus on the left, we pass'd through Thales, and drove on quite to Zoroaster; from whence we made a double towards the West, through desert Lands, where we saw the ruins of some ancient Towns, as of Atlas, Cepheus, Hermes, without meeting Man, Woman or Child, till we came to the Lake of Dreams, on whose Banks we found three separate Spirits, with whom we were taken up one Moment in Discourse, as we passed along.

We surprized the two first, stoutly Cursing and Banning their Wives they had formerly in the World. One of which was, that Hermo∣timus mention'd by Tertullian and Pliny, who leav∣ing his Body abed, to make a Ramble, as his Custom was, his Wife, that did not love him, slipt not the opportunity of calling up her Ser∣vants, to whom she shewed, not without tear∣ing her Hair and playing the Mad-woman, the Body of her Husband unsoul'd and breathless, and carried the Humour on so well, that the Body was burnt, according to the custom of the Country, before the Soul return'd, who was from thenceforth forced to seek another Habi∣tation.

The other Spirit was a Roman Senator, whose Name was Lamia, whose Wife had trickt out of the World by the same Project, though, a little more it had miscarried. For as he related it, The Soul being ret••rned to look its Body, where

'twas left, not finding it, and seeing the Family Mourning, begun to smell how the Matter stood: It Posted presently to the place where was built the Funeral Pile to burn the Body, and arriv'd there, just as the Fire began to seize it. The Soul thought it inconvenient to reunite her self with it, for fear it might be obliged to be burnt alive, she only mov'd its Tongue, so as many of the Standers by heard these Words twice distinctly repeated, I am not dead, I am not dead. But seeing the Masters of the Funeral Ceremonies, who had undoubtedly received an Item from the Dame, unconcerned as 'ere, she left it to be burnt, and came to fix in the Globe of the Moon.

The third, whom we found two Leagues farther in a ghastly Grot, was the famous Iohn Duns Scotus, commonly called Scot, or the Sub∣til Doctor. He has pass'd for a dead Man unto this day, on which Account some have given out most ridiculous Stories, and highly disad∣vantagious to the Reputation of so worthy a Person, and which have still been well confuted. But the truth is that he is not dead; and that having by the subtilty of his Mind, found out the Secret so many others have procured, his Corps was taken for dead, and was buried in the absence of his Soul, which took Sanctuary in the Globe of the Moon. He was incompass'd by a Croud of little (I know not what you call them, for they were not Beings, but I think) Formalities. He was the first Father of them in the Philosophical World, and he that gave them first Repute. They be the prettyest, littlest, slender,—you'd think them next to nothing. Perceiving we were Philosophers, to be a little

more affable than ordinary, he began to ask us what we thought of an Vniversal a parte rei, and whether we did not take it to be Objective Precisions? Our old Gentleman, who besides his Cartesian Ideas upon Philosophy, had still a Re∣lick of that gruff and surly Humour Aristotle's Compliments had provok'd, answered him in a careless Air, We concern not our Heads much with such insipid Trifles; that it was but Irish Gibbrish, and that none of us had any Pretensi∣ons to the Elogy Buchanan gives his Country Philosphers, otherwise Men of Sense and Worth,

Gens ratione furens & mentem pasta Chimeris.

Trifles and Chimera's, reply'd Scotus! They are the finest and most solid Questions in Philo∣sophy. By this it was we distinguished our selves in my time; by that Subtilty wherewith I handled these Questions, I was advanced to the quality of Doctor Subtilis. Trifles and Chi∣meras, quoth a! You French Philosophers, have you ever read the History of the Vniversity of Paris? If you have not read it, read it: You will see if these things were look'd on hereto∣fore as Trifles. You will see under the Reign of the young Lewis, one Rousselin of Britanny, at the Head of the Nominals, disputing Hand to Fist in the Vniversity of Paris, against those who held an Universal a parte rei, and from Argu∣ments they came to Swords, that there was Man-slaughter in the Case. You will see, what I have been told is done, since I quit your World. That in the reign of Lewis the Eleventh, the Court and Parliament interposed themselves

in Philosophical Differences, which you call Trifles; that by the order of the King, the Books of the Nominals were chain'd and pad∣lock'd, strictly prohibiting the opening them ever after: And I would to God, those Decrees had not been repeal'd by the Asserters of that empty Philosophy, which will have Universality consist in Names and Conceptions: Then at this day I should have reign'd absolute in the Schools.

But (continu'd he) taking Courage, Are not you of that Party of Philosophers I have heard talk of some time since, and whose Works I have likewise seen in a Visit I made Aristotle, who have a certain British Cavilier for their Leader, called Descartes? Yea verily, reply'd our old Car∣tesian, and we take it as an Honour so to be. Be gone, cry'd he, all in a Rage and Passion▪ Away with you! Hence Hereticks, as you are, who take it for an Honour to be of a Sect, which by its Principles is oblig'd to renounce the Faith of our most Holy Mysteries. Your Des∣cartes holds that a determinate Extension is es∣sential to a Body, and that a Body being once of the size of a Cubical Foot, it would be as great a Contradiction to lose that Extension, as to conceive a Mountain without a Valley. It will be then a Contradiction that the Body of the Saviour of the World which had the bulk of many Feet, should be comprehended in the space of the least Particle of the Consecrated Host. Once more be gone Excommunicates: And since you will stay here in spight of me, I abandon the place; and forthwith he march'd off.

That his extraordinary Zeal was no less sur∣prizing than diverting. But that which pleas'd me most, was, That upon our leaving that place, the two Aristotelian Souls which Voetius had deputed to accompany us, began by the way to resume the Argument of Scotus, and to urge it vigourously against Father Mersennus and my old Man, who were much perplexed to rid their Hands of it. But they proposed an Ar∣gument against the manner whereby M. Descar∣tes, and after him M. Rohault undertake to ex∣plain the Mystery of the Eucharist, without the assistance of absolute Accidents; which may merit a place in this Relation.

M. Descartes in his Answer to the fourth Set of Objections, propos'd against his Metaphysi∣cal Meditations, explains the Mystery of the Eucharist as follows. He says, That the Body of I. C. after the Consecration, is in the self-same place the Bread was in before; but that it is so precisely in the same space, that in what place soever, it was true to affirm before the Consecration, here is Bread; it is true to say after the Consecration, here is the Body of I. C. So that if we conceive that before the Consecration there was, whether in the Surface or in the Substance of the Bread, little Pirami∣dal, Cubical or Triangular Spaces, fill'd with Piramidal, Cubical or Triangular Parts of Bread, we must conceive, after the Consecra∣tion, those little Spaces are possessed in the same exactness by the Body of I. C. From whence it follows, according to him, That when 'tis said the Body of I. C. is comprehended in the same Dimensions, and the very Superficies as the Bread, by that word Superficies is to be under∣stood,

not only that external Surface that ter∣minates the total Figure of the Bread, but also that which terminates all the parts which are in the depth and substance of it, separated from one another by the Pores, and little Intervals that are fill'd up with Air, or some other Heteroge∣neous Bodies: In so much that should some in∣sensible parts of the Bread be put in motion by the Air, or some other Body, the new Substance, that takes the place of those insensible Parts, is equally put in Motion.

Upon that Supposition M. Descartes argues thus. Whatever makes an Impression upon our Senses is only the Superficies of a Body. Every Body therefore that has the same Superficies as the Bread, will make the same Impressions on our Senses as the Bread. Therefore since the Body of I. C. is so precisely in the same space as the Bread, that it hath the same Superficies to an Hair, it must inevitably make the same Im∣pressions on our Senses as the Bread, that is, it must reflect the Light, as the Bread did, and with the same Modifications: And from hence we see in it the same Colour and the same Fi∣gure. It must be press'd towards the Centre of the Earth, by the Impulse of the same Matter that pressed the Bread before, because of the Figuration of its Parts of which it was compo∣sed; and hence we perceive in it the same Gra∣vity. It must vibrate the Nerves of our Tongue, and insinuate it self into the Pores, just as did the insensible parts of the Bread; and hence we apprehend in it the same Taste, &c. From whence he concludes, That Mystery may be ad∣mirably explained, without the incumbrance of absolute Accidents, which are kept in service without any occasion for them.

See then one Difficulty among many others our Peripateticks proposed against that Explica∣tion; we will demonstrate (said they) that, granting that Hypothesis, the Bread is not at all changed into the Body of Iesus Christ in the Eucharist, but that after the Consecration, the Bread still remains in the Host.

In order to their Demonstration they demand∣ed of Father Mersennus and the old Gentleman: I. Whether by the Principles of Descartes, the Matter of all Bodies considered in it self, and in∣dependently of the different Modifications of its Parts was not of the same Species? They answer∣ed, Yes. II. If that which constituted the Spe∣cific Difference of Bodies was not, according to them, the different Configuration, the different Situation, and the different Motions of the Parts of those Bodies? They acknowledged it. That supposed, said they, we'll evidently prove, That the Substance in the Eucharist, after its Conse∣cration, is nothing else but Bread; for the Mat∣ter or the Substance, which hath the same Con∣figuration of Parts, the same Motion, and in a Word, all the same Modifications that constitute the Essence of Bread, is Bread, according to the aforesaid Principle: But the Substance found in the Dimensions of the Host, after the Consecra∣tion, has all those Modifications; and 'tis only by the Means of those Modifications we conceive it to have the same Superficies as the Bread, tak∣ing the Word Superficies in the same Sense Des∣cartes gives it: And 'tis in vertue of those Modi∣fications that that Superficies makes the same Im∣pressions on our Senses as the Bread did before the Consecration: And 'tis from the same Reason that it reflects its Light precisely to the same

Angles as the Bread: That it receives all the same Impulses, and the same Determinations of the Matter, that pushes it towards the Centre, as the Bread: That it communicates the same Vibrations to the Nerves of the Tongue as the Bread: Therefore the Substance that is in the Space of the Host, after the Consecration, according to Descartes's Principles, has the Form or the Essence of Bread; therefore it is Bread, which was to be demonstrated. And from thence our Catholick Peripateticks concluded, It was not without good Ground that Recourse was had to Absolute Accidents, in the Explication of that Mystery.

They made yet one Reflection more upon a Saying Descartes adjoyns to his Explication, and which ruines his Answer.

Notwithstanding, says he, the Body of Iesus Christ, to speak properly, is not there, as in a Place, but Sa∣cramentally.

For, said they, What is it, for God's sake, to be in a Place in proper speaking, but entirely to fill a Space? to hinder the Passage of other Bodies that present themselves; to re∣flect the Light, to be pressed downward; to have Motion, &c. But all this, according to Descartes, agrees to the Body of Iesus Christ in the Sacrament of the Host. And on the con∣trary, the Notion commonly received of a Sacra∣mental Existence attributes not to a Body in that Capacity all those Properties; for none of those that have spoke of the Body of Iesus Christ in the Sacrament, have supposed it was that which reflects the Light, &c. Nay, they say the quite contrary.

So they concluded, deriding the Vanity of the Applause M. Descartes assumes to himself in that

Place, upon the Intelligible Manner, wherewith he pretends to have explained that Mystery, and upon the Obligations he has laid on the Orthodox Divines, for having furnished them with an Opi∣nion more agreeable with Divinity than those usually received. Applause, as well grounded as the Prophecy he made a little after, by which one Day it shall come to pass, that as soon as the World shall be reclaimed from the Prejudices of the School, all the Opinions of our Old Philo∣sophers and Divines thereupon, shall disappear and vanish as Shadows, at the Approach of that Light, wherewith those Glorious Principles of the New Philosophy shall fill the Minds of all such as know how well to use them.

For my part, I was of Opinion, upon hearing Monsieur Descartes so refuted, that he had better have stuck to his general Answer, be it as bad as it will, That he was a Philosopher and not a Divine, and that he pretended not to explain the Myste∣ries of our Religion by the Principles of his Philo∣sophy. I was astonished too in that Occurrence, That such sort of Answers had the good Luck to meet with no Reply, especially having to do with M. Arnauld, who would never willingly take the last Blow in Point of Disputes and Books. But I am persuaded I have since found the Solu∣tion of that Difficulty in a Letter M. Decsartes wrote to a Father of the Oratory, a Sorbon Doctor. He says, speaking of M. Arnauld, That his on∣ly Judgment, as young a Doctor as he was, was of more Weight with him, than that of half the Ancient Doctors of the Sorbon. Was not a Clearing of that nature able to disarm the most incensed Adversary in the World?

During that Dispute, wherein Father Mersen∣nus and the Old Blade thought it unnecessary to keep to Mood and Figure, and were content to evade the Objection by much raillery upon Abso∣lute Accidents, alledging they ought to be banish'd to the Desert of Scotus, to make up his Train and Attendance, with all his little Formalities; We crossed the Calm Sea, and turning short to the Right, we passed through Hipparchus, Ptolo∣meus, and the Peninsula of the Stars, and from thence we cut through the Sea of Clouds. We entred into the Demy-Island of Dreams, I men∣tioned in the beginning; so called from the little Mansions in the Globe of the Moon, inhabited for the most Part with Chymists, that are in Pur∣suit of the Philosopher's Stone, having not been able to find it upon Earth; and a World of Iu∣dicial Astrologers, who still are as great Asses as they were in the other World, and spend all their Time in making Almanacks, and correcting by exact Supputations the false Horoscopes they made in their Life time.

Among others we found Cardan, who though he was possessed of a good Copy-hold Eastward, on the Shoar of the Ocean of Tempests, could not yet forbear making frequent Visits of his Bre∣thren of the same Society. He passed away his Time but discontentedly, having not yet con∣quered the Shagrin and Melancholy, occasioned by that Notable Horoscope of Edward VI. King of England, whose most remarkable Fortunes and Adventures he had foretold, quite to the Fifti∣eth Year of his Age, who yet had the confounded Luck to die at Fifteen. Two other things, much of the same Nature, entertained his Thoughts in that deep Melancholy: The first was the

Death of his Son, whose Horoscope had proved Faulty, he having not foreseen what yet came to pass, That he should be executed at Milan, in the four and twentieth Year of his Age, for poysoning his Wife. The other thing was the uncharitable behaviour of Scaliger and Monsieur de Thou, in publishing in their Books to all Poste∣rity, That he was suffered to dye with Hunger. For after all, said he to us, they are Lyars, for were I dead, 'twas impossible I should be here. I must confess, that having foretold the Day of my Death, in my Horoscope, I made my self, and finding I was mistaken, seeing at the Time prescribed no Sign or Symptom of approaching Death, I shut my self in my Closet; and not hav∣ing Confidence to appear from thenceforth in the Sight of Men, since every Moment of my Life to come had been the continual Reproach of my Mistake, I even resolved to quit my Body, and come and inhabit here. And this, Gentle∣men, is the real Truth of the Matter. We took occasion to extenuate the Causes of his Affliction, by telling him of the Reputation he always had, with a non obstante to all that, in the World, as an extraordinary Man, and distinguished from the Vulgar: After which we took our Leave of him, and posted from thence to Mersennus, where we launched for our Voyage over the Moon. There it was that the two Philosophers stepping aside for some Moments, we read, altogether, the Project of Accommodation betwixt Aristotle and M. Descartes, which Voetius had given us charge of, and whose principal Articles I shall here relate. It was divided into two Parts; The first was to regulate the Method, how the Aristotelians and Cartesians must for the future

demean themselves towards one another, in their Books, Disputes and Conversations. The Se∣cond, which was very long, contained several Propositions, that the Aristotelians remitted, to make some Advances nearer the Cartesians, de∣manding the like Abatements from the Cartesians, whereby they might approach better the Aristo∣telians. That Second Part was rather a Confu∣tation of many Cartesian Opinions than a Treaty of Accommodation, which gave me to conjecture it would fail of the Success they promised to themselves, or at least pretended to propose themselves. 'Tis easie to see that Aristotle, or at least Voetius his Secretary was well informed of our Sublunary Occurrences, and what was for and against his Party and his Adversary's.

A Treaty of Accommodation betwixt Aristotle, Prince of Philosophers, and M. Descartes, Chief of the New Sect.

PART I.

THey shall not for the future Abuse or Vili••ie each other; that Way being unphiloso∣phical, and being likewise already exploded the Schools, by the Worthiest and best of the Pro∣fessors.

The Ladies and knowing Women must no lon∣ger treat Aristotle on their Besides as a Fop and a Pedant: They ought to know he has been a Sol∣dier, a Man of Courtship and Intrigue, who, before he became a Philosopher, took his Plea∣sure and spent his Estate, that was no little one, being Son of the Chief Physician to Amyntas, Grandfather of Alexander; and perhaps there was never a Philosopher in the World more a Courtier and a Gentleman than he.

On the other Hand the Old Professors of Phi∣losophy must remember to be more sparing of their Epithets, of which they are commonly too liberal on Cartesius his Account; constantly styl∣ing him Enthusiast, Madman, sometimes Heretick and Atheist. Voetius from henceforth voluntarily makes him an Authentick Satisfaction as to all those Points, in default of that which the Procu∣rators of Leyden and Vtretcht denied him, cor∣rupted by the Friends of the aforesaid Sieur Voe∣tius; who is his most humble Servant.

Aristotle shall disclaim all those Books com∣posed against M. Descartes, in an Injurious and Abusive Way, such as is that Tract entituled, Deliriorum Cartesii Ventilatio. At least he shall order, That they be corrected, and that in the New Edition Care be taken to retrench some Expressions a little too strong and biting.

M. Descartes also, on his part, shall give Or∣ders, That in the New Impressions of the Works of some of his Followers, some Prefaces be lopt off, or rather some Malicious Satyrs against the School Philosophers, not caring to distinguish them from one another, and throwing unjustly upon all, the Faults of some Particulars, such as are the Passion of Wrangling, Confusion, Equivocal

Terms, and Ignorance in the most Curtious Parts of Physicks.

It shall be prohibited all the Cartesians to give a Character of Aristotle's Merit, before they have read him, especially before they have seen his Logick, his Rhetorick, his History of Animals, and others, where he treats Natural Philosophy in Particulars: And they shall take heed of giv∣ing a Judgment on that Philosopher's Parts by his Books De Phisico auditu, that are not so clear and perspicuous as his others; the Author having his private Reasons for his writing in that manner; which have yet been more confounded in Tract of Time, by a swarm of Translators and Commen∣tators, who often talk Greek in Latin, and where∣of some understood neither.

Be it prohibited likewise all the Peripateticks to be angry at Descartes's philosophy before they have throughly examined it, under the Pe∣nalty of rendring themselves ridiculous, as some have done, who have placed him in the Cata∣logue of Atomists; that is, of such as fancy Bo∣dies composed of Atoms or indivisible Parts; or as another that wrote ingenuously to M. Descartes himself, he had plainly seen with his Eyes the Subtil Matter, having by the luckiest Accident imaginable observed an abundance of little Bodies playing in the Air, by the Advan∣tage of a Sun-beam, that passed through a chink of one of his Casements.

Lastly, Aristotle entreats the Gentlemen Carte∣sians, not to father upon him whatever they find in the Books of his Disciples, without consulting himself; promising on his part, to give no one the Title of Cartesian but upon mature Delibe∣ration, especially in regard of certain young

Abbots, Cavaliers, Proctors and Physicians, that call themselves Cartesians in all Companies, for a Pretence to Parts and Ingenuity, which they sometimes get the Repute of, by that only Con∣fidence of talking at all rates of Subtle Matter, Globules of the Second Element, Vortexes, Automa∣ta's and Phenomena's without understanding any thing but Terms.

The Second Part of the Treaty.

WHereas the Article of Substantial Eorms hath occasioned the greatest Noise and Division between both Parties, as may be seen by the Registers of the Universities of Vtrecht, Leyden, Groninguen, Angers, and as would be testified by those of the University of Paris, Caen, and several others, had Care been taken for the Recording all the Acts and Deliberations held upon that Affair; it is therefore necessary both one and the other, each as to their particular, should remit something for Peace and Quiet∣ness-sake.

Aristotle complained forthwith of the Delicacy of the first Cartesians, who thought it advisable to take Disgust at the very Name of Substantial Forms. For suppose, said he, that no more was meant by that Word than the Principle of the Properties of every Body, and that which is the Cause why one Body so differs from another, that Use has given it a particular Name, and made it a Species distinct from other Kinds of Bodies: What hath that Term so Distastful and Extraor∣dinary?

As to the Idea the Peripateticks have affixed to it, making it to speak, an Incomplete Substance distinct from Matter; he said, That Definition being no where to be found in his Writings, at least in express Terms, he might, if he thought good, disown it, and devolve upon the Arabian Commentators, as on the Crea∣tors of that Being, all the Railleries and fine Things pretended to be spoke by the new Philo∣sophers on that Chapter. But that he was not yet in that Humour, the Cartesians having concluded nothing rationally against that System. That an Incomplete Substance was no Chimera, since the reasonable Soul in Man is undoubtedly so. That their grand Axiom brought to demolish Substantial material Forms, viz. Whatever is Material is Matter; was palpably false, as they have been answered an hundred times, seeing Motion and Figure, which are material Things, are notwithstanding devoid of Matter; and also that he lookt upon the ordinary Doctrin of Substantial Forms, as his true Doctrin. Never∣theless, adjoyn'd he, we shall see what use M. Descartes will make of it, and what Advan∣ces he will offer on his part. When he shall have granted Brutes a Soul, the Peripateticks will consider whether they shall recede from some other Point.

Upon which, he brought many Arguments to persuade him to be less hardy and intractable thereupon. He represented how that Article of his Philosophy had shockt the whole World. That his earnestness and zeal for that Opinion had been excusable, if he had been the first Au∣thor; but it is well known a Spaniard, called Pereyra, first lit upon that Notion; and some

were so malicious as to say, he had drawn it from the Spaniard's Book before he deduc'd it from his own Principles. That he had already gain'd, by that Opinion, as much Honour as could be expected; that it was lookt upon in the World as an Ingenious Paradox, on which he and his Disciples had descanted very subtly, and had sufficiently plagu'd and tormented the School Philosophers; but that the latter and more intelligent sort of Men could not forbear Laughing, when they seriously undertook to maintain it as a Truth. That 'twas known this was the first Effect the Preface to a Book, Entituled, The Soul of Beasts, produced in the Mind of its Readers. A Book wrote indeed with a great deal of Wit, but wherein the Au∣thor too seriously drives at the Conversion of the Philosophers upon that Subject. That no one had brought one substantial Reason to de∣stroy the prejudice of all Mankind in that par∣ticular. That no one had yet demonstrated that a middle Being, betwixt Spirit and Matter, was a thing impossible. That the Promise the Cartesians had made, to explain all that we see admirable in Beasts, by the sole disposition of the Machine was whimsical, and not to be re∣lied on, since it never had been put in Practice. That when they talked of these Matters in ge∣neral, they sometimes spoke pl••••sibly enough; but when they descended to Particulars, they were either much to be pitied or not endured. That the only Idea of the manner of Brutes acting on infinite occasions, compared with t••at Paradox, made it look extravagant. That whereas 'twas answered, that Argument prov'd too much, and made for the reasoning of Beasts;

it must be acknowledged that Instance perplex'd the Philosophers, and gave them trouble to get clear off; yet after all, whatever pain it put them to, their Argument lost nothing of its Force; and the Instance on the other hand infi∣nitely increased the difficulty. For if it be hard to comprehend, that Beasts should not have Reason, upon seeing them act in so admirable and methodical a manner, how much more diffi∣cult would it be to deny them bare Perception? And lastly, for Descartes to give up that point, would not be construed to retract; having him∣self declar'd, he could not demonstrate, that Beasts had not an apprehensive Soul, no more than it could be demonstrated unto him, they had.

After that, Aristotle passed to another Point, which had some Connexion with the former; which was, The Essence of the Soul, made by M. Descartes to consist in actual Thinking, as he makes the Essence of a Body to consist in actual and determinate Extension. He tells them, That though he has many Scruples, as to his Method and Manner whereby he offers to demonstrate the distinction of the Soul and Body, and that many People continued dissatisfied a little with the Answers he gave to the Objections of Gas∣sendus and M. Arnauld; notwithstanding he would not dispute him that Glory of having said something thereon, wholly New and very Ingenious. That he is likewise disposed to fol∣low his Opinion touching the Essence of the Soul, provided he would satisfy him as to one Difficulty taken from Experience.

Many Persons, said he, have made you that Objection: That if the Essence of the Soul con∣sisted in actual Thought, it were impossible she should exist without thinking; and thus it would follow, we should have Thought whilst we were in our Mother's Belly. You will not scruple in the least that Consequence: And as to what's rejoyned by them, that had we con∣stantly Thought, whilst we were in that Capa∣city, we must necessarily have remembred some one of those Thoughts, at least, that we had there: You answer, The reason of our Non-remembrance, is, because the Memory consists in certain Traces, which being made in the Brain, upon thinking of an Object, are there preserv'd; and that the Brain of Infants is too moist and soft for the preservation of those Traces, at least in such a manner as is requisite to cause remembrance. But you are pressed up∣on that Answer, for as much as in several places of your Writings, you distinguish Memory into two sorts, whereof one depends upon the Body, and those Tracks or Footsteps impressed upon the Brain; and the other, which is purely in∣tellectual, depends upon the Soul above. You also distinguish Notices into two kinds: The one that depend upon the Organ, and the other Im∣material, that are wholly Independent on it. Now we can easily apprehend that the dispositi∣on of the Brain of an Infant, may be in the cause why the Soul recollects not those Thoughts which have their dependence on it; but in re∣gard of the Memory wholly intellectual, those pure Conceptions, those immaterial Notices which are altogether independent on the Organ, and the different Plaits or Impresses of the

Brain, the humidity of the Brain can be of no Moment, and we must undoubtedly remember those Thoughts, and the Motions of the Will that have pursued them. You will say, that an Infant in the Mother's Womb is destitute of those pure Notices, and of the use of the intel∣lectual Memory. But that is the thing I am asking a sufficient Reason for, and of which I should be highly pleas'd to be convinced. In effect Voetius had given express Orders to both his Envoys, to see that M. Descartes gave a clear Explication of the Point.

From the Essence of the Soul they proceeded to the Essence of the Body. Aristotle entred on that Article with an acknowledgment of an Er∣ror he formerly fell into, advertising at the same time M. Descartes to take care to avoid the like Misfortune. I believed, said he, the World was from all Eternity, upon a false Principle I suffered my self to pre-possessed with, to wit, That God was a necessary Being in his Actions, as well as in his Existence. You have one also, of which the self same Error is the necessary Consequence: And I am not the first that has put you in mind of it. You not only affirm, That the Essence of Matter con∣sists in Extension, but farther, That Matter, Extension and Space, are but three different Names of one and the same Thing: From whence, with you, it follows, That wherever we conceive Extension and Space, there must necessarily be Matter. And from thence you conclude, the World is boundless and infinite, or, as you choose to speak, indefinite in Exten∣sion. Your Adversaries of the Terrestrial World have indeavoured to demonstrate, That

bottoming on those same Principles, the World and Matter must always have been, and that Matter must necessarily continue always. For as there is Matter at present, where we conceive at present Space and Extension, so by the same Reason there always has been, and ever will be, Matter, where we conceive there ever has been, and ever will be Space and Extension. But we conceive that there always has been, and that there always will be Space and Extension, where the World at present stands. This is a nice Point, and might justifie the Conduct of the Doctors and Magistrates of Vtrecht on your Respect. Betwixt our selves (continu'd he) the reasoning that bewildered you in that unex∣tricable Maze is a meer Sophism. A real Attri∣bute, say you, cannot comport with nothing. Now to be extended, is a real Attribute, it can∣not therefore agree with nothing. It agrees not∣withstanding with Space, and with what we imagine above the Firmament, and call by the Name of Space. Therefore that which is above the Firmament is real. Therefore that which is in the Indefinite above the Firmament, is Matter. Therefore Matter, Extension and Space, are the self-same thing.

You ought to have apprehended the defect of that Reasoning from two Respects. First, from the Consequence that is taken from thence, con∣cluding for the Eternity of the World, and which voluntarily offers it self to the Mind. Secondly, that supposing it false, as indeed it is, that the World should be Eternal, they'l de∣monstrate to you by an Argument, exactly like yours, that another Attribute, no less real than tha•• you term so, comports with nothing.

For if the World is not Eternal, it is plain a Man may truly say, that nothing is Eternal; since, excepting God, there has Nothing been from all Eternity. Now to be Eternal, is me∣thinks, as real an Attribute as to be extended. But as it is a manifest Absurdity to affirm, a real Attribute can accord with nothing, it is necessary to reconcile it all, that you agree with your Adversaries, that those Words, Extended and Eternal, when attributed to Nothing and to Space, make in our Minds quite contrary Ideas, to what we have upon our attributing them to a Being or a Body. When we attribute them to a Being or a Body, they signifie something Posi∣tive; when we attribute them to Nothing and to Space, they give a Negative signification. In a Word, when 'tis said, nothing is Eternal, no more is meant, than that there has been no Being created from all Eternity. And when 'tis said, There is only an extended Space beyond the Firmament, it is understood there is no Body there, and that there may be one to fill up that Void, and nothing of a Body, which we there conceive. We cannot speak of Nothing and of Space, but we must speak Something of them. We cannot express what we think of them, but by the Terms in use: Those Terms are the same we imploy to speak of Beings: But if we make Reflection on the Ideas, we shall see they are wholly different, nor are they ruin'd and destroy'd by one ano∣ther, as is pretended.

This puts me in Mind of a little Instance, subtil enough upon this Subject, which formerly Dr. M••re, an English Gentleman, gave you,

he whose Elogies went so far as to apply to you what Horac•• said of Homer; Qui nil molitur inepte. He propos'd this Question to you. Suppose that God should destroy the World, and reproduce it a little after, might not it be said there would be, or at least, that we con∣ceive there would be some Interval between the Destruction and Reproduction of the World, although nothing of real interceeded betwixt them both? From whence he proceeded to conclude, That supposing in a Chamber God should annihilate all the Bodies that are between the Walls, there would yet be Length, Breadth and Depth, although at the same time there was nothing real there. He thought to have foil'd you, supposing you would readily have assented to his first Proposition, of which there seem'd no Doubt or Scruple: But I am persua∣ded he found himself well enough Match'd, when you deny'd him that we could conceive in his Hypothesis, any Duration or Interval, be∣tween the Destruction and new Production of the World.

The Author of a Letter wrote some years ago to a Cartesian Philosopher, afforded the Reader Sport and Diversion enough upon that Point, by several very pretty Hypotheses which he offers. But as I am not given to Trifles, and 'tis unbefitting a Philosopher of my Character to be merry, I shall only make use of your own Principles. I'll take that Hypothesis that suppo∣ses the Air in a Chamber to be destroy'd by God, without any admittance or production of another Body there. That Hypothesis, once re∣ceiv'd, makes it manifest, That Extension may be conceiv'd without a Body, and by Conse∣quence,

that the Essence of Matter consists not in Extension. You will not admit of this Hy∣pothesis: But I am going to shew, that it im∣plies no Contradiction, by a reasoning much like one of those you make use of in another Case, and take for Demonstration.

For according to you, seeing I distinctly con∣ceive a thing that thinks, not conceiving Exten∣sion, and because I distinctly conceive Exten∣sion, not concerning a thing that thinks; I have good Grounds for my Conclusion, that a thing which thinks is distinguish'd from Extension and that Extension is distinguish'd from a thing that thinks. Thus it is you demonstrate the distinction of the Body and Soul, and thus it is evident, one may exist without the other, with-a Contradiction; and that from this grand Maxim, That the difference of Ideas is the only means we have of knowing the real distinction of Things, and their Independence upon one another. Upon that Principle thus I argue. I most distinctly conceive the Destruction or An∣nihilation of a Body, without conceiving the production of another Body. Therefore it is no Contradiction a Body should be destroy'd without another Body's Production. Therefore it is no Contradiction the Air betwixt the four Walls of a Chamber should be destroy'd, and yet no other Body produc'd in its room.

Or thus, which turns to the same Account. I most distinctly conceive a part of Matter, set∣ting aside all others, and I most distinctly con∣ceive all other without that, for Instance with∣out conceiving the Air inclos'd in a Chamber. My Hypothesis then is establish'd, as well as the Consequences that naturally follow, against

your Opinion, touching the Essence of Matter. So that if you have any Inclination towards a Peace, you will be content to say, that consi∣dering Things in their natural Capacity, Mat∣ter is necessarily extended; but will willingly give up that Expression that hath disgusted all the World: That Extension, Matter and Space, were all the very same thing.

That Insult which Aristotle made upon M. Des∣cartes, in▪ bandying one part of his Principles against another, worsted my old Gentleman's Patience, and rattled him so, that 'was ten to one but he had tore the Paper on the spot. He propos'd our going off without acquainting Aristotle's Embassadors, who were stragled a good way from us, telling us, the Company of such sort of Cattle was not very pleasing: But we represented to him how dishonourable a thing, and unbecoming of Descartes that would be. That that Paper was not so much a Project of Peace, as a Challenge and Defiance, Aristotle had sent h••••; that probably he might slight it, and probably he might think it worth while to an∣swer it: That M. Descartes had so wonderful a Gift of persuading and captivating Spirits, and the production of a World was a thing of that surprizing Nature, that doubtless the two Souls that bore us Company, must be converted to Cartesianism, provided M. Descartes would be at the pains of explaining his System to them in a plausible and familiar manner. These Reasons setled him again, and we pursued in the reading of the Paper, in expectation of the two Souls.

From the Essence of the Body and Soul, Ari∣stotle passed on to their Union, and the Relations they have betwixt themselves. He began with great Encomiums on M. Descartes for having opened the Eyes of the Philosophers, and shew∣ing them the Unusefulness as well as Absurdity of their Intentional Species, in many cases, al∣ledging, That he had taught nothing on that Oc∣casion, that ought to be held so strange and in∣comprehensible by the Peripateticks, had not they deserted the Sentiments of their acknow∣ledged Master, to follow the Whimsies and Imaginations of his Commentators. That he himself had remarked in many Places, That the Sense of Feeling was dispersed throughout the Body, and through all the Organs of the other Senses: That Vision, Taste, the Perception of Sounds and Smells were only caused by the local Motion of some Bodies, that touch'd and moved the Organs of the different Senses; that in effect, if that Motion were insufficient for the Soul's perceiving Objects, those intentional Species substituted in their Place, would be as far from serving Turn. That he was not for rejecting M. Descartes's Doctrin concerning the Seat of the Soul in the Pineal Gland, were it proposed only as a pure Hypothesis, since all that others say amounts to nothing better; but it was insufferable that System should be urged as a setled and de∣monstrated Truth. And that the Respect M. Descartes still pretended for Truth and Experi∣ence ought to make him qualify and moderate his Assertions thereupon.

He intreated him likewise to be more Human and good-natured towards those who taught the Soul was expanded through the Body; and this

is what he added to shew the Cartesians were a little Unreasonable in that Affair: For, said he, when you assert the Soul is placed in the Pineal Gland, either you suppose she takes up all the extent of that Gland, or that she only possesses one indivisible part of it; if she possesses all the Capacity of the Gland, she herself must thence be extended; for that Consequence entirely re∣sembles yours, which you draw against the Phi∣losophers, who make the Soul expanded through∣out the Body. If she only possesses an indivisible Part thereof, there must necessarily be some part of Matter that is indivisible, and not extended: And thus in admiting that disjunctive Proposi∣tion, you appropriate to the Soul, what you affirm belongs to Matter only, otherwise you grant an Attribute to Matter, which on all other occasions you deny, and pretend according to your Principles, however we understand it, that it is the only peculiar of a Spiritual Soul. Be∣sides, all the Nerves, where are the Radiations of the Spirits, that enter in and out of the Pineal Gland, can neither part from the same indivisible Point of the Gland, nor meet there; so that if the Soul was in an indivisible Point of that Gland, she could not have the Perception of all Objects there. But if you reply, The Soul is not in the Gland as a Body is in another Body, or as a Body is in a Place, but that the Soul in quality of a Spirit is not in that Gland, but because she acts there, because she thinks there, wills there and perceives Objects there; and that, since the Dif∣ferent Impressions of Objects terminate in divers Points of the Gland, where she is advertised of them, it may be said, the Soul is in all the Gland: The Philosophers that undertake you,

are ready to take you up with a fresh Objection: For if the Soul acts, wills, thinks, apprehends Objects in all the Gland, that is to say, in a very devisible Space; and if that be sufficient to affirm she is in all the Pineal Gland, it will be true, ac∣cording to their Hypothesis to say, The Soul is in all the Body, since it acts and perceives Objects in all the Body; she sees them in the Eye, as you say, she perceives them in that part of the Pineal Gland, where the Optick Nerve doth point, or the Rays of the Spirits that proceed from that Nerve; she perceives Sounds in the Ear, or as you say, she perceives them in another Point of the Pineal Gland, where the Nerves do center, or the Rays that serve for that Perception.

Thus that pretended Bug-bear of Philosophy, I mean the Presence of the Soul throughout the Body, that causes her to feel in the Hand, when that is prick'd, and makes her move it presently, and withdraw it, upon the Sense of the Com∣punction, that makes her stir the Foot in order to advance, methinks is no longer monstrous or frightful, nor a Prejudice of Infancy evidently false, seeing that Presence of the Soul through∣out the Body is no other than that which is al∣lowed her in the Pineal Gland, the Pineal Gland being extended as well as the whole Body; for the Diminutivenss of the Extension makes no∣thing to the Purpose: Why therefore should that Vertual Extension of a Spirit be turned to a Jest and Ridicule, when 'tis the same as is admitted by the Cartesians, when both are well explain∣ed? and undoubtedly all the Sensations may very near be as justly explained upon this Hypo∣thesis, as upon that of the Pineal Gland.

From all which Aristotle concluded, That M. Descartes had better acknowledg with the wisest and least conceited of the Philosophers, that the Relation the Soul had with the Body in the Perception of Objects, was an incomprehensible Mystery to the Mind of Man: That the manner of Objects acting on the Senses, as also how their Action was carried to the Brain, might be very well explained, but that a Bar was put to all far∣ther Progress, unless a Man would run himself into an unintelligible Jargon, or advance Pro∣positions dangerous in themselves, or in the Conclusions that might be deduced from them.

He went on in commending M. Descartes for his Integrity, manifested in his declaring there was nothing in the Idea of a Soul, or a Spirit, that included an Impossibility of the Production of Motion by them; and at once he blamed the In∣considerateness of the Cartesians, who fool-hardily advanced, That no Creature whatsoever had the Power of producing Motion. It is true, adjoyned he, with a little dash of Malice, that Paradox, as ill founded as it is, is one of the Principal Pil∣lars of the Cartesian System: For without it how should an equal Quantity of Motion be kept up in the World, where there are so many Souls, so many Angels, and so many Devils, whose greatest Pastime it is to produce and create Hurly∣burlies every Moment? But M. Descartes is so much more Praise worthy for preferring the In∣terests of Truth before those of his own System, as dear and beloved as it was.

The next Article was upon that grand Para∣dox of M. Descartes, That the Essences of Things and Truths commonly called necessary,

are not independent of God, and that they are only eternal and immutable, because God hath will'd it so: That God is the total and efficient Cause of the Truth of Propositions: That it was equally arbitrary for God to cause that it should be false, that all the Lines drawn from the center to the Circumference should be equal, as to create the World: See then the Abridg∣ment of what Aristotle spoke at length upon that Subject.

He said, He did not well understand what was the Sense and Meaning of those Words, God is the e••ficient and total Cause of the Truth of Proposi∣tions: For the Truth of a Proposition, since it is not a Being, but a meer Relation of Conformity that it hath with its Object, could not, to speak properly, have an efficient Cause; and if in some Sense it might be said to have an efficient Cause, that could be nothing but the Mind or Tongue of him that Frames and Pronounces the Proposition. Again, he demanded if M. Des∣cartes spoke in general of all Necessary Truths, or only of some Particulars. He could not (continued he) speak of all: For doubtless he did not believe that God was, or had been able to make these Propositions false, There is a God; God is the free Cause of all Beings; God is a ne∣cessary Being. He must therefore only speak of Propositions relating to the Creatures, because according as he expresses himself in one of his Letters, God is the Author of the Es∣sence as well as the Existence of the Creatures: But that he had made a Reflection, That the Truths which respect the Essence of the Creatures have a necessary Connexion with those that ap∣pertain to the Essence of God; and that if it was

possible for the one to be false, the other might be so too: As, for example, this, The Creature essentially depends on God, is a Proposition belonging to the Essence of the Creature, which if it could be false, that other would fall into the same Cir∣cumstance. God is the absolute Master and free Cause of all Beings; for neither the one could be true without the other's being so, nor could the one be false unless the other was likewise false: Whereupon Aristotle advised M. Descartes to have a special Care, lest the profound Respect he affected towards the Omnipotence of God, should not only degenerate into Superstition, but should proceed so far as to bring him to Blasphemous Conclusions.

After that Aristotle made a frank and honest Acknowledgment, That Descartes had explain'd the Nature of most sensible Qualities in a finer and exacter way than he had done: As of the Hardness of Bodies, of Liquidity, of the Power of the Elaverium, of Cold, of Heat, &c. And to manifest he had no other Concern than for the Interests of Truth, he retracted, without Cere∣mony his Position of the Eternity of the World, and his Sphere of Fire. But since that Sphere of Fire makes one of the principal Parts of the Pe∣ripatetick System, and is one of the chief Orna∣ments of his World, he presumed that M. Des∣cartes could do no less than abandon all his Vor∣texes in Exchange, against which he urged many Reasons: But Voetius having understood from us that M. Descartes was ready to put his World in Execution, and the Design of our Journey was, that we might be Witnesses of that mighty Acti∣on, he wrote a Postscript in the Margent, in which he promis'd to submit himself to that

Experience; and supposing it should answer the Pretensions of M. Descartes, his Vortexes should be received, at least as a good Hypothesis, for the explaining the Phenomena of the World, which God hath made. But he farther adjoyned, That in case M. Descartes should fail in his Attempt, he should be oblig'd thus far to condescend, That his Physicks, which turn for the most part upon those Hinges, is an Edifice without Foundation: And that he should rest contented with the Praise common to all the Leaders of a Sect, viz. That his Philosophy had something that was Good and True in it, and that he should avow with the rest of Mankind, that to build a World, and establish a System of Philosophy, true in all its Principles and Conclusions, was a Point the Mind of Man in its utmost Endeavours could ne∣ver reach.

Lastly, as to M. Descartes's Demonstrations touching the Existence of God, the Rules of Motion, and some other Opinions, for which that Philosopher had engag'd a greater Zeal and Earnestness, and which required a more through Discussion: Aristotle proposed to him the pitch∣ing on some Neutral and Unprejudic'd Place, where they might confer together before disin∣terested Arbitratours, to whose Determinations they should submit themselves.

He concluded with a gracious Offer of associ∣ating him in the Empire of Philosophy, upon those only Conditions compriz'd in that Project. He admonish'd him to fix some Bounds to his Ambi∣tion, assuring him of the Vanity of his Hopes if he pursu'd to carry them any farther; for that his own Authority was too well establish'd throughout all Europe, to be indangered by

the Enterprizes of a new Comer: That almost all Universities and Colleges had renew'd the Oath of Allegiance to him, and had made an Offensive and Defensive League against the New Philosophy: That some Ladies and fine Wits of the great World, that seem'd to set up for Pa∣trons and Protectors of a new Party in France, were not such as much stress might be laid upon: That a Philosophical Dress of Mind would be as changeable among the French Ladies, as the other Modes and Fashions for the Body: That few were to be found already that valu'd them∣selves thereupon: And that 'twas said, since the Play of one Moliere, the Name of a Learn'd Woman was become a kind of an Affront. That though several Learn'd Men, and many Mathe∣maticians were taken formerly with the new Ideas, there were a very few at present, that car'd for the Name of Cartesians: Some having presently deserted, to take the part of the Gassendists: Others having cut out Systems for themselves, compos'd of what they thought best in both the ancient and new Philosophers: And almost all affecting to be Originals without tying themselves to any Se••t Ancient or Mo∣dern whatsoever. An effect of more pernicious Consequence than is imagined, of an ill Example which has been given, by the new Schism made in Philosophy.

Scarce had we made an end of reading our Paper, when the two Paripateticks re-entred in Mersennus, and told us, That from the Western Coast they descry'd something as an Opaque Body, that they knew not what to make of, sailing through the Air with wonderful Speed. I'll venture my Life on't, says our old Gentleman,

it is some incrusted Star, that tumbles from Vortex to Vortex, after having lost its own; and is become a Comet. We made towards it with all hast, and the Cartesian Conjecture of the good old Man gave us good Diversion, when a few Moments after we perceiv'd it was nothing but a Man mounted on an extreamly black and condens'd Cloud, whose whole Accoutrement look'd exactly like that of a Magician, that was either going to or coming from the Devil's Sab∣bath. In effect, Father Mersennus, who knew him, inform'd us that he was a Chinese Mandarin, the President of the Magicians of his Country, whom he had often met in our Vortex, and about a year ago, had had a Conference with him upon the Existence of a God, and that he had prov'd it to him by the Demonstrations of M. Descartes, that as resolv'd and case-harden'd an Atheist as he found him, his Demonstrations had s••ock'd him so as he had promised to examine them at his leisure. He mov'd us to proceed to meet him to learn what was the Success of his Confe∣rence, and whether the Mandarin was converted. So we advanc'd towards him; but only Father Mersennus put on a visible Countenance. They saluted each other, and after some Complements pass'd, Father Mersennus demanded, Whether he still doubted of the Existence of a God? He an∣swered, he was throughly convinc'd; and that he own'd himself under a great Obligation to him, for having put him upon the Examination of a Point, of which he was asham'd to have so much as doubted, for want of making some Reflections, with which a most ordinary capacity might have furnish'd him. God be prais'd (ex∣claim'd Father Mersennus) what Joy is here

for M. Descartes when we shall certify him that his Philosophy has convey'd the Knowledg of God to the ends of the Earth! It was certainly with very good Reason he wrote to me upon a time, that he was undetermin'd whether he should publish his Works of Philosophy, but that he thought himself oblig'd in Conscience, not to deprive the Publick of five or six Sheets, that contain'd the Demonstrations of the Existence of a God.

Father (reply'd the Mandarin) I would not advise you to communicate to M. Descartes the Success his Demonstrations had in China. They pass'd there for pure Paralogisms, at least two of them that are most in his Esteem, and that are drawn from the Idea of a God, and a Being absolutely Perfect. And my Obligation to you consists not in your having communicated to me those Demonstrations, but in that having communicated them, in order to my examining them, it took me in the Head, after having ob∣serv'd their weakness, to discuss some other which that Philosopher makes light of in com∣parison of his own, and which yet are those, I owe my Conviction to. A certain European Doctor, by the Name of Thomas Aquinas, whose Sums the Jesuits have translated into Chinese, which I consulted upon that occasion, and the explication made me by the Mandarin Verbiest, who arriv'd in China out of Europe, some years since▪ have made a hundred times more Im∣pression on my Mind, than all the Cartesian Visions that seem'd extreamly shallow.

That Answer Thunder struck the poor Father Mersennus, who demanded hastily of the Man∣darin what fault he found with M. Descartes's

Demonstrations? He set himself presently to refute them, in so much, that we had the plea∣sure of seeing their Civilities and Complements chang'd into a real Dispute.

To let you see, said the Mandarin, that it is not on a groundless Supposition, I condemn your Demonstrations for Paralogisms, you must know that after I had heard them from you, I fortun'd to find them in the Hands of a young Hollander in China, who was upon a Voy∣age with his Country-Merchants, your Descar∣tes's Meditations. Seeing I was already in part acquainted with their Contents, and wish'd to be more satisfactorily instructed, he made me a Present of them, and there I read afresh all those Demonstrations, all the Objections made him thereupon, and all the Answers he returns. The first Reflection that I made in general upon my Reading, was, that those Demonstrations and Answers given to the contrary Objections, left me wholly, at least very much, in doubt, and my Mind fluctuating in as great uncertainty as before, concerning the Point that was in Dis∣pute; and that though I did not see forthwith the Faults of them, yet methoughts I saw them. Upon that I presented them to two of my Friends, of the Tribunal of Mathematicks, con∣stituted of able Men, that are accustom'd to a Geometrical Method, especially since the Europe∣an Mathematicians arriv'd in China. After they had run them over, one of the two assur'd me, without deciding any thing, that if those De∣monstrations were true Demonstrations, they were admirable, since they were extreamly plain and simple: The other adjoyn'd, that that Simplicity it self rendred them suspicious,

for as much as, said he, the more simple they are, the more they ought to have of the ordi∣nary Effect of Demonstration, on the Minds of those they are propos'd to. Now I am insensi∣ble of that Effect: My Mind finds not the evi∣dence so strong as to be carry'd away with it: On the contrary, I perceive, I know not what Doubts and Scruples, that stand in the way of my Assent, and that induce it to believe those Reasonings are false. And I remark, added he, that all, as well Friends as Enemies, of that Philosopher, that have wrote their Opinion of his Demonstrations, have made the same Re∣flection, and Experimented the same thing, as I my self. We set our selves therefore to a seri∣ous Examination of them, and began with that which M. Descantes proposes first of all in the Geometrical Abridgment of his Meditation.

An Attribute which we see distinctly con∣tain'd in the Idea of a thing may be truly affirm'd of that thing. But in the Idea of God, that is to say, in the Idea of a Being absolutely perfect, I distinctly perceive necessary Existence is contain'd; since necessary Existence is a Per∣fection, and a Being infinitely perfect, compre∣hends all sorts of Perfections. Therefore I can affirm Existence of a Being absolutely perfect, and say with Truth and the greatest Assurance, that God exists.

Upon a second reading of that Demonstration and Examination of each particular Proposition of it, whatever appearance of Truth they seem'd to carry with them, all our Scruples be∣gan to grow in us afresh. We apply'd our selves to the finding out the Cause: We examin'd our selves, according to the Council of the Author

of the Demonstration: And we descended into our own Breast, to see if we had not hoarded up some Prejudices that might block out those Propositions, whose Evidence, we thought, de∣serv'd admittance. We found none at all there, having been to that Instant very indifferent as to the truth of that Conclusion; and supposing the Ballance was not in an exact Equilibrium, we certainly inclin'd towards the side of the Existence of a God, rather than the other. So that the Prejudice which favoured that Exist∣ence, was more to be fear'd on our Account, than on the contrary. Moreover we were con∣scious to our selves, we were not concern'd at the reputation of Descartes, and that we were untouch'd with Envy, with which he seems to suspect some of his Country-Men tainted, who had declar'd against his Demonstrations. That incourag'd us to believe, our Scruples proceed∣ed from the Demonstration it self, which by Consequence, must only carry a seeming Evi∣dence; since a real and true Evidence of a De∣monstration or a Proposition, is necessarily ac∣companied with a satisfaction and tranquillity of Mind, that perceives it self enlightned in so lively a manner, as makes it impossible to doubt or withstand the Truth. Hence it is that maugre the Wranglings of those Descartes calls Septicks, it is impossible to have any Scruple con∣cerning first Principles, any ways to doubt, if the Whole be bigger than its Part; and whe∣ther it is impossible that the same Thing should be, and not be at the same time. Reflecting therefore upon that Argumentation, we sup∣pos'd it must needs seem evident, and at the same time we experienc'd from within our∣selves,

that nothing was less really so. All the Difficulty was to discover the Spring of that false Light, and to find out what it was that dazled, instead of clea••ing our Perspectives. We presum'd we might be understood, and our meaning thereupon be clearly explain'd by these Reflections.

The Axiom that makes the first Proposition in Descartes's Reasoning, is true but upon the Sup∣position of two Things. First, that the Idea of which he speaks be a real one, that is, such a one as represents a real, at least a possible Ob∣ject. Secondly, that the Mind, which forms that Idea, be clearly convinc'd that it is real. Thus because the Idea of a right-lin'd Triangle is real, and a Geometrician acknowledges it as such, perceiving distinctly the equality of the three Angles with two Rights, upon that Idea he may truly affirm of that Triangle, that it has three Angles equal to two Rights.

But if the Idea is not real, or if I am not evi∣dently assured it is so, it is false that I can affirm a real Attribute of it, which I distinctly per∣ceive in it. Take for Instance, that imaginary Idea of A Mountain without a Valley, in as much as it represents a Mountain to me, I have an Idea of an Height; yet I can truly and absolute∣ly affirm, that a Mountain without a Valley is high.

If the Idea is real, and yet is not evident to me that it is so, it is true that the Attribute I distinctly apprehend in it, agrees to the thing it represents: But it is false that I can affirm that Attribute of the thing in Hand, or that I can demonstrate to my self that property from that Idea. As supposing this Idea was a real one

A Horse that has Perception and Sense: Descartes that thought it was not real, could not conclude from thence, That an Horse was capable of Pain and Pleasure; although that property is distin∣ctly contain'd in the Idea of a Being furnish'd with Sense and Apprehension.

That once suppos'd to the end, I may de∣monstrate the Existence of God, by that sole Idea (A Being absolutely perfect) it is not only requisite it should be a real Idea, as it certainly is, but that it be evident to me, abstractedly from all the usual Demonstrations, that that Idea is a real one, that is, that it represents to me a real Object, at least a possible one, and no Chimera. Now I maintain, before Descartes, that Idea is not evidently real, before the ordi∣nary Demonstrations: For if it be evidently real, it is either ••o of its self, or from the Dis∣quisition I make of the Ideas it is compos'd of. It is not so of it self: For if that Idea were ma∣nifest of it self, our Mind could never make a Problem of it, nor demand seriously of it self before the Demonstration; Is a Being infinitely perfect, a real Being, or an Imaginary one? No more than it could make a Question of these, Is the Whole bigger than its Part? Can a Thing be and not be at the same time? Since they are manifestly real of themselves. But our Mind before Demonstration, can make it self this Demand, whether a Being absolutely perfect, is really a Being, or in Phancy only? And a Man that never had reflected on the things that prove the Existence of a God, would not be in the least surpriz'd, to hear that Question seriously propos'd, as he would be, should any one ask, as if he were in Doubt, whether the

Whole is bigger than its Part. That Idea then is not manifestly real of it self. It remains then that the Evidence of its reality must be fetch'd from the Examination that we make thereon. If so, M. Descartes ought to have minded us of that Precaution, before we entred on his Demonstra∣tion. But I prove that antecedently to Demon∣stration, the reality of that Idea can neither be evident to us of it self, nor by the discussion of the Terms contain'd in't. First, because the Attribute is not comprehended in the Idea of the Subject: Since it is not essential to a Being to be absolutely perfect. Secondly, because that Discussion affords me many seeming Contradi∣ctions, which my Mind knows not how to re∣concile before the ordinary Demonstrations. For to examine and unravel that Idea, which of its self is very general and confus'd, is to retail all Perfections, whereof not one must be want∣ing to a Being absolutely perfect. Now among those Perfections, there are some that blunt and repulse the Mind, because she has not so great a reach as to conceive them. For Instance, that that Being should be of it self, that that Being should be Almighty and Independent of every thing in its acting, even to the Power of pro∣ducing Beings out of Nothing. There are others that seem to her inconsistent in the same Sub∣ject. For instance, she conceives Liberty and Immutability, Immensity and Indivisibility, the Properties of Bodies and of Spirits, as so many Perfections. She sees that the Perfections which agree to several Beings separately, must all be united in that absolutely perfect Being. Con∣ceiving therefore a Being absolutely perfect, the represents it at once as a free Being, and an

Immutable, as one that can desire and be averse to the same thing, though its Will be always Unchangeable, that is, Omnipresent, without being extended or divisible, that is, a pure Spi∣rit, and at the same time includes all the Per∣fections of Bodies possible to be produc'd.

Nay I dare presume to say, that this Idea thus analyz'd, in respect of a Mind, that never made any Reflection on the Reasons that con∣clude the Existence of a necessary Being, disco∣vering so many Contradictions in that necessary Being, would as soon represent it as an Imagi∣nary Being, as a real one, and that, not suppo∣sing those usual Reasons, that prove to us a first cause of all Beings, and the Reflections that follow them, we should as easily regard that Being as impossible as possible. From whence I at least conclude, that the Idea of a Being abso∣lutely perfect, cannot be look'd on as an Idea un∣doubtedly real, by him that examins it, before his Acquaintance with the ordinary Demonstra∣tions. Consequently, that he that examins it cannot absolutely attribute Existence to that Be∣ing, and which is the same thing, cannot de∣monstrate to himself the Existence of a God, from the Idea of a Being infinitely perfect.

The defect therefore of Descartes's Paralogism, consists in this, that he supposes, before any Demonstrations, the Idea of a Being absolutely perfect, to be taken by the Mind for real, and as having a real Object, which is palpably false.

All this discovers the Original of the Scru∣ples all the World have had, as to that Demon∣strations, and which those themselves have not been clear of, whom the difficulty of resolving

so subtil a Paralogism hath drawn over to Des∣cartes's Party, who doubtless had they been ho∣nest and sincere, must have confess'd they still felt some disquiet in their Mind on that Parti∣cular; and that it was by meer Violence they had at last accustom'd their Understanding to tell them, that Demonstration was evident. This was the Fault which some felt, rather than saw, that made them deny Existence to be in∣clos'd in the Idea of a Being infinitely perfect. For absolutely speaking, although it is com∣priz'd in the Catalogue of Perfections, appro∣priate to that Being, yet the Mind to which the Idea was not manifestly real, took it not in, and excluded it, in making that very Problem, Does a Being absolutely perfect Exist? Until the Arguments independent of that Idea had re∣solv'd the Problem, and convinc'd it that such a Being did Exist.

And let not Descartes say, that that Idea in∣cluding nothing but Perfections, it is evident it includes nothing but what is Real; for a Chime∣rous Idea may be compos'd of only Real Ideas; here then is one exactly like that we are in dis∣pute of, A Triangle that hath all the Perfections of Triangles. That Idea, though it includes no∣thing besides real Perfections, is notwithstand∣ing a Chimera, since for Instance a rectangled Tri∣angle has opposite Properties to those of an Equi∣lateral, and that Opposition is the reason they are inconsistent with one another. So, though all the Perfections of Beings are real, it does not follow that that Idea, A Being that hath all the Perfections of Beings, should be a real Idea; and the Opposition I observe betwixt some of those Perfections, naturally influences my Mind,

unless prevented by the ordinary Demonstrati∣ons, to doubt, at least, whether that Idea is not a Chimera, as well as the other I have been speaking of. From hence it is that in pursuance to the Demonstrations that convince me of the Existence of that Being, but that give me no clear and distinct Knowledg of its Essence, I confine my self to say, That Being must con∣tain the Perfections of all other Beings emi∣nently, that is to say, in a way I don't con∣ceive, and which would never have come into my Head, or at least would never have been look'd on by me as certainly and evidently possible, unless I had been convinc'd of the Exi∣stence of the first Being, before the discussion of its Essence.

That Solution of Descartes's first Paralogism, made way to the discovery of that other De∣fault of his, where he concludes the Existence of God from the objective reality of the Idea (as he speaks) which we have of God. That Idea, (says he) which I find in my Mind, has an infi∣nite objective reality, since it represents to me an infinite Being. Therefore it has that infinite Being for its cause; therefore an infinite Being exists: For otherwise the Effect would have per∣fections, that were not in its cause.

Those who have undertook that arguing, give us to understand, they have found it to be a greater Paralogism than the former, and bring many Reasons for it, which M. Des∣cartes refutes as well as he is able: For my own Part, my Opinion is, That M. Descartes supposes in that Reasoning, what lay on him to be proved: For he not only supposes that that Idea has an objective reality, but farther, that I

can be ascertained independently of the common Demonstrations, that it effectively has an obje∣ctive Reality, or that it has a Real and not an imaginary Object: But I am incapable of know∣ing whether its Object be real or imaginary, be∣fore the Demonstrations, as I have already proved: And if I can doubt whether that Object is not a Chimera, I cannot suppose it has an Objective Reality, but ought to fear it has an Objective Vanity, if I may be allowed so to speak; and in that Case I can by no means conclude, That God has impressed it on my Mind, and consequently that there is a God: But I ought to think, That probably it proceeds from nothing, as Descartes expresses himself, That is, from an Imperfection of Mind that hath produced it, as it could produce this same a Mountain without a Valley. Hence it is clear and manifest, that those two pretended Demonstrations are meer Para∣logisms, and that both are maimed and lame in the same part, and defective on the same account.

Besides, M. Descartes can never demonstrate to me the Truth of the Proposition, on which all his reasoning depends; viz. That the Cause of an Idea ought to contain formally or eminently all the Perfections which the Idea represents; for when 'tis said, The Cause contains all the Perfections of the effect, that is not meant, nor is it evidently true, but of such Perfections as the effect possesses, and not of those it only repre∣sents; for the Perfections the Idea represents, are not the Perfections of the Idea, the only Perfection of the Idea being to represent all those Perfections: A Quality that hath nothing of

Infinite in it, and consequently supposes not an infinite Cause.

I say that Quality includes nothing of Infi∣nity, because the Perfection of an Idea is not measured by the Dignity of the Object that it represents, but by the manner wherewith it repre∣sents it; which being most imperfect in the Case before us, cannot be infinite. And this single Instance which I subjoyn to all that Descartes's Adversaries have said upon the Matter, is suffi∣cient to shew, That the Proposition on which is grounded his whose Reasoning, will not pass for a Principle of a Demonstration.

Lastly, continued the Chinese, Supposing the Reasonings of that Philosopher were not false or sophistical, they would scarce merit the Name of Demonstrations in the Subject they proceed upon: There never can be Demonstrations of the Exi∣stence of a God, whilst they are not received as such, that is, whilst they are not received as convincing Arguments beyond reply, the Truth of which is so prevalent as to destroy all con∣trary Prejudice. Now dark and clouded Minds can never be pierc'd by that Metaphysical Subtilty: Those of a middle Rank find themselves per∣plex'd, whether by their Prejudices, or for want of Penetration; most of those of the first and most exalted Order, discover in them, or think they do discover very knotty Difficulties. All this put together makes one general Preju∣dice on their Consideration, that never read them, and which might warrant their Prudence to conclude, if there were no other Demonstra∣tions of the Existence of God, there were cer∣tainly noneat all. So that my Advice to your

Philosopher and his Followers is, Not so highly to prefer his Demonstrations before those commonly made use of: For if it be true that all others are inevident in comparison of these, very mischievus Consequences might be drawn from that Prin∣ciple, against the Existence of a First Being, of which the Libertines (if I may judge by those of the Empire of China) would not fail to make advantage.

Whether the Spirit that drove on the Cloud, on which the Mandarin was horsed, and which was one of the grimmest and blackest Devils in all Hell, grew sowr'd and uneasie at these Discour∣ses, from which Inferences might be drawn very prejudicial to the Interests of the Sabbath, or whether the Mandarin was himself in haste, and expected to hear nothing new upon that Affair, he had no sooner uttered that last Sentence, but we saw him on a sudden hurried towards the East with an incredible Swiftness.

Father Mersennus, that stood on Thorns to give him Answer, could not forbear following him, and kept him Pace for above thirty De∣grees. He returned to us about a quarter of an Hour after, and spoke a little angrily. It is strange how the Enemies of Descartes make their Insults, and treacherously fall upon us, then be∣take them to their Heels, without giving us so much as Time to put our selves in a Posture of Defence, and to reply to that noisy Trum∣pery which they think to put off at the rate of Oracles: If the Mandarin, no less than Aristotle had rely'd upon their Forces, and believed, as they pretend, their Arguments a Match for Des∣cartes, they would not have shrunk when they were to grapple, and would at least have tarried the Answer that was to be made them; but these

are Donquixots of Knight Errants, that bravado it by discharging a Pistol in the Air, and never stand to it before the Enemy, which they make as if they did encounter. But in the Time that I have accompanied our Mandarin, I have over∣turned his Ideas: He has promised me that this Day twelvemonth he will be again in Mersennus, where we shall have a fair and leisurely Confer∣ence upon Descartes's Demonstrations; then, Gentle∣men, I desire your Company, said he, and if I do not convince my Gentleman, so as to stop his Mouth for the future, I'll commence Peripatetick on the Spot, and utterly renounce Cartesianism. We promised him to wait on him at that Time: But, Father, said I, we have been long upon the Road, yet have made no great Progress in our Journey, I desire we may dispatch it as soon as possible, for I am in fear for my Body, and would not for a World it should stay without me above four and twenty Hours. With that he looked towards the Earth, to see what Hour it was, and told me, it was but seven Hours since we left France, and provided we made no Halts in our way, in five Hours, at latest, we shall arrive in Descartes's World.

So we left Mersennus, and departed from the Moon, by the Northside of that Globe; we made towards the Starry Heaven with all the Speed we were capable of; that is to say, in one Minute we compass'd many thousand Leagues. It is a prodigious, and inconceivable thing, the multi∣tude of the Stars; a Man can discover from the Earth, with the best Glasses, but a very incon∣siderable Part, in respect of those that lie out of Sight. We cross'd the Sign Sagittary, where I took pleasure in observing the principal Stars,

that are usually describ'd on the Celestial Globes; that Sign resembles an Archer near as much as I resemble an House; whereof yo•• may imagine my two Eyes the Windows, my two Arms the Jettings that flank the Main of the Lodgings, re∣presen••••d by the rest of my Body.

Had I a mind to divert my self, as Ovid does, in his Description of the Chariot of Phaeton, I might make a thousand pretty Astronomical Al∣lusions, and could create in my Road many new Zodiacks, in which a multitude of Animals cele∣brated in the Fables that some have left behind them upon Earth, might take place, and have Reparation made for the Wrongs done them by the capriciousness of Poets and Astronomers, that have given the Preheminence to others of per∣haps not half so great Worth and Magnitude: But the Reader may easily imagine to himself all that. I shall say no more of the Conferences we had in the rest of our Voyage, where I was little more than Auditor. The two Peripateticks held a Dispute almost all the way with Father Mersen∣nus and the old Gentleman, upon several Points of the New Philosophy, but all they said amounted to little more than may be seen in Father de la Grange and other Books, that treat of such sort of Things. It pleased me to see with what Heat each maintain'd his Party, and endeavour'd to draw me over to it; but I was satisfy'd in praising first one and then the other, without giving up my self to either, and on∣ly took upon me the Quality of Arbitrator, (which they seemed by common Consent to award me) for the moderating the too great Vehemence and Zeal for the Sect that some∣times transported them a little farther than

was allowable. Mean while I took notice, That Father Mersennus, that conducted us, made us still leave, from Time to Time, the direct Road, to fetch a Compass about, and aim'd to keep us at a Distance from the Body of the Stars, or, to speak in the Cartesian Phrase, from the Centre of the Vortexes. I demanded the reason of his doing so; telling him, one of my greatest Curiosities would be to contemplate a Star at hand, and to consider the Motion of the subtil Matter in the Centre of the Vortex, and that, that was the readiest way to convince me there were Vortexes, such as Descartes has describ'd. He answered, it would be more convenient to sa∣tisfie my Curiosity as I returned, after that M. Descartes had himself explained the differ∣ent Determinations, the Subtil Matter is cap∣able of, in a Vortex; that thereby I should better take his Meaning, and before that it would be but a new Subject of Confusion to my self, and of cavilling to the Peripatetick Gentlemen. It behoved him to hold to that, and I had from thence forward but a very ill Opinion of the Vortexes, of which I saw no likelihood in the Motions of the Matter at a good Remove from the Stars. But at last we arrived to the Third Heaven, which was the End of our Voyage. The Occurrences, that happened in my Stay there, shall be the Sub∣ject of the Third Part of my Relation.

Notes

• Part. 2. princ. p. 37▪ let. 72. tom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• Part. 2. princip.
• Meth. p. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & 37.
• Olaus mag. l. 3. c. 17. Tert. de anima.
• Nouveaux Dial. de•• Mor.
• Cartes Seleno∣graphi∣ques.
• In Sy••opsi M••dit.
• Rep. aux I••st. de Gass••••d.
• In resp. ad object. 1.
• Empire de la Lu••e.
• Diss••rt. de Meth.
• Ibid.
• Ibid.
• Ibid. p. 20▪
• Let••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Des••.
• Tom. 1. d•••• Le••••. de Des••.
• Tom. 1. Let. 89.
• Let. de Des••.
• C••e••gh••on Ep. ad Regium.
• Tom. 2. des Let▪ de Desc.
• Hist. Con∣j••r. Angle∣••erre▪
• M. Du Ha••el.
• L' Ame des Betes.
• Let. 67. Tom. 1.
• Lettr. Tom. 2.
• Tom. 2. Let. 4. 38.
• Lett. de Desc. Tom. 1. Lett. 69.
• In resp. ad 5. object. Let. 110. Tom. 1.
• Ibid.
• Tom. 2. Let. 37.