The church-history of Brittany from the beginning of Christianity to the Norman conquest under Roman governours, Brittish kings, the English-Saxon heptarchy, the English-Saxon (and Danish) monarchy ... : from all which is evidently demonstrated that the present Roman Catholick religion hath from the beginning, without interruption or change been professed in this our island, &c. / by R.F., S. Cressy of the Holy Order of S. Benedict.

THE CHVRCH-HISTORY OF BRITTANY VNDER ROMAN GOVERNOVRS I. PART. (Book 1)

* 1.1I. CHAP.

1. A generall view of the Government and Religion of Brittany when first disco∣vered. 2. &c. A proof of Gods mercy and Grace to our Nation.

1. HAVING an intention, through the Divine assistance, to compile a plain orderly Narration of Church-affaires touching the infancy and growth of Chri∣stian Religion in this our Island of Brittany; it will be expedient in preparation therto, to give the Reader a prospect of the State both of its ancient Civill Government and Re∣ligion also, or rather most horribly impious Superstitions and Ceremonies: by a due consi∣deration of both which we may clearly see, and ought thankfully to acknowledge the wonderfully blessed effects of the Divine Providence and Grace towards this our Native Countrey more plentifully then to any o∣ther.

2. For though the Civill State here was in those times iniuriously invaded and usurped by the Romans: yet by Gods most wise, holy and mercifull▪ Direction, the injuries and oppressions sustained by our Ancestours pro∣ved an occasion of their greatest Happines, since by meanes of the correspondence and entercourse then intervening between this Island, formerly unknown, and the rest of the Roman Empire, to which it became sub∣ject, a passage was opened for a free admit∣tance of the Divine Light of saving Christian Verities, the victory of which over the Brit∣tains Soules did abundantly recompence the servitude induced by the Romans over their Bodies and Estates.

3. And moreover the Omnipotence of Di∣vine Grace was illustriously commended by its triumphing over a far greater opposition raised against it by the Devil in this, more then almost any other Nation. For here es∣pecially was anciently erected the Shop and Schoole of most impious and inhumane Su∣perstitions. The abominable Art of Magicall and Diabolicall Divinations, the most barba∣rous Mysteries of Sacrifising to the Devil with humane blood, and, in a word, whatso∣ever impieties Hell could suggest, were here invented and practised: the Inhabitants of this Island by the miserable advantage of their solitude and separation from the rest of mankind being at more leasure to enter∣tain, and withall better enabled by Nature

with Study to promote and encrease those execrable Rites: For (as Tacitus relates from Iulius Agricola's observation,* 1.2 who had suffi∣cient experience to make a judgment) the Brittains were naturally endowed with quicker and sharper wits then their Neighbours the Gauls, &c. And it was cheifly in the inventing of impious Superstitions that they gained a wretched reputation and authority among the adjacent Nations, who therefore sent their Youth into Brittany to be instructed in the Arts and delusions of Sathan,* 1.3 as Caesar testifies. Such advantageous enablements, and withall such perswasive invitations had they to be more wicked, and greater ene∣mies of God and true Piety, then any of their Neighbours.

4. But within a few Ages we shall see Sa∣than like lightning fall from heaven: We shall see this our Nation and Countrey become the Schoole of Holiness and Vertue, the Nur∣sery of Saints, the Refuge of persecuted Chri∣stians, and a fruitfull Mother of Apostles to plant our Holy Faith in most of our confi∣ning Regions. This was a change of the right hand of the most High. But before we can be spectatours of the manner how this won∣derfull Change was made, we are first to take a view of the ancient primitive State of this our Island, by whom it was peopled, and how governed both in affaires Civill, and such as pertained to Religion.

* 1.4II. CHAP.

1.2. The ancient Inhabitants of Brittany: 3.4 &c. Conquer'd by C. Iulius Caesar: yet with great difficulty. 5. His Motives for the invasion. 6. A small part only subdued.

1. IT is a great Proof against the ancient Philosophers, and our Modern Atheisti∣call seeming-Christians that the world was not from eternity, because all the parts and Regions of the Earth have been successive∣ly inhabited by Nations spreading them∣selves by little and little from the East where man was created. Thus was this Island of Brittany first possess'd by colonies of the neighbouring Belgick Gaules, &c. as appeares by the names severally given by them to the places where they respectively settled themselves, as the Atrebates, Morini, Belga, and severall other, situate especially on the Southern coasts: which argues these to have been later Plantations, though pre∣ceding the Age in which this our Countrey was first discovered to the civill part of the world.

2. Now though the ancient inhabitants coming from severall quarters were divided in names and regions, yet they were all joyn'd in one common Title of Brittains, and one common language, the same with that of the Gaules. To fetch the name of Brittains from Brutus a supposed son of Sil∣vius and great grandchild of Aeneas, savours of the doting fancies of our old Bards and Druids: more probable it is that they were call'd so from the ancient Gallick word Brith, which signifies colour'd or pain∣ted, for so Caesar describes them to have been in his dayes. And for the same reason the Romans in following times called the Northern people of this Island, that is, such as had not been subdued by them, and ac∣customed to their Civill Education and cloathing, by the name of Picts, because they retained their old fashion of colouring their Bodies, as beleiving that made them appeare more agreable to one another, and more terrible to their Enemies.* 1.5 Or rather, as Mr. Somner observes, the name of Brit∣tany seems to be derived from the old Brit∣tish word Brydio, which signifies to boyle with rage: fitly applyed to all the Brittish Islands, as being encompassed with a Sea esteemed by the Ancients almost unna••iga∣ble, by reason of the swelling furious waves with which it is most frequently agitated.

3. The first that discovered this our Island to the remoter parts of the civilis'd world, was Caius Iulius Caesar, who toward the lat∣ter end of his ten years warr in Gaule tran∣sported his Legions hither more then once. Two severall attempts he made in vain to conquer that part of the Island which he in∣vaded: but at the third by meanes of the mis-intelligence between the severall petty Princes raigning here, he forced them to yeild and submit themselves to Tribute. Those who opposed him were only a few severall states in the Southern parts of the Island, who made choice of Cassibelin King of a few Provinces about London to be Ge∣nerall in the warre:* 1.6 For as for the Nor∣thern and Midland Countreyes of Brittany they were not at all engaged, nor suffred any prejudice by his conquest. Notwithstanding that small purchase which he made, and which he paints forth much to his own ad∣vantage, was so highly esteemed by himselfe and the Roman Senate, that they ordained no lesse then twenty days of publick thanks∣giving to their Gods for so great a victory: as beleiving that they had discovered a new world,* 1.7 whose bounds were unknown to them: For till the next Age it was not known to be an Island.

4. Caesar in his description of this Attempt omits severall passages which were not for his advantage: but other Roman Historians of those times take notice of them: and particularly Lucan affirms that his affrighted soldiers turn'd their backs to the Brittains in search of whom they made so many voyages. And all the fruit of his victory accrewing either to himselfe or the Citty of Rome was very in∣considerable, besides the glory of having been an

invader,* 1.8 saith Dio. Insomuch as Tacitus con∣fesses that though by one prosperous combat he terrified the inhabitants, and got some possession of the Sea coasts, yet he might be sayd rather to have discovered the Countrey to posterity, then to have given them the possession.

5. The Motives of his passing the Ocean thither in that warlike manner, besides his naturall ambition and thirst of Glory, which was boundles, was a desire of revenge a∣gainst the Brittains, who sent succours to the Gaules against him, and thereby gave some stop and delay to his victories over them.* 1.9 Suctonius adds another Motive of Co∣vetousnes, for says he, Caesar had a great hope of enriching himself with Brittish Pearles, the large∣nes of which he did much admire.

6. This first conquest in Brittany, such an one as it was, hapned about five and fif∣ty yeares before the Birth of our Saviour. And the effect of it was only obtaining a verball dependance of some few Southern Princes of the Island on Rome, testified by an inconsiderable Tribute: The Countrey in the mean time being altogether governed as before: for there were as yet no Garri∣sons left there to keep them in awe: the petty Kings raigning still, enjoy'd their for∣mer dominion over their subjects: which by acquaintance with the Romans became more Civil, and in that regard were indeed gainers by being conquered.

* 1.10III. CHAP.

1.2. The Birth of Christ in the three and fortieth yeare of Augustus, when Cyno∣belin was King in Brittany. 3 4 His three children. 5. Adminius the eldest is banish'd: and Togodumnus succeeds in the Kingdome: who denies Tribute. 6. The affairs of Brittany neglected by Au∣gustus and Tiberius. 7.8. Caligula's fa∣naticall attempt against it. 9. &c. Clau∣dius his invasion and conquest: conti∣nued by his Generall Plautius, who after Togodumnus his death overcomes Cara∣ctacus, and sends him prisoner to Rome. 16. His Successours victories. 17.18. Of Cartismandua Queen of the Brigantes. 19. Suetonius Paulinus subdues the Isle of Mona. 20. &c. The Iceni under Queen Boudicea rebell: and destroy eighty thou∣sand Romans: but are defeated by Pau∣linus. 24. Peace succeds.

* 1.111. CAesar relates as one occasion or pre∣tence for his invasion of Brittany, that Mandubratius a son of Immanuentius late King of the Trinobantes, (that is, Middlesex and Essex) who had been slain by Cassibelin, fled over into France and there demanded Caesars Protection, who brought him with him into Brittany, and restored him to his Principality. This Mandubratius seems to have been the same that Beda, Eutropius, &c. call'd Androgeus, a title probably given him by the Brittains for betraying the liberty of his Countrey: for in that name according to the ancient Brittish lāguage, is imported one that is a criminall,* 1.12 facinorous person. This Androgeus or Mandubratius seems afterward to have been again expell'd: For in Augustus his days (Caesars adopted son,) we find Cy∣nobelin a son of Cassibelin to have raigned in Brittany, and continued the payment of the Tribute imposed by Caesar, as appears by ancient Coyns which were the Numismata Census.

2. It was in the time of this Cynobelin (usually by Brittish Historians called Kimbelin,) and in the forty third yeare of Augustus his raign that the Sun of righteousnes arose, a light unto the Gentiles, and the glory of his people Israel: for then our Lord Iesus Christ the only eternal Son of God was born of a pure Virgin in Beth∣lem the Citty of David.

3. The Seat of this King, as likewise of his Predecessours was Camulodunum (now called Maldon in Essex,* 1.13) as Dio witnesses. Which Town received its name from Camu∣lus, in an ancient inscription called the Holy and most powerfull God, answering to the Ro∣man and Grecian God Mars.

4. According to the ancient Brittish Chro∣nicles this Cynobelin had two sons, Guiderius and Arviragus, who raigned successively after him. But in the Roman Histories we find that Cynobelin had three sons, of quite dif∣ferent names, to wit, Adminius, Togodumnus and Catarecus or Caractacus. It is hard to de∣vine whence this so great diversity of rela∣tions should proceed, whether the same per∣sons had severall names, or whether these were severall persons, and Princes of seve∣rall dominions in Brittany. Neither indeed is it much important in it self, and much lesse for our present design, that this ambi∣guity should be cleared.

5. It may suffise us to be informed from the Roman Story,* 1.14 that in the raign of the Emperour Tiberius who succeeded Augustus, the eldest son of Cynobelin, called Adminius, was for some great crime banish'd by his Father: who dying presently after, his se∣cond son called by the Brittains, Guiderius and by the Romans Togodumnus, succeeded in the Kingdome, and had the confidence to be the first who denyed to pay the Tri∣bute to the Romans imposed on his Ance∣stours.

6. That which gave him this confidence may seem to have been the neglect which Augustus had of preserving his interest in this Island. For though toward the middle of his raign, upon some provocations

he had had an intention to transport an Ar∣my hither, which was diverted by other oc∣currents of greater importance: yet grow∣ing old he changed his mind, being so far from an ambition to extend his Empire, that he straitned the bounds of it,* 1.15 confining it with the River Euphrates on the East, and the Ocean on the West and North: by which this our Island was in a sort excluded from the Roman Empire. And this design which was an effect of Augustus his wisedome, was through sluggishnes and an attendance to sensuall pleasures continued by Tiberius, who for the space of the first two years never went out of his Palace,* 1.16 and du∣ring the succeeding twenty years of his his raign never made progresse further then a few Cities neighbouring to Rome, the re∣motest of which was Antium.

7. This slothfull disposition in Tiberius seems to have been the cause that our ba∣nish'd Prince Adminius either did not ad∣dresse himself to him for his restitution, or was neglected by him. But a more active nature in Tiberius his Successour,* 1.17 Caius Cali∣gula, encouraged Adminius to implore his protection. This he did when Caligula by his frantick lusts had emptied his Treasure, and having by his extortions empoverish'd all Italy, went with an Army into Gaule, meerly upon pretence of commotions in Germany to pillage that and the rest of the adiacent Countreyes. Afterward he made a shew as if he would passe over into Brittany, and continued his march to the Ocean, where he stay'd making no further attempts at all, yea being enraged against any of his Officers, whensoever they execu∣ted any warlike design.

8. Here it was that Adminius submitted himselfe and all the right which he preten∣ded to his Kingdome to Caligula: which so puffed up the mind of the vain Emperour that,* 1.18 as if the whole Island had been effe∣ctually delivered up to him, he wrote boa∣sting letters to Rome: but was so far from re∣storing that banish'd Prince, that all he did was to range his Army in battel on the Sea coasts over against Brittany, planting his En∣gins, &c. no man imagining what he inten∣ded: when upon the suddain he comman∣ded all his souldiers to fill their helmets and bosoms with cockles and other fish-shells, calling this a conquest of the Ocean: and with those spoyles return'd in triumph to Rome.

9. But Caligula's next Successour Claudius pursued his design against Brittany more se∣riously. Severall Motives he might have to renew an invasion,* 1.19 either for Guiderius his neglect of continuing his Tribute, as Mathaus Westmonasteriensis, or to shew him∣selfe a Prince usefull to the Common∣wealth, as Paulus Orosius, or because of fresh tumults in the Island. However in the se∣cond yeare of his raign one Bericus a Brittish Nobleman being for sedition banish'd out of Brittany, as Adminius had been in the raign of Caligula, sollicited likewise Claudius to make an invasion to recover his rights there: Whereupon order was given to Aulus Plautius the Emperours Generall in Gaule to transport his Army into Brittany, which though with great difficulty, by reason of the souldiers unwillingnes, he performed. His army landed in severall places: and particularly Vespasian his Lievtenant-Gene∣rall, in the Isle of Wight, which he subdued. The Brittains not expecting an invasion, were unprovided and dispersed: so that the Romans had much adoe to find and draw them out of their woods and fast-nesses. But at last they in severall battles overcame first Caractacus, then Togodumnus (or Guide∣rius) sons of Cynobelin, who after the defeat of their Armies, escaping, retired to the place where the River of Thames disburdens it selfe into the Sea. There likewise by means of the German souldiers in the Roman Army, which were accoustumed to swimme armed over the most rapid Rivers, the Brit∣tains were again defeated, and Togodumnus slaine.

10. After whose death, when the Brittains were so far from being discouraged with it, that they more earnestly and unanimously renewed the warre, inflamed with a desire to revenge that and their former losses, Aulus Plautius out of feare pursued the warr no further, but repaired to the Emperour, as he had been commanded in case any extraor∣dinary difficulty interven'd. Hereupon Clau∣dius himself in the fourth yeare of his raign resolved to make an expedition: for which purpose renforcing his Army, and making great provisions for the war, among which were Elephants also, he went down to Oslia, from whence sayling to Marseilles, and per∣forming the rest of the journey partly by Land, and partly by Sea, he arrived at his Army, expecting him on the Banks of Thames:* 1.20 which River having pass'd over, he faught the Enemy and had an entire Victo∣ry, insomuch as he possess'd himself of Ca∣mulodunum, the Pallace of the King: and shortly after he subdued many by force, and received others by a voluntary surren∣dry. Whereupon he suddenly return'd to triumph in Rome, having spent in all these exploits only sixteen dayes in Brittany, the Government of which he left to Plautius. All these particulars are recorded by Dio,

11. Plautius after the Emperours depar∣ture, pursued the war vigorously: so much to the Emperours satisfaction that he gran∣ted him the honour of an inferiour sort of Triumph, call'd Ovation, in the procession whereof he graced him so far as to attend him himself on foot, walking by his side both in his going to the Capitoll and retur∣ing thence. And so highly did he esteem this Conquest of Brittany, that he accepted among his own Titles, and gave to his only

son the name of Britannicus.

12. In the tenth yeare of Claudius his raign there was sent into Brittany, as Successour of Plautius in the Government of the Army Publius Ostorius, who finding great troubles and tumults in the Countrey by his di∣ligence and courage quickly pacified them, disarming the Brittains, fortifying with Garrisons all the Provinces between the Rivers Antona (which seems to have gi∣ven the name to South-hampton) and Severn. Thence advancing to the Eastern parts of the Island inhabited by the Iceni (that is, those of Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridge and Hun∣tingdon) whom he found willing to enter into an association, but utterly refusing to admit Garrisons. Whereupon he subdued them by force, though severall other Pro∣vinces, and some which had formerly sub∣mitted, joyned themselves with them. And to strengthen the Romans possession, he pla∣ced in Camulodunum a colony of the fourth Legion called Victrix.

* 1.2113. From thence he turn'd his arms West∣ward, against the Silures, inhabiting Here∣fordshire and the Southern part of Wales. Here he found terrible resistance: for besides that these Silures were a feirce Nation, they put great confidence in Caractacus, who eight years before having been driven from the Trin••bantes had his refuge among them, and became their Generall: A man by many heroicall exploits courageously perform'd, and by his admirable patience in suffrings become highly renouned, both among the Brittains and Romans. Notwithstanding by the advantage which the Romans had in their arms (for the poore Brittains were wholly unprovided of such as were defen∣sive) Ostorius gained a memorable Victory, by which he became seised of the wife, daughter and brethren of Caractacus. As for himselfe he escaped by flight, and repairing to Cartismandua Queen of the Brigantes (or Yorkshire,) he was by her perfidiously deli∣vered up to the Romans, and sent prisoner to Rome, being for the fame of his courage a spectacle of wonder to all the Citties of Ita∣ly through which he pass'd. All these par∣ticulars together with his magnanimous be∣haviour before the Emperour Claudius may be seen elegantly celebrated by Tacitus.* 1.22 For as for the dreaming fables of Ma∣thaeus Westmonasteriensis,* 1.23 concerning a ma∣riage formerly made between Caractacus (whom he confounds with Arviragus) and a daughter of Claudius call'd Genuisa, (never heard of among the Romans,* 1.24 &c.) they de∣serve not to be taken notice of.

14. Yet probable it is that which the same Authour relates that Caractacus having been restored by Claudius, both to his liberty and Kingdome, spent the remainder of his life in peace, shewing much love and re∣spect to the Roman Empire, and exercising great justice and liberality to others, by which his glory was encreased through all Europe. Now what were the names and for∣tunes of his Brethren is uncertain. Probable it is that one of them was that Cogidunus mentioned by Tacitus,* 1.25 to whom the Roman Emperour gave severall Cities, with the Title of King: who (saith that Authour) remained even to the dayes of Vespasian entirely faithfull to the Romans, and induced others to the like fidelity:* 1.26 Such being the received ancient cou∣stome of that Empire to make use of Kings as in∣struments of servitude.

15. During the absence of Caractacus, the Silures began new tumults, and with great multitudes encompassed the Roman Cohorts busie in building forts for Garrisons in their Countrey. In that combat the Prefec•• of the Campe, eight Centurions, and severall Companies fell: and had not the rest been releived by neighbouring Garrisons and quarters, they had all been destroyed. And afterward when the Romans went to forrage they were again set upon by the Brittains, they together with severall troops, and such Cohorts as were ready, were put to flight: But Ostorius opposing his Legions to the flyers and pursuers, turn'd the fortune of the day, and defeated the Brittains.

16. Ostorius dying presently after, Claudius sent in his place Aulus Didius, who arriving in Brittany, found that since Ostorius his death, the Legion under the command of Ma••lius Valens had received a losse in a bat∣tell against the Silures, whose insultings he repressed. But presently after in the Nor∣thern parts of the Isle, a discord hapning be∣tween a Queen and her husband, occasion'd a meeting of severall States adjoyning, call'd severally to assist each party,* 1.27 and opened a way to the Romans to enlarge their Dominiō.

17. For artismandua Queen of the Bri∣gantes (Yorkshire) having married Venusius a Nobleman of the same Province, after she had obliged the Romans by giving up to them Caractacus▪ and by that correspondence encreas'd her wealth and luxury, began to despise her husband, and took into the so∣ciety of her bed and throne his servant and Armour-bearer (Armigerum) Vellocatus. This caused great seditions in the Kingdome, the greatest part of the Province assisting Venu∣sius, by whose help the Queen was brought into great straits, and forced to demand as∣sistance from the Romans, who sent severall Cohorts and Wings of Horses, which after severall combats at last freed the Queen from danger,* 1.28 but withall restored Venusius to the Kingdome again.

18. Didius afterwards dying in the fourth yeare of Nero the Successour of Claudius in the Empire: Verannius was next sent Praeto•• into Brittany, who made a few excursions into the woods, wasting the enemies Coun∣trey, but was hindred from making any pro∣gresse by death hapning to him within one years space.* 1.29

19. In his place was sent Suetonius Paulinus, who pass'd the two first years of his Govern∣ment very prosperously, subduing severall Provinces, and strengthning the Roman Gar∣risons. And afterwards having a design to take from the Brittains the Isle of Mona (or Anglesey) which was a refuge for fugitives, he pass'd over his Army thither, which was astonish'd to see the horrible aspect of the Enemies forces, among which woemen ran up and down with torches in their hands, having their haire dischevelled, and gar∣ments fashion'd on purpose to excite hor∣rour. The Druids likewise, whose princi∣pall ••eat that Island was, made processions with their hands lift up, and their tongues uttring dire curses and prayers: But the Romans, encouraged by their Generall, chan∣ging their astonishment into contempt of such a fanatick multitude, charging among them quickly dispersed them: and after∣wards settling Garrisons, cut down their Groves consecrated to most savage and exe∣crable Superstitions.

20. But whilst Paulinus was exulting for the Conquest made by him in the Western parts of the Island, the Iceni inhabiting in (Norfolk, &c.) the Eastern Provinces, re∣belling against the Romans, brought a ter∣rible destruction upon them fore-signified by wonderfull Prodigies:* 1.30

For saith Dio and Tacitus likewise, there were heard in the Counsell-Chamber of the Romans a noyse and murmur as of barbarous people laughing and rejoycing, and in the Thea∣ter a houling and weeping of multitudes: Moreover there were seen houses floa∣ting on the Thames, and the Sea between Gaule and Brittany had the resemblance of Blood, &c.

21. The causes of that insurrection and rebellion Dio ascribes to the oppression and covetousnes of the Emperours Procurator, Decianus Catus, who would renew the for∣feytures of Estates though formerly remit∣ted by Claudius. But Tacitus relates a more likely and far more incensing provocation,* 1.31 which was this.

Prasutagus King of the I∣ceni dying very rich, in his last Testament made the Emperour joynt-heire with his two daughters: thinking therby to se∣cure his Kingdome and family fsom all injuries. But it fell out quite contrary: insomuch as his Kingdome was invaded and wasted by the Officers of the Army, and his family by the Emperours servants. Yea the Widdow Queen could not secure her self from stripes, nor her daughters from ravishment: the Nobility was spoyled of their estates, the Princes of blood were used like slaves, and the whole Kingdome reduced into the form of a Roman Province.

Hereupon they take arms, sollicite the Trinobantes and o∣ther States not yet accustomed to slavery: being hereto chiefly encouraged by the ab∣sence of Paulinus the Roman Generall.

22. An army being suddenly rais'd consi∣sting of about one hundred thousand, Queen Boudicea, a Lady of high courage, would her self be the Generall: and lead them so courageously and prosperously, that she beseiged and took two of the firmest Colonies that the Romans had, Camulodonum and Veru∣lamium, destroying all, and exercising most barbarous cruelties even upon the women, hanging them on gallowses naked, with their breasts cut off and sow'd to their mouthes, &c. There are reckoned no fewer then fourscore thousand Romans de∣stroyed in this insurrection.

23. Newes of so fearfull a Tragedy being brought to Paulinus in Anglesey, he present∣ly march'd confidently through the midst of the Enemies till he came to London, a co∣lony, rather rich with marchandise, then for∣tified against a Seige. Therefore notwith∣standing the supplications and teares of the inhabitants, he quits it, chusing to secure the whole Roman State with the losse of one Town, which was presently destroyed by the Enemy. He had with him not above ten thousand souldiers: notwithstanding making choice of a convenient place, back'd with a wood, and having a nar∣row entrance which freed him from danger of surprise, he resolved to fight the Brittains camped in a plaine before him. And so much had a desire of revenge in∣flam'd the courage of the Romans, that mar∣ching in a close order, after they had spent their darts and piles, they peirced through the vast body of the Enemies, entirely rou∣ting them: and neglecting spoyles, they spared none, not even women, nor cattle, but added them to the heapes of the slain. That which most expos'd the Brittains to so great a slaughter (for no lesse then seaventy thousand were slain in this battle) was that they had closed their own Army be∣hind with their Cariages, in which besides their goods were placed their wives and children, so confident they were of Victo∣ry. After this defeat the Queen Boudicea en∣ded her life by poyson:* 1.32 called by Gildas, a crafty Lionesse, for her cruelty and perfidious∣nes in managing the former war.

24. After this so signall a Victory, the Brittains during the whole raign of Nero, never attempted any revenge, but quietly submitted themselves to the Romans. If there were any tumults, they were caused by the Romans themselves. To Suetonius Paulinus succeeded Turpilianus, who ingra∣tiated himself with the Brittains by the soft∣nes of his Government, more acceptable, because compared with his Predecessours severity. After three years Trebellius Maxi∣mus was sent Praetor, who being naturally slouthfull, and unacquainted with the arts of managing a campe, & moreover sordidly avaritious, became hated and despised by

the souldiers. Which hatred was encreased by Roscius Coelius Legat of the twentieth Le∣gion, a man formerly of a crosse seditious nature. The discord between these two grew to such a height, Coelius objecting to the Generall his defrauding the souldiers of their pay, and Trebellius charging Coelius with sedition, and confounding the order of discipline, that most of the souldiers both Roman and Auxiliaries siding with Coelius, Trebellius was forced, being deserted of all, to fly to Vitellius then Generall to the Le∣gions in Germany.

* 1.33IV. CHAP.

1. A particular description of the Supersti∣tion of ancient Brittains.

2.3.4. Of their Preists, or Druids. 5.6. Of their Bards.

7.8. &c. Of their Idols, Belinus, Dia∣na, Belatucadrus, &c.

11. Claudius the Emperour worship'd as a God. 12.13. &c. Their inhumain Rites: forbidden by the Romans: 16. But not extirpated till Christianity came in.

1. HItherto we have given a brief of the State of Brittany from the time of its first discovery and conquest by Iulius Cae∣sar to the end of Nero the sixth Roman Empe∣rour and last of the family of the Caesars. In which compasse of time occurs some, though not much matter to furnish our History. But before we mention any parti∣culars of it, it will be expedient to declare what was the Religion of the ancient Brit∣tains, to the end that the horrour of that spiritual darknes which clowded this Island may give a greater luster to the celestiall light which through Gods infinit mercy be∣gan to shine here.

2. For this purpose consulting former Writers, we find that among the Ancient Brit∣tains, & Gaules likewise, there were two sorts of people of greatest authority, whose em∣ployment regarded their Religion: Those were 1. the Druids, and 2. the Bards: the for∣mer were, as it were their Preists: the other their Prophets.

* 1.343. The Druids were so called, if we beleive Pliny, from the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which sig∣nifies an Oake: because, as Lucan and Caesar affirme, their dwelling was in Groves, and there they perform'd their Superstitious ceremonies: a practise of Idolatry ancient∣ly condemn'd in the Iewes, and taught them by their neighbouring Heathens. But the signall Oake which the Druids made choice of for their veneration, was such a one on which Misletoe did grow: by which privy token, as they conceived, God mark'd it out, as of soveraign vertue for his service. Vnder this tree on the sixth day of the Moone (wheron they began their yeare) they in∣vocated their Idols, and offred two white Bulls, filleted on the horns, with many o∣ther ceremonies. To this Greek Etymology of the name of Druids subscribe many learned Authours, as Beckmanus, Fungerus, Casau••on, Camden▪ &c.

4. Notwithstanding the Advice of Strabo deserves well to be embraced, who rejects the searching of Greek derivations, of appel∣lations in use among Barbarous Nations. And indeed it is strange that so learned a Writer as Cambden, should herein follow Plinies conceit, since himself acknowledges that an Ancient Writer Alfricus testifies that among the Saxons the word Dry (from whence doubles the Druids were named) signifies a Magician: The Druids being to the Brittains the same that the Magi were to the Persians,* 1.35 the Chaldeans to the Assyrians the Gymnosophists to the Indians, &c. as Dioge∣nes Lae¦rtius observes. No man certainly will doubt but that the name of Druids pro∣ceeds from the same fountain from whence the Discipline came,* 1.36 and that, according to the testimony of Caesar and Tacitus, was in∣vented in Brittany, and from thence deri∣ved to other Nations: insomuch as Pliny conceives that even the Persians themselves might seem to have learnt their Magick from the Brittains. The name of Druids therfore comes not from the Grecians but the Brit∣tains, among whom never was mention made of any Grecian Colony: whereas both the forementioned Writers attest that Caledo∣nia, which is now called Scotland, was an∣ciently planted by the Germans, and that the Belga removed out of the Northern parts of France into this Island.

5. Next the Druids,* 1.37 the Bards were in high esteem: who were the Prophets, Poets and Historians to the Britttains: For, saith Am∣mian••us, Marcellinus, their office was to compose in ••eroick verses the famous exploits of their An∣cestours, which they sung to the people to the de∣lightfull Musick of their Harpes. And this con∣firms the saying of Fes••us, that the word Bardus in the G••llick or Britti••h tongue sig∣nifies a Singer: as to this day the Welsh call such an one a Bard. Now the word Bard, a learned Modern Ph••lologer derives from the Ancient Teutonick terme Bardo or Wardo,* 1.38 sig∣nifying to see or observe: so that they may seem to be called in the same not on that the Prophets among the Iewes were called Seers (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.) Another late Writer con∣ceives the term Bard to come from the Ger∣man Waerde, signifying still with us a Word and a Song, as the Greek term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doeth: so that a Bard is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Song-maker. This was the cheif employment of the Bards: though besides this their taske was likewise to conserve in memory the Genealogies and Descents of families.

6. A great influence they had on the minds of the Brittains to encourage them to contemne death by making the argu∣ment of their Songs to be the Immortality of the soule by transanimation, conceiving that the soules of dying men pass'd afterward into other Bodies; being either prefer'd to better, or condemn'd to worse, according to their former good or ill behaviour. So that the esteemed most happy Death, was to dye valiantly for their Countrey and Su∣perstition. These two Orders therfore of Druids and Bards were (as it were) the An∣cient Clergy of our Idolatrous Britains, the In∣venters and Propagators of that which they called Religion: the Dogme's and Rites where∣of they never committed to Writing, by which policy it became more venerable, be∣cause more Mysterious, to the Vulgar.

* 1.397. It is certainly a great mistake in some learned Writers, who affirme that the Druids did instruct the Ancient Brittains in the knowledge and worship of one one∣ly God:* 1.40 wheras Gildas the most ancient of our Brittish Historiographers, relates that they had (Portenta Diabolica penè numero Aegyptiaca vincentia) Idols of a monstrous Diabolicall figure and those in so great a number that they almost exceeded the multitude even of the Aegyptian Deities: whose Pictures remained to his dayes drawn with deformed faces within and without the walls of their decayed Cit∣ties.

8. The principall among the Brittish Gods, at least those which remain upon record, were 1. Belinus, by whom they meant Apollo o•• the Sun: 2. Diana, that is, the Moone. And 3. Camulus, the God of warre, answering to Mars: An inscription to whose honour we mention'd before. From him Camalodu∣num (or Maldon) received its name. 4. The name of Belinus seems derived from Baal or Bel, the Deity soveraignly worship∣ped in Assyria and other Countreyes of the East, and which signifies the Supreme Lord. Out of a speciall veneration to this Deity as anciently the Eastern Princes took their names, as Belshazzar or Balthazar, Ierubbaal, Meribbaal, and in other Countreyes Asdrubal, Hannibal, &c. so in Brittany likewise Belenus or Belinus; which we find a part of the names of King Cassibelin and Cynobelin.

9. And as for Diana, a particular proof of the great devotion born to her by our An∣cestors appears by a Monument neare S. Pauls in London,* 1.41 call'd in old Records Dia∣na's Chamber, where in the dayes of King Ed∣ward the first, thousands of the heads of Oxen were digged up, which men skill'd in Antiquity well understood to be proper Sacrifices to Diana, whose great Temple was built thereabout.

10. Besides these we find other Deities, perhaps of an inferiour degree, adored by the Brittains. Thus an ancient Inscription mētions a certain unknown God called Be∣latucadru••, worshipped in the Northern parts about Yorkshire and Cumberland. The name seems to import this to be some Off-spring or of affinity to Belinus. Moreover there is found another Goddesse call'd Andate whose speciall vertue and employment no man knows. Some learned Writers are of opinion that this is the same with Adraste the God∣desse of Revenge,* 1.42 in vaine invoked by Bou∣dicea in her last battel against the Romans, as Dio relates. It is further probable that the Gallick Deities, Hesus figured in the shape of a Dog (like Anubis,) Taranis the God of Thunder, answering to Iupiter, and Teu∣tates, the Guide of travellers and inventer of Arts, like Mercury, were adored like∣wise in Brittany, it being the fountain of I∣dolatrous Theology.

11. After the conquest made by Claudius, the Emperour, of the Southern parts of this Island, Caractacus (by some Writers concei∣v'd to be the same with Ar••iragus) in gra∣titude for his release from captivity and re∣stitution to his throne, introduced a new fashion'd Religion into his Kingdome, consecrating an Altar to the Emperours worship,* 1.43 with this Inscription, The Altar of eternall Domination, which he placed in a Temple at Camulodunum, erected to this Mortall Deity, whose Religious service was every Month solemnly performed by Preists called Augus••ales,* 1.44 or Imperiall Priests, peculiarly appointed thereto. And indeed it cannot be denied but that Caractacus had far greater obligations to this his visible Deity then to any of his Ancient false Gods. However, this vainly pretended Propheticall Inscription proved unsuccesfull, for in his next Successours dayes both the Temple and Religion were demolish'd by Queen Boudicea when she ruin'd the Colony where it stood.

12. As touching the speciall Rites of the Ancient Brittish Superstition,* 1.45 we find in Cae∣sar that their Priests or Druids had the sole authority in ordring both the Publick and private Sacrifices: yea moreover that they determined all both publick and private Controversies. If any dispute hapned about possessions of Lands, if any facinorous Act, as murder or the like, had been committed, the Druids appointed the punishment, as likewise rewards in case of any honourable exploit. And their Decrees in all cases were so indispensably obliging, that if any pri∣vate person or community refused to sub∣mit to them, the highest penalty could be inflicted was Excommunication, or forbid∣ding their presence at the Sacrifices. Which Censure, upon whomsoever it was denoun∣ced, rendred them in the esteem of all men, as impious and detestable wicked persons, whose conversation and presence all would avoyd, as thinking them contagious.

13. Mention was made before of their superstitious veneration of Mistletoe grow∣ing on Oakes, which they esteem to be a

speciall gift of God.* 1.46 The rite of gathering which is thus discribed by Pliny.* 1.47 Having af∣ter diligent search found where the Misleto growes, they prepare Sacrifices and Banquets, and two white Bulls they bring under the Tree, whose horns they there first bind with fillets of linnen. Then the Druid or Priest cloathed with a pure white garment mounts the Oake, and with a golden Sickle reaps the Misleto, which is recei∣ved into a white vestment. And this being done they offer their Sacrifices, with Songs, as Ovid saith, and Prayers that God would make his Gift prosperous to them: For they ascribe great vertue to it, imagining that by drinking it ••leep'd in water their barren cattle become fruitfull, and that it is a remedy against all poysons.

14. But these Rites argue only vanity and folly: others they had which were barba∣rous and execrable. For as Tacitus relates, they made their Altars flow with the blood of Captives taken in the war,* 1.48 yea for want of Cap∣tives they spar'd not their own brethren: and consulted their Gods by searching into the en∣trails of men. Which custome of theirs is thus described by Diodorus Siculus, When the Druids,* 1.49 saith he, doe consult about matters of great importance, they observe a wonderfull cu∣stome, and for the horriblenes of it incredible, which is this: Having mortally wounded a man with a sword, they divine future events by the manner of his fall, by the tearing of his mem∣bers, and the flowing of his blood. This skill they attain'd by long observation.

15. These more then inhumane Diabo∣licall practises, which ought to have rendred the Brittains an object of hatred to all man∣kind, found neverthelesse not only excuse, but approbation from other Nations. In∣somuch as our Barbarous Countrey-men were considered as persons of exemplary Devotion to their Gods, yea as Masters and Doctours of sublime Mysteries, skilfull in a hid∣den Theology: so that their neighbours the Gaules, Celtes, &c. repaired to Brittany as the Academy wherein a Religion was taught that had the vertue to save men by murder, and honour God by destroying the perfe∣ctest of his creatures. Yea even the Romans themselves, though otherwise trayn'd up in a morall civility beyond other Nations, yet out of a pestilent curiosity ingrafted in our corrupt nature, became many of them Disciples of the Brittish Druids, and practi∣sers of these execrable Superstitions. Inso∣much as the Emperour Claudius was forced by rigorous Edicts to forbid the whole Re∣ligion of these Druids. Augustus had for∣merly interdicted the exercise of it to his own Cittizens: But Claudius extirpated it not out of Italy only, but the whole Nation of the Gaules. However his Lawes extended not their force into Brittany, for we find, as hath heretofore been related, these Druids with their horrid Superstitions in their Ar∣my in Anglesey (the peculiar schoole of that Religion) when they fought against, and were subdued by Ostorius Scapula during the raign of Nero,* 1.50 who succeed Claudius.

16. But what the Roman Emperours with all their authority could not, Almighty God by degrees effected, sending a new celestiall Light to dissipate the more then Egyptian darknes wherein our Countrey had been involved. What speciall servants and Mini∣sters in those primitive times God employed to work so happy and wonderfull a change, it is now seasonable to declare, with as much perspicuity as the subject will beare. For considering how in those holy times men did busy themselves far more with leading devout lives, and exercising an A∣postolicall charity to save their own and other mens soules, then with writing Books, or rai∣sing Monuments to acquaint posterity with the history of their actions: And moreover those few Writings and Monuments which were then extant, afterward by strange revo∣lutions of times, and almost totall extirpa∣tion of the Brittains by Heathenish Saxons, &c. were lost and defaced, some few relicks of them remaining only in the memories of the Natives, and by a Traditionary suc∣cession delivered and recorded by Writers of the following Ages: These things con∣sidered, it is not to be expected that we should give an exact Narration of matters so obscurely and imperfectly transmitted to us. However since most of the Testimo∣nies to be produced are drawn from Au∣thours not contemptible, many of them ha∣ving no interest at all which might move them to be inventers of fables, and without any gain to themselves, yea with danger to their own soules to become seducers of po∣sterity, the following History, even of the most ancient, and therefore least clearly de∣livered affaires touching the Primitive Chri∣stianity of our Island, may reasonably exact beleife in the Readers minds: especially considering that those Modern Writers a∣mong us, since the late change of Religion, who voluntarily deride and contradict what shall be here delivered, doe not so much as pretend to any Monuments ancient∣ly exhibiting a contrary Narration, but re∣solutly conclude that to be certainly false, which cannot approve it selfe to be in all points and circumstances evidently true. But their disbeleife can be no preju∣dice to any one who judges by reason, and who will proportion the degree of his as∣sent to the merits of the proofes and alle∣gations: the rather because it is manifest that those deriders of our ancient Monu∣ments are thereto incited by interest and partiality, because by them they see their own Novelties discovered and exploded.

V. CHAP.

1. Christian Religion very early entred in∣to Brittany: even in the time of Tibe∣rius Emperour.

2. S. Iames is sayd to have preached in Brittany.

3 Saint Peters coming from An∣tioch to Rome, a cause of the early sprea∣ding the Gospell in Brittany.

4. Saint Leo's testimony concerning Gods design in bringing Saint Peter to Rome.

6. The Captivity of King Caractacus another cause.

7.8. &c. Of Claudia Ruffina a Chri••stian Lady: married to Pudens a Ro∣man Senatour.

11. Of Pomponia Gracina a Roman Lady, accused for Christianity.

12.13.14. Of Saint Mansuetus, a Disciple of Saint Peter, a Brit∣tain.

15. Of S. Beatus a Brittain, a Disci∣ple also of S. Peter.

1. THis our Island of Brittany, though call'd by the Romans another world, as being divided from the whole then dis∣covered habitable Earth, yet by the riches of Divine mercy received the beames of the Sun of righteousnes, before many other Countreys nearer approching to the place where he first rose. Yet we cannot hastily assent to our ancient Historiographer Gildas, who seems to testify that immediatly after our Saviours Ascension in the raign of the Emperour Tiberius, the Gospell was publi∣shed in this Island: His words are these, In the meane time Christ that true Sun, from the supreme everlasting Tower of Heaven,* 1.51 and not this visible firmament afforded his beames, that is, the knowledge of his Precepts, to this Island stiff-frozen with cold, separated at a great distance from the visible Sun: This, we know, he did toward the latter end of the raign of Ti∣berius Caesar: at which time his Religion was freely and without any impediment propagated to mankind. There is no doubt but that the Light of the Gospell even in those dayes extended it selfe beyond the Confines of Iudaea, and the Mystery formerly hidden, that all Gentiles without exception might be admitted to the participation of Grace and sal∣vation by our Lord Iesus Christ, was then dis∣covered to the Apostles, who, together with other Disciples, did accordingly congregate severall Churches among the Heathen Ido∣laters: And that perhaps is all that Gildas intended in this passage, signifying that many zealous Apostolicall persons were then, as it were, in their way to Brittany, whither in effect they arrived not till seve∣rall yeares after.

2. Again Flavius Dexter (if the Chro∣nicle lately published under his name, be indeed his) affirms that the Western parts of the world, and this Island by name was within eight yeares after our Saviours Re∣surrection illustrated by the Faith of the Gospell: For saith he, In the one and for∣tieth yeare of Christ (being the third of Caligula's raign) Saint Iames returning out of Spain visited Gaule,* 1.52 Brittany and the Towns of the Venetians, where he preached the Gospell: and so came back to Ierusalem to consult with the Blessed Virgin and Pe∣ter about matters of very great weight and importance. And he is therein seconded by Freculphus Lexoviensis,* 1.53 who affirms that the same Apostle enlightned the people of Spain, and other Regions of the West with the Beames of Christs Gospell.

3. These Testimonies considered, with∣out offring any violence to reason, a man may beleive that within the space of eight or nine years after our Saviours Ascension the zeale of the Primitive Chri∣stians might have carried some of them so as to make them Messengers even as far as to Brittany, of the blessed News of Salvation, which was now to be prea∣ched indifferently to all Nations: though who those, certainly most wellcome per∣sons, were, and what speciall effects their preaching might have had, be now un∣known. However during the raign of the Emperour Claudius, who by his victory over the Brittains opened more freely a passage for strangers into this Island, there are extant more particular and evident proofs, that Christianity entred here a∣mong us. For promoting of which we may observe two great advantages: the first was the coming of S: Peter at that time from Antioch to Rome: and the se∣cond was the leading captives thither Ca∣ractacus a famous Brittish King, with his Queen, Brethren, and, no doubt, a great multitude of attendants.

4. As touching the former, the an∣cient Fathers (saith Baronius) doe gene∣rally agree to what Eusebius (a Grecian Ecclesiasticall Historian, not at all par∣tiall for Rome) delivers in this passage of his Chronicle,* 1.54 saying, In the second yeare of Claudius (which was the four and for∣tieth of our Saviours Nativity) the A∣postle S. Peter, having founded and setled the Church of Antioch, went to Rome: where preaching the Gospell he continued Bishop of that Citty the space of five and twenty years, that is, sayth S. Hierom, till the last yeare of Nero.

The particular affaire obliging the Apostle to that voyage,* 1.55 as the same Father af∣ter Arnobius, &c. affirms, was the pursuing Simon Magus the Prince of all blaspheming Hereticks, against whom this Prince of the Apostles was from the begining match'd in combat: whose impieties he discovered, and by true miracles rendred ineffectuall the o∣thers Sorceries, till in the end, during the raign of Nero, by his Prayers he dissipated the fiery Chariot carried by Devils in the aire into which the Magician was mounted, and in the sight of all Rome tumbled him down, all broken, into a precipice lower then the Earth it selfe.

5. But besides this, the Divine Providence had a more illustrious and universall design in disposing this journey of S. Peter to Rome: whch cannot better be expressed then in this discourse of S. Leo the Great his most wor∣thy Successour, whose words are these: When the twelve Apostles after having received by the Holy Ghost the power of speaking all Tongues,* 1.56 had undertaken the Employment of com∣municating the Gospel to the whole world, for which purpose they by common consent distributed the severall parts of it among themselves: The most blessed S. Peter, the Prince of the Apostoli∣call Order was design'd to the principall Tower of the Roman Empire, to the end that the light of Divine Truth, revealed for the salvation of all Nations, might more efficaciously spread it selfe from the head to all the other members of the Body. For what Nation was there, some of whose inhabitants were not at Rome: or what Region could be ignorant of what passed in that Citty? Here the opinions of humane Philosophy were to be trampled under foot: Here the vanities of earthly wisdome were to be dissipared: Here the abominable worship of Devils was to be confuted: here the impiety of all Sacrileges was to be de∣stroyed: For in this one Citty, by a most super∣stitious diligence was heaped together in one masse whatsoever had been in any other parts of the world, instituted by the vain errours of men. To this Citty therefore thou, O most blessed Apo∣stle S. Peter, wast not afraid to come, and having the Apostle S. Paul afterwards a companion of thy Glory, (who as yet was busied in the ordering of other Churches) thou courageously entredst into this forrest replenish'd with raging beasts, and this Ocean, horrible both for its depth and tempestuousnes of its waves: yet thou entredst it with a far greater resolution then when for∣merly at our Lords command thou didst walk upon the Sea: Neither didst thou feare Rome it selfe, Mistresse of the world, who before in Caiphas his house wast frighted by the Priests Maid servant: And yet was not the Emperour Claudius his power, and Nero's cruelty far more formidable then Pilats Tribunall, or the Iews violence? It was therefore a (new) Power of Divine Love in thy soule that was victorious over all induce∣ments to feare: neither didst thou esteem any terrour could deserve to be apprehended, when thou wert imployed in procuring the eternall sal∣vation of those who were committed to thy Love.* 1.57 Thus S. Leo: and thus doe many other Fa∣thers expound the Oeconomy of Divine Wisdome in sendig S. Peter to Rome: Many effects of whose Pastorall sollicitude in sen∣ding from that Metropolis of the world into all other Western Regions diligent labou∣rers in Gods Vineyard, and some particu∣larly into Brittany, we shall presently men∣tion from the authority of ancient Re∣cords.

6. A second not inefficacious Expedient furthering the effusion of Evangelicall Light into Brittany was, as hath been sayd, the cap∣tivity of the Brittish King Caractacus and his family, whose magnanimous behaviour there, together with the Emperour Claudius his favourable treating, and, as it is belei∣ved, restoring him to his Principality, we have already related out of Tacitus.

7. Among other attendants of this Cap∣tive Prince, ancient Ecclesiasticall Monu••ments celebrate the memory of Claudia Ruf∣fina, a Brittish Virgin, and, as learned Wri∣ters probably judge, one of the Daughters of King Caractacus, who by her vertue and Christian Piety, being a Disciple of S. Peter, became a more illustrious Ornament to our Countrey, then Caractacus was by his heroi∣call magnanimity. She seems to have recei∣ved a change of her Brittish name into Clau∣dia, from the Emperour whose captive she was, for such was the Roman custome: to which was added Ruffina, from her husband Rufus.* 1.58 This is the same Claudia Ruffina which the Poet Martial afterward so highly com∣mended for her illustrious birth, beauty and exquisite perfection both in the Grecian and Roman literature, expressly declaring that she was a Brittain. This the Epigrammatist writes in a short Epithalamium compos'd upon her marriage with Pudens a Roman Senatour.

8. Now who this Pudens was, is not e∣vident in Antiquity. Severall learned Wri∣ters of our own Nation, and some Externs likewise, doe confidently pronounce that this was that famous Senatour Aulus Pu∣dens concerning whom Baronius thus writes,* 1.59 It is delivered by a firme Tradition of Anti∣quity that the house of Pudens at Rome was the place of the first entertainment of S. Peter Prince of the Apostles: and that there new con∣verted Christians began their assemblies to celebrate Divine Mysteries: Which house was erected into a Church, by the most ancient Title of Pudens. The Church it selfe yet remains. wherein is extant this antique Inscription, In this holy and most ancient Church dedicated by the Holy Pope Pius, by the Title of Pastour, heretofore the house of Saint Pudens a Sena∣tour, and the Hospice of the Holy Apostles, there rest the bodies of three thousand Mar∣tyrs, which the Holy Virgins of Christ, Puden∣tiana and Praxedes, buried with their own hands.

9. If this was the same Pudens mentioned by Martial as husband to our Claudia Ruffi∣na, our Countrey has yet greater reason to glory in the title we have to her. And that he was the same, that passage of S. Pauls se∣cond Epistle to Timothy affords a not con∣temptible proofe, where among the salu∣tations sent to Timothy from Rome, the Apo∣stle in the same short verse joyns together Pudens and Claudia,* 1.60 saying, Eubulus and Pu∣dens and Linus and Claudia, and all the Bre∣thren salute thee. Notwithstanding it cannot be denyed, but that the difficulties oppos'd to this are considerable: because that Pu∣dens who first entertained S. Peter, and was the happy father of four illustrious Saints, Saint Timotheus, Saint Novatus, Saint Pu∣dentiana and Saint Praxedes, has in an∣cient Ecclesiasticall Monuments, a wife of another name assign'd to him, namely Pris∣cilla: Notwithstanding this being the name of Pudens his Mother, it is not unprobable that Claudia in succeeding times might for her husbands sake assume his Mothers name. However matters in this point stood, it can not be denyed that our Countrey has a great Obligation to a late Noble and Learned Writer, Francis Moncaeus Lord of a Signory call'd the Cold Valley,* 1.61 who has published a Discourse full of ancient literature entitled, Ecclesiae Christianae veteris Britannicae incunabu∣la Regia: in which he confidently pretends out of Antiquity to demonstrate this our Claudia Ruffina to have descended from the Royall blood of Brittany, and to have been the Wife and Mother of Saints far more glorious. And moreover this one proof hereto may be added, that our Ancient Hi∣stories report that Timotheus the eldest son of Pudens came into Brittany,* 1.62 where he conver••ted very many to the Faith, and at least dis∣posed King Lucius to his succeeding Conver∣sion. Now it is very likely that it was out of regard to his Mother a Brittish Lady, that this Apostolicall Saint made so particular a choice of Brittany, to be the Province in which he desired to exercise his Christian zeale and charity.

10. It only remains to be spoken of this Claudia Ruffina what we find in the Martyro∣loge of England▪ upon the seaventh of Au∣gust, where we read these words, A Comme∣moration of S. Claudia,* 1.63 a Brittish woman, who was caried to Rome during the Raign of the Em∣perour Claudius, and afterward in the yeare of our Lord one hundred and ten, dyell at Sabinum a Citty of Vmbria..

11. It is an ambition scarce excusable, upon groundlesse suspicions to lay claim to Saints and Patrons, as some modern writers would entitle the Wife of Plautius, who in Claudius his time (as hath been sayd) triumphed for Victories over Brittany, to an Apostolicall office of converting many in this Island when she was here with her Husband. Her name was Pomponia Graecina: and according to Tacitus his relation, ••he was accused of a strange Religion (externae Superstitionis) forbid∣den by the Roman Laws:* 1.64 the cognizance of which pretended crime was by the Senat permitted to her husband, who according to an ancient Insti∣tut in force at Rome, in the presence of her kin∣dred sate as Iudge of the fame and life of his La∣dy, and in conclusion pronounced her innocent. This Account given of her by Tacitus has induced learned Writers to beleive that this extern Superstition layd to Pomponia Graecina's Charge was no other then the Profession of the Christian Faith, the fruits of which in her practise being perfect humility, obe¦dience, chastity and all other celestiall ver∣tues, it is no wonder that her husband should so easily absolve her. But that she should be a companion of Plautius when he was sent General into Brittany, was a∣gainst the Roman Laws and Custome, as the same Tacitus elsewhere declares.* 1.65 Probable it is that staying at Rome, in regard of her hus∣bands authority in Brittany, she might be visited by Claudia Ruffina, and other new converted Brittains, and by such means be made partaker of Evangelicall light, and become a Disciple of S. Peter.

12. But a more unquestionable Disciple of S. Peter we find in ancient Ecclesiasticall Monuments, by birth a Brittain, by name Mansuetus, and by office an Apostolicall con∣verter and Patron to the Citty of Toul in Lorrain, being the Metropolis of a people cal∣led Leuci.* 1.66 Concerning whom Isengrenius, as likewise Arnoldus Mirmannus out of old Re∣cords gives this Testimony, that he was by Nation a Scot, born of a Noble family, a Disciple of Simon Bariona (that is, S. Peter) Cheif of the Apostles, companion of S. Clement Bishop of Metz, and consecrated by S. Peter the first Bi∣shop of Toul, a Citty of the Leuci, in the forty ninth yeare of Christ, and in the raign of Tiberius Claudius Caesar.

13. Now wheras he is called a Scot, this is to be understood, as King Lucius in An∣cient Records is called a King of England, that is, of that Countrey which was afterward call'd England: For as Mr. Cambden well ob∣serves after most diligent disquisition, the name of Scots is not to be found in any An∣cient Writer till the Age of Constantin the Great, about which time they are supposed to have settled themselves in the Northern parts of Brittany. So that it may confidently be affirmed that S. Mansuetus was a Northern Caledonian Brittain, who either in the com∣pany of Adminius a Brittish Prince, or Beri∣cus a Noble man of the same Countrey, or as an Attendant of Caractacus went to Rome, where he was converted by S. Peter, and as hath been sayd, design'd by him the Apo∣stolicall Bishop of Toul, probably at the re∣quest of some Proselytes of that Coun∣trey.

14. A yet more authentick Testimony both of the life and death of this Holy Bishop

is extant in the ancient Gallican Martyrologe on the third of September, where we read this passage:* 1.67 At Toul a Citty of the Leuci, there is on this day a commemoration of S. Man∣suetus a Bishop: who was of Noble birth, by Ori∣ginall a Scot, and one of the first Disciples of S. Peter: by whom being baptized, he devested himself of his former Heathenish name, and as∣sumed the Title of Mansuetus (or Meek) from the Meeknes of the Lamb of God, which he imi∣tated: He by the same S. Peter was sent to en∣lighten this Citty with Evangelicall verities. At his first entrance whereinto, he found it so wholly given up to abominable Idolatry, that his preach∣ing and exhortations would have produced little fruit, had not Divine power promoted his endea••vours by a wonderfull Miracle: by whose assi∣stance this Preacher of salvation restored to life and health a son of the Governour of this Citty, who from a high Tower beholding certain horse∣troops exercising themselves, fell down to the ground all bruised and torn. Vpon occasion of this Miracle the Governour with his whole family and a great number of the Cittizens joyn'd them∣selves to the flock of Christ, and were signed with the saving Character of Baptisme. After which the word of God had a free course, and great multi∣tudes, not only of the Inhabitants of this Citty, but also of the Countrey adioyning were esta∣blished in the knowledge of salvation. Thus S. Mansuetus enioying a firm peace, erected and consecrated a Church to the Holy Trinity, under the Patronage of S. Steven the first Martyr. He likewise ordained here Ecclesiasticall Ministers, and having instructed the people generally in the knowledge and practise of all manner of Piety, in the fortieth yeare after he had begun the exercise of his Apostolicall Office he quietly closed his eyes in the sleep of death,* 1.68 and so attained to the frui∣tion of eternall rewards with Christ, whom he al∣ways only thirsted after.

15. A third holy Brittish Disciple, though not Convert, of S. Peter's Antiquity records, to wit, one both in Title and reality Bea∣tus (or Blessed.* 1.69) Of this Saint mention is made by severall Writers, some of them averse from Catholick Religion: Yet none of them speak of him without admiration.

The summe of his Acts recorded by them is, as followeth. He became a Christian in Brit∣tany, converted by some unknown Pri∣mitive Beleiver. Before his Conversion his name was Suetonius, being born of no∣ble parents. Out of Brittany he under took a voyage to Rome, moved therto by other devout Christians, to be instructed more perfectly in the holy Faith by the Blessed Apostle S. Peter: by whom being baptised, as a testimony of his present happines, and hopes of a future accomplishment of it, he was called Beatus. After he was sufficiently instructed, he was esteemed worthy to be employed in the Apostolicall office of in∣structing others. In his return toward his Countrey passing through Helvetia (now called Suizzerland) he neglected not to dis∣perse the good seed with which he had been furnish'd at Rome,* 1.70 and perceiving that very many in that Countrey chearfully embra∣ced the true Faith, he rested there, pursuing his journey no further.

Thus he became the Apostle of the Helvetians, illustrious for his Piety, holines and miracles. In his decli∣ning age, having distributed all his sub∣stance to the poore, he retir'd himselfe to the exercises of a contemplative life, chu∣sing for his habitation nere a village called Vrbigenum, (Vnderseven) a Grotte, in a Mountain, out of which with the sign of the Crosse he expelled a dangerous and cruel serpent. It is not certain in what place he dyed.* 1.71 S. Bede makes only this mention of him, At Rome is the commemoration of S. Beatus a Confessour, on the ninth of May. But the Roman Martyrologe thus, In the Town Vindecinum (or Vendosme) is celebrated the deposition of S. Beatus a Confessour. But the Ec∣clesiasticall Writers of Germany, the Annals of the Helvetians and Monuments of the Church of Constantia doe unanimously a∣gree that he dyed in his solitude neer Vnder∣seven in Helvetia in the hundred and tenth yeare of our Lord,* 1.72 when the Emperour Tra∣ian raigned.

VI. CHAP.* 1.73

1. Testimonies of S. Peters preaching in Brittany.

2. Proved by the Catal••gue of the Provinces of the severall Apostles.

3. And by the testimony of Pope Inno∣centius the first.

4. S. Paul sayd to have preached in Brittany.

5.6.7. Simon Zelotes reported by Nicephorus to have preached in Britta••ny: but disproved by C. Baronius.

8.9. The time of S. Peters coming in to this Island, uncertain: as likewise his Gests.

1. IT was no doubt a great mercy which God extended to this our Island that he was pleased so early to enlighten it with his Divine Truth,* 1.74 and moreover to trans∣forme its barbarous inhabitants into Apo∣stles and Messengers of salvation to other Countreys also: But a far greater blessing yet did God bestow on it by directing hi∣ther his Apostle, him who was the Prime of the whole order, S. Peter himselfe, whose ac∣cesse to this Island is attested by Ancient Monuments, and by Writers who had no in∣terest at all to induce them to partiality. Those who formerly had preached the Gos∣pell here were persons though of great ho∣lines

and zeale,* 1.75 yet such as for want of an Apostolicall & Episcopall Character could one∣ly preach unto & baptise those with whom they conversed: But wheresoever any of the Apostles themselves came, or persons suffi∣ciently qualified by them, they provided for posterity also: The former could only beget children, but the other could beget both children and Fathers, establishing in the places where they preached a constant order and Government, which might last to the worlds end.

2. When the Apostles before their separa∣tion divided by lott among themselves the severall Regions of the world,* 1.76 the West became the portion of Saint Peter, as Eusebius quoted by Metaphrastes testifies, saying, S. Pe∣ter spent twelve yeares in the East,* 1.77 and twenty he pass'd at Rome, in Brittany and other citties in the West. Which passage though it be not extant in any Books of Eusebius now re∣maining, this does not prejudice the va∣lidity of this authority, since as S. Hierom writes in his Catalogue,* 1.78 Eusebius publish'd an infinite number of volumes, and among others an Vniversall History, together with an Epitome of it, severall Books likewise of Martyrs, and other works. Of which a great number are by the iniury of time perished. And in some of those we may & ought reasonably to judge that those words were found, rather then to imagin that such a Writer as Simeon would voluntarily feign such things from his own brain, since he had no interest in the glory of Brittany, and besids was one who for his Sanctity is venerated in the Greek Church.

* 1.793. The same Authour out of ancient Mo∣numents adds furcher, S. Peter (says he) out of the East came to Rome: from whence he went to Millan, and Photice, which are Citties in the continent. In which places having constituted Bishops and Preists, he pass'd into Brittany: In which Island having made a long abode, and con∣verted to the Faith of Christ severall Nations of unknown names, he had a Vision of Angells, which sayd to him, Peter, the time of thy dissolu∣tion is at hand, and it is necessary that thow goe to Rome, where thou must suffer the death of the Crosse, and so receive the reward of righteous∣nes. Having received this Revelation he glori∣fied God, giving thanks for the same, and conti∣nuing certain dayes among the Brittains, during which he enlightned many more with the word of Grace, having constituted Churches, and or∣dained Bishops, Preists and Deacons, in the twelfth yeare of the Emperour Nero he return'd to Rome. To this revelation made to him in Brittany the Apostle has regard in his second Epistle,* 1.80 saying, I know that shortly I must put off my Tabernacle, even as our Lord Iesus Christ hath shew'd me.

4. Hereto wee may adde an important te∣stimony of S. Innocent the first Pope of that name, who writing to Decentius Bishop of Eugubium hath this passage, Who can be igno∣rant, or not observe that that which hath been delivered to the Roman Church by Peter Prince of the Apostles,* 1.81 and is there observed to this day, ought to be obediently kept by all, and that no∣thing ought to be introduced or super-added by any which doth not come from the same authori∣ty, or seems to be practised in imitation of any other? Especially since it is manifest that through all Italy, Gaules, Spain, Africk and Sicily, as likewise the interiacent Islands, none ever insti∣tuted any Churches, but only such as the Vene∣rable Apostle S. Peter or his Successours did or∣dain Preists (and Bishops.) If any would con∣tradict this, let them produce Records testifying that any other of the Apostles can be found or heard to have taught in those Provinces. Therfore if no such Records can be produced, they must be obliged to submitt to the observation of that which the Roman Church teaches and practises, from which without doubt they received their Originall: This they must doe, least while▪ they affect strange observances, they may seem to di∣vide from the Head of Ecclesiasticall Institutions.

5. This positive Assertion of so ancient, learned and Holy a Pope, to witt, that none of the Apostles besids S. Peter, and his suc∣cessours, did constitute any Churches in the West, may seem to receive an attaint from that which S. Paul says, his intention was to preach the Gospell in Spain, which that he did effectually execute, the ancient Tradition of that countrey, together with the assertions of severall Authours doe testify: And most certain it is that he taught many years in Rome: yea there are not wanting ancient Monuments witnessing that he came into Brittany likewise, teaching & ordaining here.

6. Notwithstanding if wee consider the extraordinary condition of S. Paul's Apo∣stleship, wee will see that nothing here alled∣ged will prejudice the forecited testimony of S. Innocentius: For S. Paul being a Super∣numerary Apostle adjoyned to the twelve, had no speciall Province assignd to him, but was at liberty to exercise his office through all Provinces, yet so as that he left not any particular Church denominated from him: for though he was in a particular manner Bishop of Rome, yet the Chaire of Rome was always called by Posterity the Chaire of S. Pe∣ter only, and all the Churches constituted in the West, even where S. Paul preached, yet regarded S. Peter as their Head and cheif Patriark.

7. Therfore though Nicephorus relates that Brittany was the lot of Simon Zelotes, and the Greek Menology adds that he was here cruci∣fied by Infidells,* 1.82 yet saich Baronius, this they affirm without any testimony of the An∣cients:* 1.83 who witnes that this Simon the Cana∣nite preach'd the Gospell in Mesopotamia, and from thence went into Persia, where he re∣ceiv'd Martyrdome. So that the Greek Me∣nology, and Nicephorus seeme to have transcri∣bed that passage out of an Apocryphall Au∣thour, Dorotheus.

8. S. Innocentius his testimony therefore re∣mains untouched, That the whole Western part of the world was S. Peters peculiar Provin∣ce: This he says is manifest: and the same is confirmed by the consent of many Provin∣ces and kingdoms. Severall Roman Bishops his Successours likewise doe expressly attest the same, and particularly as touching our Brittain Churches.* 1.84 To this purpose Pope Iohn the fifth, almost a thousand years since, wri∣ting to Ethelred and Alfred Saxon Princes here, sayth, Wee doe reioyce hearing of the en∣crease of your Religion through the cooperation of Divine Grace, and perceiving the fervour of your Faith: Which Faith you first received by the preaching of the Prince of the Apostles, God gra∣ciously illuminating your minds, and the same Faith you still effectually hold fast. The same hath generally been acknowledged by our Brittish and Saxon, Kings: Hence Kenulphus, King of the Mercians in the yeare of Grace seaven hundred ninety Six,* 1.85 writing to Pope Leo the third saith, From the same root that the Apostolick dignity was derived to thee, the truth of Christian Faith came likewise to us. Therfore wee think it expedient humbly to in∣cline our eare and obedience to thy holy com∣mands, and with our utmost endeavour to execute what soever thy Piety shall think fit to enioyn us. Yea King Iames himselfe did not doubt in a publick Audience to affirm, that Rome was the Mother of all Churches: And again, That if a contestation were once more renewed between the East and West about the Prerogative of place and Seat, he would stand for Rome and the West. Lastly hereto we may adde S. Peters own te∣stimony in a Vision hapning in the dayes of S. Edward the Confessour, wherin himselfe professed that he had preached the Gospell in Brittany.

9. Now in what particular yeare it was that S. Peter left Rome, and passing through severall Provinces came at last into Brittany, it is not easy positively to affirm. Whether he left Rome upon the Emperour Claudius his Edict banishing all Iews from thence, or afterwards in the beginning of Nero's raign, as Baronius inclines to beleive, is doubtfull. But that he was absent thence when S. Paul wrote his Epistle to the Romans, seems un∣questionable, since S. Peter is omitted in the Catalogue of his salutations.

10. The particular Acts of S. Peter during his long abode in Brittany, though in those dayes illustrious, are now swallow'd up in the darknes of oblivion: all ancient Mo∣numents of this Nation by so many revolu∣tions having been consumed. Certain it is that a far freer scope was allowd for the publishing of Divine Verities in Brittany then almost any other part of the Western World, because Nero's persecution of Chri∣stianity did not extend hither, so that this Island was a Sanctuary for all those who either to avoyd the cruelty of Magistrats, or to find an opportunity of a quiet solitude for Contemplation, would repaire hither. And this may be attributed, partly to the li∣mited power of the Romans here; likewise to the Clemency and Civility of the Brittish Princes then living, particularly taken noti∣ce of by historians, and lastly to the great distance of this Countrey from the other parts of the Empire. Such advantages had Truth and Piety to settle themselves here in Brittany, more then in any other place: and a proofe most remarkable hereof we have in the quiet uninterrupted Solitude of Glas∣tonbury, where, within a few years after this, was erected the first Schoole of Contem∣plation, which continued the glorious ha∣bitation of a world of Saints in all Ages from the beginning of Christianity till al∣most our unhappy times.

VII. CHAP.* 1.86

1. &c. Further Testimonies of S Peter and S. Pauls preaching in Brittany, from Isengrenius and some ancient Fathers.

1. ISengrenius a learned Chronologist men∣tioning the affairs of Brittany in his first Century,* 1.87 and in the yeare of our Lord Sixty five, fitly expressed them thus: the exaltation of the Brittish Church under Nero: adding wi∣thall, that many Churches were built through this Island by S. Peter, the prime of the Apostles.

2. Indeed Gods good Providence so dis∣posed for our good,* 1.88 that Nero, the most abominable Emperour, yea person, that ever lived, though he was a plague and ma∣lediction to Rome, Italy, Greece and most other Provinces, yet was an occasion of wonderfull blessings to Brittany: For a te∣dious impatience to see his horrible actions almost forced S. Paul also to quit Rome, and disperse the precious seed of the Gospell among other Western nations even as far as Brittany. This is attested by witnesses of great antiquity and authority, and seems agreeable to the design of the Holy Ghost when by his command S. Paul and Barnabas were separated unto him for the work unto which he had called them:* 1.89 Which was to carry the light of the Gospell to the utmost ends of the earth.

3. Now that S. Paul, the Doctour of the Gen∣tiles, made good that title even to the Brit∣tains, we find acknowledged by Protestant Writers also, with an intention therby to ex∣clude S. Peter. But how inconsequently they argue, hath been already declared: and the Brittains themselves though anciently they gave to both these prime Apostles a most high veneration, yet they never calld their Church the seat of S. Paul, but only S. Peter. Hence our ancient Historian and Satyrist

Gildas in veighing sharply against the disso∣lutnes of the Brittish Clergy in his time,* 1.90 sayth that many of them did usurp the Chaire of S. Peter with defiled feet: thereby shewing that the whole Ecclesiasticall Order here did re∣ceive their Originall and Preist hood with a right of succession from S. Peter, the Ordi∣nary Supreme Pastour in a speciall regard of the Western parts of the world, and who likewise prevented S. Pauls coming hither severall years.

4. Particular Witnesses in Antiquity of S. Pauls preaching the Gospell in this Island are Theodoret, S. Hierome and others. The former of these Writing on the hundred and sixteenth Psalm, saith, Blessed S. Paul breifly teaches us to what Nations he had preached saving Truth,* 1.91 saying, From Ierusalem round about unto Illyricum he fill'd all nations with the Gospell of Christ. And after this he came into Italy, and continued his iourney even to Spaine: Moreover he brought salvation to the Islands also lying in the Sea.* 1.92 S. Hierom likewise men∣tioning the travells of S. Paul saith, He went (out of the East) as far as Spain: and from the Red sea, that is, the Southern Ocean to the Western Ocean. But more expressly Venantius Fortu∣natus in his Poem of the life of S. Martin, speaking of S. Paul,* 1.93 saith, He pass'd the Ocean, and through all Regions and accessible Islands, those which are inhabited by the Brittains and the utmost Thule, his Trumpet proclaimed the Gospell.

5. For this reason our English Martyrologe doth deservedly reckon S. Paul among the Apostles of Brittany, in that regard profes∣sing a particular acknowledgment and ve∣neration to him.

* 1.94VIII. CHAP.

1.2. &c. Testimonies of the Acts of S. Aristobulus a Disciple of S. Peter, and an Apostle to the Brittains.

1. THere is moreover still extant in Ec∣clesiasticall Records the Memory of an illustrious Disciple of S. Peter or S. Paul, who probably accompanied one of them into Brittany, & who after many years labour in our Lords vineyard was consummated here: and that is the Blessed Apostolicall Saint Ari∣stobulus. Concerning whom we read this passage in the Greek Menology: Aristobulus was one of the Seaventy Disciples, who was a follower of S. Paul,* 1.95 preaching the Gospell, and ministring to him in all places where he travel∣led: By whom likewise he was ordaind a Bishop for the Region of the Brittains. But in another Edition of the same Menology, translated formerly by one William a Cardinal, and in∣serted by Canisius in his second Volume of Antiquities, we read that this S. Aristobulus was ordained not by S. Paul,* 1.96 but S. Barnabas: for this is the tenour of that Passage: The commemoration of S. Aristobulus a Bishop of Brittany, and Brother of the Blessed Apostle S. Barnabas, by whom being ordained a Bishop he was sent into Brittany, and there preaching the Faith of Christ, and constituting a Church, he attaind the glory of Martyrdome.

2. Moreover a Fragment published lately by B. Vsher under the name of Haleca B. of Caesar Augusta (Sarragoçe) S. Aristobulus is declared to be the Disciple of S. Peter:* 1.97 These are the words, Among the Brittains is cele∣brated the Memory of many Martyrs, and prin∣cipally of S. Aristobulus one of the seaventy Disciples, who was also call'd Zebedaeus, the Fa∣ther of Iames and Iohn, Husband of Maria Sa∣lome: who together with S. Peter went to Rome: And there leaving his family, he was sent a Bishop into England, where he dyed a Martyr, in the second yeare of the raign of the most cruell Emperour Nero.

3. Now wheras S. Aristobulus is every where named Bishop of the Brittains, without any particular Citty assigned for his Sea••, this doth argue that in those times of zeale and simplicity, Apostolicall men did not confine thēselves to any determinate place, but like clouds hoverd up and down, being in a sort present to all, and dispensing showres sea∣sonably every where. Thus S. Augustin our Apostle, at first was ordaind Bishop of the English Nation, as Bede calls him, till more Provinces being converted,* 1.98 he confind him∣selfe to a particular Seat.

4. Arnoldus Mirmannus,* 1.99 with other Au∣thours likewise, extend the life of this Brittish Apostle to the ninety ninth yeare of our Lord: affirming that he dyed in Brit∣tany. And wheras both in the Greek Menology, and the Fragment of Haleca, as likewise in the Roman Martyrologe he is sayd,* 1.100 after perfor∣ming the course of his preaching to have been consummated by Martyrdome: this is to be in∣terpreted according to the expression of the Primitive times, in which those were called Martyrs, who for the propagation of the Gospell went into forraign parts, there ex∣p••••••ng themselves to all dangers, and dying in such an Employment: though their death was not violent.

5. And such was the condition of S. Ari∣stobulus, concerning whom this is further added in the Greek Menology:* 1.101 Aristobulus ha∣ving been ordained Bishop by S. Paul, was sent into Brittany, a region of most cruell and savage men: By whom he was sometimes tormented with stripes, and sometimes also dragg'd up and down the common Market-place. He perswaded many to adioyn themselves to Christ. And having constituted Churches, and ordaind Preists and Deacons there, he happily ended his life.

6. In the English Martyrologe this is added, That he dyed at Glastonbury, a place far enough removed from the Trinobantes,* 1.102 where the

Romans exercised their power. Probable it is, that having spent so many years in the laborious exercise of his Apostolick Office, he in his old age retired himself into that place of solitude and Recollection, there quiet∣ly disposing himself for his leaving the world. This was indeed a practise very fa∣miliar to like Saints. For thus in the fol∣lowing Age Fugatius and Damianus sent hi∣ther by Pope Eleutherius to convert King Lu∣cius and his subjects, retired at last to the same place. And afterward the like was done by S. Patrick, who being a Native of Brittany, after having spent many years in propagating the Gospell in Ireland, at last returned back, and took up his finall rest at Glastenbury.

7. This is that Aristobulus mention'd by S. Paul in his Epistle to the Romans, saying, Salute those which are of the household of Ari∣stobulus.* 1.103 And the reason why he did not sa∣lute him by name, doubtles was the same for which he omitted the saluting of S. Pe∣ter: because he was at this time departed from Rome into, or towards Brittany.

8. Thus far did the Gospell make a pro∣gresse in Brittany in the very infancy of Chri∣stianity before the death of S. Peter and S. Paul, as may be gathered out of the few Re∣licks of Ecclesiasticall Records not wholly ex∣tinguish'd. A great accesse to which felici∣ty of this Island accrew'd by the coming hither of S. Ioseph of Arimathea and his com∣panions: which though hapning toward the end of Nero's raign, yet because most of the occurents pertaining to their Gests be∣long to the times of severall Emperours suc∣ceeding, we will refer them to the follow∣ing Book: And for the present it will suf∣fise that we have demonstrated that some of the Apostles penetrated as far as into Brit∣tany to plant the Gospell here.* 1.104 A Truth te∣stified expressly by Theodoret, as B. Vsher hath well observed: For he comparing the Apo∣stles of Christ with the most famous of the Grecian and Roman Lawgivers, shews how much they were to be prefer'd. For all that those Heathen Lawgivers could doe was to in∣duce some particular Provinces or Common∣weales to accept of their Laws, which all other Countreys reiected: Whereas, says he, our Ga∣lilaean fishermen, Publicans and Tent makers carried the Evangelicall Law to all Nations: in∣ducing not the Romans only, or those which li∣ved under their Empire to accept the Laws of our crucified Lord, but the Scythians also, and Sarmatians, Indians, Ethiopians and Persians, together with the Seres, Hyrcanians, Brittains, Cimmerians and Germans. And this they did not making use of arms or armies, but by perswasion of w••rds, and demonstrating the great utility of the Laws which they preached: and for the preaching of them exposed themselves to great danger.

Finis Libri primi.

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE CHVRCH-HISTORY OF BRITTANY.

I. CHAP.

1.2. S. Ioseph of Arimathea and his Com∣panions principall Apostles of Brittany.

3.4.5. &c. This confirmed out of Au∣thentick Records by English Embassa∣dours in the Councils of Pisa, Siena and Constance, &c.

9. Likewise by an Ancient Charter of King Henry the second.

1. VPON that precious founda∣tion of Faith and Piety which had been layd by the Holy Apostles in Brittany, their Dis∣ciples and Successours rais'd up a Temple to our Lord, a Temple though of no such amplitude as we find in the following age, yet not so unconsiderable, but that the fame thereof reached into forraign Countreys, as Arnobius who wrote above thirteen hun∣dred years since,* 1.105 and Tertullian likewise ob∣serve.

2. Now the most eminent of the Primi∣tive Disciples, and who contributed most to this heavenly building, was S. Ioseph of Ari∣mathea, and eleaven of his companions with him, among whom is reckoned his Son, of his own name. These toward the latter end of Nero's raign, and before S. Peter and S. Paul were consummated by a glorious Mar∣tyrdom, are by the Testimony of ancient Records sayd to have entred this Island, as a place for the retirednes of it, the benignity of the Brittish Princes, and the freedom from Roman Tyranny, more opportune, and better prepar'd for entertaining the Gospell of Peace, then almost any Countrey under the Romans.

3. But before we enquire into the occa∣sion of the arrivall of these Sons of Light, or relate any of their particular Gests, the pre∣judice which in these later times has pos∣sess'd many minds against Tradition, obli∣ges me in preparation to the History follow∣ing, firmly to assert this Truth in generall; that such Apostolicall persons did indeed by their zeale and industry cultivate this bar∣barous Island, and this with better successe then perhaps any other Nation addicted to Idolatry.

4. Now a more efficacious Proof hereof cannot reasonably be desired then the testi∣mony of a person eminently conversant in our Ecclesiasticall Monuments, and whose aversion from the Roman Church will cleare him from all suspicion of partiality: And this is the late Protestant Archbishop of Armagh, Doctour Vsher, who in a Collection of An∣tiquities regarding the Primitive Churches of Brittany, treating of this very argument hath this passage:

5.* 1.106 We must not omit to take notice that in the Generall Synods assembled by our Euro∣paans,

whensoever the Controversy was agitated touching the dignity and preeminence of the Brittish Kingdom in opposition to the French and Spaniards,* 1.107 the Oratours of the English Nation did usually appeale to this Tradition concerning S. Ioseph of Arimathea. This question was dis∣cuss'd first in the year one thousand four hundred and nine in the Councill of Pisa: and again eight years after in the Councill of Constance: out of which there is an extract of a most famous Disputation concerning the dignity and magni∣tude of the Kingdoms of Brittany and France, be∣tween the Embassadours of both in the Councill; which was printed at Lovain in the yeare one thousand five hundred and seaventeen. The said Extract taken out of Originall Acts of that Coun∣cill, and preserv'd in the Citty of Constance, was published by the care of Sir Robert Wingfeild Knight and Embassadour from King Hen∣ry the eighth to the Emperour Maximi∣lian: and which is still extant in two Manu∣scripts of the same Councill. It was in the thir∣tieth Session that this Question was moved, Whether it be agreable to reason and iustice that the Kingdom of England should enioy equall Pri∣viledges with that of France? And for the dig∣nity of the English Church, it was among other things alledg'd, that presently after the suffring of our Saviour, Ioseph of Arimathea an honou∣rable Counsellor, who took down from the Crosse Christs body, together with twelve companions, betimes in the morning entred into our Lords Vineyard, to wit, England, and converted the in∣habitants to the Faith: To whom the King then raigning assigned for their sustenance twelve Hides of Land in the Diocese of Bath: All which twelve Preachers, as ancient Records wit∣nes, were buried in the Monastery of Glastenbury, situate in the same Diocese. And with those twelve Hides of Land afore mention'd, the sayd Monastery was anciently endow'd and founded. This was alledged by the English Oratours for their Kingdome: Whereas France recei∣ved not the Faith till the time of S. Diony∣sius, by whose Ministery it was converted.

* 1.1086. Likewise in the Councill of Siena, in the year one thousand four hundred twenty four, the same Allegations were propos'd by Richard Fle∣ming Bishop of Lincoln, and founder of Lincoln-Colledge in Oxford, when this Controversy was re∣new'd by the English in the presence of Pope Martin the fifth, against the Spaniards, Scots and French. But principally in the Councill of Basile, in the year one thousand four hundred thir∣ty four, this contention came to great heat. For then the Embassadours of the King of England, as well in the publick Council before the Bishops, a•• in the Congregation deputed for Reformation, pro∣tested that they were to be prefer'd by reason of their more ancient reception of the Christian Faith: for they affirm'd, that the Noble Coun∣sellor Ioseph of Arimathea together with others, in the fifteenth year after the Assumption of the glorious Virgin Mary came into England, and converted a great part of it to the Faith of Christ. And no long time after the Passion of our Lord Pope Eleutherius converted the whole Kingdom entirely to the Faith. This account gives Al∣phonsus Garzias who was Advocat for the right of Spain in that Council.

7. And though he endeavours to enervate the reasons alledged by the English Oratours, yet his objections are so weak, that they ra∣ther establish them. For all that he opposes to the story of S. Ioseph is an old trifling Le∣gend reporting, that when Titus entred Ieru∣salem, he saw a certain very thick wall, which he commanded to be peirced through: and within they found a certain old man who call'd himself Ioseph of Arimathea, and sayd that he was clos'd up there by the Iews, because he had buried Christ: and that till that time he had been nou∣rished with heavenly food.

8. But common reason will shew how little force such a particular ungrounded story ought to have against the Tradition of a whole Nation:* 1.109 Therefore the English Oratours in opposition hereto gave full assu∣rance that in our most Ancient Books and Ar∣chives, especially in the Records of the most fa∣mous Abbey of Glastonbury, it is expressly de∣clared that Ioseph with his companions, being persecuted either by Herod or the Roman Presi∣dent, were brought into this Island: where he preached the things which he had seen and heard of Christ, and by his preaching converted many. who being converted bestowed on him a world of rich gifts: all which he left to the Church e∣rected by him in the honour of Christ. The which Church built by S. Ioseph was afterward transfer'd into a Religious Monastery and Ab∣batiall dignity: and by that famous Monastery the praises of our Lord have been continued to that present day.

9. Thus publickly, and with so great Au∣thority was this Tradition concerning S. Ioseph's preaching and converting the Brit∣tains, confirm'd in severall Generall Councils. And more particularly as touching the An∣cient Records testifying the Truth of this story, we find them with great advantage mention'd in an illustrious Charter extant to this day,* 1.110 which was given by our King Hen∣ry the second at westminster to the Abbay of Glastonbury: In which Charter the sayd King signifying his intention to rebuild that Mona∣stery not long before consum'd by fire: And to re∣new all the Priviledges confer'd on it by his Pre∣decessours, King william the first, and second, and his Grandfather King Henry the first: as likewise by more Ancient Kings, S. Edgar the Father of S. Edward, King Edmond and his Father Edward, and his Grandfather King Alfred, King Bring∣walth, Hentwyn, Baldred, Ina, the famous King Arthur, Candred, and many other Christian Kings: yea, moreover by Kenewalla in former times a Pagan King of Brittany: For this pur∣pose he affirms that he caused a diligent inquisi∣tion to be made of the sayd Priviledges and Charters, which were presented and read in his presence: all which he confirmed and rene'wd to the same Church anciently call'd by some the Mo∣ther

of Saints, and by others the Tomb of Saints: because it had been built by the very immediat Disciples of our Lord, and in the beginning de∣dicated by our Lord himselfe, as Venerable An∣tiquity doth testify. This testimony is given by King Henry the Second in his sayd Charter. All which considered, to deny so great a blessing conferd on our Nation, as the arrivall here of S. Ioseph, can only be an act of passion and unexcusable partiality.

* 1.111II. CHAP.

1.2.3. The time and occasion of S. Iosephs coming into Brittany not cleared by an∣cient Writers.

4.5.6. Bishop Godwins mistake, wrong∣fully grounded on Freculphus.

7. The Holy Graal, an old sence∣les Legend.

1. HAd it not been for that visible la∣sting Monument of Glastonbury, per∣haps posterity had never been acquainted with the name of so illustrious a Patron of our Nation as S. Ioseph, since no Books of that Age, if any were written, are now ex∣tant, and the wonderfull changes in the very constitution of this Island, by a succes∣sion of severall new Nations, would pro∣blably extinguish all ancient Traditions.

2. These things considered, it will be dif∣ficult to give any rationall or satisfactory Account of the precise time and occasion of S. Iosephs arrivall in Brittany: and much lesse of the particular Acts of himselfe and his companions, during the space of so many years as interven'd between their first com∣ing and deaths.

3. Those Modern Writers which have most studiously searchd into Antiquity, and with greatest candour and sincerity reiected se∣verall fabulous inventions of some of our Authours who wrote not many Ages since, doe agree that S. Ioseph first entred Brittany in the raign of Nero, when Suctonius Paulinus was Pret••r here: at which time great oppor∣tunity was afforded for such a Voyage, by reason of severall Troops and companies of soldiers sent out of Gaule to re-inforce the Roman Army, as likewise the coming hither of Nero's freed servant and favourite Poli∣cletus with a great retinue, &c.

4. But what particular occasion or Mo∣tive might induce S. Ioseph to undertake such a journey and employment, is altogether uncertain. Our late Protestant Historians to exclude any relation, dependence or obli∣gation that our Countrey might have to S. Peter, are willing it should be beleiv'd that he was commissiond from S. Philip the Apo∣stle, then preaching in Gaule.* 1.112 To this effect Doctour Godwin late Bishop of Hereford writes thus; Freculphus Lexoviensis, saith he, gives the reason why S. Ioseph pass'd ouer into Brit∣tany. For when S. Philip the Apostle (or, as others rather thinke, the Evangelist, for the Acts of these two are much confounded and mingled in history) preach'd the Gospell in Gaule, he had much con••estat on with the Druids, the cheif Doctours of whose superstition lived in Brit∣tany. Therfore being inform'd that our Island was by a very narrow sea divided from the conti∣nent of Gaule, he thought it very expedient to send hither twelve Preachers, the Cheif and President of which was S. Ioseph, who in the sixty third yeare of Christ began their employment of converting the Brittains. Thus writes the Bishop, pretending Freculphus for his war∣rant.

5. Wher as Freculphus treating of S. Philip neither mentions S. Ioseph nor the Druid's,* 1.113 nor Brittany: all that he writes being onely this, S. Philip preach'd Christ to the Gaules: and moreover brought to the light of knowledge and secure Haven of Faith certain barbarous Na∣tions, neighbouring to darknes, and ioynd to them by the swelling Ocean. Afterwards in Hiera∣polis a Citty of Phrygia he suffred death by cru∣cifying and stoning. This passage Freculpus extraited out of Isidor, and consequently it is to be interpreted according to Isidors mind, who by the Gaules (or Galatae) understood that Nation then inhabiting Asia, not Eu∣rope: and by the barbarous Nations neigh∣bouring to (Northern) darknes, the Scythians, divided from the Galatians by the Euxin Sea. Besides, according to the cōsent of Antiqui∣ty S. Philips Martyrdom hapned many years before the time mention'd by the Bishop.

6. Let the Apostles name therfore, who sent S. Ioseph and his companions into Brit∣tany, remain in obscurity to Protestants: though the forecited Text of S. Innocent first Pope of that name expressly affims that none converted any of these Western and Northern Na∣tions but only S. Peter or his Successours, or such as were delegated by them. His co∣ming cannot be questiond, nor that he came with the authority of a Spirituall Pastour and Apostolick Preacher.

7. As for his six hundred companions which a senceles Legend upon the authority of a more senceles old Book call'd the Holy Graal, says came along with him, some men and some women: as l••kewise the arrivall of a certain Prince of Media call'd Nacianus, whom S. Ioseph had formerly baptis'd in a Citty call'd Saram, and who was sent by our Lord with an army to deliver S. Ioseph out of prison, into which a wicked King of Northwales had cast him: which King is sayd to be mentiond in a Book found by the Emperour Theodosius in Pilats palace at Ieru∣salem: Such foolish dreames as these, as they are not with out scorn to be recited, so neither ought they to be made use of for the disgracing or discrediting sober History prudently grounded on Tradition.

* 1.114III. CHAP.

1. S. Ioseph first addresses himself to the Brittish King.

2.3. &c. The Kings name was Ar∣viragus: whether he and Caractacus were the same person.

7. He is sayd to be the Founder of the Vniversity of Oxford, by the advice of Olenus Calenus, an Hetrurian Au∣gur.

1. THis Tradition informs us that S. Io∣seph at his first abord in the Western parts of this Island with his companions, as∣sumed the confidence to repaire to the Brit∣tish Kings presence raigning there: to whom he gave an account of the design of his journey, which was to bring the happy newes, and to offer the only assured means of eternall happines to all that would em∣brace it. It is not to be doubted but this Message gravely and modestly delivered by one filled with the spirit of God, and also of a venerable presence, one that renoun∣ced all worldly designs of power or riches, Professour of a Religion sufficiently recom∣mended in that it deserved the hatred of Nero, a Prince then infamous beyond any ever mention'd in former Histories, such a message, I say, could not but at least be heark∣ned to without displeasure, if not with fa∣vour, at least by such a King as this is descri∣bed by our ancient Annals.

2. His name was Arviragus: (the same no doubt who in an ancient coyn is called Arivog:) but from what Ancestours he was descended, is not clearly enough re∣ported in History:* 1.115 Certain Modern Writers will needs make him the same with Caracta∣cus before spoken of, suppos'd likewise by them to be the same with Cogidunus the youngest son of Cunobelin: from whom also they are willing to deduce King Lu∣cius in a direct line, who raigned in the fol∣lowing Age: By which art they indeed give some grace to their Histories, by a distinct sorting of actions and occurrents to the pre∣cise years of Kings then suppos'd to raign in this Island.

3. It cannot truly be denied but that the Character given by Historians to Caractacus and Arviragus is very much agreeing in re∣semblance: For as Caractacus is described by Tacitus and Dio to be a Prince of great courage, magnanimity and Beneficence, and moreover a freind to the Romans: so like∣wise is Arviragus represented by others. For thus doth a Writer learned in Antiqui∣ty describe him:* 1.116 Arviragus, saith he, was well acquainted with those arts which adorn and dispose the mind to humanity. Neither did he alone himselfe love learning, but was also a sin∣gular favourer of those who were learned, &c. He was valiant and couragious in warre, mild and clement in peace. He was in his conversation affable and chearfully pleasant, liberall in be∣stowing gifts, and always most deare to his sub∣iects.

4. But the resemblance of their Chara∣cters is not a proof sufficient to render their persons one and the same, unlesse we must be obliged to beleive that Brittany was a soyle too barren to produce more then one brave and commendable Prince. And there are in ancient Records severall grounds of more then a suspicion that they were di∣stinct Kings, raigning in severall parts of this Island, and in severall times also.

5. It cannot be denyed that in Brittany there were very many petty Kings and Prin∣ces, independent of one another, some of them subject to the Romans, and others free. In Caesars time there were in Kent no fewer then three. As for Cynobelin and his family, their Dominions, for ought appears, were confind to the Trinobantes, that is Essex and Middlesex, whereas Arviragus raigned in the Western parts upon the Confines of the Bel∣gae, in the Provinces of Dorsetshire and So∣mersetshire: Which argues that he was of a different race.

6. But moreover this King Arviragus seems to have raigned much later then Ca∣ractacus, who after his captivity by the Em∣perour Claudius is suppos'd to have been sent back to his Kingdom, though no Ro∣man Writers speak of his restitution. Wheras the Roman Satyrist mentions Arviragus as a Prince of great renown in the dayes of Do¦mitian, the seaventh Emperour after Claudius:* 1.117 and as an enemy very formidable to the Ro∣mans, which certainly Caractacus never was: For upon occasion of an enormously great fish, a Mullet, presented to Domitian, he brings in, a flatterer making that Present an Omen of some great conquest to follow, Thou shalt take captive some great King, says he, or the famous Arviragus shall be ••umbled down from his Brittish chariot, &c. By which expression it seems more then probable that Arviragus, though bred up in the Roman ci∣vility and literature, yet upon advantage of the great factions succeeding in the Empire after Nero's death, shook off his chains, and renounced his dependance on the Romans. Certain it is, so great and famous a King he was, that without any wrong to Caractacus he might be mistaken for him.

7. Among other illustrious Monuments of his affection to literature, and munifi∣cence for promoting it, this is recorded, that he was the Founder of the famous Vni∣versity of Oxford: For thus writeth a modern learned Authour:* 1.118 It is the opinion of some that in the seaventieth yeare after the Nativity of our Lord the Citty of Oxford was built, during the

raign of King Arviragus. And that then there came into Brittany a certain Hetrurian Prophet, or Augur, named Olenus Calenus, concerning whom Pliny in his naturall History Writes: and that this man layd the foundations,* 1.119 yea and perfected the building of it, from his own name calling it Calena: which name was continued to it till the entrance of the Saxons into Brit∣tany: after which is was called Oxenford.

* 1.120IV. CHAP.

1. &c. Arviragus, though not conver∣ted, affords to S. Ioseph, &c the Isle of Glastonbury for a place of retreat: and twelve Hydes of Land for their nourish¦ment.

1. TO this renowned King Arviragus S. Ioseph and his Companions addres∣sed themselves, and expounded their Mes∣sage. The successe hereof was, though not a Conversion of the King himselfe, yet a free leave to publish their Doctrin among his Subjects. And herein we ought with∣trembling to adore the most holy, but with all most secret judgments of God. It is pro∣bable that there could not be found a mind in all this Island at that time better dispos'd, as far as nature and human education could dispose a soule, for the entertaining of Sa∣ving Truch, then in King Arviragus: Yet though by his kindnes to the Professours of it, he tacitly shewd his approbation therof, he did not receive from heaven the Gift of Divine Faith to submitt therto: So unhap∣pily prevalent is worldly Power and Riches against the Spirit of Christianity, which teaches Humility and a contempt of such transitory vanities.

2. The King not content only to giue per∣mission to these Apostolick Preachers to convert and save his subjects, was pleas'd moreover to extend his liberality to them so far as to afford them a place of retreat, commodious for their quiet and holy De∣votions, and sufficient for their sustenance, that so without distraction and sollicitude they might attend to the worship of the true God, and the instruction of all those that were willing to seek it. Yet we cannot without injury to the zeale and charity of these our Primitive Fathers imagin that they were willing to spare their labour and tra∣vells to make Christ known to many which enquired not after him. No doubt they be∣hav'd themselves as all other holy Missio∣ners did in those dayes, through all places 〈…〉〈…〉 to fly from the wrath to come: and made use of that Retreat, allowd them by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 King, only as a place of repose after they had been spent with toyling in Gods harvest, in which place being sepa∣rated from worldly conversation they might purify themselves before their deaths, that so they might be admitted into Gods presence to receive the Crown of all their labours.

3. The Seat assignd by King Arviragus to S. Ioseph and his Companions was an Island, rude and uncultivated, call'd by the Britons for the colour of it Iniswytrin, that is, the glassy Island, compass'd by the River Bry, and situated in Somersetshire. In succeeding time being cleard from bryars, draynd and cultiuated, it was by the inhabitants nam'd Avallonia, for the plenty of apples and other fruit growing there. But in after ages when the Saxons had possess'd themselves of those parts they resum'd the former Title and call'd it in their own language Glaston or Glascon, whence the famous Monastery of Glastonbury, begun after a homely fashion by S. Ioseph, but in future times with a prodigious magnificence enlarged, tooke its name.

4. In the same place there was by King Arviragus and his Son Marius allotted a certain proportion of ground for the nou∣rishment of these twelve strangers, con∣taining, according to their ancient mea∣sure, twelve Hydes of Land. Now this term Hyde is by our Writers sometime call'd a Manse (Mansa, Manentium) sometime a Fa∣mily: by others it is call'd a Plough, contain∣ing as much as one Plough and Oxen could cultivate in one yeare, or as could nourish a small Family. And within this proportion seems to have been contained a certain fen∣ny, but rich peice of ground which the Saxons afterwards call'd Godney,* 1.121 that is, Gods Island, as being the first portion of ground which in the Christian Church was conse∣crated to Gods service.

V. CHAP.* 1.122

1. S. Ioseph at Glastonbury build's a Church.

2.3.4. &c. This confirm'd by ancient Testimonies, as an Epistle of S. Patrick, here produced.

11.12. Observations from that Epi∣stle.

13, 14. An Objection answerd.

1. THe first thing that our New blessed In∣habitants did in their new Habitation was to build and consecrate to the worship of the only true God a Temple or Church, in which so great was the fervour and piety of our Primitive Christians, that is was de∣servedly call'd the Mother of Saints.

2. This Church erected by S. Ioseph, moved thereto by Divine Revelation, as our An∣cient Records testify, was also dedicated to the honour of the most blessed Virgin Mary: and moreover was immediatly con∣secrated by our Lord himselfe. Of these things the Testimonies are so ancient and of such authority, that severall Protestant Writers refuse not their assent to them. We will here produce the attestation of Authours and Monuments, which cannot reasonably be excepted against.

3. The first is of S. Patrick, the so illu∣strious Apostle of Ireland. He after many years Labours spent in his Apostolicall Office there, thirsting after a quiet retired life of Contemplation, in the year four hundred thirty nine returning into his native Countrey Brittany, made choice of Glaston∣bury, a then famous schoole of Sanctity, for his abode, where he spent his last thirty years in Prayers, Fasting, Watching and all other Penitentiall austerities. Now ha∣ving by Tradition been inform'd that in that place many Primitive Saints had been en∣terr'd, desirous to find out and honour their Relicks, he caused the ground to be broken in severall places, and thought fit to give an account to posterity of what he found there: This he did in Writing, pre∣serv'd hitherto with great care, and approv'd not only by ancient and modern Catholick Authours, but by learned Protestants also. The tenour of it is as followeth:

* 1.1234. In the name of our Lord Iesus Christ. I Patrick the poor humble servant of God in the four hundred twenty fifth yeare of the Incarna∣tion of our Lord being sent by the most holy Pope Celestin into Ireland, by the assistance of di∣vine Grace I converted the Irish people to the way of Truth. And having establish'd them in the Catholick Faith, I at last am return'd into Brittany: where as I beleive, by a speciall con∣duct of God, who is the life and the way, I arri∣ved at the Island Ynswitrin: Where I found a holy ancient place chosen and sanctified by God to the honour of the immaculate Virgin Mary the Mother of God. There also I met with certain Brethren of holy Conversation, instructed in the rudiments of Catholick Faith, who were the Suc∣cessors of the Disciples of the holy Saints Pha∣ganus and Diruvianus, whose names, considering the merits of their lives, I assuredly beleive are written in heaven. And because the Iust shall be had in perpetuall memory, out of the tender affection which I bore to the sayd Brethren, I resolved to commemorate their Names in this my Writing: the which are Brumban, Hiregaan, Bremwal, Wentreth, Bantomeweny, Adelwolred, Loyot, Wellias, Breden, Swelwes, Hinloërnus, and another calld Hin. These being born of Noble pa∣rentage, and desirous to adorn their Nobility with works of Christian Faith, made choice of an Eremiticall life. And because I found them of humble and quiet spirits, I chose rather to live with them as an abiect in the worlds esteem, then to dwell in Courts of Princes. Moreover being all of us of one heart and one soule, we thought it best for us to live, eat and drink in Community, and to sleep in the same habitation: and thus, though much against my will they would needs make me their Superiour, who was not worthy to untye the latchets of their shooes.

5. Whilst we thus lead a Monasticall life toge∣ther according to the Rules of Ancient approved Fathers, the foresayd Brethren shewd me certain Writings of S. Phaganus and Diruvianus, wherin was declared that twelve Disciples of the Holy Apostles Philip and Iacob built the sayd ancient Church to the honour of the foresayd Blessed Virgin, by the appointment of the blessed Arch∣angel Gabriel▪ And moreover that our Lord himselfe from heaven dedicated the sayd Church to the honour of his Mother: as likewise that three Pagan Kings (to wit, Arviragus, Marius and Coellus) bestow'd upon them twelve portions of Land. I found also in other Writings of a later date, that the holy Saints Phaganus and Diruvia∣nus obtain'd of Eleutherius, who sent them into Brittany, thirty years of Indulgence: As I my selfe likewise obtain'd from Pope Celestin of pious memory, twelve years.

6. A long time after this, being accompanied with my Brother Wellias, we with great difficulty ascended to the top of a Mountain situated in the sayd Island: And being come thither, we found an Oratory very ancient, and almost wholly ruin'd: which yet seem'd to me very commodious, and chosen of God, for the exercise of Christian deve∣tion: Into which being entred, we were refresh'd with so wonderfully sweet a savour, that we thought our selves in Paradice. After this we went out and returned again into the Oratory, searching with great diligence all places: and at last we found a Volume of a Book in which were written the Acts of the Apostles, together with the Gests of Saint Phaganus and S. Di∣ruvianus: which volume was much perish'd. Notwithstanding at the end thereof we found a Writing, which imported how the foresayd S. Pha∣ganus and Diruvianus, being thereto moved by a revelation of our Lord Iesus Christ, had built the sayd Oratory to the honour of S. Michael the Archangel: to the end that he in that place should receive honour from men, who by Gods command was to lead men into everlasting and heavenly honours. Being much delighted with this writing, we endeavoured to read it to the very conclusion: and there we found that those vene∣rable Saints Phaganus and Diruvianus had re∣mained in the sayd place the space of nine years, and had obtained thirty years of Indulgence for all faithfull Christians who with a pious affection should visit that place in honour of Saint Mi∣chael.

7. Having found so rich a Treasure of the Di∣vine goodnes, I and my Brother Wellias spent three months in fasting, prayers and watching, and ob∣tain'd a power over Devils and wild beast. A••d on a certain night being asleep there appear'd to me our Lord Iesus, in a vision saying to me, My servant Patrick, know that I have chosen this

place for the Honour of my Name, and that men here may reverently invoke the assistance of my Archangel Michael. And this shall be a sign to thee and thy Brethren, to the end they may yeild beleife to what I have told thee: Thy lef•• arme shall be wither'd, till thou hast declare•• the Vision to thy Brethren which dwell in the Cells below, and shalt return hither again: And so it came to passe.

8. From that time forward we appointe•• that two Brethren should reside in that place for ever: except succeeding Prelats in future time should for some iust reason ordain otherwise.

9. This present Writing I committed to th•• custody of my two Brethren Arnalph and Ogma•• who were Irishmen, and came with me out of that Countrey: This I did, because upon my ex••hortation they were content humbly to remain in the sayd Oratory. Another Copy of it I layd up in the Chest of the Blessed Virgin Mary, for a monument to posterity. I Brother Patrick also with the advice of my Brethren doe grant a hun∣dred days of Indulgence to all those who out of a pious intention shall with Axes and other in••struments cleare the passages of the foresayd Mountain on all sides from bushes and trees, that devout Christians may have a freer entrance piously to visit the Church of the most Blessed and ever Virgin Mary, and the foresayd Oratory.

10. This is the Epistle or Writing left by S. Patrick as a Monument of the goodnes of God towards this our Nation so early in the very beginning of Christianity. Some part of which Epistle is quoted almost three hundred years since by Capgravius in the life of S. Patrick: And it is entirely extant i•• the famous Library of Sir Iohn Cotton, in two severall Manuscripts, one of the Anti∣quities of William of Malmsbury; and ano∣ther of a Monk call'd Iohn, who made extrait out of the same William, and a certain Wri∣ter call'd Adam Domerham. And concern∣ing this Epistle thus writes Gerardus Vossiu••,* 1.124 This Epistle of the Legation of S. Patrick we found some years since amongst the Manuscript Collections of Marianus Victorius Bishop of Reate of pious memory, who faithfully transcrib'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out of a very ancient Manuscript belonging to Glastonbury, many years before, when he atten••ded Cardinal Pole sent Legat into England. In which Epistle some passages are very agrea∣ble to Protestant Writers: and others very of∣fensive.

11. It pleases them much to read that S. Ioseph and his companions were Disciples of the Apostles S. Philip and Iacob: because that may quit them of any special obliga∣tion to S. Peter. But they may consider that though these Saints were indeed Disciples of those holy Apostles, adhering to them in their peregrinations, yet it will not follow thence that they received a Mission from them to plant the Gospell in Brittany. Since it is apparent by an unquestion'd Tradition of both the Eastern and Western Churches, that those two Apostles suffred Martyrdom severall years before their coming into this Island: so that if they were sent by any A∣postles hither, it could be done only by S. Peter or S. Paul, to whom the Western Empire owes the blessing of Christian Doctrin, as S. Innocent, before mention'd, testifies.

12. But whereas in this Epistle mention is made of a power of conferring Indulgences for a certain number of years, granted by S. Eleutherius Pope to S. Phaganus and Diru∣vianus▪ and by S. Celestin Pope to S. Patrick, this much offends some of our Modern-Pro∣testant Controvertists. Notwithstanding it is certain that the Church has a power to dis∣pence and relaxe the severity of Ecclesiasticall Censures: Which Power though in some in∣feriour degree residing in every Bishop, yet by a tacite consent seems by a more exten∣ded Priviledge to be devolved on the Su¦preme Pastour, who may communicate that Power on others, in whose Piety and pru∣dence he may place some confidence.

13. A late Pr••testant Historian imagins he has an objection unanswerable against this Epistle and the authenticknes of it,* 1.125 taken from the Names of such solitary Monks as Saint Patrick affirms that he found there: severall of which, saith he, seem to be Ger∣man or Saxon, and not Brittish names, and consequently improperly assign'd to times so ancient, and so many ages anticipating the arrivall of the Saxons here.

14. But,* 1.126 in case it be granted that any of these Names be properly German, it is well known that severall Belgick Gaules of a German extraction peopled a great part of our Island, and since they gave the Names and Titles to many of our Provinces, it needs not to be esteem'd a wonder if they left to posterity some Names likewise o•• their persons.

VI. CHAP.* 1.127

1.2.3 Saint Iosephs building a Church at Glastonbury confirmed by S. David, and a Miracle.

1. A Second Witnes of the Sanctity of this Mother-Church of Christianity built by S. Ioseph at Glastonbury in honour of our Blessed Lady, as likewise of the won∣derfull Priviledge confer'd on it by our Lord himselfe, who was pleased personally to consecrate it, is the Illustrious Bishop of Me∣nevia, S. David, the extirpatour of Pelagianism in Brittany. His testimony is extant in the Antiquities of Glastonbury collected by Wil∣liam of Malmsbury, in these words:

2. Saint David with seaven other Bishops, of whom he was Primate,* 1.128 came to Glastonbury, invited thereto by the Sanctity of the place;

place: and had a resolution solemnly to conse∣crate an ancient Church there erected to the honour of the Blessed Virgin-Mother of our Lord. Having therefore provided all things requisite for the performance of that sacred Ce∣remony; on the night immediatly preceding the intended Dedication he, as nature requi∣red, yeilded to sleep: in which our Lord Iesus appeard to him, and mildly demanded of him the cause of his coming thither. This with∣out delay S. David declar'd unto him: But our Lord presently turn'd him from his resolu∣tion of dedicating the Church, saying to him, That must not be done. And taking the Bi∣shops hand, he told him, that many years since he himselfe had dedicated it to the ho∣nour of his Mother: therfore that holy Cere∣mony ought not to be profan'd by any mans repeating it. And having sayd this, with his finger he peirced through the Bishops hand: Telling him that this should be a sign that that ought not to be again renew'd, which him∣selfe had formerly anticipated: And withall he promis'd him that the next day when in reciting the Canon of the Masse he was to pro∣nounce those Words [Per ipsum, & cum ipso & in ipsum By him and with him and to him be all honour and glory to thee, O God the Father, in the Vnity of the Holy Ghost,] he should have restord the integrity and sound∣nes of his hand. The terrour of this Vision quickly drove sleep from the Bishops eyes: whereupon with great earnestnes he examined whether that were indeed reall which our Lord seem'd to have done to him: And having found it so, he wondred at it, and expected what would be the issue. The next day all that were present with admiration saw and touched the prodig••ous wound. Hereupon all the Prepa∣ration for a ••onsecration came to nothing: and the miracle divinely wrought being made known publickly to all the Hearers, encreas'd the ad∣miration. And in conclusion, when Masse was celebrated the Bishops hand was restord to its former soundnes.

3. This miracle is not forgotten nor contemn'd even by some Protestant Writers: though in repeating it, they willingly omit the name of Masse, which having banish'd from their own Churches, they are loath it should appeare of so great Antiquity, and which is more considerable, dignified by our Lords mentioning it, and working a won∣derfull miracle during the celebration of it.

* 1.129VII. CHAP.

1.2. A third witnes is our H. Apostle S. Au∣gustin the Monk. The fashion and ho∣melines of that Church.

1. A Third Witnes of equall authority, though later date, is S. Augustin the Apostle of our Nation, who in an Epistle to S. Gregory the Great mentions the summe of what hath been hitherto related, as a Tra∣dition receiv'd in those days. A part of this Epistle is recited by three Protestant Bishops, as a firm argument of the Primitive anti∣quity of Christian Religion in our Island.* 1.130 The words of S. Augustin are these: In the con∣fines of western Brittany there is a Royall Island, by an ancient Name called Glascon: It is largely extended, being encompassed with waters aboun∣ding with fish, and rivers in many places stand∣ing in pooles, commodious for many uses of hu∣man life, and (which is most considerable) it hath been dedicated to the exercises of Sacred Duties. For there the first Professours of Christian Religion found (as the report is) a Church not built by the skill of men, but prepared by God an•• fitted for human salvation. The which Church was afterward by many miracles, and many my∣sterious operations demonstrated to have been consecrated by our Lord the Creatour of the world, to his own glory, and the honour of his most Blessed Mother the Virgin Mary. To this Church was after∣wards added an Oratory built of stone, which was dedicated to Christ and his holy Apostle S. Peter.

2. And hereto agrees that which we read in the life of S. Ioseph:* 1.131 The foresaid Saints conver∣sing together in that Solitude, after a little time were admonish'd in a Vision by the holy Archan∣gel Gabriel, to build unto the honour of the holy Mother of God and perpetuall Virgin Mary, a Church, in a place shewd from heaven to them. Whereupon they in obedience to those Divine ad∣monitions finish'd the building of a Chappell, the walls wherof on all sides were made of rods warled or interwoven. This was done in the one and thir∣tieth yeare after the Passion of our Lord, and in the fifteenth after the Assumption of the glorious Virgin Mary. Here we may see, saith D. Fuller,* 1.132 the simplicity of Primitive Devotion, and the native fashion of Brittish buildings in that age, and some hundred years after. For we find that Hoel Dha King of Wales An. D. 940. made himself a Palace of Hurdleworke call'd Tyguyn, or the White house, because to ad∣vance it above other houses, the rods, wher∣of it was made, were unbark'd, having the rind strip'd off: Which was then counted gay and glorious. This homely building however, suiting with the simplicity of the builders soules, did deserve, and was indeed preferd in the veneration of all succeeding times, before the magnificent structures of squared stones and marble, adorn'd and enrich'd with gold and precious stones, which in following ages by the Devotion, though perhaps mix'd with some vanity of lesse perfect Christians, were splendidly erected.

* 1.133VIII. CHAP.

1.2. A fourth Testimony of ehe Building a Church at Glastonbury by S. Ioseph, from an Ancient Inscription at Glaston∣bury, here produced.

3.4. &c. Sir Henry Spelmans Excep∣tions against that Inscription, an∣swer'd.

1. THe last Testimony justifying most of the particulars before mentioned touching this Primitive Church built by S. Ioseph of Arimathea is taken from a very ancient Inscription cut in brasse, and here∣tofore fastned to a Pillar in Glastonbury Church. Which Inscription Bishop Godwin ther∣fore rehearses that he may demonstrate that S. Ioseph indeed came into Brittany: and after him Sir Henry Spelman caused it to be entire∣ly transcrib'd, and put into his Collection of our Brittish and English Councills. The te∣nour of it is as followeth:

2. In the one and thirtieth year after the Passion of our Lord twelve Holy men,* 1.134 among whom Ioseph of Arimathea was Cheif, came to this place: and here built the first Church of this Kingdom: Which Christ, in the honour of his Mother, himselfe dedicated, together with a place for their buriall: as S. David Bishop of Menevia testified, who having an in∣tention to consecrate it, our Lord appearing in a vision by night to him, forbad him: And moreover for a sign that our Lord himselfe had formerly dedicated the Church together with the Church-yard, he with his finger bored through the Bishops hand, which was next day seen by many persons so peirced. After∣ward the same Bishop by Divine Revelation, and upon occasion of the encreasing number of Holy persons there, added a Chappell to the East-side of this Church, and consecrated it in honour of the Blessed Virgin: the Altar of which he adorned with a Saphir of inestima∣ble valew, for a perpetuall Memory hereof. And least the place or quantity of the former Church by such Additions should come to be forgotten, this Pillar was erected in a line drawn by the two Eastern angles of the sayd Church southward, which line divides the fore∣sayd Chappell from it. Now the Length of it from the sayd line toward the West was sixty feet, the Breadth twenty six: And the di∣stance of the Center of the sayd Pillar from the middle point between the foresayd angles contained forty eight feet.

3. This ancient Inscription carefully re∣corded by Sir Henry Spelman in his Col∣lection of Councils, is notwithstanding censured by him as a thing borrowd from fabulous Legends: by which he condemn's his own superfluous curiosity to preserve it. And wheras he endeavours by severall reasons to make good his Censure, they being prudently examined will appeare insufficient.

4. For first of all he doubts whether any Christian Churches at all were erected so early.* 1.135 And indeed if by Churches he means such magnificent Structures as were made when the Christian Faith ceased to be persecuted,* 1.136 it is certain there were formerly no such. But that there were even at Rome it selfe places as∣sign'd for the meeting of Christians to exercise the Duties and Rites of their Re∣ligion, this is attested by all Ecclesiasticall Histories.

5. Again he positively affirms that if there were any Churches,* 1.137 yet that they were not en∣compassed with ground for buriall: no men∣tion occurring of any such before the time of S. Cuthbert: and the Roman laws forbid∣ding burial within Cities. But the former allegation is a manifest mistake:* 1.138 for long before S. Cuthberts dayes, King Ethelbert our first Converted King, and S. Augustin our first Apostle were buried in the Church of S. Peter and S. Paul: And Constantin the first Christian Emperour was buried among the Relicks and and bones of the Apostles and Martyrs. Hereupon S. Augustin and S. Maximus Taurinensis shew that it was usu∣ally the desire of ancient Christians to joyn their Sepulchers to those of Saints and Martyrs,* 1.139 as expecting great security to their soules thereby. And as for the old Roman Law forbidding buriall within Citties, it was long before this antiquated. And however, Glastonbury in those days was far from being a Citty, or even a Village: it was rather a mere desart and solitude. Ther∣fore without any breach of the Roman Law, our Lord might provide for S. Ioseph a place of buriall, who had before lent him his own Sepulcher.

6. But besid's this,* 1.140 he excepts against the Rite of Consecrating Churches mention'd in this Inscription, which he thinks to be of a far later date.* 1.141 And no doubt many ceremonies and solemnities were by the Church added to that Rite in following Ages: But that generally the houses in which Christians in the Primitive times met for the exercise of their Religion were by some Ceremonies dedicated to that use, as by Erecting a Title, fixing a Crosse &c, the most ancient Records of the Church doe testify.

7. Lastly that which most displeases Sir Henry Spelman is the Dedication of this Church to the Honour of the Blessed Virgin:* 1.142 a Devotion he thinks not in use till severall ages following.* 1.143 Notwith∣standing, that even in this very age

this was not the only Example of such a Veneration exhibited to the most Holy Virgin Mother of our Lord, the ancient Churches of Spain will assure us, which by a Tradition uni∣versally received among them, attested in all their Liturgies & severall of their Councils, re∣late that there were even from the first en∣trance of Christianity into that Kingdom se∣veral Churches erected to her honour: Among which the most famous is that Tem∣ple at Saragoça called del Pilar,* 1.144 or of the Pil∣lar, celebrated above a thousand years since by S. Maximus Bishop of that Citty, who composed severall Hymns to celebrate that most venerable house, called Angelical, be∣cause the Pillar on which her statue was fixed was brought thither by the ministery Angels.

8. The foresayd Inscription therfore, con∣taining litle more then what hath been ju∣stifyed by Witnesses of great authority, S. Patrick and S. David, ought to enioy its title to our beleife, the substance of it not having been questiond for above a thousand years, but on the contrary admitted in Councills, confirm'd by ancient Records and Charters, esteem'd by the whole state of this Kingdom so authentick, that to honour that most ve∣nerable Church, and in gratitude to our common Patron the Founder of it, posses∣sions, Gifts and ornaments of inestimable valew have in all Ages been offred.

* 1.145IX. CHAP.

1. King Marius succeed's Arviragus.

2.3. &c. In his time is the first mention of the Picts. who they were: and why so called.

* 1.1461. ABout ten years after S. Ioseph's en∣trance into Brittany, King Arviragus dying, his son Marius succeeded him in the Kingdom, resembling his Father, as in cou∣rage and other Princely vertues, so likewise in his kindnes to these Holy strangers, for he not only confirm'd Arviragus his libera∣lity to them, but moreover extended his own, as we read in Capgrave.

2. In this Kings time we first find any men∣tion made of the Picts: as if they were a Na∣tion in the Northern parts of Brittany, di∣stinct from the Brittains.* 1.147 Mathew a Monk of Westminster sirnamed Florilegus, thus writes of them, In the seaventy fifth yeare of Grace, saith he, Roderick King of the Picts coming out of Scythia landed in the Northern coast of Brit∣tany, and began to wast that Province. But Ma∣rius King of the Brittains meeting him in war∣like manner, slew him▪ And afterwards gave unto the conquered people which remain'd alive, that part of Albany which is called Catenes a desart uninhabited countey.* 1.148

3. In like manner S. Beda thus relates the coming of the Picts into Brittany.* 1.149 In the beginning, says he, this Island was inhabited only by the Brittains, from whom it took its name. And they enioying the possession of the greatest part of the Island, beginning from the Southern parts, it hapned that a certain Na∣tion called Picts, as the report is, coming out of Scythia, adventured to Sea in long boats, not many in number, and being toss'd by tempests beyond the coasts of Brittany, came into Ireland, entring into the Northern parts of it: and finding in inhabited by a Nation call'd Scots, desired of them permission to plant themselves there: but were refused. Now Ireland is of all Islands next to Brittany the largest, being placed Westward from Brittany, not reaching so far Northward as it, but extended further toward the South over against the Northern parts of Spain, yet so as that a vast Ocean divides them. The Picts therfore, as we sayd, arriving in that Island by Sea, made their request to have a Seat granted them there. But the Scots answerd, that the Island could not nourish them both: Notwithstanding, sayd they, we can give you proffitable counsell what to doe. We know that Eastward from us there is another Island, which upon clear dayes we can discover with our eyes. If you will goe thither, you may gain possessions for your selves there: or if you find resistance, we will afford you succours. Hereupon the Picts sayling into Brittany possess'd them∣selves of the Northern parts: For the Brittains were seised of all more Southernly. Now the Picts being destitute of wives, requested the Scots to bestow some on them: wherto they yeilded, but upon this condition: that whensoever the title to the Principality among them was que∣stionable, they should prefer the Descendants by the femal sexe, before the males: Which is a custom to this day observ'd among the Picts. And in processe of time after the Brittaine and Picts, this Island receiv'd a third Nation of Scots, in the Northern parts possess'd by the Picts.

4. The authority of S. Beda deserves cer∣tainly to be esteem'd of great weight: and were it not for that, our Modern learned Writers would not doubt to affirm, that the Nation which about these times began to be called Picts, was no other then the Na∣tive Brittains inhabiting the Northern parts of this Island. Anciently all Brittains were indeed Picts, that is a people which delighted to paint themselves with woad, figuring upon their bodies the shapes of severall wild beasts, as beleiving that would render them more formidable to their Enemies. Thus Caesar, and other more ancient Roman Authours describe them. But when all the Southern parts of the Island were either pos∣sess'd by the Romans, or became dependent on them, the inhabitants left their barba∣rous custome of painting, and conform'd themselves to the Roman fashion. Those Brittains therfore inhabiting the Northern

parts continuing in hostility with the Ro∣mans,* 1.150 and constant to their old customs of painting, begun to be considered as a new distinct Nation, divided in saction from the civilis'd Brittains, and for that reason had the new name of Picts appropriated to them: being indeed Brittains,* 1.151 as Mr. Cambden would willingly conjecture, were he not discourag'd by S. Bedes authority. And this conjecture he fortifies by severall argu∣ments: especially because all the names of places, and other things among the Picts are purely Brittish. And such Roman Histo∣rians as mention the Picts seated in Caledo∣nia, a part of Scotland, yet call the Caledo∣nians, Brittains.

5. But this is more then sufficient to be written on a subject which is not our busi∣nes: but only so far as may give light to Ecclesiasticall affairs of those times. For which reason we shall in the progresse of this story speak likewise of the Scots, another Nation, which e're long entred into the Provinces possess'd by the Picts, and gave name to the whole Countrey.

* 1.152X. CHAP.

1.2. A Monument of King Marius his victory over the Picts. The mistake of Malmsburiensis, &c. touching King Marius.

3. Berwick, whence call'd.

* 1.1531. KIng Marius having slain Roderick King of the Picts, or Northern Brit∣tains, erected a stone, or Pillar, as a Mark of his Triumph, in the Province which was afterward called by his name Westmaria, or Westmerland The Title inscrib'd in which Pillar, saith Gef∣frey of Monmouth, continued the memory of that victory to the present day.* 1.154 Yea, saith B. V••her, before the Brittish History was by Gef∣frey translated out of the Brittish into the Latin tongue, a much graver Authour, Wil∣liam of Malmsbury in the Prologue of his third Book touching the Gests of Brittish Bishops, makes mention of the same in this manner;* 1.155 In the Citty Lugubalia, common∣ly call'd Carlile, there is a room or parlour built of stone, and vaulted over, so firm that neither any iniury of weather, nor fire purposely kindled with wood, could destroy or weaken it. The Pro∣vince is call'd Cumberland, and the Inhabitants Cumbrians. In the front of the sayd Parlour this Inscription may be read, To the Victory of Marius. Though Mr. Camden affirms that in some Copies it is, To Mars the Conque∣rour.

2. But it is a great mistake of the same Authour, applying the foresayd Victory of Marius, to the Roman Consul Marius, as if these Cumbrians were the Cimbrians driven out of Italy by Marius,* 1.156 and in their flight resting in that Province. It seems he had not read the ancient Brittish History translated by Geffrey of Monmouth;* 1.157 which expresly at∣tributes it to the Brittish King Marius, as saith Ranulphus Cestrensis in his Polychroni∣con.

3. When Roderick King of the Picts was slain,* 1.158 his souldiers, being onely nine hun¦dred which remain'd alive, chose another for their Captain, called Berench, from whom the Town of Berwick receiv'd its name, saith Iohn Rosse of Warwick. But o∣thers more probably refuse this Etymology,* 1.159 affirming truly that the Countrey and peo∣ple call'd Ottadin••, where Berwick is sea∣ted, were at this time under the Romans Dominion. Besides the word Berwick sig∣nifies a Village which is an Appendix to some other place of note,* 1.160 whence Ingulphus calls that Town only a Mannour or Farm:

XI. CHAP.* 1.161

1.2.3. A brief of Roman affairs from the end of Nero to Vespasian.

4.5. Trebellius Maximus Pr••pretour in Brittany: after whom succeeded Ve¦ctius Bolanus.

6. Then Petilius Cerealis. 7. Next Iulius Frontinus.

8. After whom Iulius Agricola.

1. IT was in the days of Coellus the Son o•• this King Marius that S. Ioseph acco••••ding to ancient Tradition ended his la∣bours and mortality,* 1.162 in the eighty second yeare of our Lord, concurring with the se¦cond yeare of the Emperour Titus son of Ves∣pasian. Now before we treat of the particu∣lars touching this our Holy Patriark's death, it will be convenient that we first give a breif account of Roman affairs in this Island occurring between the end of Nero and that time.

2. Nero by self-murder having revenged upon himself all the execrable crimes com∣mitted, especially toward the latter end of his raign, as the killing of his Mother, the burning of Rome, and imputing that most facinorous act to the innocent Christians, a∣gainst whom he raged with a most sa∣vage cruelty, a cruelty extending even to the extinguishing of the two most glo∣rious Lights then shining in the world, S. Peter and S. Paul: the family of the Caesars ending in him, there followed in the Roman Empire most terrible seditions, no fewer then four Emperours within the space of two years having been chosen by severall Ar∣mies, to wit, Galba, Otho, Vitellius and Vespa∣sian,

by whose contentions against one ano∣ther the Roman world was all torn in peices, and Italy especially was almost drowned with the blood of severall armies meeting there, and without any consideration of their affinity mutually butchering one ano∣ther: Till in the end Vespasian being the con∣querour, Peace was at last restored.

3. Now during these furious conten∣tions, only in Brittany the Roman armies were uninteressed, and consequently free from either doing or suffring mischeifs.* 1.163 And the reasons given by Tacitus hereof were partly their distance from the cheif Scene of these Tragedies: and partly because having been exercised with severall expe∣ditions against the unquiet Brittains, they were taught to direct their hatred rather a∣gainst their enemies, then any party among the Romans.

4. Trebellius Maximus who had been sent Propretor into Brittany, by particular factions in the army was forced to fly out of the Countrey, and had recourse to Vitel∣lius newly proclam'd Emperour. In his place succeeded Vectius Bolanus,* 1.164 who saith Tacitus, governed with more mildnes then was fitting in a Province so feirce and apt for commotions.

5. Assoon as Vespasian was declared a pre∣tender to rhe Empire, the Roman Army in Brittany quickly express'd great favour to∣wards him, as one who had been made Lea∣der of the Second Legion there by the Empe∣rour Claudius, and perform'd severall exploits with great reputation.

6. After three years spent by Vectius Bo∣lanus in a quiet government of Brittany, there was by Vespasian, who had then been three years Emperour,* 1.165 sent to succeed him Petilius Cerealis: who presently, upon what provo∣cation it doth not appeare, assailed the Na∣tion call'd Brigantes, took their cheif Citty York the most populous then of all Brittany, as Tacitus affirms: and fought many battels, some of them very bloody, conquering a great part of rhat Province, and engaged the Romans in a war with the rest.

7. In the sixth year of Vespasians raign Iulius Frontinus was sent in the place of Cerealis, du∣ring whose governmēt the Silures inhabiting the Western parts of Brittany rebell'd against the Romans: whose Countrey he with great courage invaded, and though partly by their valour, but principally by difficulties of passages they brought him to great extremi∣ties, yet in the end with wonderfull con∣stancy he conquered all opposition, and en∣tirely subdued them. And to restrain them from future commotions, he fortified in their Province the Citty call'd Isca, placing one of his Legions there: from whence it took the name of Caer-Leon, or the Citty of the Legion.

8. After Frontinus the Government of the Roman Army was committed to Iulius A∣gricola in the ninth, which was the last year of the raign of Vespasian. Whose worthy ex∣ploits and signall vertues both in war and peace have been most nobly described by his son in law Cornelius Tacitus, in a Book purposely written of his life. Which ex∣ploits because they were perform'd after the death of St. Ioseph and his companions, we will delay the giving a breif account of them to the next Book: and we will con∣clude this with relating some considerable circumstances attending the death and bu∣riall of those Apostolick Saints and Patrons of our Nation.

XII. CHAP.* 1.166

1. S. Ioseph dyed and was buried at Glaston∣bury: This not contradicted by the Ro-Martyrologe.

2.3. S. Ioseph an example both of a Pa∣storall and Monasticall life.

4.5 The particular place where S. Ioseph was buried unknown.

6. One Iohn Blome upon a suppos'd in∣spiration, petition'd that he might search it.

7. His action censured.

1. IT is a received generall Tradition in this Island that S. Ioseph ended his days in his solitude of Avallonia, or Glastonbury, and this on the twentie seaventh of Iuly, in the eighty second year of our Lords In∣carnation. Notwithstanding in the Roman Martyrologe on the seaventeenth of March we read thus,* 1.167 At Ierusalem is the commemora∣tion of S Ioseph a noble Counsellor of Arima∣thea, and a Disciple of our Lord, who took down his Body from the Crosse, and buried it in his own new Sepulcher. But hereby is evinc'd neither that he dyed then, nor at Ierusalem: but only that on that day his memory was celebrated there: as in the same Martyrologe there are severall examples of the like.

2. Now though this holy Saint dyed at Glastonbury, we are not to imagin that he spent his days there: since the design which brought him to Brittany was to preach the Gospell, and convert soules. Bishop Godwin without any authority would inform us,* 1.168 that he and his companions perceiving that their preaching had little or no effect among the rude Brittains, and despairing of doing any good, gave themselves at last to a Monasticall contempla∣tive life. But we should wrong their charity and Apostolike zeale if we should think they would so soon faint, and be weary of their holy employment. It is more then proba∣ble that they would frequently retire into this their solitude, to the end by undistra∣cted Prayers to renew their courage and pa∣tience in their Apostolike employment, as

likewise to repose after their labours: so we read in the Gospell that the Apostles after their Mission perform'd,* 1.169 return'd to our Sa∣viour, who for their refreshment was plea∣sed to withdraw them from a common con∣versation into a desert, there to repose.

3. We may likewise prudently judge that it was the speciall design of the Divine Pro∣vidence to make choice of these particular Saints to be not only Preachers of his word, but examples also of a Monasticall Conversa∣tion, in an Island so commodious for it. Ex∣cepting S. Mark in the deserts of Egypt, we doe not find any other of the Primitive Di∣sciples which seem'd to have had such a de∣sign. There wanted not indeed from the beginning many who relinquish'd their worldly employments, and gave their riches to the poore, that without any impediments they might wholly give themselves to God, and being freed from all distractions pra∣ctise the exercises of Divine Contemplation: But this they did apart, in their own houses, and not in Community, as S. Ioseph and his Companions did, wherin they were imita∣ted by their Successours. So that Brittany was the almost only place in the world where the Christian Faith began with a Monasticall Profession. And we see also that when that Profession by persecution ceased, the same Faith likewise was banished.

4. That S. Ioseph and his companions also were buried at Glastonbury in, or near the Church built by him, we are in∣formed by the Great Table of Glastonbury mention'd by Bishop Vsher,* 1.170 where it is sayd, In this Church doe repose the bodies of the twelve Disciples of our Lord, of whom S. Ioseph of Arimathea, who buried our Lord, was the Cheif and Superiour. Many Pagans also con∣verted to the Faith of Christ, and baptised by them, doe rest there likewise, the multitude of whom is for their number so great, that they cannot be reckoned.* 1.171 The same likewise is af∣firm'd by the Authour of Eulogium.

5. As for the particular place in which the Tomb of our Saint was seated, most pro∣bable it is that it was in a Cave under ground in a Chappel afterwards built and dedica∣ted to his honour: as this Epitaph im∣ports,

Ad Britones veni postquam Christum sepe∣livi: Docui, requievi.

That is,

After I had buried Christ, I came to the Brittains: Here I taught them, and here I was bu∣ried.

6. Notwithstanding his Relicks could not be discovered: insomuch as some ancient∣ly doubted whether he was indeed buried at Glastonbury. To cleare which doubt a cer∣tain devout Catholike in the days of King Edward the third presented a supplication to the King,* 1.172 and obtain'd leave to search after it. The Kings Patents for that purpose are still extent: wherein it is sayd, A Sup∣plication hath been made to us by Iohn Blome of London, that whereas, as he affirms, he hath received a command from Heaven diligently to seek till he could find the venerable Body of the Noble Counsellor Ioseph of Arimathea, which reposes in Christ, being buried within the li∣mits of the Monastery of Glastonbury, and which for the Saints honour and edification of many, is to be discovered in these times. And whereas also in ancient Records it is contained that his Body was there buried: We in case it be so, being desirous to bestow due honours to the Monument and Venerable Reliques of him, who express'd so great piety and charity to our Redeemer dying, that he took his Body from the Crosse, and pla∣ced it in a new Monument which he had built for himselfe: and hoping that by the revealing of his holy Relicks, greater grace and favour shall be shewed by God to us and our whole Kingdome: We thereforefore have given and granted per∣mission, as much as lyes in us, to the sayd Iohn ••lome, to digg wheresoever he shall find expe∣dient within the precincts of the sayd Monastery, in order to the searching out of the sayd pretious Relicks, according to the iniunction and Reve∣lation made to him: Provided notwithstanding that he shall doe nothing which may damnify our Beloved in Christ the Abbot and Convent of the sayd Monastery, or endanger ruine to the Church. For which purpose he is to desire and obtain the permission and assent of the sayd Ab∣bot and Convent for whatsoever he shall there doe. Witnes the King at Westminster the eighth day of Iune.

7. What effect this search had, does not appeare by History. Which is a sign and pre∣sumption strong enough, that Iohn Blome mistook a dream for a Revelation. His de∣votion and good will may deserve at least pardon, if not commendation: but Chri∣stian prudence required that he should have committed to the examination and judg∣ment of Superiours or Spirituall persons, his pretended Revelation before the publication of it, and much more before he did presume to engage the King in the execution of his imaginations.

* 1.173XIII. CHAP.

1.2.3. S. Ioseph brought with him two ves∣sels fill'd with the blood of our Saviour.

4. The like reported of the Master of St. Iohns in Hierusalem.

5 6. &c. The truth thereof asserted by Bishop Grosthead.

8.9. Why S. Ioseph would have those vessels buried with his body.

1. THE same Monuments which inform us of the life, death and buriall of S. Ioseph at Glastonbury (a Tradition unque∣stion'd in all ages by Brittains, Saxons, Danes and Normans:) the same doe likewise te∣stify that S. Ioseph brought with him into Brittany two silver vessels fill'd with the blood of our Saviour Iesus Christ, as we read in Cap∣grave: which most precious Vessels by his order were buried with him in his Tomb. Thus among others writes the Authour of Eulogium cited by B. Vsher.* 1.174 And the same in publick Tables hath been transmitted to po∣sterity by the Monastery of Glast••nbury for a perpetuall memory of so rich a trea∣sure.

2. Severall proofes hereof were extant even to the dayes of Queen Elizabeth, which the foresayd learned Bishop Vsher hath col∣lected: And among others he recounts this:* 1.175 Adde hereunto, saith he, the narration of William Good a Iesuit: who during the raign of King Henry the eighth was born, and in his child-hood bred up at Glastonbury. Who affirms that at Glastonbury there were extant in his time brasse-plates ingraven for perpetuating the me∣mory of these things, likewise Chappels, Grottes, Crosses, Arms, and the observation of the Festi∣vall of S. Ioseph on the sixth of the Calends of August. All these remain'd as long as the Monks enioy'd the most firm Charters of Kings: but now they are all buried in the ruins of the place. Yet never did any Monk know the certain place of the Sepulcher of this Saint. They sayd that it was hid extreamly deep under ground, or in some place of the Mountain neighbouring to the sharp-mountain call'd Hamden-hill: And that in future times when the Body should be found; the whole world would repair thither in devotion, being invited with the multitude and greatnes of the miracles that should be wrought. And among other things, sayd he, I remember that I saw in a Stone-crosse, which in the raign of Queen Elizabeth was demolished, a plate of brasse, in which was written, That in the thir∣tieth yeare after the Passion of our Lord, Ioseph of Arimathea with eleaven or twelve compa∣nions came into Brittany, and that permission was given them by King Arviragus to abide at Glaston, then call'd Avallonia, like simple soli∣tary men: And that he brought with him two silver Vessels of no great capacity, in which were contain'd a portion of the blood and most sacred water which flow'd out of Christs side after he was dead. And that a Crosse was erected there many years before, to shew the length of the Chap∣pel which the same S. Ioseph built of rods wa••∣led, to the honour of the most Holy Virgin: the which length is measured by a line drawn from the middle of that Crosse unto the side of a Chap∣pel afterwards built of squar'd stones. And on the out-side of the wall of this Chappell erected to the honour of the most blessed Virgin were in∣graven in a stone in most ancient Characters these two words, IESUS, MARIA. These things are likewise confirm'd by the ancient Arms of the same Monastery, which are a white Scutcheon upon which is erected straight down∣wards the stock of a Crosse, green and knotted: and from side to side are the arms of the Crosse of the same colour: There are likewise sprinkled all over the field drops of blood: and on both sides of the stock under the wings of the crosse are pla∣ced two viols gilded. These were always call'd the Badges of St. Ioseph, who is piously beleived to have dwelt, and peradventure been buried there.

3. Now that S. Ioseph together with Ni∣codemus did indeed out of respect and ve∣neration gather the Blood of our Lord, and that for diverse ages the same blood was piously worshipped by devout Christians both in the East and West, ancient Histories and Martyrologies doe testify.

4. And on this occasion we must not o∣mit what is related by Matthew Paris,* 1.176 in the one thousand two hundred forty and sea∣venth year of our Lord: Then the Master of the Temple and Hospitall of S. Iohn of Ierusalem sent a certain portion of the blood of our Lord shed on the Crosse for the salvation of the world, in a certain most beautifull crystall-glasse by a Brother of the Temple well known: The which present was confirm'd by the testimony of severall Persons, to wit, of the Patriark of Ierusa∣lem, of Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots and other Prelats together with Noblemen dwel∣ling in the holy Land. Thus writes that Hi∣storian: and consequently declares at large with what honour and reverence King Hen∣ry the third, together with the whole Clergy and Nobility entertain'd the sayd holy trea∣sure.

5. Moreover whereas doubts and scru∣ples were by some spread among the peo∣ple concerning the reality and truth of that blood: Robert Grosthead Bishop of Lincoln, the glory of that age and of our Kingdom for Piety and Learning, gave full satisfaction to doubting minds by a narration of the Fact, which that Historian himself being pre∣sent heard, and committed to writing, to this effect: Ioseph of Arimathea,* 1.177 (sayd the Bishop) a noble Counsellor, being one of the hearers of Iesus, or rather a Disciple who bore speciall affection to him, out of tender compas∣sion

was very sol••icaton•• how his most venerable body might be preserved from the rage and fury of the Iews. For he was a most 〈…〉〈…〉 of him, as Nicodemus likewise was. But these and other rich men had ••••era••d their affection to him for fear of the Iews, least being accu∣sed they should loose their essa••s, and inc••rre the hatred of their ••••••••treymen: such a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of ••••••••itude does accompany riches.

6. When Iesus therfore was crucified and dead, Ioseph went boldly to Pilat (which shews him to be a person of consideratio••) and begd the body of Iesus: which was granted him. He then notwithstanding the murmuring of the Iews, with all honour and reverence took down the most holy body from the Crosse, which was all o••er in severall mann••••s mangled and bloody. And having a linnen Cl•••••••• very fine hang∣ing ••own behind 〈◊〉〈◊〉 neck over his shoulders, least he might irreverently touch that most holy Body with his naked hands, he carefully and devoutly wiped with it the sacred wound•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and distilling. Moreover making 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the sayd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 instead of a sponge, ha∣ving drawn the nayles out of the wounds which were all dyed with blood, he wiped and clean∣sed them as the Crosse it selfe.

7. Now when the sayd Ioseph had carried the Body of Christ not far from Golgotha, or Calvary (where he had been crucified) to the place where his sepulcher is now worshipped, there he layd it in a New tomb, where never any body had been layd, which had been de∣cently cut out of a rock, and where himselfe intended to have been buried. But before he buried it, he washed the holy Body which, at hath been sayd, was many ways wounded and covered with blood:* 1.178 and this first in regard of his bloody sweat, of which we read, His swear was like great drops of blood falling down to the ground. Again by reason of his whip∣ping, for he was scourged most cruelly, so as not only to leave marks in his body, but to make the blood run down: Besides this, his Crown of thorns which the Iews violently press'd upon his head, with a great number of pricks did not only ••••ing his head and forehead, but deeply wounded and severed it with blood: Moreover the ••ayles made wide holes through his hands and feet: And lastly the soldiers spear did not only wound, but opened a wide passage into his side, being thrust into it, at least once, if not severall times. For these rea∣sons the foresayd venerable Counsellor Ioseph carefully washed his body. Besides that such was the custom of the Iews before their bu∣rialls: as it is still, when persons of any consi∣deration are to be buried, particularly Reli∣gious men. He wash'd it therfore, because it was moreover to be embalmed. He wash'd it, because he had an intention and religious de∣sign to appropriate the same blood to his own devout use, and to reserve it as a treasure and most precious Medecine for his soul. And moreover he neglected not the water become red with a tincture of blood, he would not cast it away, but kep•• it in a clean vessell. But far more reverently did hee reserve the pure blood distilling from the wounds of his hands an•• feet. And above all he did with wonderfull reverence and holy feare receive into a most precious vessell the blood mix•• with water which he carefully pressed out of his right side, which he iudged to ••ssue from the vessells adioyning to his heart: this he esteem'd a treasure unvaluable, and in a speciall manner to be reserv'd for himself and his Successours. Such was the discourse of that Venerable Prelat, copied by the Historian his Auditour.

8. It may perhaps seem a wonder; why S. Ioseph would ordain that such a precious Treasure should be buried with his Body. For surely naturall Reason and the practise of all Ages doth dictate to us, that it is an argument of our affection and respect to a dead freind to be willing to reserve any thing of valew belonging to him, to esteem it because of such a relation, and for ren∣dring him In a sort always-present to us: especially when by speciall deserts we are obliged to be mindfull of him; and without our own great danger cannot neglect to commemorate his benefits: All which con∣siderations and many more have place in this example. So that to find fault with, and condemne the primitive Devotion in paying a respect and Veneration to the Relicks of Saints, and above all, of this Saint of Saints, is to renounce human reason, yea to range one's selfe in the society of Evill Spirits, which only abominated and durst not ap∣proach neare unto them. But why then did S. Ioseph take order that such most precious adorable Relicks should be buried with him, and hid from mankind?

9. The true reasons hereof may be, first because if in such times, before Christianity had been establish'd in this Island, they had been consign'd to any particular persons, either a loosing of profanation of them could scarce have been avoyded. Whereas a certainty that they were reserved in that place would be an occasion to stir up the Devotion of present and succeeding Chri∣stians to frequent it, and reap benefit by the vertue of them. And again S. Ioseph had no doubt the same design herein, that the Emperour Constantin afterwards express'd, as Eusebius informs us, who with great care made a collection of the Relicks of the Apo∣stles, which he richly adorned, and com∣manded they should be layd up in his Tombe,* 1.179 to the end that being dead he might be made par∣taker of the prayers which there in honour of the Apostles should be offred to God.

* 1.180XIV. CHAP.

1. S. Phagan 〈…〉〈…〉 to S. Ioseph 〈…〉〈…〉.

2. Such a succession 〈…〉〈…〉 Lucius: afterward the plate was 〈…〉〈…〉 and 〈…〉〈…〉.

3. The memory of S. Ioseph renew'd there in after ages.

1. WHen S. Ioseph was dead, the••e suc∣ceded in the prefecture of that holy place S. Phagan, who is sayd to have con∣••••••••ed there the space of thirty years. For 〈…〉〈…〉 did not end in Brit∣tany with S. Ioseph: On the contrary the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Kings favouring, and the people applauding the piety and devotion of those primitive Saints, such a solitary contem∣plative life was in high esteem among them: so that after the decease of S. Ioseph and his companions, others succeeded both to the right of the possession bestowd on S. Ioseph, and the imitation of his manner of life.

••. Such a succession continued till the 〈…〉〈…〉: At which time a free and 〈…〉〈…〉 of the Gospell being 〈…〉〈…〉 couraged, it is 〈…〉〈…〉 of that 〈…〉〈…〉 by charity 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉 and without 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈…〉〈…〉 care of perfectionating their 〈…〉〈…〉 both their Devo∣tions and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in converting and sa∣ving the soules of others. For about that time 〈◊〉〈◊〉 we find related in the life of S. Ioseph, that place was become a den of wild beasts, which was before the habitation of Saints.

••. Howbeit in succeeding ages, when there was no such necessity of so great a number of labourers in Gods vineyard, by reason of the extension and fruitfullnes of it▪ the Memory of S. Ioseph was renewd, and devout Christians with great fervour visited the Church dedicated to the honour of the most Blessed Virgin: Then their libe∣rality was plentifully enlarg'd to adorn that place, which they esteem'd the fountain and Originall of Christian Religion in Brittany, as we find it call'd in our Kings ancient Char∣ters.

THE THIRD BOOK OF THE CHVRCH-HISTORY OF BRITTANY.

* 1.181I. CHAP.

1.2.3. &c. About the time of S. Iosephs death Iulius Agricola came to be Gover∣nour of Brittany. His gests and Victories.

* 1.1821. THE death of S. Ioseph hapned little after the time that Iulius Agricola was sent Pretor into Brittany, in the last year of the raign or the Emperour Vespasian. At his first entrance he was entertained with sedi∣tions in the Army, and commotions in the Countrey. The former he by his prudence and authority easily quieted: and the other by his courage and diligence.

* 1.1832. It was the Province of the Ordovices (or Inhabitants of Northwales) that taking example from their neighbours the Silures, endeavoured to shake off the Roman yoke. The first Act of their Rebellion was to invade and utterly rout certain Troops of horse quarterd amongst them. Hereupon Agri∣cola, though then newly arrived, and the Winter already beginning, yet assembled the Legions, and march'd into their coun∣trey. Which diligence of his so discouraged them, that they durst not oppose him with an Army: inso much as he freely wasted and destroyed almost the whole Province.

* 1.1843. That which made his conquest entire, was an impression which he made into the Isle of Mona (or Anglesey:) from the pos∣session wherof Suetonius Paulinus had been recall'd by the rebellion of Boudicea Queen of the Trinobantes. The Ordovices thought themselves secure in this Island, because Agricola was unprovided of boats to passe his army. But this defect he supplied by his wisdome and constancy: For chusing among his Auxiliaries such as were most skillfull in swimming, and in the water could both carry their arm's and direct their horses, he made them passe over into the Island. Hereby the Enemies were so asto∣nished, that they humbly begg'd peace, and deliver'd up the Island to him.

4. After this victory Agricola's care was to govern the Province peaceably:* 1.185 for which purpose he restrain'd the avarice of the Ro∣man soldiers, and defended the Natives from their injuries. Yea moreover having terrified them with marches through all the difficult passages in the Island, he by his cour∣tesy & civility invited them to take pleasure in living peaceably. For which purpose he incourag'd them to conform themselves to the Roman fashion of life, by building houses, Temples and Market-places. Yea he allured them to imitate even the vices of their Conquerours, in magnificent banquets, baths and other instruments of Luxury. He likewise caused the children of the Brittish Nobility to be instructed in literature, pre∣ferring their witts and naturall endow∣ments

beyond the capacities of the Gaules:* 1.186 By which means not only the Roman tongue became familiar to the Brittains, from which formerly they had a great aversion, but they aspired also to learn and practise Elo∣quence.

* 1.1875. Such was the employment of the two first years of Agricola's government. In the third he march'd Northward, there discove∣ring new Nations and Provinces, whose countrey he wasted as far as the river Taus (or Tweed.) And the summer following he continued his conquests as far as Bodotria (or Edinborow-frith) Eastward, and Glotta (or the Frith of Dunbritton) Westward: and the narrow space of land between them he strengthned with forts and garrisons, so that the only Enemies remaining uncon∣quer'd, which were the Caledonian Brittains, were driven beyond those Northern limits. In the foresayd streits neare a town called by Ptolomy Coria (now Abercurven) there is to this day extant an ancient Structure of squard stones, call'd by the Inhabitants Iulius Hot, fancied by them to have been built by Iulius Caesar, who yet never came near this Province: but in all probability rais'd by Iulius Agricola, as a Monument of his Conquests.

6. In the fifth year of his Expedition he subdued the Northwest Provinces of Brit∣tany looking towards Ireland:* 1.188 into which parts he drew most of his forces, as if he had had some thoughts of invading that Island: from whence a petty Prince, ex∣pell'd by a Sedition of his Subjects, repaired to him: whom with a shew of freindship he detaind, intending when an opportu∣nity offred it selfe, to make use of him in a design upon that Island.

* 1.1897. The following yeare he spent in a march northward from Bodotria (or Edin∣borough) on purpose to find out the limits of the countrey: for hitherto it was not known to the Romans whether Brittany was an Island, or no. And both to secure his march and carry provisions, he caused his Navy to keep pace with his land Army: a spectacle of great terrour to the poore Brittains. Who therupon united all their counsells and forces to endeavour by this last attempt to free themselves from dan∣ger by the Romans.

* 1.1908. Their first exploit was to assault the camp of the ninth Legion, separated from the rest. But the watchfull Generall came upon them when they were ready to break into the Camp, and at last, though with great difficulty, dispersed them.

9. The Caledonian Brittains fayling in this, resolved to decide the whole controversy by a generall Combat.* 1.191 Wherupon they as∣sembled all their forces on a Mountain, call'd Grampius, which divides the whole countrey (since call'd Scotland) into the Northern and Southern Provinces. Their Generall,* 1.192 specially elected for this warre, was called Galgacus, eminent both for his Nobility and courage, who omitted no ar∣guments which might inflame his soldiers valour: especially insisting on this, That the Romans by their shipping having discove∣red that Brittany was an Island, they had no∣thing behind them but the Sea and rocks, to which by flying they might have re∣course.

10. Agricola on the other side having brought his Army in sight of the enemy, rais'd their courage by showing that they were now come to an end of all their la∣bours and dangers: that this Victory would bring them all manner of security and plen∣ty: And however, that in case they should be overcome, it would not be inglorious to their memory, that they dyed in the ut∣most bounds of the Earth and Nature.

11. The battell was fought with valour on both sides proportionable to the neces∣sity: but at last the Brittains were entirely defeated, and though in the chace through woods and fast places their rage made them turn upon their pursuers, and kill not a few of them, yet they were so wholly bro∣ken, that for many years after their im∣potency made them quiet.

12. This combat was fought in the eighth and last year of Agricola's Government: For in the beginning of the year following, which was the fifth of Domitians raign, he returned to Rome: having triumphall orna∣ments decreed him by the Senat: and though in appearance he was honourd by the Emperour, yet his glory and vertues rendred him the object of the Tyrants Envy and hatred, and within a few years the sacrifice of his cruelty.

II. CHAP.* 1.193

1.2. Of the Successours of Agricola in the Government of Brittany.

3. Roman Legions continued in Brit∣tany.

1. AFter Agricola's departure out of Brittany it does not evidently ap∣peare in History who succeeded him. And no wonder, since so entire a conquest of the Nation had been gained by Agricola, that whosoever follow'd him could not afford any considerable exploits to furnish a Hi∣story.

2. Some Writers say that Cneus Trebellius was the next who succeeded in the Govern∣ment during Domitians raign: Others, that it was Salustius Lucullus mention'd by Sue∣tonius in these words, Domitian, saith he, put to death Salustius Lucullus, who had been

Generall of the Roman Army in Brittany,* 1.194 for this only crime, because he had suffred lances of a new fashion contrived by himselfe to be called Lucullean Lances.

3. This is all that any of the Roman Hi∣storians mention touching Brittany, during not only the remainder of Domitians raign, but also the two Emperours, Nerva and Traian, which succeeded him. The Roman Legions continued still in the Countrey, though all their employment was only to prevent any insurrections among the Brit∣tains. Iosephus the Iewish Historian gives us an account of the number of those Legions, writing thus,* 1.195 Brittany is compass'd with the Ocean, being a new discover'd world, little lesse then ours. The Romans now inhabiting there have reduced it to the obedience of their Em∣pire: and four Legions are sufficient to over-awe and keep in order the Island, though abounding with great multitudes of inhabitants.

* 1.196III. CHAP.

1.2. S. Clement Pope: He sends Bishops in∣to Gaule.

3.4. Of S. Taurinus Bishop (Ebroi∣censium) of Eureux: not (Eboracen∣sium) of York.

5. The Legation of Brittany to Saint Clement.

1. ANcient Ecclesiasticall Monuments doe suggest little or nothing to Hi∣story relating to Christian Religion in Brit∣tany, during the space of time between the end of Nero, and the death of Domitian, con∣taining twenty eight years, from the sea∣ventieth year of Christ to the ninety eighth.

2. Toward the latter end of that time S. Clement, sitting in the Chair of S. Peter, ex∣press'd his generall care over the Church, both toward the East and West: for by a most divine Epistle to the Church of Corinth he prevented a schism threatning its ruine,* 1.197 and, as Irenaeus saith, he repair'd their Faith much decayd, by declaring to them the Tradition, which he freshly had received from the Apo∣stles.

3. Moreover he supplied these North∣west Regions, principally the Gaules, with Pastors and Bishops, sending S. Nicasius to Rouen,* 1.198 S. Eutropius to Xaintes, S. Lucian to Beauvais, and S. Taurinus to Eureux. Con∣cerning this last we read thus in the Roman Martyrologe, Among the inhabitants of Eureux in Gaule there is on the eleaventh of August a commemoration of S. Taurinus Bishop, who ha∣ving been ordain'd Bishop of that Citty by Saint Clement Pope, by his preaching the Gospel pro∣pagated the Christian Faith in those Regions, and being illustrious by the Glory of his Miracles, af∣ter many labours sustained for the Truth,* 1.199 he slept peaceably in our Lord.

4. Particular notice is to be taken by us of this Saint, because of a mistake of certain modern Historians, who from a resemblance of the words Ebroicenses and Eboracenses, af∣firm this S. Taurinus to have been Bishop of York.* 1.200 For thus doe the Centurists of Mag∣deburg write, S. Taurinus was Bishop of York and dyed a Martyr under the Emperour Adrian, Licinius being then Prefect of the Countrey: Yea moreover not only Bishop Godwin, but S. Antoninus likewise affirm that S. Taurinus, and S. Nicasius also, pass'd over into Britta∣ny. Neither indeed is it altogether without example that Bishops in those days, out of a common zeale to mens salvation, should change their Seats, and remove their resi∣dence whither greater necessities and want of spirituall Light did call them.* 1.201 And if any credit may be given to the assertion of a Modern Historian, that S. Clement formerly accompanying S. Peter preach'd the Gospel in Brittany, it is not to be doubted but that his care was to promote the good work be∣gun by himself.

5. Yea I find an ancient Manuscript quo∣ted by the R. F. Alford,* 1.202 wherein is contai∣ned, how the Church of Brittany in the year of Grace one hundred, sent a Legation to S. Clement, desiring him to communicate to them the Order and Rites of celebrating Di∣vine Service.* 1.203 And Baronius affirms it to be an ancient Tradition that S. Clement set down in Writing the Order of offring Sacrifice instituted by S. Peter, which was afterward in use through the whole Western Church.* 1.204 And long before him S. Isidore affirms the same. True it is that in following times it was lengthned, by ad∣ditions made to it.

IV. CHAP.* 1.205

1. Brittains sayd to have been divided into Ecclesiasticall Provinces by Pope Ana∣cletus in the raign of Trajanus.

2. Such a Division much later.

1. IN the raign of the Emperour Traian, S. Anacletus the Successour of S. Cle∣ment in the Chaire of S. Peter is sayd to have divided Brittany into five Provinces and Me∣tropoles, ordaining Bishops and Primats in each: and hereto we find our Protestant Arch-Bishop Parker to have given his as∣assent.* 1.206 The ground whereof is a certain Decretall Epistle long since publish'd under the name of the sayd Pope, in which a divi∣sion of Provinces is indeed mentioned, yet without any application to Brittany. But the authority of that Epistle being much suspected, yea renounced by severall, not only Protestant but Catholike Authours, lit∣tle

credit is to be given to that relation grounded by some upon it touching the sayd Division:* 1.207 though Giraldus our Welsh Historian undertake to set down the parti∣cular names of the Provinces: calling one Britannia prima, which is the Western part of the Island: the second he names Britannia secunda, containing the Province of Kent: the third Flavia, which is the middle part of Brittany, which after the entrance of the Saxons was called Mercia: The fourth Maxi∣mia, containing Yorkshire: and the last Va∣lentia, under which were comprehended all the Northern Provinces beyond the Brigantes.

2. But certain it is that these Titles were not assign'd,* 1.208 nor this Division made till se∣verall ages afterward, under the raign of the Emperours Valentinian and Valens. As for the present age of Traian, Brittany was then divided only into two Provinces call'd the First and the Second, or as Ptolomy names them, the Greater and the lesse, and Dio, the Vpper and Lower Brittany: The former of these contain'd the Southern parts as far as the River Thamisis, first possess'd by the Ro∣mans: and the other, the Western Provinces of Cornwall, Wales, &c.

* 1.209V. CHAP.

1. Tumults in Brittany: neglected by Tra∣jan.

2 3. Of King Coellus raigning there: his Character.

4. The Emperour Hadrian quiets Brittany: as his Coyns testify.

5. This he did, not in person, but by his Officers.

1. TOward the latter end of Traians raign,* 1.210 among other Nations which rebelled against the Roman Empire, Brittany is reckoned for one by Spartianus: But the Emperour finding a greater necessity to turn his arms against the Africans and Sarmatians, neglected the Brittains.

2. Now what particular Provinces in Brittany those were which at this time at∣tempted to shake off the Roman Yoke, it does not appeare. Coellus was yet alive, who is by our Historiographers call'd King of the Brittains, not as if he were the only King in the Island, but because he was the most considerable in power and wealth, to whom the rest yeilded both honour, and some kind of subjection, as in Caesars time we read the severall Brittish Princes then raigning in their respective Dominions did to Cassibelin: and afterward in the Saxon Heptarchy, he that was called [Rex Anglo∣rum] King of the English, had a superemi∣nence over the rest.

3. Now as touching King Coellus,* 1.211 he is described by our Histories to be a Prince of so benign and peaceable a nature, and withall so affectionat to the Romans, having had his breeding at Rome it selfe,* 1.212 where, as Polidor Virgil says, he spent his younger years in the disciplin of war and civill literature, and during his raign he shewd all respectfull submission to the Majesty of that Imperiall Citty, restraining his Subjects from all de∣signs and attempts against it: So that it can∣not be conceived that he ioyned in the said Rebellion.

4. Now though Traian by greater con∣cernments was hindred from reducing the tumultuous Brittains to obedience,* 1.213 yet his Successour Adrian in the beginning of his raign neglected them not: For there are yet extant ancient Coyns made by a Decree of the Roman Senat, wherin is imprinted the Brit∣tish Army with the figures of three Roman soldiers on one side, and on the other the Emperour Adrians face, denoting likewise his third Consulship, which fell in the first year of his raign. Such Coyns were framed and dispersed among the Soldiours as a gratuity, to conciliate their affections to the Emperour: And the figures of the three soldiers imported the three Legions then guarding this Island: the Titles of which were the Second call'd Augusta, the fourteenth cal∣led Victrix, and the Twentieth Legion call'd also Victrix and Britannica.

5. Notwithstanding these Coyns are no proof either of the Emperours coming then into Brittany, or of any battell or Victory gained then upon the Brittains: being only a ceremony of Adrians assumption to the Empire, partly to oblige the Roman sol∣diers to him, and likewise to admonish the Brittains, that the New Emperour was mind∣full of their disorders, which if they con∣tinued, he would, as he effectually did three years after, come himselfe to chastise them.

VI. CHAP.* 1.214

1. Iulius Severus Governour of Britta∣ny.

2. The Emperour Hadrians pro∣gresse through the Empire.

3.4. A wall made by him in Brit∣tany, to exclude the Caledonian Brit∣tains.

5. Hadrian returns out of Brittany.

1. IVlius Severus was the Pretor who at this time administred the Province, and governed the Roman Army in Brittany, who, for ought appears in story, stood only upon his defence, and made no expedition a∣gainst

the rebellious Brittains in the Nor∣thern parts of the Island,* 1.215 as appears by the following exploits of the Emperour Hadrian. By which it is manifest that King Coellus, whose Dominions lay southward, had no ingagement in those commotions.

2. In the third year of his raign the Em∣perour began a progresse through all the Re∣gions of the Empire, to compose seditions, to rectify disorders, and restore discipline through all his armies. He began with Ger∣many, and from thence took a view of France, and the year following pass'd over into Brittany: A generall view of whose actions in these Countreys is afforded us by Dio.* 1.216

3. We will here only mention one me∣morable exploit in Brittany, which was the separating of the peaceable subjects of the Roman Empire from the rest who refused to submit to its yoke. Now whereas Iulius Agricola had formerly driven the ruder Brittains into the Northern parts of Scotland, and had built forts in the narrow Isthmus between Edinborough frith, and that of Dun∣britton, to hinder them from making in∣roads into the Provinces subject to the Ro∣mans, it seems the Brittains had broke through that enclosure, and subdued much of the Countrey beyond it.

* 1.2174. Hereupon Hadrian not esteeming it worth his care, or endangering his Army to repell them within their former bounds, contented himself to raise a wall or rampire more Southern then the former, which he continued the space of fourscore miles be∣tween Solway frith on the West, and Tinmouth on the East side of the Isle. Which wall made of Turfs, and strengthned with Timber, was afterward repaired by the Emperour Severus, and again changed into a stone wall by Theod••sius Father of the famous Emperour of that name. This was in succeeding times call'd the The Picts Wall, by reason that those Northern Brittains beyond it became as a di∣stinct Nation, taking their name from their continuing the old barbarous custome of painting themselves, which the civill inha∣bitants had relinquished.

5. Hadrian the year following was call'd out of Brittany to compose a sedition rais'd at Alexandria in Egypt:* 1.218 Therefore he pass'd back into Gaule, and from thence into Spain where he wintred. Out of Spain the next year he sayld into Egypt, where having quie∣ted the Countrey, he returned to Rome.

VII. CHAP.* 1.219

1.2 Persecution rais'd by Hadrian against Christians: and the occasion of it.

3. He profanes the holy places at Ie∣rusalem

4. They remain desolate till S. Hele∣na's time.

5. Modern Sectaries imitate the rage of Heathens against the Crosse of Christ.

1. THis laborious circuit made by the Emperour,* 1.220 though it was very bene∣ficiall to the Regions through which he pass'd, that is, almost the whole Empire, yet it was the cause of great suffrings to the Christians every where; but especially in Palestina, where they were most numerous, that Countrey being the source of our Reli∣gion: and also by reason of the Devotion which all of them bore to those holy places consecrated by the actions and suffrings of our Saviour: to celebrate the memory of which there was continually a confluence of Beleivers from all the quarters of the world.

2. This moved envy in the minds of the Iews and Gentiles likewise, upon whose com∣plaints the Emperour not only renew'd the persecution of them begun by his Predeces∣sour, but as Sulpitius Severus affirms, imagi∣ning that he could destroy Christian Religion it selfe by iniurious defacing the place where it be∣gan,* 1.221 he erected in the most sacred place of our our Lords Passion the Idols of Devils. And be∣cause Christians were generally esteemed an off∣spring of Iews, be ordained a Coh••rt of souldiers to keep cont••nuall watch to forbid all Iews an ac∣cesse into Ierusalem.

3. S. Paulinus more particularly says,* 1.222 that on Mount Calvary where our Lord suffred, Ha∣drian placed the Idol of Iupiter: (S. Hierom adds, that on the Rock where the Crosse had been placed, he erected a marble-statue consecrated to Venus) and profaned Bethleem, the place of our Saviours Birth, with the Temple of Adonis. This he did, as conceiving that the Root as it were, and foundation of the Church would be destroyed, if Idols were worshipped in those places in which Christ was born that he might suffer; and suf∣fred that he might rise again; and r••se that he might raign; being iudged by men, that he might be Iudge of mankind.

4. In this desolation did those Holy places lye,* 1.223 till Helena the Mother of the Empe∣rour Constantin out of a pious affection to Chri∣stian Religion, thought it worth her pains and industry to search out the Venerable Crosse. But neither that, nor the divine Sepulcher of our Lord were easily to be found. For the ancient Gen∣tiles, persecutors of the Church, labouring with

their utmost endeavours to oppresse and destroy Christ••an Religion then newly strung forth,* 1.224 over∣whelm'd that place by heaping on it a great bank of earth. And more••ver encompassing the whole place both of the Sepulcher whence Christ rose, & Mount Calvary where he was crucified, with a great wall in all sides, ••••hy afterwards profaned it by ornaments of their own heathenish fashion. For first they paved it with stones, and then rai∣sed up a Temple of Venus, and in conclusion pla∣ced in it the Idol of that impure Goddesse: This they did, to the end that if any would adore Christ in that place, they might seem to worship Venus; and consequently to processe of time the true cause 〈◊〉〈◊〉 m••n had that place in Venera∣tion, would be utterly forgotten.

5. We see here who they were to whom the Ensigns of our Lords Passion, his Crosse and Sepulcher, as likewise the place of his Nati∣vity were venerable, to wit, the ancient Primitive Christians, our Brittish Saint Hele∣na, &c. and to whom they were odious; to envious Iewes and persecuting Heathens. And yet the abolishing of those sacred Mo∣numents, the scornfull reproaches and blas∣phemies cast on the Crosse of our Lord are of late made the proofs of Primitive Refor∣mation. The Crosse,* 1.225 saith Lactantius, was fre∣quently to wicked Princes a principall Motive of persecuting Christians. And the reason is gi∣ven by S. Athanasius,* 1.226 because by the prea∣ching of the ignominy of the Crosse, Idolatry was confounded, and the golden Temple of the Heathens fell to the ground.

* 1.227VIII. CHAP.

1. Persecution against Christians mitigated: why.

2.3 &c. Severall rebellions of Iewes and their destruction.

1. THis persecution rais'd by Hadrian was shortly after mitigated, upon oc∣casion of a suggestion made to him by Gr••∣vianus Pr••c••nsul of Asia,* 1.228 that it was against all law and equity, that persons in all other respects innocent, should only for the name and and Title of a Sect be exposed to the fury of impious multitudes. And more∣over there wanted not among the Christians themselves persons of eminence and lear∣ning, who employ'd their pens to write A∣pologies in justification of the piety and in∣nocence of the Christian Profession: such were Quadratus a Disciple of the Apostles, and Aristides Bishop of Athens. By such means the eyes of many were opened, and men began to consider Christianity, not by the erroneous judgments and rumours of the Vulgar, or the malicious suggestions of Iewes, but by the sober account given of it by prudent men, and the untainted lives and constant deaths of the Professours of it. These things moved many to approve and embrace it, and the Emperour Hadrian him∣selfe to publish an Edict, prohibiting the punishment of any for their Beleife, if o∣therwise they were free from crimes.

2. What effect this mitigation of the per∣secution probably wrought in Brittany we shall presently shew. But first we will ob∣serve Gods just severity against the most in∣veterate hatred of the Iewes, always active and restlesse to incite and inflame persecu∣tions against innocent Christians.

3. The Iews had rais'd a rebellion in the beginning of Hadrians raign: and with much adoe were at last subdued: insomuch as they were forbidden to enter into, or so much as from a far to look upon their Cit∣ty Ierusalem: The name of which was by the Emperour likewise changed into Aelia Capitolina, and in it a Temple was built to Iupiter. Yea moreover the Iews were by a Law forbidden to practise circumcision, thereby to distinguish themselves from o∣thers.

4. Vpon these provocations a second Re∣bellion far more violent and largely spread then the former,* 1.229 was raised by them, by which, saith Dio, the whole world was shaken and disordered. To oppose them, after that the Emperours first Generall, Tinius Rufus, had been unsuccesfull, Iulius Severus was com∣manded out of Brittany, which he had go∣verned severall years: and in his place was sent L••cini••s Priscus, favoured by the Empe∣rour for service formerly done against the Iewes in their first sedition. Concerning whom nothing remains of any exploits done by him: for all his employment was to guard the Wall or Rampire lately raised to restrain the inroads of the rude Northern Brittains. Only there is still extant an an∣cient Inscription signifying this his promo∣tion, and the cause of it, which Monument was raised by one of his Officers, Q: Cassius Domitius Palumbus.

5. As for the particulars touching the prosecution of the Iewish war, the savage cruelties exercised by them, and the great hazards sustained by the Romans, which yet ended in almost an utter extirpation of the Iewish Nation, these things not pertaining to our present design, are to be enquired into among the Histories of that Age. We will now return to the Ecclesiasticall affairs of Brittany hapning in this time, which though of small moment, are not therefore to be omitted.

* 1.230IX. CHAP.

1.2. The death of the Brittish King Coellus: to whom succeeds his Son Lucius, a child. The reason of his name.

3. A message sent from the Brittains to Pope Evaristus.

4. An answer given by his Successour Pope Alexander.

5. Many Baptis'd in Brittany at Granta, or Cambridge.

* 1.2311. TOward the beginning of the Empe∣rour Hadrian's raign dyed the Brittish King Coellus. Leaving for his successour his Son Lucius, a child then of ten years old, who imitating the acts of his Father, possess'd the affections of his subiects, being esteem'd as a se∣cond Coellus.* 1.232 The reverence and love which his Father bore to the Romans seems to have been the cause that he gave him a Roman name, which being derived from Lux (Light) hence the Brittains called him Lever Maur, or a great Brightnes, by reason of the ioy he brought to his Father, being born to him in his old age, in the thirty seaventh yeare of his raign, as likewise to the whole Kingdome which esteemd it a great happines to enjoy a successour to their most beloved King.

2. But Divine Providence seems to have had another design in the appointment of this Kings name, intending it for an Omen of that heavenly Light, which in this Princes time and by his procurement was commu∣nicated to the whole Kingdom. But this most signall blessing arrived not suddenly. Though King Lucius, imitating his Fathers benignity, express'd much kindnes to the Christians, yet he quitted not the supersti∣tion of his Forefathers till after many Vo∣cations sent him from God, and many invitations and preparations which by Di∣vine Providence occurring in his time, disposed him by little and little to sub∣mit his neck to the easy and most happy Yoke of Christ. What those preparations were, we shall set down in their due place.

3. Our Brittish Historians, Gildas and Nen∣nius, mention a message sent to the Brittains by Pope Evaristus in the latter end of Traians raign, exhorting them to the embracing of Christian Faith. An occasion and advantage for such a message may seem to have been taken from Traians mitigating the persecu∣tion formerly rais'd by him against the Christians,* 1.233 for which purpose he sent his Edicts into all Provinces. No wonder ther∣fore if that Holy Bishop layd hold of this opportunity to recommend that Religion, whose innocence was approved by its greatest persecuters.

4. Yea moreover Albertus Krantzius a late German Writer,* 1.234 from what Monuments it does not appeare, affirms that King Lucius obtained from Pope Alexander the successour of Evaristus, that the Christian Faith should be preached in this Isle. Which if it be true, we may reasonably impute the occasion of it to the Emperour Hadrians Edict published for the ceasing of persecutions against the Christians. Now that this Holy Bishop did readily comply with so desirable a request, and consequently send Apostolicall men to propagate the sacred Verities of our Christian Faith,* 1.235 some Writers doe hence collect, because about these times our Ecclesiasticall Annalls doe take notice of the coming of S. Timotheus and S. Marcellus with others into Brittany, concerning whom we shall treat shortly.

5. Moreover in the most ancient Monu∣ments of Burton Abbey we find,* 1.236 that in the yeare of our Lord a hundred forty and one there were baptised in Granta (after∣ward call'd Cambridge) nine Doctours and schollars. Now whether this so memo∣rable & publicka Ceremony was performed by any of the Preachers sent by Pope Alexan∣der, is not mention'd in these Monuments. However this is confidently ave••••ed by Gildas,* 1.237 That the Christian Faith did from the beginning entirely remain in Brittany till Dio∣cletians persecution. Which saying of Gildas, as Bishop Vsher well observes, was seasonably recorded by him,* 1.238 least any one should thinke that before the conversion of King Lucius, Christian Religion brought into Brittany by the Apostles and their Disciples, had been utterly extin∣guished.

* 1.239X. CHAP.

1. Antoninus Pius succeeds to Hadrian in the Empire: who sent Lollius Vrbicus to represse the rebellious Caledonians in Brittany.

2.3. The Brigantes in Brittany rebell: and are pacified: For which the Em∣perour is stiled Britannicus.

1. TO the Emperour Hadrian succeeded Antoninus Pius adopted by him:* 1.240 In the beginning of whose raign the Northern rude Brittains took the boldnes to break through the wall rais'd by Hadrian for their restraint, and after a hostile manner made in roads into the Roman Provinces. For the repressing of whom Lollius Vrbicus was by the New ••mperour sent into Brittany to govern the Roman Army: who easily quietted those commotions, and moreover drove back the Brittains within their former bounds, at Edinborough, where he rais'd a new Wall, in the same narrow space between the Eastern and Western seas, where formerly Iulius Agricola had for the same purpose built se∣verall forts at convenient distances. From which wall the Emperour Antoninus in his Itinerary reckons the utmost limits of the Empire.

* 1.2412. A few years after, the Brigantes (in Yorkshire) upon what provocations it is un∣certain, began ••umults, and both by Sea and land invaded the Ordovices (in North∣wales) a Roman Province. Which injury the others likewise repayd in the like man∣ner. Hereupon Lollius Vrbicus the Roman Pretor, least this flame of dissention should spread further, timely put both his army and Navy in readines. Himselfe lead his Army by land, and Seius Saturninus com∣manded at Sea: Thus in a short time all differences were composed, and the Brigan∣tes, who first began the sedition, received condign punishment.

3. Though these two Tumults in Britta∣ny are by the Writers of those times only sleightly and summarily described, yet it seems they were full of danger and hazard to the Romans, otherwise the Emperour An∣toninus by whose directions and authority the war was managed, would not have as∣sumed the Title of Britannicus, as a conque∣rour of Brittany, which Title notwithstan∣ding we find ascrib'd to him.

XI. CHAP.* 1.242

1. Succession of Popes: Pope Pius esta∣blishes the observation of Easter: to whom the Brittains conform.

2 3 4. Of S. Marcellus a Brittain: Bishop of Tiers and the first Brittich Martyr: he suffred out of Britta¦ny.

1. IN the nineteenth year of the Empe∣rour Antoninus,* 1.243 being the one hun∣dred fifty eighth yeare of our Lord, Pope Pius the first of that name succeeded Hi∣ginus, the Successour of Pope Alexander. He was the first who by a Decree establish'd the observation of Easter, or the Feast of our Lord's Resurrection on a Sunday, in opposition to the Iudaizing Christians in the East, who pretending a Tradition from S. Iohn the Evangelist, kepd it precisely on the fourteenth day of the first Moon in March. This▪ we mention here because some Modern Protestants pretending that our ancient Brittish Christians conform'd themselves to the Eastern, not Roman cu∣stome, doe therfore infer that this Island received the Christian Faith, not from Rome, but the East: Which controversy shall be examined in due place.

2. Our Ancient Ecclesiasticall Monuments make mention about this time of S. Marcellus a Brittain born, and a zealous Apost••licall Preacher of the Faith in Brit∣tany.* 1.244 Concerning whom our English Martyrologe testifies that he gathered into a flock the remainders of those who had been converted by S. Ioseph of Arimathea and his companions, confirming them in the same Faith.

3. This S. Marcellus was afterward or∣dained Bishop of Tongres and Triers.* 1.245 For be∣fore Constantins time, saith Miraeus, those two Citties were govern'd by one Bishop. In the Annals of which Church we read, that Saint Lucius King of Brittany was made a Christian, and baptised by this Marcellus a Teacher of the inhabitants of Triers. In∣deed it is not unprobable that King Lu∣cius might have been instructed in the verities of Christian Religion••, and well disposed to the Profession of it by this Saint: but there are far more authen∣tik testimonies demonstrating that he was baptised by Fugatius and Damia∣nus sent from Rome by Pope Eleutherius, as shall be demonstrated herafter.

* 1.2464. This holy Bishop was the first Brittain which suffred Martyrdom, out of the Island, as S. Alban was the first that suffred within it.* 1.247 He is commemorated in our Martyrologe on the fourth of September, and in the Gallican Martyrologe he is celebrated with an illustrious Elogy. This his Martyrdom hap∣ned many years after this time, in a great persecution rais'd against Christians during the raign of Antoninus his Successour, Mar∣cus Aurelius, when he was absent from Rome, and gone into the Eastern parts then in commotion after he had finished the German warr.

* 1.248XII. CHAP.

1.2. S. Timothy the son of Pudens preaches in Brittany.

3. Of his Sister S. Pudentiana.

4. Who Priscilla was.

1. TOgether with S. Marcellus there came from Rome another illustrious Saint of Noble Birth and plentifull fortunes, all which notwithstanding he despis'd and re∣linquish'd that with more freedom he might preach Christ crucified: This was S. Timotheus, the son of Pudens a Roman Sena∣tour, and of his wife, suppos'd by many to have been the famous S. Claudia, the Brittish Lady, concerning whom we have already treated. He was Brother to Novatus and to S. Pudentiana and S. Pr••xedes, whose memories are anniversarily celebrated by the Catho∣lick Church.

2. The coming of S. Timotheus is a con∣siderable proof that his Mother was a Brit∣tain: and for that reason the whole family may iustly challenge a place in this History. And because he survived the rest, we will breifly set down what we find in the Eccle∣siasticall Office touching the two Holy Si∣sters.

* 1.2493. Pudentiana a Virgin, daughter of Pudens a Roman (Senatour) with admirable piety pra∣ctising the duties of Christian Religion, together with her sister Praxedes, sold her patrimony, and distributed to the poore the mon••y arising from thence: giving her selfe wholly ••o fasting and prayer. By her endeavours and zeale her whole family, consisting of ninety six persons, was conver∣ted to the Faith, and baptised by Pope Pius. And wheras by an Edict of the Emperour Anto∣ninus publick Sacrifices of Christians were for∣bidden, the Holy Pope celebrated the Di∣vine Mysteries together with other Christians in the house of Pudentian••: who kindly en∣tertained them all, affording them all things necessary for their sustenan••e. Thus continually employing herselfe in these offices of Piety she departed out of this life,* 1.250 and on the four∣teenth of the Calends of Iune (in the year of our Lord one hundred sixty and one) she was buried in the Sepulcher of her Father in the Coemitory of Priscilla situated in the Sa∣larian way.

4. Priscilla here mention'd, by whom a Coemitory or common place of buriall for Christians had been bestow'd, was the Mother of Pudens and Grand-mother of this holy Virgin. From her probably it was that her Mother Claudia, took her name. For as she being a Captive attending King Caractacus when he was taken prisoner by Ostorius, she changed her Brittish name into Claudia, out of regard to Emperour Claudius: so being maried to Pudens she it seems once more changed it for another, peculiar to her husbands family.

XIII. CHAP.* 1.251

1.2. The death of Novatus Brother of S Timothy and S▪ Pudentiana, signified in a l••tter from the Holy Preist Pastor▪ S. Timothy in Brittany.

3. S. Timothy's Answer: who leaves to the disposall of his Sister S. Praxedes the state left by their Brother.

4 5. She dedicats the Bathes of No∣vatus or Timothy, into a Church where Christians assembled.

6. Why Churches in Rome call'd Tituli.

1. THe next yeare followed the death of Pudentiana's Brother Novatus.* 1.252 Concerning which the ancient Ecclesia∣sticall Monuments have still preserved a letter written by the Holy Preist called Pastor, directed to S. Timotheus then absent from Rome, and employed in the Aposto∣lick Office in Brittany: the tenour of the Letter is as follows:

2. Pastor a Preist to his follow Preist Ti∣motheus,* 1.253 health in our Lord. The Venerable Virgin Praxedes was in great affliction for the death of her Sister Pudentiana. Whereupon many honourable Christians together with our Holy Pope Pius came to her to comfort her. There came likewise to her for the same pur∣pose Novatus your Brother, who is also our Brother in our Lord, and gave her much consolation: and moreover by his libera∣lity he greatly refreshed many poore Chri∣stians, ministring to them plentifully of his wealth. Being with his Sister, he ear∣nestly desired that by her prayers he might obtain mercy from our Lord. He likewise, toge∣ther with our most blessed Bishop Pius, doth fre∣quently

commemorate you at the Altar of our Lord. About a month and twenty eight days days after he was departed from the Virgin Pra∣xedes, he fell sick Now our Bishop Pius together with the Virgin Praxedes having a solicitude for all Christians, they enquired where the Man of God Novatus was, since he appeared not in the Congregation: And they were informed that he was detained thence by sicknes: then were all very sorrowfull. Hereupon the Blessed Virgin Pra∣xedes sayd to our Bishop Pius, If it be your Ho∣lines pleasure let us goe to him: for by your visitation and prayers I doe assure my selfe our Lord will save him. Vpon this her proposall it was resolved accordingly: and at night wee together with our Bishop Pius, and the Virgin of our lord Praxedes, went to the Man of our Lord Novatus. And when this Holy man heard that this assem∣bly was come to see him, he gave thanks to our Lord for the comfort he received by the Visitation of the Holy Bishop Pius, together with the Virgin of our Lord, and all the rest of us. Thus wee remained in his house eight days and nights. And during the time we were with him, he expressed his Will and pleasure to be, to bequeath to your selfe and the Blessed-Virgin Praxedes all his estate: and on the thirteenth day following he departed to our Lord. Of these things we together with holy Pius Bishop of the Apostolick See and the Virgin Praxedes, thought meet to give you an account by these our letters, to the end you might acquaint us with your pleasure, how you would have the estate of your Brother Novatus disposed, that your appoint∣ment may in all things be observed. Sent by Euse∣bius a Subdeacon of the holy Roman Church.

3. To this Letter S. Timotheus his Answer follows, though short, yet full of piety and perfum'd with the simplicity and Christian Charity of that age. Timotheus to his Brother and fellow preist Pastor, and to his most holy Sister Praxedes, health. We being desirous in all things without delay to expresse our service, beseech your holines to recommend us to the Memory, and intercession of the Holy Apostles, the holy Bi∣shop Pius, Prelat of the holy Apostolick See, and all the saints. I your humble servant perusing the letter you were pleased to direct to mee, am more abundantly filled with ioy: For my soule always was, and still continues resigned to yours. Wherfore your Holines may take notice, that the same is pleasing to us your servant, which was agreable to our Brother Novatus, namely that what he bequeathed to mee, should be at the disposition of the holy Virgin Praxedes: and there∣fore hereby you have full power to employ the said legacy which way soever shall be thought good by you and the said holy Virgin.

4. Now what was the successe of this holy negotiation appears in the ancient Acts of the same Pastor in these words,* 1.254 Having ther∣fore received this Epistle, we were filled with ioy, and presented it to the Holy Bishop Pius, to be read by him. Then the blessed Bishop Pius gave thanks to God the Father Almighty. At the same time the holy Virgin of our Lord Praxedes, ha∣ving received such power (from her Brother Timotheus) humbly besought the Blessed Bi∣shop Pius that he would dedicate a Church in the Baths of Novatus, at that time not frequented: because in them there was a large and spacious Edifice. To this request Bishop Pius willingly yeilded, and dedicated a Church in the Baths of Novatus at Rome in the street calld The Brick∣layers street, where likewise he constituted a Ro∣man Title, and consecrated a Font for Baptism on the fourth of the Ides of May.

5. These Bathes here named from Nova∣tus, have elsewhere their title from S. Ti∣motheus, being situated on the Mountain at Rome call'd Viminal. To this place it was, before a Church was solemnly consecrated, that Christians usually repaired, but pri∣vately, for the celebration of holy Christian Mysteries: as we find in the Acts of S. Iustin the Philosopher and Martyr: For being exa∣mined by the Prefect of Rome concerning the place in which the Christians made their Assemblies, his answer was, I have hi∣therto had my abode near the house of one Mar∣tius, at the Bath named The Timothin-bath. For which Assemblies,* 1.255 having been forbid by the Emperour, the same Iustin four years after suffred Martyrdom.

6. Now Wheras in this relation made by the holy Preist Pastor, there is mention of a Roman Title constituted by Pope Pius; we may observe that in the first infancy of the Church, those who were ordained Preists to celebrate Divine Mysteries, were not confined to any fixed residence, but exercised their function in severall places, as occasion presented it selfe: But about the year of our Lord one hundred and twelve S. Evaristus Pope assign'd to each Preist a peculiar Cure and Parish in Rome, which were called Tituli, or Titles, so named from the Ensigns or Marks set on the places where they assembled: which in the ancient Churches were Crosses, erected to signify that such buildings were appropriated to Christian Worship.

* 1.256XIV. CHAP.

1. The death of Antoninus Emperour, to whom succeed Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus.

2. The death of S. Praxedes.

3. Persecution rais'd by M. Aurelius at the instigation of Philosophers.

1. THE same yeare with S. Novatus, did the Emperour Antoninus likewise end his life:* 1.257 to whom succeeded Marcus Aurelius, call'd the Philosopher, and Lucius Verus: so that the Roman Empire was joyntly governed by two persons, with equall authority.

* 1.2582. In the second year of the raign of these Emperours dyed the holy Virgin Praxedes. Concerning whom thus the Holy Priest Pa∣stor continues to write: Two years and eighteen days after this Church was dedicated, there was a great persecution rais'd against Christians, to the end to force them to worship Idols: and many were crown'd with Martyrdom. Now the holy Virgin of our Lord Praxedes, being fervent in the Holy Ghost, secretly conceal'd many Christians in the sayd Title, or Church: whose bodies she strengthned with food, and their minds with ex∣hortations proceeding from Gods spirit. Then in∣formation was given to Antoninus (that is, M. Aurelius) that Christian assemblies were made in the house of Praxedes. Who sent Officers and layd hold on many, among which was Symitrius a Priest, with twenty two more: All which he commanded to be put to death in the same Title, without any examination. Whose bodies the bles∣sed Virgin Praxedes took by night, and buried them in the Coemitery of Priscilla on the sea∣venth day of the Ides of Iune. After this the Holy Virgin became much afflicted in mind, and with many groans prayd unto our Lord that she might passe out of this life; whose prayers and teares found accesse unto our Lord Iesus Christ. For on the thirty fourth day after the Martyrdom of the foresaid Saints the consecrated Virgin went unto our Lord, on the twelfth of the Calends of August. Whose body I Pastor a Priest buried next to her Father in the Coemitery of Priscilla in the Salarian way: where at this day the Prayers, and devotions of Saints are frequently exercised.

3. This persecution was begun cheifly at the instigation of Heathen Philosophers, espe∣cially the inhuman, beastly Sect of the Cy∣nicks. For by reason of the Emperours stu∣diousnes and profession of Stoicall Philo∣sophy, such persons had easy admittance to him. Among whom Tatianus a learned Chri∣stian in that time takes notice of one infa∣mous Cynick called Crescens, whose vanity, luxury, cruelty and profanenes is well de∣scribed by him: and S. Iustin Martyr in his Oration publickly pronounc'd before the Se∣nat, mentions the same Cynick with con∣tempt and indignation: as it were prophe∣cying his Martyrdom following, and procu∣red by those Sycophants.

XV. CHAP.* 1.259

1.2. Of S. Timotheus: his death by Mar∣tyrdom at Rome.

3. A Letter of Pope Pius signifying this, &c.

4. His universall care over the Church.

5.6. A second Letter of the same Ho∣ly Pope.

7. Great care of Christians touching the Sacred bodies of Martyrs.

1. THus we have the summe of what is in Ecclesiasticall Monuments deli∣vered touching three holy children of Pu∣dens a Roman Senatour, and his wife Claudia Priscilla: in the Acts of whom our Nation has an interest, partly in regard of their Mo∣ther a Brittish Lady, as likewise their Brother S. Timotheus, who besides his generall Apo∣stolicall Office exercised in this Island, had no doubt a great influence in disposing King Lucius to the embracing of our Christian Faith.

2. Now besides this generall Character of this our Saint, there is little extant touching S. Timotheus, but only that the year after his devout Sister Praxedes death, he return'd to Rome, where also he became a happy prey to those sensuall savage Philo∣sophers, and in the following year gloriously ended his life by Martyrdom, together with another worthy companion called Marcus.* 1.260 This appears both in the ancient Roman Martyrologe on the twenty fourth of March, as likewise an Epistle written by the Holy Pope Pius to Iustus Bishop of Vienna in France.

3. The Copy of which Epistle is as fol∣loweth:* 1.261 Pius Bishop of Rome to his Brother Iu∣stus Bishop. Before thou didst depart from Rome, our Sister Euprepia, if thou doest well remember, assign'd the Title of her house for maintaining the poore: where we abiding with our poore bre∣thren doe celebrate Masses. Now we are desirous to be informed concerning thy affairs, most happy Brother, since thou tookst thy iourney to that Se∣natoriall Citty of Vienna: as likewise with what successe thou hast spread abroad the seed of the Gospell. Those Priests which had their first edu∣cation from the Apostles, and have continued to our dayes, with whom also we divided the care of preaching the word of Faith, having been call'd by our Lord, doe now repose in their eternall man∣sions. Saint Timotheus and Marcus have ended

their dayes by a happy conflict. Take care, dear Bro∣ther, that thou follow them by imitating their zeale, and freeing thy selfe from the chains of this world. Make hast to obtain with the Holy Apostles the everlasting palm of victory: that palm which S. Paul attain'd by a world of suf∣fring; and S. Peter also, from whom the Crosse it selfe could not take the love of Christ. Soter and Eleutherius, worthy Priests salute thee. Salute the Brethren who live with thee in our Lord. Cherinthus, Satans prime Minister, seduces ma∣ny from the Faith. May the Grace of Christ dwell for ever in thy heart.

4. In this Epistle we see what a generall care this holy Bishop expresses, and how his solicitude for the salvation of soules is not confin'd to Rome or Italy only. As like∣wise how he professes that he divided the care of propagating the Gospell to Priests subordinate to him. So that it cannot be doubted but that S. Timotheus his employ∣ment in our Lords Vineyard in Brittany pro∣ceeded from his care, and was accompanied with his benediction. A further proof whereof is afforded us in another letter of his to the same Iustus Bishop of Vienna, which we here set down.

* 1.2625. Pius Bishop of Rome, to his Brother Iustus Bishop, health. Attalus is arrived here, bring∣ing with him the Epistles of the Martyrs there: whereby he has fill'd our hearts with inestimable ioy for their triumphs. He acquainted u•• that our holy Collegue Verus has victoriously trium∣phed also over the Prince of this world: and that thou art seated in his place in the Senatoriall Citty of Vienna, being cloathed with Episcopall Vestments. Be carefull therefore faithfully to discharge in our Lord the Ministery which thou hast received. Let not thy diligence be wanting decently and reverently to bury the bodies of the Martyrs, as the members of Christ: for the A∣postles treated S. Steven. Visit the prisons of the Saints, and take care that none of them loose the fervour of their Faith. Approve holy Martyr∣doms by the light of the Holy Spirit in thee. Encourage and encite them to continue constant in the Faith. Let the Priests and Deacons ob∣serve thee, not as a Master, but as a Minister of Christ. Let thy piety and holines be a protection to the whole congregation under thee. Our bre∣thren, whose names Attalus will acquaint thee with, are freed from the Tyrants cruelty, and now rest in our Lord. Pastor the Preist hath built a Title (or Church,) and is happily dead in our Lord. Know, O most blessed Brother, that it has been revealed to me, that the end of my life ap∣proaches shortly. One thing I earnestly begg of thee, that in the holy Communion thou wilt not be unmindfull of me. This poor Senat of Christ at Rome salutes thee. I salute the whole assembly of Brethren with thee in our Lord.

6. That which this holy Pope mentions of his approaching death,* 1.263 was by the event prov'd to have been a Divine revelation, for the year following he was crown'd with Martyrdom, after he had sate ten years: And Anicetus a Syrian succeeded him.* 1.264

7. As touching that advice concerning the Bodies of Martyrs, severall examples of those Primitive times demonstrate, that what he there advises, was no superstitious invention of his own, as our Modern Separa∣tists doe call it, but a duty received from the Apostles. Such reverence did the Church of Smyrna expresse to the Relicks of S. Poly∣carpus, who was martyrd two years after S. Pius: as appears in their Epistle relating the circumstances of his blessed death. The ma∣licious Iews would have perswaded the Ro∣man President to have refused the holy Mar∣tyrs body to the Christians of Smyrna, least, sayd they,* 1.265 they should forsake their crucifica God, and worship Polycarpus for a God: for these miscreants could not distinguish a sa∣cred Veneration due to holy Relicks, from that Supreme adoration, which belongs only to God: But those holy Primitive Christians were better instructed,* 1.266 for thus they write; We (say they) have reposed the bones of Poly∣carpus, more valuable to us then precious stones, and purer then gold, in such a place as is decent and becoming: Where being all of us assembled, God will give us the grace to celebrate with all possible joy and exaltation the day of his Martyr∣dom, as being indeed the day of his more happy Nativity.

XVI. CHAP.* 1.267

1. Commotions in Brittany: pacified by Calphurnius Agricola.

2.3. Long and dangerous war in Ger∣many. A victory miraculously obtain'd by the Prayers of Christians.

4. Successions of Popes. Touching King Lucius.

1. IN the eighth yeare of the raign of M. Aurelius and L. Verus,* 1.268 the Northern part of the Empire, especially in Germany and Brittany, was cruelly agitated with tem∣pests of seditions and wars.* 1.269 In Brittany the Northern Province of the Ottadini (about Berwick) broke out into open rebellion: for reducing of whom Calphurnius Agricola was sent into the Island, upon whose ap∣proach the rebels quickly submitted. And all that remains besides to keep alive his Memory, is an Inscription upon a Pillar rais'd by A. Licinius, wherein Calphurnius Agrico∣la's name is engraved: Which Pillar is de∣dicated to the Syrian Goddesse (Dea Syria,) worship'd, it seems, by the Romans in that place.* 1.270 Concerning which Goddesse the rea∣der may consult our learned Mr. Selden in his Treatise of that argument.

2. But the German war was more lasting and doubtfull: which not belonging to

our present design,* 1.271 the relation of it must be sought for in the Roman Historians of this age. Yet one circumstance in it, conducing much to the glory of Christian Religion, must not be omitted. Which was the saving of the Emperour and the whole Roman Army, not only from a certain destruction by the Ger∣man Nations,* 1.272 (the Marcomanni, Catti, &c.) by whom they were inclosed, but from a more irresistible enemy, extremity of thirst: All this obtain'd by the Prayers of Christian souldiers, not only interrupted all persecu∣tion of them, but obliged the Emperour by his publick Letters sent into all Provinces to professe his gratitude for so eminent a de∣liverance.

3. The particular circumstances hereof we shall refer to the following Book, the argument whereof will be the happy and glorious conversion of our Brittish King Lu∣cius to the Christian Faith: To effect which, this so wonderfull, publick and unquestio∣nable a miracle, no doubt much conduced. Now this conversion having been perfected in the beginning of the raign of the Empe∣rour Commodus, who succeeded his Father M. Aurelius, which was four years after this stupendious deliverance of the Romans, our Ecclesiasticall Monuments afford us little for the furnishing that space of time. There∣fore we will onely adde, for a distinct clea∣ring of Chronology, the succession of the Bi∣shops of Rome since the last mention'd Pope Pius the first of that name.

4. To Pope Pius therefore, having sate somewhat more then nine years, and dying in the year of our Lord one hundred sixty six, succeeded S. Anicetus, to whom after nine years succeeded S. Soter••, who having for the space of five years filled the Chair of S. Peter, had for his next Successour S. Eleu∣therius in the year of our Lord one hundred and eighty: in the third year after whose assumption to the Apostolick dignity King Lucius,* 1.273 then an old man, for he had raigned fifty eight years, by Gods mercy and grace, had his youth renew'd like an Eagle, being born again by Baptism, and made an heyr of an everlasting Kingdom.

THE FOVRTH BOOK OF THE CHVRCH-HISTORY OF BRITTANY.

* 1.274I. CHAP.

1. The Conversion of the Brittish King Lucius in his old Age.

2.3. Severall Motives thereto.

4. Edicts of former Emperours in fa∣vour of Christians.

5. An example of the Emperour An∣toninus his Edict.

1 KING Lucius had now gover∣ned the Brittains almost three∣score years, having begun his raign in the tenth year of his age, when Almighty God at last subdued his heart to the beleif and obedience of his Go∣spell. It may perhaps seem strange he should hold out so long against the Truth: but yet if we consider the tenaciousnes of humane nature to inveterate customs, especially such as are agreable to flesh and blood, and like∣wise the horrible scandals and prejudices which then were cast on Christian Religion, which even without such prejudices, is ex∣tremely contrary to our naturall inclina∣tions, it is to be esteem'd no lesse then mira∣culous, that a great King in such times as those were, should have the courage to be the first example, and this in his old age, of submitting a Scepter and Crown to the spiri∣tuall Scepter of Christs Kingdom.

2. Besides his so long experience of the innocence, humility, patience and peace∣able dispositions of his Christian subjects, we may suppose the principall Motives indu∣cing him to yeild at last to the exhortations of many Apostolick Preachers, such as were S. Aristobulus, S. Marcellus, S. Timotheus, &c. to have been two; First the Testimonies that the Emperours themselves, though other∣wise Enemies to the Christian Faith, gave to the Professours of it: Next the wonderfull testimony that God gave thereto by rescuing the then raigning Emperour from unavoy∣dable destruction by the prayers of his Chri∣stian souldiers.

3. As touching the former Testimonies of Emperours, they are the more weighty, be∣cause given not out of any worldly respects, but purely out of a conviction of the inno∣cence of poor persecuted Christians, after all severity, rigour and cruelty had been used toward them to force them to renounce their Profession. Moreover these Emperours were not such as Nero, Vitellius or Domitian, whose favour to Christianity would have been a disgrace and prejudice to it: But Princes venerable to the world for their pru∣dence, courage, and zeale likewise to their own superstition; Such were Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius.

* 1.2754. We will here insert onely one Edict of the Emperour Antoninus, by which we may gather the tenour of the others. It is extra∣cted out of the Writings of S. Iustin the Phi∣losopher and Martyr, who then flourished. The form thereof is as followeth.

5. The Emperour Caesar Titus Aelius Hadria∣nus Antoninus Pius Augustus, Highest Preist, this fifteenth time possessed of the Tribunitiall Power, and this third time Consul, Father of his Countrey. To the people of Asia, Health. I am assured that the Gods will not permit those men to lye hid in obscurity, who refuse to pay due ho∣nour and worship to them: for they themselves will far more severely punish such, then you can. And you doe not consider that by molesting and tormenting those men whom you call impious, and charge as enemies to the Gods, you thereby doe the more confirm and encrease their Religion. For to them it is a thing more desirable to be ac∣cused as criminall, and to lay down their lives for their God, then to enjoy the present life with worldly contentment. Hence it comes to passe that by exposing their lives in this manner they obtain over you a more illustrious Victory, then if they should perform whatsoever you require of them. Now as concerning the Earth-quakes which both in late times, and at this present also do happen, I judge very reasonable to give you some admonition. Whensoever such calami∣ties befall you, you are presently disheartned and in despaire, and you impute to their Religion, as if it alone was the cause of all misfortunes hap∣ning to you. On the other side, whensoever any such accident befalls them, they are thereby in∣cited to a more constant and firm trust in God: Whereas all that while you either loose all know∣ledge of God, and utterly despise all sacred du∣ties, not only refusing to pay the worship and service due unto the Deity, but greivously vexing, and to the death pursuing those who doe observe and reverence him. Now severall Ma¦gistrats and Governours of our Provinces have heretofore written letters in the behalf of those innocent men to our most holy and deified Fa∣ther Hadrian. To whom his Answer and Re∣script was, That no further trouble or molestation should be given to those men, except they should otherwise be found guilty of any crime, or that they had a design prejudiciall to the Roman Em∣pire. Many have likewise written to me in their favour, to whom my Answer was, That I assen∣ted to the Ordinance and Will of my late Father, And my pleasure is, That if any shall hereaf∣ter offer any injury or vexation to any Christian, upon this account that he is a Christian, the per∣son so persecuted, though he be found to be indeed a Christian, shall be presently acquitted: and his accuser shall undergoe a just and due punishment.

6. This Edict though in this Copy dire∣cted only to the Eastern Provinces, where the malice and petulancy both of Iews and Gen∣tiles, Enemies to Christianity, was more vio∣lent, yet no doubt had its effect in all other places also: For besides that the cause of Christians was every where the same; Edicts of this nature were sent over the whole Em∣pire, as we shall see in another of the same nature published by M. Aurelius, and pre∣sently to be produced. And however, all Christians no doubt would be zealous to make use of the advantage that such Edicts gave them to justify their Religion, and clear it from all prejudices cast upon it: For what could the most learned among the Christian Writers in their Apologies invent more ho∣nourable and more advantageous to recom∣mend the Christian Faith, then this Heathen Emperour here published to all the world? It cannot therefore be doubted, but that such Testimonies from Enemies of such Authority had great influence on the minds of all con¦sidering moderate Heathens, though other∣wise lesse disposed to embrace the Truth then King Lucius was, who from his Ance∣stours inherited a spirit not only of civility and courtesy to all, but likewise of a par∣ticular kindnes and liberality to Christians.

II. CHAP.* 1.276

1.2. &c. The Wonderfull deliverance of the Emperour Aurelius and his Army by the prayers of Christians: particu∣larly related out of Dio, &c.

4.5. Dio wrongfully ascribes this Vi∣ctory to a Magician.

6.7. The Emperours own true relation of it.

8.9. This an occasion of the Conversion of many▪ particularly of King Lucius.

10. Mistake of the Centuriators of Magdeburg.

11.12. Eusebius his testimony of the Conversion of many (in Brittany.)

1. BVT another far more powerfull and efficacious Testimony to the Truth did Almighty God himselfe at this time give to all mankind, by delivering not the Emperour alone, but his whole Army, yea in a manner the Empire it selfe, upon the pray∣ers of his Christian servants, from destru∣ction otherwise inevitable.

2. The state of the then present affairs and danger is thus described by Dio a Roman Historian living in those times,* 1.277 and a bitter enemy to Christians; The Emperour Marcus (saith he) after many and great battels fought in Germany, and no small dangers undergone, at last subdued the Marc••manni and Iazyges. After which arose a new and sharp war against a Nation called Quadi: From which war ensued a Victory to the Romans, happy beyond their hope, being in∣deed obtained by a miraculous favour of God: For the Romans in the midst of the battel being brought into extreme danger, were saved after a wonderfull manner, & meerly by a special Divine

assistance. For being narrowly enclos'd on all sides by the Quadi, though, where the places were com∣modious, they fought valiantly▪ yet the Barbarous Enemy delayd the deciding the busines by a ge∣nerall battel, hoping, without the hazard of a com∣bat, to see them be destroy'd by the extremity of heat and thirst: For by the advantage of their multitudes having seised on all passages, they had so shutt them in, that they could not come to any water. Now the Romans be••ng brought into these extreme difficulties, and tormented both with diseases, wounds, a burning heat of the Sun and intolerable thirst, so that they could neither fight, nor draw off from the place, but were forc'd to stand still in their arms exposed to the fiery beames of the Sun: On a sudden there was a gathering together of many clouds, from which descended wonderfull great showres of raine refreshing the Romans, which could be imputed to no other cause, but a speciall imme∣diate favour of God.

* 1.2783. Thus writeth Dio: and hereto adds, that the Romans being encouraged by so unexpected an assistance of heaven, va∣liantly set upon their enemies astonish'd at such a miracle, who immediately fled, and in their flight as many were kill'd by lightning, thunderbolts and stones fal∣ling from heaven, as with their enemies swords. So that it was notorious to all the world that this so great deliverance and victory was the work not of men, but God only.

4. Now though evidence hereof extor∣ted from Dio a free confession of Divine goodnesse, yet his malice and envy against the Christians incited him to attribute this Miracle rather to Magick more powerfull then his God Mercury, then to the true God of the Christians. For to the forecited ac∣count, he adds this conclusion:* 1.279 The report is (saith he) that a certain Egyptian Magi∣cian called Arnuphis, who was then attending on the Emperour Marcus, did by Magicall arts invocate Mercury, especially that Deity which rules in the aire, and other Demons, and by their assistance forcibly procured such showres. But X••philin the abridger of his History, e∣vidently convinces this imposture,* 1.280 by shewing first that the Emperour was never ad∣dicted to the delusions of Magick, or affected with the society of the Professours of such arts: And afterwards declaring the true circumstances of the matter, to this effect: Marcus, saith he, having in his army one Legion consisting of soul∣diers which came from Melitine (in Armenia) and were all of them worshippers of Christ: There came to him, being in great feare what would be∣c••me of his Army, and at a losse what course to take, the Pre••ect of his Pretorian ••ands, who told him, That there was nothing so difficult but those which were called Christians could obtain from God: of which Profession there was then present in the Army one entire Legion. Marcus being thus informed, desired the Christians to make supplication to their God in behalf of the Army. Which assoon as they had done, God immediately granted their prayers, and with the same showres destroyed the Enemies, and refresh'd the Romans. Hereupon Marcus wonderfully astonished with these things, by a publick Edict honour'd the Christians, and called that Legion the Thundring Legion. And to this effect an Epistle written by the Emperour himselfe is extant to this day.

5. This was the true Narration of this wonderfull deliverance, which is confirmed by the Testimonies of severall learned Chri∣stians in their publick Apologies for their Re∣ligion immediately after that time, such were Apollinaris▪ Bishop of Hierapolis cited by Eu∣sebius, and S. Gregory Nissenus,* 1.281 and likewise Tertullian in his works still extant. Which is a proof undeniable of the Truth of these things: because otherwise their alledging of so famous an accident in the times when if their allegations had been false, they might evidently have been convinced of most impudent forgery, this would instead of pacifying, have more enraged their per∣secutors against them.

6. But a Witnes beyond exception is the Emperour Marcu•• himselfe, though a Hea∣then, who testifies, not by report or hear∣say, but what his eyes had seen: This he does in a publick Letter or Edict in favour of Christians, which he commanded to be sent through all the Provinces of the Em∣pire. This is that Epistle mention'd by Xi∣philin: the tenour whereof is this:

7. The Emperour Caesar Marcus Aurelius Augustus Antoninus,* 1.282 Germanicus, Parthicus, Sarmaticus, High Preist, in the twenty eighth year of our Tribunitiall Power, and our third Con∣sulship, Father of our Countrey, Proconsul, To the Senat and People of Rome, sends health. I have given you information touching the greatnes of our present design and resolution, and all the oc∣currents which successively hapned to me in Ger∣many, both in our combats and Seiges. Truly when I was at Carnutum, our Scouts inform'd us that there approached within the space of nine miles no fewer then seaventy four Ensigns of our Enemies. And the same thing did Pompeianus our Generall declare to us, which our selves like∣wise saw. Now having in our Army onely four Legions, the First, the Tenth, the Twinn-Legion, and that of the Ferentarij, and there being in our Enemies Camp no fewer then nine hundred seaventy seaven thousand, when I compar'd our small forces with the vast multitudes of our Bar∣barous Foes, I addressed my prayers and vows to our Roman Gods: But when I saw that I was negle∣cted by them, and that the Enemy began to over∣charge us, considering the small number of our own forces, I sent to call the Christians, which were not a few in our Army, whom I both by prayers and threats also urged to assist us: But threats were neither needfull, nor indeed seemly, as I perceived afterward, when I found how power∣full they were. For they undertaking our de∣fence, did not set themselves to provide themselves of weapons, or to make use of arms

or Trumpets: For to put their trust in such things is not acceptable to that God, whose name, cause and honour they always carry in their hearts. Therefore it is just that we should ac∣knowledge those to be safely protected by God whom formerly we esteem'd to be impious and enemies to him. For having cast themselves pro∣strate on the ground, they offred their prayers not only for me, but for the whole Army, that some remedy might be sent us to asswage the hunger and thirst with which we were tormen∣ted: For, for the space of five days we had not drunk any water, there being none best among us, nor any means to procure any, we being clos'd round about with Mountains in the very heart of Germany. Now assoon as these Christians had cast themselves on the ground; and addressed their Prayers to that God of whom I was ignorant, im∣mediately there fell from heaven abundance of rain, which to us was coole and refreshing, but to the Enemies of the Romans it was accompanied with haile in the likenes of fire, and with thun∣derbolts. Thus that God who cannot be over∣come or resisted, was in a wonderfull manner rea∣dily propitious to their prayers and supplications. For this reason let us freely permit such as these to be, what they professe, Christians, least we force them by their prayers to obtain such wea∣pons from heaven against us. My judgment and sentence therefore is, That none be question'd or call'd into judgment upon this charge that he is a Christian. So that if any one shall be found to lay this as a crime to any one, that he is a Chri∣stian, let it be made known to the person accus'd for being a Christian, in case no other crime be objected to him, that he is to be presently dis∣miss'd and acquitted: and let him that accused such a Christian, be burnt alive. Whosoever therefore professes himselfe a Christian is hereby freed from any danger in that regard threatned against him. Neither let the Magistrate who governs the Province, endeavour to make him renounce his Profession, or any way abridge his liberty. And my Sentence moreover is, That this Edict be further establish'd by a Decree of the Senat, and publickly expos'd in the common place of Trajan, that any one may read it. Let Vetrasius Pollio likewise Prefect of the Citty take order that this Constitution be sent into all Pro∣vinces: Neither let any one who has a mind to take a copy and make any use of it, be prohibited so to doe. Fare ye well.

8. The Emperour not content with cele∣brating so advantageously the wonderfull power and goodnes of the true God by Edicts and Writings published to the whole world, proceeded to a yet more illustrious expres∣sion of his gratitude: And because Edicts were only in force for the present age, he to eternise the memory of so great a delive∣rance, rais'd up in a spacious place at Rome a vast Pillar, on which was graved the whole History, to be read by all future times.

9. Now such a Confession of the impo∣tency of the Roman Deities, and the Omni∣potency of the true God worshipped only by Christians, a Confession made by the most wise, learned and vertuous Emperour that ever assumed the Title of Caesar, this, no doubt, had a strange influence on the minds of a world of per••ons in all the Provinces of the Empire, to incline them to conform themselves to the Emperours judgment, though worldly interests made his practise contradict his judgment. Hence it came to passe that the numbers of Christians wonder∣fully encreas'd at this time, and those not only of the vulgar rank, but persons of ho∣nour and esteem in the world: as we read in Tertullian, a Christian Writer of the next Age:* 1.283 We, says he, who are counted Externs by you, doe yet fill all your places, your Citties, Isles, Castles, Free Towns, Camps, Tribes, Corporations, Palaces, Senats and places of Iudicature, &c.

10. No wonder then if our Brittish King Lucius, so well prepar'd before, having been inform'd (as our Historian Bale writes) by the Emperours principall Officers Trebellius and Pertinax,* 1.284 sent by him into Brittany, not only of the late miraculous deliverance, but how a great number of the Roman Nobility and Senatours had thereupon given their names to Christ: No wonder, I say, if he being convinc'd in judgment, and not de∣terd by the Roman Civill power, at last sub∣mitted his neck to the same easy yoke.* 1.285 But whereas the Centuriators of Magdeburg mi∣staking this passage of Bale, do affirm that Pertinax and Trebellius were themselves con∣verted to the Christian Faith, and thereby an occasion of King Lucius his conversion, this evidently contradicts the current of the Ro∣man History. Eor Pertinax who in these times was sent the Emperours Lievtenant into Brit∣tany, he after the death of Commodus who succeeded M. Aurelius his father, was cho∣sen Emperour, and not the least intimation is given by any Historian, that he was affe∣cted to Christian Religion. As for Trebellius a person unknown in the History of these times, for he could neither be that Trebellius Maximus, who governed Brittany in the year of our Lord sixty seaven, nor probably that Cneus Trebellius the Emperours Lievtenant here in the year one hundred and eighteen, con∣cerning whom we find in no Monuments any ground of suspicion, that either of them became Christians.

11. For this reason we cannot afford him a place among those illustrious persons, concerning whom Eusebius thus writes,* 1.286 At the same time when Commodus governed the Ro∣man Empire, our Religion was brought to a quiet and peaceable state, through all the Churches in the world. Yea moreover the Word of salvation did then so attract the minds of all sorts of men to the holy Religion which teaches the worship of the onely true omnipotent God, Creatour of all things, that at Rome it selfe (and in the Ro∣man Empire) very many persons illustrious for their birth, and flowing with wealth, embraced that Truth which brought salvation to them, and

moreover drew to the same Holy Profession their whole families and kinred.* 1.287

12. By which expression the Historian seems in the opinion of Baronius,* 1.288 to have princi∣pally pointed at this famous Conversion of Brittany: For, having with all diligence searched into Ecclesiasticall monuments he professes he could could not find out any to whom that passage in Eusebius could be ap∣plied, except our Brittish King Lucius, whose name is commemorated in the ancient Martyrologes usually read in Churches. Nei∣ther is it any wonder that Eusebius should either be ignorant, or silent concerning the particular affairs of Brittany, concerning which, as may be shewd by many Exam∣ples, he treats very negligently. But enough hath been sayd touching the motives pro∣bably inducing King Lucius at this time publickly to embrace the Christian Faith: We will consequently declare the manner and order of the said Kings conversion, accom∣panied with that not only of his family, but generally his whole Kingdom.

* 1.289III. CHAP.

1. A History of the Conversion of Brit∣tany anciently written by Elvanus A∣vallonius, lost.

2. The Relation of Bale and the Magdeburgenses concerning it.

3.4.5. &c. King Lucius being un∣satisfied in his old Religion, demands instruction of Pope Eleutherius: And why he has recourse to him.

* 1.2901. IF the Ancient History of Elvanus call'd Avallonius (that is, of Glastonbury) mention'd by Radulphus Niger in his Chroni∣cle, and ••ale, who is sayd to have lived in these very times of Antoninus the Philoso∣pher, Commodus his son, and Pope Eleuthe∣rius, and to have written a Book of the Ori∣ginal of the Brittish Church, if this History, I say, were still extant, we might with more assurance proceed in the relation of the particulars touching this most happy conversion of our Countrey: Wheras now we must content our selves with gleaning out of lesse ancient Writers such parcell's as they will afford us to make up the following Narration. Notwithstanding since we can∣not charge them with delivering to poste∣rity their own inventions, we ought to re∣ceive their scattred Records as the Relicks of ancient Tradition, extracted out of Primitive Histories, now swallowd in the gulfe of time.

2. Now in our Narration, that we may approve our sincerity, we will not neglect the iudgment and testimonies of such Mo∣dern Writers as have searched into Antiquity,* 1.291 though otherwise averse from Catholick Re∣ligion. Among which thus writs Bale, King Lucius, says he, was it seems, scandalis'd at the meannesse and Poverty of Christ, as the Iews formerly were. For though Christian Religion had for the space of more then a hundred years been propagated through Brittany, yet it seem'd to him deprived of its due splendour, because it had hitherto been administred by simple, poore and contemptible persons: and however, it wanted the Emperiall Authority of Rome to support it. Ther∣fore as soon as he was informed by Trebellius and Pertinax, the Emperours Lievtenants, that upon the ceasing of persecution, severall illustrious Romans had embraced it, he then began to en∣tertain a more worthy conceit of it. And to the same effect write the Centuriators of Magde∣burg,* 1.292 though with some mistake, as hath been observed.

3. This stone of offence, to wit, Po∣verty and want of worldly splendour and advantages being thus removed, King Lucius now seriously comparing the Chri∣stian Faith with what he had been taught by his Druids, the simplicity and sanctity of the one, with the unclean and inhuman Superstitions of the other, but especially considering the inestimable Promises of eternall Glory and Happines not only proposed, but by evident demonstra∣tions establish'd, in the Gospell, to which his own Preists never pretended any claim at all; No wonder if he grew unsatisfied and weary of his former Errours, and willing to admit a further illustration of those verities, with a few beams wherof he had formerly been enlightned.

4. Now, it seems, there not being then in Brittany, or not known to the King, any Ecclesiasticall persons of authority sufficient to establish a new Church, though there wanted not such as had skill enough to per∣swade & satisfy him in the Truth of Christian Religion, the principall of which were the foremention'd Elvanus of Avallonia, and Medwinus of the Province inhabited by the Belgae: Hence it came to passe that King Lu∣cius, no doubt, by the advice of these holy persons, was oblig'd to seek for a more perfect instruction, and to implore a grea∣ter authority for setling the common affairs of Christianity, from abroad.

5. For which purpose though in the neigh∣bouring Kingdom of Gaule there were at that time living and famous many holy Bishops, eminent for Piety and learning, the most illustrious among which was S. Irenaeus Bi∣shop of Lyons, and shortly after a most glo∣rious Martyr: Yet to none of these had King Lucius recourse either for counsell or assi∣stance: But ordring his Messengers, to passe through that Nation, he directed them beyond it to Rome, the fountain of all Eccle∣siasticall Iurisdiction, and to S. Eleutherius

a worthy Successor of S. Peter in the Aposto∣lick Chair.

6. Indeed if he had at that time consul∣ted S. Irenaeus,* 1.293 he would have told him what himselfe had taught the world in his Book against Heresies, That to this Roman Church by reason of its more powerfull principality it is ne∣cessary that every other Church should have re∣course, that is, all faithfull Christians where∣soever dispers'd: Because in that Church the Tra∣dition derived from the Apostles was safely con∣serv'd. Tertullian likewise an Eminent Preist then alive would have given him the same advice,* 1.294 Whosoever thou art, saith he, that would'st better employ thy curiosity in the busi∣nes of thy salvation, take a view of the princi∣pall Churches founded by the Apostles, &c. If Italy be nearest thee, thou maist repaire to Rome, from whence our authority (in Africk) is like∣wise derived: A Church it is happy in its consti∣tution, to which the (cheif) Apostles together with their blood shed forth the whole doctrine of Christianity. Lastly the security of making that Church the Rule both of doctrin and disciplin would have been excellently de∣clared by the foresaid glorious Saint Ire∣naeus,* 1.295 saying, By making known the Faith of that cheifest, most ancient and through all the world most renouned Church of Rome, founded and constituted by the most glorious Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul, and by an uninterrupted succession of Bishops derived to our times, we confound all those who any way, either by an unlawfull self-love, vain-glory, blindnes, or or perversenes of opinion doe make separated con∣gregation•• professing other Doctrines. And in consequence,* 1.296 the same holy Father adioyns a Catalogue of the Names of all the Bishops of Rome from S. Peters dayes, the twelfth and last wherof living in his time was this S. Eleutherius, to whom King Lucius ad∣dress'd himselfe for a more perfect infor∣mation in Christian verities, and to obtain Ordinances and lawes necessary for the con∣stitution of a well ordred Church in his Kingdome.

* 1.297IV. CHAP.

1.2. Bishop Vshers iudgment of King Lucius his Message to the Pope.

3. Instructions given by the King to Messengers.

4.5 Pope Eleutherius his Answer.

6. Other particulars of the said An∣swer.

* 1.2981. COncerning the message sent by King Lucius to Pope Eleutherius, thus writes Bishop Vsher, I doe not find among our more an∣cient Writers what was the principall Motive in∣ducing King Lucius to procure and send for from Rome Doctours and Teachers of the Christian Faith.* 1.299 Onely in a Book belonging to the Monastery of Abingdon I read, That the sayd King having heard the fame of the Sanctity of Preachers at that time living in that Citty, sent his Messen∣gers with publick Letters in great expedition, most devoutly and earnestly beseeching the Vene∣rable Pope Eleutherius that by his order and will he might be made a Christian. Now no man can be ignorant of the strict alliance and frequent commerce which in those times interven'd be∣tween the Brittains living within the Province subject to the Romans, and that Imperiall Citty: So that here there is no necessity that we should recurr to the Primacy of the Roman Bishop.

2. Notwithstanding although this last clause was added on purpose to make the readers beleive that this Kingdom had no de∣pendance at all on Rome in Ecclesiasticall affaires, contrary to the foremention'd as∣sertion of Pope Innocent the First, and the Traditionary practise of so many ages: we see the testimonies of S. Irenaeus and Tertullian doe evince the contrary: which likewise is more evidently demonstrated in the pursuit of this History.

3. Now as touching the particular In∣struction given by King Lucius to his Messen∣gers,* 1.300 the Protestant Authour of the Brittish An∣tiquities thus declares, King Lucius, saith he, resolued to be inaugurated and solemnly initiated in the Christian Faith by Eleutherius the then Ro∣man Bishop. For which purpose be dispatched with Letters and commands unto him two illustrious and eloquent men, Elvanus of (Glastonbury or) Auallonia, and Medwinus of the Province of the Belgae: By whom he requested the Roman Bishop that he would please to direct his Messen∣gers and Legats with order to baptise him, being already imbued with Christian Doctrine. He more∣over desired that they might bring with them the Roman Laws, according to which he might order and establish both the Ecclesiasticall and Civill state in his Kingdom. But the pious Bishop Eleutherius being much more zealous to propa∣gate the Divine doctrin, then to illustrate his own fame, signified to him his inexpressibile ioy for gaining of so great a King to the obedience of Christ, but for the civill ordering of his Kingdome, that his interessing himselfe therin was to no pur∣pose. Those Lawes were not necessary for the consti∣tution of a Christian Commonwealth, and that in them many things were establish'd which ought not to be observed by th••se who professe the Christian Faith, &c.

4. S. Beda having mention'd these requests of King Lucius to Pope Eleutherius,* 1.301 add's pre∣sently, that he obtained the effect of his pious Petition: that is, for as much as concern'd his further instruction and initiation in Christian Religion, &c. This will appear by the Answer said to be sent by the said Pope in Writing, to this day preserved by our Hi∣storian Mathew of Westminster,▪ the Tenour wherof is as follweth;

5. Your request to us is, that we would trans∣mit to you a Copy of the Roman and Imperiall Laws,* 1.302 which, it seems, you desire to make use of in your kingdom of Brittany. But you must be informed, that the Roman Lawes and such as are enacted by the Emperour, are not of such obli∣gation, but they may any time be rejected, which the Law of God in no case must be. Now by the Divine mercy you have of late submitted your selfe in your Kingdom of Brittany to the Law and Faith of Christ: so that you have already with you both the Old and New Testament: Out of them therfore by Gods inspiration and with the common counsell of your Kingdom collect and frame a Law, and by it through the Divine assistance govern your Kingdom of Brittany. You are Gods Deputy in your Kingdom, according as the Kingly Pro∣phet says, the Earth is our Lords, and the fullnes of it, the round world, and all that dwell in it. And again the same Kingly Prophet saith, Thou hast loved righteousnes and hated inquity: therfore thy God hath annointed thee with the oyle of gladnes above thy fellows. And again, O God, giue thy iudgment to the King, and thy iustice &c. He saith, Thy judgment; not the judg∣ment and justice of Caesar. For the Christian Na∣tions and people of your kingdom who live under your peaceable protection, are the children of God, under his care, who according to the Gospell, pro∣tects them as a Hen gathering her chickens under her wings, &c. The Nations therfore of your Kingdom of Brittany are your people, which being hitherto divided, you ought to gather into one unanimous congregation to the obedience of the Faith and Law of Christ, constituting of them one Church, which you must cherish, maintain, protect and govern, that so you may raign with Christ for ever, whose Deputy you are in the foresaid Kingdom.

6. Thus far doth the said Historian re∣late the tenour of this Epistle,* 1.303 adding wi∣thall by way of Preface, that this was the en∣tire form of it: Notwithstanding some Mo∣dern Writers further adioyn therto these following passages: Woe to the Kingdom whose King is a child, and whose Princes eat early in the morning. A King is here call'd a child, not for his want of growth and age, but for his folly, injustice and madnes: since according to the King∣ly Prophet, Bloody and deceitfull men shall not live out half their dayes, &c. Now by eating in the morning we are to understand gluttony and Luxury: for by Luxury come all perverse and fil∣thy things according to King Salomons speech, Into a malevolent soule wisedom will not enter, nordwell in a body subject to sin. A King has his title from governing, not having, a Kingdom. You will be a King as long as you rule well: which if you cease to doe the name of a King will remain in you no longer, but you will leave to be a King, which God forbid. Almighty God give you his grace so to govern your kingdome of Brit∣tany, that you may for ever raign with him, whose Deputy you are in the foresaid King∣dom. This Epistle, saith Cambden, was dated in the yeare when L. Aurelius Commodus a second time,* 1.304 and Vespronius were Consuls: agreeing with the one hundred eighty third year of our Lord.

7. I was unwilling to forbear transcri∣bing this Epistle though I cannot but ac∣knowledge that the reasons proving it sup∣positious seem to mee very concluding, as containing words tasting of the Norman La∣tin and English Lawe: besids there are in it alledged Texts of Scripture according to S. Hieroms Translation, who liv'd two hundred years after Eleutherius: Again Eleutherius speaks to King Lucius in the plurall Number, according to a modern stile, not then in use, when he says, Vos estis Vicarius Dei: And lastly not any of our more Ancient Hi∣storians, as Geffrey of Monmouth, Hoveden, &c. doe mention it. But what ever becoms of this Epistle, certain it is that the story of King Lucius his conversion, &c. does not depend on it, but is confirm'd by most Au∣thentick Records, and unquestion'd Tra∣dition.

V. CHAP.* 1.305

1.2. Fugatius and Damianus sent back with King Lucius his Messengers.

3. Concerning Elvanus, one of the Kings Messengers.

1. THis Epistle, if indeed genuine, was brought back by the same Messen∣gers whom King Lucius had sent to Rome, El∣vanus and Medwinus: and together with them there came two other Holy Men commis∣sion'd by Pope Eleutherius not only to in∣struct and baptise the King, and those who imitating the Kings good Example, em∣braced the Christian Faith; but also to or∣der and establish all Ecclesiasticall affairs in the Kingdome. The names of those two strangers were Fugatius and Damianus.

2. The Employment about which these men were sent, argues them to have been sufficiently qualified thereto: And hence it is that our more Modern Historians, both Catholicks and Protestants,* 1.306 doe not doubt to stile them Prelats (Antistites) and Bishops. For indeed without such a Character and Authority how could they erect Bishop∣ricks, consecrate Churches, dispense Orders, &c?

3. It is not likewise without probability what other Writers say concerning our Brittish Messenger Elvanus, that he was consecrated a Bishop at Rome by Pope Eleu∣therius. And whereas others contradict this upon a supposition that when he with his companion went to Rome, they were only Cathecumens, not baptis'd before that time: the contrary seems to appear, in that they

were formerly Preachers of the Christian Faith both to King Lucius and others: And besids, their Education sufficiently shews their capacity:* 1.307 For, as a late Writer out of ancient Monuments asserts, they were of the number, of S. Ioseph of Arimathea's Dis∣ciples, full of zeale to Gods glory according to knowledge, bred up in a contemplative life of Prayer, and Mortification at Glastonbury, where according to the Testimony of Adam Domerham, and Iohn a Monk, Authours of the Antiquities of Glastonbury, The twelve holy men companions of S. Ioseph,* 1.308 and their Suc∣cessors in the same number did for a long time lead an Eremiticall life there, and converted great multituds of Pagans to the Faith of Christ. It is therfore very credible that so well a qualified person as Elvanus, was, as Tra∣dition delivers, consecrated a Bishop at Rome, since no prejudice therby was done to the Apostolick Canons forbidding Neo∣phyts to be assumed to so sublime a degree. As for his Companion Medwinus, the same Tradition informs us, that being endued with eloquence and fluency of speech, he was qualified there also with the Office of a Preacher and Doctour of the Christian Faith.

* 1.309VI. CHAP.

1.2. King Lucius, with his Queen, &c. baptised.

3.4.5. &c. Rites of ancient Baptism, signing with the Crosse, Vnction, Be∣nediction of the water, Exorcismes, &c.

11.12.13. These come by Tradition: confirm'd by S. Basile.

14. The Centuriators blaspemies against them.

1. FVgatius and Damianus being admitted to King Lucius his presence, acquain∣ted him with the great ioy caus'd at Rome by his happy conversion, and how in com∣plyance with his desire, they were sent by the Holy Pope Eleutherius to administer the Rites of Christianity. And hereupon both the King and his whole family with many others received Baptism according to the course and ceremony of the Roman Church. Thus we read in the Ancient Roman Mar∣tyrologe,* 1.310 Pope Eleutherius brought to the pro∣fession of Christian Faith many of the Ro∣man Nobility: And moreover sent into Brit∣tany S. Fugatius and S. Damianus, who bap∣tis'd King Lucius together with his Wife, and almost all his people.

2. The Name of King Lucius his Queen baptised with him, is lost: but in ancient Records the memory of his Sister, call'd Emerita, is still preserv'd, who for her Ho∣lines and constant suffring Martyrdom for Christ, ha's worthily obtain'd a place among the Saints. More shall be sayd of her here∣after.

3. Now since all Ancient Histories agree that King Lucius was baptis'd solemny ac∣cording to the Roman rite: it will be ex∣pedient to declare the order and form therof, as may be collected out of the Monuments and Writings of this Primitive age, which was no doubt conformable to the Ordinances of the Apostles, as S. Iu∣stin Martyr, S. Irenaeus and Tertullian, living in these times, doe confidently affirm against all Hereticks and innovatours, challenging them all to shew wherin any of the Apostolick Churches, and principally that of Rome, have deserted the ancient Faith and Disciplin established by the Apostles.

4. Now though to the essence and sub∣stance of the Sacrament of Baptis'm there be necessarily required no more besides the due Matter, which is Water, the due Form of Words to be pronounced, and a right Intention of him who conferrs it: Yet that besids these there were even in those Primitive times adioyned severall other Sacred and ceremonious rites, very effectuall to apply and imprint the sence and vertue of that Sacrament in the minds of all those who received it, is most evident from ancient Tradition and the Writings of those times: Which additionary Ceremonies were commanded to be used in Solemne baptisms through the whole Church by S. Clement, S. Hyginus, S. Pius and other Pri∣mitive Popes, by a prescription, no doubt, from the Apostles, though probably not used every where with due reverence.

5. But though those Ceremonies had not been expressly enioynd by the Apostles, who can iustly deny but that the Church and her Governours, (concerning whom our Lord saith, He that heareth (or obeyeth) you, heareth me) had sufficient authority to render the administration of the Sacraments more solemne and august, by ordaining externall Rites in the celebration of them, as long as they doe not command our beleif of the absolut necessity of them in themselves?

6. Of the sayd Additionary Rites the principall are these, 1. The arming of the person to be Baptised with the sign of the Crosse. 2. The annointing him on the head with holy Oyle: 3. and likewise with Chrism. 4. The solemn blessing of the Water design'd for Baptism. 5. The using of Exorcisms and holy Prayers for the driving away the Enemy of mankind. Of all these Ceremo∣nies, at this day banish'd from all Con∣gregations, but only the Roman and Greek Churches, and in regard of the first and

last, the English Protestant Church, there are evident proofs that they were in use at this time when our King Lucius was baptiz'd.

7. First touching signing with the Crosse, Tertullian is so expresse, even by confession of Protestants, and that not only in Baptism, but a world of other occasions, that it is to no purpose to quote him. This was the Character which distinguishd true Beleivers in that age from Infidells. And particularly with regard to King Lucius, there is to this day extant an ancient Coyn stampd with the Image of this King, his Name LVC. and the sign of the Cross, therby shewing him then to have been a Christian,* 1.311 as Bishop Vsher acknowledges. The Medall remains still reserv'd in that Treasure of Antiqui∣ties, the Library of Sir Iohn Cotton.

8. Next concerning the ceremony of holy Vnction of the person baptis'd, Tertullian gives an expresse Testimony in his Book cōcerning Baptism, where he also shews it to have been an ancient Tradition, Saying, Being baptis'd and come out of the Water,* 1.312 we are an∣nointed with consecrated Vnction, in imitation of the ancient Disciplin of the Iews, according to which men were annointed with oyle out of a hor•• in order to be therby consecrated Preists. By this Ceremony therfore was shewd that all Christians are by baptism made in a sort Kings and Preists, that is, in a spe∣ciall manner consecrated to the service of God,* 1.313 as S. Iohn saith.

9. Thirdly touching the Benediction of the Water deputed for Baptism, the Lu∣theran Centuriators of Magdeburg doe re∣late how S. Pius the first Pope of that name did consecrate a Baptisterium (or Font) in the Bath•• of N••va••us and S. Timothy mention'd before.

10. Lastly for as much as concerns Exor∣cisms, or appointed forms of Prayer effe∣ctuall to expell the Devill, not only Ba∣ptism (before the receiving of which all the children of men are detain'd under his power, and from which they are freed by this Sacrament onely) but also on other occa∣sions, when by Gods most wise and most holy permission sinners, yea and some∣times even holy men are given up to be afflicted and possess'd by him. Of such Form•• of Exorcisms we have a world of witnesses in Antiquity,* 1.314 as besides Ter∣tullian, in S. Cyprian, Optatus, the fourth Council of Carthage can. 7. &c.

11. These Rites were practisd with much reverence in the Primitive Church, nei∣ther was it any preiudice or hindrance to the said practise, that they were not commanded in Scripture being commended by the same authority of Tradition that Scripture was. Hence S. Basile who liu'd in the second age after this, most co∣piously and elegantly discourses tou∣ching these Rites of Baptism against the He∣retiks of his time, true patterns of their Modern successours, who would reiect all things not expresly contain'd in Scripture. One passage of his pertinent to the pre∣sent purpose wee will here transcribe.* 1.315

12. Among the Doctrins (saith he) which are taught in the Church, some we have delivered in Writing, and again some others wee have received in a Mystery, that is; secretly derived unto us by Tradition from the Apostles. And both these have an equall force and ver∣tue to produce Piety in our minds. Neither doth any one that has any small experience in Eccle∣siasticall Laws, contradict these Traditions. For if wee shall once presume to reiect the Customs of the Church not delivered in Scri∣pture, as if they were matters of small con∣cernment, we shall on the same ground, though unawares, condemn likewise those things which are written in the Gospell, and esteemd necessary to our salvation. Or rather we shall endanger to make the whole Do∣ctrin of Faith passe for a meer Name and shew, as if it had no Truth and reality in it.

13. Among those things which come to us by Tradition, without expresse Scripture, wee will in the first place take notice of a practise most commonly known to all, and that is the signing with the Crosse those who have professed to place their hope in our Lord. Now which of the Apostles hath taught this in writing? Again what passage in Scripture instructs us in our Prayers to turn our selves toward the East? Likewise as touching the words and Form of Invocation or consecration, when we shew the Bread of the Eucharist and Chalice of bene∣diction to the people, which of the Saints hath left them to us in Writing? For wee doe not content our selves with the words rehearsed by the Apostle, o•• in the Gospell, but besides them we at that time pronounce many others both before and after consecration, which with∣out scripture we have received by Tradition, and which we esteem of great moment for con∣summation of that Mistery. Moreover we conse∣crate the Water of Baptism, as also the holy Oyle of Vnction, yea and the person himselfe who receives Baptism: Now from what Writings doe we all this? Is it not only from a secret and Tacite Tradition? Again severall other Rites practisd in Baptism, as the Renunciation of Satan and his Angells, from what Scripture doe Wee derive them? Doe not wee observe all these things by instruction silently communi∣cated to us by our Forefathers, on purpose that idle and curious persons should not know them? And this way of delivering such Myste∣rious things was with great wisedome ordained by our Predecessours, who knew very well that by such silence and reservednes there was main∣tain'd in the people's minds a reverence and Veneration of these Sacred Mysteries. Besides all this, since those who are not yet initiated by Ba∣ptism into the Profession of Christianity, are for∣bidden the sight of these Mysteries, what could be more unfitting then that such things should be publishd in writing?

* 1.31614. This Testimony of S. Basile touching the Mysterious Rites of Baptism, not invented in his Age, but derived from ancient Tradi∣tion, being so expresse; instead of submis∣sion of judgment to so venerable an Au∣thority, the Lutheran Centuriators of Magde∣burg vomit forth their blasphemies against the then certanliy immaculate Spouse of Christ, for thus they write, If all these things (touching the benediction of the Water and use of Oyle and Chrism in Baptism,* 1.317 &c.) be true, say they, what can be more certain then that in those times the Mystery of iniquity did work in the Roman Church, polluting the simple Form of Baptism? They might haue as well added, in the Greek, in the African, in the Asiatick Churches, for in all these the same Rites were used.

* 1.318VII. CHAP.

1.2. Fugatius and Damianus destroy Idola∣try: Erect Bishopricks, &c.

3. How this is to be understood.

4.5. In place of Arch-flamens and Flamens are appointed Arch-Bishops and Bishops.

6. Among the D••uids there was a sub∣ordination.

1. AFter the administration of Baptism to the King, those holy Men Fugatius and Damianus, together with Elvanus and Medwinus, wholly employ'd themselves in Preaching the Gospell of Christ through all the Provinces of the Kingdom, in dispu∣ting against the Superstition of the Druids, and demonstrating the vanity of their Idols, and the abominablenes of their horri∣ble Sacrifices. And being attended with the Kings authority and zeale, they broke in peices those Idols, and easily perswaded the Brittains to renounce their ancient Supersti∣tions: So that in a short space the Christian Faith and Worship of the only true God came generally to be had in honour and admiration.

2. Hereto Mathew of Westminster adds, that those blessed Teachers,* 1.319 having defaced Idolatry in a manner through all Brittany, they dedicated to the honour of one God and his Saints those Temples which had been founded to the worship of many false Gods, filling them with as∣semblies of lawfull Pastours. Adding withall, That they constituted in diverse Citties of the Kingdome twenty eight Bishops, which were in subjection to three Arch-Bishops and Metropo∣litan Sees. The Prime See was London, to which Loegria and Cornwall was subject, to wit, all the Provinces on the South of Severn, and Wales. The second was Yorck, to which was submitted Deira and Albania, divided from Loegria by the River Humber. The Third was the Citty of Legions, which had Dominion over Cambria or Wales, separated from Loegria by the River Severn. This Citty was anciently seated on the River Osca in Glamorganshire, as the old walls and buildings there doe shew.

3. Thus that Historian: herein following a more ancient Writer, Geffrey of Monmouth: with whom accord severall others men∣tion'd by Bishop Vsher. And though he, as likewise Bishop Godwin, call this a vain inven∣tion and Dream: as truly they may justly, if by that passage of our Historian were to be understood, that immediatly upon the first Conversion of the Brittains so many Bishops and Arch-Bishops were established in the Kingdom. Notwithstanding we may rea∣sonably interpret the meaning to be, That in ordring the Ecclesiasticall Policy of the New Christian Church they, according to the pattern given, not only by the Roman, but all Eastern Churches, design'd a distin∣ction of Dioceses and Provinces according to the number and splendour of the respective Citties: So that there being then in Brit∣tany twenty eight Citties,* 1.320 as S. Bede says, compass'd with walls, and fortified with Towres and Gates, they ordain'd, that in future times, when the number of Pastours was multiplied, each Citty and Territory be∣longing to it should be governed by a particular Bishop: Wheras in the beginning those who were consecrated Bishops, did not confine themselves to one place, but according to occasions and emergent ne∣cessities transfer'd their solicituds and exercise of their Pastorall duties from one Citty and Province to another, till in fu∣ture times the Harvest encreasing and la∣bourers proportionably multiplying, every Bishop and Pastour in his Iuridiction was li∣mited to his peculiar flock, with a prohi∣bition to exceed his limits.

4. This sence of the forecited Histo∣rians seems to be given by the Authour of the ancient Book belonging to the Mo∣nastery of Abingdon,* 1.321 quoted by Bishop V∣sher, where we read this passage, The Ve∣nerable man Pope Eleutherius sent to the il∣lustrious King Lucius his Messengers Faganus and Divianus, religious persons, and sufficient∣ly instructed in the Christian Faith. These holy men did with great devotion baptize both the King himselfe and his people, who unani∣mously embraced the Christian Faith: and with∣all destroyed Idols, and built Churches to the worship of God. In a word, these two men in all things seeking the glory of God, and the propa∣gation of Christian Religion, decreed that there should be appointed in all places parti∣cular Ministers of the Omnipotent God, and that in those Cities where formerly resided Arch-flamens according to the Superstition of the Pagans, in their place should be es∣tablish'd Arch-Bishops, and likewise to the

ordinary simple Flamens should succeed Bishops. Now at that time there were in the three most famous places, to wit, London, York and the Citty of Legions, ordained three Arch-Prelats, that is, Arch-flamens of the Pagan Super∣stition.

5. This distinction and subordination of Arch-flamens and Flamens▪ though we doe not find mention'd by Roman Writers to have been setled among the Idolatrous Brittish Preists under those Titles: Yet that the Druids had an Order and Degree among them,* 1.322 and that there was one Principall per∣son who enioyd a Domination over their whole Body, Caesar an eye-witnes of their customs doth acquaint us: From whence necessarily follows, that since one single person could not alone have an inspection over so many subjects so widely dispersed, it necessarily follows that he must have sub∣ordinate Ministers to govern in severall places, and to give him an account of the state of their affairs. And indeed without such a subordination it was impossible they should subsist in one Body: insomuch as these blind Heathens have shew'd greater effects of reason and naturall prudence in composing their Congregation, then our Modern Sects, withall their pretended light of Scriptures, have done.

6. These Druid-Preists have the Title of Arch-flamens and Flamens given them, not by themselves, but by our Historians writing of them, in imitation of the Ro∣mans, among whom those Titles were in use, so call'd from the Flamen, or flame-colourd Hat wherewith their heads were always coverd These Flamines among the Romans were of severall orders according to the Deities whom they served, as Iupiter, Mars, &c. And each order had a distinct Cheif, and all these cheifs were subject to the Pontifex Maximus, a Title assum'd by the Emperours themselves.

* 1.323VIII. CHAP.

1.2. &c. Of twenty eight Cities anciently in Brittany: The names of them out of ancient Authours.

7. In what sence Arch-Bishops are sa••d to have been in those times.

1 NOw wheras mention has been made of twenty eight Citties in Brittany, suitably to what our ancient Gildas has written,* 1.324 that this Island was strengthned with twice ten and twice four Citties; it will not be a vain Curiosity to enquire what those Citties were which were design'd for the Sees of so many Bishops.

2. To give a full satisfaction to such an enquiry will be no easy matter, considering so great and frequent Vicissitudes of inha∣bitants; tongues, governments and warrs, which since these times have succeded in this our Countrey▪ from all which must needs follow great confusion of names and de∣struction of places.

3. Our Ancient Historians have scattringly mention'd severall of them: and particu∣larly, Nennius a Monk of Bangor, and the Arch-deacon of Huntingdon, have made a collection of them. But the most exact Catalogue of them is afforded us by the late learned Bishop Vsher▪ described out of two very an∣cient Manuscripts extant in Sir Iohn Cottons Library, which he sayth he cōpar'd with nine Written Copies more in which the old Brit∣tish names were se•• down▪ together with an interpretation of them,* 1.325 as followeth.

4. These are the Names of all Citties in Brit∣tany, in number twenty eight. I. Caïr Guint∣guic, which perhaps is Norwich, call'd by the Brittains Cair Guntins: Or rather it is Winwick in Lancashire. The old Glossary of Nennius in∣terprets it Winchester. II. Ca••r Mincip, or Muni∣cip, erroneously written in Henry of Hunting∣don, Mercipit. This is Verolam a Town neer S. Albans, which, as we read in Tacitus, was anciently a Free-town, enioying the Priviledge of the Citty of Rome. III. Caïr Liqualid, or Legevit, or Lualid: This is Luguballia, call'd by Huntingdon Caïr Leil, now Carlile. IV. Caïr Meguaid, or Meig••od, at this day Mei∣vod in the Province of Montgomery. It was anciently call'd by Ptolomy and Antoninus, Mediolanum. V. Caïr Colun or Colon, which Geffrey of Monmouth and Huntingdon call Colchester, situated on the River Coln, and it is in Antoninus his Itinerary call'd Colo∣nia. VI. Caïr Ebranc, by others Caïr branc, it is York. VII. Ca••r Custeint. This Citty was formerly called Seiont, near Caernarvont, being the same which Antoninus calls Se∣guntium. But it chang'd its name into Caïr Custein••, because Constantius the Father of Constantin was buried there▪ Whose body, saith Mathew of Westminster, was found at Caernar∣von near Snowdon in the time of King Ed∣ward the first after the Conquest, and by his command honourably buried in the Church. VIII. Caïr Caratauc,* 1.326 or Caïr Caradoc, in the borders of Shropshire between the Rivers Temdus and Colunus, Where King Caractacus rais'd against the Roman Generall Ostorius a great Rampire, but was there defeated by him. There a Citty being afterwards rais'd, was from his Name called Caïr Caradoc. So that Geffrey of Monmouth and Huntingdon are much mistaken, who interpret this Citty to be Salisbury. IX. Caïr Grant, or Granteceaster, or Grantbridge, now Cambridge: taking its name from the River Grant or Gront. X. Cair Maunguid or Manchguid, suppos'd to be the same Which by Antoninus is called Mancunium, or Manchester in Lancashire: others conceive it to be Manduessedum, or Manchester in Warwickshire.

XI. Caïr Lundein, by others Caïr Lud, now Lon∣don. XII. Caïr Guorthigirn, a Citty situated in Radnorshire, and called from King Vortigern, who conceild himself there, being afraid of pu∣nishment for his horrible crimes, but was found out by Divine Iustice, and by Lightning burnt to∣gether with his Citty▪ What the prime name of this Citty was in King Lucius his dayes, does not appeare. XIII. Caïr Ceint, or Kent: now called Canterbury: formerly Dorobernia. XIV. Caïr Guiragon or Guorangon, that is Wigornia: The Welsh call it Caër Wrangon, the English Worcester. Antoninus calls it Branonium, and Ptolomy Bra∣nogenium. XV. Caïr Per••s, otherwise Portcester, from the commodiousnes of the Haven: It is now called Portsmouth. XVI. Caïr Daun, named by Antoninus Danus: now Doncaster in Yorkshire. XVII. Caïr-Legio••, taking its name from the the twentieth Legion by Iulius Agricola's ap∣pointment quartering there. It is at this day called Chester, or Westchester. XVIII. Caïr Gu∣ricon or Guoricon, or as Cambden writes it Caïr Guaruinc, now warwick, so called because it was a Garrison of the Romans, which in the Brittish Language is called Guarth. XIX. Caïr Segeint, or the Citty of the Segontiaci, which were the people who first surrendred themselves to Caesar: It is now called Silcester in Hampshire. XX. Caïr Leon or Vsk, so call'd because the second Brittish Legion brought over by Vespasian was quartered here. It was seated in Monmouthshire: but is now quite demolished. XXI. Caïr Guent, called by the Romans Venta Belgarum (to distinguish it from severall other places called Ventae:) be∣ing in the Province of the Belgae, a people which came out of lower Germany, and seated them∣selves in Hampshire; it is now called Winche∣ster. XXII. Caïr Brito, a Citty placed between the Rivers Avon and Fome: it is now called Bri∣stol. XXIII. Caïr Lerion: by the Saxons after∣ward called Legecestria: now Leicester. XXIV. Caïr Draiton: the situation whereof is now un∣certain, there being many places of that name. Bishop Vsher thinks it is the same now call'd Dragton in Shropshire. XXV. Caïr Pentavel∣coit, seated on the River Ivel in Somershire, now called Ivelcester, or Ilchester. The same learned Bishop writes it Caïr Pensavelcoit, supposing it to be Pentsey in Sussex, where William the Con∣querour first landed. XXVI. Caïr Vrvac, cal∣led by Antoninus Vriconium, and by the Saxons Wrekenceaster, at this day Wroxcester in Shropshire. XXVII. Caïr Calemion, or as Mr. Cambden reads it, Caïr Calion, which he thinks to be Camelet in Somersetshire, where remains the footsteps of an ancient Roman Camp; and where many Roman Coyns are frequently found. XXVIII. Caïr Luitcoit, or rather Lindcoit; by Antoninus and Ptolomy call'd Lindum: by the Saxons Lindecollinum, at this day Lin∣coln.

5. These are the twenty eight Citties of Brittany: all which cannot yet be asser∣ted to have been extant, at least under those names, in the dayes of King Lucius: since among them there are severall which took their Title from persons living in af∣ter-ages, as Caïr Vortigern, Caïr Casteint, &c. And Caïr Draiton seems to have been a Sa∣xon building.

6. Henry of Huntington in the account of them varies somewhat from this, and in the place of some of these omitted by him, substitutes others, as Caïr Glou, that is, Glocester: Caïr Cei, or Chichester: Caïr Ceri, that is Cirencester: Caïr Dorm, call'd by Antoninus Durobrivae, at this day Dorn∣ford in Huntingdonshire: Caïr Dauri, or Caïr Dorin, now Dorcester: And Caïr Mer∣din, still remaining with the same name, from whence a Province in Wales takes its title. These are the Citties design'd to be the Residences of Arch-bishops and Bi∣shops, when the number of Pastors should be so encreased as to supply them.

7. Now whereas here is mention'd the Title of Arch-bishops, we are to take no∣tice that that Title was not in use as yet in the Church, in the dayes of King Lu∣ci••s: but yet the same latitude of Ecclesiasti∣call Iurisdiction was from the beginning un∣der the name of Metropolitan Bishops. For the Policy of the Church being squared ac∣cording to the Civill: as the Governours of Citties which were Metropoles, exerci∣sed an Authority over other Citties also depending on them, so did the Bishops like∣wise of those Citties over the whole Pro∣vinces.

IX. CHAP.* 1.327

1.2.3. Of Saint Theanus first Bishop of London.

4.5. Elvanus his Successour.

1. HOw many of those twenty eight Citties were in those dayes sup∣plied with Bishops, is uncertain.* 1.328 Besides Elvanus consecrated Bishop at Rome, our Ecclesiasticall Records mention only one Brittish Bishop more, called Theanus, the first Metropolitan Bishop of London, where our devout King Lucius built a Church con∣secrated to S. Peter, and seated in the place called Cornhill.

2. The truth of this is testified by an ancient Table belonging to the same Church, wherein was this Inscription, In the year of our Lord one hundred seaventy nine, Lucius the first Christian King of this Land founded the first Church at Lon∣don, namely the Church of Saint Peter in Cornhill. He established likewise there an Archiepiscopall See, and the prime Church of the Kingdom: and so it continued for the space of four hundred years, till the coming of S. Au∣gustin

the Apostle of England, &c.* 1.329 Thus the Inscription.

3. But Iocelinus a Monk of Furnes testifying this holy Prelat Theanus to have been the first Archbishop of this new erected See of London, makes him to be the Founder of this Church, for thus he writes, Thean or Thea∣nus is sayd in the time of King Lucius to have built the Church of S. Peter on Cornhill in Lon∣don,* 1.330 being assisted therein by Ciranus the Kings Cheif Cupp-bearer.

4. After Theanus his decease, the time of whose government in that See is uncertain, there succeeded him therein S. Elvanus, who generally is acknowledged the second Metro••politan of London. But whether in those times there was in Brittany any Iurisdiction properly Metropoliticall, which must presup∣pose an erection of severall subordinate Dio∣ceses, cannot by any of our ancient Ecclesia∣sticall Monuments be asserted. Vpon which grounds Malmsburiensis saith,* 1.331 There is no cer∣tainty in what place was seated the Archiepis∣copall Iurisdiction in the time of the Brittains, before the entry of the Saxons.

* 1.332X. CHAP.

1.2. S. Fugatius and Damianus return to Rome to obtain a Confirmation of their Acts.

3.4. Recourse to the See Apostolick, ancient.

5 6. At their return they bring a bles∣sed Crown, and a Letter to King Lu∣cius.

7. The extent of King Lucius his Dominions

8. Of Archflamens and Flamens.

1. AFter three years succesfull labours in this new Vineyard of our Lord,* 1.333 these two Holy Apostolick Preachers Fuga∣tius and Dam••anus returned to Rome to give an account to S. Eleutherius of the affairs of Brittany. This is testified by our ancient Historians, Geffrey of Monmouth, Roger Wendo∣ver, the compiler of the History of Rochester, as likewise a Brittish ancient Poet, taking the name of Gildas, and quoted by Bishop Vsher.

2. But most expresly by Matthew of West∣minster, whose words are these:* 1.334 In the year of Grace one hundred eighty six, the Blessed Pre∣lats Fugatius and Damianus returned to Rome, and obtained from the holy Pope Eleutherius a Confirmation of all they had done in Brittany. And having perform'd this, the foresayd Do∣ctours came back into Brittany, accompanied with many others; By whose inctructions the Na∣tion of the Brittains being confirm'd in tho Faith of Christ became illustrious. The names and Acts of these men are found in the Book which our Historian Gildas wrote of the Victory of Au∣relius Ambrosius.

3. That it was the practise of Christian Churches, especially in the West, upon seve∣rall occasions to have recourse to the Chair of S. Peter, many examples occurre in the Ec∣clesiasticall History, and this even from the beginning of Christianity. We mention'd formerly a Message sent from the Christians of Brittany by S. Beatus to Rome for a more per∣fect instruction in the Christian Faith.* 1.335 And about this time of King Lucius,* 1.336 the Church of Lyons in France sent S. Irenaeus to this Holy Pope Eleutherius for resolving certain Que∣stions about Ecclesiasticall affairs, saith S. Ie∣rome.

4. This they did partly to shew their de∣pendance and subordination to the supreme Tribunal of the Church, as likewise for the preservation of Vnity, of which the Chair of S. Peter was always acknowledged the Center. But the present Church of Brittany having been constituted a Church by the zeale and authority of this blessed Pope Eleu∣therius, there was a greater necessity and ob∣ligation of recourse to him for the confir∣mation of those Ordinances which had been made by his Delegats.

5. Among other memorable passages touching the Answer sent by Pope Eleutherius to this Message of King Lucius, this is one, That Fugatius and Damianus presented the King from him with a Crown blessed by him. This is asserted by a late learned Protestant Lawyer, William Lambard,* 1.337 who professes that in his search among the Ancient Lawes of England, for many ages hid in darknes, he produced this: adding withall that besides a Crown bless'd by this Holy Pope, he like∣wise ordain'd the limits of the Brittish King∣dom, and withall prescrib'd the Duty and Right of a Christian King, saying thus, A King being the Minister and Delegat of the Su∣preme King, is appointed by God for this end that he might govern this earthly Kingdom and people of our Lord, and above all that he should vene∣rate and govern his Church, defending it from all who would injure it: that he should root out of it and utterly destroy all evill doers.

6. Roger Hoveden four hundred years be∣fore M. Lambard, transcribing the same pas∣sage out of the Ancient Laws of King Edward, onely differs from him in this, That where mention is made of a Kings Office toward the Church, he leaves out the word, Re∣gat.

7. As touching the limits of King Lucius his Kingdom, which this Authour saith was prescribed by Pope Eleutherius, whether from thence it came that all the Northern Provin∣ces of the Island (afterwards called Scotland, & governed by a King of their own Nation) were subiect to the Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction of the Metropolitan Church of York, cannot

now be determin'd.* 1.338 Polydor Virgil out of an∣cient Scottish Records affirms that this subje∣ction was (a principio) from the very beginning of Christianity,* 1.339 and that the Bishop of Glasco was to receive his consecration from the Arch-Bishop of York (More Maiorum) by an immemoriall custom of their Ancestors. But of this hereafter.

8. One passage more relating to this Answer of Pope Eleutherius, is recorded by Martinus Polonus,* 1.340 who writes thus, The fore∣said Holy men Fugatius and Damianus by an Apostolicall Mandat of the Pope ordained that Bishops should be placed in those Citties where formerly there were Flamens, and Arch-bi∣shops, where Arch-flamens, Wherby he signifies that the Pope confirmed the Ordonan∣ces formerly made by these his Legats.

* 1.341XI. CHAP.

1. Severall Churches built by King Lucius.

2.3. As Westminster, deputed for the buriall of Princes.

4. A second at York: then the Cheif Citty.

5. A third at Caēr-leon in Wales.

6.7. It is question'd whether that was a Metropolitan See.

8. A Church built at Dover.

9. An Episcopall See said to be erected at Kungresbury in Somersetshire: bu•• that is doubtfull.

1. IT hath already been declared that King Lucius, presently after his Baptism, or Theanus consecrated first Bishop of London, built a Cathedrall Church to the honour of S. Peter on Cornhill in London. Now after the return of Fugatius and Damianus there were severall other Churches erected: The names of many of which are still extant upon ancient Records.

2. The first of these was the Church of West∣minster: concerning the first foundation wherof Sulcardus a Monk wrote a Book which he dedicated to Vitalis constituted Abbot there by King William the Conquerour:* 1.342 From whence some have collected, that in the same place had been formerly erected an Idol-temple consecrated to Apollo, which by an Earthquake in the raign of Antoninus Pius was cast to the ground.

3. Another Authour called Iohn Fleet, who wrote in the year of our Lord one thou∣sand four hundred forty three, adds in consequence to Sulcardus, out of an Ancient Chronicle written in the Saxon tongue, that this place was from the days of King Lucius destin'd for the burying place of our Kings, as wee see to this day. His words quoted by Bishop Vsher are these,* 1.343 From the Primitive age of Christian Faith among the Brittains, that is from the days of Lucius their King, who in the year of Grace one hundred eighty four is sayd to have received the Divine Law of Christ, and together with it the Baptism of holy Regenera∣tion, this place of Westminster was founded and consecrated to the honour of God, and specially deputed for the buriall of Kings, and a Treasury or Repository of their Royall Ornaments. To the same effect writes Radolphus Niger••,* 1.344 affir∣ming that it was built in the last year of (Mar∣cus Aurelius) Antoninus: but that afterward the sayd Abbey was destroyed: which was again repaired by S. Edward the Confessour, and richly endowed. In which testimony is implied that from the beginning there were placed in it a Convent of Monks: Concerning whose Rule and Institute, we shall treat hereafter.

4. A Second Metropolitan Church at this time was erected at the City of York, which a learned Writer, Philip Berterius, quo∣ted by Bishop Vsher, esteems in that age the prime Citty and Church of Brittany:* 1.345 Whose opinion the Bishop seems to approve, saying, Though as this day London be the most noble Citty of the whole British Kingdome: and though it has been in former ages celebrated by Ammianus Marcellinus, as an ancient Town, and by Cornelius Tacitus as famous for Marchan∣dise and abord of strangers: Nowithstanding the most learned Berterius positively affirms, that York was much rather the ancient Metropolis of the Diocese of Brittany, not only as being a Co∣lony of the Romans, but because there was placed the Emperours Palace and Courts of Iudgment. And hence it is that Spartianus in the life of the Emperour Severus calls it by way of preeminence, The Citty. The same thing is likewise further proved by this, That in the Synod of Arles assembled under Constantin the Great, among the subscriptions the name of Eborius Bishop of York precedes Restitutus Bishop of London: Though I am not ignorant that in the ordring of such subscriptions regard was had rather to the anti∣quity of the persons, then dignity of their Sees.

5. As for the third Metropolitan Citty of Cair-leon upon Vsk,* 1.346 Henry of Huntingdon thus writes of it, In Cair-legion there was an Arch bishoprick in the times of the Brit∣tains: but at this day one can scarce discern any remainders of its walls, except a little where the River Vsk falls into Severn.* 1.347 And Giraldus Cam∣brensis adds, that in the same Citty there were in ancient times three Noble Churches: One bearing the Title of the holy Martyr Iulius, which was beautified with a Monastery of Virgins con∣secrated to God: A second founded by the Name of his companion S. Aaron, ennobled with an illustrious Quire of Canons: And the Third fa∣mous for being the Metropolitan See of all Cam∣bria.

6. Notwithstanding however this Citty of Cair-leon, being in the times of King Lucius the Civill Metropolis of those parts, might

then to be design'd from an Archiepiscopall See:* 1.348 yet we doe not find in History any an∣cient Bishops with that Title. Yea the Church of Landaff seems to have enjoy'd that Title before Cair-Leon. Concerning which Church thus writes Bishop Godwin, The Cathedrall Church of Landaff,* 1.349 as some report, was first built by King Lucius, about the year of Grace one hun∣dred and eighty. Notwithstanding I doe not find any Bishop there before Dubritius: (who was consecrated Bishop there by S. German Bishop of Auxerre) and was by the King and whole Province elected Arch-bishop over all the Welsh Brittains, saith the Authour of his life extant in Capgrave.

7. Vpon these grounds it was that in suc∣ceeding times the Bishops of Landaff refused Canonicall obedience to the Metropoli∣tans of Menevia, or S. Davids, as appears by a Protestation made by Bishop Vrbanus in the Councill of Rhemes before Calixtus second Pope of that name: part whereof is cited by Bishop Vsher out of the Register of that Church,* 1.350 as followeth: From the time of our ancient Fathers, as appears by the handwriting of our Holy Patron Teiliavus, this Church of Lan∣daff was first founded in honour of S. Peter, and in dignity and all other Priviledges was the Mi∣stresse of all other Churches. Thus it remained till by reason of intestin seditions and forraign war, in the days of my Predecessour Herwold, it became weakned, and almost deprived of a Pa∣stour, by the cruelty of the inhabitants, and in∣vasion of the Normans. Yet there always re∣main'd in it Religious men attending to Divine service. After this, partly by reason of the neighbourhood of the English, from whom we differed nothing in matters touching Ecclesiasti∣call Ministery, as having been bred and instru∣cted together; and likewise because from most ancient times, that is, from the time of Pope E∣leutherius, there hath always been a Bishop of this place (subject to none:) After the coming of S. Augustin into Brittany, the Bishop of Lan∣daff has always been subject and obedient both to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and also the King of England. Thus argued the sayd Bi∣shop Vrbanus, but what proofs he had does not appear. Certain it is that in all Records at this day extant, there is no mention of any Bishop actually sitting at Landaff before Dubritius: Whence it is that the erecting of that See is attributed to S. Germanus by Mr. Camden,* 1.351 saying, Germanus and Lupus French Bishops, having repress'd the Pelagian Heresy largely spread in Brittany, erected Landaff into a Cathedrall Church, preferring thereto the most holy man Dubritius to be the first Bishop, to wit, in the year of our Lord four hundred thirty and six.

8. Besides these the same King built a Church at Dover: concerning which Bishop Vsher writes in this manner,* 1.352 That in the time of King Lucius there was a Chappell erected in the Castle of Dover, and dedicated to the honour of our Saviour, is related by Leland, out of the Annals of the same Citty, venerable for their great antiquity. The same thing we likewise read in a Commentary touching the first beginning of the sayd Castle, where it is sayd, That in the one hundred sixty & one year of our Lord King Lucius built a Temple to Christ on the height of Dover-Castle, for the maintaining of which he assign'd the Tribute of that Haven. And whereas in a later Chronicle of Dover we read, That a∣mong other liberalities besto'wd by King Lucius on God and his Church,* 1.353 one was the building of a Church in the Castle of Dover to the honour of S. Mary the glorious Mother of God, where both the King and his people, as likewise their Catho∣lick Successours, received the Sacraments and Holy Rites of Christian Religion: This does not prejudice the foregoing Record: for all Churches are primarily erected to the ho∣nour of Christ, and in consequence thereof to the honour of his Saints.

9. There are severall other sacred places and Churches, which in old Records pretend to King Lucius, as their Founder, but whose pretentions cannot in reason and prudence be admitted. Thus the Authour of the Chro¦nicle of Glastonbury,* 1.354 written about four hun∣dred years since, relates, That in the one hun¦dred eighty seaventh year of our Lords Incarna∣tion, the Bishoprick of Somerset took its begin∣ning, being erected by the Holy men Fugatius and Damianus: and for a long time the Epis∣copall See was placed at Kungresbury: in which very many Bishops sate successively till the dayes of Ina King of the West Saxons: the number, gests and times of which Bishops can no where be found. But in the time of the foresayd King Ina Daniel, who as we have received by Tradition, was the last▪ who sate in the Chair of Kungres∣bury, transfer'd that See, which had continued six hundred years or more at Kungresbury, to a Town, then call'd Tethescine, but now Welles, which was given by King Ina, who also consented to the Translation. The said Daniel was the last of the Brittains who sate in that Bishoprick.

10. This Story, at least for as much as con∣cerns the antiquity of the Episcopall See of Kungresbury, seems to want a solide founda∣tion. For that Town took its name about the year of our Lord seaven hundred and eleaven, from a holy man called Cungar, a son of a Constantinopolitan Prince, who coming into Brittany, and desirous to live a retired life, was kindly received by King Ina, who bestow'd on him that portion of Land, call'd afterward by his name, and withall built for him a Mansion and Oratory there. As for the Church of Wells, it was then built by King Ina, and endow'd with Lands by Kenul∣phus the Successour of King Ina in the year seaven hundred and sixty six: But saith Bi∣shop Godwin, it was then not a Cathedrall, but Collegiat or Monasticall Church: and was e∣rected into an Episcopall See in the year nine hundred and five: in which the first Bishop was Adelmus.

* 1.355XII. CHAP.

1.2. King Lucius richly endows Churches with possessions.

3.4. Priviledge of Sanctuary: long continued in Brittany.

1. KIng Lucius as he was very zealous and munificent in building Churches to the Glory of God, he was no lesse in liberall endowments and Priviledges bestow'd on them.* 1.356 To this purpose Matthew of Westmin∣ster, call'd Florilegus, writes thus, In the year of Grace one hundred eighty seaven, Lucius the glorious King of the Brittains having seen the true Worship of God largely spread in his King∣dom, liberally bestow'd possessions and territo∣ries on Churches and Ecclesiasticall persons, and also firmly established them with Charters and immunities. Such liberties he gave to Churches and their Precincts, that if any Malefactour made his refuge to them, he became safe from all injuries of any man whosoever. Thus living happily in the love of God and his Neighbour, he governed his Kingdom in great peace. A Mo∣dern Historian Richard White adds, That this King having destroyed all the Idols and worship of false Gods,* 1.357 transfer'd all their possessions on Christian Churches, which he further enrich'd with more Lands, and greater immunities: as knowing very well that greater honour is due ••o the houses of the true God.

2. We may from hence in some degree compute this King Munificence to Gods Church: for since he judged that the Wor∣ship of the true God ought to be more splen∣did and sumptuous then that of their pro∣fane Idols had been, by searching into an∣cient Monuments we shall find, that the former Brittish Idolatry had been very costly, and consequently the true worship much more. To this purpose Geffrey of Monmouth, and after him Ponticus Virunnius thus writes, At London the Pagan Flamens sacrificed (yearly) forty thousand cowes,* 1.358 a hundred thousand sheep, and fowle of all kinds so many as could scarce be numbred: And besides all these they offred thir∣ty thousand savage cattle, stags and other beasts bred in the woods.

3. As for the Priviledge of Sanctuary gran∣ted by King Lucius to Churches, he seems therein to have been a pattern to the Em∣perour-Constantin and other Christian Princes in future Ages, who by their Laws gave un∣to the Church the like prerogative. Hence the Fathers of the Councill of Orleans above eleaven hundred years since, made this Ca∣non to renew the use of former Canons and Lawes, Concerning Manslayers, adulte∣rers,* 1.359 and theeves who shall seek refuge in a Church, we now ordain that that shall be obser∣ved which the Ecclesiasticall Canons have de∣creed, and the Roman Law appointed: to wit, that it shall not be lawfull for any man by force to draw them from the Courts of Churches or hou∣ses of Bishops.

4. This respect and reverence which King Lucius shew'd to the Church and Church∣men was for many ages continued in Brit∣tany, more then in any Christian Nation be∣sides:* 1.360 These Priviledges of Sanctuaries were ex∣tended not only to Churches and Church-yards, but much further, according to limits and bounds determined by Bishops: Insomuch, saith Gi∣raldus Cambrensis, that by the indemnity of such immunity, far exceeding the indulgence al∣low'd by the Canons of the Church (which grant security only to the body and members of offen∣ders) many were induced to commit great out∣rages, and from such places of Refuge did grei∣vously molest both their Countrey, and even their Princes themselves. Whence appears with what religion the Ordinances of King Lucius were received and practised by po∣sterity.

XIII. CHAP.* 1.361

1.2. &c. A famous Church and Mona∣stery erected by King Lucius at Winche∣ster: with Possessions and Priviledges: which continued till the raign of Dio∣cletia••.

6.7. Of what Institute the Monk•• in those days were.

9. Severall decays and restitutions of that Monastery.

1.* 1.362 THE Piety of King Lucius in the sixth year after his conversion did more gloriously shew it selfe in the foundation and plentifull endowment of a Church and Monastery at Winchester, then call'd Ventae Belgarum: Which Church, saith Bishop God∣win, was consecrated by Fugatius and Da∣mianus on the twenty ninth of October, in the year one hundred eighty nine.

2. Moratius a very ancient Authour, quo∣ted by Thomas Radburn,* 1.363 Harpsfe••ld, Bishop Vsher, &c. gives us a perfect description of this Church and Monastery: And first as touching the dimensions and bounds of it, he writes thus, as he is quoted by Thomas Radburn Bishop of S. Davids, The measure of the Church founded by King Lucius (according to Moratius in his first Book and second Chap∣ter) was in length two hundred and nine paces: in breadth fourscore paces, and in heighth nine∣ty two paces. From one corner crosse the Church to the opposite corner were one hundred and thirty paces. The situation of the Monastery on the East side of the Church towards the Temple of Con∣cord, was one hundred paces in length, and in

breadth towards the New Temple of Apollo, ••orty. On the Northpart it was one hun∣dred and sixty paces in length, and ninety eight in breadth. On the West side of the Church there were in length one hundred and ninety, in breadth one hundred. On the south coast there were in length four hundred and fifty paces, and in breadth five hundred and eighty. On this side was seated the Episco∣pall Palace, as likewise the habitation of the Monks.

3. In the next place the same Authour Mo∣ratius describes the large possessions where∣with this Church and Monastery were endowed by King Lucius,* 1.364 saying, The li∣mits of their possessions were extended twelve miles round about the Citty of Winchester, reaching so far on every side: In which space there were on each quarter seated eight wealthy Villages. Now if one Church possessed so large 2 Territory, we may collect how richly all the Churches of Brittany were endowed even in those Primitive times.

4. The forementiond Thomas Rudborn in the greater Chronicle of the Church of Win∣chester further shews the speciall affection that King Lucius bore to that Church,* 1.365 and the Immunities which he bestowd on it, The glorious and most Christian King Lucius (saith he) perceiving how by the two holy men, Fu∣gatius and Duvianus, his Kingdom did wonder∣fully increase in the Worship of God taught by true Faith, and being therfore replenishd with great ioy, he converted to a better use the posses∣sions and territories formerly possess'd by the Temples of the Flamens, transferring them to the Churches of the Faithfull: and he not only added more and larger Mannors and lands, but advanced them likewise with all sorts of Privi∣ledges. And particularly touching the Church of Winchester, which in his affection he in a spe∣ciall manner preferd before others, he raisd it from the very foundations. And before he had perfected the whole work, he built a little habi∣tation, an Oratory, Dormitory and Refectory for the Monks design'd by him to dwell there. Ha∣ving finishd the entire building in the fifth year after his Conversion, the foresayd Prelats and Monks, Fugatius and Duvianus, dedicated it to the honour of our holy Saviour on the fourth of the Calends of November,* 1.366 in the year of Grace one hundred Sixty nine, and filld it with Monks, who devoutly served our Lord there: constituting the Abbot of the place a certain Monk called Den••tus. The same excellent Prince likewise re∣solved to conferr on the Bishop and Monks of that Church of Winchester all the possessions and farms which anciently belonged to the Flamens of the same Citty, together with all their Priviledges and Immunities.

5. What those Priviledges were, the same Authour a little after thus declares,* 1.367 saying, The foresaid most Christian King Lucius bestow'd on the said Church newly founded by him the Suburbs of the Citty of Winchester, together with the Priviledge of Dunwallo Molmutius. Which Dunwallo (as Moratius, Gildas and Geffrey of Monmouth also testify) was the sixteenth King of the Brittains: And being extremely zealous in his Heathenish Super∣stition, he enacted Lawes, famous till the dayes of King William▪ the Conquerour under the Title of Molmutian Lawes; by which he or∣dained; That the Citties and Temples of their Idoll-Gods, as likewise the high wayes leading to them, together with the Farms of their Tenants and husbandmen should enioy the immunity of Sanctuary: Insomuch as if any Malefactour should seek refuge there, he might safely depart, though his adversary were present. Now by means of such endowments and Priviledges the Church of Winchester enioyd its possessions in all tranquillity, dayly singing the praises of God the space of one hun∣dred and two years, to wit, from the first year of the most Christian King Lucius (his Conversion) to the second year of the Tyrant Diocletian. Thus writeth this Au∣thour: though he faile somewhat in his Chronology: Which defect is rectified by the ancient Authour of the Book of An∣tiquities of the Church of Winchester,* 1.368 who numbers exactly one hundred years from King Lucius his Conversion to the first year of Diocletian, during which time the said Monks quietly served God in their Mona∣stery.

6. If any one have the curiosity to en∣quire what the Rule and Institut of these ancient Monks were, the foresaid Tho∣mas Rudburn will satisfy him, presently adding, That S. Faganus and Duvianus filld that Church with Monks devoutly serving and praising God, and profess'd according to the Rule delivered by S. Mark the Evange∣list.

7. Now the order and manner of the Rule prescribed by S. Mark is thus decla∣red by Cassianus an ancient Writer of the Church:* 1.369 In the beginning of the Christian Faith (saith he) a very few, and those of approved sanctity, were dignified with the Title of Monks. Which men as they receiv'd their Rule of living from S. Mark the Euan∣gelist, first Bishop of Alexandria of blessed Memory, they did not content themselves with retaining the order of living practis'd by the Primitive Christians, concerning which wee read in the Acts of the Apostles,* 1.370

That all the multitude of beleivers were of one soule: Neither did any one esteem that which he possessed to be his own: but they had all things common. For those who were posses∣sors of lands or houses, sold them, and brought the price, laying it at the Apostles feet: Which was divided to every one accor∣ding to their need. But besids this, the ancient Monks aspired to other practises more sublime.

For retiring themselves into the most secret places of the suburbs, there they lead a life so austere and with such rigorous abstinence, that even those who were

strangers to Christian Religion were astonish'd at it: For with so wonderfull fervour they atten∣ded day and night to the reading of holy Scri∣pture, prayer and labouring with their hands, that neither the appetite, nor so much as thought of meat, did interrupt their abstinence, except every second or third day: and then they recei∣ved food, not to satisfie their desire, but meer ne∣cessity: And neither did they this till after Sun-set: so dividing their time, as to make the Light accompany the exercise of their spirituall Meditations, and darknes the care of their Bo∣dies. These, and besides these, many other more perfect and sublime were the practises of the An∣cient Monks. Thus Cassianus.

8. Such were the Monks who first pos∣sess'd the Church of Winchester: and in such holy exercises they continued till the Tem∣pest of the persecution raised by the Tyrant Diocletian dissipated them. After which in a short time they were restored, and the Church consecrated by Constantius Bishop of Winche∣ster, in the year of Grace three hundred and nine, taking its new name from S. Amphi∣balus, who together with Saint Alban was crow'nd with Martyrdom: at which time the Abbot was named Deodatus. Hence it is that Gildas, the most ancient of all our Hi∣storians, mentions it under that Title, where he relates how the sons of Mordred to avoyd the cruelty of Constantin fled thither: But in vain: For the Tyrant not regarding the Sanctity and Priviledge of the place, took the sons of Mordred,* 1.371 and murdred one of them be∣fore the Altar of the Church of S. Amphibalus at Winchester, whither he had fled for Sanctuary.

9. The same Church afterward suffred an∣other Ecclipse, when the barbarous Infidell-Saxons profan'd and layd wast all the sacred places of this Island. But not long after, the same Saxons, having by Gods mercy embraced that Faith which they formerly persecuted, repaired with advantage all the ruins they had made: And particularly this Church and Monastery of Winchester (called after∣wards de Hida) was restored with far grea∣ter splendour and magnificence, then ever before. And thus it, with the rest, continued for many Ages, fortified with the Charters of Kings, encreased by the Devotion of the people, secured by the Bulls of Popes, and the Curses of Prelats against all tyrannous usur∣pations, till by the schism, avarice, lust and fury of King Henry the eighth, more fatall to the Church then the savage cruelty of hea∣thenish Danes or Saxons, they were all swal∣low'd up at once in a common destruction. Thus the Prophecy of our blessed King Edward the Confessour was fulfilled,* 1.372 who in a Charter by him bestow'd on the Monastery of Westmin∣ster, concludes it with this clause, (Haec Char∣ta in sua libertate permanebit, quam diu Chri∣stiani nominis timor & amor in hac nostra gen∣te perseveraverit) that is, This our Charter shall remain in its full force and liberty, as long as the fear or love of the very name of Christianity shall continue in this our Na∣tion.

XIV. CHAP.* 1.373

1.2. &c. Seminaries and Schooles of Learning instituted by King Lucius: the principall of which was Bangor: both a Schoole and Monastery.

5. Of the pretention of Cambridge hereto.

1. OVR devout King Lucius, being also wise in his devotion, was not con∣tent with a wonderfull bounty to build and endow Churches and Monasteries, in which Almighty God might be zealously worship'd, & the people plentifully instru∣cted in Christian saving Verities: but more∣over extending his providence to posteri∣ty: he provided Seminaries of Learning and Piety, for the institution and education of those who were afterwards to succeed in the Office of administring Divine Mysteries, and teaching the people.

2. Among these the most famous was the Monastery and Schoole of Bangor in North∣wales, in which, as S. Beda saith, at the co∣ming of S. Augustin into England there were more then two thousand Monks. Concer∣ning which our Countreyman Bale thus writes,* 1.374 Bangor was first a Colledge of Christian Philosophers: which having as such continued from the time of King Lucius, for about the space of three hundred and fifty years, Congellus changed it into a Convent of Monks, under the Title of the Order Apostolick, and having been the Prefect of the said Colledge, became the first Abbot of the New Monastery there, in the year of Christ five hundred and thirty.

3. That Bangor was in King Lucius his time design'd for a place of literature, may be proved by other ancient Records: But whereas this Authour says that Congellus changed it into a Monastery, is certainly a mistake, wherein Iohn Pits follows him: The ground of which mistake is, the con∣founding of this Monastery of Bangor in Wales, with another of the like name in Vlster a Province of Ireland, in which lived this Congellus, or as the Irish Writers call him, Comgallus, and from which issued the famous Bishop S. Malachias, whose life is elegantly written by Saint Bernard, who there likewise mentions this Comgallus. Now true it is that about the year five hundred and thirty, the said Irish Monaste∣ry of Benchor became an Episcopall See, into which one called Daniel was first consecra∣ted: which seem'd to be a second ground of Bales mistake touching the change made in our Brittish Bangor.

* 1.3754. Most probable it is therefore that our Bangor was in King Lucius his time, and afterward, both a Monastery and School of Learning: and that as anciently the Druids were, according to Pliny, great lovers of literature, flourishing in all kinds of know∣ledge, so likewise the Christian solitary Re∣ligious men who succeeded them, spent some part of their time in learning and charitably teaching others. So that to them especially may be attributed the propaga∣tion of the Christian Faith in Brittany,* 1.376 which, as the Protestant Authour of our Brittish Antiquities says, being preached here in the first times of the Apostles, was not only firmly retain'd, but became in every age more encrea∣sed and dilated. He might as well have ad∣ded, That as the true Faith was principally conserved by Monasteries, so with the decay and ruine of Monasteries, our holy Faith like∣wise was extinguished.

5. Our famous Vniversity of Cambridge therefore will not take it ill, if an alum∣nus of her Sister suspend his assent to her pretention of being founded an Vniversi∣ty by King Lucius.* 1.377 And as for the Charter of our famous Brittish King Arthur, in which there is a Grant of Exemption from Taxes and other civill burdens, to the end that the Do∣ctours and Schollers there might peaceably and without distraction apply themselves to their Studies, as the glorious King of Brittany Lucius decreed, who embraced the Christian Faith by the preaching of the Doctours of Cambridge: This Charter is obnoxious to so many ex∣ceptions, that without injustice it may be attributed to the Authour of the other He∣roicall Gests of the same King Arthur.

* 1.378XV. CHAP.

1.2. Silence of Historians touching the Gests of King Lucius during his last ten years.

3.4.5. German Records affirm King Lucius to have been the Apostle of Ba∣varia, Rhetium, &c.

6.7 Three persons call'd by the same name of Lucius.

8.9. Of a supposed son of Constantius call'd Lucius or Lucion: which is ma∣nifestly disproved.

10.11. It was only our King Lucius who converted severall Regions in Ger∣many.

1. HAving collected a Narration of the glorious Actions of our illustrious King Lucius (as they lye scattred in severall Authours and Monuments) for the space of seaven years after his Conversion,* 1.379 that is, to the year of Grace one hundred and nine∣ty, coincident with the ninth year of the raign of the Emperour Commodus: though our Records of good credit doe testify that he prolonged his life ten years further, yet there is no mention at all in them of any of his actions either publick or private; and excepting one Authour,* 1.380 Geffrey of Mon∣mouth, not any of them declare where he was buried. And as for the sayd Geffrey, who tells us that he ended his life at Gloce∣ster, and was honourably buried in the Church of the prime See: his pen does so abundant∣ly flow in matters that regard the glory of his Nation, (as in the Acts of King Arthur, &c.) that his Authority in domesticall af∣fairs is of no great moment.

2. This silence therefore of our own Writers may be an argument inducing us to attend to the Testimonies of forraigners, who will acquaint us with the succeeding actions of King Lucius, not inferiour, yea far more glorious then any hitherto related, though perform'd by him, not in the quality of a King, but a private person employing him∣selfe in communicating to other Nations those celestiall blessings which himself, and by his assistance, his own people formerly enjoyed. Now what such forraign Authours testify concerning him, will no doubt seem at least incredible, if not ridiculous to those worldly minds, which setting too great a value on the present temporall vanity of human glory and wealth, judge of Primitive Christians, whether Princes or private per∣sons, by the dispositions of after Ages, and because in these times, wherein sensuality, avarice and a contempt of spirituall things doe raign, no such examples can be found, they therefore conclude all relations in an∣cient Monuments touching Princes who have prefer'd the poverty of Christ, and the gai∣ning of soules to him before temporall a∣bundance, and the satisfaction of nature, to have been the fabulous inventions of men.

3. Notwithstanding, mens incredulity shall not deterre me from relating what is extant in the ancient Monuments of severall Churches touching this matter. Generally all Authours which have written of the Ec∣clesiasticall affairs of Bavaria, Rhetia, Vindeli∣cia and the Cantons of the Swizzars do agree in this, that a certain holy person called Lucius preached the Gospell of Christ in Ba∣varia, and some other parts in Germany, from whence he proceeded to Rhaetia, in which Countrey he dyed and was buried in the Citty of Curia, or Chur, situated in the Coun∣trey of the Helvetians or Grisons.* 1.381 This, saith Gaspar Buschius quoted by Raderus, is certain: But who this Lucius was, of what family or na∣tion, cannot certainly be determined. He adds, that this Lucius, who ever he was, having prea∣ched among the Bohemians and other Regions bordering on the River Danubius, was banish'd from thence, and came into Rhaetia, where he

built for himselfe a poor narrow cottage, &c.

4. Aegidius Tscudus writing of the An∣cient Rhaetia, denotes the precise time when this Holy Apostolicall man came into those Countreyes, saying, that about the year of Christ one hundred seaventy six, Eleutherius being Bishop of Rome, Lucius, out of a zeale to plant the Christian Faith is sayd to have come into Bavaria, which he converted to the Faith, and afterwards retired into Rhaetia,* 1.382 &c. But Andreas Presbyter, as Raderus testifies, de∣termins this to have hapned more lately: For says he, about the year of our Lord one hun∣dred eighty two, Eleutherius the twelfth after S. Peter, being Pope, and in the raign of the Em∣perour Commodus, Lucius being poor, naked, and therefore lesse encombred, undertook a voyage in∣to forraign Nations; and by his preaching and Mi∣racles is beleiv'd to have converted to the Faith of Christ the parts about Bavaria, and the whole Countrey of Rhetia situated among the Alpes. Aubertus Miraeus agrees in the same Chrono∣logy:* 1.383 and lastly Alfledius most accuratly re∣ferrs this to the year of our Lord one hun∣dred and ninety.

5. Such a concurrence of Testimonies, to which may be added the ancient Records of those Nations and Churches, together with the Ecclesiasticall Office of the Cathedrall Church of Curia (or Chur:) all these leave the mat∣ter unquestionable, at least thus far, that those Nations were about that time con∣verted by one called Lucius. Which Nations being seated not far from the place where, about that time, was performed the fore∣mention'd Miracle of the saving the Empe∣rour Marcus with the whole Roman Army from almost inevitable destruction, by the prayers of his Christian souldiers, no doubt they were thereby powerfully enclined to the embracing of the Christian Faith.

6. But now who this Lucius was, and out of what Countrey he came, is a dispute a∣mong learned Authours, who produce three onely of that Name: 1. Lucius of Cyrene, mention'd in the Acts of the Apostles, and probably in the Epistle to the Romans too.* 1.384 2. Our Brittish King Lucius. 3. Lucius, or Lu∣cion a pretended son of Constantius Chlorus and Helena. And to each of these the Con∣version of those Nations is by some Writers ascribed.

7. As touching the first of these, namely Lucius of Cyrene a Prophet and teacher at Antioch in the time of the Apostles, that he could not be the Apostolick Converter of those German Nations seems unquestionable, both from the ancient Martyrologes, Eastern and Western, affirming him to have lived and dyed in the East: and likewise from the ancient Records of those Churches in Bava∣ria and Rhaetia, which doe not pretend to such an Antiquity of the Profession of Christianity.* 1.385 So that the learned and No∣ble Authour, Marcus Velserus thus confi∣dently writes concerning him, The trifling assertions of those who confound Lucius of Cy∣rene with the Brittish Lucius, deserve not to be answer'd: since they doe not consider how vast a space there is between their times.

8. And whereas our Hollingshead,* 1.386 out of I know not what Apocryphall Writings, would entitle to the Conversion of those Nations another Brittish Prince, Lucius or Lucion, pretended to be the second son of Constantius by our Brittish Lady Helena, who is sayd to have been banished by his Father for killing his elder Brother, and after his banishment to have repented, and embra∣ced the Christian Faith, which he afterward preached in Germany, &c. the fabulousnes of this report discovers it selfe, not only by the silence of all Ancient Historians li∣ving in, and after the times of Constantius, not any one of which make the least mention of such a Prince, but on the con∣trary expresly affirm that Constantin was the only son born to Constantius by Helena. Thus writes Eusebius,* 1.387 familiarly acquainted with Constantin, in the first Book of his Life: To the same effect writes the Panegyrist Eumenius in his Oration pronounced to Con∣stantin: as likewise Liveneius descanting on another Panegyrick of an uncertain Au∣thour, spoken to the Emperours Maximian and Constantin. And lastly Baronius, who confidently affirms,* 1.388 That Constantius begot of Helena any other son or daughter besides Constantin, cannot be found recorded any where.

9. To this unanswerable Proof against the assertion of Hollingshead, follow'd here∣in by Broughton,* 1.389 may be added the gene∣rall consent of the ancient Monuments and Writers of Germany and Rhaetia, agreeing in this, that the Conversion of those Nations was effected above one whole century of years before the age of Constantin.

10. The first Lucius being therefore excluded for his too great antiquity, and the third, as living, if at all, much too late for such a work: it remains that the Conversion of those Nations must be ascribed only to the second Lucius, our first Pious Chri∣stian King.

11. And indeed him only doe the most Ancient Monuments and Writers of those Churches and Regions acknowledge for their Prime Apostle: Insomuch as Raderus a lear∣ned Authour, and very diligent in the search of old Records,* 1.390 confidently pronoun∣ces, That the Beleif is most certain▪ grounded upon the Testimonies of Authours most an∣cient and of prime Note, that it was our Brit∣tish King Lucius who converted those Nations. The same is with the like confidence as∣serted by Aegidius Tscudus in his Treatise concerning Antient Rhetia, by Andreas Pres∣byter, by Petrus Mersaeus, by Hertmannus Sche∣del, Stumfius, Aubertus Miraeus, Nauclerus, Not∣kerus Balbulus in his Martyrologe and Baronius.

To these may be added a Testimony of yet greater authority taken from the Church of Curia (or Chur) in whose Ecclesiasticall Office King Lucius is commemorated as the first Doctour and Apostle of that Countrey, the place of whose buriall is there venerated, though his Relicks have been dispersed through se∣verall places in Germany. And in the last place, the same is confirmed by that Trea∣sury of the Records of all Churches, the Roman Martyrologe, out of which every year on the third of December is chanted,* 1.391 The Commemo∣ration of S. Lucius King of the Brittains, at Curia a Citty of Germany, who was the first among Kings which received the Faith of Christ, in the time of Pope Eleutherius.

* 1.392XVI. CHAP.

1.2.3. Of the iourney and Gests of S. Lu∣cius in his Apostolick Office.

4.5. His death and buriall in the Citty of Curia, or Chur.

6. Of S. Emerita, a sister of King Lu∣cius, who accompanied him: her Mar∣tyrdom.

7. Demps••ers ridiculous pretention that King Lucius as buried in Scotland.

1. HAving from authorities of great weight asserted the Apostleship of this our Pious King, in pursuance therof we will collect out of ancient Writers some of his particular Gests and suffrings in the dis∣charge of the said Office.

2. He having resolved to consecrate the remainder of his old age to the service of Christ, pass'd first into France, landing at Bo∣l••ign a Citty of the M••rini, where, saith Malbranque,* 1.393 he first began his office of prea∣ching the Faith of Christ: and from thence made his progresse through the Region of the Nervians (the Countrey of Liege) to Triers in Germa∣ny. After which the next place bless'd by his presence and Charity was Ausburg (Augu∣sta Vindelicorum) where he converted to the Faith a Noble Cittizen call'd Campestrius, with his whole family. But there the Devill rais'd against him a great persecution: for, saith Nauelerus, the people out of a hatred to a Religion formerly unknown by them,* 1.394 pursued the preacher of it with stones, and afterward cast him into a pit: Out of which he was secretly drawn by some Christians there, and conducted to the Citty of Curia, where he ended his life by Martyrdom.

3. From Ausburg S. Lucius went to Regino∣burgum (or Ratisbon) where he efficaciously spread the seed of the Gospell. And having spent almost all his strength in such works of Charity to others, he desired to end his life in solitude, quietnes and prayer.* 1.395 For which purpose he retired himself into the moun∣tainous countrey of Rhetia: and, saith Tscudus, having pass'd over the hill,* 1.396 under which is si∣tuated the Castle called Gutenberg, which to this day retains the name of S. Lucius his Cliff, he came into the Region where now the Citty Curia (or Chur) is placed, together with his devout si∣ster S. Emerita, who presently after for prea∣ching the Christian Faith suffred Martyrdom at Trimas or Trimontium, distant from Curia the space of two or three miles. But S. Lucius repos'd himselfe in a certain Grot in the Mountain above the Citty Curia, where he taught the Faith of Christ. The place where he built a little Oratory doth still testify his Sanctity and abode there: for in memory thereof there was afterward founded a Monastery of Norbertins (Praemonstratenses) which took its name from S. Lucius, as Aubertus Miraeus and Raderus doe affirm.

4. As touching the manner of S. Lucius his death, the same Aegidius Tscudus writes thus,* 1.397 At last Lucius was slain neer to Curia in the Castle call'd Martiola, by the infidell inhabi∣tants and the Prefect of that Region. Notwith∣standing other Authours affirm that he died in peace: though the honour and Ti∣tle of a Martyr cannot be denyed him, since anciently, as Baronius saith, it was communica∣ted not only to such as by a violent death for Christs honour were snatchd out of this world,* 1.398 but likewise to those who for the confession of the Faith suffred any torments, though they did not consummate Martyrdom by death.

5. The precise year of the death of this glorious King is by Florilegus determin'd to be the year of Christ two hundred and one:* 1.399 which was the seaventy eighth year of his Raign, and the eighty eighth of his life. Wherto the learned Chronologist, Bishop Vs∣her likewise accords. His words are these, In so great a debate among Writers,* 1.400 my iudgment doth incline to beleive that King Lucius ended his life in the first year of the third Century after Christ. And the grounds of this perswasion are, because I observe that not only the Annals of the Church of Salisbury, and the Chronicle of the Brittains abbreviated, as likewise the London Tables, but also Roger Wendover, Mathew Paris, and Mathew of Westminster, together with the History of Rochester, doe agree that he dyed in the year of our Lord two hundred and one.

6. His sacred Relicks have been dispersed in severall places of Germany:* 1.401 and to this day saith Raderus, are venerated in a Church of the Franciscans and another of the Iesuits at Ausburg. Which argues that he dyed not in Brittany, but Germany. Therfore although our Citties of Glocester and Win∣chester have boasted themselves to have been the Repositories of some parts of the body of this Pious King, it is more like∣ly that, considering their near relation to him, they should procure them from the

Church of Curia,* 1.402 then that the German Chur∣ches should obtain them out of Brittany.

7. Now wheras in the Passage cited out of Aegidius Tscudus mention was made of Saint Emerita, the devout Sister of King Lucius, and companion of all his travails and dangers, and how in the Countrey of the Helvetians she added the Crown of Martyrdom to the garland of Virginity: our Brittish Martyrologe thus commemorats her, At Trimas in the territory of Curia this day,* 1.403 being the fourth of December, is celebrated the Feast of S. Emerita Virgin and Martyr, the Sister of Lucius King of the Brittains, who together with her Brother went into Germany,* 1.404 and for confession of the Christian Faith being persecuted by the infidells of that countrey, consummated her glorious Mar∣tyrdom by fire, about the year of our Lord one hundred ninety three. The entire history of her life may be read in the Breviary of the Church of Curia. Mention is made of this holy Virgin and Martyr by Isengrenius, and Hermannus Schedelius in his Chronicle.

8. But Philippus Ferrarius in his Catalo∣gue of Saints omitted in the Roman Marty∣rologe,* 1.405 being mislead by Dempster, a Writer most ridiculously partiall for his Scottish Na∣tion, as Bishop Vscher observes, assigns a place in the Western parts of Scotland call'd Tri∣montium, and now Attetish, for the place of this Virgins Martyrdom, and in the Scottish Calander her commemoration is appointed on the twenty sixth of May. Which assertion is so evidently contradicted by many au∣thentick Records of severall Churches, and by Authours of such unquestion'd integrity, that it deserves not a serious confutation.

* 1.406XVII. CHAP.

1.2. S. Fugatius and Damianus preach the the Gospell in Brittany.

3.4.5. They retire to Glastonbury: and rebuild it: establishing a succession of Monks. They find there the Holy Crosse, &c.

6. The place of their buriall, uncertain.

1. HAving thas largely set down the Gests of our Holy King Lucius, the first among all Christian Kings, we will adioyn hereto such particulars as our ancient Mo∣numents furnish us with all touching the two Holy Legats Fugatius (or Phaganus,) and Damianus (or Diruvianus) sent by the Vene∣rable Pope Eleutherius to baptise the sayd King, and to settle the affaires of the New Brittish Church.

* 1.4072. Now concerning these two glorious Saints thus writes Malmsburiensis out of the Ancient Records of Glastonbury, Phaganus and Dervianus came into Brittany to preach the Gospell, who travell'd over the whole Island, tea∣ching and baptising the inhabitants.

3. Moreover in the same Records we find how these two Saints having been in∣form'd that about a hundred yeares before, S. Ioseph of Arimathea and eleaven of his companions had in some measure spread the seed of Christian Faith in Brittany, and at last retired themselves to Glastonbury, where they died: hereupon they visited that sacred place, call'd the Isle of Aval∣lonia, which, saith Cap-grave, was then become a covert for wild beasts,* 1.408 that formerly had been a habitation of Saints: till it pleas'd the Bles∣sed Virgin to reduce to the memory of Chri∣stians her Oratory erected there.

4. These two holy men therfore penetrating into this solitary Isle,* 1.409 as Moses the Lawgiver of the Iews did into the inmost parts of the de∣sart, by the divine conduct they found there an ancient Church built by the hands of the Disciples of our Lord, which the Supreme Crea∣tour of heaven declar'd by many Miraculo•• signs that himself had consecrated it to his own glory, and to the honour of his most Bles∣sed Mother. The foresaid holy men having found this Oratory, were fill'd with unspeakeable ioy: and there they continued the space of nine years, employing all that time in the praises of God. And searching diligently that sacred place, they found (the Holy Crosse) the fi∣gure of our Redemption, together with severall other signs declaring that that place had been formerly the habitation of Christians. After∣wards being admonished by a Divine Oracle, they considered that our Lord had made choice of that place above all others in Brittany, wherin the intercession of the most Blessed Vir∣gin should be implored in all necessities. A perfect relation of all which things they found in ancient Writings there: to wit, How when the Apostles were dispersed through the world, S. Philip with many Disciples came into France, and sent twelve of them to preach the Faith in Brittany: the which being admonish'd by a Revelation of an Angell, built the fore∣said Oratory, which afterward the Son of God dedicated to the honour of his Mother: And like∣wise how three Kings though Pagans, had given them twelve portions of land for their suste∣nance. Thus we read in the Antiquities of Glastonbury.

5. The same Records doe further testify, how these two Holy men added another Oratory built of stone,* 1.410 and dedicated to the honour of our Lord and his Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul: and on the top of the Mountain raised a Chapell to the ho∣nour of S. Michael the Archangell. Moreover to continue the service of God there which had been interrupted, they established a succession of twelve devout persons in memory of the first twelve com∣panions of S. Ioseph: Which number continued till the coming of S. Patrick, the Apostle of Ire∣land, into that place, &c.

6. Now whether these two Apostolicall men dyed at Glastonbury,* 1.411 or no, is not certain, saith the Authour of those Records: though that they

continued there the space of nine years, is delivered by certain Tradition. Most proba∣ble it is that they dyed and were buried there, considering that the space of nine years contains almost the whole time of their abode in this Island: so that it seems to have been a place of retirement chosen by them from their first coming, to which they usually had recourse for a refreshment from their labours, and where by the exer∣cise of Prayer and Contemplation they ob∣tain'd a greater measure of the Divine Spirit to enable them more perfectly to discharge their Apostolicall Office.* 1.412 In due gratitude to whose Charity the Brittish Church hath made an anniversary commemoration of them on the twenty fourth of May: consigning their death to the year of our Lord one hundred ninety and one.

* 1.413XVIII. CHAP.

1.2.3. After King Lucius his death, the Romans permit not any of his family to succeed: and why.

4.5.6.7. Commotions in Brittany: com∣pos'd by Vlpius Marcellus: to whom Pertinax succeeded, who was Emperour next after Commodus▪

1. AFter King Lucius his death, which hapned in the seaventh year of the Emperour Severus, we doe not find any of his family, or indeed of the Brittish blood to have succeeded him. Hence it is that Iohn Fordon a Scottish Chronologist thus writes,* 1.414 Lu∣cius King of the Brittains being dead (or as he says elswhere, Not appearing) the Royall offspring ceased to raign in that Kingdom, Tri∣buns being there placed by the Romans to go∣vern the Island: by Tribuns understanding the Emperours Legats commanding the Ro∣man army.

2. Hector Boethius likewise a French Histo∣rian having recounted how King Lucius, as being a favourer of the Romans, had been permitted by the Emperours benevolence to rule:* 1.415 he adds, That after his death the Romans considering that the Brittish Kings had been Au∣thours of many seditions among themselves, and rebellions against the Romans: therfore by a pu∣blick Decree they prohibited any of the Brittish blood for the future to enioy the Title and digni∣ty of a King.

3. Now though not any of the Roman Hi∣storians mention such a Decree,* 1.416 yet that King Lucius had no Successours of his blood is certain. Probably he had not children: Or if he had, their exclusion from the crown might be caused by his Profession of Chri∣stianity. However in our following Narration we shall be obliged to referre occurrents to the raign of the respective Roman Emperours then living.

4. And as for the Roman or Brittish civill affaires during the Raign of Commodus, la∣sting thirteen yeares, in the beginning wherof King Lucius became a Christian, the Roman Historians afford us little to furnish this our History. Some few particulars shall here breifly be mention'd.

5. In the fifth year of Commodus his raign (saith Dio,* 1.417 who liv'd in those times) the Caledonian Brittains, having made an erup∣tion through the wall which divided them from the more southern Provinces, wasted all the countrey before them, and slew the Roman Ge∣nerall together with all his soldiers. Wherewith Commodus being terrified, sent against them Vl∣pius Marcellus, a man of admirable vertue and courage: who returned upon those barbarous people their injuries with advantage, and heaped on them most greivous calamities and losses. For which good service through the Emperours envy he scarce escaped being kill'd. Notwithstan∣ding for that victory Commodus assumed the sirname of Britannicus among his other Titles, as appears by ancient Medalls, men∣tion'd by Camden and Speed.

6. Two years after,* 1.418 Helvius Pertinax who succeeded Commodus in the Empire (though he raigned but a few months) was sent into Brittany, whither he brought back five hun∣dred soldiers sent by the Army there to Rome to complain of the injuries offred them by Perennius the Emperours favourite, whom they boldly killd in his presence.

7. Pertinax having with much adoe quiet∣ted the Brittish Legions,* 1.419 made it his suit to the Emperour, to be eas'd of the government, alledging for his principall reason▪ that the Army hated him for his care to preserve mili∣tary discipline. Wherupon Commodus in the eleaventh year of his raign sent him a Suc∣cessour Clodius Albinus, upon whom like∣wise he confer'd the Title of Caesar. Whose a∣bode in Brittany was but short: for presently after, Iunius Severus was sent Generall thither: and Commodus us'd all his endeavours to kill Albinus. But dying shortly after, Per∣tinax who succeeded him, sent back once more Albinus into Brittany.

THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE CHVRCH-HISTORY OF BRITTANY.

* 1.420I. CHAP.

1. The Conversion of Brittany celebrated by Origen.

2. The Picts and Caledonian Brittains follow their Example.

3. Their King Donaldus, &c. brought to the Faith by Fulgenius a Brittain

4.5. &c. Dempsters fabulous narra∣tion.

1. THE Conversion of Brittany was so famous in the Church of God,* 1.421 that Origen who flou∣rished in Egypt not long after these times, in his commentary on Ezechiel, thus celebrates it: When did the Countrey of Brittany before the coming of Christ consent in the Worship of the only true God? But now the whole Earth doth with ioy glorify our Lord for the Churches there erected in the utmost bounds of the world, so that in all its limits it doth aspire to celestiall happines: And in another place, The power of the Divine Grace of our Lord and Saviour is present likewise,* 1.422 both to those Na∣tions in Brittany which are divided from our world, and likewise those in Mauritania, yea with all People under the Sun, which have be∣leived in his name.

2. And as the fame therof was largely spread among Churches far remote from Brittany, so the Example also had a happy influence on the neighbouring Nations. For in the Northern regions of Brittany di∣vided from the civilis'd part by the Empe∣rour Hadrians wall,* 1.423 and which always liv'd in hostility with the Romans, the Faith of Christ, within two years after the death o•• King Lucius, was not only preach'd, but ef∣fectually subdued the minds both of the Princes, and generally of their subjects: which gave occasion to Tertullian,* 1.424 who liv'd in these times, to say that those Provinces of Brit∣tains to which the Roman Armies could not gain accesse, were yet conquered by our Saviour, sub∣mitting themselves to his Faith.

3 Concerning this Conversion thus writes Hector Boethius,* 1.425 The like mind did Christ our Lord, the Prince and Authour of peace, give to King Donaldus, insomuch as rejecting the wor∣ship of Devills, he addicted himselfe to solide Piety. For when Severus was Emperour of the Ro∣mans, the sayd King obtained of Pope Victor, the fifteenth after S. Peter, to whom he sent his Em∣bassadours, that severall men illustrious for lear∣ning and Religion should be sent into Scotland to baptise himselfe, together with his wife and chil∣dren, who profess'd the name of Christ. The Scot∣tish Nobility following their Kings example, re∣nounced their former impiety, and embracing the Religion of Christ were likewise purified by Bap∣tism. The year wherin the Scots by the mercy of Almighty God were call'd and receiv'd the light of true Piety, was the two hundred and third after

the incarnation of our Lord.* 1.426 To same purpose write Duraeus,* 1.427 Gordonus and generally all the Scottish Authours.

4. As touching the manner of this Con∣version, Dempster citing an Ancient Scottish Historian, Fordonus, saith, That is was effected by Paschasius a Sicilian sent into Scotland by Pope Victor, who instructed the Nation in the rudi∣ments of Christianity. And the same, saith he, he proves out of an ancient Book of the Church of Lismore, which is the most ancient among the Scottish Records. The same Authour adds, that never any people was with lesse trouble converted to Christ: for so great a concourse there was unto those Holy Teachers, that there were not Preists enow to baptise them. Moreover the sayd Fordo∣nus delivers, that this Paschasius leaving behind him his Companions to instruct that rude people more diligently in the Mysteries of Christianity, return'd back to Rome, to give thanks to that most holy Pope in King Donaldus his name, for so singular a blessing confer'd on his Nation. But before he arriv'd there, Victor was departed this life, whose Successour was Zephirinus. Whence it manifestly appears, ••hat Scotland was converted to the Faith in the last year of Pope Victor. Not∣withstanding in the Scottish Menology pub∣lish'd by the same Dempster, this Paschasius is sayd not to have been sent into Scotland by Pope Victor, but to have been Donaldus his Messenger to the Pope, as Elvanus and Medwi∣nus were sent by King Lucius to Pope Eleuthe∣rius, for there it is thus written,* 1.428 At Dorn in Southerland, on the twelfth of December is ce∣lebrated the memory of Paschasius who was sent a Messenger to the Holy Pope Victor by King Do∣nald, and obtain'd of him Christian Teachers to instruct the Nation.

5. This is the account given by Dempster, as he pretends out of Fordonus. But so little to the satisfaction of the learned Bishop V∣sher, that he professes,* 1.429 In those Copies of Iohn Fordon which I have perused, not any of these things related by Dempster are extant: so that I begin to suspect the truth of them, aswell as of the rest which he quotes out of a namelesse Book of Lismore, and I know not what other Manuscripts.

6. The person, to whom Dempster as∣crib's the glory of having first inclin'd the mind of King Donaldus to embrace Christia∣nity, was one called Fulgentius or Fulgenius,* 1.430 whom he will have to be the Authour of a Book entitled, of the Faith of Christ: which Book, says he, if it were now extant, Scotland would be furnish'd with a Monument to declare the Antiquity and fervour of its Primitive Faith, wherin it would yeild the preeminence to few Kingdoms in Europe, and would be superiour to many. This Fulgentius, saith he, was sirnamed the Bold, and in the raign of Septimius Se••erus dyed at York in England. He it was whose faith∣full assistance King Donaldus made use of, being the first King who stamp'd his Coyn in brasse, gold and silver with the sign of the Crosse.

II. CHAP.* 1.431

1.2.3. Confutation of Dempster.

4. Who Fulgenius was.

5. A Message sent by King Donal∣dus to Pope Victor.

6. More concerning Fulgenius.

1. THIS relation made by Dempster, though for the substance of it it be agreable to ancient Records, yet to embel∣lish it he employs so much of his own invē∣tion, moved therto by a partiall affection to his own countrey, that to a Reader not alto∣gether ignorant he rather disgraces the whole story, and renders Truth it selfe sus∣pected, then gains beleif to his own impu∣dent additions.

2. And first, wheras he makes Donaldus to be a King of the Scotts, and Fulgentius to be of the same Nation, he cannot alledge for this the least ground in any ancient Authours who wrote of these times. The Name of Scots was not yet heard of any where: much lesse in Brittany. The Roman Historians acknow∣ledge no other inhabitants in this Island, but only Brittains: That is the Common name, though in the severall Provinces they be distinguished by severall Titles. And particularly touching those Northern Brit∣tains by Hadrians wall separated from those which were under the Romans dominion, Dio an Historian of these times, though he cu∣riously prosecutes the progresse of the Em∣perour Severus through these countreys, finds only two Nations in these parts against whom he fought, the Maeares and the Cale∣donians, to which, saith he all other names are refer'd (as the Vecturiones, and Deucalidonians, &c.) the former neighbouring to that wall, and the other possessing the remainder of the Island to the Northern Sea. As for the name of Scots, there is as yet no mention of them, either in him, or any other ancient Writer. Where as if there had been any such distinct Nation here, Severus who was most ambitious to multiply his Titles, would not have faild to have inserted Scoticus among them. We shall ere long determine when that Nation entred those parts, and when they changed the Name of those Provinces.

3. It is without question true that such a Prince there was in those times as Donaldus,* 1.432 who by Rosierius is sayd to be the Brother of Ethodius: but whether he was a King of that whole Countrey of Brittany not yet con∣quered by the Romans, or only a Prince of some one Province there, cannot certainly be determin'd. A Tradition likewise suffi∣ciently grounded approves the Conversion of that Prince, with his Family and subjects, about two years after the Death of King Lu∣cius. Which is evidently confirmed by the forecited testimony of Tertullian in a Book

written not above seaven years after it hap∣pned.

4. As for Fulgentius, or as the Brittains call'd him, Fulgenius, he was a Southern Brit∣tain, not only a Subject of King Lucius,* 1.433 but of the same Royall family: descended, saith Boethius, from the ancient blood of the Brittish Kings, and who together with his King and kinsman embraced the Christian Faith. He was not a Writer of Books, as Dempster fains: but a Prince of high Spirits and courage. And being such an one, no marvell if after so great an injury done to his family, which was excluded from the Succession by the Romans, he refused to continue their subject, and fled to their profess'd Enemies the Cale∣donian Brittains beyond the wall.

5. Fulgenius therfore was doubtles the first who instill'd into the mind of Donaldus a love of Christian verities, and suggested to him the same way and meanes to obtain a more perfect instruction, which his Kinsman King Lucius had lately made use of, which was, to direct Messengers to the Bishop of Rome, Pope Victor, with a request that he would send authoris'd Teachers to instruct that Nation, and establish a Church there. This the King perform'd, and accordingly Paschasius with other his companions were sent into those Northern Provinces, who by the Divine assistance converted to the Faith such infinite numbers of the Inhabitants, that there were not Preists enow to baptise them.

6. It seems the reputation of Fulgenius his courage and conduit was so great, that King Donaldus made him Generall of the for∣ces with which he broke into the Roman Provinces, causing a terrible desolation there: And being opposed by the Roman Generall, he defeated his Army, and kill'd both him and in a manner all that follow'd him. So great a calamity hence follow'd through all the Southern pa••ts of the Island, that the Empe∣rour Severus himselfe thought his own pre∣sence and authority necessary to secure the Province. Hereupon he brought with him an Army so formidable, that the Maeates and Caledonians made an offer to surrender themselves. But the Emperour ambitious of fame by a conquest of them, entred their countrey, where his cheif difficulty was to find his enemies; for by reason of the vast mountains, woods and marishes, (all the passages wherof were known to the Brittains) the Romans became oft entangled in their march, and sometimes received considerable defeats: Notwithstanding by their constancy and advantage in numbers the Roman Army did not interrupt their progresse, till they had peirced to the utmost bounds of the Island confining on the Nor∣thern Sea. There was no decisive battell at all fought between them: Notwithstanding the Emperour esteem'd his exploit of mar∣ching through the whole countrey, which never any Enemy before had done, to be so illustrious, that he therfore assum'd among his other Titles that of Britannicus: Which likewise was communicated to his two Sons Bassianus and Geta, his Successours in the Empire: though only Bassianus accompa∣nied him in the invasion, Geta being left in the Southern parts to compose Civil affaires.

7. As for the Noble and pious Brittain Fulgenius, he is sayd shortly after to have ended his life at York, then the Imperiall Citty. It is doubtfull whether he returned thither as a Prisoner, or upon composition. For some of the Princes and Provinces yeil∣ded themselves to the Emperour: though the greatest part avoyding any encounter with the Romans, remain'd still in their former hostility.* 1.434 That therfore which is related by a Modern Writer touching Fulgenius is very uncertain, namely that in a battell against Sep∣timius Severus he was mortally wounded, and died at York in the year of Grace two hundred and twelve, being the eighteenth and last year of Severus his Raign. And other stories of him though confidently reported by some, as that he was the Brother of Martia the first wife of Severus, and that by him Severus him selfe was slain, are meer inventions con∣triv'd to adorn a Fable rather then a History.

III. CHAP.* 1.435

1.2. How far Severus the Emperour subdued the Caledonian Brittains: And of the wall built by him.

3.4. Severus his ominous retreat to York: and his death there: And Conse∣cration by the Romans.

5. His Sons left Successours in the Em¦pire: but Bassianus the Elder murders his Brother Geta.

6. A sharp reply of a Brittish Lady to the Empresse Iulia.

7. A Description of the Caledonian Picts by Herodian.

1. SEverus though he took the Title of Bri∣tannicus, and coyned Medalls inscrib'd with Britannica Victoria, was far from sub∣duing those Northern Brittains. He wrote indeed to Rome, that the Caledonians by co∣venant had yeilded up a part of the coun∣trey formerly possess'd by them: Notwith∣standing if we consider the situation of the Wall or Rampire renewd by him to exclude those Nations from commerce with the ci∣viliz'd Provinces, we shall find that the Ro∣mans rather yeilded to the Brittains a consi∣derable space of ground which had former∣ly been subdued and gaind by Iulius Agri∣cola and Lollius Vrbicus.

2. Our famous Historian S. Beda indeed is of opinion that this Wall,* 1.436 or rather Rampire of earth, was rais'd by Severus in the same place where Agricola in the former Age

had made his enclosure, to wit, between the two bayes of Edinborough and Dunbritton. But certain it is that this Rampire was placed much more to the Southward, where the Emperour Hadrian afterward had rais'd his Wall, now utterly demolish'd, between the Mouth of the River Tine and the bay of Eden (Ituna) in Cumberland.* 1.437 The length of which Rampire was not as Orosius relates, as like∣wise S. Hierom and Cassiodorus, one hundred thirty two miles, but onely fourscore, as Spartianus truly measures it, calling this work the greatest ornament of his Empire, from whence he took the Title of Britannicus.

3. Having finish'd this vast work, with frequent towrs and a most deep and spa∣cious Trench,* 1.438 Severus retir'd with his Army to York, and being superstitious, he busied his thoughts in the way with an expectation of some good omen that might portend an establish∣ment of his future happines. But was much daunted seeing an Aethiopan souldier coale black, and crown'd with Cypresse, who came to meet him. And when he commanded him to be taken away, he being a noted Ieaster sayd thus to him, Thou hast been all, thou hast overcome all: Now be a God. The apprehension which so porten∣tous a sign wrought in his mind was much encreas'd when entring into York he was by a rusticall S••••thsayer conducted to the Temple of Bellona: and afterwards when the beasts brought for sacrifice were all black, and through the ne∣gligence of his servants, followd him all the way to the entrance into his Palace.* 1.439 These saith Spartianus were the presages of his death, which followd presently after in the same Citty.* 1.440 His last words were these, When I re∣ceiv'd the Government I found the common∣wealth every where in troubles: I leave it peace∣able even to the Brittains. Though I be an old man, unable to walk, I leave to my children An∣tonin••, if they be good, an Empire firm and secure, but if they be ill, they will find it weak and tottring.

4. Being dead, he was with all most ex∣quisite solemnity consecrated and made a God:* 1.441 the Ceremonies wherof are exactly de∣scribed by Herodian. His ashes were gathered into a precious boxe with costly odours, and by his two sons with great veneration caried to Rome, to be layd up in the sacred Monu∣ments of their Princes.

5. Now though these two sons, Bassianus or Antoninus, and Geta, were left by their Father with equall power Governours of the Empire, yet presently after their coming to Rome the Elder son, Bassianus, most barba∣rously murdred the Younger together with all that had adhered to him, and after his death raigned alone fower yeares.

6. Before we quit this subject in hand, it will not be impertinent to relate from Dio a story touching a quarrell between Severus his Empresse Iulia, and a Brittish Lady, by which we may observe the sprightfullnes of the Brittains. When the Emperour had entred into a league with the Caledonian Brittains,* 1.442 whilst he was sitting on his Tri∣bunal, his wife Iulia intending an affront to the Brittish woemen, sayd publickly that they con∣versed impudently with men. Whereto the Wife of Argentocox••s a Caledonian Prince, thus plea∣santly answer'd, We doe much more honourably satisfy out naturall passions, then you Roman Ladies: For we converse indeed freely with men, but they are such as are of the best and Noblest rank: Wheras you Roman woemen prestitute your selves secretly to the basest of men. This Reply proved the more sharp; because Iulia was infamous for her adulteries: which it seems, the Brittish Lady was not ignorant of, and had courage enough to let her know it. Shortly after the Empresse became the object of the utmost infamy, by marying publickly her own son Bassianus, to whose lusts she most impudently offred her selfe.

7. We will conclude the present argu∣ment with an observation out of Herodian an Historian living in these times,* 1.443 who des∣cribing the fashions of those Northern Brit∣tains, says, That they used no garments at all: that about their Necks and breasts they w••re swords, esteeming that to be a principall orna∣ment, and argument of their wealth. Moreover that they in severall colours mark'd their bodies with the pictures and figures of all sorts of beasts: and this being their cheif bravery, they therfore refused to weare any garments, because they would have those pictures exposed to mens eyes. Hence it is that in Roman Authours of this and the succeeding ages we find, not the Brittains in generall, but only these Northern, Caledonian Brittains stiled, Sky-colourd Brittains, and sky-colourd Brigantes: Aus••nius the Poet particularly ascribes such painting to the Caledonian Brittains. So that no doubt it was from hence that those utmost northern Brittains came to be called Picts, or a Painted people.

IV. CHAP.* 1.444

1. Of the Actions and death of Donaldus the first Christian King of the Caledo∣nians.

2. The Ancient Scottish Christianity how different from the Modern.

3. Of a Monument erected to the Dui, or God of the Brigantes.

1. IN the fourth year of Antoninus Bassia∣nus his Raign, dyed Donaldus the first Christian Prince among the Caledonians.* 1.445 Con∣cerning whom thus writes Hector Boethius, Donaldus was the first of all the Scottish Kings (as our ancient Annals inform us) which coyned silver and gold, marking it on one side with the figure of the Saving Crosse, and on the other with his own face: Which coyns may propagate to po∣sterity

the Memory of the Christian Faith being first embraced by him among all the Kings of that Nation.* 1.446 He at last dyed in the one and twentieth year of his raign, famous both for his religious and Civill actions. Being dead, he, by the per∣swasion of such Preists as among the Scots admi∣nistred the sacred Mysteries of Christianity, was with Christian ceremonies and solemnity bu∣ried in a feild, which with many pious accu∣stomed Prayers had been consecrated for the buriall of Christians.

2. In this relation made by Boethius, extracted out of ancient Records, the pre∣sent inhabitants of Scotland may observe how great the difference is between the Christianity of the first King who profess'd it in their countrey, and that which they have lately chosen in stead of it. This King refus'd to be buried among his heathen Ancestours, chusing rather to mingle his bones with those of common beleivers, then to have them proudly entomb'd with Heathen Princes. He would not rest after death but in a place consecrated by the De∣votions of holy Preists, who likewise ce∣lebrated his Obsequies according to the Pri∣mitive Christian manner,* 1.447 by making oblations for him, and offring the most Holy Sacrifice for the refreshment of his soule, as S. Cyprian, who liv'd not long after, describes the manner of ancient Christian buriall. The same holy Father likewise, as if he intended not only to justify, but commend this last act of King Donaldus his devotion, among other crimes with which he charges one of his Bishops call'd Mar••ialis,* 1.448 adds this, that he buried his children in the profane Sepulchers of the Heathen. Among other ceremonies pecu∣liar to Christian burialls in those ancient times, this was one, that a Crosse was raised upon their Monuments, as shall be shew'd hereafter.

3. Having thus related the actions and death of this second Christian Prince Do∣naldus, as fully as ancient Records inform us, it will not be amisse to add here a Monu∣ment yet remaining, which in those very days was erected nere the River Calder in Yorkshire by Titus Aurelius a Roman officer: on the one side wherof were inscribed these words,* 1.449 Antoninus and Geta the third time Consuls: and on another was a votive dedi∣cation to the Dui, or God of the Brigantes. Who this God was is uncertain: onely it appears that every Province, and perhaps every city and Town in Brittany had their peculiar De••••y, such an one was Belatuca∣drus, Andates, &c. Now the Roman Supersti∣tion was such, as that they worshipped all the Idols of the Nations conquered by them, and such an one probably was this (Dui, or) God of the Brigantes. Yet considering the late conversion both of the Southern and Northern Brittains, why may not this God of the Brigantes be the only true God wor∣shipped by these New Converts, and honour'd with an Inscription by this unbe∣leiving Roman,* 1.450 as one among the croud of profane Deities superstitiously adored by them?

V. CHAP.* 1.451

1.2. S. Amphibalus a Young Christian Brit∣tain, and afterward the Converter of S. Albanus, accompanies the two young Emperours to Rome.

1. AMong other Brittains which now attended the two young Emperours in their return to Rome,* 1.452 being moved therto either out of respect to them, or a curiosity of travelling into foraign countreys, one young man is particularly taken notice of in our ancient Annalls, which after some years doe celebrate his Memory, as a glorious ornament of our Nation, in being the In∣structour of our first Martyr S. Alban in the Christian Faith, and a companion of his Mar∣tyrdom. This was young Amphibalus, born at Cair-leon upon Vsk (Isca) in the County of Monmouth: Concerning whom our Writers give this Character,* 1.453 That he was from his ••ender years bred up in good literature, and withall in∣structed in Christian Religion whilst he liv'd in Brittany: that he learnt both the Greek and La∣tin tongues, and was likewise instituted in Elo∣quence. Afterward he travelled to Rome with a resolution there to betake himself to higher stu∣dies, where he spent his time principally in reading and understanding Holy Scripture and the Doctrine of Christian Religion, till the be∣ginning of the cruell persecution rais'd by Dio∣cletian.

2. Two voyages of his to Rome are com∣memorated: and it was in the Second that he made his continuance there, in which he gave himselfe to these serious and sacred studies, and was ordain'd a Preist, and sent back by the Pope into Brittany, where saith Boethius and Bale, he became Bishop of the Isle of Man.* 1.454 In this his first voyage thither he was an Auditour of the Holy Pope Zephirin who interpreted the Christian Law, as our Mar∣tyrologe testifies. But concerning Amphiba∣lus more shall be spoken hereafter.

* 1.455VI. CHAP.

1.2.3. A long silence touching British affairs: And fictions of Geffrey of Mon∣mouth touching Caransius.

4. Succession of Popes.

1. FOR the space of almost threescore yeares after the death of Severus, the Writers of Roman affairs make no mention at all of Brittany: which silence of theirs has given occasion to some of our ancient Hi∣storians to insert fictions of their own, or to relate true occurrents without any regard to time and order.

* 1.4562. Thus Geffrey of Monmouth, and some Modern Writers, mislead by him, affirm that a certain Brittish Prince called Carausius ha∣ving kill'd the Emperour Antoninus Bassia∣nus, sirnamed Caracalla, in a battell, in the year of our Lord two hundred and eighteen, therupon invaded the Kingdom of Brittany. Wheras it is certain that at this time An∣toninus was in the Eastern parts, where with giving hopes of a Mariage with the daugh∣ter of King Artabanus, he treachorously killd great numbers of the Parthians: and presently after was himselfe murdred by Macrinus Prefect of the Pretorian bands: who succeeding in the Empire was in lesse then a years space likewise kill'd by Heliogabal••s▪ To whom afterward succeeded Alexander Severus.

3. As for Carausius, certain it is that he took the Title of Emperour in Brittany, but that hapned sixty eight years after this time assign'd by Geffrey of Monmouth and his fol∣lowers: so that being not yet born, he could neither raign nor kill Antoninus.* 1.457 We shall speak of him in his due place and season.

4. In the year of Grace two hundred twenty and one Pope Zephirin died, having sate eighteen years: and Calistus succeeded him. In whose time our ancient Records mention one Cadorus Bishop of London, after whose death Obinus followd, the fourth Bi∣shop of that See: Of whom nothing remains recorded but only their Names.

VII. CHAP.* 1.458

1. The Emperour Alexander Severus murdred by Maximinus: who succeeds in the Empire.

1. THE Emperour Alexander Severus a vertuous Prince,* 1.459 no enemy to Christianity, which some conceive to have been profess'd by his Mother Mammaea, was in the fourteenth year of his raign slain by the treason of Iulius Maximinus who succeeded in his place. We mention this here, that we may take notice of the mistake of some Writers who affirm that he was slain in Brittany,* 1.460 in a town called Si∣cila. This is evident, saith Richard White, and that town took its name from Sicilius a Son of King Guintelin. True it is that Victor resolutly says that it was at Sicila a Village of Brittany, that Alexander was slain: and Lampridius affirms that it was in Brittany, or as other Writers will have it, in Gaule: But Herodian, Capitolinus and generally other Historians confidently pronounce, that it was in a Village neer Mogontiacum (or Mentz) called Sicila: wherin they are fol∣lowed by Eusobius, Onuphrius Panvinius, Platina, Baronius, &c. And this no doubt is the truth, since there are no ancient Monuments testifying that Alexander, or his Successour and Murderer Maximinus, ever were in Brittany.

VIII. CHAP.* 1.461

i. &c. Of Chrathlintus a Christian King of the Caledonian Brittains taught by S. Amphibalus. Sacred Rites of those days. And who this S. Amphibalus was?

1. IN these times when Maximinus began his raign,* 1.462 Christian Religion flourish'd in Brittany, both in the Southern parts under the Romans dominion, and among the Ca∣ledonians also, where raigned Chrathlintus a Christian Prince successour of Donaldus. This Chrath••int••s is sayd to have been directed in matters of Religion by Amphibalus, who is suppos'd to have return'd from Rome about this time, and become a Teacher of the Caledonians.

2. Now what Sacred Rites he taught them is thus declared by Hector Boethius, King Chrathlintus, saith he,* 1.463 adorned the Sacred Temple built by the Holy Bishop Amphibalus

(in the Isle of Man) with very Noble gifts, as Chalices, Patens, Candlesticks and such like sa∣cred Vessells, all made of silver and gold: like∣wise with an Altar enclos'd with Copper and brasse. He assigned moreover for the mainte∣nance of the said Church revenews out of the lands adioyning therto. That was the first Church among the Scots consecrated according to Chri∣stian Rites,* 1.464 and wherin the Prime Bishop and Ecclesiasticall Prelate had his See. The same Authour hereto adds, That this Church was called Sadorensis (or rather as at this day, So∣dorensis:) the reason of which name, as hath be∣fal••n to many other things and places, is by the great antiquity conceal'd from posterity. Some Writers imagine that it was called Sodorensis, because it was by Amphibalus dedicated to our Saviour, called in Greek (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) Soter.

3. This Narration, for as much as con∣cerns Amphibalus, if this be the Brittish Martyr Amphibalus, seems to be of doubt∣full credit: since he could scarce be so time∣ly a Bishop: For almost fifty years must yet passe before we introduce him ascending the Episcopall throne, & offring himselfe a Cham∣pion and Sacrifice for the Christian Faith.

* 1.465IX. CHAP.

1. The Sixth Persecution rais'd by the Em∣perour Maximinus. Martyrdom of Pope Pontianus.

2. Of Cyriacus a Brittain, falsly sup∣pos'd to be the Successour of Pope Pon∣tianus.

3.4.5. The Martyrdom of S. Vrsu∣la and the eleaven thousand Virgins falsly refer'd to this age. Fictions con∣cerning them.

1. AT this time S. Pontianus Bishop of Rome governed the Church of God, whose Predecessour was S. Vrban, who succeeded S. Calistus. Now the Tyrant Maximinus rai∣sing the sixth Persecution, sharpned it espe∣cially against Bishops and Teachers of the Christian Flock. By his command therfore S. Pontianus, who by the Emperour Alexander had been banish'd into Sardinia, was crown'd with Martyrdom, being beaten to death with clubbs. To him succeeded S. Anterus, by Natiō a Grecian, who the year following was likewise put to death by the same Tyrant.

2. Hence it appears that those Writers are manifestly disprooved who after S. Pontianus place in the Chair of S. Peter a person un∣known to Antiquity, called Cyriacus. The Pa∣trons of this Errour are the Authour of the ••asciculus temporum, Bergomensis, Nauclerus, &c. Hereto some Modern Writers add, that Cyriacus was by birth a Brittain, and appoin∣ted by S. Pontianus, going into banishment, his Vicar at Rome, to exercise there in his ab∣sence the Papall offices:* 1.466 for which cause he was by some called Pope.

3. A yet greater Errour is that by which certain Authours refer the Martyrdom of S. Vrsula and many thousand Virgins her com∣panions to these times. Concerning whose particular Gests things are reported beyond all bounds of probability or even possibi∣lity. Hermanus Crombachius,* 1.467 who has writ∣ten a book of the Martyrdom of those Vir∣gins, pretends that S. Vrsula was the daughter of a certain Prince in Ireland, a Christian cal∣led Dionethus, or Dionothus: and that all her companions came out of the same Countrey. These holy Virgins, saith he, the Emperour Maximinus beseeging and winning by assault Colonia, most barbarously murdred. Wheras it is most certain both by Tradition and all ancient Monuments, that before S. Patricks time (the first Apostle of Ireland) there was in that Island no Prince that was Christian, and much lesse could it afford eleaven thou∣sand Christian Virgins. Which by what mira∣cle they should in those times be brought to Colen, no man can rationally imagin.

4. A yet more absurd fancy is entertain'd by some others concerning these Virgins,* 1.468 who affirm that they in devotion under∣took a pilgrimage to Rome accompanied by severall Princes, and in their retinue the foremention'd Cyriacus: and returning by Colen were there martyred. Indeed a proper time is found by these Writers for a Pilgri∣mage to be perform'd by such an Army of Virgins, &c. when the persecuting Tyrant Maximinus so cruelly raged against Chri∣stians. Notwithstanding besid's pretended Revelations, there is produced an eye-witnes of all this, a certain companion of S. Vrsula, call'd Vetena, who it seems escaped the slaughter, that she might acquaint poste∣rity with the story of her Fellows.* 1.469 The tale reported by her is as followeth: When we were at Rome there were at that time two wicked Princes, whose names were Maximi∣nus and Africanus. (Yet Maximinus though then Consul with Africanus, never was at Rome:) who seeing our great multituds, and how many Romans associated themselves to us, conceived great indignation against us, fearing least by our means Christian Religion might en∣crease and gather strength. Hereupon having by ••heir Spyes learnt out what way we intended to ••ourney, they sent with great hast messengers to a certain kinsman of theirs, called Iulius, who was Prince of the Nation of the Hunns, exhorting him to bring forth his Army to persecute and destroy us. Who readily complying with their de∣sire, rush'd violently upon us when we were at Colen, and there shed our blood.

5. Such dreams as these, (the inventions of vain and idle witts, which gain no beleif to themselves, and disgrace Truth reported by others) deserve not to be confuted, but with indignation to be rejected and conte••••'d,* 1.470 And as for the true Story of S. Vrsula's Martyr∣dom

with her companions we shall herafter in due time and place,* 1.471 about the middle of the fifth Century, give a sober and rationall account of it, shewing that she was indeed the daughter of one Dionothus, a petty Chri∣stian Prince, not in Ireland, but Cornwall: and that those holy Virgins being destin'd for spouses to great multituds of Brittains not long before placed in Gallia Armorica, from them named lesser Brittany, they were on the Sea surpris'd by a Navy of Hunns, and by them led captives up the Rhine to C••len, where they received a glorious Martyrdom.

* 1.472X. CHAP.

1. Maximinus the Emperour slain by his Army: His Successours.

2. Of Pope Fabianus: and his preten∣ded Bull to confirm the Priviledges of Cambridge.

3. Peace of Gods Church: and many Churches built.

4. An Ancient Monument touching the Emperour Gordianus and his Wife.

1. MAximinus having raign'd not full four years, was slain by his own soldiers at Aquileia, to whom succeeded Maximus and Balbinus chosen by the Roman Senat to oppose Maximinus: who after a few months were likewise slain by the Soldiers: and in their place they advanced to the Em∣pire Gordianus the grandchild of a former Gordianus who in a sedition against Maximi∣nus had been proclamed Emperour in Africk, and approved by the Senat and people of Rome: but presently after was deprived both of his Empire and life.

2. During the Raign of Maximinus, as like∣wise of the Younger Gordianus,* 1.473 the Holy Pope Fabianus sate in the Chair of S. Peter, being the Successour of Pontianus. There is produced by Caius the Advocat of the Vni∣versity of Cambridge a Bull of Pope Honorius dated the six hundred twenty fourth year of our Lord, in which this Pope Fabianus is sayd to have approv'd and confirm'd the sayd Vniversity. In case the said Bull be au∣thentick, it shall not here be inquired what Proofs those who obtain'd it from Pope Hono∣rius could alledge for their pretending to such a Confirmation by S. Fabianus. This is however certain, that this Holy Pope was not only watchfull over the affairs of the whole Church, but a favourer of learning and learned men.* 1.474 To him did the famous Origen give account in an Epistle of the orthodoxe soundnes of his doctrin, as Eusebius testifies.

3. At this time the Christian Church enioyed great tranquillity,* 1.475 saith Baronius: Of which occasion many Bishops making good use, not only propa∣gated the Faith,* 1.476 but likewise illustrated it by building many Churches. This is affirm'd by S. Gregory Nyssen, who says that in those days many Churches, and Altars were erected every where. And particularly the holy Pope Fabianus commanded Churches to be built over the vaults where the bodies of the holy Martyrs had been buried: which Churches were much frequented by the devotion of Christians. No wonder then if in Brittany, as yet free from all persecu∣tion, there be so many testimonies of Chur∣ches, Altars and Sacrifices. Neither can it be doubted but that among others Obinus Bi∣shop of London, as likewise Conanus his next Successour about these times, were carefull to imitate the zeale of other Bishops.

4. We will not here omitt the taking notice of a Monument or Inscription found among the Brigantes,* 1.477 being a Votive Table, For the safety of M. Antonius Gordianus the Son of Publius, the invincible Emperour, and of Sabina Furia Tranquilla his Wife, and their whole sacred Family: Which Table was erected by the Emperours Wing of horse, for their courage call'd Gordia: the Prefect wherof was Aemilius Crispinus a Gentleman of Rome, born at Tuidrus (or Thisdrus) in the Province of Africa: under the command of Nonnius Philippus the Empe∣rours Lieutenant, Propretor (of Brittany,) At∣ticus and Pratextatus being Consuls.* 1.478

5. In which Table we learn two particu∣lars, no where else to be found, The first is, That Nonnius Philippus, was at this time Go∣vernour of Brittany: And the other, That the Daughter of Misitheus whom the Em∣perour married, was called Sabin•• Furia Tran∣quilla, though Paulus Diaconus calls her Tranquillina.

XI. CHAP.* 1.479

1. The Emperour Gordianus slain by Philip∣pus, who succeeded.

2.3. The Emperour Philippus and his Son become Christians: The occasion of their Conversion.

4. After seaven years raign they are slain by their soldiers: and Decius suc∣ceeded in the Empire.

1. IN the sixth year of his raign was the Emperour Gordianus slain by the treason of M. Iulius Philippus,* 1.480 who succeeded him, and within a few years gave a proof how instable Kingdoms are which are unlaw∣fully purchased, for by the like, though lesse uniust treason, he was depriv'd both of his Empire and life by his own Guards. Yet thi•• advantage did Philip enioy above any of his Predecessors,* 1.481 that Almighty God gave him the Grace to wash away his sins by Baptisme and Pennance.

2. The occasion of whose conversion to Christianity is thus declared in the Acts of S. Pontius the Martyr:* 1.482 Pontius a person advan∣ced to a high dignity, was known and a particular freind of the two Philips, the Father and the son, who were Emperours. Now in the year one thou∣sand after the foundation of Rome, they sayd to Pontius, Let us goe, and begg the favour of the Gods, which have brought us to this thousandth year of the Roman City. But Pontius used many excuses to avoyd this: however they in a freeid∣ly manner endeavoured to compell him to the Sacrifice. Whereupon he conceiving this to be a good opportunity given him by God to advance his truth, sayd to them, O most pious Emperours, since it is the only true God which has bestowed on you the Supreme dominion over men, why doe you not rather adore Him by whom such power and majesty has been conser'd on you? The Em∣perour Philip answered him, For that cause it is that I desire to sacrifice to the great God Iupiter. But Pontius smiling, Be not deceiv'd, O Empe∣rour (said he:) It is that Omnipotent God, whose throne is in heaven, who created all things by his Word, and by his Spirit gave life to them, which made you Emperour. In a word, by these and other like speeches and perswasions the Empe∣rours received the Faith of Christ, and were bap∣tis'd by the holy Pope Fabianus.

3. The two Emperour being thus perswa∣ded of the Truth of Christianity, gave a wor∣thy example of Christian modesty and humi∣lity when they came to be baptis'd, as Euse∣bius relates it,* 1.483 The report is, saith he, that Philip, who was then converted to the Christian Faith, on the last Vigils before Easter coming to the Church with a desire to be partaker of the Prayer toge∣ther with the Congregation, was not permitted by the Bishop then presiding over the Church, to enter till he had confess'd his sins, and placed himselfe among those who were yet unabsolved, and therefore were separated from the rest in a rank appointed for Penitents: For the Bishop told him plainly, that considering the many crimes publickly known to have been committed by him, he could not upon any other condition re∣ceive him into the Church. Whereupon the Em∣perour with a willing and chearfull mind sub∣mitted himselfe to the Bishops injunction, thereby declaring an ingenuous modesty, together with a Religious and pious affection proceeding from a reverent fear of God.

4. These two Emperours raigned full seaven years: and at the end were slain by their own soldiers. The time and manner of their death is signified by an ancient Inscrip∣tion and Monument at Verona, where the Elder Philip was kill'd. The Words of the Inscription are these, In the two hundred fifty and third year of Christ the Emperour Philip the Elder was slain at Verona: and the Younger at Rome by their own Guards, incited thereto by Decius, who succeeded in the Empire.

XII. CHAP.* 1.484

1. The birth of Helena, Mother of Con∣stantin.

2.3. A Controversy about the Place of her birth, &c.

1. THE Raign of the two Philips is ren∣dred to us more illustrious by the Mother of Constantin the Great. She was the daughter of a Brittish Prince called Coëllus or Coelus, who exercised a Dominion among the Trinobantes, the Regni and the Iceni, that is, Essex, Middlesex, Surrey, Sussex, Norfolk &c. For though after the death of King Lu∣cius not any Brittain was allow'd the name of King, yet certain it is there were severall Princes of the Brittish blood which under an inferiour Title exercised a kingly Iurisdi∣ction in their respective Provinces.

2. There is a controversy among Writers in which of these Provinces S. Helena was born. The more common opinion is that it was among the Trinobantes, in Essex: and particularly in Colchester,* 1.485 which saith M. Camden, was in those days the prime Citty of that Province, as a world of ancient Coyns there dayly digg'd up doe testify. And that she was indeed born there, the same Authour prooves by an argument of some weight, for says he, The inhabitants of Colchester doe confi∣dently affirm that Flavia Iulia Helena, the Mother of Constantin the Great,* 1.486 and daughter of King Co••llus, was born in their Citty. And there∣fore in memory of the Holy Crosse found by her, they bear for their Arms in a Scutcheon a knotty Crosse placed between four Crowns.

3. Notwithstanding severall Historians of the Greek Church doe challenge S. Helena to themselves, affirming that she was born in Bithynia, in a town rais'd by her son Constan∣tin to the dignity of a Citty, and from her called Helenopolis. Moreover that she was a person of no good fame, and that from a Pagan she became a Iew, &c. But all these fictions we shall in due place disprove, and demonstrate that she was from her infancy a perfectly vertuous Christian, bred up in that Religion by her Father, who was a Chri∣stian too: that she was maried to Constan∣tius at his first coming into Brittany, whom though perhaps she did not perswade to be a Christian, yet she induced him to be a fa∣vourer of them, &c. But of these things here∣after.

* 1.487XIII. CHAP.

1. A persecution rais'd against the Church by the Emperour Decius.

2. Libellatici, who.

3. The Novatian Heresy: and occa∣sion of it.

1. DEcius after the death of the two Philips, extended his rage to the Re∣ligion profess'd by them: and, as S. Gregory Nyssen saith, thinking with his cruelty to resist the divine omnipotence by repressing the preaching of Gods word, sent his Edicts to the Presi∣dents of Provinces threatning them with terrible punishments unlesse they heaped all manner of disgraces, injuries and torments upon all those who adored the Name of Christ. By which ter∣rours threatned by the Emperour, and execu∣ted by inferiour Magistrats,, those who were firm in the Faith approved themselves to be pure wheat of Gods floore: such were S. Fabianus Bishop of Rome, S. Alexander Bi∣shop of Hierusalem, and S. Babylas of An∣tioch, which made a glorious Confession of Christ before many Witnesses, and sealed it with their blood.

2. But on the other side the same Tempest scattered the chaffe out of Gods barn: for then began the name of the Libellatici in the Church:* 1.488 A title given to those tepide worldly-minded Christians, which by money redeem'd themselves from the obligation to be assi∣stant at the Pagan Sacrifices, and privatly obtain'd from the Roman Magistrats Libells, or Testimonies in writing, falsely declaring that they had sacrifised. Which Hypocrisy was severely condemn'd by all Christian Churches, but principally that of Rome, where S. Cornelius succeeded S. Fabianus, and of Carthage,* 1.489 in which the glorious Martyr S. Cyprian sate. For no better title did these Saints afford such dissembling Christians, then that of Lapsi, or Apostats.

3. Whilst S. Cornelius possess'd S. Peters chaire, there arose in Gods Church a great scandall, which was the Novatian Heresy. For Novatus having for his turbulency been driven out of Africk, came to Rome, where finding Novatianus swelling with envy and rage at the Election of S. Cornelius, he easily drew him to be a favourer of his Schism and Heresy, by which he excluded from all hope of pardon and reconciliation those which were called Libellatici, or which had been guilty of any great crime, although they had submitted themselves to due Pennance.* 1.490 This Novatus is by our Gildas call'd a black ••wine, who trodd under foot our Lords pearle, and cast violent hands on the Church, more worthy to be consumed by the fearfull flames of hell, then to be made a Sacrifice on Gods altar.* 1.491 And concerning his followers thus writes Saint Augustin, Let us take heed of hearkning to those who deny that the Church of God has authority to forgive all sins whatsoever.* 1.492 Those wretches whilst they will not understand how in S. Peter God has established a Rock: and will not beleive that the Keyes of the kingdome of heaven have been given to the Church, they let the same keyes fall out of their own hands. These are they which boast themselves to be (Cathari) more pure then the Apostles doctrine requires, &c.

XIV. CHAP.* 1.493

1. Decius betrayd by Gallus▪ and slain: He succeding is slain by his solders, together with his Son Volusianus: and the Empire comes to Valerianus and Gallienus.

2. Of S. Stephanus Pope: who baptises many.

3.4. &c. Among others, S. Mello, a Brittish Saint.

1. THE Persecution rais'd by Decius though extremely violent, was yet short, for himself having raign'd little more then two years, he was by the treachery of Trebonianus Gallus deserted in a battell fought against the Scythians, where he lost his life being swallowed in a fenn: In whose place the same Gallus together with his Son Volu∣sianus succeeded, by whose cruelty S. Lucius who follow'd S. Cornelius in the Roman See, was crown'd with Martyrdom. Immediatly after which they themselves were slain by their soldiers: who cast the Imperiall Purple on Aemilianus: which having worn but one months space, he also was killd by them, and Valerianus formerly chosen by another Army succeeded in the Empire, who assum'd as his Collegue therin his son Gallienus.

2. In the beginning of whose raign Ste∣phanus the Successour of S. Lucius in the A∣postolick See instructed, baptis'd, and ordain'd among others a glorious ornament of our Brittish Nation,* 1.494 S. Mello, otherwhere call'd S. Mallo, S. Melanius and S. Meloninus, sending him to govern the Church of Roüen in France.

This Mello being yet a Pagan was sent out of Brittany to Rome to pay the Tribut to the Emperour Valerian:* 1.495 where according to the custome he with his companions was lead to the Temple of Mars to sacrifice.

4. But presently after, by divine Providence being admitted to the acquaintance of the Holy Pope Stephanus, he became one among his hearers whilst he expounded to a few Christians the doctrines of the Gospell of Christ: and being very attentive to his words, he beleived: and at his own earnest request received Baptism

5. In the ancient Acts of this holy Bishop S. Stephanus, approved by Baronius to be Au∣thentick, we read of great numbers baptised by him,* 1.496 to gether with the order and Form of the administration of that Mystery, when Nemesius and his daughter together with many other Gentiles were baptised by him, among whom probably this our S. Mello might have been one. The words of the Acts are as followeth.

* 1.4976. S. Stephanus gave order that Nemesius should be conducted to the (Church, or) Title of S. Pastor. Where after he had catechiz'd him and his daughter according to the Christian custom, and appointed a Fast to be observed till the evening: when even was come, he bles∣sed the Font in the same Title, and causing Nemesius to descend into the water, he sayd, I baptize thee in the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Which having done, turning himselfe to the daughter of Ne∣mesius, he sayd, Doest thou beleive in God the Father Almighty? She answered, I be∣leive. He added, And doest thou beleive in Iesus Christ our Lord? She answered, I beleive. Doest thou beleive the Remission of all sins? I beleive. Doest thou beleive the Resurrection of the Flesh? She answered, I beleive &c. Then began many others to cast themselves at S. Ste∣phanus his feet, with tears beseeching him to baptise them. So that in that day he baptised of both sexes to the number of sixty two. And after this many other Gentiles of good rank in the world came to S. Stephanus desiring to be bap∣tized by him. Moreover t••is blessed Bishop being replenish'd With the Grace of the holy Ghost, cele∣brated frequently Masses and Synods in vaults where the Bodies of holy Martyrs rested.

* 1.4987. After S. Mello's Baptism, S. Stephanus ere long promoted him by all the severall Ecclesiasticall degrees to the sublime Order of a Bishop: for S. Mello continually ad∣hered to him Now by how stupendious a Miracle he was designed to be the Bishop of (Rhotomagum, or) Roüen, we find in his life collected out of ancient Ecclesiasticall Records, in this manner.

8 S. Stephanus together with S. Mello perse∣ver'd in Fastings and watching. Now on a certain day whilst the Holy Bishop S. Stephanus was celebrating Masse, both himselfe and S. Mello saw an Angell standing at the right side of the Altar. Masse therfore being finish'd, he gave to him a Pastorall Croster or staff, which the Angell held in his hand, saying, Receive this staff, with which thou shalt govern the inha∣bitants of the Citty of Roüsen in the Province of Neustria. And though the labours of away and course of life hitherto unexperienced by thee, may prove burdensom, notwithstanding doe not feare to undertake it, for our Lord Iesus Christ will protect thee under the shadow of his wings, Thus having received a benediction from the holy Pope he betook himself to his iourney. And when he was come to (Altissiodorum, or) Au∣xerre in Gaule, having in his hand the staff which he had received from the Angell, he by his prayer restored to health a man who had his foot cut in two peices by an axe.

9. The learned Molanus calls S. Mello the first Bishop of Roüen, and seems to proove it by an Ancient Distick of that Church impor∣ting as much. But a former more authentick Tradition describ'd out of the ancient Cata∣logue of Bishops of that Church by Democharus declares that S. Nicasius preceded S. Mello in that Bishoprick. However, saith Ordericus Vita∣lis, The Ancient Pagan Superstition after the Martyrdom of S. Nicasius possess'd the said Citty, filling it with innumerable pollutions of Idolatry till the time that S. Mello was Bishop there.

XV. CHAP.

1.2. &c A prosecution of the Gests of S. Mello, Bishop of Roüen.

5. Dempster impudently challenges him to be a Scott.

1. BEcause we would not interrupt this story of S. Mello, it will be convenient here to prosecute his life and Gests unto his death, which hapned almost two and twenty years after his Ordination. Thus ther∣fore the Gallican Martyrologe relates concer∣ning him:

2. S. Mello unwilling to delay the execution of the Mission impos'd on him by the Holy Ghost,* 1.499 departed from Auxerre, and went streight to Roüen: Where courageously setting upon his divine employment, he began to preach to the inha∣bitants the name of Christ, with such efficacy of speech and power of miracles, to which the ad∣mirable Sanctity of his life added a greater ver∣tue, that in short time he brought almost the whole Citty to the obedience of Faith. This great change began especially when on a certain day the people were busy in attending to an abominable sacrifice offred to a certain false Deity of theirs. For S. Mello coming there suddenly upon them, and inflam'd with a heavenly zeale, sharply reproved that frantick people for their blindnes, which worship'd a senceles stock, as if it were a God: And presently calling on the Name of Christ, and making the triumphant Sign of the Crosse, he immediatly tumbled down the Idoll, and with the word of his mouth alone, in the sight of them all, broke it into small peices-Hereupon the people being astonish'd with this sight, willingly attended to his admonitions: who taught them the knowledge of the true God, and the hope of im∣mortall life to be attaind by his pure Worship. By this means a great multitude of the Cittizens became imbued with the Doctrines of our holy Faith, and purified by the water of Sacred Bap∣tisme: And S. Mello in the same place from which he had expelled the Devill, erected the first Trophey to our Lord, building there a Church under the Title of the Supreme most Holy Trinity. In which Church the people being assembled every Sunday were instructed

more perfectly by him in the Worship of God: there he offred the unbloody Sacrifice, and communicated to his flock the means and helps by which they might attain salvation.

3. Thus the flock of Christ encreasing plen∣tifully every day,* 1.500 certain Merchants of other countreys negotiating there became attentive and obedient to the Divine Word: for whose commodity the Holy Bishop built another Church in an Island, where they might more conve∣niently assemble themselves: to which he gave the Title of S. Clement. He added moreover a third Church to the end he might comply with the fervour of the multitudes flowing to∣gether to see the Wonders wrought by him: This he consecrated to the veneration of the most holy Virgin the Mother of God: and placed there a Colledge of Preists, therby designing it for an Episcopall See.

* 1.5014. Having thus persisted the space of many years in the discharge of his Apostolicall Of∣fice, and by the seed of the Divine Word ha∣ving begotten many thousand soules to Christ, this Blessed man, a veteran Soldier in our Lords warfare, at last (in the year of Grace two hundred and eighty) departed to his eternall rest, there receiving from his heavenly Gene∣rall, whom he had served with great courage, perseverance and glory, an inestimable Do••••∣tive and reward. He was buried in a vault in the suburbs, over which afterward was ere∣cted a Church dedicated to S. Gervasius a glorious Monument worthy of him. From whence notwithstanding afterward when the Danish armies raged in France, his sacred Body was removed into parts more remote from the Sea, and reverently layd at a Castle called Pontoise, where to this day it reposes in a Church which from him takes its Title, where the memory of so illustrious a Champion of Christ lives with great glory and splendour.

5. This account gives the Gallican Mar∣tyrologe of our Blessed Brittish Saint Mello, or Melanius Probus, as Possevin calls him. Whom yet in opposition to the universall consent of all Writers and Records,* 1.502 agreeing that he was a Brittain, Dempster most im∣pudently in his Scottish Menology will needs call a Scott, falsly affirming that Possevin acknowledges him for such. Wheras to this time there is not mention in any an∣cient Writers of such a Nation as Scotts, in this Island. Or if there had been, certain it is that their countrey never having been subdued by the Romans, there was no Tribut sent from thence to Rome, which yet we see was the occasion of S. Mello's first going thither. But it is Dempsters constant practise, ridiculously to adopt into a Scottish family all persons whatsoe∣ver which in these Primitive times are called Brittains. If this were granted, Ireland would have a better title to this Saint, then Scotland; for in this age that Island was the only countrey of the Nation called Scots, which afterward transplanted themselves into the Northern parts of the Caledonian Brittains.* 1.503 But this controversy is well de∣termin'd by the learned Bishop Vsher, though an Irishman,* 1.504 who says, Dempster is the first and onely Writer that ever dreamt that Melanius was a Scott.

XVI. CHAP.* 1.505

1. The Emperour Valerianus first favours, afterward persecutes Christians.

2. He is taken Captive by the King of Persia.

3. Many Tyrants and Vsurpers in the Empire.

4. Gallienus Son to Valerianus slain.

5.6. Claudius a Worthy Emperour succeeds: His raign short: but his po∣sterity in the following age possesses the Empire.

VAlerian in the beginning of his raign showd not any disfavour to Christians,* 1.506 but in his fifth year he raised a furious persecution (which was the eighth) against them:* 1.507 in which the holy Pope Stephanus was crowned with Martyr∣dom: to whom succeeded S. Sixtus, the second of that Name: who the same year tasted of same the Cup. And in his place sate S. Dionysius. To the same Emperours cruelty the glorious Martyr S. Cyprian became a Sacrifice: and at Rome S. Laurence though inferiour in degree, yet excelling all other Martyrs in his magnanimously suffring with contempt most exquisite torments.

2. But almight God speedily and heavily visited all this precious blood upon the Emperour Valerian,* 1.508 who being taken pri∣soner in a battell against Sapore•• King of the Persians, lived many years in a most mi∣serable slavery, being made that Kings foot∣stoole when he mounted his horse: and at last his body was excoriated and salted with salt to be an eternall monument of the in∣stability of human glory, Neither was it a small aggravation to his unhappines, that his Son Gallienus left sole Emperour, never attempted either by treaty or war to redeem him.

3. Notwithstanding though Gallienus was by iust title Sole Emperour, yet never was there in so few years so many Vsur∣pers of the Empire as during his raign: for in severall Provinces of the Roman world no fewer then thirty Tyrants assumed the Title of Emperours▪ Among which, those who had the Government of Gaule, as Posthumius, Tetricus, &c. were always fa∣voured

and assisted by the Armies in Brit∣tany,* 1.509 which was a portion of that Prefe∣cture. This is testified by a world of an∣cient Medalls inscrib'd by their names and faces, which have been diggd up in seve∣rall places in this Island.

4. At last after more then five years luxuriously and sluggishly spent,* 1.510 Gallie∣nus was by the treachery of Claudius, his next Successour, slain, together with his Brother and children.

5. Within lesse then three years Claudius dyed:* 1.511 an Emperour highly esteem'd by the Romans for his courage wisdome and morall vertues: but yet he was a persecutour of Christians. After his death his Brother Quin∣tillus took the Name of Emperour, but within seaventeen days was slain by his own soldiers, either for his austerity, or because they had heard that Aurelianus was chosen Emperour by the Eastern Armies: who therfore in history is esteemed the immediate Successour of Claudius.

6. Notwithstanding the family of Clau∣dius, which was Flavian, was sufficiently recompenced for the misfortune of his Brother Quintillus, in that a daughter of his other Brother Crispus, called Claudia, being maried to Eutropius an eminent person of the Dardanian Nation, bore to him Constantius Chlorus, who established the Empire in his family for severall ge∣nerations.

* 1.512XVII. CHAP.

1. Aurelianus the Successour of Claudius overcomes Zenobia, and leads her Cap∣tive.

2. He marches against the Tyrant Te∣tricus.

3.4. He his accompanied by Constan∣tius, who makes himself illustrious.

5 6.7. The Emperour Aurelianus his just Sentence in a controversy among Christians.

1. AMong all the late Vsurpers of the Empire there remained only two in the beginning of Aurelianus his raign, Zenobia, in the East, Queen of Palmyrene, and Tetricus in the West. Against these two therfore the Emperour turn'd his Arms: be∣ginning first with Zenobia, a Lady of most masculin courage, whom at last notwith∣standing he with much difficulty subdued, and lead with him in triumph to Rome, where she and her off spring lived in a private but splendid fortune.

2. After this Aurelianus march'd against Tetricus who had severall years acted the Emperour in Gaule,* 1.513 with whom likewise conspired the Brittish Army. But not da∣ting to oppose the Emperour in battell, he retired into Catalonia, whither being pur∣sued, he voluntarily surrendred himself to him, and was permitted not only to live, but to live in esteem with him, being trusted with the government of a Province in Italy.

3. In this expedition Aurelianus was accompanied by Constantius Chlorus, who here layd the foundations of bringing the Empire into his own family. For behaving himself with admirable courage and con∣duit in freeing the Citty call'd Augusta Vin∣delicorum (or Ausburg) from a streit seige with which the barbarous Germans had sur∣rounded it, and afterward defeating the Enemies forces in a battell near the said Citty, he gained so great a share in the Emperours favour and opinion, that he made choice of him to be trusted with a Army into Brittany, a Province then un∣quiet and ill affected.

4. In this voyage of Constantius were layd the grounds of strange revolutions, not only in regard of his own family, but of the whole Church of God: For now it was that he maried the so famous Brittish Lady S. Helena, of whose birth we have already spoken: Now it was that the glo∣rious Emperour Constantin the Great was born, and educated by his holy Mother in at least a love, if not a Profession of Chri∣stian Religion: by whom in a few years the Catholick Church was not only freed from the most heavy persecution it ever had groand under, but made to triumph over Hell it selfe, and the Kingdom of Hell, Pagan Idolatry. But a more full account of these things, deserving our most exact inquiry, we will referre to the following Book.

5. And we will conclude this with rela∣ting a memorable passage out of Eusebius, touching a most just and impartiall iudg∣ment given by the Emperour Aurelianus, alhough a Heathen, in a controversy among Christians, by which he acknowleg∣ed the authority and dignity of the Bishop of Rome, contradicted and despis'd by Mo∣dern Sectaries. The busines in debate was this

6. Paulus Samosatenus having broached a most execrable Heresy, by which he denyed the Divinity of the Son of God, was in a Synod of Eastern Bishops reduced from his Errour: But upon his relapse, he was by them excommunicated and deposed from his Bishoprick of Antioch. But the obstinate Arch. heretick refused to relinquish either his opinion or his See. Hereupon the said Bishops gave an account both of their iudg∣ment and his perversenes to Dionysius Bi∣shop of Rome and other Bishops in the West.

Now this controversy coming to the No∣tice of secular Magistrates, the Emperour himselfe was desired to pronounce sentence therin, which he performed in a manner that might have become a good Christian Prince, related thus by Eusebius:

7. When Paulus, saith he, refused to de∣part out of the house belonging to that Church of Antioch,* 1.514 the Emperour Aurelian being desired to give his iudgment on the matter, made a most holy and religious Decree: For he commanded that the Episcopall house should be given to those to whom the Christians of Italy and Bishops of the Citty of Rome should by their letters assign it. And thus at last Paulus to his great shame and infamy, was by the authority of the Secular supreme Power entirely expelled from his Church.

THE SIXTH BOOK OF THE CHVRCH-HISTORY OF BRITTANY.

* 1.515I. CHAP.

1.2. Constantius his first Expedition into Brittany.

3. He was then only a Roman Sena∣tour.

4. He is received peaceably by the Brittains.

5.6. &c. He associates himself with Coëlus a Brittish Prince, and marries his daughter Helena.

1. THERE are mention'd in Story two Voyages of Constan∣tius Chlorus into Brittany: The first was now in the year of Grace two hundred seaventy four, and the fourth of Aurelianus his raign, presently after Tetricus had submitted to him in Spain: The other was almost twenty years after, when Carausius in Brittany took on him the Title of Emperour, against whom he was sent. Now for want of distinguishing these two Voyages, great confusion has been brought into the History of Constantius and his Son Constantin by Grecian Writers, as shall here∣after appear.

* 1.5162. Concerning this first Expedition, Baro∣nius in a discourse proving his son Constan∣tin to have been born in Brittany, thus writes, This hapned in the time of the Empe∣rour Aurelianus, by whom Constantius, illis∣strious for the fresh memory of the Emperour Claudius to whom he was allyed, was sent with an Army into Brittany, to the end he might contain that Nation frequently accustomed to tumults, in their duty and fidelity to the Empe∣rour.

3. Suitably hereto we read in the life of S. Helena,* 1.517 That the Romans taking into consi∣deration the dammage they had receiv'd by the losse of the Kingdom of Brittany (which always adhered to the interests of such Tyrants in Gaule as had usurped the Title of Em∣perours: such were Posihumius, Tetricus, &c) sent thither the Senatour Constantius with au∣thority, who had lately subdued Spain unto them, a man wise, courageous, and beyond any other zealous to enlarge the Majesty of the Em∣pire. Constantius therfore at his first arrivall into Brittany was not Emperour, nor so much as Caesar, that is, deputed to succeed in the Empire, but simply a Patritian and Se∣natour. This not being observ'd by certain Authours, has occasion'd great obscurity in history, and given advantage to some Greekish Writers to entitle other Provinces to the Birth of Constantin.

4. Constantius being arriv'd in Brittany, was beyond expectation with all quietnes and submission receiv'd as the Emperours Lieutenant, both by the Brittains and Ro∣mans.

That which may be supposed to have been the principall cause of such compliance in the Brittains,* 1.518 was the Re∣ligion profess'd by them, which taught them as to yeild Faith and worship to Christ, so also their duty and obedience to Caesar, that is, to Aurelianus universally acknow∣ledged the only lawfull Emperour. The Ro∣mans likewise in Brittany being but few, and withall having among them no Gene∣rall Officer: (For Tetricus whom they formerly obeyd, had newly deposed himselfe) they had but small encouragement to resist a Generall so famous as Constantius, guarded by an Army lately victorious.

5. To such a quiet reception of him, the many vertuous qualities of Constantius, no doubt, much contributed: The which we find celebrated by Eumenius a Rhetori∣cian of these times in a Panegyricall oration pronounced to his son Constantin: By con∣sidering the passages wherof we may be better directed to a view of the state of these times, then by almost any succeeding Historians. The clause therin referring to our present subiect is this. What shall I speak (sayes he) concerning your Fathers recovery of Brittany?* 1.519 The sea was so calme when he passd it, as if being astonish'd at the burden it caried, it had lost all its motions: And when he aborded the Island, victory did rather expect him there, then accompany him thither. What shall I say of his clemency and mercy, by which he for∣bore to insult over those whom he had conque∣red? What of his iustice, by which he restored all dammages to those which had been pillaged? What of his Providence, by which having strength¦ned him self with associations, he so be∣haved himself in the exercise of his iurisdiction, that those who had formerly been treated as slaves, were made happy by a liberty restored to them: and those who had been guilty of crimes, were by forbearing of punishment moved to re∣pentance?

6. Now wheras the Oratour here men∣tions associations made by Constantius with the Brittains, it is most probable that he re∣flected on the freindship and affinity contracted by him wich such Princes as were then of power in the Island: among which the most eminent was Coellus Prince of the Trinobantes and Iceni, of whom we spoke before. To him therfore did he in a particular manner apply himselfe, and not only induced him to submit to Aurelia∣nus, and renew his former tribute: but moreover to make the league more invio∣lable, and to endear the minds and affe∣ctions of the Brittains to himself, he deman∣ded affinity of that Prince: and espoused his only daughter, S. Helena, then a Virgin. All this is confirmed by an ancient Poet,* 1.520 whose verses the learned Bishop Vsher cites from Ioannes de Garlandia.

* 1.5217. The same likewise is recorded in the life of S. Helena extant in Cap-grave, to this effect,* 1.522 Moreover Coël King of the Brittans and Father of Helena, assoon as he was informed of Constantius his arrivall, fearing to make war with a person so famous for many noble victories, he directed Embassadours to him to demand peace, and to promise subiection upon those terms that he should still enioy the possession of his Principality, paying the accustomed tribut. To these conditions Constantius agreed, and having demanded hostages, confirmed a peace With him. Not long after a greivous sicknes sei∣sed on Coël, of which in a short time he dyed: After whose death Constantius having maried the beautifull Princesse Helena, took possession of his Principality.

8. To this effect doe our ancient Records relate Constantius his first expedition into Brittany, and the consequences of it. And hereto doe subscribe the most lear∣ned Historians of the Western Church, in op∣position to the fables, grounded on mani∣fest mistakes, which some Writers of the Greek Church have publish'd: which shall shortly be examined and refuted.

II. CHAP.* 1.523

1.2. The Birth of Constantin in Brittany.

3.4 5. A Controuersy about the place of his birth.

1. THE year after the happy mariage be∣tween Constantius, then only a Roman Senatour, and Helena in Brittany was born Constantin, afterward worthily sirna∣med the Great; not only for his Vi∣ctories over severall Tyrants, and redu∣cing the Roman Empire to a peaceable and flourishing state: but principally for destroying the Empire of Sathan and ad∣vancing the Kingdom af God over Idolatry and all kinds of impious superstitions. At this time there sate in the Chair of S. Pe∣ter Eutychianus the successour of Pope Foelix, who immediatly followed S. Dionysius: And in this year were Consuls, Aurelianus and Bassus.

2, That Constantin was born this year appears evidently out of Eusebius, an Au∣thour familiarly known to him,* 1.524 who in the first Book of Constantin's life says: That God continued his raign the space of more then thirty years: that is, thirty two years and a few months,* 1.525 as he saies in another Book: and that the said number being dou∣bled was the measure of the years of his life. Now the common opinion of Chronologists being, that he dyed in the year of Grace three hundred thirty seaven, since Eusebius allows to his age little above sixty two years: it will follow that his birth was in this year.

3. The speciall relation we have to this

glorious Prince will deserue our inquiry into the place likewise of his birth: con∣cerning which there is some disagreement among Historians: For besides Authours of of good esteem,* 1.526 as Ferreolus Locrius and Thomas Bozi••s, the publick Oratours sent from our Kings to the Councills of Constance and Basil positively affirm that he was born at York in a place called Pertenna, which B. Vsher interprets to be the Colledge of Vicars atten∣ding the Quire, at this day called Bederne, which heretofore was a part of the Emperours Palace. And certain it is that in following times Constantius had his cheif residence there, where at last he also dyed.

4. Others there are which assign London for the place of his birth, as William Ste∣venson in his Description of London: groun∣ding their opinion probably on this, for that afterward at the request of his Mother Helena he caused London to be compass'd about with a wall of stone and brick,* 1.527 as Camden affirms. Whereas Henry of Huntingdon and Simon of Durham report Saint Helena her self to be authour of that work: which saith B. Vsher,* 1.528 is confirm'd by a great num∣ber of Medalls stamp'd with her image, which have frrequently been found under the said walls. But all this is no proof at all that Constantin was born there.

5. It is most probable that he was born, as his Mother before had been, at C••l••qestor,* 1.529 about which also she built a wall: For this was the Citty where her Father usually resided, and where Con∣stantius his affairs at this time cheifly lay: For in the Northern parts there were as yet no troubles at all: it will be al∣most twenty years before Constantius toward the end of his life be called into those Provinces upon occasion of sedition among the Caled••nian Brittains.

* 1.530III. CHAP.

1.2. &c. The relation of Nicephorus, &c. touching Constantins birth in Bithynia, conf••ted.

1. WHatsoever hath been hitherto written out of approved Authours either touching Saint Helena's quality, birth or countrey, or Constantins originall, is contradicted, especially by some Greek Historians, particularly Cedrenus and Ni∣cephorus, to whose authority, though of no moment, considering both their ma∣nifest fabulousnes in other matters, their contradicting one another in this, and the latenes of their writing, yet some learned Authours of our Age doe deferr, par∣ticularly Lipsius, a person eminently skill'd in all Antiquities.

2. The relation given by Nicephorus tou∣ching the mariage of Constantius with He∣lena is this,* 1.531 The Roman Empire (says he) having been cruelly wasted by the Persians, Parthians, Sarmatians and other bordering Nations, Diocletian and Maximianus then Emperours sent Constantius (call'd by him Constans) as their Embassadour to the Per∣sian King to pacify him with kind speeches and gifts. Constantius in his way thither putt in at a haven called Drepanum in Bithynia in the bay of Nicomedia. Where to satisfy his lust his host prostituted his own daughter, a maid of great beauty; to whom Constantius gave for reward his royall vesture embroydered with purple. The same night upon occasion of a wonderfull vision Constantius gave a strict ch••••ge to the maids father that he should not permitt her to be touchd by any other, and that he should with all care see the child well educated, because, sayd he, in my sleep, I saw a sun against nature rising from the westhern sea. Having then perform'd his Em∣bassy he return'd to Rome another way, where he was presently created Caesar together with Galerius: and not long after they were both of them Emperours, &c.

3. This story of Nicephorus, saith the Il∣lustrious Cardinall Baronius,* 1.532 may by many unanswerable arguments be confuted, being evidently contrary to certain Chro∣nology. For if Constantin was born when his father was created Caesar, which was in the year of Grace two hundred ninety two, it will necessarily follow that he was but fourteen years old when he was pro∣clamed Emperour: wheras by Eusebius his account, who was inwardly known to him, he was at least seaventeen years old when his Father was first design'd Caesar, and above thirty at the beginning of his own raign. It is very probable therfore that Nicephorus mistook Bithynia for Brit∣tany, and because afterward the Town call'd Drepanum was beautified by Con∣stantin, and from his Mother call'd He∣lenepolis, therfore he fancied it to be the place of her birth. Whereas besides many Authours of good credit, the Gallican Oratour who pronounc'd a solemn Pa∣negyrick at the mariage of Constantin and Fausta the daughter of Maximian, saith in expresse words that he ennobled Brittany with his birth.

4, Notwithstanding in confirmation of Nicephorus his relation (at least for as much as concerns the exclusion of Brit∣tany from being the place of Constantins birth) the learned Lipsius adioyns a te∣stimony of Iulius Firmicus Maternus a wri∣ter of those very times, whose words are, Our Lord, Augustus, Emperour of the whole world, the Pious, happy and wise Prince Constantin the greatest, the Son of late Deified Constantin, of most happy and venerable memory, who by the propitious fa∣vour

of God was elected to free the world from tyrannicall excesses, and domesticall seditions, that so the deformity of slavery being taken away, we might enioy the blessing of a secure liberty, and shake from our weary necks the yoak of captivity: a Prince who whilst he fought for our freedom was never deserted by for∣tune, though otherwise most instable in affairs of Warr: He was born at Naisus (a Citty of Illy∣ricum) and from his almost infant years managed the stern of the Commonwealth, which authority having fortunatly obtain'd, he with wholesom mo∣deration governs the Roman world. This noble Character Lipsius will needs apply to Con∣stantin the Great, and consequently affirms that he was born, far from Brittany, at Naisus a Citty of Illiricum, or Dardania con∣fining to Thrace.

5. But, as M. Camden in an Epistle to Lipsius declares (which is further strongly confirm'd by the R. F. Michael Alford a learned Iesuit of our Nation) it is evident that Firmicus published his Book during the raign of Constantius Son of Constantin the Great, as appears by his dedicating it to Ma∣vortius Lollianus by the Title of Proconsul, who was Consul in the eighteenth year of Constan∣tius. So that the Constantin mention'd by him as then alive, could not be the first of that name Who was then the Constantin so highly extoll'd by Firmicus? Surely no other then his Son Constantius, who most frequently in his Edicts call'd himself Constantin: And being ambitious of Titles, as Historians ob∣serve, he usually annexed the word Magnus and Maximus to his name. And that Constan∣tius alone was intended by that Authour in this glorious Character appears by that clause, That from the first step of his age he managed the stern of the Commonwealth, for he was created Caesar being only eight years old, wheras his Father was above thirty be∣fore he governed the Empire.

6. Now whereas Firmicus extolls his Con∣stantin for freeing the world from tyrannicall ex∣cesses and domesticall seditions; this does ex∣actly fitt Constantius, who as Aurelius Victor, Eutropius and Ammianus Marcellinus observe, was very fortunate in civill warrs, as he was unprosperous in extern: for he depress'd these Tyrants, Magnentius, Decentius, Poten∣tianus, Vetranio, Silvanus, Chonodomarius, Ba∣domarius, &c.

* 1.5337. There remains one only difficulty, in a heathenish Prayer which Firmicus makes to the Sun, Mercury and Venus to continue for ever the raign of Constantin and his children, Lords and Ceasars, &c. for it is certain that Constantius had no children.* 1.534 Notwithstan∣ding such a Prayer might properly enough be made, in hope that the Emperour might have children afterwards. And besides, though Constantius had no children born to him, yet he had children by adoption, to wit, Gallus and Iulianus, both of them created Cesars by him: Now the Form of adoption was this, I doe affirm that this man is my Son: and I have bought him with this mo∣ney. So that Firmicus his prayer applied to Constantius might be very proper and sea∣sonable.

8. Now of Constantius the Son of Con∣stantin,* 1.535 it is certain that be was born at Naïsus a Citty of Illyricum: this is express∣ly affirmed by Iulianus his Nephew in an Oration made in his praise. This Citty indeed was the Native soile of the whole fa∣mily: Iulius Constantius the Father of Con∣stantin was there born, as likewise Diocletian and both the Maximians. And wheras Lici∣nius had possess'd himselfe of this coun∣trey, Constantin in the twelfth year of his raign overcame him here: after which vi∣ctory he continued severall years in those parts, and Naïsus being the Metropolis of the region, he adorned it much with buil∣dings, and from thence published many Rescripts. Here then it was that his second son by Fausta, Constantius was born: For at Arles in France she brought forth her first son Constantin, five years before this. So that it is apparent that the Testimony of Iulius Firmicus does nothing at all avayle Lipsius his pretention against Constantins being born in Brittany.

9 To conclude this controversy, a witnes of great authority may be produced for ours, and against Lipsius his assertion, which if he had well considered, doubtles he would not have prefer'd so highly the authority of so inconsiderable an Authour as Nicepho∣rus. This is our glorious Bishop S. Aldelm, who lived not much more then three hundred years after this time. He in his excellent Treatise of Virginity expressly affirms that S. Helena was a Brittish Lady. And this Treatise having been with high commendation mention'd by S. Beda, an advantage is added to our assertion, by his testimony involved in the other: And one considerable argument therby is wan∣ting to our adversaries, who make Saint Beda's silence touching S. Helena and Con∣stantins birth in Brittany, a strong proof that they were born in the Eastern parts.

* 1.536IV. CHAP.

1.2. &c. The honour and reputation of Helena Mother of Constantin cleared from aspersions layd on her by Nice∣phorus and other Grecian Writers.

1. HAving thus cleared the title which Brittany hath to the birth of Con∣stantin: justice requires that we should be as diligent in clearing the reputation of his Mother Helena, who has indeed been most rudely treated by the penns of many Writers. We have seen how Nicephorus has publish'd her for a vile prostituted harlot: S. Ambrose upon report calls her Stabula∣riam,* 1.537 a common hostesse (Stabulariam hanc primo fuisse asserunt, sic cognitam Con∣stantio Seniori) Some affirme, says he, that she was a publick hostesse, and as such was first known to the Elder Constantius.* 1.538 S. Beda gives her a little better title, writing thus, Con∣stantius left his Son Constantin, begot of Helena his Concubin, Emperour of the Gaules.

2. Now whilst Christian Writers thus dis∣gracefully set her forth, we will not wonder to find Zosimus a Heathen, and profest enemy both to Constantin and his Mother,* 1.539 reporting that Constantin was born (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) of a dishonourable Mother (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) and one who against law cohabited with Constantius.* 1.540

3. These imputations, though in proprie∣ty of language they were indeed injurious, Yet it cannot be denyed but there was some shadow of truth in them: For by the Ro∣man Laws it was enacted, That if any Pre∣fect of a Cohort,* 1.541 or Troop of horse, or any Tri∣bune should against the Prohibition of Law marry a Wife in the Province in which he bore Office, that Matrimony should be null. Now this was the very case of Constantius with He∣lena, who married her when he was sent by Aurelian the Emperour with authority into Brittany.

4. Notwithstanding this Roman Law did not so indispensably condemn such Mariages,* 1.542 but that they might afterward be rendred lawfull; for the famous Lawyer Paulus thus states the matter, If after such an office is depos'd, the person shall persevere in the same will to acknowledge her his wife, then such a mariage becomes iust and lawfull. Now it is certain that severall years after Constantius had quitted the government of Brittany, he constantly cohabited with Helena. It was therfore a slanderous speech of Zosimus to say that Constantin was born by one nights meeting of them two, since it is evident that they continued together a very long space as in a lawfull and chast mariage.

5. Moreover Constantins succession in the Empire, without any contestation de∣clares him a legitimate Son of Constan∣tius. Which is further confirmed by seve∣rall passages in the Orations of Rhetori∣cians in those days:* 1.543 among whom Eume∣nius commends Constantin for the No∣blenes of his Extraction, saying that by his birth he deserved the Empire:* 1.544 and that his Father on his death bed being demanded, to whom he would leave the Empire, answered as became a Prince truly Pious. And another French Rhetorician in an Oration pro∣nounc'd at the Mariage of Constantin with Fausia, among other Vertues of his Fa∣ther imitated by his Son, insists much on the speciall vertue of Continence. Now it had been ridiculous and most uncivill to commend the Fathers continence before a son who was a bastard. But so far was Constantin from being esteem'd the issue of an unlawfull bed,* 1.545 that when afterward his Father upon reason of state and policy was obliged to marry Theodora the daugh∣ter of Maximianus, before this second mariage was executed he was forced to repudiate his former wife Helena, which proves her to have been esteemed his le∣gitimate wife.* 1.546

6. Vpon consideration of which grounds we may conclude with Cardinall Baro∣nius, We are of necessity compell'd to say, That Helena was the lawfull wife of Constan∣tius. And indeed so honourable an esteem had shee with posterity, that her memory is celebrated by diverse Authours with many illustrious Elogies.* 1.547 Particularly the Emperour Iustinian in her honour made a Decree: That the Name of the Sea formerly call'd Polemaïcum, should in future times be called Heleno-pontus: Which name, saith he, was by the most Pious Emperour Constantin formerly impos'd by the occasion of his most honourable Mother Helena, a woman of eminent Piety, who likewise found out for us the Holy Crosse vene∣rated by all Christians.

* 1.548V. CHAP.

1.2. &c. The Faith of Helena vindicated: who by the Grecians is affirm'd to have been a Pagan, and a Iew.

1. THE imputations against S. Helena doe not end here. Not only the ingenuity of her birth, and lawfullnes of her mariage are question'd, but her Faith likewise and Religion are by severall Modern Authours, most greivously blackned. For besides Vincentius Beluacensis and others, S. Antoninus thus writes of her,* 1.549 When He∣lena the Mother of the Emperour Constantin, then residing in Bethania (or as other copies read, Bithynia) heard that her son was becom a Christian and baptis'd by Silvester Bishop of Rome, she in her letters commended him that he had renounced Idolls, but most horribly reprehended him, because neglecting the God of the Iewes, he worshipped a man who had been crucified, as a God.

2. This unworthy imputation received its first ground from the ancient Acts of Pope Silvester, which doubtlesse require correction in severall passages.* 1.550 In those Acts is declared how Helena being in the Eastern parts together with her Grand Children Constantius and Constans Emperours, and being yet a Pagan, she was circumvented by the Iews: and therupon was angry with her Son Constantin for embracing the Christian Faith: desiring him by her letters rather to ioyn himself to the Iews, then Christians: Whereupon he calld together an assembly of Iews at Rome, to the end that by a disputation between them and the Christians, it might be determined which beleif was most to be approved. These things, say the Acts, befell in the year when Constantin and Licinius were fourth time Consuls.

3. But if there were nothing else to dis∣prove this Relation, the date of these Acts would be sufficient: for in the year when Constantin and Licinius were the fourth time Consulls, his two Sons Constantius and Constans were but infants, and not as yet created Caesars, much lesse Emperours. Again it would from thence follow that Helena was above seaventy years old before she was a Christian: which is contradicted by the generall consent of Historians.

7. On the contrary that Helena from her infancy was brought up in Christian Reli∣gion is by many poofs confirm'd by Cardi∣nall Baronius,* 1.551 Helena her self, saith he, did instruct Constantin her son from his child hood in piety. I speak this upon the authority of S. Pantinus, who was in this very age a famous Senatour of Rome: for he writing to Severus saith thus, The impious Idolatry of the former age remain'd to the times of Constantin imme∣diatly before ours: Who received the happines of being a Christian Prince and to have Christians his suceessours, not so much by his own,* 1.552 as the faith of his Mother Helena. S. Am∣brose likewise affirms, That Helena confer'd more on her Son Constantin, then she receiv'd from him. Likewise S, Gregory in an Epistle to Aldiberga Wife to Ethelbert king of Kent exhorts her to dispose her husband to embrace the Christian Faith,* 1.553 and uses this inducement, For, saith he, as God was pleased to kindle the hearts of the Romans to a love of Christian Religion by the perswasions of the renouned Lady Helena, Mother to the most pious Emperour Constantin: so we trust that by your Maiesties endeavours his mercy and grace will be operative on the English Nation.

5. Neither is this an assertion peculiar to the Latins, for the Grecians likewise confesse that Constantin received the first rudiments of his Faith from Brittany.* 1.554 It is clearly agreed on by all, saith Sozomen, that Constantin was first imbued with Christian Religion among the Brittains, and other in∣habitants of those coasts. And Theodoret, speaking of Constantins letters comman∣ding that the Church at Ierusalem should be built, saith, No other but the Emperours own Mother undertook the bringing of these letters, whose praise is celebrated by the tongues of all that have any piety. She it was who brought forth this glorious Light of the world, and ministred also the nourishment of piety to him,

6. I will here adioyn that which seems to have been the occasion of the Errour of S. Antoninus mention'd in the begin∣ning of this Chapter: And that is a false copied passage of Marianus Scotus in his Chronicle at the year of Christ three hund∣red twenty and one:* 1.555 Where in most of the printed Copies are found these words: When Constantin was baptis'd by Pope Silvester, his Mother Helena wrote to him out of Brit∣tany, that he should deny Christ and follow the Iewes. Which passage out of Florentius Vigorniensis (whom Pitfius and Bale call the Abbreuiatour of Marianus) ought to be cor∣rected thus, Constantin being baptiz'd by Pope Silvester, his Mother wrote to him out of Brittany, that he should persecute the Iews who denyed Christ.

7. Certain it is out of Ecclesiasticall Hi∣story that upon the Conversion of Con∣stantin, the Iews were enraged with envy and malice, and exercised all manner of contumelies against Christian Religion, espe∣cially against those of their own sect which became Christians: which might incite this pious Lady to suggest thus to her Son. For at the very same time Constantin publish'd a most severe Edict against the Iews, the Tenour whereof followeth:

8. The Emperour Constantin to Evagrius. It is our Will that intimation be given to the Iews, their Magistrats and Patriarcks, that if after this law any of them shall presume (as we are in∣form'd they have dome) to persecute with stones or any other way any one who shall forsake their damnable Sect, and have recourse to the true worship of God, he together with all his partakers shall be adjudg'd to be burnt with fire. And if any one among the Christians shall adjoyn him∣selfe to their abominable Sect and conventicles, he shall suffer the same punishment. Given from Margillum the fifteenth of the Calends of November: the Emperour Constantin and Lici∣nius being fourth time Consulls.

* 1.556VI. CHAP.

1.2. Aurelianus a great Persecutour.

3. He is slain by his soldiers.

4. Tacitus succeeds him: and after∣ward Probus.

5.6. Bonosuus a Brittain, Vsurps the Title of Emperour.

7. He his slain by his freind Victori∣nus.

8. The Emperour Probus is slain by his Army: to whom succeeds Carus: and after him his Sons Carinus and Nume∣rianus. To whom, being slain, Diocle∣tian succeds in the Empire.

1. THE mariage of the Senatour Constan∣tius with a pious Christian Lady, and the birth of Constantin, though they were the seeds of infinit blessings to Gods Church, yet they were seeds as yet hid in the earth: for Christian Religion and the Professours of it were never more cruelly persecuted, then during the time between Constantins birth and the beginning of his raign.

2. The Emperour Aurelianus, who sent Constantius into Brittany was one of the most inhuman adversaries of Gods truth, as the Churches Martyrologe in a world of places does witnes.* 1.557 And this, Constantin when he had obtain'd the Empire exprobrated to his Memory, in an Oration which he made to an Assembly of Bishops, Thou likewise, O Aurelianus, saies he, wert the incentive of all mischeif. But when thou with horrible fury marched'st through Thrace, thou wast slain in the midst of thy iourney, and filled'st the tracts of the high way with thy impious blood. He was the Authour of the Ninth Persecution, and both the Eastern and Western Church groaned under his cruelty. Only Brittany was free from violence, enioying great tranquillity by the moderate government of Constantius, now become not averse from Christianity.* 1.558

3. But after seaven years raign God re∣venged his own cause upon Aurelian, who was slain by his own soldiers between Byzantium and Heracléa. In whose place the Roman Senat chose Tacitus, famous for nothing more then his moderation,* 1.559 and refusing to continue the Empire hereditary in his family.

4. Tacitus after six months concluded both his Empire and life, to whom suc∣ceeded Probus, a person of so great renown for his military vertues, saith Vopiscus, that the Senat wish'd him, the Army chose him, and the people with acclamations approv'd the Ele∣ction.

5. In the third year of Probus his raign,* 1.560 after an admirable Victory gain'd by him in Gaule, where he slew four hundred thousand of his Enemies by his own te∣stimony in a letter to the Senat,* 1.561 a certain man call'd Bonosus, by originall a Brittain, whom the Emperour had left Admirall of the Roman fleet upon the Rhene, fearing his anger because most of the ships by some ca∣sualty had been set on fire, in his absence took on him the Purple and Title of Emperour, and continued his dominion over Brittany, Spain and a part of Gaule, a longer time then he deserved, saith Vopiscus: But in the end his army with great difficulty being de∣feated by the Emperour, he was forced to hang himselfe.

6. This mans rebellion no doubt cau∣sed great disquiet in Brittany, from the government of which Constantius had been removed, and returning to Rome had been made Prefect of Dalmatia.

7. After Bonosus his death troubles were renew'd in Brittany by him who admini∣stred that Province, suppos'd by M. Camden to be Cl. Cornelius Laelianus, recommended to that Government by a frein'd of the Em∣perours call'd Victorinus of Mauritania. For Laelianus invaded the Tyranny, upon which Victorinus fearing the Emperours in∣dignation, went presently into Brittany and by subtilty procured the death of the Vsurper: which restored peace to the Pro∣vince. The security of which,* 1.562 saith Zosimus, was much confirmed by the sending thi∣ther great numbers Franks then of taken prisoners in a battell by Probus, which in following seditions were proffitable to the Emperour.

8. After five years raign Probus was also slain by his own army, and in his place Carus Manlius Aurelius was chosen Empe∣rour, who created his two sons Carinus and Numerianus, Caesars. But Carus the next year being kill'd by lightning, and Nume∣rianus by the treason of his father in law Aper, and Carinus by one of his Tribuns whose Wife he had abused, Diocletian was by the generall acclamation of the Army pronounced Emperour, Diocletian the Au∣thour

of the last,* 1.563 most dire, and most pro∣longed persecution that ever the Church of God suffred.

* 1.564VII. CHAP.

1. Diocletian stiled Britannicus.

2. He makes Maximianus his partner in the Empire.

3 4 5. A most furious Persecution rais'd by them against the Christian Church. Brittish Martyrs.

1. THere is extant an ancient Inscription, recited by Baronius, and dated the second year of Diocletians raign,* 1.565 wherin among other Titles he is stiled Britanni∣cus, which imports some victory gained by him, or his Lieutenant in the Island. Certain it is that though Carinus was not slain till the year following, yet at this time Britta∣ny and the Western regions of the Empire, following the example of Rome, had sub∣mitted to Diocletian, deserting Carinus.

2. Who being slain the year following at Murgum,* 1.566 Diocletian assum'd as Companion to himself in the Empire M. Valerius Maxi∣mianus, committing to him the government of Gaule, Brittany, &c. These two Emperours, of which Diocletian from Iupiter took the Sirname of Ioviu••, as Maximianus from Her∣cules did that of Herculius, at the beginning of their raign conspired in a resolution to be the Defende••s of their Pagan Gods, and pro∣fes'd enemies of Christ, whose Religion they intended wholly to extirpate out of the World.

3. Certainly there was never given a stronger proof that Gods Church is built upon a Rock, impossible to be shaken by human force, then the unsuccesfullnes of the rage of these two Emperours against it. They had the whole power of the world in their hands, they were Princes of eminent valour, wise∣dom and policy, above twenty years they governed the Empire, and employed all that time, without any relaxation, in executing their rage against Christ and his truth, they omitted no manner of tentations, by fa∣vours and terrours, to withdraw his ser∣vants from their Worship of him, all mens witts were exercised in devising the most exquisite torments against them, not only magistrates, but private persons were arm'd to destroy them, they were not only execu∣ted and tortur'd singly one by one, but whole armies of them were butcher'd toge∣ther, and the most effectuall means to ob∣tain the Emperours favour or pardon for the greatest crimes, was the heaping of all dis∣graces and unjust violences upon poor Christians. Yet with all this, Christian Re∣ligion was so far from being destroyed, that the Emperours cruelty and injustice gain'd more soules to Christ, then the Sermons and exhortations of devout Preachers could doe in time of peace: insomuch as these two Princes, though vainglorious and ambitious beyond any of their predecessours, seeing all their endeavours against Christ to prove fruitles, out of rage and despair voluntarily depos'd themselves from the government of the world, which they had undertaken principally in design against Christ.

5. One notable proof of the supereminent cruelty of these two Emperours against the Professours of the name of Christ was this, that the Isle of Brittany divided from the Ro∣man world, which in former persecuting Emperours times had been exempted from participating with the suffrings of other Nations, was now made a scene of blood: Yea it may truly be affirmed that Brittany was the first Province dignified by our Sa∣viour to become the Theater on which those glorious Champions S. Albanus, S. Amphi∣balus, S. Iulius, S. Aaron and their Associats afforded to other Christians a blessed exam∣ple of conquering the world and hell it self by Faith and patience: Of whose Gests and suffrings, the proper subject of this Hi∣story, we shall consequently treat: premi∣sing notwithstanding sufficient proofs, that these holy Martyrs were the first who in the beginning of Diocletian and Maximian's raign, dedicated their cruelty.

VIII. CHAP.* 1.567

1.2. &c. That the Martyrdom of S. Alba∣nus, &c. in Brittany hapned in the be∣ginning of Diocletians raign: contrary to the assertion of severall writers.

1. IN relating the Martyrdom of S. Alba∣nus and the rest, our Historians, both ancient and Modern, doe much vary among themselves concerning the precise time of it, many of them consigning it to the latter end of these Emperours raign, in which their cruelty was arrived to its height, others to the middle time, and but few to the begin∣ning. Yet upon a serious consideration of severall circumstances concerning it, it may be made appear that these holy Martyrs suf∣frings cannot well and conveniently be as∣sign'd to any but the third year of Diocle∣tians raign, which was the first of his Com∣panion Maximianus, being the year of Grace two hundred eighty sixe: And therfore that William of Malmsbury, Radulphus, David Powell, &c who refer it to the two hundred ninety thir'd year of our Lord, place it too late: and much more is the computation of

Baronius, Harpsfeild and Mathew of Westmin∣ster, who assign it to the third year of the following century,

2. It will be sufficient to discover the Errour of their account, if we take notice in what year it was that Constantius was reman∣ded into Brittany: For certain it is that in his goverment there was no persecution, as being,* 1.568 according to the testimony of Euse∣bius, and all historians, a Prince of wonder∣full meeknes, humanity and benignity, who never was partaker of the persecution rais'd against Christians: on the contrary he was care∣full to preserve all those who liv'd under his Do∣minion free frrom all iniury and oppression: Nei∣ther did he ever demolish any of their Churches, &c.

3. Now by agreement of all Chronologists, Constantius was sent into Brittany the second time in the year of Grace two hundred nine∣ty two, which preceded the time assign'd by any of the foremention'd Authours. Wherupon it is that David Powell in his An∣notations on Giraldus Cambrensis his Itinerary was not asham'd to affirm,* 1.569 that the Martyr∣dom of S. Albanus and the rest was consumma∣ted in the year of our Lord two hundred ninety two, when Constantius Chlorus raigned in Brit∣tany: thus wrongfully charging a vertuous innocent Prince with their blood.

4. But though this be sufficient to disprove the said Writers account, we must search other authorities which may warrant us to affixe their Martyrdom to this present third year of Diocletians raign, when he assum'd Maximian to partake of the Empire. And such authorities doe freely offer themselves; for the most ancient Writer of S. Albanus his life in Capgrave sayes expressly,* 1.570 The glorious Martyr S. Albanus suffred on the tenth of the Calends of Iuly in the year of our Lord two hundred eighty sixe. The same is proved by those Authours who commemorate the invention of the Holy Martyrs body in the dayes of King Offa, in the year of our Lord seaven hundred ninety fower, which, saith Matthew of Westminster,* 1.571 was the five hundred and seaventh year after his Passion. To this account subscribes likewise Matthew Paris, who recording another opening of the Holy Martyrs Sepulcher in the year of Grace one thousand two hundred fifty seaven, adds these words,* 1.572 We may take notice, saith he, that from the Passion of the Martyr to this time had pass'd nine hundred and seaventy years, that is, one thousand wanting thirty.

5. We will conclude this with the weighty testimony of S. Beda, as it is to be found in a most ancient Manuscript, for the Printed Copies are imperfect. There in the first Book of his History and seaventh Chapter is found this passage,* 1.573 Finally at that time Brittany was glorified by severall mens Confes∣sions of the Faith of Christ: for in the same two hundred eighty and sixth year of our Lords In∣carnation S. Albanus suffred Martyrdome there. By which speech he confirms what he had before written,* 1.574 That the Brittains preserved unto the raign of Diocletian the Faith entire and inviolate, which they received at first: implying that till then no••hing had hindred its grouth and flourishing.

6. Now having thus determin'd the pre∣cise time of the Martyrdom of S. Albanus and the rest which immediatly followed him, we will proceed to a distinct relation of the particulars concerning it.

IX. CHAP.* 1.575

1. The Emperours Edicts against Christians in Brittany.

2.3. &c. Of S. Amphibalus his return into Brittany who he was: and whence he came.

9. Of S. Albanus: and his Title of Oeconomus Britanniae.

1. THE New Emperour Maximianus, cho∣sen by Diocletian not so much for his propinquity in blood, as resemblance in cruelty and hatred to Christians, was not slow in publishing his Edicts every where against them: Some he sent into Brittany, a Province subject to him, as being a part of the Western Empire. This was the first time that such Edicts had been publish'd there: and therfore it may be suppos'd that they caused great terrour among the poore Chri∣stians.

2. Vpon this occasion most probably it was that Amphibalus,* 1.576 if he be the same of whom we treated before, return'd into the parts of Brittany which were subject to the Romans, to the end he might confirm his countreymen in the Faith which they had been taught. The Scottish writers will needs have him their Bishop,* 1.577 placed in the Isle of Man, and fauou∣rably received by their King Chrathlintus: that both by preaching and writing he had demonstrated the vanity of Heathenish superstitions, and propagated the Christian Faith among the Scots and Picts, and that in his old age returning into the Southern parts of Brittany, he ended his life by a glorious Martyrdome.

3. That Amphibalus preached the Faith in those Northern Provinces, may be granted: but no histories or other Monuments doe as yet mention the names either of Scotts or Picts there. Therfore omitting this Contro∣versy, we will out of the life of S. Albanus written by an unknown Authour in very ancient times, before Beda, relate the successe of S. Amphibalus his last voyage into Brit∣tany, how he happily brought S. Albanus to relinquish the Roman Idolatry, and embrace the Christian Faith, and how that blessed

Disciple of his, though a Neophyte, scarce perfectly instructed in Christian Religion, pre∣vented his Master in confessing of Christ, and suffring for him.

4. But first shall be premised certain ob∣servations tou••••ing the persons and quali∣ties of these two ••••••nts, which being colle∣cted from other Authours and records may render the following Narration more perspicuous.

5. And concerning Amphibalus some Writers doe not without some reason doubt whether Amphibalus the Teacher of the Ca∣ledonians be the same with him who taught S. Albanus: Because both the regard of time, and quality of their persons seem to pro∣nounce them to be severall. He who taught the Caledonians is in ancient Writings said to have been forty years before a Bishop of the Prime See in the North under King Crathlintus: wheras this Amphibalus the Converter of S. Albanus to the Faith is by our Historians simply call'd a Clark, some times a Preist, or a Monk:* 1.578 for so we read in the Annalls of Winchester, S. Amphibalus a Monk and Doctour in the Church of Caermardin, otherwise call'd the Citty of Melin in wales.

6. But as touching the time, it does not necessarily proove his age to have been so excessively long, but that he might have lived to this time: and those who describe his Martyrdom affirm him to have been very old.

7. Again considering his Titles, it is well known that the name of Sacerdos (Preist) and Bishop, were in those ancient dayes used promiscuously. And moreover Amphibalus having had his Mission from the Bishop of Rome to preach the Gospell in Brittany, no doubt was qualified for Episcopall fun∣ctions. Then whereas he is stiled a Monk, it was the usuall practise among those Primi∣tive Apostolicall Missioners to spend much of their time in solitary retirements, to exercise prayer and Mortification. And Cairmardin being not far distant from Caïr Leon, the place of S. Amphibalus his Nativity, might probably be chosen by him for such a retreit.

8. But it will be more difficult to deter∣min the place from whence he last came into the Southern parts of Brittany: for if we beleive the Scottish Historians, we must say that he came from the Caledonians: though indeed they declare that their Amphibalus dyed quietly without any violence or per∣secution: Whereas our writers professe that he came from the Western provinces of the Silure: or Dimetae, now South Wales. But according to the more Authentick Narra∣tion of S. Albanus his life, he seems to have come into Brittany from Rome and through France, for he is sayd to have pass'd through regions of Heathens, or such as professed the Pagan Idolatry of the Romans.

9. Next for as much as concerns S. Albanus, in our English Martyrologe he is stiled the Cheif Procuratour (Oeconomus) of Brittany:* 1.579 from whence we may collect that he was the Emperours Quaestor or Treasurer, to gather his rents and Tributs. For such Officers were usually sent into the Provinces, which were not Consular. And these Procurators were some times Gentlemen of Rome, of which rank S. Albanus his family seems to have been: Some times likewise they were the Emperours (liberti, or) freed servants,* 1.580 as Dio informs as.

10. Having premis'd these remarks touching the two holy Martyrs, we now proceed to the Narration of their Gests, ac∣cording to the ancient authentick relation preserv'd by Capgrave.

X. CHAP.* 1.581

1.2. &c. The Ancient authentick Acts of S. Albanus: his wonderfull Conversion by S. Amphibalus, &c.

1. THis then is the tenour of the Acts of the holy Proto-martyr of Brittany Saint Albanus: thus they begin:* 1.582 when the perse∣cution under the Emperour Diocletian moved against Christians began to rage through the whole Empire, a certain man named Amphi∣balus illustrious for his vertues, and learning, having pass'd (the Sea) into Brittany, came through the divine conduct, to Verolam. And having entred the Citty, he resorted to the house of Albanus, desiring to be entertain'd as a stran∣ger. Now this Albanus was a Cittizen of Ve∣rolam, eminent for his quality, being descended from an illustrious Roman family. He received the holy man with great kindnes and liberality. And having withdrawn him from the noise of the servants into a privat room, he ask'd him secretly, How could you, being a Christian, passe without danger through the regions inhabited by Gentiles, and arrive safely 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Citty?

2. This question was seasonably indeed made, considering the subtile means em∣ployed by Diocletian for the discovery of Christians: for as we read in the Acts of Martyrs cited by Baronius, it was not permitted to any one either to buy or sell,* 1.583 till he had offred incense to certain little Idols sett up in the Mar∣kets: And moreover about all streets, passages and fountains were placed Officers with order to compell all that would draw water or have their corn ground, to sacrifice first to such Idols. To this question therfore S. Amphibalus thus answered:

3. My Lord Iesus Christ, the son of the living God, sayd he, preserv'd mee safe among all dangers, and sent mee into this Province for the salvation of many, to the end that by preachin•• his holy Faith I may prepare a people acceptable to him. But who is this Son of God, replied

Albanus? Can God be said to be born? These are strange speeches, such as I never heard before. I de∣sire therfore to be inform'd what opinion you Chri∣stians have of these matters. Then the Holy man answered thus, Our Faith teaches us to acknowledge the Father to be God, and the Son likewise to be God. Which Son of God in infinite mercy vouchsa∣fed to take our flesh upon him for the salvation of mankind, that he might redeem us by suffring death. And discoursing at large of the Birth, Passion, Resurrection and Ascension of Christ, he added, If you, O Albanus, will beleive these things to be true, you will receive power, by calling on the name of Christ, to restore to health any infirm sick persons. And the truth is, I an come into this Citty on purpose to preach to you the healthfull Doctrin of our Lords Passion: because our mercifull God will reward your kind offices of humanity and hospitality, to which you frequently addict your selfe, with the inestimable recom∣pence of eternall happines. Then Albanus ask'd him, What honour and worship must I exhibite to Christ, in case I embrace his Faith. The other answered, Beleive this, that our Lord Iesus, to∣gether with the Father and the Holy Ghost is one God, and thou wilt have perform'd a work of high esteem in his sight. But Albanus sayd, what is all this? Sure thou art mad, thou knowst not what thou sayst: No human understanding or reason can comprehend these things. But be sure of this, that if the inhabitants here of this Citty came to know that thou makest such discourses of Christ, without delay they would put thee to a cruell death. For mine own part I am very soli∣citous in thy behalf, for fear some mischeif befall thee before thou departest from hence. Having said this, be arose and went his way much di∣sturbed. As for Amphibalus he spent the whole night alone in watching and prayer.

4. The same night whilst Albanus was sleeping on the topp of the house, wonderfull visions from heaven were presented to him: With which being much affrighted, he rose presently from his bed and went down to the lower rooms, where coming to his guest, he said thus to him, Freind, If those things which thou told'st mee lately concerning Christ be true, I beseech thee to declare to mee freely and without any feare the meaning of my dream. Mee thought I saw a certain man come down from heaven: and presently an innumerable multitude of men laid hold on him, and tormen∣ted him all the wayes they could devise: they bound his hands with chaines, they tore his flesh most greivously with whips, they hung him on a tree, stretching his hands a crosse. The man thus tormented was quite naked, not having so much as shooes on his feet. His hands and feet were fastned to the wood with nailes, and his side was peirced through with a spear, and from his wound, as it seem'd to mee, there flowd both blood and water On his right hand they sett a reed, and upon his head they put a crown of thorns.

5. And when they had exercised all that hu∣man cruelty could devise, they began to insult on him with despightfull speeches, Saying to him, Hayle, King of the Iewes: if thou art the Son of God, come down from the Crosse and wee will beleive in thee. And when they had con∣tinued a good while thus reviling him, the Young man answerd them not a word. To conclude, after they had sayd what so ever they thought good to him, at last he cryed out with a loud voyce, and sayd, Father, into thy hands I commend my spirit: and having said this, he expired. His live∣lesse body was afterward taken down from the Crosse, out of which the blood still flowd abun∣dantly. They then layd it in a sepulcher of stone, sealing the monument, and setting guards to watch it. But then followd a wonderfull thing: for this bloodlesse carkeys return'd to life, and resu∣ming its former strength, came out of the sepul∣cher which remaind seald as before. I my selfe with mine own eyes saw how he rose again. Then came from heaven certain men cloathed with Vestments white as snow, and taking the man with them, returned from whence they came, and were attended by an infinite number of others in white garments, which all the way ceased not to sing praise, incessantly blessing the Father (I know not who he was) together with his Son, saying, Blessed be God the Father, together with his onely begotten Son. They express'd such wonder∣full ioy, as nothing could be compar'd to it. These things I saw, and besides these many other, which I neither will nor ought to declare. I beseech thee now tell mee what is signified by these things which were represented to mee in Vision: Doe not fear any danger to your selfe at all, but speak freely.

6. The holy man Amphibalus having heard all this, sensibly felt his heart visited by our Lord with incredible ioy. And presently taking out a Crucifix which he had born secretly, he said to Albanus, Behold, in this figure and image thou maist manifestly perceive the meaning and im∣portance of thy last nights Vision. For the man who came from heaven is this Iesus Christ my Lord, Who refused not to undergoe the punish∣ment of the Crosse, to the end that by his blood He might free us from the guilt which we had contracted by the transgression of our first Father Adam. Now those men which layd violent hands upon him, and afflicted him by diverse sorts of torments, were his own people the Iewes. For though they had a promise from God that he would send unto them from heaven his own Son, yet when he, whom they so much and so long a time expected, was come, they did not acknowledge him to be the Authour of their salvation, but con∣tradicted him in every thing and returned to him evill for good, and hatred for his love: and in conclusion being agitated with extreme envy and malice against him, they broke forth to such hor∣rible impiety, that they layd hold on him, cruci∣fied and murdred him. Thus it was that our mercifull Lord redeem'd us with the price of his own blood: thus by dying he became victorious over death, and being rais'd upon the Crosse, he drew all to him: For descending voluntarily to the enclosures of Hell, he freed from Captiuity his own servants detain'd there, and binding the Devill in everlasting chaines, he cast him into

the utmost places of darknes.

7. Then Albanus being fill'd with wonder at these speeches, broke forth into these words, All that thou hast said of Christ is most true, and can not be charged with any falsity. For this last night I evidently perceived, and with mine own eyes saw how Christ overcame the Devill, how he bound him and thrust him down into the bottom of Hell, where that abominable wretch lyes fast tyed with chaines: So that hereby knowing that all things told by thee are true, from this moment I doe professe that I will be thy most obedient Disciple. Tell mee therfore, I beseech thee, for I know thou art ignorant of nothing: how must I behave my self to the Father and the Holy Ghost, now that I professe my self a servant of the Son?

8. Amphibalus at this question with great ioy sayd, I give thanks to my Lord Iesus Christ for that thou of thine own selfe hast had the know∣ledge to pronounce these three adorable Names. Beleive therfore firmly, and professe faithfully that the three Persons express'd by thee with their proper names, are one onely God. Albanus an∣swered, I beleive, said he, and from hence for∣ward my firm Faith is, that there is no other God besides my Lord Iesus Christ, who for the salvation of mankind took our nature, and suffred death on the Crosse: He together with the Father and the Holy Spirit is one onely God, and besides him there is no other.

9. Having said this, he oft times cast him∣self prostrate before the Crucifix, and as if he had seen our Lord Iesus himself hanging on the Crosse, this happy Penitent earnestly begg'd pardon for his sins. Such affectionate kisses he often pressed on his feet, and places of his wounds, as if he had lie•• prostrate as the feet of his Redeemer whom he had seen crucified. Teares mixt with blood flowd abun∣dantly from his eyes upon the Venerable Crosse, which he accompanied with these words, I renounce the Devill, said he, and I detest all the enemies of our Lord, in whom only I beleive and resigne my self to him, who, as thou affirmest, rose the third day from the dead.

10. Then Amphibalus said to him, Be of good courage, our Lord is with thee, and his Grace will never be wanting to thee. That saving Faith, which other men attain to by ministery of men, thou hast learnt not of men, nor by men, but by the revelation of Iesus Christ himself. Therfore being assured of thy constancy, my purpose is to leave thee and to travell further, that I may shew the way of Truth to other Gentiles also. By no means, said Albanus, Stay at least one week longer with mee, that I may be more perfectly instru∣cted in the Faith by thee: To which request of his Amphibalus condescended.

11. This exact Relation of the wonderfull manner of the Conversion of S. Albanus by the Ministery of S. Amphibalus we re∣ceive from a Nameles Authour of great An∣quity, concerning whose authority and cre∣dibility we shall speak hereafter. We will now proceed to the Narration of his suf∣frings and glorious Martyrdom, which fol∣lowed presently after.

XI. CHAP.* 1.584

1.2. A prosecution of the Acts S. Albanus: who dismisses S. Amphibalus, changing garments with him.

3.4. The change of S. Albanus his life.

5.6. &c. He is accused: apprehen∣ded, and brought before the Roman Magistrate: examined and cast in prison.

10.11. A miraculous drought, testi∣fying the Martyrs innocence.

1. ALbanus having been thus instructed, baptised and confirm'd in Faith by Amphibalus,* 1.585 was at last content to be sepa∣rated from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 The manner 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••hus related by Mathew of Westminste••, ••••banus,* 1.586 saith he, exhorts Amphibalus to take care of his own safety and depart the Citty (of Verolam.) And to disguise him he gave him his own military vestment, woven with gold, that so he might be more safe from the soldiers. And in exchange he takes for himselfe his Masters, (called Caracalla:) being assured that his raging enemies would look upon it with envious and malicious eyes. Am∣phibalus therfore in compliance with Albanus his request early in the morning before day began his flight northward from the Citty, being condu∣cted in his way by Albanus as far as they iudged expedient. When they were to part and take their last leave of one another, who can without tears call to mind the bitter sorrow and teares shed by them both? Thus Amphibalus hastens to Wales, there expecting his Martyrdom. And Albanus cloathes himselfe with his Masters vestment, thinking to divert hereby the rage of the Heathen Romans against himselfe only.

2. Concerning this vestment of Amphi∣balus, Baronius thus writes, We will not omitt, saith he, to declare that the robe called Ca∣racalla was anciently worn by Eccles••asticall persons: for being a long vestment descending to the anckles, it gave a comely gravity to those who wore it. And hence it is that Beda from the ancient Acts of Saint Albanus affirms that the same Saint cloathed himself with an Ecclesiasticall habit, to wit▪ a Caracalla be∣longing to Amphibalus a Clark, whom in his

flight he had entertain'd at his house. Now this Vestment though for the length of it is was incom∣modious in a iourney, Yet for all that Amphiba∣lus would not change it. From this gar∣ment Antoninus the Son of Severus had the Sirname of Caracalla because,* 1.587 saith Spartia∣nus, he bestow'd on the Roman people vest∣ments of that fashion.

* 1.5883. S. Albanus now left alone made great hast in his iourney to immortality. All the enticements of the world became odious to him, saith Harpsfeild, and he found no pleasure but in teares and prayers at the foot of our Lords Crosse: he burns with a desire to requite the love of Christ by dying for him.

4. His domesticks and neighbours ob∣serving the wonderfull change in his man∣ner of life, began to suspect and quickly found out the true cause of it. So that in a short time he is publickly known to be a dese••••our of Heathenish Superstition, for which he is complain'd of and conven'd before the Roman Magistrate. How he be∣hav'd himselfe in so glorious a Tryall we will relate out of the authentick Acts of his Martyrdom which Baronius affirms to be very ancient, and which S. Beda follows in his history concerning him.

* 1.5895. In those acts the Authour thus wri∣tes concerning S. Albans apprehension. A certain Gentile went to the Iudge and disco∣vered to him all that had pass'd between S. Albanus and S. Amphibalus. At which the Iudge being highly incensed gave command that S. Albanus and his Master should be brought before him. But Amphibalus being privily departed, a great number of soldiers, horse and foot, which were sent by the Iudge found the illustrious S. Albanus in a strange habit, and with naked feet before the Crosse of our Lord devoutly attending to his prayers.

6. The Soldiers rushing in upon him in troops, ask'd him where the Clark was, whom he had entertain'd. His answer was, That holy man is under the protection of God, and fears not the threats of men. When they heard this, they layd hands on him, bound him with chains, and violently drew him away, some laying hold on his garments, and some on his haire. Now he had still kepd the Vest∣ment of his Master, knowing well that the sight of it was odious to his enemies. Being cloath'd with this garment, be caried conti∣nually in his hand our Lords Image that therby he might openly shew to all that he was a Servant of the Crosse.

7. Being come before the Iudge, he was examin'd in many particulars, but all his answer was that his name was Albanus, and that he was a Christian: this he with great courage and liberty of speech profess'd. At last the Iudge said to him, O Albanus, what is become of that Clark who was lately sent hi∣ther by one call'd Christ, I know not who he is, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••••vily into this Citty to illude and seduce the inhabitants? If he had not had a guilty conscience,* 1.590 and been distrustfull of his own cause, this worthy Master of yours would have freely presented himselfe before us, to defend both himself and his Disciple. But by his own cariage he makes known the falsnes and fraudulence of his doctrine, since he deserts and is cowardly run away from thee, whom if his cause had been good, he ought to have justified though with hazard of his life. By which behaviour of his, i•• I be not deceiv'd, thou now perceivest how silly a fel∣low he was who seduced thee into Errour, and by whose suggestion thou art fal•• into such a frenzy, as not only to renounce all worldly advantages, but to contemne even the immor∣tall Gods. The injury aginst whom since we ought not to leave unpunish'd, my resolution was to have reveng'd it by the death of the profane delinquent. But since such is our hu∣mane infirmity, that there is none but is ob∣noxious to errour, thou maist yet by repen∣tance escape their indignation, and again make them propitious to thee, if thou wilt now re∣nounce that abominable Sect.

8. Hereto Albanus answered. It is a very easy matter to declare how vain and impertinen•• this long discourse of yours is. For if it had either seemed good, or proffitable, or agreable to each of us, that holy Clark would not have fayled to come to this audience. But I confesse his stay here could not be pleasing to mee, knowing how pr••ne to mischeif this people allways has been. The Doctrin taught by that good man I con∣fesse I have heartily embraced: neither can I therfore repent mee of it. For the Faith which I professe will be proved to be holy and divine by the testimony of infirm sick people who by vertue therof shall receive their health. I will not sacri∣fise to your Gods: Neither doe I fear your threat∣nings or torments, being secure under the prote∣ction of my God.

9. When he had said this, the throng of Offi∣cers which stood about him, at the Iudges com∣mand, began cruelly to scourge him for refusing to sacrifice: and during that torment, lifting up his eyes to our Lord, he with a chearfull counte∣nance said, O Lord Iesus Christ, I beseech thee keep this mind and good resolution which thou hast given mee firm and stable. My desire is, O my God, to offer my soule a whole burnt sacrifice to thy glory, and with my blood to seale thy truth. Now when the Officers hands were become weary with tormenting him, the holy man was thrust into a deep dungeon, where he continued the space of six months.

10. But presently after, all the elements gave testi∣mony of the injury and injustice done to him. For from the time of his apprehending to his death, nei¦ther rain nor dew refresh'd the earth: the winds were silent, and the region thereabout was conti∣nually parch'd with excessive heat of the Sun: in the night time likewise the ••••••fling heat was into∣lerable. Neither feilds nor trees produced any fruit: so that the world it self fought in the just mans quarrell against his impious enemies.

11. That which this devout Authour

writes of the excessive heat and drought which God sent on Brittany as a just judg∣ment for their cruelty against this holy Mar∣tyr, & impiety against God, is taken notice of by the Heathen Oratour in a Panegyrick which this very year he pronounced before the Emperour Maximian, then preparing an Ex∣pedition against the Tyrant Carausius, who had possess'd himself of Brittany: but as became an impudent flatterer, he ascrib'd the intolerable heat and want of raine to the favour of their false Gods to the Empe∣rour, saying, During the space of that whole year almost,* 1.591 in which a clear untempestu••s season was necessary for thy design of building ships, hewing of timber and beams, encouraging the minds of thy soldiers to labour, there was scarce one foule rainy day: The winter it self imi∣tated the warm temper of the spring. We thought now that we were not in a cold Northern Climat, but as if there had been a translation both of heaven and earth, we felt the heat of the Sou∣thern Sun, &c. Of this expedition of Ma∣ximian against Carausius we shall treat assoon as we shall have finish'd the glorious Mar∣tyrdom of S. Albanus.

* 1.592XII. CHAP.

1.2. S Albanus his devotion: and Prayer against Idolatry.

3 Yet he venerates the Holy Crosse.

4.5. S. Albanus restores a Sick man to health.

6.7. Being condemn'd and lead to his death, he converts his Executioner.

8. By his prayer he obtains a fountain of water.

9. Another Executioner having cut off the Martyrs head, looses his eyes.

1. THE Infidel Iudge expected that by a tedious and painfull prison the Holy Martyrs Constancy should be broken and spent: but on the contrary having an op∣portunity in that solitude to unite himself to God by Prayer, his courage and strength was much encreased. The ordinary subject of his dayly Spirituall meditations and en∣tertainment with God, and the effect they had, is by the devout Writer of his life com∣prehended in this Prayer &c.

* 1.5932. O Lord Iesus Christ, doe not permit the Devills malice so much to prevaile, as by his cunning machinations and this peoples relen∣ting, my suffring for thee may be hindred. And being come out of prison to suffer, addressing his speech to the unbeleiving people which flock'd to see him, Know all of you for a truth, said he, that I am an irreconciliable enemy of your false Gods. Can any one iudge them to be worthy of any honour which manifestly have no divinity in them, being the work of mens hands? You your selves can testify that they neither see, heare nor understand any thing. O detestable vanity, to expect life from them which have no life them∣selves to offer up prayers to those who never could heare▪ to expect safety or happines from those, which are not sensible of the least good to them∣selves! Therfore I confidently protest that who∣soever exhibits any honour to such dead Idolls, is utterly voyd of all reason. For tell mee I pray you, what can be more desperatly miserable then that man who suffers himselfe to be enslaved by puppets of his own fashioning? We therfore to Idolls, and a greater 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to those who adore them.

3. Here the discreet Reader may observe with how vehement a sharpnes this holy man contends against Idolatry, whilst him∣self at the same time with great fervour and devotion venerates the Crosse of our Lord. From whence will necessarily follow, that those who in our times impute Idolatry to Catholicks who give due honour to Sa∣cred things, are meer strangers to S. Alba∣nus his Religion. In those ancient times the Pagans usually called Christians (Crucicolas) Worshippers of the Crosse:* 1.594 and the Centuriators of Magdeburg, though Protestants, acknow∣ledge that Tertullian in his Apology testifies how the Christians at that time had all Idolls and the ornaments about them in horrible dete∣station: Whence proceeded their vehement and bitter invectives against them: Yet the same Authour in the same book seems to declare that those Christians usually had the Image of the Crosse which they sett up either in the places of their publick meetings, or in their privat houses. For which reason the Heathens oftimes objected to them, that they religiously adored the Crosse. Thus were Christians from the begin∣ning treated by Pagans: and in the very same manner are Catholicks at this day trea∣ted by Sectaries: Whence evidently appears that Modern Sectaries are in their hatred to the Church and the Venerable Crosse of Christ the Successours of Pagans, as Catholicks are of the Primitive Christians. But we will pro∣ceed in the Acts of S. Albanus.

4. When these words spoken by S. Albanus in detestation of Pagan Idolatry were heard by the Iudge and the rest who were present,* 1.595 with unanimous consent they pronounced sentence of death against him, and lead him to execution to a certain place call'd Holmhirst. Which place is described by S. Beda to be a very agreea∣ble plain,* 1.596 cloath'd with all sorts of flowers, and about five hundred paces broad, a fit Theater for so glorious a Martyr. The same Authour adds, that S. Albanus being lead to his death,* 1.597 came to the river, which with a swift torrent ran between a wall on one side, and a sandy shore on the other, where the holy Martyr was to be behea∣ded: where he saw great multitudes of all con∣ditions, ages and sexes, which, no doubt, by divine instinct were assembled to honour his death: and they so choaked the passage of the

bridge, that before night they could not all have passed over. As for the Iudge he had no inten∣tion to shew any respect to the Martyr, but staid behind in the Citty. S. Albanus therfore in∣flamed with a devout desire of a speedy Martyr∣dom, approached neer the river, and lifting up his eyes with prayer to God, the river became presently drye, and the water gaue free way to the passengers. Thus S. Beda.

5. The manner how this Miracle was wrought, is more expressly declared in the foresaid authentick Acts of S. Albanus, from whence S. Beda borrowed his Narra∣tion: For there it is said,* 1.598 that when he was come to the river side, he fell on his knees, and prayed saying: O Lord Iesus Christ, from whose most holy side I my self (in a vision) saw both water and blood to flow, I beseech thee that thou wouldst cause these waters to be diminished, and the floods to return back, to the end that this people may without any danger or inconvenience be present at my Suffring. O wonder full! he had us sooner bowd his knees, but the channell was immediatly dry. The tears flowing from Saint Albanus his eyes left no water in the river. The power of his Prayer emptied the torrent, and cleared a passage for the people between the floods on both sides.

6. Then the Officer who conducted Saint Albanus to his death by the merits of the holy Martyr obtaind his own eternall happines. For when he saw these miracles, he threw away his sword, and casting himself at the holy mans feet, begg'd pardon of him. Which when the people saw, they laid hold on the man, beat out his teeth, tore his sacred mouth, and in a man∣ner broke all his bones.

7. S. Beda thus relates this passage: The soldier,* 1.599 saith he, fell down at S. Albanus his feet, instantly desiring that himself might ra∣ther be slain with, or for the Martyr, whom he had been commanded to putt to death. Now whilst he of a persecutour was chang'd into a companion of the true Faith, and, the sword lying on the ground, the other officers were at a stand what they should doe, the most venerable Confessour ascended the hill together with the multitudes.

8. The Acts further declare, as likewise S. Beda, that when the people being come to the top of the hill were tormented with extremity of thirst:* 1.600 S. Albanus kneeling down, thus prayed to God, O God who didst create man of the clay of the earth, suffer not, I beseech thee, any of thy creatures to receive any harm by my occasion. After which words there presently broke forth a fountain before his feet, which with a rapide course flowed down the hill: so that the people being refreshd with those waters, escaped all danger by their thirst.

9. In the mean time another Executioner was chosen from among the people, into whose hands the sword was delivered: who to his own great unhappines discharged that impious office. For, saith Mathew of West∣minster,* 1.601 while the holy Martyr kneeling offred his prayers to God, and frequently with great fervour kiss'd the Crucifix which he held in his hands, the Executioner drawing his sword, cutt of his head: and immediatly by a wonderfull miracle Almighty God by the losse of the Execu∣tioners eyes gave testimony to the Martyrs in∣nocence. For, as S. Beda relates, he who stretch'd forth his impious hand to cutt the pious Martyrs neck,* 1.602 was not permitted to insult over him being dead, for together with the blessed Martyrs head the Executioners eyes also fell to the ground. This Miracle is confirmed not only by the foreci∣ted Acts, but many other Authours, of forraign Nations: and particularly by Hie∣ricus a French man, who seaven hundred years since wrote the life of S. Germanus.

XIII. CHAP.* 1.603

1.2. The Martyrdome of the Converted Soldier, his name, &c.

3. The glorious assumption of S. Al¦banus his soule into heaven.

1. SAint Albanus had a companion in his death, the Soldier who was design'd to be his executioner. Concerning whom S. Beda thus writes. There was beheaded with him likewise the foresaid Soldier,* 1.604 who being moved by a divine instinct refused to kill the Holy Con∣fessour of our Lord. Concerning whom this may without all doubt be affirmed, that though he was not outwardly cleansed with the water of Baptism, yet being washed in the Laver of his own blood, he became worthy to be admitted into the kingdom of heaven.

2. The Acts of S. Alban doe affor'd us a more exact relation both of this Soldiers name,* 1.605 and occasion of his Martydom: Where we read how the said Soldier, by name Hera∣clius, who, as hah been declared, was left half dead by the people, afterward creeping on his hands and feet as he could, followed them up the Mountain.

To whom one of the Iudges then present said in scorn, Go to now, addresse thy prayers to thy Patron Albanus even now executed, that he would restore soundnes to thy bruised bones and limbs. Run, make hast, ioyn his head to his body, and no doubt thou wilt not fayle to obtain perfect health: why doest thou stay? bury the dead carkeise, and thou maist be assured that whilst it is in thy hands, it will bestow an entire cure on thee. The Soldier answered, I doe most firmly beleive that this Blessed Saint Albanus by his merits can restore unto mee my perfect health for that which you speak in derision, may in earnest be fullfill'd in mee. And having say'd this, he embraced the head, and adioyning it to the body, he became immediatly as sound as before.

When the Infidells saw this, they were filld with envy and malice, and said, what shall we doe? Sure no sword can kill this man. We have bro∣ken all his bones, and yet now his former strength

is restor'd him. Then laying hold on him, they bound him fast with chaines, and tore his body with severall sorts of tortures, and in the end with a sword cutt off his head.

3. Now how acceptable to Almighty God the Martyrdom of this glorious S. Alba∣nus was, was presently after declared from heaven in a wonderfull manner, for thus we read in his Acts,* 1.606 Behold, the night imme∣diatly following his suffring, a pillar of light was seen to raise it self from the sepulcher of S. Al∣banus up to heaven, by which Angells descended and ascended, spending the whole night in Hymns and praises of God, frequently also repeating these words, The illustrious Albanus is now a glorious Martyr of Christ. And hereto the an∣cient Christian Poet Venantius Fortunatus had regard,* 1.607 when in a Poem of his among other Saints celebrating the memory of S. Albanus and his companion suffring in Brittany, he says, that Quires of Angells from heaven did with songs wellcom them at their entrance into glory, and the glorified Saints enrich'd with the Crosse and blood of Christ did make hast to ioyn in Hymnes to God for them.

* 1.608XIV. CHAP.

1.2.3. Of the Authour of the ancient Acts of S. Albanus.

4.5. His Relation confirmed by the testimony of Gildas.

6.7. Iohn Fox his unfaithfullnes.

1. HAving thus with as much fidelity and exactnes as we could, given an account of the Gests of our first most glo∣rious Brittish Martyr S. Albanus, in which we have principally follow'd the Authour of his life, being a precious Monument of Antiquity preserved by our Countrey-man Capgrave: The faithfullnes of whose relation is, we see, attested by other Historians also of good note and Authority, as S. Beda, Mathew of Westminster, &c. It will become us to say some thing of the said Authour himself: and all that can be said is the Te∣stimony that he gives concerning himself, in these words full of Christian Modesty and Humility;

* 1.6092. Least posterity saith he, be solicitous to know my name, let them be contented to be informed, that if they will give mee my true name, they will call mee the miserable wretch, worst of all sinners. I am undertaking a iourney to Rome, intending there to renounce the Errour of Paganism, and by the Laver of Regeneration to obtain the pardon of all my sins. This Book also I will present to the examination of the Romans, to the end that if therin any thing should be found written otherwise then becomes a good Christian, it would please our Lord Iesus Christ by their correction to amend it. By which it ap∣pears that this Authour was at the writing of his Book as yet onely a Catechumen, newly converted from Heathenish superstition. What became of him in his voyage to Rome is known only to God, who doubtlesse rewar∣ded him highly for his piety and zeale to communicate to posterity the Gests of our glorious Martyr.

3. This is he whom the learned Ecclesia∣sticall Historian Harpsfeild calls the nameles Authour,* 1.610 whose Book was found in the Monastery of S. Albanus, and who was more ancient then S. Beda. And this Authour is frequently quo∣ted by the Illustrious Cardinall Baronius, who follows him likewise in his Narration tou∣ching this our glorious Martyr. And to for∣tify the credit of his Authority in severall points before related touching the Martyr∣dom of S. Albanus, we will here adioyn a memorable passage out of our ancient fa∣mous Historian Gildas, who writing concer∣ning this Persecution rais'd in Brittany by Diocletian, saith as followeth:

4. Almighty God who is willing that all men should be saved,* 1.611 and who calls as well sinners as those who esteem themselves just, hath mag∣nified his mercy to us; for in the foresaid perse∣cution, least our countrey of Brittany should be obscured by a dark night of ignorance, he in his free bounty enlightned us by the bright shining Lamps of his holy Martyrs, the places of whose Martyrdom, and sepulchers of whose bodies would even now also imprint in our minds a great ardour of Divine love, were it not that by the wofull aversion of barbarous Enemies and our own ma∣nifold crimes an accesse to those holy places is denyed us: Those places, I mean, where repose the bodies of S. Albanus at Verolam, and S. Aaron and Iulian at Caër-le••n, and many others of both sexes in severall quarters, all which with great magnanimity have stood up courageously in our Lords army. Of which the first, S. Albanus I mean, after he had, with much charity, in imitation of Christ who lay'd down his life for his sheep, entertain'd in his house, and disgui∣sed with exchanging his own garments with him the holy Confessour of our Lord Amphibalus, who was pursued by the Enemies of Christ, and even ready to be apprehended, moreover willingly of∣fred himself in his foresaid brothers vestments to the persecutours. Thus rendring himself accepta∣ble to God, he was during his holy Confession (till he shed his blood in the presence of his impious Enemies who with a horrible pompe produced all the sorts of Roman tortures) wonderfully ad∣orned and glorified by God with many admirable miracles: insomuch as by his fervent prayer, in imitation of the passage of the Israelites with the Ark of the Testament through the waters of Ior∣dan, he with thousands following him went with drye feet over the Channell of the Noble river of Thames, whilst on both sides the floods stood still like steep rocks: By which miracle he converted the first Soldier deputed to be his executioner, from being a wolf into a lamb, and gave him the courage both vehemently to desire and va∣liantly

receive the triumphant palm of Martyr∣dom.

5. We here see the exact agreement be∣tween the ancient Brittish Historian Gildas and the foresaid Authour of the Acts of S. Albanus. But our Modern Protestant Hi∣storians in relating this glorious combat and Victory of our first Martyr, cutt of what they think good, and decry or accuse of forgery whatsoever agrees not to their own faction, without so much as pretending to any Anti∣quity to iustify their partiality.

* 1.6126. Particularly Iohn Foxe in his new fashion'd Martyrologe, though he commends Saint Albanus and vouchsafes to call him a Martyr, yet severall particulars mention'd by the forecited Authour of Saint Albanus his Acts in S. Beda and Gildas, he superci∣liously censures or despises, saying that he saw neither any necessity nor convenience why they should be recited by him. For this reason he passes over with silence all men∣tion of the Crosse, with teares and great reve∣rence honourd by Saint Alban, and retain'd till the last moment of his life. And as for the miracles perform'd by him, the iubi∣lation of Angells after his death and the like, he confidently pronounces to be con∣trary to the truth of history. And why? Surely because he could not parallell such Miracles in the Gests of his new Pro∣testant Martyrs: no Angells, God knows, reioyced or praised God at their Execu∣tions.

* 1.6137. One observation of his, full either of ignorance or malice, must not be omitted. That is where he says, That the History of Saint Albanus his Martyrdom reports how the holy Martyrs head when it was cutt and separated from the body spoke some thing. But this, says he, is like a Monkish fiction: As if that namelesse Au∣thour had been a Monke, who was not so much as admitted into the Church by Baptisme. But neither he, nor any an∣cient or Modern Catholick Authour speaks of any such thing: So that it seems he mistook the relation, ascribing the Angells hymns to the Martyrs tongue.

XV. CHAP.* 1.614

1. The Pious devotion of Ancient Chri∣stians to the Relicks of Holy Martyrs.

2.3. Confirmed by the Acts of S. Sebastian, &c.

4. The Manicheans contemners of such Relicks.

5.6.7. Temples built by Brittains to the honow of S. Albanus, &c.

8.9. Protestants wrongfully ascribe this Veneration of Relicks to S. Gregory.

10. S. Albanus venerated at Mentz by the name of S. Albinus. And why.

11 12 The Controversy about the Body of S. Albanus between the Monks of Ely and S. Albans, decided▪

13. S. Gregory Nazianzens testimony of the Veneration of Relicks.

1. BEfore we quitt this argument, we will shew with what piety and reverence the devout Christians in that and the following ages behaved themselves toward the ashes and sacred Relicks of our Holy Martyr. This we may collect from the practise of those times in other Pro∣vinces: For the persecuting Infidells knowing well with what solicitude Christians ga∣thered the bodies and members of dead Martyrs, and with what devotion they venerated them, used all manner of des∣pight to them, and endeavoured either to hide or consume them with fire and cast the ashes before the wind.

2. Thus in the Acts of S. Sebastian,* 1.615 who suffred the same or next year to S. Albanus, we read, That they tooke the Body of Sebastian by night, and cast it into a common sink, saying, Least perhaps the Christians make him their Martyr. And again three years after we find in the Authentick Acts of S. Tharacus this passage,* 1.616 The President sayd to him, Doe not think thou shalt be dispatch'd at once: I will make an end of thee by peece meale, and the remainders of they carkeise shall be devoured by beasts. Tharacus answered him, what thou hast a mind to doe doe quickly: doe not delay mee by promises. The President said, Thou thinkest, villain, that after thy death silly women shall have thy body and embalme it with unguents and spices, &c. And afterward, The President said, Doest thou not think that I will thus destroy thee and thy relicks? least foolish women should enwrapp it in clean linnen, and honour it with unguents and odours. And concerning the Martyr Andronicus, The President said, Con∣sume him to ashes, and disperse them before the wind, least some of his impious Consorts, or

foolish woemen should gather up any of them, and preserve them, as if they were some precious holy thing.

3. Now how acceptable to God this de∣vout reverence of Christians to the Relicks of Martyrs was, was often declared by the mi∣raculous ways which God shewed in disco∣vering the said holy Relicks, when they were either conceal'd, or their members mix'd and confounded with those of impious ma∣lefactours putt to death with them. Thus we read in the said Acts of S. Tharacus,* 1.617 S. Andro∣nicus and another Christian martyr'd with them, how when some devout Christians adven∣tured to search them out by night, three bright torches, like starrs, appeard over their bodies, and afterward went before them conducting them to the other side of the Mountain, where they secret∣ly buried them.

4. This practise was so generall among the Primitive Christians, that the Manicheans only were observed to be contemners of it, as if there were in it some Idolatrous Superstition But their folly and profanenesse is excellent∣ly confuted by S. Augustin,* 1.618 who distingui∣shes the Veneration due to Saints and their holy Relicks, which he calls Dulian, from the Supreme degree of adoration due only to God, which he terms Latrian.

5. Now that such reverence was express'd to the Body of S. Alban, is not to be doub∣ted. Which that it may appeare, a passage in our ancient Brittish Historian Gildas will suf∣ficiently confirm it. Who after he had treated of the Martyrdome of this Holy Martyr, as we declared before, consequently shews the great change in Brittany nine years after this tempest rais'd by Diocletian: His words are as followeth:

* 1.6196. The space of two lustres (that is, ten years) after the foresaid storm being not entirely full∣filld, when the violence of those bloody Edicts against Christians abated, all the devout Soldiers of Christ with ioyfull eyes beheld and received the lightsomnesse and temper following so tedious a winters night: Then they began to restore Chur∣ches formerly demolishd, they founded new sacred Temples consecrated to the honour of Holy Mar∣tyrs, these they erect, accomplish and adorn, cele∣brating publick Festivities, and Sacrifices with pure hearts and mouthes, as manifest signs and tropheys after their victory.

7. This happy change hapned when the Tyrants Carausius and Allectus were vanqui∣shed and expell'd by Constantius, who in the year of Grace two hundred ninety two being created Caesar, received the govern∣ment and administration of Brittany. By which calculation of Gildas evidently ap∣pears, that S. Albanus suffred Martyrdom in the beginning of Diocletians raign, nine years before Constantius the second time go∣verned Brittany.

8▪ Likewise by this Testimony of Gildas is reproved the assertion of Protestant writers, who attribute to S. Gregory the Great the bring∣ing into Brittany the custome of dedicating Churches to the honour of Martyrs, in the time of the Saxons. Wheras besides this autho∣rity of Gildas, the said assertion is manifestly confuted by the story of S. Germanus of Au∣xerre, and S. Lupus of Troyes, French Bishops, who came into Brittany before the entrance of the Saxons, to root out thence the Pelagian Heresy▪ For thus we read in the Galliean Mar∣tyrologe, The Memory of S. Albanus shined glo∣riously in Brittany,* 1.620 to whose honour a famous Church was erected in the place whereby shed∣ding his blood he had triumphed. The which Church was by S. Germanus visited with great devotion, to the end he might there pay his thanks to God for his victory against the Pelagian Here∣ticks. There opening the holy Martyrs Sepulcher, to honour him he repos'd in it severall Relicks of Apostles, and Martyrs which he had brought out of France. And because he would not depart thence without the protection of the Holy Martyr, from the place where the Martyrs blood had been shed, he took a lump of earth, which at his return he caried to his own See. And from this action of S. Germanus the Veneration of S. Albanus the Brittain was spread through allmost all the Chur∣ches of France, being consign'd in all the Eccle∣siastical Tables of most Episcopall Churches there: particularly of Bourges, Sens, Orleans, Austun, S. Malo, Constantia, &c. The same story con∣cerning S. Germanus is related likewise by S. Beda.* 1.621

9. Hence may be argued the mistake in the supplement to the French Martyrologe, where it is sayd that Otho, the second Emperour of that name, translated to Colen the Body of S. Albanus which S. Germanus had brought out of Brittany into France. For certain is is that, not his body, but only a portion of earth dyed with the Holy Martyrs blood, was transferd by Saint Germanus, as S. Beda expressly affirms, and as the following Annalls of Brittany confirm, where we read how Off a King of the Mercians translated the sacred Body, and built over his Monument a most magnificent Church.

10. It is here to be observed that S. Albanus is venerated at Ments in Germany under the name of S. Albinus. The occasion wherof was this:* 1.622 Theophania wife to the Emperour Otho the second having obtained at Rome a portion of the Relicks of S. Albanus, caried them with her into Germany, intending to place them at Colen in the Monastery of S. Pantaleon. In her way she pas∣sed through Mentz, in which Citty was celebrated with great devotion the Memory of another S. Al∣banus, a Martyr also. Hereupon Wiltegecus Bishop of Mentz, deeply apprehending least the Memory of our Brittish Albanus should obscure the glory of their Speciall Patron Albanus, by reason of agreement in name, together with the Imperiall Authority, which probably would promote his ve∣neration, made it his most humble and earnest suit unto the Empresse that our Brittish Saint should afterward in those countreys be call'd Albinus, for distinctions sake: which humble request by

the assistance of the Nobility about her and her Counsell, he at last obtained. Thus Her∣mannus Cromback relates the matter out of an ancient Manuscript belonging to the Monastery of S. Pantaleon in Colen: who adds, that this Translation befell in the year of Grace nine hundred eighty four.

11. To conclude this subject, and to demonstrate with what devotion our whole nation hath always celebrated the memory of this our first Brittish Martyr, shall be here annex'd out of Thomas Walsingham a breif narration how the Controversy was ended betwen the two Monasteries of S. Alban and Ely, both which earnestly and confidently pretended that S. Alba∣nus his body repos'd among them.

* 1.62312. For King Edward the second celebra∣ting Easter in the Monastery of Ely employed his authority to procure that the Tomb, in which the Monks affirm'd that the Body of S. Albanus lay among them, should be ope∣ned. Which at last, though with great relu∣ctance of the Monks, being perform'd, there was nothing at all found in it but only a course hairy garment, in the upper part where∣of was seen sprinckled in severall places thick congeald blood, as fresh as if it had been shed a few dayes before: which garment was without all question the Caracalla which S. Albanus received from his Master Saint Am∣phibalus, and wherin he suffred Martyrdom. And by this discovery the Monks of S. Al∣ban to their great ioy, gained their cause.

13. Neither let any one wonder that the same Veneration should be pay'd to a Mar∣tyrs Vestment sprinkled with his blood, which would be given to his whole body: for by many miracles God hath testified that this is acceptable to him. A more authentick witnes hereof cannot be required then the Holy and learned Fa∣ther S. Gregory Nazianzen,* 1.624 whose words are these, A little portion of dust, a par∣ticle of bones, a little haire, part of the Vest∣ment, or the marks of the blood of a Martyr sprinckled ought to have as much veneration as the whole body. Nay I have known where onely the name of a Martyr attributed to a place, has produced the same vertue that the Martyrs whole body would have done. O wonderfull! the memory alone of Martyrs is sufficient, in my opinion, to conferr health.

XVI. CHAP.* 1.625

1.2 &c. The ancient Acts of S. Amphibalus.

3. Great multituds present at the death of S. Albanus, converted.

4.5. S. Amphibalus venerates the Crosse.

6.7.8. A thousand Brittish Christians martyrd in the presence of S. Amphi∣balus.

9. The place of their Martyrdome, Lichfeild.

1. THE first that follow'd S. Albanus by the way of Martyrdom to heaven, was his Master Amphibalus, who first shewd him the way thither. Concerning whō thus wee read in his Life extant likewise in Capgrave, but written by a lesse ancient Authour, as appears by the context of it, for he mentions some Provinces by names, which were not given them till some ages after these times, as wallia (Wales) &c.

2. When S. Amphibalus had by his preaching and exhortation,* 1.626 through the operation of the Holy Ghost converted the glorious Martyr S. Al∣banus to the Fatih, his Venerable Disciple earnest∣ly perswaded him to depart that Citty of Verolam, and withall gave him his own Soldiers garment richly woven with gold, that so he might travell more safely from his enemies. To whose request Amphibalus condescending, began his flight early in the morning, directing his iourney northward, with an intention to preach the word of God to the Gentiles in Wales.

3. After whose departure followd the Martyr∣dom of S. Albanus: and when the multitudes which accompanied him to his death saw the pil¦lar of light which from his tombe rais'd it self up to heaven, and the Angells descending and as∣scending with praises to God all the night, they were amazed at that unusuall lig••t, which they ascribed to the miraculous power of God. Where∣upon one of thē, seeing the rest astonishd, thus spake to them, It is manifest that it is Christ the Son of God who hath wrought these wonderfull things. The Gods which we have hitherto worshipped are rather Monsters then Deities, having no power nor Divinity in them, so that we have spent our dayes in their worship, without any proffit at all. See how the nights darknes gives way to celestiall splendours: See how the heavenly Cittizens come and goe, celebrating the Sanctity of Albanus. Let us therfore forsake our former Errours, and be converted from lyes to truth, from infidelity to Faith. Let us goe and enquire out the man of God, who, as you know, converted by his preaching Al∣banus to the Faith. This man having with these and other like speeches exhorted the rest, they all with one accord presently profess'd a detestation of their former Heathenish Errours, and exalted the Faith of Christ.

4. Thus with great hast they directed their iouney into wales, where the servant of God Amphibalus

was suppos'd to remain. To whom when they were come, they found him preaching the word of life to the people of that Region: and told him the cause of their coming: withall presenting to him the Crosse which himself had before bestow'd on his Disciple Albanus, and which was sprinck∣all over with fresh blood, thereby exhibiting manifes•• ••igns of the Blessed mans Martyrdom.

* 1.6275. As touching this Crosse thus Mathew of westminster writes, The Crosse, says he, which the holy Martyr Albanus was wont almost conti∣nually to carry in his hands, at his death being sprinckled with his blessed blood, fell upon the grasse: which a certain Christian privily took up, and conceal'd it from the Pagans.

* 1.6286. The same Authour pursuing this Story, adds, That S. Amphibalus having heard and seen these things, gave thanks to Almighty God, and made a Sermon of Christian Religion to these his new Auditours, who were in number about a thousand. To whose doctrin they all imme∣diatly profess'd their consent and beleif, and ther∣upon chearfully received from his sacred hands the Seale of Faith which is in Christ, to witt, his holy Baptism.

7. In the mean time the conversion and departure of such great multitudes caused great trouble among the Pagan Cittizens of Verolam: wherupon the Ministers of the per∣secution rais'd against Christians there re∣solved to pursue with all cruelty the holy man Amphibalus, who had been the cause of so great a change: and in order thereto they with armed forces march'd the same way which their companions had taken, inten∣ding to find out this publick and profess'd Enemy of their Superstition. In conclusion they easily found him who sought not to escape from them: and they found him em∣ployed in his usuall office of preaching the word of God to his new Converts.

* 1.6298. Then (according to the relation of the Acts of this holy Martyr) rushing with violence upon him: O seducing wretch, said they, how darest thou with thy fallacious inventions deceive this simple people, and teach them to trample under ••••••t the Imperiall Lawes, and contemne our Gods?

They said no more, but mad with rage presently without any distinction, or regard of age or affinity mercilesly without any resistance putt to the sword all their thousand countreymen for the Faith of Christ, neighbours murdring neighbours, freinds freinds, and kinsmen kinsmen, As for the holy man Amphibalus, who was reserved to a more cruell death, being compass'd aboue with the livelesse bodies of these holy Martyrs, he with ioy commended their happy soules to God.

9. As touching the place where so cruell and inhuman a butchery was made, it is not agreed by Historians, some affirm it to have been among the Silures, in the Province of Monmouth: and hereto the Authour of Am∣phibalus his life seems to accord: but others more probably say that these holy Martyrs suffred among the Cornavij (in Warwick shire)* 1.630 where their persecutours overtook them in their way towards Wales, at Lichfeild, which Citty seems to have taken its name from this slaughter of so many Martyrs, for as Iohn Rosse of warwick interprets the word, it signifies the feild of dead bodies, which are also to this day the Arms of the Citty.

XVII. CHAP.* 1.631

1.2. S. Amphibalus lead prisoner towards Verolam: in the way miraculously cures a sick person.

3. He is barbarously tormented: his gutts wrapp'd about a stake.

4. During his torments he enveighs against Idolatry.

5. His Executioner is converted.

6. A voyce from heaven testifies S. Amphibalus his Sanctity: He dyes: and his Body is privatly buried.

1. AFter the offring made of so many im∣maculate Victimes to God,* 1.632 S. Amphiba∣lus, saith Mathew of westminster, became the sole object against whom these bloody Executioners powrd forth all their rage: for binding his arms with sharp and streit cords, they so drove him with naked feet before their horses toward the Citty of Verolam: who the nearer he approached to his be∣loved Disciple S. Albanus, the lesse was he sensi∣ble of the roughnes of the wayes and toyle of the iourney: Moreover in the way Amphibalus fast bound as he was, had yet the vertue to unloose a sick person from the bonds of his infirmity,

2. This miracle is thus related in the life of S. Amphibalus:* 1.633 In the way as they pass'd, a cer∣tain infirm person began to crye out:

O servant of the High God, help mee, that by thy intercession I may be freed from this my greivous infirmity: for I beleive that by calling on the name of Christ over mee, thou maist speedily restore my health.

Whereupon immediatly in the sight of them all the sick person arose chearfull and perfectly reco∣ered. This miracle finds credit generally among all,* 1.634 except Iohn Foxe, who says there was no cause which might move al∣mighty God to shew his power: As if there were neither infidells to be converted, nor beleivers to be confirm'd, nor such mali∣cious Sectaries as himself to be preiudged.

3. But to proceed in the suffrings of this glorious Martyr,* 1.635 as they are related in his Acts to have been inflicted on him at the end of his long iourney, when he was entred into the confines belonging to the Citty of Verolam. There the foresaid Inhabitants of Vero∣lam barbarously stripp'd him of his garments: and fastning a stake into the ground, they with a sword ripp'd up his belly, and tying the end of his gutts about the stake with cruell whipping thy forced him to walk about it, so inwrapping it with his bowells: And not content thus, they with knives and lances tore the rest of his body, as if he had been a mark sett on purpose to exercise their wea∣pons

upon. All this while the man of God stood with a cheerfull countenance, as if he had suffred nothing, being every moment more constant, though there was not left any part of his body in which there were not imprinted marks of his Martyrdom: insomuch as it seemd a prodigious thing, that after so many tortures and sorts of death, he could have any life remaining in him.

4. The same moment, diverse who were there present and saw the constancy of the holy Martyr, renounced their Idolls, and submitted themselves to the Faith of Christ, beseeching the Blessed man to pray to God for them that they might par∣take eternall Happines, for the obtaining of which they were ready to lay down their lives. Which when it was known, the Cheif Magistrate calling the Officers gave them command to kill all those who had cast off the worship and reverence of Heathen Gods, and embraced the Doctrine of the Christian Preacher. Immediatly they executed this horrible Edict, and putt to death a thousand persons, whilst Blessed Amphibalus look'd on, and commended their soules to our Lord.

5. Then one of the by-standers, ruder then the rest, thus spake to the man of God, O p••ttilesse wretch, way hast thou deceived these simple people with thy frudulent speeches, withdrawing them from the worship of the Gods? By thy cunning per∣swasions we have utterly lost our parents and freinds. Notwithstanding though hereby thou hast above measure incensed both Gods and men, yet even now at last by thy repentance thou maist re∣cover their pardon and favour. And this will be a proof and sign of thy repentance, if thou wilt re∣nounce the impious Sect, which hitherto thou hast followed, and begin to adore the omnipotent Gods, which perhaps out of ignorance thou hast offen∣ded. If thou wilt doe this, then the same all-power∣full Gods will restore again to life those whom thou hast murdred.

6. To whom the Holy man thus answered, O In∣fidell, whilst thou endeavourest with thy false praises to ex••••ll thy Gods, be assured that thou hast offended the true God by thy speeches. For it is Iesus Christ my Lord who alone has the power to raise and give life to the dead. As for those whom yee worship as Gods, and think them to be power∣full in heaven, they doe now suffer most horrible torments in hell. And partakers in the fellowship of those torments shall be all injust persons, adul∣terers, slanderers and such as by their reprobate actions whilst they liv'd here, rendred themselves like to Devills. And for thy part, O Pagan, and all who like thee worship Idolls, except you quickly renounce your heathenish Superstition, and con∣vert your selves to the Faith of Christ, you shall all incurr the same punishments in hell. Doe not des∣pair, for the mercy of God is great. Breake off your evill wayes, and make hast to be partakers of the Grace of Baptism. By Baptism all sins are forgiven; Heaven is opened to men, who therby become as it were new creatures, having devested themselves of their old wicked inclinations. For those who be∣fore Baptism, by their sinns were Children of the Devill, become afterward Sons of God. Run ther∣fore for refuge to this Grace, that you may escape everlasting torments.

7. When the impious Pagans heard these spee∣ches, they were kindled with rage, and with all their forces laboured to deprive him of life. But the holy Martyr, though he was on all sides brui∣sed with a great multitude of stones, which were thrown at him, yet he remain'd immoveable in prayer, not stirring any way from the place where he stood.

8. But when at last the hower was come in which he was to surrender to God his victorious spirit, lif∣ting up his eyes to heaven, he saw our Lord Iesus standing at the right hand of the Father, and heard an harmonious cōcert of Angells in heaven, amongst whom he saw his beloved Disciple S. Al∣banus whom he presently invoked to his help, saying, O Holy Albanus, pray to our Lord that he would send his good Angell to meet and protect mee, that the accursed fiend and his associats may not binder my passage into life Immediatly after which Prayer, there appeared two Angells, glo∣riously shining with celestiall splendour, which came to him: And a voyce from heaven was heard saying, Verily I say unto thee, thou shalt presently be in Paradise with thy Disciple.

9. When the Pagans heard this celestiall voyce, they stood amazed. But the holy Angells took with them the Blessed mans soule, shining with a brightnes white as snow, and with hymnes and praises carried it into heaven. In the mean time the Pagans ceased not to overwhelm with stones the livelesse body, bound as it was with cords. But afterwards, a certain Christian privily took away the Body, and with a diligent care buried it. This is the summ of the Life and Martyrdom of S. Amphibalus, recorded by an ancient Bri••tish Authour,* 1.636 who, saith Harpsfeild, lived before the time of S. Beda,

XXIII. CHAP.* 1.637

1.2. S. Amphibalus martyrd, or buried at Rudburn near Verolam: & his Sepulcher miraculously discovered by S. Albanus

3. His Body translated to S Albons.

4 The day of his Translation.

5. His Tomb venerated for miracles, &c.

1. IN the foregoing relation there is no particular mention either of the precise time or place where S. Amphibalus was mar∣tyrd. But touching the place Harpsfeild, saith,* 1.638 that the Holy man of God was putt to death in a village call'd Rudburn, distant from Verolam three miles, where, as Thomas Rudburn relates, there were reserved to his time two great knives with which he was killd: Which Thomas liv'd about the year one thousand four hundred and eighty. And indeed in the same village there seem to remain to this day some marks of his Martyrdom: for in the way between Rudburn and Verolam there is shown a

certain Tree, of late enclosd within walls, where it is beleiod was fixd the post to which the holy Martyr was tyed, and where his bowells were forn out.

2. Or rather probably there was the place of his buriall: which was perform'd with such secrecy, as hath been said, that till the year of Grace one thousand one hundred seaventy and eight the sacred Body could never be discovered. But in that yeare, saith Mathew of Westminster,* 1.639 the Blessed Martyr S. Albanus was seen visibly to goe out of the Church dedicated to him, and to come to a certain man inhabiting in the town of S. Albons, to whom he said, Follow mee. Who seeing him shining glo∣riously like the Sun, was affraid: yet in obedience followd him Northward: and the high way shone with his brightnes. As they walked, the man said to the Holy man, Sir who are you? Who answered, I am Albanus the first Martyr of Britta∣ny, and I now lead thee to the Sepulcher of S. Amphibalus, by whose preaching I was converted to our Lord, and became a Martyr; that his bones may be discovered and reverently removed to a more decent place. Thus they talked together familiarly like two freinds: and in the end he shewd him the place: which the man diligently observed, setting certain stones in order there to be a mark for the finding it againe.* 1.640 Thus writes that Authour: and the same is related more diffusedly by Mathew Paris.

3. Then it was that the Sacred Body was translated to the Church of S. Albans, where 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••any Miracles were wrought by his in∣tercession, that the year following Lewis King of France, who came into England in devotion to visit the Shrine of S. Thomas of Canterbury, was desirous to continue his voyage likewise to S. Albans, but was dis∣swaded by his Nobles accompanying him,* 1.641 as the same Authour reports.

4. As touching the time time of this Holy Martyrs death, though the year be well-enough known, to witt, the two hundred eighty seaventh year of our Lord: yet for the day, it is not particularly design'd in any Hi∣story or Monument. For wheras in the English Martyrologe his passion is celebrated on the twenty-fifth of Iune, three days after that of S. Albanus: yet surely then was commemo∣rated not his death, but the Translation of his sacred ashes to Verolam where they were re∣pos'd in the Church of S. Albanus built by King Offa.* 1.642 This day it is which Harpsfeild meant▪ when he wrote thus, Verolam never saw any day more joyfull and beneficiall. A Martyr meets a Martyr, the scholler meets his Master, the Host meets his Guest, and one Cittizen of heaven meets another. Albanus now openly and honou∣rably entertains that guest at his return, whom before he had secretly dismis'd, least he should fall into his Enemies hands: He now leads him into a magnificent Temple, to whom before he could give no security in a cottage. These things happned in the year one thousand one hundred sea∣venty eight, on the five and twentieth day of Iune.

5. But though the Brittains had been for∣merly ignorant of the place where S. Amphi∣balus his Body lay, yet that was no hindrance to their Veneration of him from the be∣ginning. For as may be gathered out of a forecited passage of Gildas, within ten years after his Martyrdom a Church was erected to his honour: And in the year of our Lord three hundred and nine another Church at Winchester was consecrated to S. Amphibalus, which the Saxons afterward rebuilding dedi∣cated to S. Peter.

XIX. CHAP.* 1.643

1. Severall companions with S. Amphibalus in his Martyrdom: whose names are not known.

2.3.4. Martyrdon of S. Iulius and S. Aaron at Caer-leon.

5 6▪ Churches built to their memory: long before the Saxons entrance.

7. S Stephanus and S. Socrates Brit∣tish Martyrs.

1. BEsides S. Albanus and S. Amphibalus, Brittany at this time was glorified with severall other Martyrs. Capgrave writes that when S. Amphibalus his Body was found, there were discovered likewise with it two other Bodies of Martyrs: A namelesse Au∣thour quoted by Bishop V••her reckons three: to which Mathew Paris adds five more, so that saith he,* 1.644 Blessed Amphibalus was reckoned the tenth. And Thomas Rudburn, as also the breif History of the Church of Winchester affirm that the bodies of S. Amphibalus and eight of his companions were discovered: Which in all probability were the Relicks of these Martyrs which together with him suffred for the pro∣fession of the Christian Faith: their names are only known in heaven.

2. But that part of Brittany from whence S. Amphibalus drew his originall hath more carefully preserved the Memory of their fel∣low cittizens and Martyrs which suffred there: Among whom the most illustrious are S. Aaron and S. Iulius, who in this persecution of Diocletian and Maximianus consummated a most glorious Martyrdom there.

3. Concerning whom our Countrey-man Bal••,* 1.645 though, as became an Apostat, a bitter Enemy of the Roman-Catholick Church, writes thus: Iulius and Aaron Noble Cittizens of the famous Citty of Caer-Leon (for so Isca of the Si∣lures is called from two Legions garrisond there) and Disciples in Christ of the holy Martyr Am∣phibalus, were most illustrious ornaments of pie∣ty to our Countrey of Brittany. These two addi∣cted themselves with much diligence to the study of learning, not only in their own countrey, but also undertook a Voyage into forraign Nations for the attaining skill in good arts: for history informs us that they studied at Rome especially: and ther∣fore

celebrates them much for their Learning.

4. Iohn Fox likewise commends these two holy men: but mistakes when he calls them Cittizens of Verolam, whom Gildas and S. Beda positively affirm to have been inhabitants of Caer-Leon. The words of S. Beda are these; At the same time (during the persecution of Dio∣cletian) Aaron and Iulius Cittizens of Caer-Leon, together with very many others in diverse places of both sexes suffred Martyrdom: Who after the suffering of severall tortures, had their mem∣bers torn asunder by unheard of cruelty, and at last consummating a glorious Martyrdom they sent up their soules to the ioys of the heavenly Citty. The same expression is used concerning them in the Roman Martyrologe on the first of Iuly,* 1.646 when the Martyrdom of Aaron and Iulius is commemorated. And both the said Martyro∣loge and S. Beda have borrowed the phrase de∣scribing the manner of their death from our most ancient Historian Gildas.

5. And the deuout Brittains of those times after the same manner honourd the Memo∣ry of these two Holy Martyrs, as they had done that of S. Albanus and S. Amphibalus, by erecting Altars and Churches to their ho∣nour.* 1.647 Thus Giraldus Cambrensis in his Itinera∣ry of Wales, treating of the famous Citty of Caër-Leon writeth: Here lye the bodies of two Noble Christians, and next to S. Albanus and S. Amphibalus the most illustrious Protomartyrs of Brittany, who were here crowned with Martyrdom: I mean Iulius and Aaron: each of which had a famous Church erected to his honour in this Citty. For there were in ancient times in the said Citty three magnificent Churches. One of the Martyr S Iulius, adornd with a Quire and Convent of Religious Virgins. A second dedicated to the ho∣nour of his Companion S. Aaron, and graced with a Noble Quire of Canons. The third was the Me∣tropolitan Church of all Cambria This last Church was afterward translated by the holy Bishop S. David to Menevia, the authority of Dubri∣tius Legat of the Bishop of Rome concurring thereto.

6. It is observable that all these Churches were built by Brittains, long before the Saxons entred into this Island. So that there is no need of expecting S Gregory the Great or S. Augustin the Monk to him who would find arguments to proove the Antiquity of the Roman Faith touching the Veneration of Saints, in Brittany.

7. Besids these wee find celebrated in an∣cient Martyrologes the memory of two Noble Brittish Christians, the Disciples of S. Amphi∣balus, who were crownd with Martyadom in the same persecution of Diocletian: their names are Stephanus and Socrates. Mention is made of them likewise by S. Beda, Vsuardus, Ado and others: whereto also severall an∣cient Manuscripts doe accord. We find no par∣ticular Gests of theirs: only in the English Mar∣tyrologe it is said that in the Province of the Silures, Churches were built to their honour. Now whether this Stephanus was Bishop of London, it is a doubt. A Bishop of that name is sayd to have governed that See in this age: though Authours place him somewhat later. To this time likewise is referd the murdring of all the Monks in the Monastery of Winchester, built by King Lucius. Of which wee shall speak in the next year but one.

8. Whilst the Romans thus raged in Brittany, very many Christians, not having the courage to keep their ranks, & expose themselves to their Enemies Violence; yet resolving not to betray their Faith, withdrew themselves from the fury of men, least by the imma∣nity of torments they should be compell'd to renounce it. Thus Gildas writes of the re∣mainder of Christians in those dayes, Those per∣secuted Christians,* 1.648 saith he, which were left, hid themselves in woods, defarts and caves of rocks, expecting from God the iust Iudge of all when he would please to execute his iudgments on their persecutours, and restore safety and liberty to their own soules.

9. This Christian prudence and caution of theirs was suitable to the advice given the year before by the holy Pope and Ma••tyr Caius at Rome, when the persecution first began: For he in an Assembly of beleivers meeting together on that occasion, thus spoke to them,* 1.649 Our Lord Iesus Christ, who perfectly foresees and knows the frailty of mankind, hath ordained two ranks and degrees of Beleivers, namely Con∣fession and Martyrdom: to the end that those who have not strength or courage enough to sustain the weight of Martyrdom, may at least hold fast the Grace of Confession. Let such yeild up the glory of Martyrdom to the valiant soldiers of Christ which are resolved to cōbat for him, and take a sollicitous care of their own soules. Let them therfore who are so disposed, depart out of this feild of battell whi∣ther they please, together with our dear children Chromatia and Tiburtius: and for the rest who are more courageously resolved, let them remain still here in the Citty with mee.

10. This flight of Christians in Brittany, sui∣table to the Roman practise, gave occasion to Persecutours to extend their rage upon Chur∣ches and Monasteries, all which by this tempest were so uterly destroyd that,* 1.650 as Gildas saith, in severall Provinces of this Island there remained no marks at all of Christian Religion. This deso∣lation continued about seaven years, till the happy return of Constantius, as soon as he was created Caesar, by whose clemency the Christian Faith and worship again flourishd in Britta∣ny, and this much sooner then in any other parts of the Roman Empire. Which mercy of God seems to have been extended in a speciall manner toward the Brittains, because, as S. Beda saith,* 1.651 they only preserv'd among them their primitive Faith, received in the dayes of King Lucius, entire and inviolate till the Raign of Dio∣cletian.

* 1.652XX. CHAP.

1.2.3 Carausius the Admirall of the Em∣perours Navy: his rapines: and rebel∣lion: he takes possession of Brittany.

4.5. Maximianus his preparations against him: without effect.

6. The Tyrant left in quiet possession of Brittany; subdues the Caledonian Brit∣tains, A monument of his Victory.

1. THIS Tyranny of the Roman Empe∣rours against Christian Religion God was pleased to revenge, by permitting another Tyrant to raise himself against them in Brit∣tany.* 1.653 This was Carausius, who, saith Victor, drew his Originall from Menapia, a Belgick Pro∣vince in Gaule, confining on the Rhine. He is describ'd by the Roman Historians to have been a man vigilant and active both in counsell and execution: and was employ'd by the Emperour at Boloign in Gaule to have care of the Navy appointed to free the Seas on the coasts of Gaule and Brittany from the infestation of the Franks and Saxons,* 1.654 who most violently exercised Piracy in those quarters.

2. This Employment Carausius dischar∣ged more to the destruction then advance∣mēt of the Roman Commonwealth. For though he often vanquish'd and took prisoners many of those barbarous Pirates, yet all the spoyle he kep'd to himself, neither resto∣ring it to its former owners, nor consign∣ing it the Emperours treasure.

3. Such behaviour rendred Carausius sus∣pected of some ill design against the Empire, as if he had on purpose permitted the said Pirates to range freely, to the end he might either partake, or intercept them returning with their spoyles: with which he had rais'd to himself an immense wealth. Hereupon the Emperour Maximianus gave command that he should be put to death Which to avoyd, he assum'd the Emperiall purple, and possess'd himself of Brittany. A great en∣couragement and help to which design was afforded by a sedition and rebellion at the same time rais'd in Gaule by Amandus and Aelianus two Roman Generalls; Who notwith∣standing were quickly subdued by Maxi∣mianus: but after their defeat he was called by Diocletian into Italy, because another rebellion was then ••egan in Africk.

4. But Maximianus was presently after recalled into the West to oppose Carausius. For which purpose he made great prepara∣tion, especially of Shipping, to pursue the Tyrant into Brittany. Which gave occasion to the foremention'd Orat••ur Mamertinu•• to procounce before him his Panegyrick, wherein whith many flowers of Rhetorick he magnifies both the greatnes of the pre∣paration, and the wonderfull favour of their heathenish Gods in affording the Em∣perour so miraculous a calmnes and warmth of weather unusuall in so Northern a cli∣mat.

5. And though the Oratours flattery pro∣mis'd a happy successe to that expedition: yet it seems it fell out otherwise. For Eutro∣pius expressly declares that severall attempts by war had been in vain undertaken against Carausius, a man very skillfull in military affaires: so that in the end they were forced to make a peace, leaving him the posses∣sion of Brittany. A proof wherof is afforded us by Camden, who produces a Coyn, in the one side wherof was this Inscription, C. Carausius Emperour: and on the other, The peace of Augustus.

6. It seems Carausius being left in quiet possession of the Island employ'd well the power allow'd him, for he drove the Northern Caledonian Brittains beyond the wall rais'd by the Emperours Hadrianus and Severus: and rais'd a new rampire to en∣close them, more Northward then any had been before.* 1.655 For thus writes Nennius the Disciple of Elvodugus, Carausius, saith he, built a wall between the mouthes of the two rivers Cladus and Carunus, and fortified it with seaven Castles, adding withall a round house built of polish'd stones upon the bank of the River Carun: he likewise ere∣cted an Arch triumphall, on which he im∣pos'd his own Name, in memory of his Victo∣ry. This building remaines to this day, vulgarly call'd Iulius Hof, as if Iulius Agri∣cola had been the Authour of it.

XXI. CHAP.* 1.656

1. Carausius his Tyranny lasted seaven years.

2. Persecution ceases in Brittany▪

3. Yet Monasteries and Churches are demolish'd▪ particularly Winchester

4 The Church of Westminster conver∣ted into a Temple of Apollo.

5. Helena not in Brittany at this time.

1. THE Tyranny of Carausius conti∣nued the space of seven years, for he began his piracy in the year of Christ two hundred eighty six, and about two years after assum'd the Title of Em∣perour, invading and possessing Brittany, which he quietly governed till the year two hundred ninety three, when Con∣stantius made his expedition against him.

So that during the said two first years Brit∣tany was under the government of Diocle∣tian and Maximianus, to whom must be at∣tributed the Martyrdom of S. Albanus, Am∣phibalus, &c.

2. Now though by Carausius his invasion of the Government the persecution ceased; at least so far as that no Edicts were publi∣shed against them, nor any search after them ordained, nor Tribunalls erected: Notwith∣standing the soldiers of Carausius having been bred up in rapines, spoyled and de∣stroyed all Churches, and Monasteries remai∣ning.

3. Among other places the ruins of the Monasteries of Winchester and Westminster are by Historians celebrated: both which had just a hundred years before been built by King Lucius. Concerning the former, thus we read in an anciēt Manuscript of the Church of Winchester,* 1.657 Christian Religion remained the space of a hundred years, from the first year of King Lu∣cius, the first Christian King of the Brittains. And so long did the Monks quietly serve God in that ancient Monastery. But they were all slain in the Church of Winchester, which was also de∣stroyd by the Ministers of the persecuting Empe∣rour Diocletian in the second year of his raign. To which year also we before refer'd the killing of the Monks, as we doe the ruining of the Monastery to this present year two hundred eighty nine.

4. As for the Church of Westminster how it was at this time profan'd and converted to a Temple of Apollo, thus Iohn Fleet an ancient Historian declares, Whilst the most greivous persecution rais'd by the Emperour Dio∣cletian raged in Brittany,* 1.658 among other Churches this of Westminster was destroy'd, and afterward by the sacrilegious power of Magistrates chang'd into a profane temple of Apollo, in which were exercis'd the superstitious Rites of the Gentiles. By which it came to passe that in the same place where God had been devoutly worshipped in his own Church, there Idolatrous abominations were afterward perform'd. That place loosing the me∣mory of its former Christian inhabitants, became the Head and principall seat where Pagans exer∣cised their execrable Superstitions.

5. During all these cruelties against Chri∣stians, and devastation of Churches there is no mention of S. Helena the Wife of Con∣stantius. Most probable it is therfore that she was before this time departed out of Brittany with her husband, who now go∣verned Dalmatia or Illyricum:* 1.659 and with them both lived likewise their Son Constan∣tin, now fifteen years old, who from his child, hood, saith Victor, shewd an aspiring mind, in∣flam'd with a desire of rule.

XXII. CHAP.* 1.660

1.2. By reason of distractions in the Empire, two new Caesars elected, Galerius and Constantius.

3. Constantius marries Theodora daughter in law to Maximianus.

4 5. Helena divorced and seated at Triers: Of which many proofs.

6 Constantin left in Diocletians Court, as a pledge.

1. IN these days there was a great concus∣sion of the Roman Empire on all sides, both by open invasions and civill dissen∣tions.* 1.661 For the Persians in the East, and the Sarmatians in the North made furious irru∣ptions into the Provinces adioyning: like∣wise besides Brittany possess'd by Carausius, Achilleas vexed Egypt, and Iulianus, toge∣ther with the Nations called Quinquegenta∣na, Africk.

2. These distractions occasion'd the Ele∣ction of two New Caesars,* 1.662 that so the Empire might rest more securely upon more pillars. Constantius was chosen by Maximianus, and Galerius, sirnamed Armentarius, by Diocle∣tian. Notwithstanding the supreme autho∣rity and Majesty of the Empire resided in Diocletian, to whom the other three impu∣ted their advancement, and were his hands and instruments to fight and overcome for him.

3. Moreover it was prudently advised among them to streiten their Society by the bond of affinity.* 1.663 Whereupon Diocletian gave his daughter Valeria a wife to Galerius, and Maximianus his wifes daughter Theodora to Constantius: before which mariage he was compelled to a divorce from his beloved Wife Helena, who after this was esteem'd his Concubine, or at least a wife in the second and inferiour place. Which divorce not∣withstanding brought no prejudice to their Son Constantin who was born in mariage be∣fore, and enioyd his right of Primogeniture, and succeeded his Father in the Empire, not∣withstanding other Sons born to Constan∣tius by Theodora.

4. What became of Helena after this new mariage,* 1.664 will deserve our enquiry. Malbran∣que a French Historian affirms tha she lived at Quantia a Town in the Province of Belgick Gaule, where now Hesdin is situated. But more probable it is that Constantius fixd her habitation at Triers where he built her a sumptuous Palace, saith the Abbot Beren∣gosius,* 1.665 who stiles her an inhabitant of the Citty of Triers (Trevirorum:) adding this passage, The ancient magnificence of her Palace at Triers

argues the Nobility of Helena's race: where the Pavement strow'd with marble of severall sorts declares how much that house excelled all other. The walls also enrich'd with gold and purple doe gracefully testify the marks of their Mistrisses high extraction. Besides all this, the great number of possessions conferr'd by her on Gods Churches loudly speak the ancient Nobility of her stock.* 1.666 From hence it is saith Lupoldus Bebenburgius, that many Authours (as Otto Frisingensis and Godefridus Viterbiensis) doe affirm that S. Hele∣na the Mother of Constantin had her originall from Triers.

5. Certain it is that there are many marks which testify her affection to that Citty, which a little while after this, to declare its relation to S. Helena and to eternise her name, caused Medalls to be coyned with this Inscription on the one side, FLAVIA HE∣LENA AVGVSTA: and on the other, SE∣CVRITAS REIPVBLICAE: whereto was ad∣joyned underneath, S. TR. importing that it was Signed (or Coyned) at Triers. Which In∣scription evidently declaring Helena to have been adopted into the Imperiall Flavian fa∣mily, and honour'd with the Title of Au∣gusta or Empresse, sufficiently evict that He∣lena was not the daughter of a mean host, nor cast off by Constantius after his mariage with Theodora.

6. As for her Son Constantin, he was at this time received into the family of Diocle∣tian at Rome, there to remain as it were a pledge of his Fathers fidelity.* 1.667 Where (saith Eu∣sebius) being then but a youth, though his con∣versation was among persons full of all impiety, yet he was not infected by them: For his naturall good disposition directed by an instinct of Gods holy Spirit, drew him from their vitious customs to a course of life acceptable to God, and exem∣plary for piety. Besides this, an earnest desire to imitate his Fathers vertues invited him power∣fully to conform his practises to the good examples given him by those who were pious and good. Thus writes Eusebius, who professes that himself was an eye-witnes of all this in a progres of the Court through Palestina,* 1.668 and how he saw the great esteem that Diocletian had of him when he was but very young; at whose right hand he commonly stood, highly graced by the Emperour, and acceptable to all that saw him, for his beauty, grace fullnes and modesty. But leaving young Constantin at Rome, or perhaps in the East, we must return to his Father Constantius.

XXIII. CHAP.* 1.669

1. Constantius his expedition against Ca∣rausius into Gaule.

2. He win•• Gessoriacum, or Boloign. He subdues the Franks in Batavia.

3. Caransius slain by Allectus in Brit∣tany: who succeeds in the Tyranny.

4 Constantius passes into Brittany.

5. Allectus defeated and slain by Con∣stantius his Generall.

6. Constantius saves London from ruine: and makes the Franks captives and slaves to the Brittains.

7. The ioy of the Brittains at the re∣ception of Constantius.

8. Constantin accompanies Diocletian into the East: his vertues.

1. COnstantius being created Caesar, im∣mediatly made an expedition into Gaule with an intention to passe over into Brittany against the Tyrant Carausius.* 1.670 Being in Gaule he by admirable art and industry took the Sea-town Gessoriacum, now call'd Boloign, which Carausius had for his own safe∣ty and use strongly fortified. Which ex∣ploit of Constantius is elegantly celebrated by the Oratour Eumenius in his Panegyrick pronounced before him.* 1.671

2. There likewise we read how Constantius, not to be idle during the time that a fleet was preparing for his expedition into Brit∣tany,* 1.672 subdued Batavia, Carausius his own countrey, then possess'd by severall Princes of the Franks, who were a German Nation, great numbers of whom had transplanted themselves thither.

3. Now whilst Constantius thus employ'd himself on the other side of the Sea, Carau∣sius in Brittany was murdred by C. Allectus,* 1.673 whom he had made Generall of his forces, and who for diverse flagitious acts done by him feared his just revenge. After which the Traytour thinking that the better way to se∣cure himself, assumed also the Title of Em∣perour, as is declared by his Coyns yet extant bearing the said Title.

4. Against this new Tyrant, Constantius the year following sailed into Brittany. Alle∣ctus then had a strong fleet in the Isle of Wight, to oppose his Enemies coming. But such was Constantius his felicity, that by reason of tempestuous weather his fleet pass'd undiscovered by Allectus his Ships, and landed without opposition in Brittany: where being arrived, Constantius in excesse of courage sett on fire all his own ships, to let his soldiers know, that they must either over com, or be slaves. All this we learn from the forementioned Oratour.

5. After this, saith the same Authour, Con∣stantius marching against the Tyrant divided his Army, one part he lead himselfe, and the other he committed to the conduct of As∣clepi••do••us Praefect of his Praetorian bands. Al∣lectus avoyding the opposing himself against Constantius, chose to try his fortune against Asclepiodotus, by whom without any losse of the Romans side, he was utterly defeated, and notwithstanding his design to disguise himself by casting off his Imperiall Purple, he was found out and slain.

6. But a great part of his Army, consi∣sting of strangers, Franks and Batavians, seeing their Prince and Tyrant dead, fled diligently towards London, with an intention to take the spoyles of that rich Citty, aboun∣ding with merchandise. When on the sud∣den Constantius happily appeard unawares, and cutt them in peices, so freeing that Citty from ruine. Those who escaped the slaughter he gave for captives to the Brit∣tains, who affectionatly ioynd with him. But afterwards he thought it more secure to remove those barbarous strangers into Gaule where he dispers'd them into severall Provinces, as Amiens, Beauvais, Troyes and Langres.

7. After this Victory it is incredible with what universall ioy Constantius was receiv'd by the Brittains, who for the space of almost nine years had been op∣press'd by Tyrants, suffring all manner of indignities in the violation of their wives and daughters, the slavery of their sons and losse of all their subsistence: and at last by this Victory were restored to the Roman Government, now most acceptable to them under Constantius, not only a Prince of great moderation and Clemency, but allied to them by his mariage with Helena, and affording them a Prince of their own blood.

8. Which young Prince Constantin at this time accompanied Diocletian into Egypt, where he gave egregious proofs of his excellent disposition. For thus writes Paulus Diaconus of him,* 1.674 There was with Dio∣cletian in Egypt Constantin the Son of Constan∣tius: who being then a very young man shewd illustrious marks of his courage in battells: and in his heart also favoured the Christians. Whose progresse in all endowments of mind and body Diocletian with envy observed: and foreseeing that he would prove the ruine of his Tyranny, and a destroyer of his Pagan Errours, he had a design by subtilty to take away his life. But Almighty God beyond all expectation saved him from the others cruelty, and restored him to his Father. The Tyrant, no doubt, knew that he had been from his infancy nourish'd with Christian milk: and could not but observe that he lookd on his cruelties against poore Christians, with unwilling eyes: therfore he detain'd him under strict guards intending probably greater mischief to him.

9. It is not here to be omitted that this young Constantin at this time took to wife Minervina, of whom he begott his eldest Son Crispus, who was twelve years old when his Father married his second wife Fausta. Zosimus according to his costum slanderously calls Minervina Constantius (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) strumpet or concubine: whereas both Eusebius and the Authour of the Pane∣gyrick pronounc'd at his second mariage highly commend him for his chastity,* 1.675 in that, saith he, imitating the continence of his Father, he would not admitt into his un∣stained breast any wandring lusts, nor so much as those pleasures which custom allows to youth, but was a new miracle, a young man uxorious. Which encomium could not without extreme and most ridiculous impudence have been spoken at such a time in such an assembly, if either Helena had been his Fathers Con∣cubine, or Minervina his own.

XXIV. CHAP.* 1.676

1.2. Persecution ceases in Brittany by Con∣stantius his clemency: contrary to the the assertion of Lesley and Hector Boe∣thius.

3. S. Nicholas a Brittish Bishop and Martyr.

4. No Scots yet in Brittany.

1. WHat a happy change the oppress'd Christians in Brittany found in their condition after this Victory of Constantius over the Tyrant Allectus,* 1.677 is further declared from the testimony of our ancient Brittish Historian Gildas,* 1.678 who says that nine years of persecution being ended, they began to repair Churches demolish'd, and to build new ones to the honour of Martyrs, that they publickly cele∣brated divine Mysteries and solemne Festivities &c. The which is confirmed by Eusebius,* 1.679 who says, That wheras there were fower persons ioynd in the government of the Roman world, Constantius only, having entred, as it were, into a covenant of freindship with God the supreme Governour, was utterly averse from the practises of the other three: For wheras they wasted the Churches of God, and defil'd their Provinces with the blood of innocent Christians shed with utmost cruelty: Constantius on the contrary was Authour of most perfect tranquillity to his sub∣jects, like an indulgent father allowing them a free pover of exercising the duties of the true Christian Religion, without any molesta∣tion.

2.* 1.680 Which Testimonies so ancient and au∣thentick doe manifestly disprove the asser∣tion of Lesley the Scottish Historian and Hector Boethius who uniustly impute cruelty against

Christians to Constantius.* 1.681 For thus Hector writes concerning him. The fame of Constan∣tius, though otherwise a worthy Prince, was much tainted with posterity, because he imitating Diocletian, endeavoured the ruine of Christian Religion. Vpon which occasion great numbers of pious Brittish Christians flying the rage of perse∣cutours, came to the Scots and Picts. The King Crathlintus receiv'd them with great kindnes, per∣mitting them to reside in the Isle of Man: where having overthrown the Temples of Pagans, and exterminated the profane Rites of the Druids, which till this time had continued there, he built for the re••ug'd Christians at his own cost a Church, called by the name of our Saviour, &c.

* 1.6823. The Scottish Writers likewise, about this time, to wit, in the year of Grace two hun∣dred ninety sixe, doe place the Martyrdom of a famous Brittish Bishop call'd S. Nicholas, and for his piety stil'd Culdeus, or a worshipper of God. Of whom Dempster thus writes, S. Nicholas Culdeus one of the first Bishops of the Scottish Church, during the rage of persecution rais'd by Maximianus in Brittany was crown'd with Martyrdom: The holy Relicks of his Body cutt in peices were put into an Vrn of Stone and together with a venerable Crosse were buried in the earth: Afterwards being digg'd up, they were found with this Inscription, Of S. Nicolas Bishop. To whose honour in succeeding time King Alexander the third at the request of the Bishop of Glasco built a sumptuous Church at Pebles, which whilst Catholick Religion flourished among us became illustrious for the grace of Miracles, and was frequēted with great concourse of devout Christians. He suffred Martyrdom in the year two hundred ninety six: and his Sacred body was found, known by the inscription, and together with the Crosse exalted on the seaventh of the Ides of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand two hundred sixty two.

4. These three Writers doe confidently mention the Scotts as inhabitants of those Nothern Provinces: Where as not any ancient Authours doe as yet take Notice of their name.* 1.683 Indeed Eumenius the forecited Pane∣gyrist says that the Brittains in those times were molested with two people their Enemies, the Picts and the Irish: and he is the first Writer who calls the Caledonian Brittains by the name of Picts, because their arms and leggs, which were naked, were usually painted with the figures of beasts: by which may be collected that that Name was given them about the time of Constantius. And as for the Irish, who also were termed Scots, though probably at this time many of them came over to assist the Picts or Caledonian Brittains, yet that they took possession of any part of the Countrey, or however that the Name of Scotts was given thus early to the whole countrey, cannot out of any approved Au∣thours be demonstrated.

XXV. CHAP.* 1.684

1. Constantius goes into Gaule against the Alamanni.

2. He is accompanied by Brittains who build towns there.

3. He overcomes the Germans at Langres.

1. AFTER three years abode in Brittany, Constantius was oblig'd to passe over into Gaule to oppose a German Nation call'd by some Carpi,* 1.685 by others Alamanni, by others Marcomanni, which grievously infested that Countrey: and in his absence he left Ascle∣piodotus Governour in Brittany.

2. It seems great numbers of Brittains at∣tended Constantius in this Expedition,* 1.686 if the conjecture of Adolphus Mekerchus be true that the Town of Bretta in Germany was at this time built by Brittains who followed Constantius. The same Authour fancies likewise that the town of Heidelsheim was named by them from Helena the wife of Constantius, whose name was most acceptable and precious to the Brittains. But leaving conjectures, let us pursue the more certain story of Constan∣tius his Expedition, thus related by Eutropius:

3. At the same time, saies he,* 1.687 Constantius Caesar fought against the Germans in Gaule neer the Citty of Langres, where in one day he had experience both of very great good and ill fortune. For he was obli∣ged upon a suddein and violent assault of the Ene∣mies to retire into the Citty, with so great hast and danger, that they were forced to shut the gates, and draw him up with ropes: and a few hours after upon the approach of his army, he set upon the Ger∣mans, and kill'd neer sixty thousand of them. The same Victory at Langres is likewise celebrated by the Oratour Eumenius, who adds,* 1.688 who adds, that in that combat Constantius received a wound. After which Victory, he dispersed the remaining Germans into severall vacant places of Gaule.

XXVI. CHAP.* 1.689

1. Stephanus Bishop of London; how a Martyr.

2. Constantius returns into Brittany.

3.4.5. Memorable examples of his Vertues. His moderation. For which he is tenderly af∣fection'd by his subjects, and master of their wealth. How he tried the Constancy of his Christian servants.

6. Brittish Guards.

7. Constantius and his family, Christians.

8. Hereto S. Helena contributed much.

1. THE quietnes which Brittany hap∣pily enioyed under Constantius is the cause that for some few years it af∣fords little matter to furnish History.* 1.690 Only in the year three hundred Stepha∣nus Bishop of London, highly commended

for his s••••ctity is said to have ended his life by Martyrdom. Not that any were then putt to death for Christian Religion, but he is call'd a Martyr, according to the phrase of that Age, for the persecution he had suffred formerly during the rage of Dio∣cletian and Maximianus. He is in the English Martyrologe stiled the eighth Bishop of that See: wheras more truly he should have been call'd the seaventh: for S. Augulus, of whom shortly, is by Historians nam'd the eighth.

* 1.6912. In the year of Grace three hundred and two upon occasion of the death of Ascle∣piodotus whom he had left President here, Constantius seems to have return'd into Brit∣tany, establishing peace in that Church which himself had begun: whilst in all other Pro∣vinces of the Empire whole rivers of Chri∣stian blood were shed with all imaginable cruelty and immanity.

* 1.6923 Now Brittany being the countrey where, as Zosimus says, Constantius made his longest abode (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,) and where for diverse respects he both express'd and received the greatest proofs of affection, it is most pro∣bable that in Brittany, and about these times were performed by him those memorable actions of bounty, clemency and piety recor∣ded by Historians, which rendred him admi∣red and beloved through the whole Empire.

4. An illustrious Example of the prudent moderation of his Government, of his libe∣rality, and of the mutuall affection between him and his subjects,* 1.693 was, as Eusebius, records, declared on this occasion. The Emperour Dio∣cletian being inform'd that Constantius by his too profuse liberality and negligence had utterly impoverished his Treasure, by messengers sent on purpose sharply reproved him for it. Constantius, having desired the messengers to expect a few days for his answer, in the mean space sent notice through his whole dominions to all his subjects, especially such as abounded with wealth, that he stood in great need of money, and that a more fitt opportunity could never be offred them to testify their duty and affection to him. Hereupon with∣out any delay, and with extreme chearfullnes and ardour each contended with other who should send most, so that in a short time his Treasure was filld with innumerable summes of money. This being perform'd, Constantius invited the Messen∣gers to be spectatours of his wealth, desiring them to testify to the Emperour what they had seem Telling them withall that all, those riches had been deposited by him in the owners hands, as the most safe guardians. The Messengers seeing the wonder∣full aflection shew'd to Constantius by his subjects, were astonishd at it. When they were gone, the kind and bountifull Emperour restored all that ma••se of treasure to the owners, expressing withall an affectionat resentment of their duty and good will to him.

3. Another worthy action of the same Prince, denoting both the sharpnes of his iudgment, and religious disposition, is to this effect related by the same Authour:

Bring desirous to order his family and Court distracted into factions by persons of va∣rious Sects and Religions,* 1.694 he publish'd an Edict, That whosoever would continue in his office, should conform himself to the Roman Idolatry: for he was resolved that no other should remain in his Court. As for others, they should be permitted to enioy the liberty, and possession of what they had, but they must avoyd his presence. This Or∣dinance caused great trouble in the minds of such Christians as ambitiously affected worldly honour and wealth, who therfore preferring Mammon before God, relinquishd their profession to conform themselves to Caesars Religion. But severall other sincere and genuine Disciples of Christ, shewd them∣selves willing rather to forsake their Princes seruice then Gods. Which being observ'd by Constantius, he chased from his Court all those fainthearted, hypocriticall dissemblers, saying, they would never preserve their fide∣lity to him, which had basely betrayd their Faith to God. And those who continued con∣stant, he prefer'd to dignities, committing the care of his safety to them.

6. From hence it came that the Brittains, who generally were Christians, became Guards both to him and other Emperours. This is affirm'd by Nicetas Choniates, who therfore calls them (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) Brit∣tish Guards which always encompass'd the Emperour, being arm'd with long halberts.

7. Such piety and constancy of Brittish Christians being observ'd by Constantius, might probably be one strong motive indu∣cing him to forsake Idolatry: For so much is implied by Eusebius,* 1.695 saying, Constantius having for a long space shewd forth illustrious signs of vertues becoming a Prince, at last he wholly re∣nounced the impious Idolatry and worship of many Gods, willingly acknowledging the onely true God, Governour of all the world, and firmly establsshd his Court by the Prayers and assistance of holy men. Thus with great glory he pass'd the remainder of his life in tranquillity, being free from all trouble.

8. To this happy change it is not to be doubted but S. Helena his wife did much contribute, whose presence with him at this time the same Eusebius seems to imply in the words following:* 1.696 Thus did he through all the remaining time of his raign procure a constant peaceable state to his children and wife, together with his whole family, all which he consecrated to God the supreme king, insomuch as his Court seem'd litle to differ from the form of a Church: in which the Ministers and servants of God offre•• continually Prayers and Sacrifices for him: wheras in the other Princes courts and countreys the very name of the true Gods worshippers could not without utmost danger be pronounced. Thus wri¦tes he of Constantius his family. Now if inqui∣ry be made which was that wife mention'd by him, it cannot be suppos'd to be Theodora the daughter in law of Maximianus, for w••

no where read that she ever entred Brittany,* 1.697 and much lesse that she was addicted to Christian Religion: so that it can be no other but S. Helena, a Brittish Lady and a Christian, who doubtles was always attended by Preists dayly praying for Caesar.

* 1.698XXVII. CHAP.

1. Diocletian and Maximianus depose them∣selves: to whom Galerius and Constan∣tius succeed Constantius his moderation.

2. The persecution continues at Rome. S. Agnes Martyr.

3 Constantius courage against the Sar∣matians. His Duell.

4 S. Augulus Bishop of London: and Martyr: in what sence.

5. Ilutus, or Restitutus succeeds in that Bishoprick.

* 1.6991. IN the year of Grace three hundred and four the two Emperours Diocletian and Maximianus after twenty years raign together, weary of the fruitlesnes of their cruelty, voluntarily depos'd themselves from the Empire, Diocletian at Nicomedia and Ma∣ximianus at Milan in Italy. In Diocletians place Galerius succeeded in the Government of the Eastern Empire, and in Maximianus his room Constantius govern'd the western. Yea so moderat was he in his ambition that, as Eutropius says,* 1.700 contenting himself with the Title of Augustus, or Emperour, he refused to unde••take the solicitude of administring Italy and Africk: (esteeming France and Brittany sufficient) where all his care was to enrich his subjects, not affecting at all to heap up treasure.

2. Constantius his absence from Rome was the cause that the former Edicts of Diocletian against Christians were still in force: For not only Pope Marcellinus was crownd at this time with Martyrdom, but the blessed Virgin Saint Agnes triumphed also most gloriously over the New Emperour Galerius his cruelty.

* 1.7013. Zonaras reports that in the year three hundred and five young Constantin accompa∣nied Galerius in his warr against the Sarma∣tians, where he was by the Emperour expos'd to a single combat with their Cheif leader: whom by Divine help having overcome, he lead him prisoner to the Emperour: so reaping great glory by that which was intended for his destruction. The same is likewise confir∣med by Eumenius the Oratour in his Panegyrick to him,* 1.702 where he says, Although fortune had already placed thee in a condition, wherin glory could not be wanting to thee, yet thou wouldst encrease it by warfare: and combatting in thine own person with the Enemy, yea entring into a single appointed combat, thou mad'st thy self more known then before, when thou couldst not be more noble.

4, This year out English Martyrologe cele∣brates the Martyrdom of S. Augustus Bishop of London. S. Beda likewise,* 1.703 Ado Viennensis, Vsuar∣dus and others make mention of him. Now wheras he is call'd a Martyr, it is to be under∣stood that in the late persecution he suffred many things for Christs cause, and this year receiv'd the reward of his Confession. He is sayd to have dyed at Augusta in Brittany, which Citty, saith Ammianus Marcellinus was anciently called Londinium. He is called by some Authours Augulinus, & Augurius. And concerning him Bishop Vsher thus writes,* 1.704 we find a commemoration of the same Bishop not only in the Martyrologes of Ado, Ricemarchus, and Beda: but also of Vsuardus, Rabanus, Wandel∣bertus and that of Rome: moreover in the Manu∣script Martyrologes of the Churches of Salisbury, Evesham and Winchester. Geneb••ard in his Chro∣nology wrongfully calls him an Irish Bishop: and Dempster according to his custom will needs have him a Scott.

5. To him succeeded in the Bishoprick of London Iltutus: whom Iocelinus omitts in his Catalogue of the Bishops of London. But since he omitts likewise the name of Restitutus, who a few years after this is known to have assisted at the first Councill, to which his name with the Title of his Bishoprick is found sub∣scrib'd, it may probably be conjectur'd that Iltutus and Restitutus were the same person.

XXVIII. CHAP.* 1.705

1.2. Constantius wars against the Picts: and returning to York falls sick.

3. He is troubled for the absence of Constantin.

4. He is warn'd by an Angell to leave the Empire to Constantin.

5.6. Constantin escapes wonderfully.

7 His affectionate wellcom.

8. Constantius dyes, and is Christian∣ly buried by his Son: and by the Romans consecrated.

9. He is buried at York: not at Caer∣narvon.

1. THE year of Grace three hundred and six was notable for the death of the Emperour Constantius,* 1.706 and the succession of his eldest Son Constantin. Constantius was at this time in Brittany, where some commo∣tion among the Picts or Caledonian Brittains drew him into the Northern parts: where ha∣ving removed those unquiet enemies be∣yond the limits prescribed them, he return'd to York, and there being old, was assaulted by his last sicknes: in which how piously he dis∣posed himself for death may be collected from the Character before mention'd which was given him by Eusebius

2. And moreover the same Authour treating particularly of his death addeth:* 1.707 It may easily

be conceived by any one who shall seriously ob∣serve the nature and condition of the actions per∣formd by the Emperours Diocletian,* 1.708 Maximia∣nus and Constantius, how happy a death this Em∣perour obtain'd from God, whom he served with such zeale and piety, far unlike in his manners and life to those who were partakers of the same Empire with him.

3. Only one thing was now wanting to his full contentment, which was the pre∣sence of his Son Constantin, who at this time was at Rome, there detained, as a pledge or hostage by Galerius. This was a great affli∣ction to Constantius, who though he had with him other Sons born to him by Theodo∣ra, received small satisfaction from them, considering their want of spirit and cou∣rage.

4. Zonaras reports that at this time whilst Constantius was sick,* 1.709 and afflicted in mind by reason of the unfitnes of his other children to suc∣ceed him, an Angell appeard to him, comman∣ding him to leave the Empire to Constantin. Eu∣sebius likewise more then once affirmeth that it was by Divine counsell & ordinance that Constantin succeeded his Father in the Empire. And hereto the Oratour Eumenius though a Pagan,* 1.710 may seem to allude, where speaking to Constantin he says, But why should we flatteringly commend thy Fathers private af∣fection to thee? Thy Succession in the Empire was the Decree of all the Gods, first prescribed by their authority, and afterwards confirm'd by mature counsell of men. At that time thou wast call'd to be a saving guardian of the Empire by celestiall signs and divine suffrages.

5. This affliction of Constantius for the absence and dangerous condition of his be∣loved Son, did not long continue: for God was pleased in an extraordinary manner to restore him to him before his death. This is thus express'd by Eusebius,* 1.711 Those Princes, saith he, which then govern'd the Empire, with envy and fear look'd upon Constantin, observing him to be a generous, valiant, tall young man, of a noble and erected mind. Whereupon they watch∣fully sought an opportunity to doe some notable mischeif to him. This the young man perceiving (for by a Divine instinct their private designs against him were severall times discovered) he at last sought to secure himself by flight: therin imi∣tating well the example of the great Prophet Moyses. Now Almighty God graciously disposed all things for his safety and advancement, wisely ordaining that he should opportunely be present to succeed his dying Father.

6. Aurelius Victor adds an Act of Constan∣tins, full of prudence and subtilty,* 1.712 by which he secured his flight from all danger of pur∣suers, to elude whom, he through all his long iourney from Rome to Brittany gave command that all the publick Post-horses should be killd:* 1.713 by which means, saith the Oratour, he arriv'd in Brittany with so prosperous a voyage, that he seem'd to have been brought thither not riding by the ordinary Post, but moun∣ted and flying in a heavenly Chariot.

7. Now with what ioy and affection he was received by his Father,* 1.714 Eusebius thus describes, Assoon as Constantius saw his Son beyond his expectation arriv'd, he leaping from his bed with a tender affection embrac'd him, saying that now his min'd was freed from the only trouble remaining in it, which was his Sons ab∣sence: for which he offred his Prayers and thanks∣giving to God with great devotion. Now he esteem'd death almost as wellcom to him as im∣mortality. Presently after this he disposed of his family and all worldly affaires in good order: and placing himself in the midst of his Sons and daughters, which like a Quire encompass'd him lying in his royall Palace and bed, he bequeathed the inheritance of the Empire, according to the common Law of Nature, to that Son which in age went before the rest, and so departed out of this life.

8. When Constantius was dead, his fune∣ralls were celebrated by his Son with all pompe and solemnity,* 1.715 infinite numbers of people assisting, and with ioyfull acclamations and sweet harmony of Hymns celebrating his happines, saith the same Eusebius. Moreover that he was according to the Roman Heathe∣nish manner consecrated and refer'd among their Gods ancient coyns doe testify, in which he is inscribed with the Title of Divus, or a person Deified, and on the other side is repre∣sented a Temple and two Eagles, over which are the words Happy Memory: all which are manifest signs of Consecration, as it is des∣crib'd by Herodian.

9. He was buried in the Citty of York:* 1.716 For, saith Camden, men of good credit have re∣ported to us that when the houses of Monks there were in the memory of our Fathers demolish'd, there was found a lamp burning in a little vaul∣ted Chappell, in which the Tradition was that Constantius had been buried. For Lazius a lear∣ned writer relates that the Ancients had the art to maintain a flame burning for many ages, by the means of gold dissolved into a kind of li∣quid oyle.* 1.717 So that Mathew of Westminster is mistaken when he reports that at Caer-cu∣stenith neer Snoudon hills was found the body of the glorious Emperour (Constantius,) Father of the Noble Emperour Constantin, and by the Kings command removed, and honourably placed in the Church of Caërnarvon. That body questionles belonged to some other of the same name: for all Historians agree that this Constantius dyed and was buried at York.

THE SEAVENTH BOOK OF THE CHVRCH-HISTORY OF BRITTANY.

* 1.718I. CHAP.

1.2. Constantin succeeds his Father.

3. &c. At first refuses the Title of Emperour.

1. CONSTANTIVS dying left behind him severall children of both sexes: for besides his eldest son Constantin born to him by Helena, he had by Theodora daughter in Law to the Emperour Maximianus Hercu∣lius three Sons, Constantius (the Father of Gallus and Iulian) Dalmatius and Annibalius; to whom some adde a second Constantin; and two daughters, Constantia maried to Licinius, and Eutropia.

2. Notwithstanding Constantius at his death, passing by all these his sons, though born to him by a Wife of the Imperiall family and then present with him, he left the Em∣pire to his eldest son Constantin only. Which is an undoubted argument that he acknow∣ledged him for his legitimate Son.* 1.719 Whence it is that Eusebius writes, that Constantius at his death did by the common Law of Nature leave the inheritance of the Empire to that Son who in age went before the rest: and that this disposall was ratified by the suffrages and accla∣mations of the Army.

3. Notwithstanding Constantin not so much out of moderation, as prudent caution contented himself with the Title of Caesar, refusing that of Augustus or Emperour: in so much saith the Panegyrist,* 1.720 as when the soldiers with great affection and ardour would have cast on him the Imperiall Purple, he sett spurs to his horse and fled from them.

4. There may be supposed more then one Motive to induce Constantin to this modest refusall. For Diocletian and Maximianus, though they had relinqush'd the admini∣stration of the Empire, were yet alive, and by their counsells and authority had a great influence on the state, by whom Galerius Maximinus and Severus were chosen Caesars and Successours, who had the posses∣sion of the Eastern Empire and Italy. Ther∣fore Constantin being young and at so great a distance from the Imperiall Citty, had reason to think it dangerous without their consent to assume the Supreme Au∣thority. Wherfore his first attempt was to gain the affection and consent of Maximia∣nus Herculeus, from whom his Father Con∣stantius had received the Purple robe, and who having then a daughter mariageable, called Fausta, Constantin demanded her for his wife, presuming the Empire should be her dowry.

5. That such was the mind and intention of Constantin,* 1.721 a Panegyrist of that time hath well express'd, Such was thy prudent modera∣tion (saith he) O Constantin, that whereas thy Father had bequeathed the Empire to thee, thou thoughtst fitt to content thy self with the Title

of Caesar,* 1.722 expecting till the same Maximianus who had before declared thy Father Emperour, should doe the same to thee: for thou esteemedst it more glorious by thy vertues to deserve the Empire as a reward, then to enioy it as an inheri∣tance by succession. Neither was it to be doubted but that he would conferr on thee supreme Power, who had destind thee for his Son in Law, before thou couldst request it.

6. Hence appears the mistake of those Writers who affirm that Constantin was crea∣ted Emperour in Brittany immediatly after the death of his Father. For it certainly ap∣peares that he took not that Title till the year after, when he pass'd out of Brittany ••nto Gaule. In the mean time he finish'd his Fathers Victories in Brittany aganist the Picts and Caledonians who rebelled, and were re∣pulsed by him beyond the Wall. In which expedition he was assisted by a barbarous King of the Alamanni, called Erocus: by whose counsell likewise and endeavours he assum'd the Title of Emperour the year fol∣lowing, as Aurelius Victor testifies.

* 1.723II. CHAP.

1. Constantius overcoms two German Prin∣ces.

2 Treats with Maxentius, and is refused.

3. Marries Maximians daughter, Fausta, and receives the Title of Em∣perour.

4 &c. Maximians treachery, and punishment.

1. THough Constantin at first refus'd the Title of Emperour, yet he kepd a re∣solution to aspire to it either by agreement or force: For which purpose he pass'd over with a great army into France: Where his first exploit was to represse two barbarous Princes,* 1.724 who fill'd the Countrey with fa∣ctions, inciting the Gaules to rebellion. Their names were Ascaricus and Gaisus, or Regaisus, call'd his Comes: Whom having overcome in battell, for a terrour to others, he expos'd them to be devoured by wild beasts. This Victory of Constantin is celebra∣ted by Eusebius in generall terms,* 1.725 but with a notable errour in Chronology, being placed by him before his voyage into Brittany.

2. A firm peace being hereby restored to Gaule, Constantin began to treat a league with Maxentius, who the year before hauing been inform'd of the death of Constantius, had possess'd himselfe of Rome, and usurped the Title of Emperour, being assisted by the Pretorian soldiers, and hoping that Maxi∣mianus Herculius whose daughter he had maried,* 1.726 would favour him in his ambition. With which successe being puff'd up▪ he re∣jected the motion of concord offred by Constantin, whom he would not admitt into fellowship in the Empire.

3. But Maximianus Herculius having heard the late glorious victory obtain'd by Con∣stantin over the fore-mention'd barbarous Princes, voluntarily bestow'd on him his daughter Fausta, and with her the Imperiall Purple. This is testified by a nameles Pane∣gyrist of those times,* 1.727 who expressly affirms that at this mariage the name of Emperour was given him, and added to that of Caesar.

4. But presently after this mariage was ce∣lebrated, Maximianus began to discover his treacherous mind and intention, again to possesse himself of the Empire, which he had voluntarily resigned, and bound himself by a Solemne oath in the Capitol never to re∣sume it. This intention he had made known to his daughter Fausta before the mariage:* 1.728 and for the execution of it he sent letters to solicite the armies, and with promises of great rewards attempted the fidelity of the soldiers. All these designs Fausta (bearing a greater affection to her husband, then her Father) discovered to Constantin, informing him that the Mariage was intended only to make him secure, and that her Fathers pur∣pose was to deprive him of the Empire and perhaps his life too.

5. Hereupon Constantin found it neces∣sary to prevent such treacherous designs of his Father in Law: who presently after pu∣blickly resumed the Name and Authority of Emperour at Arles: from whence retiring himself to Marseilles, he was there beseiged by Constantin, and afterwards made prisoner. Whereupon he executed on himself the just vengeance of his perjury and treason by the most ignominious kind of death, strangling himself with a halter. Such a deserved end had this Tyrant, who defiled the Western Em∣pire with the blood of so many Christians: Thus did Constantin a Brittish Emperour ex∣piate the death of those glorious Martyrs S. Albanus and his companions who suffred in Brittany.* 1.729 In which action Eumenius the Oratour, though a Heathen, elegantly frees him from all suspicion of cruelty.

6. Constantin having composed affaires in Gaule, prosecuted after ward his Victories into Germany, into which he pass'd his army upon a bridge which he built over the Rhene about Triers. There he subdued severall Nations, especially the Bructeri which re∣belled. The Belgick Historians write that in Constantins army were many noble Brittains, among which they name three Vncles of his Mother Helena, Iohelin, Traër, and Marius: Which gave occasion to the Panegyrist Eu∣menius to expatiate upon the praises of Brit∣tany,* 1.730 which he concludes thus, O fortunate Brittany, now happy beyond all other countreyes, inasmuch as thou wast the first which didst

see Constantin Caesar!* 1.731 Nature did deservedly enrich thee with all the blessings of heaven and earth, &c.

* 1.732III. CHAP.

1.2.3 Monasteries buil•• in Brittany: Namely Winchester and Abingdon.

1. THough Constantin himself was not yet a Christian, as appears by the Ora∣tions of Panegyrists to him,* 1.733 in which he is ex∣tolled for his devotion to heathen Gods, Mars, Victoria and especially Apollo, whose temples he visited to give them thanks for his Victories, presenting there most magnifi∣cent Gifts and offrings: Notwithstanding Christians enioyed the same peace and secu∣rity through all his dominions, and particu∣larly in Brittany, which had formerly been granted them by his Father Constantius.

2. Hence it is that our ancient Records mention the rebuilding and replenishing severall Monasteries in this our Island. Among which the most famous were the Monaste∣ries of Winchester and Abingdon. Concerning the former, Bishop Godwin out of ancient Monuments testifies that it was begun and per∣fected with such admirable devotion and zeale that within the space of one year and thirty dayes both the Church,* 1.734 the lodgings of the Monks and all other Offices and buildings for their severall uses were entirely finished: And at the request of Deodatus the first Abbot of this New Mo∣nastery,* 1.735 it was by Constans Bishop of Winche∣ster consecrated to the memory of S. Am∣phibalus Martyr. In which state it continued more then the space of two hundred years, till Cerdic••s the first King of the Western Saxons driving away and killing some of the Monks, turn'd it into a Temple of Idolatry. The same account of it is given by Thomas Rudburn (quoted by Bishop Vsher) from Giraldus Cornu∣biensis and Vigilantius, ancient Writers: though he erre much in his Chronology,* 1.736 pla∣cing this restitution in the year of our Lord two hundred ninety and three.

3. As for the Monastery of Abingdon, if the Chronicle of that place may be credited, Constantin himselfe in his younger dayes had his education there: And thereto be∣longed no fewer then five hundred Monks, which liv'd by the labour of their hands in Woods and deserts, and every Sunday and Sabbath day resorted to the Monastery to perform their devotions: Besides which five hundred, there remain'd constantly sixty Monks attending to dayly reciting of Psalms and holy Christian Sacrifices.

IV. CHAP.* 1.737

1. Miserable death of the persecutour Gale∣rius▪ and peace of the Church.

2. Four persons assuming the Title of Em∣perour.

1. ABout this time Galerius Maximianus, sirnamed Armentarius,* 1.738 felt the just avenging hand of God, who visited upon him all the innocent blood of Christians most cruelly shed by him: for he dyed miserably consumed by peece-meale, an incurable rot∣tennes corrupting all his members with in∣tolerable torments and stench. Neither could the wrath of God be pacified towards him, though he acknowledged his justice, and wrote Edicts in favour of Christians, im∣posing an end to the long and furious per∣secution rais'd by Diocletian.

3. There yet remain'd in the Roman Em∣pire fower persons who supremely and in∣dependently administred their severall re∣spective Provinces; Constantin in Gaule and Brittany, Maxentius in Italy and Africk Ma∣ximinus in the East, and Licinius in the Pannonies, Greece, Illyrium and Thrace: All which Provinces in a short time became united under the Monarchy of Constantin.

V. CHAP.* 1.739

1.2. &c. Constantins attempt against Ma∣xentius.

4. He prays to the true God.

5.6. &c. Wonderfull appearance of the Crosse.

11.12. The Veneration of it encreased.

1. NOW follows the three hundred and twelfth year of Christ in all respects prosperous to the Church of God:* 1.740 for, saith Baronius, then it was that a New persecu∣tion begun by Maximinus in the East was interrupted by many calamities sent from God: And in the West the Tyrant Maxentius by the divine Vertue of the Holy Crosse was conquered and slain.

2. But omitting Eastern affairs, not perti∣nent to our present History, design'd to shew the succession of our Christian Faith in Brit∣tany: I will the more copiously prosecute the Exploits of this glorious Brittish Prince the Emperour Constantin in the West, his pro∣sperous expedition against the Tyrant Ma∣xentius, and miraculous Victory over him, the consequent wherof was the establishing of Christian Religion, and its victory over all other Professions of Divine Worship.

* 1.7413. It was a great happines to Christians that Maxentius refused those conditions of agree∣ment offred him by Constantin: for had he accepted them the Christian Faith had much more late become the publick Faith of the Roman Empire, and Constantins invasion of him had wanted a considerable part of its justice. Wheras Concord being denyed, and all Italy,* 1.742 especially Rome, groaning vnder the Tyranny of Maxentius, exercised all manner of ways, by infinite Murders, oppres∣sions, adulteries, Violations of Virgins, and all manner of abominable Vices, it was not only a necessary care of his own safety, but a duty which he owd to mankind that moved Constantin to free the world of such a Monster, odious not to Christians only, but Pagans also,* 1.743 who employ'd their tongues and penns to give a fitting Character of his dete∣stable life. Hence it is that Constantin himself in an Epistle written by him afterwards to his Subiects in Palestina,* 1.744 professes that he was called and incited by God himself to free the world not only from Idolatry, but innume∣rable calamities with which it was oppress'd under the Tyranny of its Pagan Gover∣nours.

4. Constantin concluding a warr against Maxentius to be both most perfectly iust and necessary, his next thoughts were busied how to prosecute it. He had an Adversary far stronger then himself, his own forces when he pass'd the Aspes,* 1.745 as the Oratour testifies, being little more then a fourth part of the others. In this exigence, as Eusebius reports from Constantins own information,* 1.746 he had recourse to Divine assistance: and a multi∣tude of Gods being then worship'd in the world, he was uncertain to which of them he should addresse himself. After a long sad consideration, calling to mind how the former Emperours had been abused to their own ruine by false Oracles, incantations, and inhumane Sacrifices offred to their Heathen Gods, he resolves to put his confi∣dence in that onely true God worshipped all her life long by his Mother Helena, and by his Father Constantius towards his end. And he offred zealous and devout prayers unto him, that he would discover to him who he was, and how he would be worship'd, and that he would protect him in the dangerous condition he then was.

5. This devotion of Constantin was not without a signall reward, for by a wonderfull and stupendious miracle in the sight of the whole Army Almighty God declared how acceptable it was to him. The relation is re∣corded by Eusebius from Constantins own mouth,* 1.747 and attestation of his oath, after this manner: The Sun having pass'd his Meri∣dian, and beginning to decline, He saw manifestly the sign of the Crosse over the Sun in heaven figu∣red by a resplendent light, together with these words inscrib'd (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,) By this be Victo∣rious. Which spectacle caused great admiration both to himself and his whole army then attending him.

6. Among other Spectatours of this prodigy, was one Artemius, a man of great quality, being afterwards Prefect of Egypt: who gave this account of it to Iulian the Apostate, Constantin,* 1.748 said he, forsaking Pagan Idolatry converted himself to Christ, being divinely called thereto when he waged a dangerous warr and full of difficulty against Maxentius. For at that time about noon there appeared to him the Sign of the Crosse, more bright then the Sun-beames, together with golden letters signifying his Victory in that warr. For wee also being engaged in the same warr beheld it, and read that Inscription. Moreover the whole Army saw it, and there are yet alive in thine own army many witnesses of the same.

7. Sozomen relating this Story,* 1.749 adds, that together with the apparition of the Crosse, there were seen many holy Angells, who to encourage Constantin stupified with the sight, sayd to him, O Constantin, by this thou shalt overcome. And Zonaras affirms that Constantin saw a Horseman armed,* 1.750 who bore in his hands the Sign of the Crosse as an Ensign.

8. This celestiall Vision though it was well understood by the Christians there present, and gave unspeakable comfort to them: Yet the Crosse, being a thing most detestable to the Idolatrous Pagans, was look'd upon by them as a fatall and ominous sign. And hereapon the Oratours of those times, though after the Victory they rightly inter∣preted this Vision of heavenly armies seen in the aire,* 1.751 as ranged in order to assist Constantin, Yet they conceale not the effect which they wrought then in the minds of the Pagans, for saith one of them,* 1.752 What God was it who when all thy Captains and Nobles did not only silently murmure, but openly declared their fear of that ill-boding Prodigy, yet thou of thine own self against the counsells of thy freinds and warnings of the Sooth sayers, did'st perceive that that apparition signified the time was come of delivering the Citty of Rome from servi∣tude?

9. At the first indeed Constantin, not yet a perfect Christian, was astonishd and affrighted at this Vision, as well as the other Pagans: But by what means he arrived at a right understanding of it, is thus from his own relation declar'd by Eusebius:* 1.753 Constan∣tin, saith he was distracted and disquieted with great doubts and feares what this wonderfull Vi∣sion should portend. In which solicitude of thoughts the night overtooke him. And when he was asleep our Lord appeard to him bearing the same sign which had been shown him from heaven, and commanded him to cause a draught and Copy representing the same sign which had appeard to him, to be framed: and that he should make use of that as a firm guard and protection whensoever he was to committ battell with his enemies.

10. The Historian adds:* 1.754 as soon as the day appeared

he rose from his bed, and declared to his freinds this mysterious vision. And afterwards calling together the most cunning artificers, skillfull in gold and precious stones, he placed himself in the mid'st among them, and by words describ'd to them the form and pattern of the Sign which had appeared from heaven: Commanding them to imitate the form therof in gold and precious stones. (And the said Authour giving a des∣cription of the Labarum or Banner caried always in Constantins Army, thus proceeds) The Emperour,* 1.755 saith he, did always after make use of this Saving Sign of the Crosse as a sure defence against all hostile violence and danger: the expresse representations wherof he comman∣ded to be made, and perpetually be caried before his Army.

11. The devotion of this pious Emperour encreasing more and more to the Sacred Crosse, moved him to cause innumerable re∣presentations of it to be placed in severall places both publick and private. To this purpose writes the same Eusebius, So great and so divine was that love wherwith the Empe∣rour embraced our Lord,* 1.756 that he took care that the Ensign of his saving Passion should in a faire Table, adorned with much gold and precious stones of all kinds, he fixed in the Entrance of his Palace, in the principall room, in the middle of his house and in the guilded roof therof. That seemed to the most holy Emperour to be a firm bullwark of his Empire.

12. No wonder then if the veneration of the Holy Crosse became yet more encreased among Christians. We have shewd in the life of S. Albanus that it was even from the be∣ginning practised: Which practise sems now to have been authorised by our Lord him∣selfe from heaven; And that the devout Christians of these times understood it so, appears by the generall zeale they shewd in honouring this mark of our Salvation: which that it was acceptable to God was de∣monstrated by innumerable Miracles wrought thereby. But to return to Con∣stantin.

* 1.757VI. CHAP.

1.2. Constantius victorious march to Rome.

3.4. He fights with Maxentius, and over∣comes him: who is drown'd in the Tiber, to the infinite ioy of the Romans, &c.

7.8. &c. Constantin venerates the Crosse. D. whittacres mistake.

1. COnstantin being encourag'd with this so glorious a testimony of Divine as∣sistance, armed with the Crosse both on his helmet and forehead, and conducting an army, before which was caried the same triumphant Ensign, pursued his expedition into Italy: and approaching to the Alpes subdued the Segusians presuming to resist him: And having pass'd those Mountains, conquered the Taurini, and after them the Citty of Verona, which trusting in the mul∣titude of its garrison had the boldnes to shutt the gates against him. Aequileia, Muti∣na and all other Citties on this side the P•• follow'd the fortune of Verona.

2. Thus having cleared all the Provinces behind him of Enemies, he marched cou∣rageously to Rome it selfe, where the Tyrant for more then sixe years had exercised all manner of crimes: He had not the courage all that time to issue once out of the Citty, or to oppose Constantins progresse, partly being stupified with his lusts, and affrighted with prodigies and divinations of his Sooth-sayers.

3. But assoon as Constantin approached to the Citty, Maxentius was enforced to draw out his army consisting of one hundred and seaventy thousand foot, and eighteen thou∣sand horse: all these numerous forces he raged beyond the Milvian bridge, so that they were shut out of the Citty by the river. To the strength of his army the Tyrant added the subtilty of a stratagem, for he had caused the bridge so to be framed, that at his pleasure he might for his advantage easily dissolve it.

4. On the other side Constantin having ran∣ged his army, himself with great courage gave the onset, by which he immediatly broke his enemies ranks, so that little resi∣stance was made except by the Pretorian sol∣diers, who, expecting no pardon, because they onely had created Maxentius Emperour, covered the ground with their dead bodies.

5. The enemies being thus put to flight, found their flight unsucces'full, because the straitnes of the bridge hindred them: so that the slaughter was excessively great, and there being no other meane to avoyd the sword but by entring the River, great multitudes were swallow'd by it. As for the Tyrant, he to conceale himself had cast off all marks of his authority, and adventured into the Tiber, but not being able to ascend the steep banks, was hurried down the stream and drowned. His body was cast upon the shore below▪ which the Roman people having found, they cut off his head, which fastning on the topp of a speare, they caried it up and down the Citty with great ioy and triumph.

6. Since Rome was built,* 1.758 saith the Panegyrist, never shone a day celebrated with greater and a more universall ioy, or that deserved to be so ce∣lebrated, then that of Constantins triumph after this Victory. His triumphall chariot was attended not with conquered Princes or Generalls, but with the Roman Nobility freed from dungeons and chains: Rome did not enrich herselfe with spoyles of enemies, but herselfe ceased to be the Spoyle of an inhuman Tyrant, &c.

7. This common ioy, acclamations and ap¦plauses the pious Emperour would have to be asscribed, not to himself, but God only & the vertue of his holy Crosse, to whom he gave the

praises and acknowledgment of his Victory, as Eusebius testifies.* 1.759 And Prudentius adds, that Constantin at his triumphall entrance into the Citty commanded the Crosse to be caried before his army, to the end Rome might see by what arms she had been freed from slavery: and mo∣reover that he enjoyn'd both the people and Se∣nat of Rome to prostrate themselves before the Crosse, and adore the name of Christ.

* 1.7608. It is a great mistake therfore in som•• Protestant Writers, by name Whitaker, who affirms that Constantin indeed did use the sign of the Crosse which appeard to him from heaven, for an Ensign: but that no proof can be given that the Crosse was honoured or venerated by him. Wheras the passage now cited out of Prudentius evinces the contrary: and Sozo∣men expressly affirms that Constantin gave great honour to the holy Crosse,* 1.761 both for the aid afforded him by its vertue in his warr against his enemies, and likewise for the Divine appari∣tion of it to him. Hereto may be added an argument invincible, in that he built a Church dedicated to the honour of the holy Crosse:* 1.762 Yea and Prudensius in another place says,

Vexillumque Crucis summus Dominator adorat.

that is,

The Supreme Governour of the Empire adores the Ensign of the Crosse.

9. This honour was not onely acknow∣ledged by Constantin himself to be due to this Sign of our Salvation, but he signified his will that all the world should doe the same: This he did by raising his Statue in Rome, hol∣ding the Crosse in the right hand with this inscription,* 1.763 By this saving sign, the true Emblem of fortitude I deliver'd your Citty from the Yoke of Tyranny: And having given perfect liberty to the Senat and people of Rome, I restored them to their ancient greatnes and splendour.

10. All these things are farther confirm'd by another Inscription which according to a Decree of the Roman Senat was engraven in stone, To the Emperour Flavius Constantinus the great, the Senat and people of Rome. For that by instinct of the Divinity and his own ma∣gnanimous courage he at once with his army avenged the commonwealth of the Tyrant and his whole faction, therfore we have dedicated to him this triumphall Arch. In which In∣scription the Victory is ascribed, contrary to the Roman custome, to one true God, and not to those many Gods adored there.

XII. CHAP.* 1.764

1.2 3. Constantin procures from Licinius and Maximinus a cessation of persecu∣tion.

4. Three of his Mothers Vncles chosen Se∣natours.

1. AFter this so signall a Victory Constan∣tin to confirm peace in the Empire sent for Licinius the Emperour to Milan, where he gave him to wife his Sister Constantia,* 1.765 and obtain'd of him to subscribe to an Edict in which free liberty was given to all to make profession of Christian Religion, and moreo∣ver all Churches belonging to them, which had been seised on, were restor'd. The form of which Edict is recorded by Eusebius: By which is manifest that even in the times of persecuting Emperours the Christian Churches enjoy'd lands and possessions: So that what hath been formerly written touching the endowing our Brittish Churches by King Lu∣cius, &c. may more iustly challenge beleife.

2 And to make this grace universall, he persuaded the same Licinius to ioyn with him in a letter to Maximinus Emperour of the Eastern Provinces, to grant the same free∣dom to Christians within his dominions: To which request Maximinus, though with great unwillingnes and repugnancy, yeilded. The absence of Diocletian, who, though in∣vited, refused to meet Constantin at Milan, was a great cause that these Priviledges were more easily granted to Christians.

3. It is affirmed by Mathew of Westminster,* 1.766 who stiles himself Florilegus, that at this time Constantin chose into the Senate, among other strangers, the three Vncles of his Mo∣ther Helena, Traherius or Traërnus, Marius and Leolinus. And this perhaps might give occasion to Iulian the Apostat, as Marcelli∣nus writeth, to endeavour to blacken the me∣mory of Constantin as an innovatour and perver∣ter of the ancient Roman L••wes:* 1.767 for he expressly accuses him for being the first Emperour who adorned barbarous strangers with Senatoriall and Consular robes.

* 1.768VIII. CHAP.

1. Benediction of Bread, not unleavened, instituted by Pope Silvester.

2. Troubles in Brittany, by Octavius.

3 4. A new frame of Government in the Empire.

6. A Synod assembled at Arles.

* 1.7691. IN the beginning of the year of Grace three hundred and fourteen the Holy Pope Silvester succeeded Melchiades: concer∣ning whom the ancient Book of Roman Bishops records,* 1.770 that he ordain'd that of the obla∣tions offred by the people in the Church the Bishop or Preist should blesse or consecrate loaves of bread cutt into small particles, and kep'd in a pure and convenient vessel: to the end that after the solemnity of Masse such as had not communicated, should partake of them on all Sundays and Festes. These morsells of bread thus blessed were called Eulogiae, and were intended to be Symbols of Vnity in Faith and Charity among Christians. Which holy custome continues to this day in the Church: notwithstanding some have s••erved and degenerated from the first institution, by giving this Benedi∣ction on unleavened bread: wheras in the Constitution of S. Melchiades it is expressly call'd Formentum, or common bread.

2. This year whilst Constantin made an ex∣pedition into France where he fought pro∣sperously against the Germans, there was rais'd a sedition in the western parts of Brit∣tany, where a certain King of the Gevissi call'd Octavius,* 1.771 made an insurrection against the Pro-Consul entrusted by Constantin with the Govern∣ment of the countrey: who having advice therof, sent Traherius or Tra••rnus, his Mothers Vncle with three Legions: who landing at Ka••rperis or Portcestria, (now called Portsmouth) took the town within two days. Which Octavius hearing, came against him with strong forces, and in a bat∣tell putt Traërnus to flight: who retiring into Albania began to wast the Provinces. After which a second battell was fought in Westmerland where Octavius was utterly vanquish'd and de∣prived of his crown, being forced to fly into Nor∣way to begg aid of King Humbert or Gunbert, as some call him. This relation is given by Flo∣rilegas, with whom Simeon of Durham and others agree.

3. That which probably gave an occasion to these troubles in Brittany, was the change in the Government therof now introduced by Constantin,* 1.772 who is accused by Zosimus, for disordring the former well constituted frame of the Empire; though it cannot be denyed that in the alterations made by him he imitated the ordonnances of the Emperour Hadrian.

4. In this manner rhen was the Empire now administred. He divided it into four Prefectures, governed by so many Praetorian Praefects: The first was call'd the Prefect of the East, to whom was subject all Eastern Pro∣vinces as far as Mesopotamia, the Cilicians, Cappadocians, Armenians with many other Provinces in those countreys: and likewise Egypt together with Pentapolis of Lybia. The second was the Pretorian Prefect of Illiricum, who governed that countrey, and with it Macedonia, Thessalia, Epirus, all Greece with the Island of Creta and other Islands adiacent. The third was the Prefect of Italy, to whose iurisdiction was subject Sicily with all the Islands neer, and likewise Africa. The fourth was the Prefect of Gaule and all other Trans∣alpin Provinces, as Spain, Germany, Brittany, &c.

5. By which new frame of Government Brittany being no longer administred im∣mediatly by the Emperours Lievtenant,* 1.773 but by a Vicar of the Prefect of Gaule, by which means it was esteemed as an accessory Pro∣vince of Gaule, no wonder if this new yoke of servitude was displeasing to the Brittains, who upon that occasion might easily be moved to sedition by their Prince Octavius or any other ambitious and discontented persons: the ill successe wherof we have before declared.

6 Concerning which the relation of Scottish writers scarce deserve to be taken into examination. Who tell us that Octavius being vanquish'd by Traërnus fled to Finco∣mark King of Scotland, who refused to yeild him up at the request of Traërnus: on the contrary in his quarrell he rais'd an army, fought and vanquish'd Traërnus in the Pro∣vince of Westmerland, which, say they, since Carausius his times belonged to Scotland. All which story seems an invention on purpose to illustrate the name of Scotland and its pre∣tended Kings: of which no mention as yet can be found in any approved Authours.

7. At this time Constantin made his abode in Gaule, afterward called France: where he was much distracted and disquietted: and more by the factions of Schismaticks among Christians, then any commotions of confi∣ning barbarous Nations. Vpon which occa∣sion he was compell'd to command a Gene∣rall Assembly or Synod of the Western Empire to meet at Arles for composing the sedi∣tions rais'd by the Donatists. To which Synod since the Brittish Bishops were by name call'd, it is requisite we should make some stay to declare the proceedings of it.

* 1.774IX. CHAP.

1.2. &c. Schism of the Donatists, and its occasion.

3. &c The Donatists after severall condem∣nations, still appeale.

1. THE Enemy of Truth and Peace having lost the advantage of oppo∣sing Christian Religion by the violence and rage of his instruments, the Heathen perse∣cuting Emperours, did not for all that cease from his malice, which was heightned by Envy against it, but rather executed ano∣ther way with more successe, by suggesting matter of seditions and divisions among Christians themselves. The first publick in∣famous Scene of which scandalls was Cartha∣ge in Africk: And the occasion, was this.

2. Caecilianus Archdeacon to Mensurius Bi∣shop of Carthage had reprehended a Spanish woman call'd Lucilla then living in that Citty, because before receiving the holy Sa∣crament she had with veneration kiss'd the head of a certain person esteem'd by her a Martyr, yet not acknowledged for such by the Bishop. Lucilla being a woman of great power and wealth, upon this reprehension concei∣ved an implacable rage and fury against Ca∣cilianus, earnestly expecting all occasions of revenge.

3. This was afforded her not long after, in the year of Christ three hundred and six, when upon the death of Mensurius, Caecilianus was chosen Bishop of that Citty. For he requi∣ring a restitution of certain vessells of silver and gold belonging to his Church, which in the late time of persecution had by his Pre∣decessour been recommended to the fidelity of certain Elders of that Citty, they to avoy'•• the necessity of restoring them, ioyn'd them∣selves to the faction of Botrus and Celesius, who had ambitiously sought after the same Bishoprick and were rejected: the resentment of which repulse incited them to question the Election of Caecilianus. Lucilla earnestly ioynd herself to this faction of unjust dis∣contented persons, who publickly withdrew themselves from the Communion of their Bi∣shop, by which means there was rais'd in Africk a most horrible and irreconcileable Schism▪ the flame wherof could not for many ages be extinguish'd.

4. These factious persons to strengthen their party invited to Carthage a number of African Bishops who formerly in a publick Councill at Cirtha had been convicted Tradi∣tores, that is, such as for feare of persecution had deliver'd up to Heathen Magistrats the Holy Vessels and Books belonging to the Church, among whom the principall was Se∣cundus Bishop of T••gisis and Primat of Numi∣dia. These Bishops, seaventeen in number, kept their Assemblies at Carthage separated from Caecilianus, in opposition to whom they presumed sacrilegiously to ordain another counterfeit Bishop of Carthage calld Maio∣rinus, one who had been Lector to Caecilianus when he was Archdeacon, and was now a Domestick of Lucilla.

5. Moreover to iustify their Schism, these Bishops, who were most manifest Traditors themselves, alledged that Caecilianus his Ordi∣nation was illegall, because he had received imposition of hands from Felix Bishop of Aptungis and others, whom they falsly ac∣cused of their own crime. They likewise wrongfully charged Caecilianus, that he had forbidden necessary provision to be admini∣stred to certain Martyrs in prison during the last persecution. All which calumnies they by letters spread through the whole coun∣trey of Africa: Caecilianus in the mean time being acknowledged lawfull Bishop by Marcellus Bishop of Rome, and all other Bishops through the Catholick Church, before whom he confidently offred himselfe to a legall tryall. This relation is given by S. Optatus and Saint Augustin.

6. Now though this Schism was cheifly forged by Botrus and Celesius,* 1.775 together with the foremention'd Elders and Lucilla, and en∣creased by Secundus and other Traditors Bi∣shops, yet it first took its name & Title from Donatus Bishop of a place call'd Casae nigrae (or, Black Cottages) in Numidia, who first at the instigation of Lucilla, withdrew himself from the communion of Caecilianus, whilst he was Deacon.* 1.776 But the Donatists being ashamed to take their appellation from one who had been condemn'd by Pope Melchiades, chose rather to call themselves Donatists from an∣other Donatus, who succeeded Majorinus in the Schism, and whom they esteem'd a person of great eminence both for learning and Sanctity.

7. This unhappy Schism received such strength in a short space, that within three years, ioyning themselves with Traditors Bi∣shops, and drawing into their sacrilegious Communion all the Numidians,* 1.777 they assembled a Councill of no fewer then two hundred and seaventy Bishops, which continuing together sea∣venty five dayes, and repeating all their former Constitutions, made a Decree that all those who were guilty of the horrible crime of Tradition, if they refused to be rebaptised, should notwithstan∣ding be admitted into Communion as if they were innocent.

8. When Constantin had overcome Maxen∣tius,* 1.778 the Donatists obtain'd of Anulinus Go∣vernour of Africk to send his letters, full of calumnious accusations against Caecilianus, unto the Emperour who was then in Gaule: and some of the same Schismaticall Bishops made a voyage to him, earnestly requesting him to appoint Iudges of their cause. The Emperour himself, saith Optatus, with great in∣dignation answered thē, You require a secular iudgment from mee, who my self expect the iudg∣ment

of Christ. Yet with extreme importuni∣ty they at last wrested from him for their Iudges, Maternus Bishop of Colonia Agrippina, Rheticius Bishop of Austun, & Marius of Arles.

9. But presently after this, Constantin con∣••idering of what weight and necessity the authority of the Roman Bishop was in such a cause, he commanded the Donatists Bishops, together with Caecilianus, and as many other of his Communion to attend these three Iud∣ges at Rome, to debate and conclude the cause before the holy Pope Melchiades in a Roman Synod:* 1.779 To whom likewise the pious Empe∣rour wrote a letter, in which he tells the Pope that he thought fitt to send these conten∣ding Bishops, before him, to the end they might receive iudgment from him and the other Iudges, as you know, saith he, the most holy law of God requires.

10. A Synod therfore being assembled at Rome, the result therof after a diligent exa∣mination of the parties and witnesses, was a condemnation of Donatus Bishop of Casae∣nigrae by the Sentence of all the Iudges, for by his own Confession he had rebaptised some who ioynd in Communion with him, and impos'd his hands on Bishops, who in persecution had renounced the Faith. On the other side, Caecilianus was pronounced innocent, because the witnesses brought to accuse him protested that they could say no crime at all to his charge.

11. But notwithstanding this Iudgment, the Donatists without any consideration of ju∣stice or truth most impudently appeald from these Iudges to the Emperour himself:* 1.780

who upon the first hearing mention of such an Appeale, cryed out, O the rabide impudence of these mens fury! They have presumed to interpose an Appeale, as the custom is among Heathens in secular causes.

Yet after all this, the Donatists were so shameles as to boast that Constantin had adjuged the cause to Donatus and con∣demn'd Caecilianus. And moreover to exte∣nuate the iudgmēt of Pope Melchiades against them, they endeavour'd to defame his me∣mory by imputing to him that he had been a Traditor.

12. The Donatists still continuing their tu∣mults in Africa, and directing their malice principally against Felix Bishop of Aptungis the Ordainer of Caecilianus, whom they accu∣sed to have been a Traditor, Constantin gave commission to Aelianus Proconsul of Africa to determin that cause who in the examination detecting many lyes and frauds of the Dona∣tists, pronounced in a legall manner the in∣nocence of Felix. But once more they appea∣led from his iudgment to the Emperour, to whose Court likewise many of their Bishops repaired,* 1.781 protesting that many of their alle∣gations of greatest weight had not been taken into cōsideration in the former iudg∣ments. Whereupon Constantin, not daring (as S. Augustin saith) to become a Iudge of the iudgment given by Bishops at Rome, refer'd the matter to a Synod of all the Western Bishops, appointed to meet in the Citty of Arles, be∣cause his abode was then in Gaule. And for that purpose he directed his letters to the Metropolitans to send their Bishops, and to the Proconsull of Africa, Ablavius, and other Ma∣gistrats to defray the charges of such Bishops of both parties as took their iourneys to the Councill: Examples of which letters are still extant in Eusebius, &c.

X. CHAP.* 1.782

1.2. Councill of Arles: condemns the Dona∣tists.

3 4.5. Severall Canons there of.

6. The names of Brittish Bishops in it.

1. IN the Councill of Arles there met•• above two hundred Bishops, from all parts of the Western Provinces as far as Britta∣ny: who in the first place examining again the cause of Felix Bishop of Aptungis the Or∣dainer of Caecilianus, declared him innocent of the crime of Tradition impos'd on him by the Donatists, so confirming the iudgment formerly given in Africa.

2. This cause being concluded, it seem'd good to the Fathers to frame certain Canons touching Ecclesiasticall Discipline to be uni∣formly observed through the whole Church. And first they ordained that the solemn Feast of Easter should be celebrated the same day through all Churches: This they did in opposition to the Quartadecimani, who ob∣served it according to the Iewish custom on the fourteenth day of the first Moon in March, which practise began now more and more to prevayl in the East. To this Canon the Brit∣tish Bishops in this Councill subscribed, so that the controversy afterward arising about its observation in Brittany, was not whether the Eastern practise should be kept here, but only whether in case the fourteenth day of the first Moon should fall on a Sunday, Easter should then be observed, or no: The Scottish Prelats affirming, and the others denying.

3. Another Canon of this Councill, which is the thirteenth, deserves our particular con∣sideration, in which it is ordain'd, that all those should be removed from the Order of the Clergy who in time of persecution had delivered up to Pagans the holy Scriptures, or (Vasa Domi∣nica) our Lords Vessells: which Vessells that they were deputed for the Christian Sacrifice ap∣pears in the twentieth Canon, which com∣mands that a place to offer Sacrifice should be afforded to a stranger Bishop. Restitutus ther∣fore our then Brittish Bishop subscribing to this Councill, did offer Sacrifice, and could not be denyed that priviledge in a strange countrey, which now would be refused him in his own, with death if he perform'd it.

4. Some Protestants doe much boast of a pretended Canon in this Councill prescribing, that if Deacons at their Ordination shall pro∣test their resolution to marry, it might be lawfull for them to doe so, and yet remain in the Ministery. But Sir Henry Spelman ingenuously observes that in ancient Copies he could not find this Canon among the rest. And however if such a Priviledge had then been allowed to Dea∣cons, since Preists are not mention'd, it argues that they were forbidden mariage.

5. At the conclusion of the Synod, Mari∣nus Bishop of Arles in the name of the whole Assembly wrote a letter, yet extant, to Pope Silvester, wherto he annexed a Copy of the Canons ordain'd there, desiring that by his care and diligence the said Decrees should be observed in all Churches. Here wee find likewise among the rest our Brittish Bishop Restitutus professing the Vnity of our Holy Mother the Catholik Church with the most Reli∣gion Pope Silvester, whom with due reverence they all salute: They iudge likewise all those who reiect Tradition, to be persons of an unbrideled mind, burdensom and pernici••us to our Christian Law. Lastly they professe their acknowledg∣ment that the Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul n••t only sate Bishops at Rome, but likewise doe with∣out intermission still glorify God by their blood shed there. Such Professions as these made by our Primitive Brittish Bishops doe much vary from the modern stile. Let the Readers conscience iudge to whether party it is most safe to adioyn himselfe.

6. It is observed by persons learned in Ecclesiasticall Antiquities that through the negligence or mistake of Transcribers, the Names of the Bishops present and subscri∣bing to this Council are wrongfully transfer'd to the End of the Second Synod assembled some years after at the same Citty of Arles. Among whom those Bishops which came from Brittany, and for whose sake it was our obligation to insist on this Synod, were according to the most corrected Copies these which follow,* 1.783 and according to this Order:

The first among the Brittish Subscribers was Eborius, Bishop of the Citty of York in the Province of Brittany. The Second was Restitutus Bishop of the Citty of London in the same Province. Concerning whom the Protestant Centurists of Magdeburg give this testimony,* 1.784 that he was a man, considering the age wherin he liv'd, many wayes learned, and most modest in his con∣versation: who among other things wrote one Book to his own Countreymen touching this Council of Arles, and severall Epistles to Hilary Bishop of Poi••tiers. He was famous in the year of Grace three hundred and fifty. The third Brittish Bishop was Adelfius stiled Bishop of the Citty call'd, The Colony of the Londoners: Which no doubt is an Errour, arising from the mistake of ignorant transcribers, who instead of Colon. Camalodun (that is Maldon in Essex, anciently a famous Citty) wrote Colon. Lon∣dinens: the Citty of London being better known to them then that of Camalodunum.* 1.785

8. Now though the Donatists were utterly condemn'd by this so great a Councill, yet they rested not: but most impudently interiected a third Appeale from the Councill to the Emperour. The successe wherof does not concern our present design to inquire into. Therfore wee remitt the Reader to other Historians who purposely write of such matters.

XI. CHAP.* 1.786

1. Disputation at Rome with Iewes.

2. Acts of Pope Silvester depraved.

3. Iewes rebell.

4. Of Helena's piety.

1. THe year following in a Synod assem∣bled at Rome by Pope Silvester a publick disputation was held before the Emperour and his Mother Helena between certain Chri∣stian Bishops,* 1.787 of whom the Pope was Cheif, and twelve principall Iewish Scribes, as wee find related by Pope Adrium in an Epistle to Charles the Great, in these words, In the very beginning when Christian Religion was first publickly profess'd,* 1.788 the Emperour Constantin being newly converted, his Mother Helena came to him to Rome accompanied with twelve Scribes and Pharisees, who were principall Masters among the Iewes. And she together with her Son Con∣stantin the Emperour thought sit that an assembly and meeting should be appointed between the Iewes and Christians: In which the holy Pope Sil∣vester presiding, with many holy Bishops did much enlarge the authority of the Christian Faith, as well by Scripture as miracles, and so by Gods pro∣tection obtained the Victory. Thus wrote Pope Adrian out of the ancient Acts of Pope Silvester.

2. Which Acts being much depraved, gave occasion to severall Writers to impute to S. Helena that she was an Enemy to the Chri∣stian Faith, from which she would have averted her Son, that she was a Iew, or as others say, a Pagan. Wheras if the sayd Acts were truly restored, it would appear that she incited her Son to represse the insolency and malice of the Iewes: Which this very years the Emperour did,* 1.789 as hath been declared, by a most severe Edict sent to his Prefect Euagrius against then.

3. S. Chrysostom likewise testifies that the Iewes seeing the favour born by Constantin▪* 1.790 to Christians, rebell'd against him: and being suppress'd, the Emperour caus'd their ears to be cutt off, and a mark of their rebellion to be imprin∣ted on their bodies, and thus caried them up and down like stigmatiz'd slaves and fugitives, with their members maimed, that all men every where might be witnesses of their crime, and to deterr the rest from like attempts afterward.

* 1.7914. Eusebius indeed relates, that wheras He∣lena before Constantins conversion was little imbued with piety,* 1.792 her Son by his example and exhortations rendred her so pious, as if from her infancy she had been instructed and directed by the mouth of our Saviour himself. From which some collect, that Helena was not a Christian till after her Sons Conversion: Not obser∣ving, that Eusebius speaks not of the Faith of Helena, but her piety: which upon occa∣sion of the apparition of the holy Crosse to her son, was kindled into a great flame, as she shewed by her following actions.

* 1.793XII. CHAP.

1.2. Lici••ius warrs, and is overcome.

3.4. Constantius severall Laws for Chri∣stians.

7.8. He prescribes a Form of Prayer. &c.

1.11.12. His faut in conssulting Aug••rs, and the consequents of it.

* 1.7941. IN the year three hundred and seaventeen Licinius forgetfull of his Covenant with Constantin, began a perse∣cution against Christians, and a war against Constantin himself: to strengthen himself wherin he had recourse to his Augurs and lying Oracles: but Constantin with the Sign of the Crosse alone overthrew him in two battles.* 1.795 And the protection afforded by this sacred Ensign was so notorious, that Lici∣nius himself gave command to his soldiers not to goe against it,* 1.796 yea not so much as to look towards it; saith Eusebius: For it was observed that whosoever bore that Ensign could never be wounded, for the darts cast by the Enemy mett continually and remaind fixed in the staffe that supported the Crosse: this the same Authour relates from Constantins own mouth.

2. Constantins moderation was such after his double Victory,* 1.797 that he was contented to renew a league with Licinius, assigning him all the Eastern Provinces together with Thrace. But Licinius renewing the warr, was slain the year following: Wherby a firm peace was given to the Christian Churches all the world over.

3. Then began Constantins to employ himself in enriching and adorning the Church, and granting great immanities to Ecclesiasticall persons:* 1.798 for which purpose he published this Law, Let all those who employ their Ministery in the Divine Worship, that is, all who are called Clarks, or Clergymen, be entire∣ly excused from all manner of Civill offices or duties: to the end that they be not by the envious malice of any withdrawn from the Servi∣ce of God.* 1.799 Sozomen adds that he decreed, that if any Clergy men were call'd into iudgment by Civill Magistrates, they might appeale from them to the iudgment of Bishops,* 1.800 whose Sen∣tence was to be ratified, as if it had been pronounced by the Emperour himselfe. To which effect there is still extant a kescript of his directed to Ablavius one of his Preto∣rian Prefects.

4. Moreover whereas the ancient Roman Lawes were extremely severe against Celibacy,* 1.801 insomuch as unmarried persons were excluded from succession in inheritances: Constantin consi∣dering how preiudiciall this was to Chri∣stian Religion, in which many professed Virginity and single lives, not out of an unwillingnes to leave an offspring behind them, but because as Eusebius saith, they preferred the love of Christian Philosophy and perfection before the sensuall pleasures of Matrimony, and therfore consecrated themselves entirely both soules and bodies to the Service of God in a pure chast life: For this reason he utterly abolished the foresaid Roman Lawes: shewing withall great honour and admiration to Convents of Consecrated Virgins▪ Yea this extraordinary Priviledge he granted to them, saith Sozomen,* 1.802 that all persons male or female consecrating themselves to Virginity, though they were under age should have the power of disposing their estates by will, contrary to the custom prevayling among the Romans.* 1.803 More∣over, saith Theodoret, he ordained that a certain measure of wheat should yearly be given to all Widows and those who observed a Virgin life. Of which proportion the impious Apostat Iulian took away two third parts, the third remaining to the times of the Historian.

5. To these pious Lawes wee will add some few others of the like Nature,* 1.804 to the end we may shew the state of Christian Religion in those dayes: For it is not to be doubted but what was practised in other parts of the Empire, was observed likewise in Bitta∣ny.

6. This devout Emperour therfore institu∣ted a Law, That all Iudges, and all people living in Citties, together with all trades should rest on the Venerable day of our Lord. But as for those (Pagans) who lived in the Countrey free license was given them to employ themselves in culti∣vating the grounds: Because it often happens that no other day is more commodious for plowing or digging the Vines. Care therfore ought to be taken that an opportunity of a common good granted by divine Providence should not be lost.

7. Yea so admirable was Constantins piety, that he thought fitt to prescribe a Form of Prayer to be recited on all Sundays both by Christians in Citties,* 1.805 and Pagans in Villages, and specially by Soldiers, in these words, Wee acknowledge thee the only God: wee professe thee our Soveraign King: Wee invoke thee our Helper: By thee wee obtain Victories: by thee wee have vanquished our Enemies: Wee acknowledge that from thee wee have obtained present felicity, and hope wee shall obtain future also. Wee are all of us thy Suppliants: Wee beseech to preserve

many years safe and victorious Constantin our Emperour,* 1.806 together with his pious children.

* 1.8078. Yea moreover as Sozomen relates, in honour of our Saviours Crosse and Pas∣sion he ordained a vacancy of judgments and Trades likewise on Fridayes and that some time should be spent then in Prayers and supplications to God.

9. Lastly he not only by his own ma∣gnificence enriched the Church, but by a Law opened as it were the purses of all men to endow it: For he gave a generall licence to all persons without exceptions to bequeath what proportion of their goods they thought fit to the most holy Congregation of the Catholick (Church.* 1.808)

10. Yet one action this time Constantin did by which he stained the purity of his Faith. Being at Sardica he was inform'd from Rome that his Palace had been struck with lightning: Which was an ominous sign to the Pagan Romans, and according to their ancient Laws to be averted by many superstitious lustrations and purga∣tions. Wherupon in condescendence to their request, he gave order to the Magi∣strats to consult the Sooth sayers, what was portended therby: onely he commanded them to abstain from domesticall Sacri∣fices.

11. But this unlawfull condescendence of the Emperour wrought an effect to the preju∣dice of Christians which he did not expect: For upon this occasion the Heathen Roman Magistrats, at the instigation of the Aru∣spices, or Soothsayers would compell the Christians to ioyn in the publick expiato∣ry Sacrifices. But they refusing to doe it, chose rather to leave the Citty: Which doubtlesse was the cause of the voluntary Exile of the Holy Pope Silvester.

* 1.80912. Hereupon Constantin being informed of this was forced to publish a Severe Law commanding, That if any one should en∣deavour to compell any Ecclesiasticall persons, or any other professing the most holy Law of the Catholick Sect, to celebrate the Rites of Heathenish lustrations, if he were a mean per∣son he should be publickly beaten with clubs: if otherwise, he should have a greivous fine imposed on him.

XIII. HAP.* 1.810

1.2 Constantin baptised at Rome: and the occasion of it. Errour of Eusebius.

6.7. &c. His Great acts of Piety after his Baptism.

1. HItherto Constantin had deferd his Baptism according to the Custome of many in that Age,* 1.811 who being taught that that Holy Sacrament is a certain purga∣tion of all Sins, and gives to the persons an immediate and undoubted right to heaven, frequently delayed the receiving it till their declining age, or when death was ready to seise on them. But in this year many sad misfortunes proceeding from heynous sins enforced Constantin now to have recourse to that saving remedy.

2. True it is that Eusebius and other Greek Authours mislead by him, affirm that he was not baptised till near his death, and then received that Sacrament from the Sacri∣legious hands of Eusebius Bishop of Ni∣comediae, a principall pillar of the Arian Heresy. Thus wrote the other Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea of the same faction, to please Constantius, his Son, seduced by them. But the constant Tradition of the Western Church, confirm'd by many proofs, as the authentick Acts of Artemius &c. doth positively inform us that this year being the three hundred twenty fourth after the Incarnation of our Saviour, Constantin received Baptism at Rome by the hands of Pope Silvester, upon this occasion:

3. The younger Licinius his Sisters Son was falsely accused to him of a design to rebell against him, wherupon Constantin commanded him to be slain. Immediatly after this he putt to death his own eldest Son Crispus born to him by Minervina, a young Prince already famous for many Victories, and adorned with many vertues, and prin∣cipally with chastity: The crime layd to his charge was an attempt to violate his Mother in Law Fausta, Constantins wife. In conclu∣sion it being too late discovered that this accusation was falsely invented by Fausta, because the young man would not yeild to her lust, Constantin caused his wife to be stifled in a hot bath.

4. After these calamities and crimes, as we read in the Acts of Pope Silvester, and find asserted by Pope Hadrian and the Fathers of the Second General Council of Nicaea &c. Almighty God struck Constantin with a Le∣prosy: who being anxious to find a remedy, he was inform'd by the Soothsayers that the only way to restore him was by a bath of infants blood: Which detestable Medecin

being abhorr'd by Constantin, God was pleas'd by a Vision in Sleep, wherin the Apostles S. Peter and Paul appear'd to him, to instruct him that the only certain Remedy would be to receive Baptism at the hands of the Holy Pope Silvester. Which was accordingly with great solemnity perform'd.

5. Hereof an evident and Visible proof to this day is the magnificent Chappell built by Constantin himself in the same place where he was baptised:* 1.812 in which according to the description eight hundred years agoe taken by Anastasius Bibliothecarius out of a most ancient Manuscript, there was a font (Bapti∣sterium) built of Porphyry, and covered within and without with three thousand pound weight of pure silver: and over it hung a Phiale weighing fifty pounds, of pure gold, in which yearly two hundred pounds of Balsom did burn. On the brink of the Font was placed a Lamb of pure gold which powred forth water, and weighed thirty pounds. At the right hand of the Lamb stood the Statue of our Saviour of pure Silver weighing one hundred and seaventy pounds. And ••n the left hand was placed S. Iohn Baptist of silver weighing one hundred pounds, holding a scroll wherin was written, Behold the Lamb of God: Behold him wh•• takes away the sins of the world, &c.

6. After his Baptism, the Emperour according to the Churches Custom being for seaven days cloath'd in White; consecrated every day with some signall act of Piety: In the first he published as a Law, that Christ is the true Lord who cleansed him from his Leprosy: and whom he commanded to be adored through the whole Empire. On the Second he decreed severe punishments on those who by word or deed should dishonour him. On the third he decreed like penalties against those who should persecute or molest any Chri∣stians. Afterward he conferr'd on the Roman Churches Imperiall Priviledges. On the fifth day he granted immunities to all other Churches. On the Sixth and seaventh dayes he added many other Gifts to Ecclesiasticall persons: And on the Octave, as wee read in the Acts of S. Silvester, Constantin appear'd in publick perfectly cleansed both from his sins and Leprosy: And coming to the Confession of S. Pe∣ter, he took the Diadem from his head, and putting off his Imperiall robes, he taking a spade in his hands opened the earth for a foundation of a New Church, and in honour of the twelve Apostles he carried out on his shoulder twelve baskets full of Earth: and then with great ioy receiving the Bishop into his Chariot, be return'd to his Palace.

* 1.8133. After this the Pious Emperour extended his munificence to Gods Church all the Empire over: For as Eusebius testifies, he sent letters to all the Eastern Bishops encouraging them to build Churches, for which he supplied them out of his publick Treasure. Many of which Churches (both at Rome aud elsewhere) were consecrated to the honour of the Apostles and Martyrs,* 1.814 as Laurentius, Hippolitus &c. Whose solemn Feasts he commanded to be observed even by the Pagans with honour ad Ve∣neration.* 1.815

4. To these Churches devout Christians repaired with great zeale, and as suppliants here demanded their intercession. This was the practise, not of the meaner sort only, but persons of the highest rank:* 1.816 For thus S. Chry∣sostom instructs his people of Antioch, He who wears the Imperiall Purple, saith he, comes hither: he embraces the Sepulchers of Martyrs, and laying aside all haughtines and Pride, he stands before them in the posture of a suppliant, beseeching them to intercede unto God in his behalf.

XIV. CHAP.* 1.817

1.2. Constantin goes into the East: and why

3.4. First Council of Nicéa against Arians.

5.6. Its Decree about Easter.

7.8. &c. Errour of the Brittains about it, whence derived.

1. THIS so publick and zealous Profes∣sion of a New Religion rendred Con∣stantin odious to the Roman Senate, who could not with patience support the decay of their ancient Superstition. Which was the cause that he grew weary of Rome, and made a pro∣gresse into the Eastern Provinces: where he intended to establish a new seat of the Empire: which he afterward executed at Bi∣zantium, call'd from his own name Constan∣tinople.

2. Another cause there was obliging him to repaire into the East, which was to com∣pose the Seditions and tumults caused by the blasphemous Heresy of Arius: Who denied the Divinity of the Son of God, affirming that time was when he was not, though he was the first of all Creatures. In which Heresy not a few Bishops ioynd with him, which occasion'd great disputes and divisions in the Church to the scandall of Christianity.

3. Constantin therfore being much dis∣quietted with these tumults, endeavoured first by his own exhortations and letters written to Arius himself, and to Alexander Bishop of Alexandriae who first reprehended Arius for his Heresy, and upon his obstinacy excommunicated him &c. to compose their differences: But finding that meanes ineffe∣ctuall,* 1.818 caused a Councill of the whole Church to be assembled at Nicaea in Bithinia consisting of three hundred and eighteen Bishops, who decided that Controversy, determining from Scripture and Tradition, That the Son was Con∣substantiall (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) to the Father.

4. The Acts and Decrees of which Councill not being our present busines, and being

at large declared by ancient and modern Ecclesiasticall Writers, we will here omitt. There also wee may read with what meek∣nes, respectfulnes & Charity the pious Em∣perour behav••d himself to the Bishops, how he refused to be a Iudge of the criminations and mutuall accusations of one another; How he fortified the determination of the Synod by his Imperiall authority, commanding all to submitt unto it; how he banish'd the Arch∣heretick Arius &c.

5. Onely one particular Decision must not be omitted, because our ancient Brittish Church was particularly concern'd in it, and that was the order made for the universall observation of Easter, or Feast of the Resurre∣ction, in opposition to the Eastern Iewish custom of the Quartodecimani. This Feast ther∣fore was indispensably to be observed on the first Sunday (or Lords day) following the fourteenth day of the first moon after the Vernall Equinoxe: accordingly as the late Synod of Arles and severall Popes had before ordained.

6. Now because some skill in Astronomy was requisite to find out exactly the time of the Vernall Equinoxe and age of the Moon, therfore the Councill thought fit to recom∣mend this care to the Patriark of Alexandria, because in Aegypt by reason of the evennesse of the region and purity of the aire this skill most flourished. The said Patriark therfore, as S. Leo saith,* 1.819 was obliged every year to give notice to the Bishop of Rome of the day wheron Easter was to be observed, to the end that by his letters information should be given to all other remoter Churches. By this means a perfect knowledge of the Feast being communica∣ted to all Provinces, the order was, that during Masse on the Epiphany or Twelfth day after the Nativity a Deacon with a clear loud voice enun∣ciated to the Congregation the day of Easter following: by which was regulated the begin∣ning of Lent and all other Feasts called Moveable.

7. Hence it is apparent that all Western Churches, and particularly Brittany, observed Easter conformably to the Determination of this holy Councill, as Paschall Letters could safely and conveniently be sent into Britta∣ny.

8. The said custom of requiring notice of the time of Easter from the Church of Ale∣xandria continued as long as that Church remained in Communion with the Roman. But a breach being made between them upon occasion of the Eutychian Heresy prevayling in Egypt, the following Popes would no longer admitt such Letters, but undertook themselves the same care: for which purpose they consulted the iudgment of other Bishops, as S. Ambrose testifies touching himself,* 1.820 that his advice was expected about that matter.

9. An uniformity therfore was still ob∣served through the Catholick Church in the Observation of Easter. But terrible warrs and tumults hapning in Brittany not long after, by which a free commerce with the Roman Church was interrupted, especially after the Infidell Saxons had possess'd them∣selves of the Sea-coasts, and driven the poore Brittains into the inward mountainous Pro∣vinces, no wonder if they, wanting infor∣mation from Rome, began to vary in that observation and Rite.

10. It is therfore a great mistake of seve∣rall of the more learned among Protestant Writers, who grounding their suspicion on a sharp Controversy not long after ensuing in Brittany about the Observation of Easter betwen the Northern and Southern Inhabitants, doe affirm that the ancient Brittains follow'd the Eastern Rite of the Quartodecimani: from whence they inferr that the Gospell was not communicated to this Island from Rome, but certain Eastern Apostolicall Missioners.

11. But the contrary is most evident. For First it is certain that they received the order about Easter, from Pope Eleutherius: Again as certain it is that Restitutus Bishop of London caried into Brittany the Decrees of the Coun∣cill of Arles. Thirdly wee find expressly in the Letter written by Constantin to all Churches,* 1.821 that among other Provinces which observed the order prescribed by the Councill of Nic••a after that of Arles, Brittany was one.

12. The Errour therfore which in suc∣ceeding times crept among the Baittains was not the Orientall Iewish way of observing Easter (as in the Law of the Passeover) exactly on the fourteenth day of the Moon, as the Quatodecimani did, whether that day were Sunday, or not: But only this, that when it fell upon a Sunday, they did not, as all other Catholick Churches did, delay the celebra∣tion of it till the Sunday following, on purpose to declare their opposition to the Iewes: but they kepd it on that day in which the Iews kepd it. So that once in seaven years, they varied from other Christian Churches. The only cause of which Errour doubtlesse was the calamity of those times when all commerce between the Brittains and Rome was intercluded.

* 1.822XV. CHAP.

1.2. &c. S. Helenas iourney of Devotion to Ierusalem: and Churches built by her.

4.5. &c. The Invention of the Holy Crosse.

1. PResently after the dissolution of this famous Councill, Helena the Mother of Constantin, being near fourscore years old, had the courage and fervour to undertake a pilgrimage to Ierusalem, there to visit the holy places sanctified by our Lords actions and suffrings, and to adore his footsteps, For Surely,* 1.823 saith S. Hierom, to adore the place where our Lords feet stood, is a part of Faith. So that it was not Superstition,* 1.824 as the Lutheran Centuriators calumniously impute to her, but an act of singular counsell and wisedome, as Euse∣bius, yea by divine admonition received in her sleep, as Socrates saith, that she was incited to this iourney.

2. The place which she most ardently desi∣red to visit and adorn was the Sepulcher of our Lord,* 1.825 which the flagitious impiety of former Pagans had endeavoured to blott out of the me∣mory of man kind, foolishly thinking hereby to hide and make divine Truth undiscoverable, saith Eusebius. So that it cost incredible labour to remove that vast heap of earth with which it had been covered, on the top of which had been raised a Temple to Venus, solemnised with all manner of impurity.

* 1.8263. The place being cleansed, there was by Constantins order erected upon it a most magnificent Temple, the structure and orna∣ments wherof are particularly described by the same Historian. And besides this, the same devout Empresse began the building of two other sumptuous Churches, the one at Beth∣lehem where our Lord was born, and the other on Mount Olivet, whence our Lord as∣cended into heaven: Which after her death, shortly succeeding, were finish'd by her Son.* 1.827 In this last place was yet extant the im∣pression of our Lords feet, which she honoured with due veneration: Concerning which the Pro∣phet Zacharias long before prophecied saying:* 1.828 And in that day his feet shall stand upon the Mount Olivet, over against Ierusalem to the East.* 1.829 S. Hierom testifies that the same footsteps of our Lord imprinted on the ground, were shewd in his time: And though the Earth was continually taken away by the devotion of Chri∣stians, yet those holy footsteps did immediatly receive their former state.

4. Hereto we may not omitt to adioyn a stupendious Miracle related by Sulpitius Se∣verus in these words,* 1.830 That was a wonderfull thing, saith he, that place on which at his Ascen∣sion our Lords feet last stood, could not be continued to the rest of the pavement about. For whensoever marble was layd on it, the earth refused to re∣ceive it, casting the stones oftētimes upward to the faces of those who applied them: And moreover the footsteps of our Lord there seen are a lasting Monument that the dust there had been trod on by our Saviour▪ S. Bede adds another Miracle,* 1.831 that wheras the Temple built over the place consisted of three stories or concamerations, the two uppermost wherof were vaulted with Arches, that which was the lowest and most inward could by no art or labour be closed with a vault.

5. But whilst these magnificent structures were preparing, there yet wanted that which the devout Empresse most of all desired to find, which was the Holy Crosse on which our Lord perfected the Redemption of mankind, and by the apparition of which her Son had lately been drawn to Faith and Baptism. A rumour there was that it was still extant, hid in some of those holy places: but where to find it, was the difficulty. Cammand therfore was given that all places there about should be digg'd,* 1.832 but in vain. At last, saith Ruffinus, the Religious Lady was by a celestiall admonition informed where it lay. Wherupon causing all the rubbish to be removed, she found deep under ground three Crosses in a confus'd order. So that her ioy was much diminish'd by the uncertainty which of them was the true one. There was found likewise with them the Title which had been written by Pilat in Greek Latin and Hebrew let∣ters: But yet that being separated, did not give any signs wherby to discern which was our Lord▪ Crosse. In this uncertainty the onely remedy was to begg by Prayer a Divine testimony It hapne•• that at the same time there was in the Citty a certain woman of quality who lay sick of a greivous disease, ready to expire. Macarius therfore who was then Bishop of Ierusalem seeing the Empresse and all about her solicitous to discover the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Crosse, commanded saying, Let all three be brought, and God will be pleased to shew us that which bore our Lord. Entring therfore together with the Empresse and many of the people into the sick womans house, he kneeled on the ground, and in this man∣ner prayed, O Lord, who by thy onely begotten Son hast vouchsafed to bring salvation to mankind through his suffring on the Crosse, and hast lately inspired into the heart of thy Hand-maid here present a desire to find the Crosse on which our salvation did hang, Be pleased to shew unto us evi∣dently which of these three Crosses was employed to glorify our Lord, and which for the servile pu∣nishment of malefactours: and let this be the mark: that this woman who lies here half dead, assoon as she touches the saving Crosse of thy Son, may be recalled to life from the gates of death. Having said this, he applied first one of the Crosses, which availed nothing: then the second, yet without any effect. But assoon as he had applied the third Crosse unto her, immediatly the woman opened her eyes, rose up in perfect health, and with greater alacrity then ever before, she went up and down her house glorifying the Power of God. Thus was the Empresse satisfied in that which she so earnestly desired.

6. The substance of this relation given by Ruffinus,* 1.833 is attested by the consent of severall other ancient Ecclesiasticall writers, so that to doubt of it, or impudently to deny the truth of it, as the Lutheran Centuriators doe, can be no other but an undeniable effect of malice against the Truth, testified hereby to their confusion.

7. The Pious Lady to declare her thank∣fullnes to God for so signall a favour, was not content to build a magnificent Church to the Memory of our Saviours Passion, but added another which was dedicated to the saving sign of the Crosse, as Eusebius writes.

* 1.8348. And as touching the Crosse it self, she took care that part of it should be sent to the Emperour, and honourably layd up in his Palace: the remainder she enclosed in a Boxe of silver, and gave it to the Bishop of Ierusalem, exhorting him that it might be there reserved as a Monument of our Salvation: Thus Theodoret: To which S. Paulinus adds,* 1.835 That every year on the day of our Lords Resurrection it is produced by the Bishop, and exposed to the peoples vene∣ration: the Bishop himself first performing that honour to it.

9. Socrates further relates that Constan∣tin, assoon as he had received part of the Crosse, beleiving that the Citty in which it was kept, should be preserved in safety from all danger, inclos'd it in a statue of his own, which was placed in the Market place of Constantinople on a mighty Pillar of Porphyry. This, saith Eusebius, seem'd to the most holy Emperour a firm bulwark of his Kingdom.

10. Besides the Crosse there were found other Ensigns of our Saviours Passion, which were not neglected by Helena: to witt, the Nailes which had not only touched our Lords Body, as the Crosse did, but peirced into his sacred flesh and sinews, being bathed in his blood. Part of which nayles,* 1.836 saith Theodoret and S. Ambrose, she took care should be artificially enclos'd within the Emperours helmet, that therby his head might be preserved safe from his enemies weapons: and part she mingled with the Iron of his horses bitt: therby both to give a safe protection to him, and likewise to fullfill an ancient Prophecy of Zacha∣rias saying,* 1.837 That which is on the horses bitt, shall be holy to the Lord Omnipotent. And a third nayle she cast into the Adriatick Sea,* 1.838 during a horrible tempest: by which meanes she saved her self and company from shipwrack: Thus writes Gregory Bishop of Tours.

XVI. CHAP.* 1.839

1.2. Of S. Helenas piety to Religious Virgins.

3. &c. To Martyrs, S. Lucianus, the Magi, &c.

7.8. &c. Place of her death, Rome: where a Church is built to the H. Crosse.

12.13. &c. Constantins piety to his Mother, Augusta.

15.16. &c. Her Memory celebrated in se∣verall places. Churches built to her honour in England.

1. WITH such Acts of Piety, devotion and liberality did Helena adorn her latter dayes: a particular account of which belongs to the design of this History, she being a Brittish Princesse. For which reason we will prosecute the course of her life which seems to have ended the same year, or in the beginning of the following.

2. An example of her humility and devout respect to Virgins consecrated to Gods service by a profession of Chastity,* 1.840 is related by Ruf∣finus in this manner. The holy Virgins, saith he, which she found at Ierusalem, she invited to dinner and entertain'd them with so great devo∣tion and respect, that she thought it a misbeco∣ming thing that her Maids should attend on thē. Therfore she herself, being girt after the manner of a wayting maid, sett meat on the Table, gave them cupps to drink, and powred water on their hands. Thus she who was Empresse of the world, and Mother of the Emperour esteem'd her self no better then a servant of the hand maids of Christ.

3. Eusebius likewise celebrates her wonder∣full manificence shew'd through all her progresse in the Eastern Provinces: For whither so ever she came she gave innumerable gifts both to whole citties and particular persons of all pro∣fessions. The poor she munificently supplied with all necessaries: those who were condemn'd to wor∣king in mines, or perpetuall imprisonment she sett at liberty; the oppress'd she delivered from fraud and iniury; and those which were banish'd she restored to their own countrey.

4. At her return out of Palestina into Greece,* 1.841 she passed by Drepanum a Town of Bithynia, where reposed the Body of the glorious Mar∣tyr S. Lucianus: Assoon as shee saw these holy Relicks lying so neglected, without any mark of honour or reverence, she in zeale to the honour of God and his Martyr caused a sumptuous Church to be built over them, & moreover enlarged the same place into a Citty, which she compass'd with walls and bullwarks. Which Citty her Son afterward call'd by his Mothers name Helenopolis: and to make her name yet more celebrated by posterity, the Sea there adioyning was called Helenopontus: not because she was born there,

but because by her care and liberality the region there about formerly obscure, became illustrious.

5. We read moreover in severall ancient, Monuments how this holy Empresse in her progresse through the East having been in∣formed of the place where the Bodies of the three Magi or Wisemen which came to Beth∣lehem to adore our Saviour new born, repo∣sed, brought them with her to her Son Con∣stantin, who reverently layd them in a Church of his new Citty, from whence they were ••ranslated to Milan, and afterward to Colen, where now they are with great veneration celebrated.

6. A more particular relation hereof we read in the Supplement of the Gallican Marty∣rologe made by Andrew de Saussay, in these words,* 1.842 At Colonia Agrippina in the Gallick Soyle is celebrated the Memory of the three holy Kings, who on this day (the Sixth of Ianuary) adored our Lord in his cradle at Bethlehem. The Bodies of these Saints were by the care and devo∣tion of the Holy Empresse Helena brought out of the East to Constantinople, where in the Temple of S. Sophia (afterward more magnificently repaired by Iustinian) they remained to the times of the Emperour Emanuël: who bearing a great affection to Eustorgius Bishop of Milan, by birth a Grecian, at his earnest prayers bestowd on him those Sacred pledges. Eustorgius presently conveyed them to Milan, placing them in a Church of Religious Virgins. But in the yeare eleaven hundred Sixty and f••wer the Emperour Frederick having by force reduced Milan to his obedience, granted to his Chancellour Reynaldus Archbishop of Colen, at his most earnest suit, the same three Sacred Bodies, which he transfer'd to Colen, were he reposed them in the principall Church: in which place they are to this day celebrated with great veneration.

7. In such pious works did the Holy Empresse conclude her worldly pilgrimage The place of her death is thus obscurely described by Eusebius:* 1.843 The Tabernacle of her Body, saith he, was honourd with splendid funeralls: For it was conducted with a great train of Guards to the principall place of the Empire: and there buried in a Royall Sepulcher. From which expression some collect that she was entomb'd at Con∣stantinople.* 1.844 Thus writes Socrates. But Nicepho∣rus better understood the sence of Eusebius, writing thus, when the end of Helenas life approached, she deceased at Rome, being fourscore years old, wanting one: where her Memory is most celebrious.

8. Most probable therfore it is that after her Eastern pilgrimage she stayd not in Greece, but with her Son, or before him, took her iourney to Rome, to visit the Sepulchers of the two Cheif Apostles: a devout practise fre∣quented by former Christians, but much more afterward, and particularly by many of our Princes, as will hereafter appeare.

9. In which last voyage of hers, that seems to have hapned which was related out of Gregory of Tours concerning her casting away into the Sea one of the Sacred Nayles belonging to the Holy Crosse, by which means she was delivered from imminent danger of Shipwrack by a Tempest.

10. We read in her life anciently written and conserved by Capgrave,* 1.845 that she brought with her to Rome a part of the Holy Crosse, which with great honour and veneration was placed in a Church, at her request built by her Son, and dedicated to the honour, and called by the Title of the Holy Crosse.

11. There likewise is related with what fer∣vour and devotion she spent her last dayes:* 1.846 and how approaching to her death, after receiving the Sacraments of the Church, she was comforted with a vision of our Lord Iesus encompassed with a multitude of Angells, and holding his Crosse, shining with inexpressible brightnes.

12. Eusebius moreover testifies how her Son Constantin was present at her death,* 1.847 and with a diligent and humble respect attended and ministred to her in her sicknes: in whose presence accompanied with his Sons and Grandchildren she declared her last will.* 1.848 And Theodoret adds, That she gave him many exhortations to Piety, and bestowing on him such Benedictions as Pa∣rents usually at their death give to their children, she departed this world to eternall Happines.

13. The same Eusebius worthily extolls Constantin for his wonderfull piety and res∣pect to his Holy Mother: which was so great that he made her partner of the Empire, giving her the Title of Empresse or Augusta, and causing golden Coyns to be made and stamped with her Image: An Example of one such is afforded by Baronius, and another by Camden, in one side of which is written Fl. Helena Augusta: and on the other Securitas Provinciae. S.T.R. Whereby it appears that she was transferred by Adoption into the Flavian family. And hence we find that Sulpitius Se∣verus wrote with truth, that Helena Mother of the Emperour Constantin raign'd as Empresse together with her Son.

14. After her death Constantin, as Anastasius relates, built unto her honour a magnificent Sepulcher (Mausolaeum,) where in a Tomb of Porphyry he layd the Body of the most bles∣sed Empresse his Mother. Which Mausolaeum was situated in the High Way called Lavi∣cana between the two Laurell trees. Nicephorus affirms that after two years he caried her Body to Constantinople: But constant Tradition assures us that, at least the greatest part of it, remai∣ned in the west: Concerning the translation and venera••ion of which, together with a breif recapitulation of her whole story we read thus in the Gallican Martyrologe.

15. At Rhemes and Orleans this day the eighteenth of August is celebrated the Memory of Saint Helena Empresse,* 1.849 Mother of Constantin, who having been confirm'd in the Faith by the Holy Pope Silvester, enioyed so great a happines, that by a singular Grace of God she saw her Son

enlightned with true Piety to become the first Emperour who openly profess'd and courageously maintain'd our most Holy Religion.* 1.850 By his assistance and wonderfull munificence she per∣formed illustrious works to promote the Wor∣ship of Christ. For incited by piety she took a journey to Ierusalem, where miraculously she found the Crosse of our Lord together with the nayles: She cleansed the sacred places from the filth of Heathenish and Iewish superstitions, and adorn'd them with splendid buildings and Gifts. Moreover out of a zeale to emulate the vertue of Humility so acceptable to Christ, she would needs her self attend, serve and minister to the Sacred Virgins whom she intertain'd at a Feast. After∣wards at Rome she built the Church of the Holy Crosse, which she enrich'd with a portion of the said saving Crosse. And out of the same religious propension to adorn Gaule also, she built at Orleans the principall Church, in ve∣neration of Christ crucified. Whose seamlesse Garment likewise, together with many other mo∣numents of our Redemption she sent to Triers, there to be devoutly venerated. At last after so many illustrious works of Piety perform'd all the world over, she quietly slep'd in Christ whose glory she had with such fervent zeale exalted, and was buried in a sepulcher of Porphyry at Rome, under the patronage of S. Peter and S. Marcellinus. In after times being illustrious by many Miracles, and some of which she had per∣formed in her life time, her Sacred Body was translated into France by Theogisus a Monk and placed in the Monastery call'd Hauteville, where it has been illustrated by great numbers of Mira∣cles: and there it still continues in great vene∣ration: Excepting some particles therof which were sent to the principall Church at Orleans, a great ornament and safeguard thereto: where they are kep'd with becoming honour.

16. There is extant at Rome, in the Church of the Holy Crosse which was anciently call'd also the Church of S. Helena,* 1.851 an illustrious Memoriall of her: For at the Basis of her statue there is this Inscription: To our Lady Flavia Iulia Helena, the most pious Empresse, Mother of our Lord Constantin the Great, most clement Victor and always Augustus, and Grand-mother of Constantin and Constans most blessed and flourishing Caesars: Iulius Maximia∣nus Count and Senatour always most devoted to her Piety, hath made this monument. And another Inscription almost paralell is to be seen at Naples, erected anciently by the Se∣nate and people there.

17. It is not to be doubted but that our Island of Brittany was at least as much devoted to her honour and memory as any other coun∣treys. But all Monuments rais'd in the times of the ancient Brittains have been consumed by age, and miserable vicissitudes succee∣ding. However in following ages the Sa∣xons, assoon as they became Converts to Christianity, in severall places express'd their devotion to this most Pious Empresse. For both among the Trinobantes and in the North, and likewise in Berkshire there is a Town call'd Helenstow from a Church there dedica∣ted to her Memory.* 1.852 And at Bedford an illu∣strious Lady call'd Iudith built a Monastery for Religious Virgins, which she consecrated to S. Helena. One William Basing likewise is sayd to have built a Church consecrated to S. Helena at London.

XVII. CHAP.* 1.853

1.2. Constantins zeale against Paganism and Heresy.

3. &c. He is seduced by his Sister to favour Arius, &c. but repents.

5.6. He adorns his New Citty Constantino¦ple.

7.8. Miracles by the Holy Crosse.

9. Other acts of Constantins piety.

1. AFter S. Helena's death Constantin re∣turned into the East,* 1.854 where he ex∣press'd his zeale against Pagan Idolatry: For Eunapius a Pagan writer complains, Through the whole world the most celebrated Temples were overthrown by Constantin. He made se∣vere Lawes against Heathenish Sacrifices, men∣tion'd in Theodosius his Code.

2. Neither was he wanting to establish the Churches Peace and Vnity by publishing rigorous Edicts against Hereticks,* 1.855 Novatians, Valentinians, Marcionists, Paulians, Montanists, &c. forbidding all Assemblies among them, both publick and private: and withall exhorting them to return to the Communion of the Catho∣lick Church, that so they might be rendred par∣takers of its Sanctity: and so attain to Truth. Thus writes Eusebius, adding that hereupon many of them did acknowledge their errours, and at last joyn'd themselfves to the Chur∣ches Communion.

3. Notwithstanding being seduced by the Craft of Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia the Pillar of the Arian faction,* 1.856 he began a perse∣cution against S. Athanasius, then Bishop of Alexandria. This Eusebius had cunningly insinuated himself into the affections of Constantiae the Emperours Sister, by whom at her death he was recommended to Constan∣tin, in whose mind a scruple likewise was injected by certain speeches of hers, threat∣ning a severe punishment to him after death for his severity against so many innocents, so she called the Arians. Wherupon he commanded that Arius himself should re∣turn and be received at Alexandria: For which purpose he wrote threatning letters to S. Athanasius, that he should be deposed in case he refused him. Notwithstanding being inform'd by Athanasius, that Arius did not repent of his Heresy, but was still a

profess'd Enemy of the Councill of Nicaea,* 1.857 Constātin desisted from urging his reception.

* 1.8584. Afterward the Meletians accused Saint Athanasius of many crimes: but Constantin upon examination finding his innocence, quickly absolved and dimiss'd him. Yea moreover the pious Emperour turn'd his anger against him who was the cheif Ar∣chitect of all machinations against S. Atha∣nasius, to witt, Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia, as appears by his letters written to the people of that Citty and recited by Theodo∣ret,* 1.859 in which he complains how himself had been deluded by his forgeries and lyes. And on that occasion he proceeds to pronounce Sentence against the whole faction of the Arians, banishing Eusebius and severall other Bishops from their Sees.

* 1.8605. But the year following, by occasion of the inauguration of his New Citty Constanti∣nople, among other Examples of his Clemen∣cy, he restored them.* 1.861 Nicephorus writes that the Citty was consecrated to our Lord and his immaculate Mother with offring the unbloody Sacrifice and prayers. Adding that Constantins Statue was erected in a publick place upon a pillar of Porphyry having in his right hand a golden Apple, on which was placed the Holy Crosse, with this Inscription, To thee, O Christ our God, I com∣mend this Citty.

* 1.8626. Eusebius describing the Magnificence of Constantin in adorning this Citty with many Churches consecrated to the Holy Martyrs, saith, The Emperour intending to illustrate after an extraordinary manner the Citty called by his own name, adorn'd it with many magnificent Churches, partly in the Suburbs, and partly in the Citty it self: by which he both celebrated the Me∣mories of the Holy Martyrs, and consecrated the Citty it self to the God of Martyrs. The princi∣pall of those Martyrs are recorded to have been S. Mocius, S. Agathonicus, S. Mennas and S. Acacius.

* 1.8637. Sozomen likewise, an eye witnes, espe∣cially celebrats a Church built in a place for∣merly dedicated to Vesta, which was after∣ward named Michaelium, from an apparition of that Holy Archangell. In which many Mi∣racles had been wrought by vertue of the Holy Crosse there erected: of which vertue the Authour acknowledges that himself had been partaker. Among which one speciall Miracle must not be omitted; which he re∣lates after this manner:

* 1.8648. I have been informed, saith he, that a Soldier of the Emperours Guards called Probianus being afflicted with greivous torments in his feet, not only received ease in that place, but was also ho∣noured with a wonderfull & divine vision. For he having been formerly a Pagan and converted to Christianity, though he were satisfied of the truth of all other instituts of our Religion, yet he would never be perswaded that the Holy Crosse could be the cause of mankinds salvation. Being thus affe∣cted there was offred to him a Divine Vision, which set before his eyes the Image of the Crosse, which usually was sett on the Altar of that Church: and the same Vision declared to him ma∣nifestly that whatsoever thngs had been perfor∣med either by Angells or Holy men for the publick or privat proffit of men since the time that Christ was crucified, were not rightly performed but by the vertue of the saving Crosse.

9. Besides these sacred Ornaments,* 1.865 Constantin added much wealth to endow the holy Chur∣ches built by him: He likewise caused a world of Copies of the Holy Scriptures to be curious∣ly written in parchments richly adorned, which he dispersed through severall Chur∣ches in the Citty.* 1.866 He gave likewise great pri∣viledges to Physicions, Grammarians and Pro∣fessours of other Arts, by which means lear∣ning much flourish'd there. In a word he endeavour'd to make it equall in all res∣pects to Old Rome, placing there a Senat with the same honours and authority: into which many Christians were elected, as Baronius de∣clareth.

XVIII. CHAP.* 1.867

1.2. S. Athanasius persecuted by Arians.

3.4.5. He is banish'd into the west: for his safety.

6.7. Arius conven'd before Constantin.

8.9. &c. His fearfull death.

10. Pope Iulius.

1. BVT the restlesse malice of the Arians against S. Athanasius,* 1.868 the principall defender of the Faith declared by the Nicene Councill, urged them to invent and forge new accusations against him, of breaking a Cha∣lice, of murdering a man and using enchant∣ments with his dead hand, of committing adultery by violence, &c. With these crimes they charged him before the Emperour im∣portuning him that he might be condemned and deposed.

2. Hereupon a Synod of Bishops being as∣sembled at Tyre, Athanasius his cause was there examined, and though in all particu∣lars his innocence was evidently declared, ye•• he was condemned by them. Which ma∣nifest injustice astonish'd Constantin, as appears by a Letter of his recorded by Saint Athanasius in his Apology.* 1.869

3. Notwithstanding these impious Bishps after they had consecrated at Ierusalem a ma∣gnificent Church built by Constantin, repai∣ring to Constantinople there renew'd their ac∣cusations, and probably by the favour of the Emperours Son Constantius infected with their Heresy, did so beseige Constantins eares, that S. Athanasius could scarce gett accesse to prove his own innocence. Insomuch as by their importunity the Emperour was even inforc'd to banish him into the West.

4. This certainly unjust Sentence Saint Athanasius himself excuses in a letter writ∣ten by him to the Egyptian Hermits, where we

read this passage, Constantin upon the calum∣nious accusation of the Eusebians removed for a time Athanasius into Gaule,* 1.870 that so he might be deliver'd from their cruelty who sought all opportunities treacherously to destroy him. For thus wrote his Son Constans of blessed Memory, as appears by his letters yet extant.

5. And the same charitable interpretation did his other Son Constantin who succeeded him in the western Empire, make of his Fathers action: For writing to the people of Alexandria,* 1.871 he saith: To elude the Savage cruelty of the Arians, whose iawes were opened to swallow him, Athanasius was ordered to withdraw himself: being commanded to live under my government. Thus he made his abode in this Citty of Triers, where nothing necessary is wanting to him. So that no just suspicion can be imputed to the Emperour, as if he wavered, or had deserted the Orthodoxe Faith.

6. This was further confirmed by a me∣morable accident hapning this year at Con∣stantinople. For the Emperour perceiving that Arius, though avoyded by all Catholicks, was defended as Orthodoxe by many others, com∣manded him to repair to his presence in that Citty:* 1.872 Whither being arrived, Constantin himself ask'd him, whether he did approve the Decrees of the Nicen Councill? He presently with a chearfull countenance answered, That he appro∣ved them. The Emperour not content with his affirmation and subscription, urged him to confirm this by oath: in which likewise he com∣plied. But all this was meere craft and impious subtilty. For whilst be made this Profession and oath, he held in his bosome a Paper containing his heresy, and swore that from his heart he belei∣ved as he had written Notwithstanding the Em∣perour being ignorant of his fallacy, beleived him Orthodoxe: and thereupon commanded Alexan∣der then Bishop of Constantinople to receive him into Communion.

* 1.8737. S. Athanasius to this relation adds, That Constantin having heard what Arius professed and swore, said thus to him, If thy Faith be true and Orthodoxe, thou hast sworn well: But if it be impious, and yet thou hast thus sworn, may God condemne thee for thy perjury. Which imprecation wanted nor an effect, for presently God miraculously shew'd the impiety of Arius, and true Faith of Constan∣tin, in this manner:

* 1.8748. Alexander Bishop of Constantinople being unwilling to admitt the Arch-heretick into his Communion, was threatned by Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia that if he refused, he would present∣ly cause him to be deposed. But Alexander being much more solicitous for the true Faith, then his Bishoprick, had his recourse to Gods onely assi∣stance, and severall dayes and nights lying pro∣strate before his Altar in presence of his Sacra∣ments, pray'd in this manner, O God, I beseech thee to grant that if the opinion of Arius be true I may dye before the day of disputation come: But if the Faith which I professe be true, Let Arius the Authour of all these calamities, suffer just punishment for his impiety.

9. What was the fearfull successe of these fervent prayers,* 1.875 is thus related by S. Atha∣nasius: When the Bishop had thus ended his Prayers, he went away full of anxious cogitations: and presently a wonderfull and incredible thing hapned. The Eusebians threaten, the good Bishop prayes. As for Arius confiding in the power of the Eusebians, in his way to the Church he used many vain and boasting bablings: when on a sudden he was forced to retire into a common privy to exonerate nature: where suddenly, as it was written of Iudas, he ••ell on his face to the ground and burst asunder in the middle: Thus was he deprived both of life and Communion.

10. The consequents of this fearfull iudg∣ment Socrates thus further prosecutes, This being done, saith he, the Eusebian faction was struck with a wonderfull ••errour and consterna∣tion: and the fame therof was spread not through the Citty only, but the whole world almost. By this mean the Emperour likewise adhered still more firmly to the Catholick Faith: affirming that the Nicene Faith was now also visibly confirmed by Divine authority: and for this reason he much reioyced at the end of the Heretick Arius.

11. This same year dyed the Holy Pope Marcus the Successour of S. Silvester, after he had sate onely one year: in whose place suc∣ceeded Pope Iulius: whose first year is accoun∣ted the last of the Emperour Constantin: the circumstances of whose death are now to be related.

XIX. CHAP.* 1.876

1.2.3 &c. Constantins pious preparation to death.

6. Whether he was baptiz'd by Eusebius the Arian.

7. &c. Manner of his death: And prayers for him after.

10. His Memory celebrated among Saints.

1. ONE of the last Acts of Constantins zeale and devotion was, the building at Constantinople a most magnificent Temple, dedicated to the honour of all the Apostles. The sumptuousnes of its structure is parti∣cularly described by Eusebius, who adds▪ That all these things the Emperour dedicated,* 1.877 to the end he might eternise the Memory of our Saviours Apostles among all nations.

2. In this Temple, saith he, he placed twelve (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) honorary repositories,* 1.878 which should be as twelve Pillars for the honour and Memory of the twelve Apostles: And in the midst of them he caused his own Tomb to be placed, enclosed on each side by six of them: Wisely forethinking that the Tabernacle of his dead body would decently and worthily rest there. And having long before framed in his mind this cogitation, he dedicated the Church to the Apostles, having an opinion and beleif, that their Memory would procure

very much proffit to his soule.* 1.879

3. Now wherin this proffit did consist, the same Authour thus further explains:* 1.880 He by a provident dispensation design'd this place opportunely for the day of his death approaching: by an incredible propension of his Faith foreseeing that when his Body after death should participate with the Apostles the same common appellation, that then he being dead, should also be made partaker of the Prayers which there should be offred in honour of the Apostles. And with this mind did many of our Brittish and Saxon Kings and Nobles erect so many magnificent Churches and Monasteries, for a remedy and redemption of their soules, as they frequently expresse in their Charters of Founda∣tions.

4. Other more immediate preparations to a happy death made by the same pious Emperour are thus related by the same Writer:* 1.881 The Emperour, saith he, enioyd his faculties and strength of reason in such a perfection that till the extremity of his age he continued to write Orations, to make discourses with his freinds, and to minister to his hearers advices well be∣seeming a good Christian. He likewise diligently published Laws, both touching Civill and Mili∣tary affaires: for he had an understanding so dilated, that he could comprehend what soever was necessary or expedient for humane life▪ Now this one particular is worthy of eternall memory, that immediatly before his last day he recited a fu∣nerall Oration in the place accustomed, wherin by a continued discourse he spoke of the immor∣tality of soules, of the rewards which God had prepared for those who lived piously in this world and on the contrary of the miserable end of those who lead ungodly lives. Which discour∣ses pronounced with gravity and constancy a••d so affect some of his domesticall servants, that one of them (a Pagan Idolater,) who pretended to wise∣dom, being ask'd What his opinion was of the Emperours Oration, answered though with some unwillingnes, that the things spoken by him seem'd to him to be true: and particularly that he could not but highly commend his discourse against a multitude of Gods. Such entertain∣ments as those the pious Emperour had among his familiar freinds a little before his death by which he seem'd to make the way to a better life more easy and eaven.

5. Eutropius relates that there appeared in heaven at that time a Comet of an unusuall biggnes, portending his death. After which he fell into some distemper: which encrea∣sing, forced him to make use of hott bathes in the Citty:* 1.882 From whence, saith Eusebius, he was removed to his Mothers Citty, Helenopolis in Bithynia, where for a long time continuing in the Church consecrated to the Holy Martyr S. Lu∣cianus he offred his Prayers and publick vowes to God.

6. The same Authour in another place pretends that Constantin was at this time baptis'd by the Arian Bishop of Nicome∣dia, neer that Citty. But the generall Tra∣dition of the Western Church refutes him, as hath been shew'd. Therfore what was done by Constantin, was not receiving Baptism, but Pennance,* 1.883 which, the same Eusebius relating it, calls an imitation of saving Bap∣tism. For thus he writes, when the con∣sideration, of his last day came into Constan∣tins mind, he iudging this an opportune time for him to be cleansed of his sins which as a mortall man, he had committed, and belei∣ving that by the efficacy of Divine Mysteries and an imitation of the saving laver of Bap∣tism, his soule would be purged, he, I say, considering these things, fell humbly on his knees in the Church of Martyrs at Heleno∣polis, and there confessing his sins, he offred himself a suppliant to God for the pardon of them. And then it was that he first be∣came worthy to receive absolution by imposition of hands and prayer.

7. In the last place touching his death, the same Authour thus prosecutes his Nar∣ration:* 1.884 Assoon as all holy Mysteries were per∣form'd, he was cloathed with Kingly robes shining brighter then light, and was layd in a bed of a most pure whitenesse: for his Imperiall Purple he rejected, and would never make use of it afterward▪ Then with a clear distinct voyce he prayd and gave thanks to God, adding words to this purpose, Now I am assured of happines, and immortall life, now I am made partaker of Divine light. Withall he with detestation bewayld the state of miserable Pagans, whom be affirm'd most unhappy in that they were deprived of such divine blessings.

8. And when the Centurions and other Su∣periour Officers were admitted, and deplored with mournfull voyces their unhappines in the losse of such an Emperour, wishing him a longer life: To these he answered, that now he had attain'd true life indeed; and that himself only understood his own happines; for which reason his desire was to hasten his departure to God. After this he disposed his will in which he gave honourable pensions to such Romans as inhabited the Royall Citty new built by him. As for his Empire he left it as a Patrimony to his children. Thus dyed Constantin during the solemnity of Pentecost.

9. As for the Vniversall mourning, the clamours of the people,* 1.885 the tearing of garments and prostration of bodies on the ground practised by the Soldiers to testify their inconsolable sorrow for so great a losse, together with the glorious solemni∣zation of his funeralls, at which was only of all his Sons Constantius, present; all these things may be read at large in the same Authour. This one passage in him must not be omitted, where he writes thus,* 1.886 Great multitudes of people together with the Preists did not cease with teares and much groaning to powre forth Prayers unto God for the soule of the Emperour. wherin they performed an Office very acceptable and desired by the pious Prince

himself: And likewise God therby shew'd his singular goodnes to his servant, both in that after his death his Empire descended to his own dear children, and that himself obtain'd repose in the place, so affected by him, wherin the Me∣mory of the Apostles was ioy••tly celebrated.

10. That the Church did not doubt of the happines and glory of this pious Em∣perour after his death,* 1.887 the Martyrologes of the Greek, the Gallican and Brittish Chur∣ches are assured testimonies: in which on the one and twentieth of May his Memo∣ry is anniversarily solemnised. And par∣ticularly in Brittany Temples were built and dedicated to his honour. One of which still remaines in the Province of the Ordovices, or Northwales, call'd at this day by his name, which was erected by the Brittains when they Were driven by the Saxons into those quarters.

THE EIGHTH BOOK OF THE CHVRCH-HISTORY OF BRITTANY.

* 1.888I. CHAP.

1.2. Constantin divides the Empire among his three Sons.

3. Brittany under Constantin the younger.

4. His kindnes to S. Athanasius.

5. He is slain by his Brothers soldiers.

* 1.8891.THE Emperour Constantin at his death divided the Roman Empire among his three Sons, so as that his eldest Son Constan∣tin enioy'd for his portion the Provinces of Gaule, Spain, Brittany and all other con∣quer'd countreyes on this side the Alpes: Constantius the Second Son, being only pre∣sent at his Fathers death, took possession of the Eastern Regions, together with Egypt, and the youngest son Constans had the go∣vernment of Italy and Africk.

2. Now the Gests of these and severall suc∣ceeding Emperours we will leave to such Hi∣storians as have written of the generall af∣faires of the Church and Empire. For having confin'd our selves to matters which con∣cern the Ecclesiasticall state of Brittany, our purpose is to treat no further of such Em∣perours, then as they are necessary for Chro∣nology, or shall concern our own countrey.

3. As touching therfore the Second Con∣stantin, within whose Iurisdiction Brittany was comprised, his Raign was short, not lasting entirely four years. And all that we can record of him is, that he was constant in the Profession of the Catholick Faith esta∣blish'd in the Great Council of Nicaea: wherin he was imitated likewise by his Youngest Brother Constans: So that by these two Em∣perours means all the Western Churches were secured from the infection of Heresy, which miserably defaced the Eastern parts, by reason that Constantius raigning there suffred him∣self to be perverted by Eusebius Bishop of Ni∣comedia and other Arian Hereticks.

4. Now an illustrious proof which the younger Constantin gave of his zeale to the Orthodox Faith,* 1.890 was his restoring S. Atha∣nasius to his See of Alexandria after his two years and four months banishment, during which time he abode at Triers in Germany, where he was entertain'd with all honour & liberality by Constantin. This restitution of S. Athanasius was perform'd in cōsequence to the last Will of his Father the late Em∣perour Constantin,* 1.891 as appears by his Sons let∣ter to the Church of Alexandria recited by S. Athanasius in his second Apology: Wherin he further writes, that it was not out of disaffection, but rather a tendernes of S. Athanasius his safety that Constantin sent him into the West to his son, that so he might elude the treacherous malice of his Enemies the Arian Bishops, who left no means unat∣tempted to destroy him.

* 1.8925. It does not appear that this younger Constantin ever came into Brittany, which he governed by a Deputy, himself making his residence in Gaule. But in the fourth year of his raign he passed over into Italy, with what design it is uncertain, whether out of ambition to invade the portion of his Bro∣ther Constans, or for some other intention. However he was there traiterously slain at Aquileia, by his Brothers soldiers, and as Zosimus sayes, by his order. By his death the whole Western Empire became the Dominion of Constans: Who placed in Brittany, as his Liev••tenant Vetranio, one who a few years after usurped the Title of Emperour.

* 1.893II. CHAP.

1 2.3 Of S. Gudwal: His Gests.

4 The place where he lived.

5.6. &c. Of Mevorus a Prince: and his Son S. Simeon.

1. ABout this time in Brittany there flou∣rished a famous holy Bishop call'd S. Gudwal, commemorated by severall Mar∣tyrologes and Ecclesiasticall Writers,* 1.894 the summe of whose Gests is as followeth.

2. He was born in Brittany of Noble parents: and assoon as his age rendred him capable, he was made Deacon, and afterwards a Preist. At which time he largely communicated to others those treasures of spirituall Wisdom which he had been gathering from his youth. Insomuch as by his instructions many were so enlightned that they were enabled to inflame others with divine Love. After this beeing exalted to the Supreme degree of Episcopacy, he so much the more dilated the odour of his holy conversation, Gods Spirit de∣claring in him the operations of divine Grace, to the great ioy of all, both Clergy and people. He received by Succession from his Parents a very ample patrimony: but despising worldly riches and having lost the tast of fading pleasures, he freely gave all his possessions to the Church.

3. Moreover seing that his Pastorall Office obliged him to worldly cares and solicitudes, he used his utmost diligence to disburden and un∣chain himselfe from it. Therfore recommen∣ding his Church to a worthy Successour, he retired himself into a certain Monastery in his own Dio∣cese, where he led a perfect Monasticall, or rather Angelicall life. Now this Monastery was placed neer the Sea, in a bay wherof the holy man obser∣ving a certain vast rock or Promontory shooting forth, he retir'd himself thither to the end he might without interruption attend to God only: in which place he gathered to him the number of one hundred and eighty disciples. But the place being too strait for so great a multitude, the blessed man having recourse to God alone, in whose Power and goodnes he placed his only confidence, when the Sea at low Ebbe had left dry a great space of the shore, he with a r••d which he car∣ried in his hands made impressions in severall places of the Sand, and commanded the waves in the Name of Christ, that they should not passe those bounds. At which command pronounced by the holy man one might observe the Sea naturally raging to restrain its violence and swelling: and effectually to this very day it never presum'd to transgresse the limits prescrib'd unto it. Thus this holy man bid adieu to the world, to to all his freinds in it, all things which it could deprive him of, to all which vanities he was cru∣cified, perfectly hating his own soule and sensuall desires. And yet contented not himself with this, but continually meditated how to aspire to more sublime perfection. In order wherto, having communicated his resolution to his Disciples, he determined utterly to quitt his native countrey, and to passe over into forrain parts. For which purpose having provided seaven ships, he, ac∣companied with his Brethren, entred into them and began his voyage, and with a prosperous gale this little army of Saints took land in a strange countrey.

4. Now though in the ancient Monuments relating his life and Gests, the land where he aborded be not named, notwithstanding there being mention made in them of a cer∣tain Prince called Mevorus who enioy'd pos∣sessions in that place, anciently belonging to his Ancestors: Which Mevorus professing Christianity, and for that cause receiving great vexations from the inhabitants who were Infidels, he transfer'd his dwelling to a place call'd Corminia, and at this day Cor∣mon, neer a town in Gaule called Monstrueil: we may upon the authority of Malbranc a learned French Antiquary conclude that S. Gudwal took land in the Province of Belgick Gaule inhabited by a People called Morini, among whom he preach'd the Christian Faith, and instructed many in the perfection of a more holy life. For thus we read in the an∣cient narration of his life:

5. Mevorus as soon as he had notice that the Holy Father S. Gudwal was entred into his con∣fines,* 1.895 gave great thanks to God for it: and out of his Treasury richly endowed a Church which this famous Bishop, devout Hermit and worthy Superiour of Monks founded in a strange coun∣trey: where he gave illustrious examples of all Christian vertues to the present age, and left a fragrant odour of his fame to posterity.

6. But before the said Church and Mona∣stery were perfectly endowed, we find a rela∣tion of a wonderfull fact of S. Gudwal. For Mevorus together with his wife being much stricken in years, had no children at all: When behold about midnight S. Gudwal ap∣peared in a dream to the Matron, promising her that she should have a Son, which himself, as another parent to him in regard of education, would call by the name of Si∣meon. And Mevorus being inform'd of this made a promise, that the said son who was to be born, should both in his own person

and with all his hereditary possessions be transcrib'd to the Monastery.* 1.896 The event suc∣ceeded answerably to all their desires: for a son is born to Mevorus, he is called Simeon, brought up in learning, and made a Monk: And then it was that the Princes possessions were confered on the Monastery. It is very probable that this Monastery was seated in a confining part of Flanders neer Ipre, where his memory to this day is with great devo∣tion celebrated, and where a village called Ghelwelt seems to afford marks of S. Gudwal's name.

7. How long the Holy man liv'd there, is not express'd by the Writers of his life. Yet our Martyrologe relates on the sixth of Iune,* 1.897 that he rested in our Lord with great Sancti∣ty about the year of Christ four hundred and three: and the visions and wonders prece∣ding his death are thus related by those who have written his life:

8. An Angel of our Lord from heaven ap∣pear'd to him with a pleasant countenance, saying, O worthy soldier of God, may the joy of our Lord always encrease in thee, and his peace conti∣nually remain with thee. Be ready prepar'd, for e're long God will call thee out of this world, and thou shalt meet thy heavenly King with a palm of Victory. This celestiall Messenger of God stay'd with him a good space, and fill'd his soule with a spirituall sweetnes known only to God. A second time another Angell appear'd unto him, and sayd, I am Michael the Archangel, sent to thee from our Lord, by whose command I am to ac∣quaint thee with what shall shortly befall. Behold I declare unto thee the hour of thy departure: for after ten dayes thou shalt ioyfully issue out of thy prison of flesh, and escape out of the dungeon of this world. With inestimable gladnes thou shalt meet thy heavenly King into whose presence we will beare thee, and he will receive thee with glory, enrolling thee among the Cittizens and Courtiers of his kingdom.

9. It is said that his Mother and sisters were present and assisting at his death, being invited thither by the fame of his miracles: And after his departure, it seems they caried his body back with them into Brittany. But afterward when the Pagan Saxons demolish'd the Christian Sepulchers in our Island, it was transported again into Flanders: for thus we read in his life:

10. The Holy man dyed the eighth day be∣fore the Ides of Iune: and his Body was buried in the Isle of Plet, or Plecit: where it remained many years, illustrious by many miracles: But barbarous people afterwards invading the Coun∣trey forced the Brittains to fly into forrain re∣gions, at which time the Brethren of the foresaid Monastery took up the sacred Body, and carried it with them over the Sea which divides Britta∣ny from Gaule; And travelling with this sa∣cred pledge, at last they arrived at his own Mo∣nastery, where they repos'd it. Where because it was not entertained with due honour, a certain Noble Marques call'd Arnulphus appointed by God to be the instrument of the safety of many men,* 1.898 removed it to the Monastery of Blandi∣nium in Gaunt, together with the precious Re∣licks of the famous Confessour Bertulpus, Which Translation was made on the third day before the Nones of December, when Clotharius raigned in France. On which day yearly to this time the sacred Body is caried in a solemne Procession. And what miracles were wrought severall times during such Processions Cap-grave relates.

III. CHAP.* 1.899

1. Constans quiets Gaule and comes into Brittany.

2 3. A Synod at Sardica: where Brittish Bishops come.

4. Gests of the Synod.

5.6. &c. Of Appeales to Rome, &c.

12.13. &c. S. Athanasius restor'd: and again banish'd.

15.16. Constans his death.

1. IN the yeare three hundred forty two, as Paulus Diaconus writes,* 1.900 great commo∣tions began in the Roman Empire. For the Na∣tion of the Franks setling themselves in Gaule used all hostility against the Romans. But this trouble was quickly appeas'd by the Emperour Constans, who coming out of Illyricum ••ought with and subdued them. After which he pass'd over into Brittany, which usually follow'd the motions of Gaule. This appears from Iulius Firmicus, who in a Book dedicated to the same Emperour recounts this journey per∣formed during the tempestuous season of Winter,* 1.901 telling him that the Brittains at the unlook'd for sight of him were affrighted into obedience.

2. Four yearts after this, upon occasion of great combustions especially in the Ea∣stern Empire,* 1.902 the two Emperours ioyn'd to call a Council intended to be Oecumenicall. For the Eastern Bishops of the faction of Eu∣sebius Bishop of Nicomedia Cheif-Pillar of the Arians, had condemned S. Athanasius in two Synods, at Tyre and Antioch. On the contrary Iulius Bishop of Rome in a Synod of Italian Bishops received him into his Commu∣nion, notwithstanding the intercession of the Orientals, who sent to Rome their Decree of the condemnation of S. Athanasius. Wherupon a Schism between the Eastern and Western Churches being likely to break forth,* 1.903 to prevent it the Orthodox Emperour Constans earnestly solicited his brother Constantius ro joyn with him in calling a Generall Councill, therby to preserve inviolate the he∣ritage of their Fathers piety, by which he had establish'd the Empire, destroyed Tyrants, and re∣duced to his obedience many barbarous Nations.

* 1.9043. Hereupon a Synod was assembled the year following at Sardica in Illyrium;* 1.905 to which there came out of the Western Empire about three hundred Bishops: and out of the East onely seaventy sixe. Now among the Western Bishops some there were who came out of Brittany,* 1.906 as S. Athanasius, in whose cause especially the Synod met, expressly affirms, naming one of them, to wit, Restitu∣tus Bishop of London, who twenty years before had been at the Councill of Nicea to establish the Faith of the Consubstantiality of the Son of God. In which regard to treat more particu∣larly of this Synods affairs appertains to our present History, for therby will appeare the conformity of the Brittish Churches in those dayes to the Faith and Discipline of the Ca∣tholick Church.

* 1.9074. For as much therfore as concerns the Acts of this Synod, the principall was a con∣firmation of Faith establish'd in the Council of Nicéa: Next the declaring the innocence of S. Athanasius, Marcellus, Asclepas and other Orthodox Bishops persecuted and chased from their Sees by the Arian faction, toge∣ther with the deposition and excommuni∣cation of their adversaries. Then succeeded a condemnation of those Eastern Bishops which deserted the Synod, and made a Schis∣maticall Assembly at Philippopolis neer Sar∣dica, where they likewise publish'd Decrees and Canons in contradiction to the lawfull Synod.

5. Then touching matters of Disciplin establish'd in this holy Synod, the most con∣siderable was the confirming by an expresse Canon the lawfullnes of Appeales, that is, Petitions for Revisions of Episcopall causes From all other Churches both Eastern and Western to the See Apostolick of Rome. The form of which Canon is as followeth:

6. Osius Bishop said: This must likewise neces∣sarily be added,* 1.908 That it may not be lawfull for Bishops to passe out of their own Province into another Province in which there are Bishops, un∣lesse peradventure they be invited by their Bre∣thren, least they should seem to shut the dore of Charity. But if it happen that in any Province a Bishop have a contention against his Brother Bi∣shop, one of the two may call out of another Pro∣vince a Bishop to judge the cause. But if any Bi∣shop shall be judged (and condemned) in any cause, yet thinks his cause to be good: In this case to the end the Councill may again be re∣newed, if you please let us honour the memory of S. Peter the Apostle, that those who have exa∣mined the cause may write to Iulius Bishop of Rome, and if his sentence be that judgment ought to be renew'd, let it be renew'd, and let him appoint Iudges. But if he shall approve the cause to be such as that those things which have been acted in it shall not be again reiterated, what he decrees herin shall be confirmed, if such be all your pleasures. The Synod answered, This pleases us.

* 1.9097. In pursuance of which, there was added this following Canon: Gaudentius Bishop said: If you please, let this be added to this De∣cree which thou hast pronounced full of Sanctity: That when any Bishop shall be deposed by the judgment of neighbouring Bishops, and shall pu∣blickly declare that his intention is to plead his cause in the Citty of Rome: after such an Ap∣peale of a Bishop who seems to be deposed, let not another Bishop be ordain'd in his chaire, till his cause be determin'd in the judgment of the Bi∣shop of Rome.

8. Moreover to provide against tedious delays of causes,* 1.910 and incommodities of transporting witnesses to Rome with exces∣sive charges, &c. the Holy Synod thought fit to adjoyn another Decree in this form: Osius Bishop said, It is the pleasure (of the Synod) that if a Bishop be accused, and that the Bishops of that Region assembled together shall give judgment against him, and depose him from his Degree; in case he who is depos'd shall appeale, and have recourse to the Bishop of the Roman Church, with a desire to be heard before him: if the said Roman Bishop shall think it just to have the examination of the cause renew'd, let him be pleased to write to those Bishops which are in a neighbour and confining Province, signi∣fying that they should diligently examin the matter, and determin the cause according to truth and justice. But if the Bishop who desires his cause may again be heard, shall by Petition move the Roman Bishop, to send from his own presence (è latere suo) a Preist to heare and iudge the cause, it shall be in the power and liberty of the Roman Bishop to doe as he pleases and thinks most convenient. And if he shall resolve to send persons, having his authority from whom they are sent, to be present in judgment with other Bi∣shops, this shall be left to his own pleasure. But if he think sufficient that the Bishops (of the said Provinces) put an end to the controversy, let him doe what in his most wise counsell he shall judge most expedient.

9. Thus was the matter of Appeales or Revisions regulated in this holy Synod: at which were present no fewer then thirty African Bishops, named by S. Athanasius in his Apology. So that it may seem wonder∣full how the same cause of Appeales could afterward in the next age be question'd by their successours. But the true ground hereof was, that the Donatists had by their subtilty and malicious diligence abolished all the Copies and true Acts of the Councill of Sardica through Africk, in the place of them substituting the Acts of the Anti-Synod celebrated by a few Eastern Bishop at Philippopolis, under the title of the Synod of Sardica: And their motive was, because in the Epistle of that false Council the Arian Bishops made mention of Donatus the Dona∣tist Bishop of Carthage. This appears by com∣paring severall testimonies of S. Augustin,* 1.911 as where in a certain Epistle he sayes, Fortu∣nius the Donatist shew'd mee a certain Book, out of which he pretended to demonstrate that

the Councill of Sardica had written to the Bishops of Africa of the Communion of Donatus.* 1.912 And •• little afterward he saith;* 1.913 Then having taken the Book, and considering the Decrees of the said Councill, I found that S. Athanasius and other Catholick Bishops, yea and Iulius Bishop of Rome no lesse Catholick then they, had been condem∣ned by that Councill of Sardica: hereby I was assured that it was a Councill of Arians.

10. These Decrees touching the Superemi∣nent authority of the Bishop of Rome, though they were not presently received in the East, by reason of the discession of the Eastern Arian Bishops, yet afterwards in the Councill of Constātinople in Trullo, call'd Quino-Sextum, they were expressly admitted. And no shew of doubt can be made but that the Brittish Bishops caried back with them these Decrees into Brittany: by which their subor∣dination to the Roman See was evidently de∣clared.

11. A f••urth Canon was likewise there established to restrain the frequent repair of Deacons sent by their Bishops to the Empe∣rours Court (ad Comitatum▪* 1.914) in the regula∣ting whereof a particular honour was attri∣buted to the Bishop of Rome: for thus runs the Canon, If any such come to Rome, as hath been said, Let them present their Petitions to our most holy Brother and fellow-bishop of the Roman Church, that he may first examine whether they be honest and just, and consequently afford his diligence and care that they may be caried to Court. All the Bishops said, that this pleased them well, and that the counsell was honest Then Alypius Bishop sayd, If such men undertake the incommodities of a long voyage for the causes of pupills, widdows and such as are unjustly oppres∣sed, they will have just reason to doe so: But now they repair thither to make Requests for things which without casting an odious envy on us, and which deserve reprehension, can not be granted, therfore there is no reason that such should be permitted to goe to the Court.

* 1.91512. The Synod being dissolved, the Emperour Constans employ'd his utmost diligence and authority in the execution of its Decrees. And wheras the cheifest difficulty was con∣cerning the restitution of S. Athanasius to his See, for the Eastern factious Bishops who had made a discession from the Councill, had used means to obstruct his return: Here∣upon Constans wrote to his Brother for his restitution,* 1.916 adding withall by way of mena∣cing, that if he should refuse to effect it, he must know for certain, that himself would come thither, and in despight of him, restore the Banish'd Bi∣shops to their Sees. Thus writes Socrates out of the Emperours letter.

13. Now what effect this intercession of the Emperour Constans had, the same Historian thus continues to relate:* 1.917 Assoon as the Eastern Em∣perour understood these things he conceiv'd in his mind no small greif. Whereupon assembling many Eastern Bishops he declared to them how difficult a choice was offred to him: and ask'd their counsell what he should doe. Their answer was, That it was much better to allow Athanasius the administra∣tion of his Church, then to hazzard a Civill warr. Hence it came to passe that the Emperour con∣strained by mere necessity sent for Athanasius to come to him.

14. The year following therefore Athanasius return'd into the East,* 1.918 being recommended to the Emperour by letters written in his behalf by Pope Iulius. He was at first receiv'd with some kindnes by the Emperour Constan∣tius: and at last permitted to return to his See at Alexandria.

15. But his abode there was very short:* 1.919 for the next year he was again expell'd by the practises of his implacable enemies the Arian Bishops, whose power became in a manner boundles by the death of the Ortho∣dox Emperour Constans: Who by the conspiracy of Magnentius, Chrestius and Marcellinus, prin∣cipall Officers of his,* 1.920 was slain at Helena a town of France neer the Pyrenean mountains, whither he fled having been informed that Magnentius had taken on him the Imperiall Purple. There was a common report that Constans had receiv'd a Prediction, that he should dye in his Grand-mothers bosom: which was fuffill'd by his murder in a town call'd by her name▪

6. His death was deservedly much bewayld by S. Athanasius,* 1.921 not so much for the Prote∣ction, and favours shew'd to himself, as for the greivous calamity which by his losse befell the Orthodox Faith, in danger to be op∣pressed by the Arian Emperour Constantius, who remain'd sole Governour of the Roman Empire: though before he could quietly enjoy it▪ two Tyrants were to be oppress'd. The one was Vetrannio, who had formerly go∣vern'd Brittany and afterwards Illyricum, where being Prefect he was proclaimed Em∣perour by his soldiers: but within a few days was deposed by Constantius, who not only spared his life, but allow'd him in his old age a retreat full of abundance ad pleasure. The other was Magnentius, who took the Title of Emperour at Austun (Augustodu∣num) in France,* 1.922 and held it three years, till by the losse of a battell he was forced to kill himself.

IV. CHAP.* 1.923

1. Constantius his Pride: he persecutes the Faith. A false Councill at Arles.

2.3. Pope Liberius his constancy.

4.5. His fall: and rising. Of Felix an Antipope.

1. COnstantius after this Victory would be call'd Emperour of the whole world, & as if he had beē exalted to a degree above human mortality, he assumed the impious title of his eternity: And which was yet worse,

all this Pride & power he extēded to the op∣pression of the Catholick Faith,* 1.924 & establishing of the Arian Heresy. For which purpose he used his utmost endeavour to pollute there∣with the Western Churches also. For comman∣ding a Councill to be assembled at Arles in France,* 1.925 he by violence extorted the suffrages of the Bishops to favour his Heresy and con∣demne S. Athanasius, drawing into the same impiety also the Legats of Pope Liberius, who newly had succeeded Iulius. So that unlesse Liberius had expressly protested against their Sentence, he would deservedly have incur∣red the same suspicion.

* 1.9262. On the contrary whilst Constantius remai∣ned in France, Liberius more then once soli∣cited him by Legats and Epistles in the behalf of S. Athanasius, complaining that the suffra∣ges of Bishops were mercinarily sold accor∣ding to the Princes inclination. He wrote likewise to S. Eusebius the famous Bishop of Vercelles, exhorting him to courage in main∣taining the Catholick Faith, and opposing himself to the violence of adversaries.

* 1.9273. Whereupon Constantius, perceiving that Pope Liberius his defending of S. Athanasius rendred unproffitable the Sentences of his Synods pack'd against him, used all possible endeavours to win him by promises and favours to his party.* 1.928 But these allurements proving uneffectuall, he sent for him: and Liberius being come to his presence, used great liberty of speech to him, as S. Athanasius relates: protesting his readines to suffer all things, rather then from being a Christian to become an Arian. At which the Emperour being highly offended, sent him into banishment to Beraea a Citty of Thrace.* 1.929 Whereto he chearfully sub∣mitted, and would not accept five hundred crowns, which the Emperour sent for his maintenance. Into whose place was substi∣tuted a certain Roman Preist called Felix, one who though in iudgment a Catholick, yet condescended to communicate with the Arians.

* 1.9304. Liberius continued in his exile little above two years, but returned with as much infamy as he had submitted to it with glory. For wanting constancy to support the tedious delay of his banishment, he yeilded at last to the condemnation of S. Athanasius, and subscrib'd likewise to a Confession of Faith fram'd in a Synod at Sirmium, in which though there was nothing hereticall, yet the word of Consubstantiality not being express'd in it, his subscription was sc••ndalous, arguing an unlawfull compliance with the Arians.

5. But being return'd to Rome, he broke off all commerce with the Arians, rejoyn'd him∣self to S. Athanasius his Communion, and to demonstrate the Orthodoxnes of his Faith, in an Epistle to him recorded by S. Athanasius himself,* 1.931 he wrote thus, Our Confession, most beloved Athanasius, is that the Word is the Son of God, being according to his Nature begotten of God his Father, not created, he is God his Fathers collegue in his Empire, and obtains an endles kingdome for infinite ages. Amen.

V. CHAP.* 1.932

1. Gratian Propretor of Brittany: deprived.

2.3 &c. His Successour Martinus, a just man: Cruelty of Paul the Notary. Martinus kills himself.

1. WHilst Constantius in the west thus afflicted the Catholick Church and Faith,* 1.933 the Propretor of Brittany was Gratian, Father of Valentinian who was afterward Emperour. He was rais'd from a vile ori∣ginal to that high degree for his courage and vertue. He was call'd by a mock-name Funarius the Rope-man: because in his younger age having been a seller of ropes,* 1.934 he was of such strength that five soldiers could not with their ioynt forces wrest a rope out of his hands. This Gratian having incurr'd Constantius his displeasure by fa∣vouring the faction of Magnentius, was de∣priv'd of his Office and Estate.

2. There succeeded him in the Government of Brittany Martinus: a Propretor who gover∣ned this Island with great justice and kind∣nes to the Brittains. But his Government and life lasted not long, being interrupted upon this occasion.

3. The Emperour Constantius being a Prince extremely suspicious,* 1.935 employed severall Officers to search out all such as were guil∣ty of any practises against him. Among these there was one call'd Paul a Notary, very acceptable to him for his malicious diligence and sagacity in exploring such matters: who was therfore sent into Britta∣ny to bring over in chains such soldiers as had intermedled in the conspiracy of Ma∣gnentius. This employment the Notary exe∣cuted, with such horrible cruelty and inju∣stice, that the Pretor Martinus not able to continue a spectatour of it, first by way of entreaty endeavoured to avert the miseries of a world of innocents: and this being unsuccessfull, he protested he would leave the Province. Paul being extremly incens'd hereat, out of a feare least if he should surcease his cruelty, the Emperour would impute it to want of zeale in him, he by his subtilty (for which he had the Sirname of Catena, or a Chain, given him) involv'd the Pretor himself also in a suspicion of the same guilt and treason. And being very ear∣nest to seise upon him and putt him in fet∣ters with the rest, Martinus in his own defence sett upon Paul with his sword, and wounded him, yet with so remisse a blow, that the wound did not prove mortall: whereupon he turn'd his sword upon his

own breast:* 1.936 and thus dyed this most just and mercifull Pretor for endavouring to divert the calamities of a multitude of mise∣rable innocent persons.

* 1.937VI. CHAP.

1.2.3.4. Councill of Ariminum. Wherin were Brittish Bishops: poor but gene∣rous.

5 6 &c. The Councill at first constant and Orthodox.

10. It is tyrannised over.

* 1.9381. THE year of our Lord three hun∣dred fifty nine was blackned with a publick scandall, the greatest that ever ex∣posed the Church both to danger and infamy: and that was the great Councill of Ariminum, assembled by the authority of the Arian Emperour Constantius, with design to abolish the Faith of the Consubstantia∣lity of the Son of God. Concerning which Councill, Sulpitius Severus gives this rela∣tion:

* 1.9392. Constantius, saith he, commanded a Councill to be assembled at Ariminum a Citty of Italy: and withall layd this injunction on the Prefect Taurus, that when the Bishops were mett together, he should not permitt them to depart till they had all consented in one Faith: promising him the Consulship if he effected this. Sending therfore his Officers through Illyricum, Italy, Africk, Spain and the Gaules (under which was comprehended, Brittany, as being governed by the same Prefect:) they summoned and drew together out of the Western Empire to Ariminum more then four hundred Bishops.

3. To all these the Emperour commanded that allowance for provisions and lodging should be given. But that seem'd an unseemly thing to our Bishops of Aquitain, Gaule and Brittany: and therfore refusing the publick allowance they chose rather to maintain themselves at their own costs. Onely three Bishops which came out of Brittany, being destitute of subsistence from their own Sees, were content to make use of the Emperours liberality, for they refused the contribution which the rest of the Bishops offred to them, esteeming it more becoming their dignity and Sanctity to be a charge to the publick Treasure, then to particular persons.

4. This passage (saith the Authour) I my self heard related by our Bishop Gavidius and he told it by way of reprehension and diminution of them. But I am quite of another opinion, and esteem those British Bishops to deserve great com∣mendation, first for that they had devested themselves of all propriety: and next that they chose rather to be obliged to the Empe∣rours Exchequour, then their Brethren for their maintenance: In both which regards they left an example worthy to be praised and imi∣tated.

5. When the Bishops were assembled, the Emperours letters were in the first place publickly read, by which he took on him to prescribe Laws unto the Synod what they should doe, and what they should forbeare.* 1.940 For, saith Saint Hilary, he severely enjoyn'd them to determin nothing which might touch the Eastern Bishops, but only themselves: And in case they should transgresse this his order, he declared a Nulli∣lity in their proceedings. He commanded them withall that having finished their Decrees▪ they should send them to Court by ten Bi∣shops ch••sen by common consent. In the In∣scription of which Letter it is observable that he writes himself by the Name of Constantin, not Constantius.

6. But notwithstanding these threats the Holy Bishops courageously performed their Duty. For, as the same Holy Father relates,* 1.941 they confirmed the Nicene Creed, for∣bidding any addition or diminution thereof: Protesting that they would never depart from the Faith which they had received from God the Father by the Prophets, and our Lord Iesus Christ, which the Holy Spirit taught in the Gospells and writings of the Apostles, according as was delivered by Tradition of the Fathers succeeding the Apostles to the times wherin the Controversy was debated at Nicea against a Heresy which then arose. To this Definition all the Catholick ••ishops in the Synod unanimously agreed.

7. In which Definition it is observable, that though it was grounded on the Holy Scriptures, yet those Scriptures are inter∣preted by the successive Tradition of the Church. Whereas on the contrary the fa∣ction of a few Arian Bishops separatedly framed a Decree, which according to the almost vniform practise of Hereticks, was pretended to agree with the simple words of Scripture, interpreted by themselves. For thus writes Saint Athanasius:* 1.942 In a Creed made by them they professed the Son of God to be like to the Father who begott him: whose generation according to the Scrip¦tures no man knows but the Father only. As for the word Substance, it being simply sett down by the Fathers, not understood by the people, and occasioning great scandall, in a much as it is not expressly contained in Scrip∣tures, they decreed that it should be quit abolished, and that for the future no mention should be made of the Substance of God, because the Holy Scriptures have never mention'd the Substance of the Father and the Son. But we say that the Son is in all things like to the Father, as the Holy Scriptures doe say and teach.

8. The same Father adds, that when these Arian Bishops, of which Valens and Vrsacius were cheif, saw that they could not im∣pose upon the Western Bishops, they then

said, We came to this Meeting, not because we stand in need of a Faith: For we have a faith sound and orthodox▪* 1.943 but that we might con∣found those who contradict the Truth, and would introduce Novelties into the Church. And there∣upon they seperated themselves from the rest of the Council: which with unanimous suffrages pro∣nounced Valens, Vrsacius, Germinius, Auxen∣tius, Caius and Demophilus to be Hereticks, and excluded from the Communion of the Church.

* 1.9449. Which done, the Council by a common Letter informed the Emperour of all these things: In which Letter there is this me∣morable passage: that whereas the Arian Bishops, to induce the Catholicks to comply with them, used this argument, That Vnity and peace would be restored to the Church, in case they would relinquish that one word, Substance: the Catholick Bishops there wrote, It is not, as Vrsacius and Valens affirm, that peace will ••ollow by the Subversion of things which are just and true. For how can those men behave themselves peaceably, who quite take away peace? On the contrary more contentions and disturbances will spring up both in other Cit∣ties, and particularly at Rome. And in conclu∣sion they begg'd leave of the Emperour that the Council might be dissolved, considering the poverty, age and infirmity of many of the Bishops in it.

10. Constantius perceiving how unsuc∣cess'full his Design was of introducing his Arian Misbeleif into the Western Churches, broke forth into open tyranny: some of the Catholick Bishops he caused to be shut up in prison, others he afflicted with famin and all manner of opprobrious usage, not suffring any to depart, till he had compell'd them to subscribe to a Form of Belief, wherin though nothing Hereticall was express'd, yet the true Faith was at least dissembled, and consequently the Arian faction pre∣vail'd in power through the whole Empire.

* 1.945VI. CHAP.

1. Iulian made Caesar.

2.3. Lupicinus Governour of Brittany re∣call'd Gumoharius succeeds him.

4 The Scotts invade Brittany: Now first named.

1. COnstantius to disburden himself of some part of the cares of the Empire did in the year of Christ three hundred fifty one create Gallus the Son of his Vncle An∣nilalianus Caesar, & gave him to wife his sister Constantina, sending him into the Eastern parts to govern there: But three years after, for his cruelty and other enormous crimes he cau∣sed him to be emprison'd, and his head to be cut off. And the year following he assum'd into the same dignity of Caesar and Successour in the Empire Iulian younger Brother to Gal∣lus,* 1.946 afterward called the Apostat, whom he sent with an army into Gaule, to represse the irruptions of the Franks and other German Nations.

2. In the fourth year of his Government troubles arising in Brittany,* 1.947 he sent over Lupicinus to compose them. These troubles were caused by the excursions of the barba∣rous Nations,* 1.948 the Picts and Scotts, saith Mar∣cellinus, which wasted with all cruelty the Northern Provinces bordring on them. Lupi∣cinus therfore strengthning his Army with auxiliary companies of the Heruli, Batavians and Maesians, in the midst of Winter took shipping at Bulloign (Bononia) in Gaule, and landed at Richborow (Rutupiae) a Sea-town on the other side: from whence he mar∣ched to London, there intending to advise how to proceed.

3. But he was not permitted to perform any considerable exploit against the ene∣mies, by reason that Iulian proclam'd Em∣perour by his Army was iealous of him, least if he shoud be inform'd of his rebellion against Constantius, he should practise his Army against him. Whereupon stopping all passages from Gaule into Brittany, he recal∣led Lupicinus and in his place sent for Gene∣rall of the Brittish Army, Gumoharius.

4. But neither did he doe any thing wor∣thy of memory, for notwithstanding any opposition of his the Scots, a people which came out of Ireland, rooted themselves so firmly in the Northern parts of this Isle, that dayly encreasing, they in after ages esta∣blish'd a Ki••••dom there to them selves and posterity to this day. Hereto pertains that passage of Giraldus Cambrensis,* 1.949 It must be ob∣serv'd, saith he, that when Nele obtain'd the Monarchy of Ireland, the six sons of Mured King of Vlster passing over in a considerable fleet, pos∣ses'd themselves of the Northern parts of Britta∣ny. Whence a people descending from them, called by a peculiar name, Scotts, doe inhabite that co••••er to these times. Now this Prince called Nele, the Monark of Ireland, raigned in the dayes of the Emperour Constantius, as Bishop Vsher collects from the nameles Au∣thour of the Life of S. Patrick. Which if it be true, then it is probable that the irruption of the Scotts and Picts mention'd by Marcel∣linus, was the same which Giraldus speaks of. And it is very likely that among the six sons of Mured, the eldest was that Reuda of whom S. Beda writes, saying, In processe of time Brittany, after the Brittains and Picts, received a third Nation of Scotts,* 1.950 who seated themselves in the countrey of the Picts. These coming out of Ireland under the command of their Captain Reuda, partly by freindship, and partly by the sword possess'd themselves of those seats, which they hold to this day. And from this their Ca∣ptain Reuda, they are called Dalreudini.

5. This is the first time that mention is

made of the Nation of the Scotts by any ancient Authour: Which argues that in this age they first came into Brittany. Yet, saith Camden,* 1.951 it was a good space of time before they enlarged their Seats beyond the corner of which they first, took possession. But afterwards they invaded the Picts, and in many battells almost wholly consumed them, about the time that the Kingdom of Northumberland, by the incursions of the Danes, and civill contentions was in a manner utterly ruind. And after that time, all the Northern part of Brittany took the name of Scotland.

* 1.952VII. CHAP.

1.2. Brittish Bishops Orthodox: S. Hilaries Epistle to them.

3.4. Of Restitutus Bishop of London.

* 1.9531. THough our ancient Historian Gildas, and after him S. Beda doe relate that Catholik peace and Vnity remained in the Brit∣tish Churches from the time of Diocletians per∣secution till the age in which the Arian impiety raged, wherby it may seem that they began to be infected not long after the Councill of Ariminum: Yet that this infection did not spread much in this Isle in those dayes, appears by a Letter of S. Hilary about the year of Christ three hundred sixty one to the German,* 1.954 Gallick and Brittish Bishops in answer to one sent from them to him during his tedious Exile caused by the Arian Bishop of Arles, Saturninus, who circumvented the Emperour Constantius by false suggestions against this holy Bishop, and induced him to banish him out of Gaule into Phrigia and other Eastern countreys.

2. In which letter he congratulats with this Island for its freedom from the poyson of Arianism,* 1.955 for their refusing to accept an Hereticall Profession sent from the Council of Sirmium, which they moreover coura∣geously condemn'd, notwithstanding all the practises and threatnings of their neighbour Saturninus to intimidate them. Which constancy of theirs was so famous almost all the Empire over, that their example induced some even of the Eastern Bishops to be ashamed of their Heresy. Moreover in the same letter he satisfies their enquiry touching the opposition of the Arians against the Catholick Faith, de∣claring the principall grounds and argu∣ments on which they built their impiety: and testifies his great ioy for that they profess'd their Communion with him though a banish'd man, which they refused to the Arian Bishops of Gaule.

3. Among these Orthodox Brittish Bishops to whom S. Hilary wrote, severall Authours mention the name of the old Bishop Resti∣tutus, Bishop of London, who about forty six years before had been present at the first Council of Arles. Neither is it at all incredi∣ble that he should be alive at this time: Since we find Osius of Corduba who presided in the Council of Nic••a, Sardica, and Sirmium, to have liv'd above a hundred years, though Spain his countrey generally produces not so long-liv'd persons as Brittany. To this Re∣stitutus the Centuriators of Magdeburg from Bale attribute the Writing of Severall Epistles to S. Hilary: and Pitsaeus reckons him among the Illustriou•• Brittish Writers, affirming that he left behind him one Book of Epistles to the same Father.

4. It was about this time that the said Re∣stitutus dyed:* 1.956 whose Successour in the Bishop∣rick of London was Theodowin, renound in History by his name onely, and See.

VIII. CHAP.* 1.957

1.2. Of S. Kebius taught by S. Hilary.

3.4. Made Bishop of Anglesey &c.

5.6. Goes into Ireland: baptizes S. Albeus &c. and returns.

1. ANother illustrious proof of the purity of the Faith of the Brittish Church was S. Kebius,* 1.958 sirnamd Cor••nius, Son of Salomon Duke of Cornwal: who is reported to have undertaken a iourney into Gaule to S. Hilary newly return'd from Exile, to be more perfectly instructed by him in the Ca∣tholick Faith: Which iourney Pitseus says was occasion'd by the unhappy springing upp of the Arian Heresy in Brittany.

2. Capgrave in the Life of S. Kebius says, that he abode severall years with S. Hilary,* 1.959 improving himself in learning and Sanctity: whereto God gave testimony by conferring on him the Grace of Miracles, so that he gave sight to the blind, cleansed the Leprous, and healed those who were dumb, sick of the palsey and possess'd with Devills.

3. The same Authour, together with our other Historians Leland, Pitsaeus, Spelman &c. affirm that after some years the Holy man was admonish'd by an Angell to return into his own countrey whereupon being cōsecrated a Bishop by S. Hilary, he placed his See in the Isle of Anglesey (or Mona:) and by his holy example and sound Doctrin instructed the Venedotae and Monudes, northern people of Wales. It is said likewise that being arriv'd in Brittany, he was requested to come and undertake the Principality of Cornwall: but utterly refused to accept any worldly au∣thority or power.

4. After these things, saith Capgrave, Kebius with ten of his Disciples,* 1.960 who were Monks, descen∣ded into the meadow of King Ethelic, pitching his

tent there. Whereupon the King sent to enquire who they were that durst presume to enter into his meadow. The Messenger returning told him that they were Monks. Wherupon the King presently arose with all his family, intending to cast those Monks out of his countrey: but in the way he fell from his horse which dyed, and the King with all his followers were struck with blindnes. Then did the King prostrate himself on his face before S. Kebius, devoting himself entirely to God and his servant Kebius: and immediatly by the holy mans prayer they were all healed. After this the King gave to the man of God two Churches: who having given the King his benediction retired to Menevia (afterward calld S. Davids:) from whence he sailed over into Ireland, where having built a Church in a certain Island, he remained there four years.

* 1.9615. Very probable it is that this S. Kebius was the fame Brittish Preist who baptis'd the Irish S. Albeus: For in the Life of that Saint recorded by Bishop Vsher we read this passage; Lachanus gave the Holy Child to certain Brit∣tains, who brought him upp with great cure, giving him the Name of Albeus, because he was found alive under a rock, and the Grace of God was with him. After these things there came thither a certain Brittish Preist, sent by the See Apostolick into Ireland, many years before S. Patrick, to sow the Faith of Christ there. But the Irishmen being Pagans, would not receive him, nor beleive his Doctrin, except a very few. He came then to the Inhabitants of Mun∣ster, where he found the Holy child Albeus praying in the open aire with his eyes rais'd up to heaven, that the true Faith might be reveal'd to him, and saying, My desire is to know the Creatour of all things, and to beleive in him who made heaven and earth and all creatures in them: For I know that the Elements were not made without a skillfull Workman, neither could any man produce these things. When the holy child had thus prayd, the said Preist who over∣heard him, saluted him and according to his hearts desire instructed him in all things: which having done he baptis'd him, continuing the same name of Albeus to him.

6. Besides S. Albeus, the Ecclesiasticall Mo∣numents of Ireland record severall other per∣sons converted and baptis'd by the same Holy Brittish Preist, as Meclarus and Kiaxanus, persons eminent in Sanctity, and illustrious for the number of their Disciples: All which moreover were exalted to Episcopall dignity before S. Patricks arrivall there. Which they esteeme no disparagement to his Apostleship, which began in the year four hundred and thirty.

7. After some years abode in Ireland, the Holy Bishop Kebius returned to his See in Anglesey, where he dyed in the year of Grace three hundred and seaventy. The place of his buriall seems to have been among the Ordovices, in Denbighshire. For in the Story of S. Winefred written by Robert Abbot of Shrewsbury we read that the Holy Virgin was buried neer to the Sepulchers of Chebaeus and Senanus at a place call'd Gwethern (Witheria∣cum) in the western part of Denbigh-shire. Which S. Chebaus, was no doubt the same with this our S. Kebius, An illustrious Mo∣nument of whose Memory is still remaning in Anglesey, where, saith Camden, the Holy Pro∣montory looking towards Ireland,* 1.962 Vulgarly call'd Holy-head, is by the Natives nam'd Caër-Gubi, from Kebius à Holy man and Disciple of S. Hilary Bishop of Poictiers. Neither is S. Hilary himself forgotten there, his memory being preser∣ved by another Promontory call'd Hilary-point.

IX. CHAP.* 1.963

1.2. &c. Of S. Patrick: the place and time of his Birth: His Parents &c.

1. THE same year in which S. Hylary retun'd into Gaule from banishment (at which time S. Kebius repair'd to him) was illustrious likewise for the Birth of the great Apostle of Ireland S. Patrick.* 1.964 True it is that among our Ecclesiasticall Historians there is great Variety as in the number of the years of his life, so consequently in fixing the year of his Nativity. But the series of his Life and Gests seems to be more exactly com∣puted by William of Malmsbury, Adam of Domerham and Iohn a Monk,* 1.965 who have written his life more accuratly then any, out of the Ancient Records of Glastenbury, and Probus who wrote the same presently after his death. And by their account, ascribing to S. Patricks life one hundred and eleaven years, and fixing his death in the year of our Lord four hundred seaventy two, his birth must fall on this year three hundred sixty one.

2. Now though some Historians, and among the rest Mathew of Westminster, and Baronius likewise, doe affirm that he was born in Ireland, yet the greater number, and those externs also, doe acknowledge him a Brit∣tain: neither is this denyed even by the Irish Writers themselves.

3. But there seems some difficulty in assigning the particular Province in Brittany where he was born▪ Bishop Vsher is of opinion that the place of his Nativity was a Town call'd Kirck-patrick situated between the Castle of Dunbritton and Glasco,* 1.966 where the Romans anciently cast up a rampire to exclu∣de the barbarous Caledonians and Picts. And hereto he adds this observation, At this day (saith he) the ancient limits of the Provinces being chang'd, so as that the Castle of Dunbritton does not now, as formerly, belong to the region of the Brittains, but Scotts: hence probably it has hapned that some have affirm'd S. Patrick to have been a Scott.

4. This conjecture of so learned a Writer, though it confirms our position that S. Pa∣trick was by birth a Brittain, yet mistakes in the particular Province. For it was not in the Northern parts of Brittany that he was born, but in the South-west coast among the Dime∣tae dwelling in the Province call'd Penbrock∣shire, as besides Stanihurst a learned Irish An∣tiquary, it is asserted by our Learned Camden. The words of Stanihurst are these,* 1.967 In the year of our Redemption three hundred sixty one a certain honourable and vertuous person call'd Calphurnius, or Calphurinus had by his equally vertuous wife, whose name was Conchessa, a Son, who at his Baptism was call'd Suchar or Socher; which name afterward was by S. German Bishop changed into Magonius: and in conclusion by Pope Celestin he was named Patrick. Now Patrick was born in a territory of Brittany lying by the Sea, which anciently was named Triburnia, or Ei∣burnia. This is a place of the Dimetae in Penbrockshire, called by Ptolomy the Promon∣tory of the Octopitae, and at this day S. Davids or Menevia (Menew.* 1.968) A countrey this is stony and barren (saith Giraldus Cambrensis) neither cloath'd with woods, nor divided with rivers, nor adorn'd with meadows: but ••n all sides ex∣pos'd to winds and tempests. Notwithstanding this rude unfruitfull place,* 1.969 as Camden relates, was the ••etreat and dwelling of persons eminent in sanctity. For Calphurnius a Brittish Preist, as we find in our Ecclesiasticall Records, in a valley of this countrey call'd Rosina had by his Wife Con∣cha the Sister of S. Martin Bishop of Tours a Son call'd Patrick the Apostle of Ireland: And also David a most Religious Bishop removed his Archiepiscopall See from Caer-leon (Isca Legio∣num) in Monmouthshire to Menew, which is the remotest corner of this Region.

5. In these testimonies we find not only the place of S. Patricks birth, but the names of his parents also. All which though with some variety is confirm'd by S. Beda,* 1.970 who writes thus: S. Patrick, who was also called So∣chet, was by Nation a Brittain: Where after great tribulations suffred in his youth, he became an instrument of salvation to his nation and coun∣trey. He was begotten in Brittany by his Father Calphurnius a Deaton, who was the Son of Po∣titus a Preist: and his Mothers name was Con∣cha. The place of his birth was a village call'd Bannava in the Region of Triburnia, not far di∣stant from the Western Sea. Which village we find was unquestionably situated in the Province of Neustria, where anciently Gyants are said to have dwelt. Thus writes S. Beda from Probus the first Describer of S. Patrick Gests.

6. Now wheras Calphurnius the Father of S. Patrick is said by some to have been a Preist, or more truly by S. Beda, a Deacon: we are to understand that according to the Ec∣clesiasticall Laws and custom of that age, his Father after receiving holy Orders profess'd continency, as S. Hilary of Poictiers and S. Re∣stitutus Bishop of London likewise did.

7. And as for S. Patricks Mother, called Conches or Conchessa, she was Sister, or rather, as Bishop Vsher iudges, daughter to the Sister of the famous S. Martin Bishop of Tours,* 1.971 who flourish'd gloriously in this age; and who according to Sulpitius Severus his computa∣tion was at this time in the forty fifth year of his age.* 1.972 He came out of Pannonia (Hun∣gary:) descended from parents, saith the same Authour, according to worldly dignity of no mean degree. Thus much of the Birth, coun∣trey and Parents of this glorious S. Patrick: of whose wonderfull Gests we shall in pro∣secution of this History have frequent occa∣sion to treat.

X. CHAP.* 1.973

1.2.3.4. &c. Iulian succeeds Constantius: Becomes an Apostate and Persecutour.

7. &c. Is slain: to whom Iovian succeeds: and restores Christianity.

10. Iovian dying, Valentinian is chosen Em∣perour.

1. COnstantius in the five and twentieth year after his Father Constantins death, and in the eleaventh after the death of his Brother Constans, dyed of a feaver at Mopsuestia in Cilicia, to whom Iulian for∣merly created Caesar by him, succeeded in the Empire, which he polluted by his infa∣mous Apostacy.

2. He had from his infancy not only been bred in the Profession of Christianity, but was likewise inscrib'd in an inferiour Eccle∣siasticall Degree of Lector: but being of an in∣constant curious disposition, and unfortu∣natly falling into the acquaintance and freindship of certain Pagan Philosophers and Magicians, he was perverted by them: And though during Constantius his life he dissem∣bled his change, yet being possess'd of the Empire he publickly profess'd not only a defection from the Christian Faith, but an implacable hatred of it, and resolution to employ all the power of Earth and Hell to destroy it.

3. The first proof hereof he gave, as S. Gregory Nazianzen witnesses,* 1.974 in taking away that famous Labarum, or Imperiall Ensign of the Crosse, which in Constantins and Constan∣tius his times leading their Armies had gi∣ven them assured victories: in place whereof he restor'd the Images of the Heathen Gods and Devills, together with the representa∣tions of Eagles, Dragons, Wolves, Minotaurs, &c. which the soldiers were commanded to adore.

4. Moreover,* 1.975 saith Suidas, he endeavou∣red to abolish all other monuments of the Holy Crosse: insomuch as he caused to be

digg'd out of the-Earth a representation of the Citty of Constantinople on the top wherof Constantin had caused the Crosse to be fixed,* 1.976 to denote the felicity of that New Citty. And his custome was both in words and Writing to object to Christians, by way of ignominy, their Veneration of the Holy Crosse. For this speech of his is quoted by S. Cyrill of Ale∣xandria, O wretched Christians,* 1.977 said he, you have left off to adore and worship those sheilds (Ancilia) which the great God Iupiter Father of Mars lett fall from heaven, to be a reall, not verball pledge of his perpetuall protection to our Citty, and which are still kepd in it: Instead of which you adore the wood of the Crosse, painting images of it on your foreheads and before your dores. Thus Iulian censures the Rite of the Ancient Church, and of all the faithfull in his time, who on all occasions express'd their Veneration of that blessed sign and instru∣ment of our Redemption.

5. With the same malignity he sought to abolish all other Sacred images and Statues erected in severall places to preserve the memory of past Divine benefits, as likewise the Relicks of former Saints and Martyrs.

Thus Sozomen relates how he caused to be thrown down the miraculous Statue of our Saviour,* 1.978 which the devout woman, who had been curd by him of an issue of blood, had rais'd at Caesaréa Philippi: in the place wherof the impious Apostat erected his own. But immediatly fire from heaven divided his Satue in the mid'st, throwing to the ground the upper half, which re∣main'd till the Historians days all black, as things strook with lightning use to be.

* 1.9795. The same Authour likewise recounts how the same Impious Emperour consulting a certain Oracle at Daphne neer Antioch, and the Devill which used to speak in it remai∣ning mute, only being able to signify that the Body of the holy Martyr Babylas hindred his speech: Iulian caused the Sacred body to be removed from thence into the Citty: which the Christians perform'd with great solemnity, singing Psalms all the way, spe∣cially those wherin Idolatry is derided, to the infinit indignation of the Emperour, who thereupon caused many of them to be tortu∣red, but by the intercession of the Holy Martyr their torments were miraculously converted into pleasure.* 1.980 The same Story is confirm'd likewise by S. Chrysostom.

7. But a war against the Persians interrupted his rage against Christians,* 1.981 who at his first setting forth threatned that when that Expe∣dition was finish'd, he would destroy all who profess'd the name of Christi: A threatning very acceptable to the Pagans, but greivous to the afflicted Christians. Whilst he was busy in the prosecution of this war, Li∣banius a Heathen Sophister, in derision of Christ ask'd a certain Christian, What the Car∣penters Son was then doing? Who answerd, He is preparing a Coffin for Iulian. And the event made these words propheticall,* 1.982 for the wicked Emperour receiv'd from an unknown hand a wound mortall to him self,* 1.983 but healthfull to all the world beside.

8. In his place the Army chose Iovian Em∣perour,* 1.984 though he refus'd that honour, pro∣fessing that being a Christian he neither would nor could govern an Army poysond with heathenish Idolatry. Whereupon all the soldiers cryed out that they also were Chri∣stians: those who were ancient among them having been train'd up in the piety of Con∣stantin, and the younger imbued with the precepts of Constantius. So that the two years raign of Iulian could not extirpate the good seeds sown in their hearts.

9. Iovian thus chosen, restored the Christian Faith,* 1.985 reducing the Church to its former splendour. He also publish'd a Law by which in all Citties a certain proportion of Wheat was contributed to Sacred Virgins by vow consecrated to God:* 1.986 And another which inflicted death on any who should ravish, or but attempt their Chastity. He likewise ordain'd that all Catholick Bishops who had been formerly banish'd should re∣turn to their Sees. There is extant an Epistle of S. Athanasius in answer to one from the Emperour, who had desir'd to be inform'd by him who among the divided Sects of Chri∣stians, retain'd the Orthodox Faith. Which Epistle challenges a mention in this History, because among the severall Nations con∣stantly persevering in the Faith of our Saviours Divinity, establish'd in the Councill of Nicéa, he expressly names Brittany. Whence appears that hitherto the Brittish Churches were pure in their Faith, however some par∣ticular persons there might have been infe∣cted.

10. This pious Emperour lived but one year:* 1.987 to whom succeeded Valentinian a Prince equally Orthodox: But who unhappily made partner in his Empire his Brother Valens, infe∣cted with the Arian Heresy, and impiously zealous in the promoting of it.

XI. CHAP.* 1.988

1.2.3. Picts, Scotts and Attacotti infest the Brittains. Who these last were.

4.5. &c. Theodosius Governour of Brittany: His Victories there.

8. Brittany divided into five Provinces.

9. Theodosius recall'd.

1. IN Brittany during Iulians raign the Pre∣fect was Alipius, the Successour of Gumo∣harius. Where quietnes continuing, the Picts and Scotts securely multiplied, both in num∣bers and strength: Of which presently after they showd terrible proofs. For as Marcelli∣nus relates,* 1.989 in the first year of Valentinians raign the barbarous Nations on all sides of the Ro∣man Empire, as if universally excited by a trum∣pet,

broke their limits, & made furious incursions into the Roman Provinces. The Alamanni wasted Gaule and Rhetia: The Sarmatians and Quadi made irruptions into Pannonia, and the Picts, Saxons, Scotts and Attacotti vexed the Brittains with incessant calamities.

2. By which appears that the Enemies of Brit∣tany were multiplied. For to the Picts & Scotts, here is an addition of the Saxons and the At∣tacotti, never mention'd before in Story with relation to Brittany. As for the Saxons a Germā Nation who now first made thēselves known by their cruelty to the Brittains, within a few years they will be too well known, not by their piracies on the Seacoasts, as at this time; but by an invasion of the whole Island, so successfull to them, that they gott almost an entire possession of it, leaving only a bar∣ren mountainous corner to the fearfull Brittains.

3. But who were the Attacotti S. Hierom will tell us.* 1.990 What shall I say of the immanity of other Nations? I my selfe in my youth saw in Gaule the Attacotti, a Brittish Nation who nourish'd themselves with human flesh: These men in the forrests meeting with heards of beeves sheep and swine, neglected them, and cutt off the hanches of the Pastours, & breasts of the woemen, and fed upon them, accounting these to be their principall delicacies. It seems therefore that these Attacotti were a Savage people in the Northern mountains of Scottland, living without all Law or Government, who like∣wise had promiscuous wives,* 1.991 ad common chil∣dren. This rude multitude were invited by the Picts & Scotts ioyn with them in the invasion of the Civill Brittains.

* 1.9924. Vpon this occasion the Emperour Valenti∣nian leaving his Brother Valens to govern the East, made an expedition into Gaule, where he compos'd the troubles rais'd by the Ala∣manni:* 1.993 This being done as he was in a hasty march from the Province of the Ambiani (or Amiens) toward Triers, he was stopp'd by an astoni∣shing message out of Brittany, which infor∣med him how by a conspiracy of severall barba∣rous Nations the Brittains were reduc'd to the utmost extremity: How Nectaridius Admirall (Comes) of the Sea coasts had been slain by the Enemies, and Bulchobaudes the General circum∣vented by their ambushes. Vpon which horrible reports the Emperour dispatch'd into Brittany Se∣verus one of his cheif Officers, to remedy those dis∣orders. But shortly after recalling him, he sent Iovinus thither, making a suddain provision of ammunition and store, & preparing strong armies to assist him, according to the instant urgent ne∣cessities. In conclusion fresher and more horrible rumours encreasing, he made choice of Theodosius to goe General thither, a man famous for many martiall exploits happily atchiev'd: who being attended with courageous Legions and cohorts, made up of lusty youth, prosecuted the expedition with a noble confidence.

5. At the same time the Franks and Saxons had infested the coasts both of Gaule and Britta∣ny: and into this latter they had made an im∣pression as far as London,* 1.994 where they drove all the countrey about. To remedy which inju∣ries the vigilant Generall Theodosius took ship∣ping at Boloyn in Gaule,* 1.995 and passing the Sea landed at Rutupiae (Richborough in Kent neer Sandwich.) Which is a secure Station for ships. Whither as Soon as his Cohorts call'd Herculij, Iovij, Victores, Fidentes, &c. aborded, he mar∣ched from thence streight to London, an ancient town, afterward call'd Augusta: and dividing his Army into severall squadrons, he set on the stragling Enemies loaden with spoiles: and dispersing them he quickly rescued the prisoners, together with the cattle and other prey: Which he restor'd to the miserable natives, excepting a small part bestow'd on his weary Soldiers: And so entred into the Citty in triumph, ioyfully received by the people lately plunged in extreme misery, and in a moment recovered by his va∣lour. There he made some stay, with an inten∣tion to attempt greater matters, yet without putting the army to hazard. For by captives and spies he was inform'd that the sudden excur∣sions of so many feirce nations could no other way be repress'd, but by subtilty. Hereupon to divide them he publish'd Edicts promising im∣punity to all who would submitt. And those which came in he dispers'd into other quarters severally, allowing them provisions: Which gave an invitation to many more to submitt likewise. After this he desir'd the Emperour to send over to him as his Deputy Governour in Brittany Civilis, a man of a more then ordinarily sharp iudgment in such affairs, and withall of great integrity: At likewise for his Lievtenant in martiall affaires, Dulcitius, very skillfull therin. And thus pass'd the affaires in Brittany that year.

6. Two years after he march'd with his army from London northward,* 1.996 where he putt to flight severall Nations, which for∣merly had the insolence to invade the Ro∣man provinces. Thus he restor'd to their former security and plenty many Citties and castles, which had been vex'd with many calamities. But whilst he was busy in these matters, he had like to have been circum∣vented by the treason of one Valentinus a Pannonian, who for some great crimes had been banish'd into Brittany. For this man being of an ambitious turbulent Spirit, had solicited many of the Soldiers to conspire with him against Theodosius: But the design being discovered, he contented himself with the execution of Valentinus and a few of his nearest associats: for he would not by tortures search further into the conspiracy, least by dispersing a fear among his soldiers, he should incite them to pursue the like attempts.

7. Having escap'd this danger he successfully prosecuted the warr, putting strong garrisons into Citties and limitany castles, and in a short time recover'd the Province from the Enemies, in which he placed a Governour.

7. So that now that part of Brittany which

was vnder the Romans dominion was divi∣ded into five Provinces.* 1.997 The first call'd Bri∣tannia prima contain'd all the southern parts between the Sea and the Rivers of Thames and Severn. The second call'd Britannia Se∣cunda comprehended the Silures, Dimetae and Ordovices, that is, all Wales. The third call'd Flavia Caesariensis (probably from this Theodosius his Son afterward Emperour of the Flavian family) embraced all the Re∣gions between Thames and Humber. The fourth call'd Maxima Caesariensis reach'd from Humber to the River Tine. And lastly Theo∣dosius having expell'd the Picts and Scotts out of all the Province beyond Tine as far as between Dunbritton and Edinborough, call'd this fifth Province Valentia: In which was the wintring camp of a Roman Legion, to represse the incursions of the Scotts.

* 1.9989. Theodosius having thus happily settled Brittany, was two years after call'd by the Emperour to Court, where he was made Ge∣nerall of the Horse in Iovinus his place, & by the Senat honour'd with a Statue of brasse. But the most illustrious effect of his martiall exploits was the recommending of his Son by the brightnes of them to the Empire.

* 1.999XII. CHAP.

1.2. &c. Of S. Ninianus Birth and education▪

3. Of S. Moyses Apostle of the Saracens: said to have been a Brittain.

* 1.10001. THE year after Theodosius his depar∣ture out of Brittany, our Ecclesiasti∣call Monuments commemorate S. Ninianus (call'd by S. Beda, S. Ninias) his iourney to Rome, to be there instructed in the true Ortho∣dox Faith, which he afterward with great efficacy communicated to his own coun∣trey. So that it is probable he attended Theo∣dosius in that voyage.

* 1.10012. Concerning whose birth we read thus in his life. He was born in great Brittany, of a Princely Stock▪ in that Region where the Western Ocean as it were stretching forth its arm, and on each side making two angles, divides the Provin∣ces of the Scots and English, as at this day they are separated. Which countrey even to the times of the Saxons enjoy'd their own King, as we are assured not only from the credit of History, but even the memory of some yet alive. His Father was Prince of that countrey (Cumberland,) by Religion a Christian, and truly happy in the bles∣sing of such a Son. Whilst Ninian was yet a child he shew'd great devotion to Churches, and won∣derfull love to his associats. He was sober in his diet, sparing of his tongue, diligent in reading, grave in conversation, averse from lightnes, and always carefull to subject the flesh to the spirit.

3. At last by a forcible instinct of Gods holy spirit the Noble youth undertook a pilgrimage, despising wordly riches and carnall affections. Therfore passing over Sea into Gaule, and taking his way through the Alpes he entred Italy, and with a prosperous iourney came to Rome. Where being arrived, he went to the Cheif Bishop (Pope Damasus,) to whom he declared the cause of his iourney. Whereupon the Holy Bishop commending his devotion, receiv'd him with the tendernes of a Father, and appointed him Teachers to instruct him in the Disciplines of Truth and Orthodox Faith, as likewise in the wholesome sence of Scriptures.

4. By this relation it appears that S. Ninian was of the Nation of the Southern Picts. And whereas he is call'd Son of a King: that Title in the liberal stile of our ancient Le∣gendaries signifies no more then a person of Power and riches in his countrey. Though as Bishop Vsher observes,* 1.1002 in the ancient En∣glish Annalls there is frequent mention of the Kingdom of the Cumbri (Cumberland) whereto the Southern Picts belong. The Au∣thour of his life thus proceeds.

5. Young Ninianus therfore with wonderfull avidity studying Gods word,* 1.1003 like a diligent Bee composed for his own use as from many flowers out of severall Sentences of holy Doctours, honey-combs of spirituall wisedom: which being layd upp in the hive of his bosome: he preserv'd them for his own interiour refection, in due time likewise to be poured forth for the consolation of many others Thus being chast in body, prudent in mind, provi∣dent in counsels, circumspect both in actions and words, he was commended by all, and every day more favour'd by the supreme Bishop.

6. Now it is no wonder that this holy Young man should make choice of Rome for education, considering what speciall care the Emperour Valentinian took for the pro∣moting of learning there, and the priviled∣ges cōfer'd by him on strangers which came thither to perfect themselves in Studies of literature,* 1.1004 as appears by his Law still extant in the Theodosian Code. And Pope Damasus like∣wise being himself learned, was a great fa∣vourer therof.

7. Now how S. Ninianus after little more then twenty years was consecrated Bishop by S. Siri∣cius Successour to Pope Damasus, & sent back into his own countrey to preach the Gospell to the Picts, shall be shew'd in due place.

8. There are not wanting besides our own, some forraign Authours also, who affirm that the famous Bishop Moyses, the Apostle of the Saracens was born in Brittany: by name Notgerus Bishop of Liege, & Henry Fitz-Simon a learned Irish Iesuit. Certain it is that he was in a speciall manner commemorated, & his Festivall observ'd in the Brittish Martyrologe compos'd by S. Beda, where we read these words:* 1.1005 In Brittany in the Citty Augusta (London) is on the seaventh of February celebrated the me∣mory of S. Augulus Bishop and Martyr. Likewise of the Venerable Bishop S. Moyses: Who first of all leading a solitary life in the desart, be∣came famous for many miracles. He was after∣ward by his illustrious merits, vertues and glorious miracles made Bishop of the Sara∣cens, at the request of Mauvia their Queen. He

preserv'd the Communion of the Catholick Faith without blemish:* 1.1006 and after he had converted to the Faith of Christ the greatest part of that Nation, he rested in peace. A larger narration of his Gests may be read in Theodoret,* 1.1007 Socrates and Ruffinus: which are omitted by reason of the uncertainty whether they pertain to our present History.

* 1.1008XIII. CHAP.

1. Fraomarius a Tribune in Brittany.

2. Gratianus succeeds Valentinian.

* 1.10091. VAlentinian the year before his death sent over into Brittany a certain German King of the Bucinonantes call'd Frao∣marius, to exercise the Office of Tribune over the Alemanni, a powerfull sqadron of the Brittish army. And the reason was because the little territory (pagus) of which he was King, lying neer to Mogun∣tiacum (Mentz) had been wasted and im∣poverish'd by occasion of his Predecessour Macrianu•• his rebellion, saith Marcellinus. Where we may observe how in those times the Title of King was attributed to such as govern'd a very small Territory. So that our Legendaries are not much to be blam'd, when they so frequently bestow that Title on petty Princes.* 1.1010

2. To Valentinian succeeded his Son Gra∣tianus, who nine years before had been na∣med Augustus, or Emperour by his Father. And six dayes after, his younger Brother Valentinian also was saluted Emperour by the Soldiers, which election Gratianus meekly approv'd.

* 1.1011XIV. CHAP.

1.2. &c. S. Patrick in his childhood made a Captive. His wonderfull piety, &c.

5. He is freed.

* 1.10121. THE Picts, Scots and other Enemies of the Brittains, though they had been repress'd by Theodosius the Emperour Va∣lentinians Generall, yet were not so enfee∣bled but that they made frequent incursion•• into the Roman Provinces there: And parti∣cularly in one of them they led captive with them the child of Calphurnius, Socher, call'd afterward Patrick,* 1.1013 in the sixteenth year of his age, whom they sold to a Noble man in the Northern parts of Ireland, call'd by Florilegus, Nulcu, by Capgrave Miluch, or rather as Malmsburiensis reads the name, Milchu, who employ'd the holy youth in keeping his swine.

* 1.10142. Iocelinus the most exact writer of his life thus relates the matter: Inasmuch, saith he, as according to Scripture, gold is tryed in the furnace, and a just man by tribulation: S. Patrick that he might be better fitted to receive a crown of glory, was first exercis'd with tentations. For the illustrious child entring into his sixteenth year was snatch'd away captive by Pirats which wasted that countrey, and was caried by thē into Ireland. There he was sold a slave to a certain Pagan Prince called Milcho whose territory lay in the Northern parts. And herein his condition was parallell to that of the Holy Patriark Ioseph, who at the same age was sold into Egypt. And as Ioseph after his humiliation was exalted to the Government of all Egypt; so likewise did S. Patrick after his capti∣vity obtain a spirituall principality over Ireland. Again as Ioseph by his providence nourish'd the Egyptians with corn during a long famine; so S. Patrick in processe of time fed the Irishmen ready to perish by their Idolatry, with the saving nou∣rishment of Christian Faith. So that on both of them affliction was brought for the advancement of their soules in piety: for affliction had the same effect on them that the flaile has on corn, the fur∣nace on Gold, the file on iron, the wine-presse on grapes, and the Olive-presse on Olives. Now Saint Patrick by the command of the foresaid Prince was deputed to the keeping his hoggs.

3. Six whole years the devout youth spent in this slavery: during which time what wonderfull miracles God wrought by him, are at large recited by the same Authour, as likewise by Capgrave, Bishop ••sher, &c. to whom I refer the curious reader for as much as a particular account of all the Gests or Saints would swell enormously our present History. And in selecting their principall actions, it seems more proffitable to recount their ver∣tues, which may and ought to be imitated by all, then their Miracles, which exceed the power of nature, and some times of beleif.

4. S. Patricks employmens therefore with∣drawing him from the conversation of men, afforded him space enough to attend to God, Insomuch as Iocelinus testifieth that a hundred times a day,* 1.1015 and as oft in the night he address'd his prayers to God. And to Prayer he added Fasting for the mortification of his Sences: So that with these two Wings he mounted to such perfection, as he enjoy'd a frequent conversation with Angells. And particularly in Capgrave we read how an Angel calle•• Victor frequently visited him,* 1.1016 and said to him, Thou doest very well to fast: Ere long tho•• shalt return to thy countrey. Now the Reader needs not wonder at the unusuall Name of this Angel:* 1.1017 For as S. Gregory observes, Angels are therfore design'd by particular names, that they may signify their speciall vertues and opera∣tions. Therfore S. Patrick who was to conquer first his own tribulations, and afterward the power of the Devill in that Idolatrous Nation, was properly visited by an Angel named Victor, or Conquerour.

5. The Piety, devotion, Fasting, patience in la∣bours & other heavenly vertues of this holy young man at last moved the divine Goodnes miraculously to free him, as he had the Israëlites, out of his captivity: For as Malmsbu∣riensis

relates,* 1.1018 after six years slavery S. Patrick by the admonition of an Angel found under a cer∣tain ••urf a Summe of Gold,* 1.1019 which he gave to his Lord, and so was deliver'd from captivity, and returned to his parents and countrey, which he gloriously illustrated with the admirable sanctity of his life. The prosecution of his Gests we remit to the following age.

* 1.1020XV. CHAP.

1 Valens the Emp. burnt.

2 Theodosius made partner of the Empire.

3 4. &c. Maximus Governour of Brittany: Caries all the forces out: whence came the Destruction of the Island.

10. Mistake of those who place the Mar∣tyrdom of S. Vrsula, &c. here.

* 1.10211. ABout this time the Arian Emperour Valens suffred a severe but just pu∣nishment for his persecution of the Profes∣sours of the Orthodox Faith. For the Gothes together with the Hunns and Alans, feirce northern Nations entring in a hostile māner into Thrace, put the Eastern Empire in great danger. wherupon Valens sent to Gratian for assistance: Which he with great care prepa∣red: whose army, saith S. Ambrose, was conducted not by profane military Eagles, but the name and worship of the true God, meaning the Holy Crosse the principall Ensign of his forces. But Valens not expecting his coming, and out of envy least he should partake the glory of the Victory which he foolishly promis'd himselfe, would needs hazard battle alone with the Barbarians: by whom his army was discomfited, and himself being wounded with a dart among the mul∣titude, with many of his cheif Officers flying into a certain house, the rude enemies not willing to loose time in forcing an entrance, set it on fire, with which the Emperour and all his company were consumed.

2. In his place the Emperours Gratian and Valentinian,* 1.1022 unwilling to leave the West, assumed Theodosius (a worthy son of that Fa∣mous Theodosius who had settled Brittany and repress'd its Enemies) into a part of the Em∣pire, committing to him the care of defen∣ding the Eastern Regions against the insulting Goths.

3. At this time, and probably upon this occasion of the Election of Theodosius, one mans envy brought irreparable misery upon Brittany. That was Flavius Clemens Maximus Governour of the Island.* 1.1023 Sigebertus says he was descended of the Imperiall family of Constan∣tin, upon which Title he challenged part in the Empire. And that making himself King of Brit∣tany, he then began to exercise Tyranny against the Roman Empire. And indeed that he was so descended his name Flavius may probably argue.

4. Zosimus affirms that he was a Spaniard. But other ancient Authours Greeks too,* 1.1024 po∣sitively say he was a Brittain, born in Britta∣ny. Whereto no doubt Ausonius had re∣gard, when in hatred to Maximus who slew the Emperour Gratian his schollar,* 1.1025 he calls him (Rhu••upinum Latronem) the Rutupian pyrat or robber. And our Gildas names him a sprigg of the Brittish plantation.

5. From what stock or countrey soever he came, he was a Prince of admirable valour and conduit: which gave occasion to the ancient Brittains to forge a Roman•• of his story:* 1.1026 From whom our Mathew of Westminster relates, how there was a certain King of the Brittains call'd Octavius who dying left behind him an onely daughter. Which caused great dissen∣sions among the Nobles, who could not agree on the person to whom they should give the Princesse with the Kingdom in mariage. At last they thought fit to send Embassadours to Rome to in∣vite a Senatour call'd Maximian (so they nam'd Maximus) to espouse the Lady. For this Maximians Father was a Brittain, the Son of Leolinus Vnckle of Constantin: but his Mother was a Roman. Maximian having been acquain∣ted with the cause of their journey, consented to their proposall, the rather because he was disfa∣voured by the Emperours Gratianus and Valen∣tinian. He therfore undertook a journey into Brit∣tany, and in the way overthrew the Citties of the Franks, where he heap'd a vast treasure of Gold and Silver. But as soon as he was landed in the haven of Hamon, there met him Conanus a Brittish Prince with all the youth of the King∣dome, with an intention to combat him, for he was earnestly ambitious of the Crown. But the Brittains generally favouring Maximian, Cona∣nus was expell'd, and the Princesse maried to Maximian. But Conanus conceiving great indi∣gnation, fled into Scotland, where he gathered another army. And then with all his forces pas∣sing over the Trent, he began to wast the Pro∣vinces. But Maximian coming upon him, over∣came him again in a battle: Yet at last by the mediation of freinds an agreement was made between them.

6. But the more sober authentick Writers of these times take no notice of Octavius or any other King of the Brittains: and it is without question certain that Maximus was at this time Governour of the Island under the Emperour.* 1.1027 And even the Scotch Historians acknowledge that he fought successfully against the Scotts, slew their King Eugenius and expell'd the whole Nation out of the Island: That their Kings Brother Ethach, with his Son Erth and many others retir'd into Ireland: Some went into Norway: and a few lurk'd in the small Islands neer Brittany. They adde that the I••ish also were not exempted from Maximus his power: but were compell'd humbly to begg for a peace,* 1.1028 which was hardly granted them,

and with this expostulation,* 1.1029 That they had sent auxiliary forces to the Enemies of the Ro∣mans and their confederats: an injury the lesse pardonable, because Ireland alone of all other Kingdoms had never been attempted by Roman armies.

* 1.10307. The same Maximus likewise subdued entirely the nation of the Picts: by which victories having receiv'd great glory: and being vexed at the promotion of the younger Theo∣dosius to the Empire, under whose Father Maxi∣mus had been a Soldier in Brittany, as Zosimus re∣lates, whereas himself had not by the Emperour been promoted to any great honour, he began to incense the Soldiers against the Emperour: and in fine had the confidence not to refuse the Imperiall Purple offred him by his soldiers. Concerning whom Orosius thus writes:* 1.1031 Maximus was a courageous and just Prince, and worthy to have been Emperour, if he had not against his Oath and fidelity attain'd that Title. He was almost against his Will procla∣med Emperour by his army in Brittany: from whence he pass'd over into Gaule.

4. The passage of Maximus out of Brittany into Gaule was the principall,* 1.1032 if not only cause of the destruction of this Island: be∣cause to strengthen himself against the Em∣perours, he transported out of Brittany all the forces of the kingdom, and not only the Roma narmy which guarded it, but the flower also of the Brittish youth, which never return'd again. This calamity our Historian Gildas thus bewayles,* 1.1033 From that time Brittany being despoyld of all military forces, Governour however cruell yet necessary, and a vast multitude of its youth, which accompanied the Tyrant in that unhappy expedition and never saw their countrey again: the Island it selfe being utterly unacquainted with martiall affairs, was expo••'d to be trodden underfoot by those fierce Northern transmarin Nations, the Scotts and the Picts, which misery she suffred and bewayld many years.

9. Maximus being attended with so great a force quickly subdued Gaule and Spain likewise: and by a treasonable stratagem flew the Emperour Gratian at Lyons in Gaule. Which having done, his next design was to march into Italy against the Emperour Valentinian.

10. Many learn'd Historians refer to this time the Erection of the Kingdom of Ar∣morica, or Little Brittany in Gaule, suppos'd to have been possess'd by Maximus his Brit∣tish soldiers. And consequently they place here likewise the Story of the Martyrdom of S. Vrsula and the eleaven thousand Virgins her companions, sent out of Brittany to be married to these New conquerours of Ar∣morica. But besides the improbability that Maximus would deprive himself of so great forces, necessary to the prosecution of his vast designs, we shall hereafter demonstrate that these two Stories belong to a later age: and that the mistake of those Writers which referr them to this time, is grounded on an erroneous confusion of the names of Va∣lentinian the Emperour and Maximus the Ge∣nerall: For it was in the dayes of Valentinian the third, and by the conduct of another Maximus that the foresaid New Brittish King∣dom was erected in Gaule, and then it was that the Martyrdom of those Virgins hapned.

XVI. CHAP.* 1.1034

1.2.3. &c. Of the Heresy of Priscillian: examin'd before the Emp. and Priscillian put to death.

5. Brittany infected: how.

1. IT seems that now was the time when Brittany became infected with Heresy, when, as Gildas saith, all manner of beasts fixing their venemous teeth on this poore coun∣trey delighting in novelties and constant to no doctrines, instill'd she deadly poison of every kind of Heresy into it.

2. The occasion hereof was probably from the severe proceedings of Maximus in Gaule against the Arch heretick Priscillian and his companions Instantius and Tiberia∣nus, &c.* 1.1035

This Priscillian had compos'd a New Heresy out of the impure dreggs of the ancient Gnosticks and Manichees: into which as into a sink the filth of severall other Heresies also did flow. With this Heresy he had infected Spain, and endea∣vouring the like in Italy, he was rejected by Pope Damasus at Rome, and by Saint Ambrose at Milan. From thence therefore he descended into Gaule: the Bishops wherof having notice that the infection began to spread, petition'd Maximus to use his authority to prevent so mortall a disease. There were also two Spanish Bishops, Idacius and Ithacius, who with great zeale pursued the Hereticks: These coming to Maximus whose abode was at Triers in Germany, vehemently accused Priscillian and Instantius, charging them with many heynous crimes. Whereupon the Emperour commanded the Prefect of Gaule and Vicar of Spain to cause all who were infected with that Heresy to be brought before a Synod assembled at Bourdeaux There Instantius a Bishop infe∣cted by Priscillian, not being able to say anything in his own defence, was iudged unworthy of his Bishoprick.

3. But Priscillian unwilling to plead his cause before the Bishops, appeald to the Emperour, which was permitted him through the timide inconstancy of the Catholick Bishops Thus all parties involv'd in the cause, were brought to Triers, and were attended by their too zealous accu∣sers Idacius and Ithacius Bishops of Spain. But S. Martin, who then was at Triers

earnestly urged Ithacius to desist from his accusation before a Secular Tribunal:* 1.1036 and humbly requested the Emperour to abstain from shedding the blood of those wretched Hereticks, saying it would be sufficient▪ if by a sentence of Bishops they were expell'd the Churches. This holy Bishop thus, inter∣posing, the hearing of the cause was de∣ferr'd: and being afterward to depart, he gott a promise from Maximus, that their punishment should not extend to blood.

4. But he being gone, the Emperour was drawn from this mild intention by two Bishops, Magnus and Rufus. Wherupon he committed the hearing and iudging of the cause to his Prefect Euodius, a stern severe man. Before whom Priscillian being con∣victed of magick and many filthy doctrins and practises, as praying naked in a meeting of women by night &c. he was by him pronounc'd guilty, imprisond and and for farther punishment reserv'd to the Emperours iudgment. Who appointed that Priscillian and his associats Felicissimus and Armentius Ecclesiasticall persons should loose their heads, their cause having been once more heard by Patricius the Empe∣rours treasurer. The same punishment was also inflicted on Latronianus and Euthro∣cia, Asarinus and Aurelius a Deacon. As for Instantius formerly condemn'd by the Bishops, he was banish'd into the Isle of Silly (Silina) neer Brittany, together with Tiberianus.

5. By this means that impure Heresy being made publick, and the principall Teachers of it brought so neer Brittany, no wonder if Doctrins favouring the vile inclinations of corrupt nature, did quickly insinuate them∣selves into unwary minds, affected withall to Novelties. For the scandalously severe iudgment, hitherto unpractis'd in the Church, against Priscillian and his compa∣nions, was so far from cutting off the Heresy,* 1.1037 that it receiv'd strength from thence: for his followers which before honour'd him as a holy man, afterward began to worship him as a Martyr.

* 1.1038XVII. CHAP.

1.2. &c. Maximus and his wife honour S. Martin.

5.6. Theodosius overcomes Maximus.

1. THE Emperour Maximus, for that Title Theodosius allow'd him after the death of Gratianus,* 1.1039 was zealous in defence of the Catholick Faith. Insomuch as he wrote an efficacious letter in behalf of S. Ambrose Bishop of Milan to the Emperour Valentinian, who instigated by his Mother Iustina an Arian,* 1.1040 persecuted him. In which Letter likewise, saith Theodoret, he denounc'd warre against him in case he would not desist from his iniustice against the holy Bishop.* 1.1041

2.* 1.1042 Sulpitius Severus likewise at large declares what great honour and respect the same Maximus shewd to the Blessed Bishop S. Mar∣tin of Tours; And particularly the Emperours Wife did most officiously reverence him. For having with great earnestnes obtain'd his presence at a privat Feast prepared for him in her own chamber, she would not permitt any servants to attend, but she her self with all humility ministred to him, and with great devotion layd up the fragments, which she valewd above all her Imperiall delicacies

3. Who this Lady was, and from what coun∣trey or family, it does not appear in ancient Story. The same Authour comparing her with the Queen of Saba, and saying that she also came from the ends of the earth to heare the wisedom of another Salo∣mon, argues her very probably to have been a Brittish Lady: though we can scarce allow her to have been the daughter and heyr of an unheard of King of Brittany call'd Octavius.

4. Maximus after this,* 1.1043 not content with so large a portion of the Empire as Gaule, Spain, and Brittany, march'd with his Army into Italy. At whose approach the Emperour Valen∣tinian fled into Illyricum, having now learnt by experience, saith Theodoret, how unhappy he had been in following his Mothers counsels against the Holy Bishop S. Ambrose.

5. There is extant a Letter which Maximus wrote in answer to Pope Siricius, who lately had succeeded S. Damasus: in which he pro∣fesses the Orthodox Faith, which he learnt in Brittany: where likewise he was baptis'd, and immediatly after his baptism was proclam'd Emperour. In the same letter he likewise gives him account of the abominable doctrines and crimes of the Priscillianists, which he calls Manichees, known not by uncertain suspicions, but their own publick confes∣sions in iudgment. Crimes so enormous and obscene, that out of modesty he could not relate them, and therfore sent him a Coppy of the Processe.

6. Now the Emperour Theodosius solicited by Valentiniam,* 1.1044 whose Sister Galla he had ma∣ried, came with an Army into the West. To which warr he prepared himself by earnest prayer and fasting.* 1.1045 And having understood, saith S. Augustin, that in the Desart of Egypt there was a certain Monk, a great servant of God who had the Spirit of prophecy, Theodosius sent to him, and receiv'd a most certain message of Victory.

7. Thus arm'd he readily and quickly ob∣tain'd a Victory against Maximus, who only wanted a good cause. After the discomfiture of his Army, Maximus being taken prisoner was brought before Theodosius, who was in∣clin'd to take pitty of him. At which his soldiers conceiving great indignation, re∣mov'd him from his presence and kill'd him. Our Historian Gildas mentions both

his death, and the place of it, saying, At Aquileia a Citty of Italy that abominable head was cutt off,* 1.1046 Which had almost cast out of the throne the most illustrious heads of the world. And thus was the blood of the innocent Em∣perour Gratian expiated. After his death followd likewise that of his Son Victor, who saith Zosimus, had been made Caesar, or rather Emperour, as Paulus Diaconus, and some ancient coynes declare.

* 1.1047XVIII. CHAP.

1.2. &c. The Relicks of S. Gervasius &c. miraculously discover'd to S. Ambrose. The miracles wrought by them: The Ve∣neration of them attested.

1. IT will not be amisse though it per∣tain not to our History of Brittany, yet because it will afford us a prospect of the iudgment and practise of the ancient Church, to declare the almost visible assistance which Almighty God afforded to his servant S. Am∣brose at the time when the Arian Empresse Iustina used her son Valentinians power to persecute him.* 1.1048 For then it was (to use the words of S. Augustin directed to God in a prayer) that by a vision thou, O God, didst discover to thy Bishop Ambrose the place wherin the Bodies of thy Martyrs Protasius and Gervasius reposed, which thou for so many years hadst pre∣served incorrupt in thy secret treasure, from whence thy intention was to bring them forth for the restraining the rage of a woman, yet no ordi∣nary woman, being an Empresse. For when being discovered and digg'd up, they were translated with due honour to the Ambrosian Church, not only those who were vexed with unclean Spirits, the same Devills confessing, were healed: but a certain Cittizen of Milan who had been blind many years, well known in the town, when he had enquir'd and was inform'd of the occasion of so great a noyse and assembly of the people, he leap'd up, and desir'd one present to guide him to the said Church: Whither being come he obtain'd leave with his hand kercheif to touch the Coffin of those Martyrs whose death was pretious in thy sight. Which having done, and applying it to his eyes, they were immediatly opened, so that he saw clearly. The fame hereof presently was spread abroad, and praises given to thee with great fer∣vour: insomuch as the mind of thy Enemy, the Empresse Iustina, though it was not heald of her Spirituall blindnes, yet it was repress'd from the fury of persecuting the Holy Bishop.

2. The same holy Father repeats the sub∣stance of the same narration in severall other places,* 1.1049 in one wherof he professes himself to have been an eye-witnes of these Miracles, saying, my self was a witnes of the great glory of these Martyrs: for being then at Milan,* 1.1050 I had certain knowledge of the miracles wrought &c. This hapned two years before S. Augustin having been converted and ba∣ptis'd by S. Ambrose, return'd from thence towards his own countrey Africk, and by the way at Ostia lost his Blessed Mother Mo∣nica, concerning whom in his Confessions he thus Writes:* 1.1051 When the day of her dissolution was at hand, she did not busy her thoughts about a Sumptuous buriall &c. but made this her only request, that a commemoration of her should be made at thy Altar, at which every day she had not failed to attend, and from whence she knew that holy Sacrifice and Victime was dispensed, by which the Handwriting which was contrary to u•• was blotted out, by which our Enemy the Devill was triumphed over &c.

3. So authentick a Testimony of the Vene∣ration of the Relicks of holy Martyrs perfor∣med by the ancient Church of God, approv'd by unquestion'd divine Miracles, as likewise of Prayers for the Dead at the most holy Sa∣crifice, needs not be further confirm'd.* 1.1052 There∣fore we will omitt the transcribing a large Narration of the foresaid Miracles compos'd by S. Ambrose himself, and sent in an Epistle to his devout sister, wherin he repeats the mi∣racle of the blind man restor'd to sight, and how very many had been dispossess'd of Devills, and by only touching with their hands the Vestment of the Saints many others were healed of diverse in∣firmities: How many hand kercheifs, saith he, were cast, how many garments sent to be layd on the most holy Relicks, to the end that by touching of them they might receive a medici∣nall vertue?

4. There were notwithstanding in those times some who denyed that those were bodies of Martyrs, that they could torment the Devill, or free any one possess'd by him. But these,* 1.1053 saith S. Ambrose, were the blas∣phemies of Arian Hereticks: refuted by the confessions of the Devills themselves who with loud clamours acknowledg'd their torments: and the great benefitts proceeding from the Martyrs intercession were publickly testified by the blind and other sick people cured of their infirmities. The blind mans name was Severus, by trade a butcher, well known to all the Citty, who was forc'd to give over his profession, assoon as that incommodity of blindnes befell him. This man saies he, calls for witnesses of the miracle all his former customers, by whom he had been maintain'd in his trade: He is desirous those should now testify the recovery of his sight, who formerly had seen that he was blind.

* 1.1054XIX. CHAP.

1. Valentinian the second, Emperour.

2.3. &c. The Heresy of Iovinian against Virginity &c. Condemn'd by Pope Siri∣cius and the H. Fathers.

* 1.10551. AFter Maximus his death Theodosius left Valentinian Emperour of the West, adding to his Government Gaule Brittany and Spain, possess'd by the Tyrant. But before he was entrusted with this great charge,* 1.1056 the pious Emperour Theodosius in∣structed him in the Orthodox Faith, earnestly exhorting him to persevere in it. These In∣structions wanted not a good effect, the rather because his Mother Iustina, the great Patronesse of Artanism; was lately dead.

* 1.10572. The year following broke forth a Heresy, which in our last age taught Luther to renounce his Monasticall Profession, to allow scope to his carnall appetites, and to draw out of her Cloyster a Consecrated Nunne to his incestuous embraces. The Authour of it was Iovinianus formerly a Monk, but weary of his vowd austerities: who this year was publickly declared a Heretick by Pope Siricius. Whereupon most of the learned Fathers of those times earnestly wrote against him, particularly S. Hierom, S. Ambrose and S. Augustin.

* 1.10583. Concerning his speciall Hereticall Do∣ctrines S. Hierosme thus declares them. I will breifly sett down, saith he, our Adversaries opinions, and out of his obscure bookes, as out of dark denns draw out the Serpents, neither will I suffer him to cover his venemous head with the foldings of his spotted body. Let his poysonnous doctrines be brought to light, that so we may see to tread and bruise them under our feet. He affirms that Virgins, Widows and maried women, being once baptiz'd, are of the same merit, in case they differ not in other works. Again he undertakes to prove that those who with a com∣pleat Faith have been regenerated by Baptism, cannot afterward be subverted by the Devill. And in the third place he professes that there is no difference, in regard of merit, between fasting from meats, and the receiving of them with thanksgiving.

* 1.10594. Pope Siricius likewise in his Epistle con∣cerning him to the Church of Milan, gives this character of Iovinian, that he was an imita∣tour of the Devill, being an Enemy of Chastity, a Teacher of luxury, nourish'd with gluttonous crudities, punish'd by abstinence; he hates fasting, telling his Ministers that such things are superfluous &c. In opposition whereto a Sy∣nod assembled by the same Holy Pope ca∣tholickly professes, Wee doe not undervalew or disparage the Vowes of mariage, at which we oftimes are present:* 1.1060 but we attribute greater ho∣nour to the spirituall mariage of Virgins. Calling therfore a Synod, it appeard that Iovinians asser∣tions are contrary to our doctrin, that is, to the Christian Law. Therfore since these men teach contrary to what wee have learnt by Tradition, We the whole Clergy of Rome, with the Preists & Deacons, following the Precept of the Apostle, doe unanimously pronounce this sentente, That Iovinian, Auxentius, Genialis, Germinator, Felix, Frontinus, Martianus, Ianuarius and Ingeniosus who have been found zealous teachers of this New Heresy and blasphemy, be by Divine sentence and our iudgment condemn'd and cast out of the Church. Which sentence our hope is that your Holines will likewise confirm.

5. Conformably hereto the Church of Milan in a Synodicall answer penn'd by S. Ambrose,* 1.1061 after high commendation of the Popes zeale, tells him,

That the said Here∣ticks therfore fled to Milan, that they might find no place in which they should not be condemn'd. All that saw them avoy∣ded them, as if they had been infected with the plague: and that being condemn'd with an universall execration, they were thrust our of the Citty of Milan, like vaga∣bonds.

6. To conclude, S. Augustin reciting the Positions of his Heresy, concludes with these words,* 1.1062 The Holy Church did most fruitfully and most courageously resist this Monster. And in another place, This Heresy, saith he, was quickly extinguished, neither could it ever make such progresse as to seduce any Preists: though some ancient Virgins at Rome being perswaded by lovi∣nian, were reported thereupon to have taken husbands. No sign appears that it ever entred into Brittany in those times, so precious and venerable was Virginity then, so great a Mul∣titude of Seminaries there of Chastity, and such frequency of abstinence and fasting. So that it seems a more powerfull Devill atten∣ded Luther and Calvin, then Iovinian.

XX. CHAP.* 1.1063

1. Valentinian murdred.

2. Eugenius a Tyrant: Slain by Theo∣dosius.

3. A Roman Legion left in Brittany.

1. AFter four years raign, the young Em∣perour Valentinian who with great bloodshed had recovered his Empire,* 1.1064 from which he had been forced to fly into banishment, was slain neer the same Citty of Lyons which had been a witnes of his Brothers murder: and his dead body was dishonour'd with hanging, saith S. Hierom. This was done by the treason of his Count Arbogastes. He had desir'd Baptism from S. Ambrose, but was slain before it could be administred.

* 1.10652. In his place the Tyrant Eugenius invaded the Empire of the West, in shew a Christian, but indeed addicted to Heathenish supersti∣tion. Who was the next year slain by Theodo∣sius,* 1.1066 who, saith Ruffinus, prepared himself to the warr, not so much with help of arms as fasting and prayer: He fortified himself with night-wat∣chings rather in Churches then camps, and made Processions through all places devoted to Prayer, being accompanied with the Preists and people: He lay prostrate before the Monuments of the Apostles and Martyrs, coverd with sack-cloath, and begg'd divine assistance by a confident hope of the inter∣cession of Gods Saints.

* 1.10673. The Generall employ'd Theodosius in this warr was Stilico, call'd out of Brittany for that purpose: Where he had settled the coun∣trey by repressing the incursions of the Picts and Scotts, whom he overcame in severall incounters: and when he left the Island, he placed for its defence against those restlesse enemies a Roman Legion at the Northern borders.

* 1.1068XXI. CHAP.

1.2.3. &c. S. Ninian made Bishop of the Southern Picts.

6. &c. His Episcopall See, Candida Casa.

1. THE Holy young man S. Ninian (of whose birth and countrey, as like∣wise his voyage to Rome to be instructed in the Catholick Faith we have heretofore trea∣ted,) this year, wherin Theodosius slew the Tyrant Eugenius, shewd forth the glorious fruits of his pious education under the Holy Popes Damasus and Siricius: For now was he consecrated Bishop, and sent back into his own countrey to preach the saving Truths of Christs Gospell to the rude nation of the Southern Picts. For thus we read in his Life extant in Capgrave:

* 1.10692. The Roman Bishop (Siricius) having heard that a Nation in the Western parts of Brittany had not yet receiv'd the Faith of Christ, exalted S. Ninianus to the Episcopall degree, and giving him his Apostolicall benediction destin'd him to become the Apostle of the foresaid Nation.

3. That which is here call'd a Western Nation in Brittany, is the same which S. Beda calls Southern Picts; situated between Cumberland and the Bay of Glotta or Cluide (Dunbritton.) For the Northern Picts inhabiting beyond that Bay received not the light of the Gospell till many yeares after.

4. Let us now prosecute S. Ninianus his Voyage,* 1.1070 as we find in the same Authour of his Life, who tells us, That the man of God in his return from the Citty of Rome, was moved with an earnest desire to visit the glorious Bishop S. Martin at Tours (whom some Writers affirme to have been his Vnkle:) whereupon he diverted from his iourney to that Citty. S. Mar∣tin honourably receiv'd him: by inspiration knowing that he was extraordinarily sanctified by God, and that he would be a happy instru∣ment of the salvation of many.

5. Being dismissed by S. Martin, the holy man pursuing his iourney,* 1.1071 came at last to the place whither he was destin'd: And there he found a great concourse of people (who it seems had notice of his return.) There was express'd wonderfull ioy and devotion, and the praises of Christ sounded every where: because they all esteemd him as a Prophet. Then began he with great diligence to root up their ill planted super∣stitions, to disperse their long gathered wicked customes, and to demolish their impious Idola∣tries. Having thus purged their minds from er∣rours, he instructed them in all duties belonging to good Christians, and by his works and example shewd them a pattern of all vertues and piety, all which he confirm'd by frequent miracles.

6. He chose for his place of Episcopall residence an habitation,* 1.1072 afterward call'd Wite-hern, seated neer the Sea, by which it is almost encompassed: to which there was onely one passage toward the North. This place is seated, saith Camden, in the Province of the Novantes,* 1.1073 now call'd Galloway. By the Latin Writers it is nam'd Candida casa, from the colour of it, and by the Saxons Wite-hern or white house: Here it was that in the dayes of the younger Theodo∣sius Ninianus erected his Episcopall See. And here it is that Ptolomy places the Promonto∣ry call'd by him Leucopibia, which seems to have been an erroneous transcribing of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or white houses.

7. The summ of what hath been written, is thus delivered by S. Beda,* 1.1074 The Southern Picts, saith he, forsaking the Errour of their Idolatry, receiv'd the true Faith by the preaching 〈◊〉〈◊〉 most holy man, and most reverend Bishop Ninias, (Ninianus) who was by Nation a Brittain, and had been regularly instructed in the Mysteries of the true Faith at Rome.

8. Many years he spent in his Apostolicall Office, for his death ensued not till thirty eight years after his first entrance. He conse∣crated Bishops, ordained Preists, and divided the the whole countrey into certain Parishes, as the Authour of his Life declares. There remains more to be written of him, which we will reserve till the time of his death. And whereas his See was establish'd in the Province of Galloway, which may seem to imply that he was a Scott: we shall in due place demon∣strate that in those dayes that Province was belonging to the Iurisdiction of the Brit∣tains, not Scotts.

* 1.1075XXII. CHAP.

1. &c. S. Regulus comes into the Pictish kingdom out of Greece, with the Relicks of S. Andrew, &c.

6. &c. Of the Culdei, or Coli-Dei.

1. THE Labours of S. Ninianus were no doubt much lightned by the arrivall thither of another Saint,* 1.1076 to wit, S. Regulus, who the year following by divine Inspiration came out of Achaia into the same countrey, bringing with him the precious Relicks of the Apostle S. Andrew. Whose story is thus sett down by Hector Boctius out of ancient Monuments:

2. The holy man Regulus, saith he, as one night he watched at the Sacred monument of S. An∣drew,* 1.1077 was admonished from heaven to take the bone of the holy Apostles arme, three fingers and as many ioints of one of his feet, and laying them up decently in a vessell to carry them to the Island Albion (or Brittany) seated in the utmost con∣fines of the world: because that in future times there would live a people, which should give great veneration to the Apostle S. Andrew, and by his intercession receive great graces and benefitts, both earthly and heavenly through the Divine goodnes.

3. In complyance with which admonition the holy man undertook that tedious iour∣ney, and was ioyfully received there: for as it follows in the Narration,* 1.1078 The report of his arrivall with that sacred Treasure being spread through the Regions of the Picts, inflamed the minds of many to see and venerate the holy Re∣licks of the glorious Apostle. The people therfore flowd together from all quarters, bringing gifts and Offrings to the holy Apostle. There came like∣wise Hirgustus (others call him Hungus) their King, being invited by the same of these things. The Holy man Regulus receiv'd him with a Soline Procession, in which Preists and Monks sung Hymns and praises to God. The King falling pro∣strate on the ground with great veneration kiss'd the Sacred Relicks: And when all Holy Rites were performed after the Christian manner, of which the King was very observant, he freely bestowd his Royall Palace to the honour of S. An∣drew, on Regulus and the Preists who were there to perform Divine service: and not farr from them built another Church dedicated to the same Apostle.

4. This is the place where in following ages the Scottish Arch-Bishops and Primats establish'd their Archiepiscopall See. Which place, saith Camden, the Ancients call'd Regimont, or Regulus his Mount: where Vngus King of the Picts erected the principall Church of his Kingdom, to this day call'd S. Andrews.

5. Some modern Writers, perhaps out of an aversion to Sacred Relicks doe professe a doubt of this Narration. Yet it is certain that Pope Boniface the Eighth in an Epistle of his to King Edward the first writes in this manner, Your Royall Highnes may please to understand that the Kingdom of Scotland was converted to the Vnity of the Catholick Faith by the Venerable Re∣licks of S. Andrew the Apostle,* 1.1079 such was the great goodnes of Almighty God.

6. The forecited Hector Boetius describing the ornaments with which the pious King Hirgustus enrich'd his New built Church,* 1.1080 saith he adorned it with munificent gifts, Patens, Copes, Chalices, Basons, Lavers &c. framed of silver and gold, and likewise with other precious furniture proper for Sacreduses, placing in the same Preists to perform Divine service there.

7. These Preists dedicated to Gods worship are the same which the Picts call'd Culdei, or Colidei, that is, worshippers of God. Some of these came with S. Regulus into Brittany, For he living in Achaia was a Father and Teacher of many who were addicted to true piety:* 1.1081 And to those others from among the Picts and Brit∣tains ioynd themselves, leading a solitary life with such a fame of their Sanctity, saith Bucha∣nan, that being dead their Cells were converted into Churches. And from hence was derived the succeeding custom among the Scotts, to call Tem∣ples Cells. This sort of Monks was anciently call'd Culde••▪ and their Name and Institut remain'd till a later kind of Monks expell'd them. But this last clause he writes with the spirit of a fa∣ctious Presbyterian: For not a later sort of Monks, but such Apostats as himself, enemies to the Divine Sacrifice celebrated by these, contemners of Gods Saints, were those who out of Scottland expell'd the Culdees or Reli∣gious servants of God.

8. Notwithstanding, if we speak of the prime originall of these Culdei, we have already shewd that they began long before, when by reason of the furious persecution rais'd by Diocletian, a world of Christians re∣tir'd themselves into desarts, there with safety and vacancy to attend to God by Prayer and Religious austerities: who therfore were call'd Colidei, and corruptly Culdei.

9. This digression we make upon occasion of the Gests of S. Regulus,* 1.1082 whom the English Martyrologe celebrates among the Saints on the twenty eighth of August: where notwith∣standing there is a mistake in placing his death in the year of Christ three hundred and eighty.

* 1.1083XXIII. CHAP.

1. Honorius Emperour of the West.

2. &c. Pelagius the Heretick appears &c.

5. The Roman Legion call'd our of Brittany.

6.7. Alaricus invading Italy, is twise vanquish'd.

8. Innocentius Pope.

* 1.10841. IN the year of Grace three hundred and ninety five the glorious Emperour Theo∣dosius dyed, for whose soule S. Ambrose devoutly prayd, the Prince Honorius assisting at the Holy Altar. He left his Empire between his two Sons, committing the Eastern Regions to the Elder son Arcadius, and the Western to the younger, Honorius: who being of tender years was left under the tuition of Stilico, whose daughter he maried. Yet Stilico afterward, not satisfied with this honour, attempted to establish his own son, to effect which he call'd, or at least permitted barbarous Nations to enter and wast the Empire, who in conclusion were the de∣struction of it.

2. In the fourth year of Honorius his raign Pope Siricius dyed,* 1.1085 to whom succeeded Ana∣stasius, a man saith S. Hierom, of rich poverty and Apostolick solicitude: which he express'd in opposing the Errour of Origen, which Ruffinus and his Disciple Melania now brought into Rome. The same Holy Pope likewise first re∣press'd the Heresy of Pelagius, which first appeared under him: Of which for the rela∣tion which that Arch-heretick had to Britta∣ny from whence he came, we shall presently treat more largely.

* 1.10863. The year following, the same Emperour publish'd an Edict which Iacobus Gothofredus conceives to have been directed to the Vicar of Brittany. The From of Which Edict was this: As we utterly forbid the offring of Pagan Sacri∣fices;* 1.1087 so our pleasure is that the Ornaments of publick Works (though representing Pagan Superstitions) should be preserved. And to the end those who presume to demolish them, pre∣tend not any authority for so doing, we hereby command, that if any ancient Inscription or Law be found, such papers be taken out of their hands, and brought to us. Thus Wrote the Emperour to Proclianus Vicar of the five Provinces: Into which number Brittany was lately divided, as hath been shewd.

4. This Island seems at this time to have enioyd repose,* 1.1088 being freed from the vio∣lence of their Northern Enemies by a Roman Legion quartered in the confines. It was governed by a Roman Generall, call'd Marcus, whom Honorius sent hither.* 1.1089 Of this peacea∣ble State of Brittany the Poet Claudian gives testimony, in his Panegyrick inscrib'd to Sti∣lico, who was Consull in the year of Christ four hundred.* 1.1090

5. But this calm lasted but a little space: for troubles hapning in Italy, all the forces which defended Brittany being call'd away, this poore Island was left miserably expos'd to her barbarous enemies. Those Troubles were caused by an invasion of the Goths under their King Alaricus,* 1.1091 who out of Panno∣nia by the Norick Alpes descended to Trent, from thence driving a Garrison of Honorius: and so peircing into Rhetia was there stop'd by Stilico, who made great preparations against him.

6. The following year a battell was fought between Alaricus and Stilico:* 1.1092 wherin the Gothes were vanquish'd, and might have been utterly destroyd, had not Stilico per∣mitted them to retire back into Pannonia: This he did to the end his ambitious designs might more securely proceed during trou∣bles, by means of which he continued in possession of the Empires forces.

7. Alaricus by pact with Stilico,* 1.1093 return'd towards Italy with a more numerous army. And presuming to subdue the Countrey, was again fought with by Stilico at Pollentia,* 1.1094 and once more overcome. To this Battle, the Roman Legion, which was the only de∣fence of Brittany, was sent for, as Bishop Vsher from Claudian the Poet well observes. But such frequent invasions by barbarous Na∣tions oblig'd the Romans to strengthen their Citty with new walls and Towers, as the same Claudian elegantly relates.

8. In these times Pope Anastasius dying:* 1.1095 there succeeded him in the Apostolick See Innocen∣tius first of that name: concerning the inte∣grity of whose Faith thus writes S. Hierom to Demetrias a Virgin in Africa,* 1.1096 Because I feare, (saith he) yea have been credibly inform'd, that the venemous spriggs of Heresy (he meanes Pelagianism) doe still budd forth in Africa, I thought my self obliged out of a pious affection of charity to admonish thee, firmly to hold the Faith of the Holy Pope Innocentius, who in the Apostolick chair is now Successour and Son to Anastasius: and take heed of entertaining any strange Doctrins, what ever esteem thou mayst have of thine own wit and skill.

XXIV. CHAP.* 1.1097

1.2. Of Pelagius the Brittish Heretick.

3.4. &c The speciall Points of his Heresies: condemn'd by severall Popes▪ Synods &c.

11. Brittany infected.

12. Of Vigilantius his Heresies.

1. HEre it will be seasonable to treat of the New blasphemous Heresy of Pe∣lagianism, which now began to infect the world. The Authour of it was Pelagius, by

birth a Brittain,* 1.1098 for which cause S. Augustin stiles him Pelagius by Sirname Brito:* 1.1099 and S. Prosper more expressely calls him the Brittish Serpent. And hereto consent S. Beda, Polidor Virg••ll and generally Modern Historians. But whether his originall came from the Roman Provinces in Brittany or the Scottish, some doubt may be made,* 1.1100 considering S. Hierom in severall places mentioning him calls him a Scott, descended from the Scottish Nation bor∣dering on Brittany: and elsewhere, he says that he the most stupide of men, was stuffed with Scottish pulse.* 1.1101 Not withstanding the Authour of S. Albanus his life in Capgrave affirms that he was Abbot of that famous Monastery of Bangor, where two thousand and one hundred Monks under the Discipline of one Abbot did get their living by the labour of their hands.

2. Certain it is that he was a Monk, for by that title he is call'd for the most part by the Bishops in the Councill of Diospolis, because he had no Ecclesiasticall degree. And S. Augustin saith,* 1.1102 After many ancient Heresies, a New one is lately risen, not invented by any Bishops or Preists, no nor so much as inferiour Clarks, but by a sort of Monks, which dispute against the Grace of God.* 1.1103 Isidor the Pelusiot adds that he was a vain stragling Monk, incorrigible, one who wandred from Monastery to Monastery smelling out feasts, and fawning on Magistrats for their good chear &c. observing withall that it was in his old age that he fell into this Heresy, whereas before he had liv'd, according to S. Augustins testimony, in repute for his sanctity and Christian life of no ordinary per∣fection.* 1.1104

3. The speciall Points of his Heresy are thus sett down by Sigebertus: In Brittany, saith he, Pelagius endeavoured to defile the Church of Christ with his execrable doctrines: Teaching that man may be saved by his merits without Grace: That every one is directed by his own naturall Free will to the attaining of iustice: That infants are born without Originall sin, being as innocent as Adam was before his Transgression: That they are baptised, not to the end they should be free from sinn, but that they may by Adoption be ad∣mitted into the Kingdom of God: And though they were not baptised, yet they should enioy an eternall and happy life, though excluded from the Kingdom of God.

4. These Heresies began to appear in pu∣blick about the year four hundred and four or five: and being taken notice of by Pope Innocentius, Pelagius compos'd a Letter of Purgation, which was presented to his suc∣cessour Pope Zozimus. After which he went into Palestina, not daring to come to Rome to clear himself. And his Doctrines being re∣prov'd by S. Hierom in the East, and by S. Au∣gustin in the West, Pelagius appeald to the iudgment of a lawfull Synod: which was assem∣bled at Diospolis (or Lydda) in Palestina, and his accusors Heros and Lazarus, two Bishops from Gaule, by reason of the sicknes of one by the way, not being able to appear in the Synod, Pelagius gave such captious answers to the interrogations propos'd to him by the Bishops present, that he escaped a censure, and was acknowledg'd an Orthodox Catho∣lick.

5. About the same time his prime Disciple Caeletius was condemned for his Heresies in a Synod at Carthage, from which he appeald to the Roman See, yet not daring to pursue his Appeale, he fled into Asia, and there by fraud obtained the degree of a Preist. After which another Synod of Numidia at Milevis again condemned the same Errours. A Copie of both which condemnations being sent to Pope Innocentius, he approv'd them, and excommunicated both Pelagius and Celestius, yet with a condition, that upon their revo∣cation of their Errours they should be re∣stor'd to Catholick Communion.

6. Their Heresies notwithstanding spreading abroad, the African Bishops of both Councils deputed S. Augustin by common consent to confute them: And with what diligence and efficacy he perform'd this charge, his glo∣rious labours doe to this day admirably testify.

7. S. Innocentius being dead, his Successour Zosimus received an Appeale from the iudg∣ment given by another Councill of Carthage against Celestius, who came to Rome, and pre∣senting to the Pope a Discourse touching his Doctrine, which he profess'd to submitt to the See Apostolick: pretending likewise to subscribe to the Letters written by Pope Inno∣centius to the two African Councils, in which his Heresy, by which he denied Originall sin, was principally condemn'd: Hereupon Pope Zosimus favourably interpreted his Libell or Discourse, and delayd his absolution only two months, till he could receive an answer from the Africain Bishops.

8. Pelagius likewise using the same arts, endeavoured to surprise Pope Innocentius, by a Book of his Doctrin written with such am∣biguity of words, that his Hereticall senses could not be discovered but by readers of a more then ordinarily sharp sight and iudg∣ment. This Book was likewise presented to Pope Zosimus: To which was added a Symbol of his Faith directed to the Pope and compo∣sed so artificially, that it hath been printed as a Sermon of S. Augustins (the one hundred ninety first in number) by changing the be∣ginning and end of it, instead of Beatissime Pater, saying Dilectissimi Fratres. At the arrivall of which Treatises at Rome, there was great ioy, as if the Hereticks had been con∣verted. Of which Pope Zosimus informing the African Bishops, they again assembled at Carthage, and carefully pondering these things, they wrote back to Pope Zosimus, signifying to him, that it was not sufficient that Celestius should in grosse subscribe to Pope Innocentius his letters, but that he should also anathematize expressly the words im∣piously sett down in his own Libell. They

likewise detected the fraud by which Pelagius in his Libell had vayled his hereticall sense.

9. Hereupon Celestius being urged by Pope Zosimus to pronounce anathema against the Doctrins objected to him by Paulinus a Dea∣con, and which himself had manifestly inserted in his own Book, privately with∣drew himself from his tryall: thereby shew∣ing that his submission to be corrected by the See Apostolick, was false and hypocriti∣call. At the same time severall Writings of Pelagius likewise were discovered, in which his Heresies manifestly appeared.

10. Pope Zosimus therefore without any further delay, imitating his Predecessour In∣nocentius, saith S Augustin, did a second time with the like authority condemne their Doctrins and excommunicate their persons. Which Sentence of Condemnation was solemnly first of all in a Synod pro∣nounced by Sixtus a Roman Preist, afterwards Pope, whom the Pelagians had esteem'd, but injustly, a principall Patron of their Heresy. Which Heresy having been proscrib'd by so many Synods, and more then once by the Roman See, the Emperour Honorius also publi∣shed an Imperiall Sanction, by which he not only banish'd Celestius and Pelagius out of Rome, but ordained that whosoever should teach the same Doctrins, being thereof convicted in iudgment by whomsoever, should have the same punishment of Exile inflicted on them. Which Decree he com∣manded to be published through the whole Empire. These were the Acts of many years, which to avoyd interruptions are summ'd up together.

11. Notwithstanding all this care of all Sorts of Magistrats, both Ecclesiasticall and Temporall, to extirpate this execrable Heresy out of the world, yet by reason it directly favourd the corruption of Nature, human Pride and sensuality, it continued in most countreys, and particularly in Brittany it made so generall a progresse that the neigh∣bouring Churches of Gaule thought necessary to send into this Island two of their most eminent Bishops, and this two severall times, to represse it: Which how they gloriously performed, shall shorly be shew'd in due place.

* 1.110512. At the same time, as Pelagius infected Brittany, so did another infamous Heretick infect Gaule likewise. That was Vigilantius, concerning whom S. Hierome thus writes, Gaule alone was a countrey that produced no monsters of Heresies in former times.* 1.1106 But on a sudden there arose one Vigilantius, who may more justly be called Dormitantius, who being full of an unclean Spirit entred combat against the Spirit of Christ, and denyed that the Sepul∣chers of Martyrs ought to be venerated, condem∣ning likewise the devout Vigils celebrated before the Festivalls of Gods Saints. Which Errours of his are detested by the whole Catholick world. He also imitating Iovinian,* 1.1107 at feasts decla∣med against Fasting, prefer'd riches before voluntary▪ proverty, and Mariage before Virginity.

XXV. CHAP.* 1.1108

1.2.3. After Marcus, and Gratianus, Constantin is proclamed Emperour in Brittany.

4.5. &c. Geffrey Monmouths fable of him disproved.

7. &c. Constantins successes in Gaule, &c.

11. Gerontius rebells against him: and is slain.

12. &c. Constantin overcome by Constan∣tius: and slain: And Rome is sack'd by the Vandals.

1. IN the year of Grace four hundred and sixe,* 1.1109 Gaule was overrun by the Vandals, Sueves and Alans. Which opportunity being observ'd by the Picts and Scots, they likewise breaking out of their limits, wasted the confining Provinces of Brittany. The Governour of the Island at that time was Mar∣cus, whom on a sudden the Army saluted by the Title of Emperour, imagining that under the conduct of so sublime a name, they might better resist the Enemy. But the unconstant soldiers finding his incapacity, as suddenly depos'd him, and in his place chose Gratianus, born in the same Island.

2. But within four monthes, they slew likewise Gratianus,* 1.1110 for his insupportable cruelty. Which being divulg'd in the coun∣treys abroad, their old Enemies out of Ireland return'd, and being attended by the Scots, Norvegians and Daci, they march'd crosse the Island from sea to sea, wasting all with fire and sword.

3. In this extremity the Brittish Army proclam'd Emperour a Soldier called Constantin,* 1.1111 not for any merit of his courage, saith S. Beda, but only for the hope they fancied in his name: as if the present ruins could not be repair'd but by another Constantin.

4. Concerning this mans Election, Gef∣frey of Monmouth,* 1.1112 follow'd by Florilegus and others, frames this story:

How Wichelin (commonly call'd Guithelin) Arch Bishop of London seeing the calamity of Brittany, and weaknes of the Romans, pass'd over Sea into lesser Brittany (formerly call'd Armorica) where Aldroenus raign'd, the fourth from Conanus, whom Maximus had first constituted King there. To him the Bishop made his humble petition that he would out of commiseration to the countrey from which himself was descen∣ded

undertake the Government of it.* 1.1113 The King refused this offer as to himself, but was content that his Brother Constantin should accept that Title, whom he furni∣shed with Soldiers and a Navy, & sent them into Brittany: When presently the Brit∣tains generally flock'd to him out of their caverns and lurking places, and vnder his conduct marching against the Ene∣mies, obtain'd an illustrious Victory. This being done, they sett the Crown on his head at Chichester, and gave him to wife a Noble Roman Lady, who had been brought up by the same Bishop Guithelin. By her he had three Sons; the Eldest was Constans, whom he made a Monk at Winchester in the Church of S. Amphibalus: The other two were Aurelius Ambrosius and Vterpendra∣gon, whom he committed to the educa∣tion of the same Archbishop.

5. But these are fictions either invented or credulously embraced by Geffrey of Mon∣mouth, a man whose end in writing a histo∣ry was not to propagate Truth, but to exalt his own nation. For first, it is certain that when Constantin was proclam'd Emperour in Brittany, the Arch-Bishop of London was not Wichelin, but Fastidius Priscus, who dyed about the year four hundred and twenty: whose Successour was Voadinus; and after him Guithelin in the year four hundred fifty six.

6. Again that this Constantin was so far from being Brother of a King, that his ori∣ginall was base and unknown, we have the testimony of the most ancient and authen∣tick Historians. S. Beda sayes he was chosen (Ex infimâ militiâ) out of the lowest rank in the Army, and this not for any merit, but meerly a fortunat presage of his name. The place where he was chosen Emperour was Caër-Segont neer Caër-narvon, afterward call'd Caer-custenith, perhaps from this Con∣stantins election there. Being chosen, he directed Messengers to the Emperour Honorius to excuse himself,* 1.1114 as being by violence compell'd by the soldiers to accept that Title: thus writeth Zosimus; which alone destroys Gef∣freys fable.

7. The same year Constantin pass'd over into Gaule, where gathering an army he subdued all the regions on this side the Cottian Alpes dividing Gaule from Italy:* 1.1115 and then, saith the same Zosimus, he accounted his possession of the Empire secure. He like∣wise drew out of his Monasticall Solitude his Son Constans, whom he created Caesar: This is testified by Orosius and Marcellinus Comes.* 1.1116

8. The seat of his Empire he placed at Arles: he constituted firm guards upon the River Rhine, to hinder the excursions of the Germans: and utterly broke the forces of the Vandalls, Sueves and Alans, which had wasted all the Provinces between the river Seine and the Rhine.

9. Afterward he sent his Son Constans into Spain, who by many successfull combats subdued the countrey.* 1.1117 And whereas two Noble Brethren, Didymus and Verenianus having collected an army of Spaniards faith∣full to the Roman Empire, had seised on the streit passages, through the Pyrenean moun∣tains, Constans courageously broke through them. Which having done, he committed the care of defending those passages to for∣raign Soldiers, to the great displeasure of the Spaniards, who thereupon entred into league with the Vandals and Gothes against him. For these good successes Constans by his Father was pronounced Emperour: to whom he repaired, leaving Gerontius in his place Generall in Spain.

10. But the year following he was sent back into Spain,* 1.1118 attended by Iustus a famous Captain. Whereat (saith Zosimus) Gerontius was so offen∣ded, that he procured the barbarous Soldiers in Gaule to revolt: so that Constantin having sent a considerable part of his army into Spain, and not being able to represse them, severall Provin∣ces both in Gaule and Brittany forsook their de∣pendence on Rome, casting out the Roman Ma∣gistrats, and governed themselves by their own will and laws. Notwithstanding the same Authour afterward insinuats, that the Em∣perour Honorius himself freed the Brittains from their dependence,* 1.1119 writing letters to them wherin he exhorted them to provide for themselves.

11. Gerontius not content with this, assu∣med to himself the Title of Emperour,* 1.1120 and in∣vesting with the same purple Maximus whom he left in Spain, he with an army marched against Constantin, whom he be∣seiged in Arles. But an Army from Honorius under the conduct of Constantius a Roman approaching, Gerontius his soldiers forsook him: and the Spaniards remaining, out of contempt of him attempted to kill him: and encompassing the house into which he reti∣red, they sett it on fire: So that Gerontius having first killd his wife, at last killd him∣self also.* 1.1121 This is Sozomens relation.

12. As for Constantin he was again besei∣ged at Arles by the Roman General Constan∣tius: and being inform'd that Ebodicus whom he had sent into Germany to collect aid from the Franks and Alemanni, was inter∣cepted in his return, he devested himself of his Imperiall Purple, and flying for refuge into a Church, was there consecrated a Preist. Whereupon the Soldiers in the Town, having pardon offred them, opened the gates. Constantin with his Son Iulian, was sent into Italy, but by the way was slain.

13. The year before Constantins unhappy death was deplorable to the whole world, by the destruction of Rome, overcome and sack'd by Alaricus King of the Goths. Then not only the immense wealth of the Citty for so many years heap'd together, but the ornaments of Churches became the prey of

barbarous Soldiers, who were astonish'd to see the munificent vessells with which Con∣stantin the Great had enrich'd them.

* 1.1122XXVI. CHAP.

1.2. &c. The Martyrdom of S. Melorus a young Brittish Prinie.

* 1.11231. OVR Martyrologe the same year wherin the Vsurper Constantin was slain commemorats a more happy death, call'd a Martyrdom of a young Brittish Prince, whose name was Melorus (or Meliorus.) Of whom mention is made in the Monuments of Cornwall:* 1.1124 from whence Capgrave hath ex∣tracted the following Narration.

2. In the primitive times of Christianity, the Apostles Doctrin being dispers'd through all the regions of the world, Brittany was likewise converted from Paganism to Christianity: and of that Nation many beleiving in our Lord, and in their lives conforming themselves to the Apostles precepts, shined gloriously by many miracles. Of which number we are confident∣ly assured that Blessed Melorus was. He was descended from a Noble family of the Brittains: for his Father, call'd Melianus, enjoyd the Dukedom of Cornwall. In the seaventh year of whose Rule an Assembly of the nobility being mets to consult about the generall affairs of the Province, Rinaldus brother to the Duke coming with force upon him slew him, and invaded the Dukedom.

3. Now Melianus had then a young Son, a child of seaven years old, named Melorus. Him also after his Fathers death his Tyrannous Vncle sought to kill, fearing least being come to mans estate, he should deprive him of the Principality. With this deliberation he brought the child with him into Cornwall: Where at the same time was assembled a Synod of Bishops: Who all interceded for the life of the child: so that the Tyrant contented himself with cutting off his right hand and left foot: in place whereof there was framed for the child a hand of silver, and a foot of brasse. After this Melorus was edu∣cated in a certain Monastery of Cornwall till he was fourteen years old, spending his time in the reading Holy Scripture, every day growing in innocence, vertue and piety.

4. But then Rinoldus by many gifts and pro∣mises of large possessions tempted, and obtain'd from Cerialtanus, to whose care the child was committed, an assurance of his death: Which he impiously accomplished by cutting off his head, which he sent to Rinoldus, challenging his pro∣mis'd reward. The person employ'd for carrying the Martyrs head was a Son of Cerialtanus, who by a just iudgment of God fell from the Castle wall with the head in his hands, and broke his neck.

5. After this the Holy childs Nurse came to the house where the Body lay: and there she saw a Vision of Heavenly Angells, and lights gloriously shining. And having buried the Body in a decent place, the day following they saw it laid above ground. Three severall times they buried it, and still the same accident arri∣ved. By common advice therefore they laid the Sacred Body upon a Cart, to which were tyed two young Bulls never used to the Yoke: These they permitted to goe at liberty without any leader, whither Gods Providence should direct them. The Bulls then on a sudden becoming tame, caried it to a certain place, where being arrived they stood still. But the company attending the Cart, not liking the place, which they thought unfitt for his buriall, employ'd their hands, arms and shoulders against the wheeles, to force them to roule forward. But they found the Cart by divine vertue so fixed, that by no strength or art it could be moved. After diverse attempts made to no purpose, at last giving thanks to God they buried the Sacred Body with great solemnity in the same place. There many devout people repairing, and imploring the Martyrs help and intercession in their afflictions and in∣firmities, frequently with ioy obtain'd their desi∣red remedy.

6. The Head of the Martyr was caried to the Tyrant Rinoldus, which he having touch'd, died miserably three days after. After whose death the Bishops and Clergy caried the Head, and buried it together with his Body. Severall dayes after this certain Preachers, not of Brittish blood took the Coffer wherin the Sacred Relicks repos'd which they caried in Procession through many places, and at last according as they were enjoyn'd, they arriv'd at Ambrisburg, where they layd the Holy Relicks upon an Altar. Thus find we related the Gests of S. Melorus in Capgrave.

7. Now Ambrisburg is a well known town among the Belgae (in Wiltshire) in the Territory of Winchester: so call'd from Ambrose the Son of Constantinus, the late mention'd Vsurper of the Empire, concer∣ning whom we shall hereafter treat. M Camden adds out of an ancient Book,* 1.1125 cal∣led Eulogium, that there was erected a Mo∣nastery of three hundred Monks, which after∣ward was pillaged by a certain barbarous Tyrant call'd Gurmundus. Moreover that at Ambris∣burg S. Melorus and his Sacred Relicks were in a speciall manner venerated,* 1.1126 Bishop Vsher affirms, saying, The solemnity of the celebra∣ting the Relicks of S. Melorus by the inhabitants of Ambrisburg obscured in time the memory of Ambrius or Ambrosius.

* 1.1127XXVII. CHAP.

1. Victorinus Governour in Brittany: re∣called.

2.3 &c. Brittany poyson'd with Pelagia∣nism by Agricola a Bishop.

4. Severall Arch-Bishops of London.

* 1.11281. AFter Constantins death severall other Tyrants arose in France, as Maxi∣mus, Iovinus and Sebastian: but by the cou∣rage of Constantius they were quickly sub∣dued. As for Brittany, it again return'd to the Obedience of the Roman Empire. Constantius therefore sent Victorinus Gover∣nour thither,* 1.1129 a man gratefull to the Brit∣tains, and formidable to the Picts and Scotts, whose violences he easily repress'd as the Poet Rutilius testifies.* 1.1130 But being too soon recall'd by Honorius, and the Roman Legion with him, the Brittains in a short time be∣came miserably and i••remediably expos'd to their barbarous cruelties.

* 1.11312. Pope Innocentius dying after he had the space of fifteen years governed the Roman Church, Zosimus succeeded him, who with the like care endeavoured to preserve the Church from the infection of Pelagianism: In whose place after two years was chosen Pope Bonifacius,* 1.1132 who, saith Prosper, made use not only of Apostolick, but also Imperiall Edicts against the same Enemies of Divine Grace.

3. In his time this Island of Brittany be∣came poyson'd with their presumptuous Doctrines. The unhappy instrument of which calamity was one Agricola, the Son of a Bishop call'd Severianus.* 1.1133 Bale is mistaken, when he affirms this Agricola to have been a Brittain, a Monk of Bangor and compa∣nion of Pelagius: for he was by Nation a Gaul. And the same Authour with the like Errour confounds Agricola with Leporius, who infected Gaule with the same Heresy: But afterward going into Africa, was there recti∣fied in his iudgment by S. Augustin.

* 1.11344. In Brittany there were at this time seve∣rall Bishops full of piety and learning, who oppos'd themselves against this Heresy. Among whom the most celebrated was Fa∣stidius Priscus Archbishop of London, highly commended by Gennadius and Trithemius as a man skillfull in Holy Scripture and a Zealous Preacher of Divine Truth: moreover illustrious in holy conversation and famous for his sharpnes of iudgment and elocution. Bale adds, that he left behind him a Book entitled Pious Admo∣nitions, which probably contain'd an Anti∣dot against the contagion of that Heresy. It is uncertain what year he dyed, and conse∣quently when it was that Voadinus succee∣ded him in that Bishoprick.

XXVIII. CHAP.* 1.1135

1.2. &c. The Brittains begg help of the Romans: a Legion is sent: and call'd back, &c. And the Romans take their last leave of Brittany.

1. WHilst Brittany was thus infested with suggestions of Hereticks,* 1.1136 the Scotts, Picts and Norvegians, saith Florilegus, misera∣bly vex'd it with their incursions. In which necessity,* 1.1137 as Gildas writes, the Brittains sent messengers to Rome with humble and earnest Petitions for assistance, vowing their eternall subjection to the Roman Empire, in case their cruell enemies might be repell'd.

2. In complyance with which request, saith the same Authour, a Legion was sent into the Island, sufficiently furnish'd with arms, & which had not been partaker of the former defeat given to the Romans. This army coming to a conflict with those barbarous Nations,* 1.1138 slew great multi∣tudes of them, and drove all the rest out of the borders, so freeing the poore Brittains from horri∣ble vexations and imminent slavery.

3. Who the Roman Generall was under whose conduct this Victory was obtained, is not mention'd in story Probable it is that it was Chrysanthus the Son of Marcianus, who afterward was chosen Bishop of Constantino∣ple: For concerning him Socrates thus writes:* 1.1139 In the raign of the Great Theodosius this Chry∣santhus was by him design'd Prefect of Italy. Afterward he was constituted the Emperours Vice-gerent in Brittany: in the administration whereof he attained great commendation.

4. Who ever was the Generall, he toge∣ther with his Legion was presently sent for back.* 1.1140 But before their departure, saith Gildas, they gave order to the Brittains once more to raise a wall between the two Seas (Glotta and Bodotria) to restrain the Enemies and be a defence to the Brittains. But this wall being made by a rude multitude destitute of a Governour, and framed for the most part of turfes, availed little or nothing at all. The bounds of this wall S. Beda thus describes:* 1.1141 It began toward the West about two miles distance from a Mona∣stery call'd Aebercurnig; in a place nam'd in the Picts language Penvahel, but in English Pen∣veltun: and going Eastward it ended neer the Citty Acluith. Now from the Name in the Pictish tongue Penvahel, a Brittish word, M. Camden iudiciously infers that the Picts were a Brittish Northern Nation, for in Welsh at this day Pengual signifies the Head of a Rampire (caput valli.)

5. So useles was this ill-built wall, that it was scarce finished, but the Scotts and Picts again broke in, for according to Gildas his relation,* 1.1142 Assoon as the Legion

with great triumph and joy was gone homeward, those former Enemies, like ravennous wolves (Ambrones lupi) enraged with excessive hun∣ger, on all sides encompassing the sheepfold in the absence of the shepheard, so they with ••ares and full-blown sayles invaded the Island, broke into the borders, and layd wast all things in their way, mowing down and treading underfoot the Brit∣tains, like ripe corn.

* 1.11436. Hereupon the afflicted Brittains again sent Messengers after a most deplorable manner, with rent garments and their heads covered with dust, to implore aide from the Romans, endeavouring like fearfull chickens to shrow'd themselves under their Mothers wings. They earnestly begg'd them to prevent the utter miserable ruin of their countrey, and that the Roman name might not be rendred contemptible to forraign Nations.

7. This wofull Petition was address'd to the famous Roman Generall Aetius Prefect of Gaule, under whom Brittany was also sub∣iect. He therefore mov'd to pitty with so tra∣gicall a relation, sent forces under the con∣duct of Gallio a Cittizen of Ravenna, who once more vanquish'd the Enemies. But ha∣ving done this he declar'd to them the Em∣perours pleasure,

That for the future Brittany must rely on its own strength, and not expect any assistance at all from Rome,* 1.1144 which at so great a distance, and amid'st so many distractions could not attend to so remote a Province. He advis'd them therfore to exercise themselves in milita∣ry affairs, to build fortifications in places convenient, especially towards the Sea, to strengthen their Citties with walls, &c. And having thus counselled and encou∣raged the Brittains, the Romans took their last leave of them: never returning more. Yet before they went, they once more joyn'd with the Brittains to repair the Wall, which they made far more strong then for∣merly, contributing thereto both publick and private charges.

Notes

• * 1.1

  I. CHAP.
• * 1.2

  Lacit. in vit. Agricolae.
• * 1.3

  Caesar. l. 5. comment.
• * 1.4

  II. CHAP.
• * 1.5

  So••m. in Gloss.
• * 1.6

  ••io. lib. 59.
• * 1.7

  Lucan. l.
• * 1.8

  Dio. ubi supr. Tacit. in vit. Agric.
• * 1.9

  Sueton. in Caesar. c. 47.
• * 1.10

  III. CHAP.
• * 1.11

  Caes. Com∣ment. l. 5.
• * 1.12

  Bed. l. 1. c. 2.
• * 1.13

  Camb. l. Brit. Dio. lib. 60.
• * 1.14

  Sueton. in Calig. cap. 44.
• * 1.15

  Tacit. Hist. l. 1.
• * 1.16

  Suet. in Ti∣ber. cap. 38.
• * 1.17

  Dio lib. 59.
• * 1.18

  Sueton. in Calig.
• * 1.19

  VVestmona∣steriensis. Ann. D. 44. Oros. lib. 7. c. 6. Beda lib. 1. c. 3.

  Sueton. in Cloud. c. 17. Dio. lib. 60
• * 1.20

  Maldon in Essex.
• * 1.21

  Vid. Tacit. lib.
• * 1.22

  Tacit. Ann. lib. 12.
• * 1.23

  VVestmon. A. D. 44.
• * 1.24

  Ibid. A. D. 52.
• * 1.25

  Tacit. in A∣gri••.
• * 1.26

  ••acit Annal. l. ••2.
• * 1.27

  ••d. ibid. & lib. 3. H••st.
• * 1.28

  A. D. 60.
• * 1.29

  Tacit. in Agric.
• * 1.30

  Dio. lib. 62. Tacit. Annal. l. 14. Curia.
• * 1.31

  Ibid.
• * 1.32

  Gildas de E••c••d.
• * 1.33

  IV. CHAP.
• * 1.34

  Druids. Plin. Hist. natur. lib 16. cap. 44. Lucan. lib. 1. Caes. l. 6. de ••••ll. Gall. Isa. 1.29.
• * 1.35

  Diog. Laert. in Proem.
• * 1.36

  Caesar. Hist. Gall. lib. 6. Tacit. Ann l. 14. Plin. Hist. natur. lib. 30 c. 1.
• * 1.37

  Bards. Ammian. Marc. lib. 15
• * 1.38

  Abr. Vandermyl. in Glos.
• * 1.39

  Cambden. Godvvin.
• * 1.40

  Gildas de Ex∣cid. Britan.
• * 1.41

  Cambd. in Middlesex.
• * 1.42

  Dio. lib. 62.
• * 1.43

  Tacit. in Senec. de mor∣te Claudij.
• * 1.44

  Pontic. Vi∣runn. lib. 4.
• * 1.45

  Caesar. com∣ment. lib. 6.
• * 1.46

  A. D. 44.
• * 1.47

  Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. 16. c. 44.
• * 1.48

  Tacit.
• * 1.49

  Diod. Sic. l. 6.
• * 1.50

  A. D. 46.
• * 1.51

  Gild. de Ex∣cid. Brit.
• * 1.52

  Flav. Dext. ad Ann. D. 41.
• * 1.53

  Frecul. tom. 2. l. 2. cap. 4.
• * 1.54

  Euseb. Chron. An. D. 44.
• * 1.55

  Hierom. de Script. Eccl. in Petro. Arnob c••nt. Gent. lib. 2
• * 1.56

  Leo M. Serm. 1. ••atal. A••postol.
• * 1.57

  A. D. 46.
• * 1.58

  Martial. l. 4. Epigr. 13. & lib. 11. Epigr. ••4.
• * 1.59

  Baron. in No••. ad Martyrol.
• * 1.60

  2. Tim. 4.21
• * 1.61

  Fr. Moncaeus.
• * 1.62

  Na••cler. in Legend. S. Timoth.
• * 1.63

  Martyrol. Anglic. 7. Aug.
• * 1.64

  Tacit. Annal. l. 13.
• * 1.65

  ••acit. Annal. l. 3.
• * 1.66

  ••sengren. ••ent. 1. par. 1. dist. 3. A. Mirman. in ••hea••r. conf.
• * 1.67

  Martyrol. Gall. ad 3. Septemb.
• * 1.68

  A. D. 89.
• * 1.69

  Mers••••s l. de Sanctis. Guilleman. lib. 1. rerum Helve••. c. 15. Pa••••al. de vir. illustr. p. 1.
• * 1.70

  A. D. 60.
• * 1.71

  Bed. Marty∣rol. 9 Maij Martyrol. R••man. 9. Maij.
• * 1.72

  A. D. 110.
• * 1.73

  VI. CHAP.
• * 1.74

  A. D. 60.
• * 1.75

  A. D. 60.
• * 1.76

  Nic••ph. hist. lib. 1. cap. 1.
• * 1.77

  Metaphrast. 29. Iun.
• * 1.78

  Hierom. in Catal.
• * 1.79

  Id. Ibid.
• * 1.80

  2. Pet. 1.14.
• * 1.81

  Innocent. P. Epist. ad De∣cen••.
• * 1.82

  Baron.
• * 1.83

  A. D. 44.
• * 1.84

  Vid. Mal¦mesb••••. l 3. d•• Pontif. Chor.
• * 1.85

  Baron. Ann. D. 769.
• * 1.86

  VII. CH.
• * 1.87

  I••••ngren. cent. 1. p 7. dist. 8.
• * 1.88

  A. D. 67.
• * 1.89

  Act. 13. 2. ••. 47.
• * 1.90

  Gildas in Clerum.
• * 1.91

  Theodoret. in Psal. 116.
• * 1.92

  Hieron. in Isa.
• * 1.93

  Ven. Fortu∣nat. de vit. S. Mart.
• * 1.94

  VIII. CH.
• * 1.95

  Menolog Graec. 15. Martij.
• * 1.96

  Menol. Graec. ubi suprà.
• * 1.97

  Vsser. Antiq. Brit. fol. 9▪
• * 1.98

  Bed. hist. l. 1. c. 27.
• * 1.99

  A. Mirman.
• * 1.100

  Martyr. Rom. 15. Mart.
• * 1.101

  Menol. Graec. ubi suprà.
• * 1.102

  Mart. Angl. 15. Mart.
• * 1.103

  Rom. 16.10.
• * 1.104

  Vsser. in Pri∣mord. fol. 1053. Theodor. G••aecar. af¦fect. lib. 9.
• * 1.105

  Arnob. lib. 2. cont. Gent. Tertull. A∣pol.
• * 1.106

  Vsser. de Primord. Eccl. Britt. pag. 22.
• * 1.107

  A. D. 63.
• * 1.108

  Alph. Gar∣zias.
• * 1.109

  Vsser. ib pag. 25.
• * 1.110

  Vid. Harps∣feld. in saec. 1 cap. 2.
• * 1.111

  II. CHAP.
• * 1.112

  Godvvin in Convers. Brit.
• * 1.113

  Freculphus.
• * 1.114

  III. CH.
• * 1.115

  Alford, from Plorileg.
• * 1.116

  Pitsius de Scriptor. in Arvirago.
• * 1.117

  ••••venal Sat.
• * 1.118

  Pits. de Scri∣ptern. Aca∣dem. Oxon.
• * 1.119

  Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. 28.
• * 1.120

  IV. CHAP.
• * 1.121

  Cambden in Somerset.
• * 1.122

  V. CHAP.
• * 1.123

  Antiquit. Glaston. A. D. 430.
• * 1.124

  Voss. de Hist. lat. vid. M. Biblio••hec. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 5. p. 3. sol. 793. vid. Cambden. Britan. in Glaston••. Somerset.
• * 1.125

  D. Fuller. Ob.
• * 1.126

  Sol.
• * 1.127

  VI. CHAP.
• * 1.128

  Antiquit. Glaston.
• * 1.129

  VII. CHAP
• * 1.130

  Antiquit. Br. God vvin in Catalog. Episcop. Ang. Vsserij Pri∣mord. Eccles. Britann.
• * 1.131

  ••p. Capgrav. in vita S. Iosephi.
• * 1.132

  D. Fuller.
• * 1.133

  VIII. CH.
• * 1.134

  Spelman Co••∣cil. Britan.
• * 1.135

  Ob.
• * 1.136

  Sol.
• * 1.137

  Ob.
• * 1.138

  Sol.
• * 1.139

  Aug. lib. de cura pro mart cap 18: Maxim. Tour. Homil. d. Martyr.
• * 1.140

  Ob.
• * 1.141

  Sol.
• * 1.142

  Abb.
• * 1.143

  Sol.
• * 1.144

  Caesar Au∣gusta.
• * 1.145

  IX. CHAP.
• * 1.146

  A. D. 73
• * 1.147

  Florileg. ad Anu. D. 73.
• * 1.148

  A. D. 73.
• * 1.149

  Bed. Hist. l. 1. cap. 1.
• * 1.150

  A. D. 75.
• * 1.151

  Cambden de Pictis.
• * 1.152

  X. CHAP.
• * 1.153

  G. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.154

  Vsser. Pri∣mord. Brit. f. 581.
• * 1.155

  Malmsb in Prolog. l. 3. Pontific.
• * 1.156

  A. D. 82.
• * 1.157

  Polychron lib. 4. cap. 9.
• * 1.158

  I••. Rossus VV••rvvic. ap. Vsser. f. 581.
• * 1.159

  Cambden in Ostadin.
• * 1.160

  Ingulph. Hi∣stor.
• * 1.161

  XI. CHAP.
• * 1.162

  A. D. 82.
• * 1.163

  Tacit histor. lib. 1.
• * 1.164

  Id in vita agris.
• * 1.165

  d. ibid.
• * 1.166

  XII. CH.
• * 1.167

  Martyrolog. Rom. 17. Mart.
• * 1.168

  Godvvin in ••atal. cap. 3.
• * 1.169

  M••r. 6.30.
• * 1.170

  Vsser de Pri∣mord. Eccl. Brit. fol. 29.
• * 1.171

  Ibid. f••l. ••72.
• * 1.172

  A. D. 1345. Vid. Vsser. Primord. Eccl. ••rit. p 29.
• * 1.173

  XIII. CH.
• * 1.174

  Vsser. Pri∣mord Eccl. Brit. p. 575.
• * 1.175

  Id. ib. p. 28.
• * 1.176

  Math. Pa∣ris. A. D. 1247.
• * 1.177

  Ib. in Addi∣tion. fol. 161.
• * 1.178

  L••. 22.44.
• * 1.179

  Euseb. in vit. Constan∣tin. l. 4 c. 60.
• * 1.180

  XIV. CH.
• * 1.181

  I. CHAP.
• * 1.182

  Tacit. in vit. Agricolae.
• * 1.183

  Id. Ibid.
• * 1.184

  Id. 16.
• * 1.185

  Id. 16.
• * 1.186

  A. D. 87.
• * 1.187

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.188

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.189

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.190

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.191

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.192

  A. D. 94.
• * 1.193

  II. CHAP.
• * 1.194

  A. D. 100.
• * 1.195

  ••oseph. apud Camden.
• * 1.196

  III. CH.
• * 1.197

  Ire••. lib. 3. cap. 3.
• * 1.198

  Martyr••log. Rom. 11. August.
• * 1.199

  A. D. 110.
• * 1.200

  Cent. Mag∣deb. 2. cap. 10. f. 222.
• * 1.201

  Broughton hist. l. 1. c. 36. n. 5.
• * 1.202

  Alford. vol. 1. p. 95.
• * 1.203

  Baron. ad A. D. 102.
• * 1.204

  Isid. l. 2. de offic.
• * 1.205

  IV. CHAP.
• * 1.206

  Antiquit. Britan. s. 24.
• * 1.207

  Girald. Cambr. de Menev. Eccl. jure lib. 2.
• * 1.208

  Vid. Am¦mian. Mar∣cel. lib. 28. cap. 18.
• * 1.209

  V. CHAP.
• * 1.210

  Spartian. in Hadrian. c. 5.
• * 1.211

  A. D. 120.
• * 1.212

  Polid. Virg. Hist. Lib. 2.
• * 1.213

  A. D. 120.
• * 1.214

  VI. CHAP.
• * 1.215

  A. D. 82.
• * 1.216

  Dio. lib. 69.
• * 1.217

  A. D. 1••3. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Hadrian.
• * 1.218

  A. D. 124.
• * 1.219

  A. D. 126.

  VII. CH.
• * 1.220

  A. D. 126.
• * 1.221

  Sulpit. Se∣ver. hist. l. 2.
• * 1.222

  Paulin. Epist 11. Hieron. E∣pist. ad Pau∣lin.
• * 1.223

  Soz•••• Hi∣stor. lib. 2. ap. 1.
• * 1.224

  A. D. 128.
• * 1.225

  Lactant. I••∣••••it. c. 27.
• * 1.226

  Athanas. in vita sancti Amo••••••.
• * 1.227

  VIII. CH.
• * 1.228

  A. D. 128.
• * 1.229

  A. D. 135. Dio in Ha∣drian.
• * 1.230

  A. D. 124.

  IX. CH.
• * 1.231

  A. D. 124.
• * 1.232

  Westmona∣steri••••s. ad an. ••. 115.
• * 1.233

  A. D. 141.
• * 1.234

  Krantzius.
• * 1.235

  Broughton. cent. 2 cap. 3.
• * 1.236

  A. D. 141.
• * 1.237

  Gild. de Excid.
• * 1.238

  Vsser. Primord. fol. 52.
• * 1.239

  A. D. 147.

  X. CHAP.
• * 1.240

  A. D. 142 Capitol. in Antonin. c. ••.
• * 1.241

  A. D. 147.
• * 1.242

  A. D. 160.

  XI. CHAP.
• * 1.243

  A. D. 158.
• * 1.244

  Martyr. Ang. 4. Septemb.
• * 1.245

  Miraeus in ••ast. Bolg. 7. Iunij. Catalog. Epis. Tre••irens.
• * 1.246

  A. D. 161.
• * 1.247

  Mart. Angl. 4. Sept.
• * 1.248

  XII. CH.
• * 1.249

  Bre••. Roman. 19. Ma••j. A. D. 161.
• * 1.250

  A. D. 162.
• * 1.251

  XIII. CH.
• * 1.252

  A. D. 162.
• * 1.253

  ••he Letter of Pastor to S. Timotheus.
• * 1.254

  Act. Pastor.
• * 1.255

  Act. Iustin. ap. Bar. A. D. 165.
• * 1.256

  A. D. 166.

  XIV. CH.
• * 1.257

  A. D. 163.
• * 1.258

  A. D. 164.
• * 1.259

  XV. CH.
• * 1.260

  Rom. Mart. 24. Mar.
• * 1.261

  Epistle of P. Pius.
• * 1.262

  A second Letter.
• * 1.263

  A. D. 161.
• * 1.264

  A. D. 170.
• * 1.265

  Euseb. Hi∣stor. lib. 4. ••ap. 14.
• * 1.266

  Ib.
• * 1.267

  XVI. CH.
• * 1.268

  A. D. 170.
• * 1.269

  Capitoliu. in Aurelio.
• * 1.270

  Seld. de D••s Syr. 2. cap 2.
• * 1.271

  A. D. 180.
• * 1.272

  A. D. 176.
• * 1.273

  A. D. 180.
• * 1.274

  I. CHAP.
• * 1.275

  A. D. 181.
• * 1.276

  II. CHAP.
• * 1.277

  Dio in Mar∣c••. lib. 71.
• * 1.278

  Ibid.
• * 1.279

  Dio ibid.
• * 1.280

  Xiphilin. ibid.
• * 1.281

  Euseb. hist. G••rg. Niss. in oration. in 40. Martyr. Tertull. A∣pol. c. 5. ad Scapul c. 4.
• * 1.282

  The Epistle an•• Edict of the Empero••r M. Aurelius in favour of Christians.
• * 1.283

  Tertull. A∣prlog. cap. 37.
• * 1.284

  Bal. cent. 1. cap. 19.
• * 1.285

  Magdebur∣gens. cent. 2. c. 2.
• * 1.286

  Euseb. hist. lib. 5. c. 20.
• * 1.287

  A. D. 182.
• * 1.288

  Bayon. A. D. 183. n. 3.
• * 1.289

  III. CHAP.
• * 1.290

  A. D. 182. Rad. N••ger in Chronic. A. D. 179. §. 17. Bal••.
• * 1.291

  Bale. cent. 1. cap. 19.
• * 1.292

  Centur. Mag¦deb••rg.
• * 1.293

  ••ren. l. 3. c. 3.
• * 1.294

  Tertull. in Praescript. cap. 36.
• * 1.295

  Iren. ••bi sup.
• * 1.296

  d. ibid.
• * 1.297

  IV. CHA.
• * 1.298

  Vsser in Pri¦mord. Eccles. Brit. fol. 4••.
• * 1.299

  A. D. 183.
• * 1.300

  Antiq. Brit. fol. 4.
• * 1.301

  Bed. hist. l 1. cap. 4.
• * 1.302

  The Epistle of P. Eleu∣therius to King Lucius: out of Mat∣thevv of West∣minst.
• * 1.303

  1. Foxe l. 2 fol. 107. l. Speed. hist. in Aurelio. cap. 19. ••. 3.
• * 1.304

  Spelman. ad A. D. 185. D. Duck de Vsu. I••ris Civil. l. 2. p. 344.
• * 1.305

  V. CHAP.
• * 1.306

  Pont. Vi∣runn. l. 4. Godvvin de Epist. Win▪
• * 1.307

  Pits. ••at. 2.
• * 1.308

  Antiq. Glas∣ton.
• * 1.309

  VI. CHA.
• * 1.310

  Martyr. Rom. 26. Maij.
• * 1.311

  Vsser. in Prim••rd. Ec. Brit. fol. 40.
• * 1.312

  Tert••ll. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 7.
• * 1.313

  Apocalyp. 1.••. & 5.20.
• * 1.314

  Tertull. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Cy∣pryan. Ep. 76. O••at. lib. 4.
• * 1.315

  Basil. de Spi••ritu Sancto cap. 27.28.
• * 1.316

  A. D. 184.
• * 1.317

  Magdeburg. cent. 2. f. 111.
• * 1.318

  VII. CH
• * 1.319

  Westm••n••ster. A. D.
• * 1.320

  Bed. hist. l. 1. cap. 1.
• * 1.321

  Liber Abing∣don. ap. Vs∣ser. in Pri¦mord. Eccl. Brit. fol. 88.
• * 1.322

  Caesar. Com∣ment. lib. 3.
• * 1.323

  VIII. CH.
• * 1.324

  Gildas.
• * 1.325

  Vsserin Pri∣mord▪ Eccl Brit. f. ••9.
• * 1.326

  Math. West∣monast. ad A. D. 1283.
• * 1.327

  IX. CHAP.
• * 1.328

  A. D. 185.
• * 1.329

  A. D. 186.
• * 1.330

  Iocelin. Furn.
• * 1.331

  Malmsbu∣riens.
• * 1.332

  X. CHAP.
• * 1.333

  A. D. 186.
• * 1.334

  Westman.
• * 1.335

  Sup. lib. 1. c. 5.
• * 1.336

  Hieron. de Script. Ec∣cles. in Ire∣naeo.
• * 1.337

  Lambard. in∣ter ••••ges R. Edvvard.
• * 1.338

  A. D. 188.
• * 1.339

  Polyd. Vergil lib 9. & l. 13.
• * 1.340

  Martin. Po∣lon. a•• A. D. ••88.
• * 1.341

  XI. CH.
• * 1.342

  Sulcard. ap. Camdenum in T••in••bant.
• * 1.343

  ••o. Fletusapud Vsserium de Primord. fol. 129.
• * 1.344

  Rad. Nig. A. mund•• 53••8.
• * 1.345

  Phil. Bert. apud Vsser. de Primord. f. 9••.
• * 1.346

  Huntingdon.
• * 1.347

  Girald.
• * 1.348

  A. D. 187.
• * 1.349

  Godvvin in Landav.
• * 1.350

  Vid. Vsser. Pri••••••d. fol. 65.
• * 1.351

  C••mden. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.352

  Vsser. de Primord. fol. 130.
• * 1.353

  Ibid.
• * 1.354

  Chron. Gla∣••ton. ap. Vs¦ser. in Pri∣mord. fol 6••
• * 1.355

  A. D. 189.

  XII. CH.
• * 1.356

  Math. West∣monast. ••d A. D. 187.
• * 1.357

  Richard. Vi∣tus in Hist. l. ••.
• * 1.358

  Galfrid. Mon. hist. l. 4. c. 1.
• * 1.359

  1. Conc. Au∣relian. can. 3. &c.
• * 1.360

  Girald. ••amb. in d••script. Cambriae cap. 18.
• * 1.361

  XIII. CH.
• * 1.362

  A. D. 189.
• * 1.363

  Ap. Vsser. de Primord. fol. 1055.
• * 1.364

  Ap. Harps∣feild. hist. c. ••. f. 6.
• * 1.365

  Ap. Vsser. in Pri••••••d. f. 126.
• * 1.366

  l••gt it.
• * 1.367

  ibid. f.
• * 1.368

  Ap. Vsser. in Primord▪ f. 128.
• * 1.369

  Cassian de Cocnob. In∣stit. lib. 2. c. 5.
• * 1.370

  Act. 4.
• * 1.371

  Math. Westm. A. D. 543.
• * 1.372

  Vid. Mona∣sticon. pag. 61.2.
• * 1.373

  XIV. CH.
• * 1.374

  Bale. cent. ii. cap. 53.
• * 1.375

  A. D. 190.
• * 1.376

  Antiquit. Brit. fol. 8.
• * 1.377

  K. Arthur•• Dipl••••a.
• * 1.378

  XV. CH.
• * 1.379

  A. D. 190.
• * 1.380

  Galfrid. Monum. l. 5. c. 1. Claudi••co∣striae.
• * 1.381

  Gasp. Busch. apud Rader. in Bavaria Sancta.
• * 1.382

  Rader. in Bavonia Sancta.
• * 1.383

  Miraeus in Fastis Belg. 21. Decemb. Alfled. in Chronol. c 27.
• * 1.384

  Act. 13.1. Rom. 16.21.
• * 1.385

  M. Velser∣rerum. Au∣gust. lib. 6.
• * 1.386

  Hollings∣head in De∣script. of Britt.
• * 1.387

  Euseb. vit. Const. lib. 1. cap. 15.
• * 1.388

  Baron. A. D. 306. n. 21.
• * 1.389

  Brought. cen. 3. cap. 2. & 12.
• * 1.390

  Rader in Ba∣varia Sancta.
• * 1.391

  Mart. Rom. 3. Decemb.
• * 1.392

  XVI. CH.
• * 1.393

  Malbranc. de Ma••i••i••.
• * 1.394

  Naucler. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 2. gen. 7.
• * 1.395

  A. D. 196.
• * 1.396

  Tscudus de pris••â ••••hae∣••••••.
• * 1.397

  Idem. ibid.
• * 1.398

  Baron. A. D. 194.
• * 1.399

  Florilegus A. D. 201
• * 1.400

  Vsser in Pri∣mord.
• * 1.401

  Rader in Ba∣varia Sanctâ.
• * 1.402

  A. D. 191.
• * 1.403

  Martyr. Aug. 4. Decemb.
• * 1.404

  A. D. 193.
• * 1.405

  Phil. Ferrar. in Catal. Sanct. Vsser in Pri∣mord. fol. 137.
• * 1.406

  XVII. CH.
• * 1.407

  Malmsbur. in Antiq. Glast.
• * 1.408

  Cap-grav. in Ioseph••.
• * 1.409

  Antiq. Glast.
• * 1.410

  Ibid.
• * 1.411

  Ibid.
• * 1.412

  Martyr. Ang. 24. Maij. A. D. 191.
• * 1.413

  XVIII. C.
• * 1.414

  I••. Ford•••••• Ch••••••. Sc••••. l. 2. c. 31.
• * 1.415

  H. ••••tth. hist. ••ib. 5.
• * 1.416

  A D. 201.
• * 1.417

  Dio. hist. l. 71. In Commodo.
• * 1.418

  Ibid.
• * 1.419

  Capitol. in Pertinace. Id. in Albino.
• * 1.420

  I. CHAP.
• * 1.421

  Orige••. in Ezech.
• * 1.422

  Id. hom. 6. in Luc.
• * 1.423

  A. D. 20••.
• * 1.424

  Ter••••ll. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iudaeos. c. 7.
• * 1.425

  Boeth. histor. lib. 5.
• * 1.426

  A. D. 203.
• * 1.427

  Duraeus cont. Whittac. fol. 412. Gord. A. D. 2••0. Dempst. in Apparat. l. 1. cap. 6.
• * 1.428

  Dempst. in Menol. Scot. 12. Dec.
• * 1.429

  Vsser. Pri∣mor•• f. 13.
• * 1.430

  Dempst. hist. l. 6. n. 547.
• * 1.431

  II. CHAP.
• * 1.432

  Rosier t••m. 6. in Stem, ••o tha••.
• * 1.433

  Boeth. lib. 5.
• * 1.434

  ••itsius in Fulgen••io. A. D. 202. Brough••on Cent. 3. c. 5. § 3.
• * 1.435

  III. CHAP.
• * 1.436

  Bed. hist. l. 1. c. 12.
• * 1.437

  Oros. hist. l. 7. cap. 17. Hieron. in Chron. Cassiod. in F••st. Consul. Spartianus in Severo. c. 18.
• * 1.438

  Spart. ibid.
• * 1.439

  Idem. ib.
• * 1.440

  Idem. ibid.
• * 1.441

  Her••dian. h. l. 4.
• * 1.442

  A. D. 216.
• * 1.443

  Herod. hist. lib. 4.
• * 1.444

  IV. CHAP.
• * 1.445

  H. Boeth. hist. lib. 5.
• * 1.446

  A. D. 213.
• * 1.447

  Cyprian. Ep. ••6.
• * 1.448

  ••d. Epist. 5••.
• * 1.449

  A. D. 212.
• * 1.450

  A. D. 221.
• * 1.451

  V. CHAP.
• * 1.452

  A. D. 213.
• * 1.453

  Pits in Am∣phibalo.
• * 1.454

  Mart. Angl. 25. Iunij.
• * 1.455

  VI. CHAP.
• * 1.456

  Galfr Monu∣••et. A. D 218. Hollingsh. h. fol. 81.
• * 1.457

  A. D. 221.
• * 1.458

  A. D. 237.

  VII. CHA.
• * 1.459

  A. D. 2••7.
• * 1.460

  R. Vit•••• in l 5. no••. ••8. Victor in Cae∣saribus. Lamprid. in Alexand. Herod. hi. l. 6. Capitali••. in Maximi••. Euseb. in Chron. On••phr. P. l. 1. Roman. Princip. Platin. in Pontian.
• * 1.461

  VIII. CH.
• * 1.462

  A. D. 237.
• * 1.463

  H. Boeth. ••. l. 6.
• * 1.464

  Idem. ibid.
• * 1.465

  IX. CHAP.
• * 1.466

  A. D. 238.
• * 1.467

  Herm. Crom∣bach. in Vr∣sulâ Vindi∣cutâ.
• * 1.468

  Cap-grav. &c.
• * 1.469

  Vid. V••••er. in Prim. f. 623.
• * 1.470

  See ix. Book. 26. Chap.
• * 1.471

  A. D. 249.
• * 1.472

  X. CHAP.
• * 1.473

  A. D. 238.
• * 1.474

  Euseb. hist. l. 6. cap. 29.
• * 1.475

  Baron. A. D. 245.
• * 1.476

  A. D. 246.
• * 1.477

  Tabula Vo∣tiva.
• * 1.478

  A. D. 244.
• * 1.479

  XI. CHAP.
• * 1.480

  A. D. 246.
• * 1.481

  Oros. hist. Vincent. Li∣rin. Cassio∣dorus.
• * 1.482

  Ap. Surium. tom. 7.14.
• * 1.483

  Euseb. hist. lib. 6. c. 27.
• * 1.484

  A. D. 247.

  XII. CHA.
• * 1.485

  Cambden. in Essex.
• * 1.486

  Idem. ibid.
• * 1.487

  A. D. 253.

  XIII. CH.
• * 1.488

  Libellatici.
• * 1.489

  Cyprian. l. de ••••psis.
• * 1.490

  ••ild. in Exci∣••••o.
• * 1.491

  A. D. 257.
• * 1.492

  August. de Agone Christ. cap. 31.
• * 1.493

  XIV. CH.
• * 1.494

  Vsser. in Pri∣mord. f. 145.
• * 1.495

  Cap grav▪ in vitâ S. Mel∣lonis. Petr. de Na∣talibus. Vincent. in Speculo.
• * 1.496

  Baron. A. D. 259. •• 22.
• * 1.497

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.498

  Vsser. in Pri¦mord. f. 146 ••ap. grav. in Mello••••.
• * 1.499

  Martyrolog. Gallican 21. Octob.
• * 1.500

  Idem. ibid.
• * 1.501

  Id. ib.
• * 1.502

  Dempst. in Menolog. ••cot. 22. Octo.
• * 1.503

  A. D. 262.
• * 1.504

  Vsser in Pri∣mord. f. 146.
• * 1.505

  XVI. CH.
• * 1.506

  A. D. 260.
• * 1.507

  A. D. 260.
• * 1.508

  A. D. 262.
• * 1.509

  A. D. 271.
• * 1.510

  A. D. 269.
• * 1.511

  A. D. 271.
• * 1.512

  XVII. CH.
• * 1.513

  A. D. 274.
• * 1.514

  Euseb. hi. l. 7. cap. 24.
• * 1.515

  I. CHAP.
• * 1.516

  Baron. ad A. D 306. ••. 16
• * 1.517

  Cap grav. in vitâ S. H••••lenae.
• * 1.518

  A. D. 274
• * 1.519

  ••umen. Pa∣negyric. 9.
• * 1.520

  Vsser. in Pri¦mord. f. 989.
• * 1.521

  Cap. grav. in vitâ S. Hele∣nae.
• * 1.522

  A. D. 275.
• * 1.523

  II. CHAP.
• * 1.524

  Euseb. de vit. Constant. l. 1. c. 1.
• * 1.525

  Id. ibid. l. 4. c. 53.
• * 1.526

  Ferreol. in Chron. Bozius de signis Eccl. l. 24. c. 5. Vid. Vsser. in Pri••••rd. f. 990.
• * 1.527

  Camden. in Tri••••bant.
• * 1.528

  Vsser. in Pri∣mord. f. 176.
• * 1.529

  H. Huntingd.
• * 1.530

  III. CHAP.
• * 1.531

  Niceph. hist. Eccl. l 7, c 17.
• * 1.532

  Baron. ad A. D. 306. n. 12.
• * 1.533

  Ob.
• * 1.534

  Sol.
• * 1.535

  Iulian. Orat. 1.
• * 1.536

  IV. CHAP.
• * 1.537

  Ambr. Orat. fane••. de obit. Theodo••.
• * 1.538

  Bed. hist. l. 1. cap. 8.
• * 1.539

  Zosim. hist. l. 2.
• * 1.540

  Id ib.
• * 1.541

  L. Praefectus ff de vita Nuptiarum.
• * 1.542

  L. Etos. ff. de vit•• Nuptia∣rum.
• * 1.543

  Eumen. Pa∣negyr.
• * 1.544

  Panegyr in∣certi Autho∣rit.
• * 1.545

  A. D. 292.
• * 1.546

  Baron. ad A. D. 306.
• * 1.547

  Collat. 14. Constit. 28. Quod pulchro.
• * 1.548

  V. CHAP.
• * 1.549

  Am••on. 2. p. c. 1. tit. 9. §. 3.
• * 1.550

  Acta Silve∣stri.
• * 1.551

  Baron. hîc.
• * 1.552

  Ambr. de obi∣tu Theodos.
• * 1.553

  Gregor. l. 9. Epist. 59.
• * 1.554

  Sozom.
• * 1.555

  Marian. Sect. in Chron. ad A. D. 321.
• * 1.556

  VI. CHAP.
• * 1.557

  Apud Euseb. in Orat. ad Sanctorum cae••••••. c. ••4.
• * 1.558

  A. D. 281.
• * 1.559

  A. D. 278.
• * 1.560

  A. D. 281.
• * 1.561

  Vopic••. in Elorian. Vopisc. in Probe. Id. in Bonoso
• * 1.562

  Zosim. hist. lib. 1.
• * 1.563

  A. D. 286.
• * 1.564

  VII. CHA.
• * 1.565

  A. D. 285.
• * 1.566

  A. D. 286.
• * 1.567

  VIII. CH.
• * 1.568

  Euseb. hist. lib. 8. cap. vit.
• * 1.569

  Ap. Girald. Cambr. Itin. lib. ••.••.5.
• * 1.570

  Ap. Cap∣grav. in S. Alba••••••.
• * 1.571

  Westm••••••st. ad A. D. ••94.
• * 1.572

  M. Paris. ad A. D. 1257.
• * 1.573

  Bed. M.S. histor. lib. 1. c. 7.
• * 1.574

  Id. ibi. l. cap.
• * 1.575

  IX. CHAP
• * 1.576

  Sup. lib. 5. ch. 5.
• * 1.577

  V••id Brought. cent. 3. cap. 18. n. 2.
• * 1.578

  Ap Brought. cen••. ••. cap. 19. num. 2.
• * 1.579

  Martyrolog. Anglican 22. Iulij.
• * 1.580

  Dio. hist. l. 53.
• * 1.581

  X. CHAP.
• * 1.582

  Act. S. Alba∣ni apud Cap∣grav.
• * 1.583

  Acts Mart. ap. Baronis ad A. D. 2••6.
• * 1.584

  XI. CH.
• * 1.585

  A. D. 287.
• * 1.586

  Florileg. ad. A. D. 29••.
• * 1.587

  Spartian. in Antonin. Ca∣racalla.
• * 1.588

  Harpsf. 6. Sac. c. 8.
• * 1.589

  Ap. Cap∣gr••••. in S. Alba••••.
• * 1.590

  A. D. 287.
• * 1.591

  Mamert in Panegyr. 2.
• * 1.592

  XII. CHA.
• * 1.593

  Vit. S. Alba∣ni apud Cap∣grav.
• * 1.594

  Magdeburg. Centur. 3. fol. 121.
• * 1.595

  Acta S. Alb. ap. Cap▪ grav▪
• * 1.596

  Bedae hist. lib. cap. 7.
• * 1.597

  Id. Ibid.
• * 1.598

  Act 8. Alb. vbi sup.
• * 1.599

  Beda Hist. l. 1. c 7.
• * 1.600

  Act •• Alb.
• * 1.601

  ••orileg. ad A. D. 303.
• * 1.602

  B••d. hist. l. 1. c 7.
• * 1.603

  XIII. CH.
• * 1.604

  Bed. hist. l. 1. c. 7.
• * 1.605

  Act. S. Alb.
• * 1.606

  Ibid.
• * 1.607

  Ven. Fortun. l. 8 de Virg. c. 4.
• * 1.608

  XIV. CH.
• * 1.609

  Author ap. Capgrav. in v••t•• S. Alba.
• * 1.610

  Harpsf. in 6. primis saec. c. ••. in marg.
• * 1.611

  Gildas de Ex¦cidio.
• * 1.612

  Fox in Acts and Monu∣ments f. 88.
• * 1.613

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.614

  XV. CH.
• * 1.615

  Ap. ••aron. A. D. 286.
• * 1.616

  Id. ib. A. D. 290.
• * 1.617

  Id. ibid. n. 31.
• * 1.618

  Aug cont. Faust•• Ma•• l. 20. c. 21. & ••.32. c. 11.
• * 1.619

  Gildas in ••xcidio.
• * 1.620

  Martyrolog. ••allican. 22. ••un.
• * 1.621

  Beda Hist. l. 1. cap. 18 ••upplem. Martyrolog. Gallic. 16. ••pril.
• * 1.622

  Ap. Crom∣bach. in V••∣sulá vir. dic. p. 110.
• * 1.623

  The Wals••••∣gham in ••b••••d. 2. A. D. 1313.
• * 1.624

  Gregor. Na∣zianz. ••amb. 18. de vi••••••s.
• * 1.625

  XVI. CH.
• * 1.626

  Vit. S. Am∣phib. ap. Cap▪ grav.
• * 1.627

  Florileg. ad A. D. 303.
• * 1.628

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.629

  Vit. S. Am¦phibal. ap. ••ap. grav.
• * 1.630

  Camden. in Cornav.
• * 1.631

  XVII. CH.
• * 1.632

  Florilig. ad A. D. 303.
• * 1.633

  Act. S. Am••¦phib. ap. Cap. grav.
• * 1.634

  ••. Fox. in Acts and M. in perscent. 10
• * 1.635

  Act S. Am∣phib.
• * 1.636

  H••rpsf in 6. ••aecul. cap. ••••
• * 1.637

  XXII. CHAP
• * 1.638

  Harpsfeild. vbi sup.
• * 1.639

  Westm. ad A. D. 1178.
• * 1.640

  Math. Paris A. D. 1178.
• * 1.641

  Westm. ad A. D. 1179.
• * 1.642

  Harpsfeild in 6▪ svve. cap. ••0.
• * 1.643

  XIX. CH.
• * 1.644

  N. Paris. A. D. 1178.
• * 1.645

  Balaus in Ca∣talog.
• * 1.646

  Martyrolog. Angl. 1. Iul••j
• * 1.647

  Girald. Cam∣bre••s. ••••ine••a••
• * 1.648

  Gildas de Excidio.
• * 1.649

  Ap. Baron. A. D. 286. n. 5.
• * 1.650

  Gildas de Excid.
• * 1.651

  Bed. hist. L. 1. c. 4.
• * 1.652

  XX. CHA.
• * 1.653

  V••ct. de Cae¦sar c. 39.
• * 1.654

  Oross. hist. l. 7. c. 25. Bed. hist. l. 1. c. 6 Eu••rop. la.
• * 1.655

  Nennius.
• * 1.656

  XXI. CH.
• * 1.657

  Hist. Ven••a∣na M••.
• * 1.658

  Ap. Vsser. in Prim. f. 9 l 5.
• * 1.659

  Aur. Vict. de Caesar. c. 40.
• * 1.660

  A. D. 292.

  XXII. C.
• * 1.661

  A. D. 290.
• * 1.662

  A. D. 291.
• * 1.663

  A. D. 292.
• * 1.664

  Malbranc. l. 2. c. 15.
• * 1.665

  Berengos. l. 3. de invent. cru. cap. 2.
• * 1.666

  Lupold. l. de zelo Princ. Germ. c. 5.
• * 1.667

  Euseb. in vit. Constantin. l. 1. c. 8.
• * 1.668

  Id. ib. c. 13.
• * 1.669

  A. D. 294.

  XXIII. C.
• * 1.670

  A. D. 293.
• * 1.671

  Eumen. Pa∣negyr. 10.
• * 1.672

  Ibid.
• * 1.673

  A••rel. Vict.
• * 1.674

  P. Diaco••. l. 10 l. 42.
• * 1.675

  Panegyr. 5.
• * 1.676

  XXIV. CHAP.
• * 1.677

  A. D. 295.
• * 1.678

  Gildas de xcid.
• * 1.679

  Euseb. in vitâ Constant. l. 1. c. 9.
• * 1.680

  Leslaeu•• l. 3. in Rege 34. H. Boeth. hist l. 6.
• * 1.681

  A. D. 299.
• * 1.682

  A. D. 296.
• * 1.683

  Eumen. Pa∣neg••r. 10.
• * 1.684

  A. D. 302.

  XXV. CH.
• * 1.685

  A. D. 299.
• * 1.686

  Adol. Meker. l. de Vet. pronunc. l. Gr. c. ••0.
• * 1.687

  Eutrop. l. 9.
• * 1.688

  Eumen. Pa∣negyr. 9.
• * 1.689

  XXVI. C.
• * 1.690

  A. D. 300.
• * 1.691

  A. D. 302.
• * 1.692

  Zosim. l. 2.
• * 1.693

  Euseb. in vit. Constantin. l. 1. c. 9.
• * 1.694

  Id. ib.
• * 1.695

  Euseb. vbi sup
• * 1.696

  ••d. ib.
• * 1.697

  A. D. 305.
• * 1.698

  XXVII. CHAP.
• * 1.699

  A. D. 304.
• * 1.700

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.701

  A. D. 305. Zonariann. 2.
• * 1.702

  Eumen. Pa∣neg.
• * 1.703

  Martyrol. Anglican. 7. ••ebr.
• * 1.704

  Vsser. in Pri∣mord•• f. 169.
• * 1.705

  XXVIII. CHAP.
• * 1.706

  A. D. 306.
• * 1.707

  Euseb.
• * 1.708

  A. D. 306.
• * 1.709

  Zonar. l. 2. A••al.
• * 1.710

  Eumen. Po∣negyr. 9.
• * 1.711

  Euseb. in vit. Constant. l. 1. cap. 14.
• * 1.712

  Victor de Cae∣saribus. c. 40.
• * 1.713

  Eumen. Pa¦negyr. 9.
• * 1.714

  Euseb. in vit. Const. l. 1 cap. 15.
• * 1.715

  Id. ib. c. 16.
• * 1.716

  Camden. in Brigant.
• * 1.717

  Floril••g. ad A. D. 1282▪
• * 1.718

  I. CHAP.
• * 1.719

  Euseb. in vit. Const. l. •• cap. 16.
• * 1.720

  Eumen. Pa∣neg.
• * 1.721

  Panegyr.
• * 1.722

  A. D. 307.
• * 1.723

  II. CHAP.
• * 1.724

  Nazar. pa∣neg 7. Eumen. Pa∣negyr. 9.
• * 1.725

  Euseb. l. 1. c. 61.
• * 1.726

  A. D. 308
• * 1.727

  Incer••i Pa∣n••g. 5.
• * 1.728

  Eumen. Pa∣neg. 9.
• * 1.729

  Eumen. ibid.
• * 1.730

  Id ib.
• * 1.731

  A. D. 310.
• * 1.732

  III. CHAP.
• * 1.733

  A. D. 309. Eumen. Pa∣neg. 9.
• * 1.734

  Go••••in. in W••••••.
• * 1.735

  A. D. 310.
• * 1.736

  Vid. Vsse••. Antiq. Brit. f. 194.
• * 1.737

  A. D. 312.

  IV. CHAP.
• * 1.738

  A. D. 311.
• * 1.739

  V. CHAP.
• * 1.740

  A. D. 312.
• * 1.741

  A. D. 313.
• * 1.742

  Eus••b. in Vit. Const. l. 8. c. 16.
• * 1.743

  Vid. Incerti Pan••gyr. 6.
• * 1.744

  Euseb. ib. l 2 1.28.
• * 1.745

  Incert Pane∣gyr. c. 6.
• * 1.746

  Euseb i. Vit Const. lib. 1. c. 21.
• * 1.747

  Euseb. in Vit. Const. l. 1. c. ••2.
• * 1.748

  Act. S. Artem. apud Metaphr. 10 Octob.
• * 1.749

  Sozom. hist. 1. c. ••.
• * 1.750

  Zonar. ••. 3.
• * 1.751

  Nazar. Pa∣neg. 7.
• * 1.752

  Incerti Pa∣neg. 6.
• * 1.753

  Euseb. l. 3. Vit. Const. c. 23.
• * 1.754

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.755

  Ibid.
• * 1.756

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.757

  VI. CH.
• * 1.758

  Nazer. Pa∣neg. 7.
• * 1.759

  Euseb. in vit. Constant. l. 1. c. 12. Prudent. l. 1. cont. Sym∣••••••d.
• * 1.760

  Whitak. cont. Campian.
• * 1.761

  Sozom. hist. l. 1. c. 2.
• * 1.762

  Prudent in Apotheosi.
• * 1.763

  Euseb in vit. const. l. ••. c. 5••••
• * 1.764

  A. D. 313.

  XII. CHA.
• * 1.765

  Euseb. hist. l. 10. c. 5.
• * 1.766

  Florileg. ad A. D. 313.
• * 1.767

  Ammian. Marcelli••. hist. l. 21.
• * 1.768

  A. D. 314.

  VIII. CH.
• * 1.769

  A. D. 314.
• * 1.770

  A•• Baron. A. D. 314. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••
• * 1.771

  〈…〉〈…〉 A. D. 314.
• * 1.772

  Zosim. hist. l. 2.
• * 1.773

  Vid. Camb∣den. Britann. in Roman.
• * 1.774

  IX. CHAP.
• * 1.775

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. l. 1. c••••t. Para▪ august l. 1 c••••. Pa••••.
• * 1.776

  Aug. in B••••. vi••.
• * 1.777

  Aug. Ep. 4••. ad Vinc••••••••.
• * 1.778

  Aug. Epist. 68
• * 1.779

  Euseb. l. 20. cap. 5.
• * 1.780

  Op•••••• l. ••.
• * 1.781

  Aug. Epist. 162.
• * 1.782

  X. CHAP.
• * 1.783

  Vid. Sirmond in Concil. Gllai••••
• * 1.784

  Magdeb. C••nt. 4. c. 10.
• * 1.785

  A. D. 315.
• * 1.786

  XI. CHA.
• * 1.787

  A. D. 315.
• * 1.788

  Adrian. P. Epist. 3. ad Carol. M. ap Baron. ad
• * 1.789

  vid. Baron. ibid.
• * 1.790

  Chrysost. Oral. 2. cont. Iudaeos.
• * 1.791

  A. D. 318.
• * 1.792

  Euseb. in Vit. Const. lib. 3. c. 4.6.
• * 1.793

  XII. CHA.
• * 1.794

  A. D. 317.
• * 1.795

  Euseb. l. 2. c. ••••.
• * 1.796

  id. ib. c. 9.
• * 1.797

  A. D. 328.
• * 1.798

  Cod. Theodo••. lib. 2. de Episc. & Cler.
• * 1.799

  Sozom. lib. 1. c. 9.
• * 1.800

  A. D. 312.
• * 1.801

  Euseb. in vit. Constant. l. 4. c. 26.
• * 1.802

  Sozom. l. 1. c. 9.
• * 1.803

  Theodoret. l. 1. c 11.
• * 1.804

  A. D 321. Cod. Theod l. 1. de Feriis.
• * 1.805

  Euseb in vit. Const. l. 4. c. 19 20.
• * 1.806

  A. D. 324.
• * 1.807

  Sozom. l. 1. c. 8.
• * 1.808

  Ap. Cuspi∣nian. de ••oss. A. D. 322.
• * 1.809

  A. D. 323.
• * 1.810

  XIII. CH.
• * 1.811

  A. D. 324.
• * 1.812

  Anastas. Bibl. in 2. Tom•• Concil. in Silvestr.
• * 1.813

  Euseb. de vit. Const. l. 2. c. 44▪ 45.
• * 1.814

  A. D. 325.
• * 1.815

  id. ibid. l. 4. c. 2••.
• * 1.816

  Chrysost. hom. 86. ad Pop. Antioch.
• * 1.817

  XIV. CHA
• * 1.818

  A. D. 325.
• * 1.819

  Leo Epist. 64.
• * 1.820

  Ambros. Epist. 83.
• * 1.821

  Euseb. l. 3. c. 14.
• * 1.822

  A. D. 326.

  XV. CHAP.
• * 1.823

  Hieron. Ep. 154.
• * 1.824

  Magdeb. Cen∣tur. 4▪ f. 457. Euseb. l. 3. c. 41. Socrat. l. 1. c. 13.
• * 1.825

  Euseb. 16. c. ••4.
• * 1.826

  Id. ib. c 39.
• * 1.827

  Id. ib. c. 41.
• * 1.828

  Zachar 1••.4.
• * 1.829

  Hieron. de lo∣cu Heb. Act. Apost.
• * 1.830

  Sulpit. Sever. hist. Sact. l. 2.
• * 1.831

  Bed. de locis Sanct c. 7.
• * 1.832

  Ruffin. Eccl. Hist. l. 10. c. 7.8.
• * 1.833

  Vid. Zose••. l. 2. c. 1. Socrat. l. 1. c. 13. Ambr. de obit. Theodos. Theodor••t. l. 1. c. 18. Sulpit. Sever. Hist. l. 2. Ni∣ciph. l. 8 c. 29. Euseb. de lau∣dib. Censtan∣t••ni.
• * 1.834

  Theodoret. hist. l. 1. c. 18.
• * 1.835

  Paulin. Ep. 11
• * 1.836

  Theodoret. l. ••. c. 18. Ambros. de obit. Theod.
• * 1.837

  Zachar. 14. 20
• * 1.838

  Gregor. Tu∣ron. de glor. Martyr. l. 1. c. 6.
• * 1.839

  XVI. CH.
• * 1.840

  Ruffin. hist. l. 10. c. 8.
• * 1.841

  Vid. Act. S. Luciani ap. Surium 7. Ian.
• * 1.842

  Vid. Sup∣plem. Marty∣rol. Gallican. 6. Ian.
• * 1.843

  Euseb. l. 3. c. 46.
• * 1.844

  Socret. l. 1. c. 13. Niceph. l. 8. c. 13.
• * 1.845

  Capgrav. in Helenâ.
• * 1.846

  Ibid.
• * 1.847

  Euseb. l. 3. c. 45.
• * 1.848

  Theodoret. l. 1. c. 18.
• * 1.849

  Martyrolog. Gallican. 18. August.
• * 1.850

  A. D. 321.
• * 1.851

  Inscriptions.
• * 1.852

  A. D. 324.
• * 1.853

  XVII. CH.
• * 1.854

  E••••ap. de vit. Philsopb. i•• Ae••. sim▪ Col. •• he••••. l. 2. de Pagan.
• * 1.855

  Eus••b. l. 〈…〉〈…〉 62.
• * 1.856

  A. D. 327.
• * 1.857

  A. D. 330.
• * 1.858

  A. D. 329. Athànas. Apo∣log. 2.
• * 1.859

  Theodor. l. i. c. 20.
• * 1.860

  A. D. 330.
• * 1.861

  Niceph. l. 8. c. 26.
• * 1.862

  Euseb. l. 4. c. 47.
• * 1.863

  Sozom. l. 2. c. 2.
• * 1.864

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.865

  Euseb. l. 4. c. 36.
• * 1.866

  Cod. Theodos. de Medicis & Profess.
• * 1.867

  XVIII. CH
• * 1.868

  A. D. 355.
• * 1.869

  Athanas. Apol. 2. A. D. 3▪ 6.
• * 1.870

  Athanas. Ep. ad solitar.
• * 1.871

  Ap. T••••od. l. 2 c. 2.
• * 1.872

  Socrat. l. •••• c. ••5.
• * 1.873

  Ath••n. ad Se∣rapio ••.
• * 1.874

  Socrat. l. ••. c. 5.
• * 1.875

  Athan. ad. S••rapu••••.
• * 1.876

  XIX. CH.
• * 1.877

  Euseb. l. 4. c. 29.
• * 1.878

  Id. ibid. c. 60.
• * 1.879

  A. D. 337.
• * 1.880

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.881

  Id. ibid. c. ••5.
• * 1.882

  Id. ib. c. 61.
• * 1.883

  Id. ib.
• * 1.884

  Id. ib. 62.
• * 1.885

  Vid. Euseb. l. 4. c. 71.
• * 1.886

  Id. ib.
• * 1.887

  Martyrol. Gall &c. 22. May.
• * 1.888

  I. CHAP.
• * 1.889

  A. D. 337.
• * 1.890

  A. D. 338.
• * 1.891

  Theodores, h. l. 2. c. 1.
• * 1.892

  A. D. 340
• * 1.893

  II. CHAP.
• * 1.894

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 6. Iunij Haraeus. 16 Malbranc. in Chron. Mart. Angl. 2••. Feb Cap grav. in G••••vvalo.
• * 1.895

  Cap-grav. &c.
• * 1.896

  A. D. 347.
• * 1.897

  Martyr. An∣gli••. 6. Iunij.
• * 1.898

  A. D. 346.
• * 1.899

  III. CHA.
• * 1.900

  A. D. 342. P. D••ac. l. 11. c. 18.
• * 1.901

  Iul. Firmic. de Err••r profan. Relig. c. 29.
• * 1.902

  A. D. 346.
• * 1.903

  ••heod••ret. h. l. 2. c. 5.
• * 1.904

  A. D. 347.
• * 1.905

  Sozom. l. b. 3. c. 11.
• * 1.906

  Athanas. Apol 2.
• * 1.907

  Vid. Epist. Syn. Sardic. op. Athanas. Apol. 2.
• * 1.908

  C••nc. Sardic. Can. 3.
• * 1.909

  Ib. Can. 4.
• * 1.910

  Ib. Can. 7.
• * 1.911

  August. Epist. 163.
• * 1.912

  A. D. 353.
• * 1.913

  Ibid.
• * 1.914

  Conciae. Sardi∣cius can. 10.
• * 1.915

  A. D. 34••.
• * 1.916

  Socrat. ••ist. Eccles. l. 2. c. 18.
• * 1.917

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.918

  A. D. 349.
• * 1.919

  A. D. 350.
• * 1.920

  Aur. Victor.
• * 1.921

  Athanas. Apolog.
• * 1.922

  A. D. 355.
• * 1.923

  IV. CHAP.
• * 1.924

  A. D. 355
• * 1.925

  A. D. 353.
• * 1.926

  A. D. 354▪
• * 1.927

  A. D. 355.
• * 1.928

  Athanas. ad solitar.
• * 1.929

  Theodoret. hist. l. 2. c 16
• * 1.930

  A. D. 357.
• * 1.931

  ••p. Athanas. post epist. ad ••pictet.
• * 1.932

  V. CHAP.
• * 1.933

  A. D. 355.
• * 1.934

  Aur. Victor. in Valenti∣nian••.
• * 1.935

  A••m. Ma∣cellin. l. 14. c. 12.
• * 1.936

  A. D. 359.
• * 1.937

  VI. CHAP.
• * 1.938

  A. D. 359.
• * 1.939

  S••lp. Sever. Hist. lib. 2.
• * 1.940

  Ap. Hilar. in fragm. lib. 2.
• * 1.941

  Id ibid.
• * 1.942

  Athanas▪ l d•• Synod.
• * 1.943

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.944

  Id. ib.
• * 1.945

  VI. CHAP.
• * 1.946

  D. A. 361.
• * 1.947

  A. D. 360.
• * 1.948

  Am. Mar∣cellin. l. 20 c 1.
• * 1.949

  Giral. Cambr. Top••gr. H. b. dist. 8. c ••6.
• * 1.950

  Bed. hist. l. i. c. 1.
• * 1.951

  Camden. in Scotis.
• * 1.952

  VII. CHA.
• * 1.953

  G••ld in Excid. Brit. Bed. hist. l. 1. c. 8.
• * 1.954

  A. D. 361.
• * 1.955

  Hilar. in fr••gm.
• * 1.956

  Magdeb. Cent••r. 4. f. 1294.
• * 1.957

  VIII. CH.
• * 1.958

  A. D. 361.
• * 1.959

  ••apgrav. in Kebio.
• * 1.960

  Ap. Capgrav. ibid.
• * 1.961

  In vit. S. Albei ap. Vsserium in Primord. 81.
• * 1.962

  Camden. Monâ insol••
• * 1.963

  IX. CHA.
• * 1.964

  A. D. 361.
• * 1.965

  Gul. Mal∣mesbur Adam 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.966

  Vsser. in Primord. f. 8.9.
• * 1.967

  Stanihurst. ap. Harae••••. 17. Mart.
• * 1.968

  Girald. ••tin. ••••mbr. l. 2. c. 1.
• * 1.969

  Camden in Dimetis, or Penbrokshire
• * 1.970

  Bed. 3 tom. in vit. S. Pa∣t••icij.
• * 1.971

  Vsser. in Primord. fol. 8••2.
• * 1.972

  Sulp. Sever. in vit. S. Marti∣ni c. 1.
• * 1.973

  X. CHAP.
• * 1.974

  Greg. Naz. in Orat. 1. cont. Iulian.
• * 1.975

  Suid verb. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.976

  A. D. 364.
• * 1.977

  Cyrill. Alex. l. 6. c••nt. Iulian.
• * 1.978

  Sozom. hist. l. 5. c. 10.
• * 1.979

  Id. l. 5. c. 12.
• * 1.980

  Chrysost. orat. 5 ••ont. Gentil••s.
• * 1.981

  A. D. 363.
• * 1.982

  A. D. 365.
• * 1.983

  Gr. Naz. Orat. 2. in Iulian.
• * 1.984

  Theodoret. hist. Eccl l. 4. c. 1.
• * 1.985

  ••heodoret. ••b▪ l. 4. c. 4.
• * 1.986

  Lib. Cod. de Epist. & Cle¦ricis.
• * 1.987

  A. D. 364.
• * 1.988

  XI. CHAP.
• * 1.989

  A. D. 364. Am. Marcell. hist. l. 26. c. 10.
• * 1.990

  Hier. lib. 2. cont. Iovi∣nian.
• * 1.991

  Id. Epist. 83.
• * 1.992

  A. D. 365.
• * 1.993

  Amm. Mar∣cellin. hist. 27. c. 17.
• * 1.994

  A. D. 367.
• * 1.995

  Id ib. c. 18.
• * 1.996

  A. D. 367.
• * 1.997

  A. D. 372.
• * 1.998

  A. D. 370.
• * 1.999

  XII. CHA.
• * 1.1000

  A. D. 372.
• * 1.1001

  Capgrav.
• * 1.1002

  Vsser. i•• Primord. f•• 64.
• * 1.1003

  Capgrav••••.
• * 1.1004

  L. 1. de Stud. lib. V••b. Ro••. in ••od. ••he••¦dos.
• * 1.1005

  Martyrolog. Bed. 7. Febr.
• * 1.1006

  A. D. 376
• * 1.1007

  Theodoret. l. 4. c. 21. Socr. l. 4 c. 29. Ruffin. l. 2 c. 6.
• * 1.1008

  XIII. CH.
• * 1.1009

  A. D. 379. Amm. Mar∣cell. l. 29. c. 21
• * 1.1010

  A. D. 375.
• * 1.1011

  XIV. CH.
• * 1.1012

  A. D. 376.
• * 1.1013

  Antiq. Gla∣ston••in Pa∣tricio. H••rv••as in Patricio.
• * 1.1014

  Iocelin. in vit. S. Patri∣cij c. 13.
• * 1.1015

  Iocelin. ib.
• * 1.1016

  ••apgrav. ib.
• * 1.1017

  Gregor. M. hom ••4. in Evangel.
• * 1.1018

  A. D. 379.
• * 1.1019

  In Antiquit. Glaston. in Patricio.
• * 1.1020

  XV. CHA.
• * 1.1021

  A. D. 3▪8.
• * 1.1022

  A. D. 379.
• * 1.1023

  Sigebert. in Chron. A. D. 383.
• * 1.1024

  Socr. l. 5. c. 11.
• * 1.1025

  Auson. de clar. Vrb. b••••.
• * 1.1026

  M. West••••••. A. D. ••75.
• * 1.1027

  A. D. 3••9. F••rdon. ap. Vsser. in Pri••••••d. fol. 592.
• * 1.1028

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.1029

  A. D. 383.
• * 1.1030

  A. D. 3••2. Zosim. l. 4.
• * 1.1031

  P. Oros. l. 7. c 34.
• * 1.1032

  A. D. 28••.
• * 1.1033

  Gildas in Excidi••.
• * 1.1034

  XVI. CH.
• * 1.1035

  Vid. Sulp. S••v••r hist. l. 2. ad finem.
• * 1.1036

  A. D. 386.
• * 1.1037

  Sulp. Sever. 16.
• * 1.1038

  XVII. CH.
• * 1.1039

  A. D. 386. Id. 16.
• * 1.1040

  Theodoret. l. ••. c. 14.
• * 1.1041

  A. D. 388.
• * 1.1042

  Sulp. sever. l. 2.
• * 1.1043

  A. D. 3•••• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 5. c. 14.
• * 1.1044

  A. D. 388.
• * 1.1045

  August. de Civit. ••. lib. 5. c. 26.
• * 1.1046

  Gildas de Excidio.
• * 1.1047

  XVIII. C.
• * 1.1048

  August. Con∣fess. l. 9. c. 7.
• * 1.1049

  Id. de Civit. D. l. 22. c. 8. Et serm. 39.
• * 1.1050

  A. D. 389.
• * 1.1051

  A. D. 389. Id. Conf••ss. l. 9.c. 10.
• * 1.1052

  Ambros. ••pist. 85.
• * 1.1053

  Id. Epist. 91.
• * 1.1054

  A. D. 390.

  XIX. CH.
• * 1.1055

  A. D. 3••9.
• * 1.1056

  ••••id. in Verb. Valentinia 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iunior.
• * 1.1057

  A. D. 390.
• * 1.1058

  Hi••rom. cont. Iovin. l. 2.
• * 1.1059

  Siric. P. Ep. ad Eccles. Mediolan.
• * 1.1060

  D. A. 392.
• * 1.1061

  Ambros. Epist. 81.
• * 1.1062

  August. Re∣••ruct. l. 2. c. 11 Id. de He∣reseb. c. 82.
• * 1.1063

  XX. CHAP.
• * 1.1064

  A. D. 392. Hieron. Epist. 3.
• * 1.1065

  A. D. 394.
• * 1.1066

  Ruffin. l. 2. c. 3••.
• * 1.1067

  A. D. 394.
• * 1.1068

  XXI. CH.
• * 1.1069

  Ap. Capgrav. in Niniano.
• * 1.1070

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.1071

  Id. Ibid.
• * 1.1072

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.1073

  Camdne. in Scotis.
• * 1.1074

  Bed. hist. l. 3. c. 4.
• * 1.1075

  A. D. 395.

  XXII. CHAP.
• * 1.1076

  A. D. 395.
• * 1.1077

  Hict. Bo••••. l. 6.
• * 1.1078

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.1079

  Ap. M. Westmonast. A. D. 1••0••.
• * 1.1080

  Hect. Boet. l. 6.
• * 1.1081

  Buchan. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Scot. l. 4. i•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.1082

  Martyrol. Angl 21. August.
• * 1.1083

  A. D. 395.

  XXIII. C.
• * 1.1084

  A. D. 395. Ambros. de obis. Theodos••••.
• * 1.1085

  A. D. 398.
• * 1.1086

  A. D. 399.
• * 1.1087

  l. 15. de Pa∣ga••is. Co••. Theod.
• * 1.1088

  A. D. 400.
• * 1.1089

  Claudian. Pa∣negyr. ad Stilicon.
• * 1.1090

  A. D. 403
• * 1.1091

  A. D. 401.
• * 1.1092

  A. D. 402.
• * 1.1093

  A. D. 403.
• * 1.1094

  Vsser. in Pri∣mord f 595. Claudian. de ••el. Gerico. Id. de 6. Honory con∣sulatu.
• * 1.1095

  A. D. 402.
• * 1.1096

  Hieron. Epist. 8.
• * 1.1097

  XXIV. CHAP.
• * 1.1098

  A. D. 404.
• * 1.1099

  August. Epist. 106. Prosp. carm. de Ingra••.
• * 1.1100

  Hieron. in Praefat. ad l. 3. coat. Pelag.
• * 1.1101

  Ap. Capgrav. in Albano. I••. ••inmutheus.
• * 1.1102

  August. de Gest. Pelagy cap. 35.
• * 1.1103

  Isi••. Pelas. l. 3. Epist. 314.
• * 1.1104

  Aug. l. 3. de peccat mer. c. 1. Sigeber••. A. D. 404.
• * 1.1105

  A. D. 406.
• * 1.1106

  Hiero••. Ep. ad Ripar.
• * 1.1107

  A. D. 407.
• * 1.1108

  XXV. CH.
• * 1.1109

  A. D. 406.
• * 1.1110

  A. D. 407.
• * 1.1111

  Ped. l. 1. c. 1.
• * 1.1112

  Galfrid. Mo∣nument. Flo∣rileg. A. D. 435.
• * 1.1113

  A. D. 411.
• * 1.1114

  Zosim. l. 5.
• * 1.1115

  Zosim. ib. Sozom. l. 9. c. 11.
• * 1.1116

  Oros. hist. ••. Marcell. com. chron.
• * 1.1117

  A. D. 408.
• * 1.1118

  A. D. 409. Zosim. l. 6.
• * 1.1119

  Id. ibid.
• * 1.1120

  Sozom. l. 9. c. 13.
• * 1.1121

  A. D. 411. Id. ib. c. ••5.
• * 1.1122

  XXVI. C.
• * 1.1123

  A. D. 411. Martyrolog. Anglic. 3. L••••var.
• * 1.1124

  Capgrav. in Mel••••••.
• * 1.1125

  Camden. in Belgis.
• * 1.1126

  Vsser. in Pri∣mord.
• * 1.1127

  A. D. 420.

  XXVII. CHAP.
• * 1.1128

  A. D. 412.
• * 1.1129

  A. D. 414.
• * 1.1130

  Rutil. Itine∣rar.
• * 1.1131

  A. D. 414.
• * 1.1132

  A. D 4••9. Pr••sp. advers. Collator.
• * 1.1133

  Bale cent. 10.
• * 1.1134

  A. D. 420.
• * 1.1135

  A. D. 421.

  XXVIII. CHAP.
• * 1.1136

  Florileg. A. D. 420.
• * 1.1137

  Gildas in Excid.
• * 1.1138

  A. D. 421.
• * 1.1139

  Socrat. l. 7. c. 12.
• * 1.1140

  Gillas in Excid.
• * 1.1141

  Bed. l. i. c. ••2.
• * 1.1142

  Gild. in Ex∣bid.
• * 1.1143

  Id. ib.
• * 1.1144

  Id. ib.