A serious expostulation with that party in Scotland, commonly known by the name of Whigs wherein is modestly and plainly laid open the inconsistency of their practices I. With the safety of humane society, II. With the nature of the Christian religion, III. Their two covenants are historically related, and prov'd to be no sufficient warrant for what they do, IV. Their new doctrine of a pretended forfeiture, is prov'd to be groundless.

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Title
A serious expostulation with that party in Scotland, commonly known by the name of Whigs wherein is modestly and plainly laid open the inconsistency of their practices I. With the safety of humane society, II. With the nature of the Christian religion, III. Their two covenants are historically related, and prov'd to be no sufficient warrant for what they do, IV. Their new doctrine of a pretended forfeiture, is prov'd to be groundless.
Author
Craufurd, James, 17th cent.
Publication
London :: Printed for J.D. for Richard Chiswell ...,
1682.
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Subject terms
Covenanters.
Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1660-1688.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A34948.0001.001
Cite this Item
"A serious expostulation with that party in Scotland, commonly known by the name of Whigs wherein is modestly and plainly laid open the inconsistency of their practices I. With the safety of humane society, II. With the nature of the Christian religion, III. Their two covenants are historically related, and prov'd to be no sufficient warrant for what they do, IV. Their new doctrine of a pretended forfeiture, is prov'd to be groundless." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A34948.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 17, 2024.

Pages

Fourth Consideration.

I should be glad to make an end here, without mention∣ing the last Objection; not that I apprehend any Difficulty in undertaking to answer it, but because I really blush to publish the pernicious and traiterous Principles, which some among us have of late taken up, and are not now asham'd to own, That our Soveraign has forfeited all Right to his Crown; and that his Subjects are absolv'd them their Alle∣giance.

'Tis plain that Princes Persons and Authority are more ef∣fectually secur'd by the Christian Religion, than by all the Contrivances of humane Policy. Fear or Interest among Heathens were the chief Motives to keep Subjects within the Bounds of their Duty, and made them submit, because they durst not rebel. Princes had outward Obedience pay'd

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them, which was all they could then either challenge or expect. But the Doctrine, taught by our blessed Saviour and his Apostles, did fasten their Crowns much surer, gave them a new Title to reign in their Subjects Hearts, made Subjects dutiful, more out of Conscience than Fear; and by forbidding Resistance under pain of Damnation, laid a much stronger Ty upon Men, than the Hazard of Lives and Fortunes, or all other humane Penalties could ever have done: And, no question, had the Roman Emperours un∣derstood how much they were beholden to Christianity, instead of endeavouring to extirpate it, they would have protected and encourag'd it; for as long as Christians suf∣fer'd themselves to be govern'd by the Maximes which Christ left them, Princes were truly happy in such Sub∣jects.

Christ did indeed put a Sword into his Ministers Hands, to punish notorious Sinners, when he gave them Power to ex∣communicate, or cut Men off from being Members of the Church, in depriving them of the Benefits and publick Ex∣ercise of their Religion: and there being no Exemption granted to any Person, Kings and Emperours themselves were to fall under this heavy Censure, when their Offences deserv'd it. But tho Ministers had the Courage to shut them sometimes out of Church, as St. Ambrose did Theodosius the Great, yet they did not pretend to thrust them off their Thrones, or wrest their Scepters out of their Hands. They knew that their Authority was only Spiritual, and did not therefore meddle with those Priviledges, which they en∣joy'd as Princes; but readily obey'd, in all other Cases, those whom they excluded from their Assemblies; and thus they kept within the Limits, prescrib'd by Christ, for near a thousand Years.

When the Spirit of Christianity was afterwards quite spent, and Religion had put on a new Face, the Riches

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and Ambition of the Roman Hierarchy made them stretch their Authority further than Christ design'd it; and then did they begin to declare, that Princes, falling under the Censure of Excommunication, did forfeit their Crowns and all other their Temporal as well as Spiritual Priviledges. The great Advances Gregory the seventh and his Successors made in several attempts of this kind, and their Vanity to see themselves on a sudden raised to an universal Monarchy, made them vigorously pursue such Courses, and thunder their Sentences of Excommunication and Forfeiture so libe∣rally, that, upon every slight Occasion, Princes were laid aside, Subjects absolv'd from their Allegiance, and Crowns and Scepters freely dispos'd of, when and to whom they pleased; so that under Colour of maintaining Christ's Pre∣rogative, they refus'd to give unto Caesar what was Caesar's, far from paying Tribute, as Christ had done, Kings were forced to turn their Tributaries; and, by setting up a new Power in every Kingdom, they made Princes, contrary to the In∣tention of Christ and the Gospel, great Losers by the Chri∣stian Religion.

Under these heavy Pressures had the Christian World for several Ages groan'd, when God raised up a Spirit of Re∣formation in our Fathers, who, among the manifold Cor∣ruptions of Rome, observ'd the ill Treatment Princes had there met with, and resolv'd that, in restoring to Christia∣nity its ancient Lustre, Princes should again be possest of the Prerogatives entail'd upon them by the Gospel. This made the first Reformers inveigh so bitterly against the Usur∣pations of that See, and enforce upon Subjects Allegiance and Submission as Duties, from which none upon Earth could absolve them; and we have Reason to believe that the Justice, then done to Princes, prov'd under God an effectual Means to rescue many Nations from the Roman Yoke. Nor was Duty to Princes only preacht up at first, but it has ever

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since continued as a fixt Principle in the best reformed Churches, where, next to the Purity of their Doctrine and Worship, relating immediately to God, they have all along gloried most in the Loyalty of their Religion, for laying in∣dispensible Ties of Obedience upon Men towards his Vice∣gerent. So that, as it passes with many for a Maxime, that Papists, acting according to the Principles of their Church, can hardly be good Subjects, 'tis most certain that Protestants, who are not conscientiously dutiful and loyal, swerve from the Principles of the Reformed Religion; and tho there are, alas! too many Instances of such, both at home and abroad, yet their corrupt Practices must not stain the Purity of the Doctrine, by which they stand condemned.

But while I ascribe to the Reformed Religion the Honour of reestablishing Princes in their Rights, I am sorry any of my Countreymen should renounce their share in it, by pre∣tending that our Soveraign has forfeited his Crown, and that we are freed from our Allegiance. These, alas! are Words not hitherto known amongst Orthodox Protestants, but as they meet with them in impious and condemned Wri∣ters. Let us consult the Confessions of all the Reformed Churches in the World, and see if any of them teach this Doctrine. Let us send an impartial Account of our Case, with the Nature of our Monarchy, to all the Protestant Uni∣versities abroad, whether in England, France, Germany, Holland, Switzerland, or Geneva, and try if we can have the Testimony of any one Society to confirm us in this Tenet. Let us see if we can meet with one eminent Protestant Di∣vine, one single Person of Credit and Learning, that will own himself of this Persuasion. If we look back to the Do∣ctrine or Practice of the Church in the Primitive Times, we can find nothing there that makes for our Purpose. Neither Heresy nor Idolatry in those Days did make void Princes Right to govern. Constantius, an Arrian, and Julian, a Re∣negade,

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were own'd for Emperours by those, who detested their Impieties, as much as Jovianus or Theodosius, who were Orthodox. The more degenerate Ages, and the most cor∣rupt part of the Church first taught us the Principles, upon which some of us now go. We must look no higher than Hildebrand, and apply our selves only to prostitute Cano∣nists and Jesuits for Testimonies and Arguments to prove that Princes can so easily forfeit their Crowns; for I know there are many well-meaning Papists, if not whole National Churches, that will utterly reject this monstrous Doctrine. And truly then 'tis hard that we, who look upon our selves as the most thorowly Reform'd, should contemn the Pat∣tern set us by the Ancients, diffent from all our Brethren, and side with the greatest Enemies of our Religion in a Point, for which they have been so much expos'd.

Now no wonder if we run into strange Absurdities, when the whole Matter is granted upon false Suppositions: First, we will have the King's Right to commence only from the Time of his Coronation: then we will have the Coronati∣on a Compact or Agreement with the People, by which the Prince forfeits his Right, if he do not duly perform his Part: and lastly, we seem to make the late Covenant pass for the Coronation Oath: all which are inexcusable Mis∣takes. First, our Laws admit of no Interregnum, but date the Beginning of one King's Reign from the very Instant that another expir'd, it being an Axiom with us, and in all other Hereditary Monarchies, that the King never dies. The fa∣tal Blow, that depriv'd us of our late Soveraign, put the Crown immediately upon his Son's Head: From that Mi∣nute we were obliged to pay the same Duty to our present Soveraign, which till then we ow'd to his Father; and they, who resisted him before his Coronation, were Rebels as well as these who have done it since. Whatever therefore a Co∣ronation might have been anciently, 'tis now only look'd

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upon in the Nature of an Instalment, upon which our Prince's Title to reign doth no ways depend; else it would be the first Thing they would go about: where∣as it is ordinarily put off till such Time, as it can be per∣formed with the most Solemnity. In the second place it appears by this, that the Coronation is no such Com∣pact as destroys the Prince's Title, if he fail in his part; for where he has his Crown by Inheritance, his Coronati∣on is the Effect of his Title, but not his Title of his Co∣ronation, which can never make him lose what it did not give him; nor yet weaken the Right, which he had upon his Predecessor's Death. As our King ows his Crown to his Birth, and not to any Suffrage or mutual Agree∣ment with his People; so 'tis ridiculous to imagine that his Coronation alters his Right, and makes that condi∣tional, and capable of being lost, which was before abso∣lute and hereditary. In a word, if the Reign of our Princes commenced only from the Time of their being crown'd, they would be in uneasy and dangerous Cir∣cumstances till that were over: but, on the other hand, if their Coronation limited their Birth-right, or made, their Title more precarious, they would contrive to have this Solemnity among the last Performances of their Lives.

Lastly, in the Business of the Covenant there is a dou∣ble Fallacy; first, in making it pass for the Coronation Oath; and secondly, in inferring a Forfeiture of the Crown, where the Coronation Oath is broken. When we complain of the King's not making good the Cove∣nant, we affirm that he has thereby cancell'd his Right to govern, which yet, according to our own Supposi∣tion, is not true, unless we allow the Covenant to be the Coronation Oath. But this is absurd, seeing the Co∣venant

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is a new Thing, never heard of by his Majestie's Royal Ancestors, who did all take an Oath at their In∣stalment; and as his Title to the Crown differ'd in no∣thing from his Father's and his Grandfather's, so ought his Coronation Oath to have been likewise the same. But if we took upon us to alter it, or to add the Covenant as a new Clause, no wonder if his Majesty question'd what we did without Authority, and refus'd to confirm since, what was extorted from him during the Rebellion. This is certain, that had our Representatives in Parliament con∣sidered the Covenant, either as a part of his Majestie's Coronation Oath, or as an Oath lawful in it self, and lawfully impos'd upon the King and his Subjects, they would never have order'd it to be abjur'd, nor have de∣clar'd that there lay no Obligation either upon Prince or People to observe it. Secondly, a Forfeiture of the Crown doth not follow upon a Breach of the Corona∣tion Oath; because, as I already observ'd, the King has his Crown by Inheritance, not by Election; and his Right, being of a more ancient Date, can never depend upon what followed. The King was oblig'd to be a just Prince, and we to be dutiful Subjects, before that pretended A∣greement at his Coronation; and if he should have fail'd in his part, yet we were bound to make good ours, even before we swore any Oath of Allegiance. I confess the King's Oath is a further Confirmation of his Duty, and if he were guilty of any such Breach, it would much ag∣gravate his Sin; but God, before whose Tribunal he must stand, can only call him to an Account for it: He is the Minister of God, acts by his immediate Commissi∣on, and he alone can cancel it. To God he forfeits his Crown, if he should be found to manage it ill; and in this Case we were patiently to wait till Heaven thought

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fit to remove him, remembring that the greatest Injury and Breach of Trust was to God who employ'd him. But supposing a Forfeiture, how come the People to claim the Benefit of it, or to pretend themselves his Heirs? In some extraordinary Cases, such as Frenzy, or the like, the Safety of the Kingdom may require an extraordinary Remedy, as at present in Portugal, yet even where the King's insufficiency makes him unable to govern, Subjects are not freed from their Allegiance; if there remain any that have Right to govern as Administrators in his Name, their Station is still the same; no personal Fault nor De∣fect in the Prince can dissolve the Government, nor leave People to an entire Liberty of choosing whom they will obey.

Now after all, we are as little able to prove a Breach upon the King's Part, as we are able thence to infer a Forfeiture. His Majesty did swear to govern according to the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom; nor can we shew where ever he has broken them. Has he not, in Matters of Difficulty, vouchsafed to recur to his Great Council? has he not suffer'd the Laws to have their free course? has he ever invaded any Man's Property, or deny'd any Man Justice? has he ever delighted in Blood∣shed, or given us one Instance of his Cruelty? So far has he been from giving Occasion to these cursed Aspersions of Tyranny and Oppression, which the Enemies of our Peace do with equal Malice and Falsehood cast upon his Government, that if, without Breach of Duty, we durst complain of our Prince, it should be of his too great In∣dulgence, which has hurt both himself and us: for 'tis plain that factious Spirits have adventur'd to disturb our quiet, out of hopes of Impunity. But he has arrogated to himself, say some, King Jesus's Right, in offering to

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meddle with Spiritual Affairs. After this manner did Gre∣gory the seventh charge the Emperour Henry the fourth, when he only maintain'd the Prerogatives of his Crown. Has he meddled more with Spiritual Affairs than other Princes have done? Eusebius thought it for the Honour of Constantine to set down his Words in an Assembly of Bishops, where he called himself a Bishop appointed by God, to see to the outward Settlement of the Church: and must it be an Encroachment upon Christ in his Ma∣jesty, to do what was so much commended in that great Emperour? Did his Majesty arrogate to himself Christ's Right, in rejecting that Form of Government which was brought in by Rebellion, or in restoring that Order and Decency, which were then banish'd? did he arrogate too much to himself, in being zealous to perform his mar∣tyr'd Fathers Will, or to suppress Schism? In these Things, sure, he acted rather in the quality of a nursing Father, and discharg'd no small Part of his Trust; for what more acceptable Service could he have done to Christ, than to interpose his Royal Authority, in promo∣ting a blessed Uniformity amongst us?

There remains yet one strange Article against his Majesty, such an one as I'm confident the World has not hitherto been acquainted with, and that is the Sentence of Depo∣sition lastly past upon him in a pretended Convention of Estates, as we learn from the Lanrick Declaration. But seeing we have so lame an Account of this Business, I hope they will be pleased to tell us, when, where, and by what Authority that Assembly was call'd, of whom it consisted, what Lords Spiritual and Temporal sate there: for without them, in our Government, there can be no Convention of Estates: who presided there in his Maje∣stie's Name; it being also necessary that he should have

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had his Representative. In the mean Time, before an Answer be returned to these Enquiries, we are fully sa∣tisfied, that as they met without the King's Authority, and upon a most wicked Design, so their Rebellious Conventicle must not be called a Convention of Estates: It was a second high Court of Justice, and another Brad∣shaw no doubt was their President; this arraign'd the King, as the former did his Father; nor could he have escap'd their barbarous Cruelty, had he been within their Reach. The extravagant Proceedings at Westmin∣ster against our late Royal Martyr, have neither been so much for the Glory of our Neighbours, nor for our own Interest, as to tempt any among us to follow their black Example, and act the second Part of a Tragedy, which nothing, in Modern nor Ancient History, can pa∣rallel; and upon which it was hop'd Posterity would have look'd back with Horrour. But the Members of the late mock-Convention among us, have, to their eternal Infamy, approv'd of what was done in the high Court of Justice, by their attempting to renew it: and when all true Protestants and good Subjects would be willing to buy off the Guilt and Ignominy of that atrocious Crime at any rate, these Men would help to transfer it upon us, or at least would have us engag'd in a Villany of the same kind. Our own History furnishes us already with too many Instances of Kings either assassinated, poison'd, or kill'd in open Rebellion; but never, till of late, were we known to put off all Sense of Modesty as well as Du∣ty, and, in Contempt of Divine and Human Laws, to trample upon the Throne, arraign our Soveraign be∣fore us as a Criminal, and, by a sacrilegious Usurpation of God's Right, pass Sentence of Deposition upon him.

What Apprehensions must the moderate Protestants

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abroad have of our Zeal, when they hear of this dread∣ful Sentence of Deposition, and that of Excommunica∣tion issu'd out by Cargil, in the Name of the true Presby∣terian Kirk of Scotland? the former forbidding us to o∣bey the King, and the latter to pray for him. With what Amazement will it strike them, when they see the ut∣most Extent of these Sentences, which begin with the King, but bring in the best Part of the Kingdom, all Officers of the Crown, Privy Councellors, Judges, Ma∣gistrates, Officers of the Army, Guards, and other Soul∣diers, who are more immediately mark'd out for Destru∣ction, as being either Persons in trust, or Adherers to the Government? Nor are the Orthodox Clergy, men everywhere sacred by their Profession, to be here exem∣pted; with them they have begun, and shew'd in the Per∣son of our late most reverend Metropolitan, what the rest may expect, if the Malice of that Party be once arm'd with Power: so that before these Sentences be executed according to their full extent, we are like to be in the la∣mentable Condition of the Egyptians, we shall not have an House without some one or other dead in it; only in this we differ, the Angel of the Lord destroy'd their First-born, whereas we are design'd to destroy one ano∣ther. It is really strange how Men, that have thus sha∣ken off all the Ties of Religion and Nature, and own such bloody and desperate Principles, are not sometimes afraid, lest our Neighbours, when these Things are pu∣blished abroad, should take the Alarm, and join with those in danger at home, to cut them off as avow'd Ene∣mies to their Native Prince, their Country, and their Friends, and consequently to all Mankind: But as they appear yet to be only Persons of mean Quality, and not very numerous in respect of the rest of the Kingdom, so

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the Pitch of extravagance, which they are now arriv'd at, secures them in a great Measure from Vengeance, and makes them the Objects of Pity, as Persons distem∣per'd with a violent Phrenzy, and who, for the publick Safety, are to be kept in Chains, rather than destroy'd, and treated as brainsick Persons, till they recover. And truly it may be worth our Governours Time to consider, whether any so proper Method has been yet thought of for such, as to remove them from Prisons to Houses of Correction; not to do them the Honour to bring them before Judicatures to revile the higher Powers, nor to Pillories nor Scaffolds, to confirm the rest of their Par∣ty by their obstinate Sufferings; not to condemn them to dy as Martyrs, but to continue under severe Task∣masters, till Time, hard Labour, and the seasonable Dis∣courses of discreet Persons, appointed for this Purpose, may, by God's Blessing, prove the effectual Means to cool their Heats, remove their Scruples, and restore them again to their right Wits.

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