A serious expostulation with that party in Scotland, commonly known by the name of Whigs wherein is modestly and plainly laid open the inconsistency of their practices I. With the safety of humane society, II. With the nature of the Christian religion, III. Their two covenants are historically related, and prov'd to be no sufficient warrant for what they do, IV. Their new doctrine of a pretended forfeiture, is prov'd to be groundless.

First Consideration.

It is necessary in all Civil Constitutions, that the Actions of Particular Persons be directed towards the Publick Good. But most men being apt to steer their course only by the com∣pass of Interest, the Wisdom of no Government has hither∣to found out a better way to support it self, than by establish∣ing such an Authority as might see to every man performing his part in relation to the Publick. This last resort of Pow∣er, as the very life of the Government, has still been account∣ed sacred and inviolable; has had all the advantages of Laws in its behalf; has every where been arm'd against the attempts of Malice, Faction, or Ambition; nor has any thing been wanting that might enable it to answer the great ends of its Institution, either to administer Justice, secure Property, or maintain Peace and Order.

In whatever hands this Soveraign Power is lodg'd, as with us it is undoubtedly in the King's, there all must be ready to pay an humble deference, not only to countenance Authority when it promotes our Private Interest, but even when it seems least favourable to us, to own that it has po∣wer to punish as well as reward, there being no less reason for mens submitting to what Authority thinks proper to in∣flict upon their breach of the Laws, than for their laying claim to Protection, and other benefits, while they observe them. No severity in the Prince can cancel the obligation that lies upon Subjects, nor put them in Commission to make vio∣lent Resistance, seeing this were a taking upon them to re∣ject that Judge, and deny that Authority, which the Laws, the Government, and they Themselves as Members of it, have already own'd to be Supream upon Earth.

Nothing here below can be so perfectly contriv'd as not to retain some inconveniences, and I shall grant a probabi∣lity,

or a possibility at least, of Particular Persons suffering sometimes unjustly, to be an inconvenience which necessarily accompanies the chief Authority in all Governments. But if there be no other way to shun it, than by allowing violent resistance to be lawfull in such cases, the remedy will que∣stionless prove much worse than the disease. If with the ma∣ny Laws in the Prince's behalf, there were but one to counte∣nance resisting him, this one would in a short time destroy all the rest, and reduce his Authority to an empty name. Or if it were declared lawfull for Subjects only to resist in some cases, who must judge when these fall out? The Prince could hardly be brought to give Sentence against himself, to wound his Power by releasing men from their Allegiance. And if it were left to the judgment of Subjects, it is to be feared that the Determination would be highly partial on their side; the case of lawfull Resistance would then turn frequent, Obedience would be rare, unless supported by In∣terest, and Subjects would at this rate only be such to whom and when they pleased.

This Principle of Resistance being once allow'd, it neces∣sarily opens a door to subvert all Authority, and renders the whole design of Government ineffectual. How could the Pu∣blick Peace be secur'd, if there were ways left for Particular persons lawfully to rebel? Differences could never be de∣cided but by granting a Sentence from which there is no ap∣peal, back'd with a power of executing without danger of opposition. There could be no order, were it left to Pri∣vate men to desert their stations, to turn Judges where they are Parties, and to call Rulers to an account of their Admi∣nistration. If we leave Kingly Government, and look upon the most Popular Constitutions, which are raised but one step above Anarchy, even there the chief Magistrates are on∣ly accountable to the whole Body for their actions: nor can any part of this Body, without the concurrence of the rest,

meddle with those that have their Authority from all. Let us suppose Authority in some cases may be mistaken or bi∣ass'd in its decisions; without doubt we might expect much greater errors and partiality, were every man left to judge of his own performances. If we think it inconvenient that the Prince should be enabled by his Power to injure any Parti∣cular Person, much worse would it be to put it in every Particular Person's power to be unjust to the Prince. To be short, the Supream Power falling sometimes into no good hands, doth not frustrate the chief ends of Government; but if discontented spirits may find ways lawfully to make oppo∣sition, nothing can keep it from being dissolved.

It is most plain that Subjects Rights are rather secur'd than endanger'd by the Princes not being accountable for his Actions, and that they would soon find themselves at a loss by being allow'd to resist: for as men are naturally apt to complain, and are allways partial enough to think themselves most hardly dealt with; so if they were at liberty to fall up∣on the Government, in helping to weaken that they would wound their own Security. The whole Body must feel the blow which the Head receives. Life may be preserved with the hazard or loss of several Members, but when the Head is affected, every part languishes, and with it all dies. The great foundation then of the Subjects Safety being shaken by violating the Prince's Rights, Interest it self should teach us to be very tender of them, and never to offer at destroying that which appears perhaps inconvenient in one respect, but is useful and necessary in many. If it trouble us to be at the Prince's Mercy, we may remember we are likewise under his Protection, and so need apprehend none besides. And this I humbly conceive is a Condition much more desirable, than by renouncing our Allegiance, unhinging the Go∣vernment, and getting thus without the reach of an imaginary danger, to draw upon our selves the violence

of every one that hath strength or wickedness enough to hurt us.

And truly our Countrey is at little beholden to us for re∣sisting Authority, as we are to our selves; for in shaking off all duty to our Prince, we encourage others to do the same: this must involve the Government in constant trouble, and deprive us of the blessed fruits of Peace upon which we can∣not set too high a value. If every one of us be resolv'd to make good our petty Rights, can we imagine our Prince will tamely pass from His, which are so great? And at this rate there is no avoiding a Civil War, with all its fatal Con∣sequences, which will fall much heavier upon the Publick, than any thing that any Particular Man or Sort of Men can suffer. The Government of the worst of Princes is infinite∣ly preferable to Anarchy and Confusion, where Guilty and Innocent are equally obnoxious to Danger; where no Man's Prudence, Vertue, or Merit can give him Sanctuary. Rome felt it self much more at ease under a Caligula, a Nero, a Domitian, or a Commodus, than amidst the terrible Alarms of a Civil War. This in a few Days spilt more of Rome's best Blood, banish'd more Senators, and ruin'd more Families, than any of those Tyrants did in several Years. But if it went better with the Publick, while such Monsters sate at the Helm, who were themselves govern'd, and govern'd others by no better Laws, than what Cruelty, Avarice, Ambition, and the rest of their unbridled Passions suggested; I am willing still to believe, That none of us are so much our own, and our Countrey's Enemies, to prefer Anarchy be∣fore the easy Yoke of our Indulgent Prince, who's Reign has never yet been stain'd with one Act of his Cruelty; Whom Envy it self cannot charge as gratifying his Avarice, or Ambition, at the Expence of his Subjects Fortunes or Lives; but who on the contrary has hitherto made good, what he has been pleased, both in Publick and Private, of∣ten

to declare, That he intends to govern according to the established Laws of his Kingdoms. And truly we must allow it reasonable, that all his Subjects follow this Royal Pattern, and make the Laws likewise the Sandard of their Actions; or if they cannot be brought this length, it is fit that at least they learn patiently to submit, without taxing their Prince of Severity or Injustice, for requiring them to observe those Rules, by which he himself vouchsafes to be govern'd. But if nothing besides our own private Interest will influence us, even this ought to make all tremble at the very Thoughts of disturbing the Publick Peace, or of setting their Countrey on Fire, lest they themselves be burnt up in its Ashes. As no Art can manage this Flame, when it is once kindled; so it has always been observ'd, that the unhappy Instruments of such Tragedies have seldom escap'd, or, at best, the is∣sue has prov'd more grievous, than any thing that could have befallen them by keeping to a dutiful Compliance. It must then be confest, that Men are very ill advis'd, to draw in∣evitable Calamity upon their Countrey, and to sacrifice the Lives and Fortunes of so many thousands, where the Inju∣stice is so plain, and the Success of the Undertaking so doubtful.

And now me-thinks I hear some alledg, That they only endeavour to maintain those Natural Rights and Priviledges to which every Man has an undoubted Title, or that they only stand upon self-Defence, which is enjoin'd them by the Law of Nature. But however plausible such pretences may appear at first view, yet when narrowly look'd into, they will not be able to bear them out: for neither the Defence of Natural Rights, nor the Law of Nature, will allow of any such monstrous Doctrine. As to things which are un∣doubtedly Natural Rights, all Men, who are Members of Societies, and live under any Rules, do every day part with several of them, and find a real Advantage in so doing,

they freely resign some natural Rights into the hands of the Publick, which thereupon ensures to them the rest. And tho by this means their Natural Liberties are brought under the Confinement of Laws, and are in some measure abridg'd, yet still their Condition is much more comfortable, than if they continued single and independent Persons, neither ow∣ing Obedience as Subjects, nor as such receiving Protection; for in this Case the Pleasure of enjoying all the Priviledges of Nature, with the gilded name of entire Liberty, would be sufficiently allay'd by the constant Terrors and Fears they must then live in. Their own natural Rights, without any other Support, would little avail them, nor would their overvalued Freedom fail to determine in Slavery, as soon as they met with any stronger than themselves. And thus by standing upon all the Priviledges of their Birth, and eve∣ry thing that Nature had given them, they should be able to secure nothing.

The greatest Lovers therefore of Freedom, have in all Ages been wise enough to see an Interest in framing themselves into Bodies under certain Laws, which limited, but withal secured those Rights of Nature; and the great Dangers from which this Union freed them, as well as the Advantages that have arisen from it, made Men agree, to keep nothing back, no not Life it self, when the Publick required it: and this makes it evident, that Self-defence is not enjoin'd by the Law of Nature, because this Law is inviolable; and if it abso∣lutely required the Preservation of Life, no Man could then venture it for his Countrey, for his Parents, nor for his Friends, no Criminal could without Sin submit to the Exe∣cution of the Judges Sentence; and not to meddle with Christ's Death, the Glory of Martyrs would be their Crime, for Violating the Law of Nature by their Voluntary Suffe∣rings. I own Self-defence to be every Man's undoubted Birth-right, one of our dearest Priviledges, which we are

not to forgo unless upon weighty Considerations. But the great Fallacy is here, Men are apt to confound Natural Rights, and the Law of Nature, which vastly differ. The Law of Nature contains certain general Truths, the Fruit and genuine Results of Reflection, the very Impressions which God has immediately graven in our Souls, which are not to be violated, and which every Man's Reason must ap∣prove. Whereas the Rights of Nature are frequently dis∣pensed with, nor have we any further Title to them, than the Laws of the Government, whereof we are Members, allow us. So that the whole Matter being rightly under∣stood, I may boldly say, The Law of Nature first taught Men to give up their Natural Rights to the Publick, as the wisest Bargain they could make, seeing upon their commit∣ting their Lives, Liberties and Fortunes to its Trust, to be dispos'd of at all times as the Publick should think fit, there is a sufficient Return made them by the Publick, which in this Case undertakes their Protection against the whole World.