Hibernia anglicana, or, The history of Ireland, from the conquest thereof by the English, to this present time with an introductory discourse touching the ancient state of that kingdom and a new and exact map of the same / by Richard Cox ...

THE REIGN OF Henry Plantagenet (FITZ-EMPRESS) Conqueror and Lord of IRELAND. (Book Henry II)

HENRY, the Second of that Name, King of England, a Brave and Powerful Prince, ambitious of Glory, and the Enlargment of his Empire, cast his Eye upon Ireland, as a Country most easie to subdue, and of great Advantage to him, when conquered. There were not wanting some Learned Men, who affirmed, The King had very fair Pretences (if not good Title) to that Island;* 1.1 for besides the Conquests which the Kings Ar∣thur and Edgar had formerly made there,* 1.2 they alledged, That it was by Leave of the British King Gurgun••••s,* 1.3 and under Stipulations of Tribute, that the Irish were first permitted to settle themselves in that Kingdom▪ Besides, the first Inha∣bitants of Ireland were Britains, and those People which the Irish Historians call Fir-bolg and Tuah de Danan;* 1.4 were no other than the Belga and Dannonit, Ancient Inhabitants of England. To which might be added, That Bayon, from whence the Irish pretend to come,* 1.5 was part of the Kings Dominion: So that either Way his Majesty was their natu∣ral Prince and Sovereign.

But however that were, yet the King had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cause of War against the Irish, because of the Pyracies and Outrages,

they daily committed against his Subjects, and the barbarous Cruelties they exercised on the English, whensoever they fell into their Power, buying and selling them as Slaves, and using Turkish Tyranny over their Bodies,* 1.6 so that the Irish themselves afterwards confessed, That it was just their Land should be transfer'd to the Nation they had so cruelly handled: Wherefore the King, as well to revenge those In∣juries, as to recover that Kingdom, put on a Resolution to invade it.

But first it was necessary to consult the Pope in that Mat∣ter, because he pretended no less than three Titles to Ireland. First, the Universal Patent of Pasc•• Oves, which by their In∣terpretation was Synonimous to Rege Mundum.* 1.7 Secondly, the Donation of Constantine the Great, whereby the Holy See was entituled to all the Islands of the Ocean. Thirdly, The Concession of the Irish,* 1.8 on their Conversion to Christi∣anity, by which they granted the Temporal Dominion of their Country unto S. Peter's Chair.

And tho' the Answers to these Frivolous Pretences were easie and obvious: viz. to the First, That whatsoever Spiri∣tual Jurisdiction was given by those Words, yet our Savi∣our's Kingdom not being of this World, it is certain no Tem∣poral Dominion is granted thereby. And to the Second, That Constantine had never any Right or Possession in Ireland, and therefore could not give to another, what he had not himself. And to the Third, That the Allegation is false, and the Popes had never any Temporal Dominion in Ireland, but the same remain'd under their own Native Kings and Mo∣narchs. But this Forgery is yet more manifest, Because the Irish were not converted by any Emissaries from Rome, as appears by the Ancient Difference between the Churches of Ireland and Rome, in some Baptismal Rites, and the Time of celebrating the Feast of Easter.

Nevertheless, the Pope's Licence, in those Superstitious Times, would create Reputation, especially with the Cler∣gy, and his Benediction would (as they fancied) facilitate their Success; and therefore it was thought fit, That the King should send his Embassador, John Salisbury, to the Pope,* 1.9 who was by Birth an Englishman, and by Name Adrian IV.

And how fond soever the Holy See doth now pretend to be of Ireland, since the English Government and Industry have rendred it considerable, 'tis certain the Pope so little regarded it at that time, when he received but small Obedience and less Profit from it, that he was easily prevailed with to issue the following Bull.

ADrian the Bishop,* 1.10 the Servant of the Ser∣vants of God, to his most dear Son in Christ, the Noble King of England, sendeth greeting, and Apostolick Benediction: Your Magnificence hath been very careful and studious how you might enlarge the Church of God here in Earth, and encrease the Num∣ber of his Saints and Elect in Heaven; in that as a good Catholick King, you have and do, by all means, labour and travel to enlarge and increase God's Church, by teaching the Ignorant People the True and Christi∣an Religion, and in abolishing and rooting up the Weeds of Sin and Wickedness. And wherein you have, and do crave, for your better Furtherance, the Help of the Apostolick See (wherein more speedily and discreetly you proceed) the better Success, we hope, God will send, for all they which of a fervent Zeal and Love in Religion, do begin and enter∣prize any such thing, shall, no doubt, in the End, have a Good and Prosperous Success. And as for Ire∣land, and all other Islands where Christ is known, and the Christian Religion received, it is out of all doubt, and your Excellency well knoweth, they do all appertain and belong to the Right of S. Peter, and of the Church of Rome; and we are so much the more ready, desirous and willing to sow the acceptable Seed of God's Word, because we know the same in the latter Day will be most severely required at our Hands, You have (our well-beloved Son in Christ) adver∣tis'd and signified unto us, That you will enter into the Land and Realm of Ireland; to the end to bring them to Obedience unto Law, and under your Subjection, and to root out from among them their foul Sins and Wickedness; as also to yield and pay yearly out of every House, a yearly Pension of one Penny to S. Peter, and besides, also will defend and keep the Rites of those Churches whole and invi∣olate.

We therefore well allowing and favouring this your godly Disposition, and commendable Affecti∣on, do accept, ratifie and Assent unto this your Peti∣tion; and do grant, That you (for the dilating of God's Church, the Punishment of Sin, the Reform∣ing of Manners, planting of Virtue, and the in∣creasing of Christian Religion) do enter to possess that Land, and there to execute according to your Wisdom, whatsoever shall be for the Honour of God, and the Safety of the Realm. And further also, we do strictly charge and require, That all the People of that Land do with all Humbleness, Dutifulness and Honour, receive and accept you as their Liege Lord and Sovereign, reserving and excepting the Right of Holy Church to be inviolably preserved; as also the yearly Pension of Peter-Pence, out of every House, which we require to be truly answered to S. Peter and to the Church of Rome. If therefore you do mind to bring your Godly Purpose to effect, en∣deavour to travail to reform the People to some better Order and Trade of Life, and that also by your self, and by such others as you shall think meet, true and honest in their Life, Manners and Conversation, to the end the Church of God may be beautified, the True Christian Religion sowed and planted, and all other things done, that by any means shall or may be to God's Honour, and Salvation of Men's Souls, where∣by you may in the end receive of God's Hands the Re∣ward of Everlasting Life; and also in the mean time, and in this Life, carry a Glorious Fame, and an Honourable Report among all Nations.

Together with this Bull the Pope sent King Henry a Gold-Ring, as a Token of Investiture, and somtime after a suc∣ceeding Pope (Alexander III) confirmed the former Grant by the following Breve.

ALexander the Bishop,* 1.11 the Servant of the Ser∣vants of God, to his dearly beloved Son, the Noble King of England, greeting, Grace and Apostolick Benediction: Forasmuch as things given and granted, upon good Reason, by our Predecessors, are to be well allowed of, ratified and confirmed; we well considering and pondering the Grant and Pri∣viledge for and concerning the Dominion of the Land of Ireland, to Ʋs appertaining, and lately given by Adrian our Predecessor; We following his Steps, do in like manner Confirm, Ratifie and Allow the same, reserving and saving to S. Peter, and to the Church of Rome, the yearly Pension of one Peny out of every House, as well in England as in Ireland; provided also, that the Barbarous People of Ire∣land by your means be Reformed, and Recovered from that filthy Life and abominable Conversation; that as in Name, so in Life and Manners they may be Christians; and that as that Rude and Disordered Church, being by you reformed, the whole Nation may also with the Profession of the Name, be in Acts and Deeds Followers of the same.

But saith Rossus of Warwick (and he was no Protestant) The King of England is not bound to rely on the Pope's Grant for Ireland,* 1.12 nor yet to pay that Tax, because he had a Prece∣dent Claim to that Kingdom, by hereditary Right.

Others object against these Bulls in another manner, and particularly Philip O Sullevan, who says, They are void for many Reasons. First, Because they were obtained on false Suggestions, and the Infallible Popes were deceived in their Grants. Secondly, That Regal or Sovereign Power is not granted by them; but only that the Kings of England should be Lieutenants or Deputies to the Pope, and Collectors of his Peter-Pence. Thirdly, That they were on a twofold Condition

of paying Tribute and converting the People, which not being performed, the Bulls are void. But because it is scarce credible that any Subject should be so Malicious against his Prince, you shall have it in his own Words.

Rex hoc Decretum impetravit falsa Narrans, ut ex ipso De∣creto ego colligo (pag. 59.) Non Dominum Hiberniae, sed Praefectum causa colligendi Tributi Ecclesiastici (pag. 59. b.) And again, (pag. 60.) Non ut Rex aut Dominus Hiberniae, sed ut a Pontifice Praefectus (sic ego accepi) ut Exactor & Col∣lector Pecun••ae quae ad Sedem Apostolicam pertinebat; & pag. 61. Ac mihi quidem rem totam sollicita Mentis acie contemplanti nihil Juris esse penes Anglos videtur. For besides (says he) their Title was founded in Adultery (meaning Dermond Mac Morough's) they have exercised Fraud and Cruelty against the Catholicks that entertained them kindly, and the very Temples have not escaped them. Hinc igitur nemo igno∣rabit, Hiberniam non Jure sed Injuria & Narratione minime vera,* 1.13 fuisse ab Anglis primo obtenta, pag. 61. b. Nor can any Body believe (says he) that the Pope ever design'd so great an Injustice, as to deprive the Irish Kings of their Birth-right,* 1.14 and give it to Strangers. And then he tells us, That Laurence O Toole Archbishop of Dublin, did obtain of the Pope a Bull to deprive the English King of his Govern∣ment in Ireland, but he dyed in his Return, (in France) and is since canonized.

But (says he) supposing the Popes Grant at first were good, yet 'tis forfeited by Breach of Condition, since the English did neither propogate Religion, nor pay the Peter-Pence. Postea omni Jure plane exciderunt Conditiones a Papa dictas constitutas{que} transgressi: Nam Pensionem Divi Petri, de medio sustulerunt, & nullam certam Religionem, nullam firmam Fidem habent; pro Deo Ventrem, Voluntatem & Libidinem colunt.

By this, and the Approbation, this Scandalous and Ly∣ing Treatise met with in Spain, and the Repetition of the same things by divers others in their bitter Libels, on the English People and Government, and particularly by the Author of Analecta Hiberniae, it is manifest that there are some Enemies of the Crown of England, so malicious and unjust, that they would make use of the most frivolous Pre∣tences in the World, to wrest the Kingdom of Ireland from the Dominion of the English Kings: But as God Almighty has hitherto, (even many times to a Miracle) protected the British Interest in Ireland, so I doubt not, (unless we are wanting to our own Preservation) but that he will con∣tinue that Noble Island under the Jurisdiction of the Crown of England for ever.

In the mean time, though we lay no stress on the Popes Bulls, yet because they are Argumenta ad Hominem, and if valid, are a good Title against Mr. Sullevan and his Abet∣tors, I will therefore endeavour to Rescue them from his Ob∣jections.

And as to the first, though misinformation or false Sug∣gestion, may avoid the Grant of a Prince to his Subjects, yet that Rule does not hold between Princes, else all Con∣tracts, Leagues and Treaties in the World would be avoid∣ed on slight Pretences of being misinformed in one Point or other. Besides, the Pope, Alexander III. after some Years Experience, and full information of the English Conduct and Proceedings, in Ireland, gave a new Bull of Confirma∣tion as aforesaid:* 1.15 And (says the Book of Houth) he be∣sought the Devil to take all those that gainsaid the Kings Title to Ireland; but after all, the Suggestions were no other but that the Country was Barbarous, and needed Reformation, which was so true, that the Irish Historians themselves do frequently confess it.

As to the Second, the very Bull mentions, That the King shall be their Liege Lord and Sovereign: And Henry II, was accordingly received as King by the Clergy, Nobility and People, and both he and his Successors had always the Title of Sovereign Lords, and did continually exercise and enjoy Monarchical Authority and Royal Jurisdiction in Ireland,* 1.16 un∣der the Name and Stile of Lords: And Ʋrban III, granted Power to the King to appoint which of his Sons he pleased King of Ireland.

Moreover Henry VIII, by all the Kingdom in Parliament, was acknowledged and declared King of Ireland. Which Pope Paul IV considering, he officiously erected Ireland into a Kingdom,* 1.17 and granted it to Queen Mary; that so it might seem as if she derived that Title from him or his Authority, which she had before by a better Right.

As to the Third, The Peter-Pence (which are but a sort of Proxies, propter Beati Petri visitationem, and must of Ne∣cessity determine with the Jurisdiction of the Visitor, which is long since banished out of his Majesties Dominions) are mentioned by way of Reservation, and not by way of Con∣dition, and are to be paid by the People, and not by the King. And the Reformation of the Irish is proposed by way of Di∣rection and Advice, and doth not make the Bull Conditional: Besides, Conversion is the effect of Grace, and the Act of God, for which no Man can undertake; and therefore such a Condition would be Impossible and Void. However, the English have heartily endeavoured to Reform that People, and to bring that Noble Country into a general Practice of

True Religion and Civility, and though we do not boast much of our Success hitherto, yet now that it is likely better and more effectual Methods will be used than heretofore, we do not doubt but that they will produce suitable Ef∣fects.

But I have spent too much time about these paltry Bulls, and therefore I will leave them, and proceed to the solid and legal Titles, which the Crown of England hath to the King∣dom of Ireland; and the first is that of Descent from Eva, Daughter of Dermond Mac Morough, who was actually King of Leinster, and whose Ancestors were Monarchs of Ireland: The second is by lawful Conquest in a just War: The third is by many solemn Oaths, Compacts and Submissions of the Princes, Nobility, Gentry and People of Ireland: The fourth is, by several Statutes, and Acts of Recognition: And the last (which alone were sufficient) is, by above five hundred years Prescription.

But two Things are to be wondred at:* 1.18 First, That the Irish, who never observed the Right of Succession, but dethroned and succeeded one another by force, as they were able (sometimes the Posterity of Hiber, sometimes of Heri∣mon, and sometimes the Issue of Ithy, getting into the Mo∣narchy) should yet complain of Force in others; or that Rotherick O Connor, who drove Dermond out of Leinster, should think it unreasonable that Dermond should drive him out of Connaugh assoon as he could.

The Second is, That any body in Ireland should dispute the English Title to that Island, after they and their Ance∣stors for above five hundred years have been born and bred under the Allegiance of the Kings of England. But that which is most strange is,* 1.19 That four parts in five of the In∣habitants in Ireland are of English Extraction, and have setled there since the Conquest, and by vertue of it, and yet many of them are so blinded with an ignorant Zeal for Po∣pery, that they have endeavoured to cut the Bough they stand on, and have Associated with Mr. Sullevan and his Complices, to destroy the English Government of Ireland, and have been frequently in Rebellions to that purpose, not without expressing Inveteracy against the English Name and Nation; and all for want of duly considering, that thereby they made way for their own Extirpation, since the old Irish (who say the Country was given them by God) would (if they had power) no more endure the first Conquerors than the last,* 1.20 nor allow the Title of the Fitzgiralds, the Butlers, and the Burks, any more than that of the Boyles, the Coots, or the Clotworthyes.

I must yet continue this Digression to give an Account of the Complaints that are made against the English Govern∣ment of Ireland; and they are these:

First, That the English profan'd the Churches and Sacred Places; and instances Philip of Worcester, and Hugh Tyr∣rel, who took a Brass Pan from the Priests of Down; and Gerald Earl of Kildare, who burnt the Church of Cashel, and put it off with a Jest, That he would not have done it but that he thought the Archbishop was in it.

Secondly, That Offices of Profit, and Places of Trust were mostly given to Englishmen.

Thirdly, That they suffer none of the Potentates to sit in Parliament, but such as are qualified by the English Law, and therefore the Parliaments are void; Ʋnde deducitur omnia Parliamenta Regum Britannorum authoritate coacta in Hiber∣nia deincepsque more pristino celebranda, prorsus inita, infirma, injusta & violenta esse, says my Author.

Fourthly, That Benefit of Law is not given but to the Quinque Sanguines; so that the Irish are as it were Outlaws in their own Countrey, and may be slain as Enemies.

Lastly, The Irish were perswaded to surrender their E∣states on promise to re-grant them in a better and more le∣gal Form; whereas really they were cheated, and the King reserved a Tenure to himself, and gave the Irishman only the Possessions and Profits.

And for these and other Injuries, says Mr. Sullevan, pag. 61. the English Kings could never enjoy Ireland quietly, but were disturbed with many, and almost continual Rebelli∣ons.

Little did this Objector think that his Conclusion had de∣stroyed three of his Objections; for if the Irish were in al∣most continual Rebellions, as he says, and is true, how could he expect they should enjoy Offices, sit in Parliaments, or have Benefit of the Kings Laws? But the weakness of these Objections will yet more plainly appear by the following An∣swers.

To the First, the Instances are few; and it is bad Logick to draw general Consequences from the Actions of two or three particular Men, especially such as so bitterly reflect on a Government or Nation; besides, all these three were Pa∣pists, and their Sacrilege does not concern the Protestant Government of Ireland; which is what Mr. Sullevan de∣sign'd to asperse.

To the Second; If this Author had consulted the Eccle∣siastical Catalogue, he would have found that the Natives had more than their share of Bishopricks and Arch-Bishop∣ricks, and that to the ruine of most of the Sees, and in the

Military List he might have found the Baron of Dungannon, Neal, Garuff, Macguire, O Connor, and many more who had Pay or Pension; and yet it is so far from being criminal, to prefer the Colony before the Native to Offices of Trust and Profit in a conquered Country, that it is a necessary Duty to do it, Ne Victi Victoribus Legem darent; at most, this Partiality is but in matters of Favour, so that there is no wrong, and 'tis founded on good Law and sound Policy. But what would this Objecter and his Companions say, if they should see a Popish Governor in Ireland, against all Law and Policy, to make it criminal to be an Englishman, and a cause of deprivation to profess the Religion by Law establi∣shed?

To the Third; Several of the Irish Potentates did sit in former Parliaments, and particularly in the Parliaments of the 8th. of Edw. 2. O Hanlon, O Neal, O Donnel, Macgenis, O Cahon, Mac Mahon, and many more Irish Lords were pre∣sent; but since the Parliaments are better regulated, 'tis true that none are suffered to sit in the House of Lords, but such as are Lords of Parliament by Law, viz. by Writ or Patent; but 'tis as true, that the principal men of the Irish have or had Titles that qualifie them to sit there; as, O Neal Earl of Tyrone, O Donel Earl of Tyrconnel, O Bryan Earl of Thomond, Mac Carthy Earl of Clancarthy, O Bryan Earl of Insiquin; The Lords Macguire, Clare, Glanmalira, and Dun∣gannon, Kavenagh Baron of Balion, O Carol Baron of Ely, and many more.

To the Fourth; Since the Irish would not admit their Countries to be made Shire-Ground, nor suffer Sheriffs to exercise any Authority in them, so that they were not amesnable to the Kings Laws, but were governed by their own Brehon Laws, so that the English could have no Justice against them; nor could the King punish Murder without sending an Army to do it; there was no reason they should have the Benefit of that Law they would not submit to: And this I take to be the true Reason why it was denied them:* 1.21 'Tis true, they often Petitioned for the Liberty to be Plaintiffs, but they would not at the same time put themselves in a condition to be Defendants, nor come within the Jurisdiction of the Kings Courts, but by starts, and for their benefit; and therefore assoon as the Kingdom was throughly subdued, and reduced into Shires, so that the Kings Writ did run throughout the Realm, the Irish had also an equal Benefit of the Law, and were re∣ceived into the Condition of Subjects: So that this Objecti∣on has been long since quite taken away.

As to the Fifth; They were not so ignorant, but that they knew the necessity of leaving a Tenure in the King; besides there was some small Reservation or Crown-Rent re∣serv'd by Contract or Agreement in every Patent; and there∣fore they did not expect it as free as they surrendred it; how∣ever they got well enough by the bargain; for in lieu of a precarious Estate for Life at most, they got legal Titles of Inheritance by the Kings Grants; and certainly they had lit∣tle reason to complain, whilst (as our Author confesses) they enjoy'd both the Profits and the Possession.

But let us return to King Henry the Second, who found work enough in France, and was advised by his Mother Maud the Empress and others at a great Council held on that occa∣sion,* 1.22 at Winchester, to postpone his Irish Designs, until he could meet with a more favourable opportunity; which not long after hapned: For Dermond Mac Murrough King of Lein∣ster,* 1.23 having forced O Neale, O Mlaghalin and O Caroll, to give him Hostages, grew so insolent at these successes, that he became oppressive to his Subjects, and injurious to his Neighbours, more especially by the Rape of the Wife of Orourk King of Brehny,* 1.24 who was Daughter of O Mlaghlin King of Meath;* 1.25 whereupon he was invaded by his Ene∣mies,* 1.26 and abandoned by his Subjects and Tributaries, par∣ticularly by Morough O Borne, Hasculphus Mac Turkil Go∣vernor of Dublin, and Daniel, Prince of Ossory; and after many Disasters,* 1.27 was forced to quit his Country, and be∣take himself to the King of England for Assistance.

He was accompanied by his Trusty Servant Auliff, O Ki∣nade, and sixty others, and safely arrived at Bristol, where he was generously entertain'd at S. Austin's Abbey, by Ro∣bert Fitzharding;* 1.28 and so having refresh'd himself and Ser∣vants, he went forward on his Voyage to Aquitain, where the King then resided.

He appeared before the King in a most shabby Habit,* 1.29 suit∣able to the wretched condition of an Exile; He fell at his Majesties feet, and emphatically bewail'd his own Miseries and Misfortunes: He represented the Malice of his Neigh∣bours, and the Treachery of his pretended Friends, and the Rebellion of his Subjects, in proper and lively Expressions; he suggested that Kings were then most like Gods when they ex∣ercised themselves in succouring the Distressed; and that the Fame of King Henry's Magnificence and Generosity, had indu∣ced him to that Address for his Majesties Protection & Assist∣ance: But the King being engaged in France, could not aid him personally; however, being mov'd with Dermond's cunning Speeches & submissive Deportment,* 1.30 he pitied his Misfortunes, entertain'd him kindly, and gave him some Presents, and then

took his Oath of Allegiance, and gave him the following Patent.

HEnry,* 1.31 King of England, Duke of Nor∣mandy and Aquitain, Earl of Anjou, &c. Ʋnto all his Subjects, English, Normans, Welsh and Scots, and to all Nations and People be∣ing his Subjects, Greeting: Whereas Dermond Prince of Leinster, most wrongfully (as he inform∣eth) banished out of his one Country, hath craved our Aid; Therefore, for asmuch as we have receiv∣ed him into our Protection, Grace and Favour, who∣soever within our Realm, subject to our Commands, will Aid and Help him (whom we have embraced as our Trusty Friend) for the Recovery of his Land, let him be assured of Our Favour and License in that be∣half.

Dermond, full of Hopes, passed through England to Bristol, where he caused the Kings Letters to be publickly and fre∣quently read; and he likewise published his own Overtures of great Entertainment to such as would assist him; but his chief Dependance was upon Richard Earl of Chepstow, com∣monly call'd Strongbow, who Covenanted to aid him the next Spring with a good Force (if he could obtain the Kings particular Leave to do so) for which he was to have Der∣mond's only Daughter Eva, and to succeed in the Kingdom of Leinster.

From Bristol Dermond went to St. Davids in Wales, where he prevailed with Rhees, Prince of that Country, to enlarge Robert Fitz Stephens, who was then in Prison; and the Bi∣shop of S. Davids perswaded the aforesaid Fitz-Stephens and Maurice Fitz-Girald to engage in Dermond's Quarrel; for which, the Irish Prince was to give them in Fee Wexford, and two Cantreds adjoyning. But Dermond impatient of longer absence from his own Country, and to prepare for the reception of his Auxiliaries, sailed to Ireland in August, and Landed at Glascarrig,* 1.32 and thence went to Fernes; where he was kindly received by the Clergy, to whom he made great ostentation of the Valour, Number and Bravery of his new Confederates; however, he thought fit to remain with them private, and as it were incognito, that Win∣ter.

In the mean time he sent his trusty Servant Maurice Regan, in the Nature of an Embassadour, to sollicite and hasten the English Assistance, and to promise Lands to such of the Ad∣venturers, as would stay in Ireland, and good Rewards in Mo∣ny or Cattle, to them that designed to return.

But the English were mindful of their Engagements and Promise; and in pursuance of them Robert Fitz-Stephens ar∣rived at the Ban,* 1.33 a small Creek in the County of Wexford, about the Calends of May, together with thirty Gentlemen, sixty Men in Jacks, and three hundred choice Archers and Pike-Men, in three Ships: And the next came Maurice of Prendergast, ten Gentlemen, and a number of Archers, in two Barques: As also Hervy of Mountmaurice, whom Strong∣bow sent as his Agent, to be informed of the true state of the Country.

They immediately send Notice of their Arrival, which be∣ing known, gave Dermond so great Reputation that his re∣volted Subjects flockt to him with such celerity, and in such numbers as manifested their Levity, and that they were too much inclined to court a prevailing Power.

That Night the English incamped by the Sea-side,* 1.34 and the next Day marched towards Wexford, where they were met by Daniel (Dermonds Natural Son) and five hundred Men, and soon after came Dermond himself, and renewed the Leagues and Covenants between him and the English,* 1.35 and thereupon both Armies joyn and march friendly to Wexford.

Two thousand of the Wexfordians boldly make a Sally,* 1.36 but when they perceived the Armour, Barbed Horses, and other war-like Furniture of the English, and such an Appea∣rance as they had never seen before, they were frighted therewith, and easily persuaded to retire; nevertheless they burnt their Suburbs, and the adjacent Villages, and manful∣ly betook themselves to defend their Walls. They also briskly repulsed Fitz Stephens his first Attack, and killed eighteen of his Men, whereupon the English were enraged, and being resolved either to conquer or dye, they first burnt their Ships, and then made Publick Prayers in the Camp, and prepared for a Second Assault; but by the Mediation of some Bishops that was prevented, and the fourth Day of the Siege the Town was surrendred on Articles, and together with two Cantreds adjoyning was given to Fitz-Stephens and Fitz-Girald, according to the former Agreement. And to oblige the Earl of Chepstow, Dermond bestowed two Cantreds (situate between Wexford and Waterford) on Henry of Mountmaurice; and those three setled the first Colony of British on these Lands, which have continued through-all the Changes since, to this Day.

But the King of Leinster was overjoyed at this Success, and to express his Gratitude to the English Adventurers, he marched to Fernes, to caress them, where they staid three Weeks,* 1.37 and spent their Time in Feasting and Jollity. Der∣mond did not fail to applaud their Valour, and tell them, how much they were dreaded by the Irish, and then he pro∣posed to them an Expedition into Ossory; to which they rea∣dily consented.

The Army consisting of three thousand Irish, besides the English, in pursuance of the former Resolution, invaded Ʋpper Ossory. That Prince was Dermonds bitterest Enemy, and had formerly imprisoned Dermond's Son, and (being jealous of him) had put out both his Eyes, by means where∣of he dyed.

That Country being full of Woods and Bogs,* 1.38 might easi∣ly have been defended, and the Prince of Ossory prepared to do so; but Fitz-Stephens counterfeited a Flight, and by that Stratagem drew out the Ossorians to pursue him; and when he had got them on the Plain, he charged them with his Horse to purpose, and routed them, with the Slaughter of above three hundred Men;* 1.39 whose Heads being brought to Dermond, he most barbarously did bite away the Nose and Lips of one of them,* 1.40 whom he knew and mortally hated: However, by this Defeat, and the Inroads and Desolation they made in the Country,* 1.41 the Prince of Ossory was forced to Submit, swear Fealty, and give Hostages to the King of Leinster.

But Mr. Regan not allowing of this Submission, tells us of a second Expedition into Ossory: and that after the Wexford Men were three times repulsed, the English forced the Tren∣ches, beat the Ossorians, and burnt the Country, and Mau∣rice de Prendergast being disgusted with Dermond, resolved to return to England; but being stopt at Wexford, he took part with the Prince of Ossory; but finding that Prince designed to murder him, in stead of giving him his promised Pay, he got rid of him by a Stratagem, and returned to Eng∣land, and afterward came over again with Strongbow.

But however that be, 'tis more certain, That the Ar∣my being refreshed, invaded, burnt and prey'd the Country of O Phelan, and afterwards O Tools Country up to Glande∣logh, and met with small or no Resistance.

In the mean time Rotherick (the Monarch of Ireland) was alarm'd at the Advent and Success of the English, and there∣fore he summon'd a General Parliament, or Assembly of all the Princes of the Country; they quickly resolved to attack the King of Leinster, and to expel the Stran∣gers; and in order to put their Votes in execution, they

united their Forces, and invaded O Kensile, a Territory in Leinster.

Dermond finding himself unable to resist this mighty Force, and the rather, because he perceived his Subjects began to stagger in their Loyalty,* 1.42 which it seems was calculated for his Good Fortune only, applyed himself to Fitz-Stephens, and nakedly represented the Case to him, and told him; That unless he stuck firmly to him, in this great Adver∣sity, the Kingdom of Leinster would be lost for ever.

Fitz-Stephens answered, That the English had forsaken their Dearest Friends and Native Soyl, for his sake; that they had burnt their Ships, and had already ventured their Lives in his Quarrel; and therefore happen how it would, they would live and dye together. Be you true to us (said he) and we will not be false to you: Your Royal Courage should contemn these Accidents, which will soon be at an End, for either Death (which is the common Fate) will in a little time deliver us with Honour from these Streights, or a glorious Victory will place us above all those Difficul∣ties which now seem so terrible.

Dermond was much encouraged by this Speech, how∣ever, because his Army was much inferior in number, to that of his Enemies, he did, by Fitz-Stephens his Advice, retreat to an inaccessible Fastness by Ferns; which by plash∣ing of Trees, and making Entrenchments, he soon rendred impregnable.

But Rotherick wisely considering the Difficulty of the At∣tempt, and the incertain Events of War, tryed severally, and apart both Dermond and Fitz-Stephens, to persuade them by fair means to an Agreement: to Fitz-Stephens he sent Presents, in the nature of a Bribe, together with Lett••rs to this effect.

THE Britains may not by Law of Arms,* 1.43 display their Ensigns in Foreign Possessions, nor dispossess the Lawful Heirs of their Inheritance; but they are with Licence of the Irish to pack Home. It is a Blemish to their Nation to give Aid to a shameful Fact: Neither may the Lechery of Der∣mond, be mantled under British Cloaks. Wherefore depart, and forsake him, that is forsaken of God and Man; and here, by my Messenger receive to defray your Charges, and transport you to your Native Soyl.

But the Monarch was mistaken in the Man, for Fitz-Stephens returned this Answer:

YOur Present I will not accept; nor will I break the Faith and Troth; I have promised to my Friend Dermond; he forsakes not me, I will not forsake him, neither leave him di∣stressed. You speak of Lechery, what is that among Martial Men? I hear you have Bastards your self. To what End is your Embassie? If Rotherick give Counsel, we need it not; if he prophesie, we credit not his Oracle; if he command as a Prince, we obey not his Authority; if he threaten as an Enemy, a Figg for his Monarchy.

So finding himself out in his Politicks, he prepares to force them to that which he could not persuade them to; and to encourage his Soldiers, suggests to them, That Der∣mond designed to extirpate the Irish Nation, and to that end had brought in the most hateful Enemies they had; that he was more cruel than a Beast, and no Mercy was to be expected from him; that unless this Civil War was by their Valour immediately ended, it would prove the Ruine of their Nation; that their Enemies were easily to be subdued, whilst their Number was few, and their Means inconside∣rable; and that if they lost this Opportunity, their Country was lost for ever.

Dermond in like manner made a Speech to his Followers, set∣ting forth; That they had Powerful and Brave Assistants, the English, whose Valour has been approved; and that their Faithfulness was undoubted, because they had sworn it, had burnt their Ships, and could expect no Mercy from their Ene∣mies; That their Cause was Just, in defence of their Prince and Country; that Rotherick was a Tyrant, had three Wives, then alive, and eleven Bastards, he murthered his Natural Brother, was guilty of innumerable Murders, Thefts, Lyes and Debaucheries; and had no other End in all his specious Pretences than the enslaving them and their Children.

But after all this, the Reputation of the English kept Rotherick in Fear, and obliged him to continue his Endea∣vours for Peace; and Dermonds Condition, and approach∣ing Wants, obliged him likewise to make a Peace, he ne∣ver designed to keep any longer than he needs must; so by the Mediation of some Good Men, they at last came to this Conclusion.

First, That Dermond renewing his Homage, should be restored to his Kingdom of Leinster.

Secondly,* 1.44 That he should dismiss the English, as soon as he was setled. But this Article was private.

Thirdly, That his Son Cothurne should be Hostage for performance thereof; and as soon as the English were gone, then Dermond's Son, should be married to Rothericks Daugh∣ter.

The Hostage was accordingly delivered, and all quiet, when Maurice Fitz-Gerald landed at Waxford, with ten Knights, twenty Esquires, and one hundred Archers, with which Recruit Dermond marched to Dublin, to reduce that Rebellious City, which was, without much Resistance, sur∣rendred upon Articles, and so they renewed their Oaths of Allegiance, and gave Hostages for their future Obe∣dience.

In the mean time Rotherick with his Army went to de∣mand Chief Rent of Danald, Prince of Limerick, who was Dermond's Son-in-Law; but Dermond, under-hand, procu∣red Fitz-Stephens (who stay'd behind him, to build his Castle of Carrick, near Waxford) to step to Danald's Assi∣stance; and the Issue was, That Rotherick was baffled, and forced to return without without his Chieffry.

With this Success Dermond was encouraged to Higher Designs,* 1.45 and daily consulted with the English,* 1.46 how he might recover the Monarchy of Ireland, which his Ancestors formerly enjoyed, and to which he pretended a Title. He offered his Daughter Eva to Fitz-Stephens and Fitz-Gerald, and made them many large Promises, if they would recruit their Forces, and assist in the Design, but they were mar∣ried, and could not accept the Offers, nor were they able to go through with so great an Undertaking; and therefore they advise him to solicit Strongbow once more to so noble an Exploit.

It seems Strongbow was hindred by the King; for upon re∣ceipt of Dermond's Letters, he went to his Majesty, desir∣ing Leave to seek new Territories in Ireland, or to be restored to his old Estate in England.* 1.47 The King wearied with his Importunity, said to him in Passion; I wish you were gone: Which Strongbow takes for a Licence, and away he goes, and prepares as fast as he can for his Irish Voyage.

Before him he sent Reymond Le Gross,* 1.48 with ten Knights, forty Esquires, and eighty Archers; who came in May, 1171, and landed at Dondowrough, eight Miles east of Waterford, and entrencht themselves as well as they could. The Waxfordians and their Neighbours, to the number of three thousand, under Mac-Kelan, Prince of Ophelan, and

O Rian of Odrone, came down by Land and Water, attack'd the English,* 1.49 and beat Reymond into his Entrenchment; but the English, (rendred desperate by the Danger) made a second Salley; and the Enemy being negligently and disor∣derly scattered, they slew five hundred of them, and took seventy principal Citizens, whom by the Advice of Hervey, immediately they drowned.

Strongbow came on the twenty third of August, and landed in the Haven of Waterford,* 1.50 with two hundred Knights, and more than one thousand Soldiers: To him immediately re∣paired the King of Leinster,* 1.51 Fitz-Stephens, Fitz-Gerald, and Reymond Le Gross; this last was made General of the Field, and the next Day goes to assault Waterford by Land and Water; after two Repulses Reymond perceived a Cabbin on the Wall, propt with Timber, on the out-side; imme∣diately he caused the Prop to be cut, so that the House fell, and with it part of the Wall; at which Breach the English entred,* 1.52 ransack'd the City, and slew every one they found in Arms, except O Philim Prince of Decies, and one Reginald, whom they imprisoned.

Then was Eva, Daughter of the King of Leinster, married to the Earl, according to the former Capitulations: And soon after the Army marched to Dublin, through the Moun∣tains of Glandelogh, the ordinary Road being guarded or made unpassible by the Dublinians, who had again rebel∣led.

Dermond hated the Dublinians exceedingly, because they had murthered his Father, and, in Derision, buried him with a Dog: However, at the Intercession of the Archbishop, Laurence, he treated with them; but the Time allotted for the Treaty,* 1.53 being expired, Reymond and Miles Cogan took Advantage thereof, broke into the City and sack'd it, with great Slaughter; but Hastalphus the Governour, and some of the better sort, with their Riches, escaped by Sea.

Miles Cogan being left Governour of Dublin, Strongbow,* 1.54 at the Intercession of Dermond, invades Meath; which he burns and spoils; Whereupon Rotherick upbraids Dermond's Perfidiousness; and, unless he will observe the late Peace, threatens to behead his Son Cothurnus, who was Hostage thereof: Which (upon Dermonds surly answer, That he would proceed to conquer Connagh, his ancient Ineritance) was accordingly performed.

The Archbishop assembles a Synod at Armagh,* 1.55 to enquire into the Causes of God's Anger, which being met, and preter∣mitting the Symony of the Prelates, the Ignorance and Neg∣ligence of the Priests, the Lechery and Exorbitances of the Clergy, lay all upon the Laity, and concluded, That God

was offended for selling the English, as Bond men, and there∣fore they decree, That all the Englishmen be manumis'd.

But King Henry,* 1.56 upon the Report of these Victories, be∣came jealous of Strongbow, and therefore, by Proclamation, forbids the Transportation of any thing, out of his Dominions, to Ireland, and commands all the English to return before Easter;* 1.57 and to stop their farther Proceedings in Ireland, on pain of forfeiting their Estates in England. Whereupon the Earl used all possible means to appease the King; and sent Reymond le Grosse as his Agent, to submit his Conquests to his Majesties Pleasure. The King, (who was then in Aqui∣tain) gave Reymond very good Words, nevertheless he still kept a hard hand on the Adventurers.

In the mean time Hastulphus,* 1.58 late Governour of Dublin, returned about Whitsontide, with sixty Ships,* 1.59 and a smart Party of good Soldiers, well arm'd and provided; he attack'd the City of Dublin on the east Side thereof: Miles Cogan, the Governour, boldly made a Sally, but was beaten back with Loss: Which his Brother, Richard Cogan, perceiving, he issued out of the South-gate, and came in the Rear of the Enemy, which so surprized them, that after a small Resi∣stance they were entirely defeated: Hastulphus himself was taken, and it was designed to keep him Prisoner, in Hopes of Ransome, but being brought before the Governour, he foolishly boasted what he would do at the next Invasion, and therefore to prevent it, he was immediately be∣headed.

About the Calends of May, Dermond Mac Morough King of Leinster died at Ferns;* 1.60 whereupon Strongbow immediate∣ly repaired to Dublin, to keep that City quiet, if possible; but by the King's aforesaid Proclamation he was debarr'd of Supply either of Men or Victuals, and thereby was reduc'd to great Distress.

Rotherick observing Strongbow's weak Condition, confede∣rated with Gothred,* 1.61 King of the Isle of Man, and all the chief Men of Ireland; and having got together thirty Ships, and thirty thousand Men, they besieged Dublin, both by Land and Water; whereunto they were encouraged by Lau∣rence, Archbishop of that City.

At the same time the Men of Kensile, and the People of Wexford, to the number of three thousand, besieged Fitz-Stephens, in his Castle of Carrig, which he was then repair∣ing and fortifying, they reduc'd the poor old Britain to the last Extremity: Nevertheless, his Courage did not fail, but with his small Company (being five Gentlemen and a few Soldiers) he made such a Reisistance, that the Besiegers de∣spaired to reduce him by Force, and therefore they resolved

to make use of a Stratagem, which proved effectual at this Time, and therefore hath been too often practised in Ireland, on other Occasions: They brought the Bishops of Wexford and Kildare, a Mass-Book, the Eucharist, and certain Reliques, and by them solemnly swore, That Dublin was taken, and that all the English found therein were slain; and that Rotherick was marching towards them, to finish the Siege of Carrig; and that they, in Favour of Fitz-Stephens, and in Contem∣plation of his great Generosity and Valour, offered him this Opportunity, to put him and his Company on board a Ship, that they might safely return into Wales, before Rotherick and his enraged Army should arrive. The good old Man was wheedled with this Perjury,* 1.62 and surrendred his Castle; which being done, some of his People were perfidiously mur∣thered, and himself and the rest were kept in Prison.

Strongbow was in the mean time reduc'd to great Distress, in Dublin, his English Soldiers not exceeding the Number of six hundred;* 1.63 nevertheless, having no Opinion of the Cou∣rage or Integrity of the Irish, he refused to mix with them, or to admit any of them into his Service, except Donell Cavenah, Mac Gely and O Carvi; but being farther pressed, he would have accepted of any Reasonable Conditions; he offered to hold Leinster of Rotherick, and to become his Man (that is, to do him Fealty); but Rotherick would not hear of any thing but an absolute Surrender. Hereupon the Condition of the Irish was secure, and that of the English was despe∣rate: Rotherick was bathing and solacing himself and his Army in a licentious and loose Posture, when Strongbow and his small Garrison (resolving to sell their Lives at the dear∣est rate they could) made an unexpected Salley into the Irish Quarters; Reymond le Gross, with twenty Knights, and a small Brigade, led the Van; Miles Cogan, with thirty Knights, and his Party, followed; and Strongbow and Fitz-Girald, with forty Knights, and the rest of the Garrison, brought up the Rear. The Consequence of this bold At∣tempt was an entire Victory; for the Irish (being surpriz'd and out of Order) neither could nor did make any conside∣rable Resistance, but were soon put to Flight, with the loss of one thousand five hundred Men.

The next Day Strongbow marched to Wexford, through the Barony of Idrone, to relieve Fitz-Stephens, amongst the Fastnesses of that Country, at a Place called the Earls Pace; he was briskly assaulted by O Rian and his Followers; but O Rian being slain by an Arrow shot at him by Nichol the Monk, the rest were easily scattered, and many of them slain. It was here that Strongbow's only Son (a Youth about seventeen Years old) frighted with the Number

and Ululations of the Irish, run away from the Battle, and made towards Dublin; but being informed of his Fathers Victory, he joyfully came back to congratulate that Success; but the severe General having first reproach'd him with Cowardize, caused him to be immediately executed, by cutting him off in the Middle with a Sword; so great an Ab∣horrence had they of Dastardliness in those Days, that in imitation of the Old Romans they punish'd it with a Seve∣rity, which how commendable soever it may be in a General, was nevertheless unnatural in a Father. The Tomb both of Father and Son, is yet to be seen in the Body of Christ-Church, in Dublin, whereon formerly was this bald Epitaph, allud∣ing to this Story.

Nate ingrate,* 1.64 mihi pugnanti Terga dedisti, Non mihi, sed Genti, Regno quoque Terga dedisti.

When Strongbow came near Wexford, he received the ill News of Fitz-Stephens his Misfortune, as also that the Irish had burnt Wexford, and were retired to the Island Be∣gory or Betherni, and were resolved to kill Fitz-Stephens, if they were farther pursued: Wherefore he turned aside to∣wards Waterford, and march'd to that City, where he met Hervy, who was returned with Letters from the King, wherein the Earl was ordered immediately to repair into England.

Strongbow presently obeyed, and met the King at Newnham, near Glocester, on his Journey towards Ireland, with an Ar∣my: The Earl behaved himself so dutifully, that the King was soon appeased, for Strongbow did not only renew his Fealty, but did also surrender to the King the City of Dub∣lin, and two Cantreds adjoyning, and all Forts and Towns bordering on the Sea. And on the other side, the King was contented that the Earl should enjoy all the rest to him and his Heirs, to be held of his Majesty and his Successors, and so they marched by Severn-side, through South Wales to Pembrook,* 1.65 and at length embarqu'd at Milford Haven.

In the mean time O Rorick, and the King of Meath, took Advantage of Strongbow's Absence in England, and Reymond's at Waterford, and with their united Forces besieged Dublin; But Miles Cogan had the Courage to sally, and the Good For∣tune to defeat them, with the Slaughter of Orourk's Son, and many of his Followers.

On the eighteenth of October,* 1.66 King Henry arrived at Water∣ford with four hundred Knights, and four thousand Soldiers: The People of Wexford came with the first, to make their court,

and complimented him with their Prisoner, Fitz-Stephens, whom the King continued in Prison, and smartly chid him for invading Ireland, without his Majesties special Licence: But this was but a piece of King-craft, to ingratiate with the Irish, and to get the City of Wexford, which Fitz-Stephens was forc'd to part with, and to make his humble Submission; and then at the King's second coming to Wa∣terford, he was restored to his Liberty, and the rest of his Estate.

To the King, (at Waterford) came Dermond Mac Carthy, King of Cork, and voluntarily submitted, and swore Alle∣giance: He also agreed to pay a certain annual Tribute; which being done, the King marched to Lismore, and thence to Cashel, near which, on the Banks of the Shure, came Daniel O Bryan, Prince of Limerick; who in like man∣ner submitted, and swore Allegiance. Whereupon Garri∣sons were sent to Cork and Limerick, and the King returned to Waterford. In like manner submitted Daniel, Prince of Ossory, O Phelin Prince of Decyes, and all the great Men of Munster: And the King gave each of them a Present, and to all of them gracious and kind Reception.

All the Archbishops,* 1.67 Bishops and Abbots of Ireland, came unto the King of England at Waterford, and received him as King and Lord of Ireland, and sware Fealty to him and his Heirs; and from every Archbishop and Bishop he receiv∣ed a Chart, by which they acknowledged and constituted him King, and submitted unto him and his Heirs, as their Kings, for ever. And according to their Example, the fore∣said Kings and Princes received him as King and Lord of Ire∣land, and became his Men, and swore Fealty to him and his Heirs against all Men.

These Charters were transcrib'd, and the King sent the Transcripts to Pope Alexander, who confirm'd, by Aposto∣lick Authority, to him and his Heirs, the Kingdom of Ireland, according to the Form of those Charters, as a∣foresaid.

The King left Robert Fitz-Barnard and his Houshold at Waterford, and marched to Dublin, through Ossory; by the way he received the Submissions of the Prince of Ossory, O Carol, O Rurk, O Chadess, O Toole, and several others; but Rotherick, the Monarch, came no nearer than the Shannon-Side, where Hugh de Lacy and William Fzadeline, by Commission, received his Oath of Allegiance; and agree∣ed with him for a Tribute; and as the rest did, he likewise gave Hostages for his Performance, so that there was no Prince, or great Man in any part of Ireland, except Ʋlster, but by his Deputies, or in Person, did submit to the King.

Then did the King command to assemble a Synod at Cashel; whereunto the Archbishop of Armagh consented afterwards, though by reason of his great Age he was not present at the Synod: Where, after Christmas; appeared Christianus Bi∣shop of Lismore, the Pope's Legate, Donagh Archbishop of Cashel, Laurence Archbishop of Dublin, and Catholicus Arch∣bishop of Tuum, with their Suffragans and Fellow Bishops, with divers Abbots, Archdeacons, Priors, Deans, and other Prelates: And the King sent thither Ralph, Abbot of Bulde∣wais, Ralph, Archdeacon of Landaff, Nicholas the Chaplain, and divers other good Clerks; and they made these follow∣ing Canons.

First,* 1.68 It is Decreed, That all Good, Faithful and Chri∣stian People, throughout Ireland, should forbear and shun to marry with their near Kinsfolk and Cousins, and marry with such as lawfully they should do.

Secondarily, That Children shall be Catechiz'd, without the Church Door, and Baptiz'd in the Font, appointed, in the Churches for the same.

Thirdly, That every Christian Body do Faithfully and Truly pay yearly the Tithes of his Cattle, Corn, and other his Increase and Profits, to the Church or Parish, where he is a Parishioner.

Fourthly, That all the Church-Lands and Possessions, throughout all Ireland, shall be free from all Secular Exacti∣ons and Impositions; and especially, that no Lords, Earls, or Noblemen, nor their Children, nor Family, shall extort or take any Coyn and Livery, Cosheryes, nor Cuddyes, nor any other like Custom, from thenceforth, in or upon any of the Church-Lands and Territories. And likewise, That they, nor no other Person, do henceforth exact out of the said Church-Lands, Old, Wicked and Detestable Cu∣stoms of Coyn and Livery, which they were wont to ex∣tort upon such Towns and Villages of the Churches, as were near, and next bordering upon them.

Fifthly, That when Earick or Composition is made among the Lay-People, for any Murther, That no Person of the Clergy (though he be kin to any of the Parties) shall con∣tribute any thing thereunto; but as they be guiltless from the Murther, so shall they be free from Payment of Mony, for any such Earick, or Release for the same.

Sixthly, That all and every Good Christian being Sick and Weak, shall, before the Priest, and his Neighbours, make his last Will and Testament; and his Debts and Servant's Wages being paid, all his Moveables to be divided (if he have any Children) into three Parts; whereof one Part to be to the

Children, another to his Wife, and the third Part to be for the Performance of his Will. And if so be he have no Chil∣dren, then the Goods to be divided into two Parts, whereof the one Moyety to his Wife, and the other to the Perfor∣mance of his Will and Testament. And if he have no Wife, but only Children, then the Goods to be likewise divided in∣to two Parts, whereof the one to himself, and the other to his Children.

Seventhly, That every Christian, being Dead, and dying in the Catholick Faith, shall be reverendly brought to the Church, and to be buried as appertaineth.

Finally, That all the Divine Service, in the Church of Ireland, shall be Kept, Used and Observed, in the like Or∣der and Manner, as it is in the Church of England: For it is Meet and Right, That as by God's Providence and Appoint∣ment, Ireland is now become Subject, and under the King of England; so the same should take from thence the Order, Rule and Manner how to Reform themselves, and to Live in better Order: For whatsoever Good Thing is befallen to the Church and Realm of Ireland, either concerning Religion, or peaceable Government, they owe the same to the King of England, and are to be thankful unto him for the same: For before his coming into the Land of Ireland, many and all sorts of Wickedness, in Times past, flowed and and reigned among them; all which, now by his Authority and Good∣ness are abolish'd.

And so (says Cambrensis) they having owned the King Supreme in Church and State, he confirmed their Canons, by his Royal Authority: And it seems to me, That at the same Synod the King declared his Pleasure to govern Ireland by the Laws of England: Whereto they consented, and swore Obedience accordingly, for thus my Author phrases it: Leges Angliae sunt ab omnibus gratanter receptae, & juratoria, cautione praestita confirmatae.* 1.69 And though others say, This was done at a Synod,* 1.70 held about this Time at Lismore: Yet I ra∣ther believe, That the Bishop of Lismore, his presiding at Cashel (as he did, being the Pope's Legate) gave rise to the Mistake of the Place; than that there should be two such famous Synods celebrated in the same Province, in one Year: But however that be, this is certain, That the King, soon after his return into England, caused an antient Trea∣tise,* 1.71 called, Modus tenendi Parliamentum, to be transcribed in a Parchment-Roll, and to be sent into Ireland, for their better Instruction.

The King kept his Christmas at Dublin, in as great State as that Place would admit of; for there was not any House to be found there, that was capable of his Retinue, and there∣fore he was necessitated to build a long Cabin, with smooth'd Wattles, after the Fashion of the Country, and almost in the Nature of a Tent, which (being well furnished with Plate, Housholdstuff and good Chear) made a better Ap∣pearance than ever had been seen in Ireland, before that Time, and accordingly it was admired and applauded by the Irish Potentates, who flocked thither to pay their Duty to the King.

But it was Time for Henry to mind his Foreign Affairs, and therefore, in order to his return to England, he went to Wexford, and there he staid almost three Months, during which Time, the Weather was so tempestuous, that Ships durst not adventure to Sea; so that the King could neither get to England, nor receive any Intelligence from thence: At length, after Mid-Lent, a Vessel arrived, with the bad News, of the King's Sons being in Rebellion; and of the coming of the Pope's Legates, to Interdict the Kingdom, for the Murder of Becket: He was also distressed, in Ireland, by the Plague, which raged in his Army, and by the want of Victuals, which now began to be very scarce and dear, so that he was necessitated to hasten to England; although he was much troubled to leave Ireland in that unsetled Conditi∣on, and without some Castles and Fortresses, which he de∣sign'd, and thought necessary for its Conservation.

But the Kings Jealousie was not so much of the Irish, as it was of Strongbow, whose Reputation and Interest were very great: And therefore, to ballance him, the King raised se∣veral Grandees, and gave them large Portions of Land, to∣gether with great Jurisdictions and Priviledges; particularly he gave Ʋlster to the famous John de Courcy, and Meath to Hugh de Lacy; and left Lacy, with twenty Gentlemen, and Robert Fitz-Stephens and Maurice Fitz-Girald, with twenty more, Governours of Dublin. Waterford was committed to the Care of Humphry de Bohun, Robert Fitz-Barnard, and Hugh de Gondeville, who had twenty Gentlemen to attend them; and William Fitz-Adelme, Philip of Hastings, and Philip de Bruce had the like number of Gentlemen to keep Wexford: And so, in the Morning, on Easter-Monday, the King went on Board, and was by Noon, the same Day landed at S. Davids in Wales:

He left Hugh de Lacy Chief Governour,* 1.72 or Lord Justice of Ireland; who kept his Residence at Dublin, and thither came to him O Mlaghlin of Meath, to complain of some Hard∣ships and Inconveniences, he pretended to suffer in that

Country, or rather to adjust Matters between them, about their respective Interests and Estates in Meath; for he desired a Parly at the Hill of Taragh: To which Lacy very readily consented. And so, after reciprocal Oaths for each others Safety,* 1.73 they met at the Time and Place appointed: O Mlaghlin had treacherously prepared an Ambush, and when he found his Opportunity, he gave them the Signal; and upon their Approach, he with a Pale Grim Countenance, and with a Spar in his Hand, made up to Lacy, and assaulted him.

But it happened, That one Griffith, the Night before the Parly, had dreamt, That a parcel of Hogs fell upon Lacy, and had killed him, if he had not slain the great Boar: This Dream being told to Maurice Fitz-Girald, he gave such re∣gard to it, as Superstitious Men commonly do to such Whimsies; and believing that it did forbode some Danger to Lacy, he caused Griffith, and six more, secretly to arm themselves, and to ride near the Place of Parley, as it were for Pleasure, and to be ready at any Alarm.

Maurice Fitz Girald (as soon as he discover'd O Mlaghlin's Design) gave the Signal to Griffith, but before he could come up, the Irish had kill'd Lacy's Interpreter, who inter∣posed, to save his Master, and had his Arm cut off for his Pains; Lacy himself was twice knockt down, but Griffith being come, he soon ended this Skirmish, by the Death of O Mlaghlin, whose Head he cut off, and sent it into Eng∣land.

But Lacy being unable to manage the Kingdom, and the King being so perplexed with the Rebellion of his Sons, that he could not personally attend the Irish Affairs, it was neces∣sary to send for Strongbow into Normandy (where the King was) and to give him the Government of Ireland.

Strongbow being sent for, did readily wait on the King, and being made acquainted with his Majesties Intentions, he made it his Request, That to avoid Envy and Jealousie, Rey∣mond le Gross, might be his Colleague in the Government. The King replyed, That Reymond should be joyned with him, as an Assistant, but not in Commission: And so having ex∣press'd much Confidence in the Earl, he gave him the City of Wexford and the Castle of Wicklow, and sent him to his Go∣vernment.

Richard Earl of Chepstow, commonly call'd Strongbow, Chief Governour, or Lord Justice of Ireland, at his arrival there, found all things in Disorder, many of the Irish actu∣ally revolted, and all of them confederated to shake off the English Yoke; the Army also was Mutinous for want of Pay, and the Generals (Hervy and Reymond) were at odds. Immediately he put the Army under the Conduct of Reymond;* 1.74

who led them into Ophaly; where they met with good Prey: Thence he advanced to Lismore, and spoiled both the Town, and the Country; and so, by the Sea-side, he marched to∣wards Waterford: At Dungarvan he found thirteen Boats; which he seized, and loaded with Prey and Plunder: But being detained there a long time, by contrary Winds, the People of Cork found means to fit out thirty two Barques, and manfully assaulted the English in their Boats; never∣theless the English Bows and Arrows prevailed, and the Cor∣cagians were defeated, and their Admiral, Gilbert mac Tur∣ger, slain: Whereupon the English, under their Admiral, Adam de Hereford, sailed triumphantly into Waterford.

Dermond mac Carthy, King of Cork, came, with his For∣ces, by Land, to countenance the aforesaid Attempt of the Corcagians, by Sea, and to seize on the English Boats, if perhaps they should be forced ashore, as he expected; but Reymond met him, and gave him such a Brush, that he got a Prey of four thousand Cows, by the Bargain, and brought them safe to Waterford.

But whilst Reymond was thus busied in Munster, he re∣ceived Advice of the Death of his Father, William Fitz-Girald; which obliged him to take a Voyage into Wales, to get Possession of the Inheritance, descended to him: By this Accident the Command of the Army fell to Hervy; and abundance of Trouble and Misfortune hapned to the Earl.

For it was not long, before Hervy perswaded the Earl to an Exploit,* 1.75 somewhere about Cashel, and in order to it, to send for more Forces from Dublin; but Donald, Prince of Osso∣ry, having Notice of it, surpriz'd them in their March, and fell upon them in Ossory, where he slew four Gentlemen and four hundred Soldiers, being of that sort of the Citizens of Dublin, which were called Easterlings.

With this great Victory, the Irish were elevated beyond measure, and fansied, They had now got a favourable Opportunity to extipate the English: And to that End they armed every where; and even those Irish whom he had most obliged, and those also from whom he had Oaths and Pledges did, nevertheless, joyn with the rest in this General Conspiracy.

Rotherick, with a mighty Army passed the River Shenin, and Burnt and Prey'd the Country, even to the Walls of Dublin: And Strongbow was coopt up in Waterford, in con∣tinual Fear of a Massacre there••▪ In this miserable Conditi∣on, he sent to Reymond, into Wales, desiring him to hasten over; and promised him the Fair Basilia (Strongbow's Sister) as the Reward of his Expedition. Reymond made all possible Hast, and with thirty Gentlemen, an hundred Horsemen,

three hundred Archers and Footmen, and in twenty Barques arrived at Waterford very seasonably, for the Citizens were then conspiring the Murder of the English; which by this Accident was postponed for a Time.

Immediately the Earl, Reymond, and the Army, march'd to Wexford; and soon after the Citizens of Waterford mur∣dered the Governour Pursel, and butcher'd all the English, Men, Women and Children, except such as saved them∣selves in Reginalds Tower: But they manfully kept that Tow∣er, and afterwards regained the City, and forced the Citi∣zens to submit to hard Conditions.

Strongbow and the Army being at Wexford, Reymond was married to the Fair Basilia, and had with her Idrone, Glasca∣rig, Fothard, and the Constableship of Leinster: But in the midst of their Jollity, they received Information, That Ro∣therick had invaded Leinster; wherefore the next Day they marched towards Dublin: But Rotherick, at the News of their Approach, retreated; and Reymond caused the ruined Castles to be repaired, particularly the Castle of Trim, and so hoped that he might now enjoy his Beautiful Spouse in quiet.

But the Prince of Limerick was resolved to follow his Blow, and continued in open Defiance; so that Reymond was forced to march to him,* 1.76 with twenty six Gentlemen, three hundred Archers, and three hundred Horsemen: David Walsh ford∣ed, or rather swam, the River of Shenin, into the Island of Limerick, whom (by Reymond's Persuasion and Example) the rest followed,* 1.77 and took that City; and after plundering it, they left a Garrison in it, under Meyler of S. Davids, con∣sisting of fifty Gentlemen, two hundred Horse, and two hundred Archers; and returned.

Hervey of Mount-Morris, by his Letters to the King, had suggested, That Reymond intended to keep Limerick for him∣self; and that he and Strongbow would monopolize Ireland, and several other Falsities; which so moved the King's Jealou∣sie, that he sent over Robert Power, Osbert of Hereford, William Bending, and Adam of Germeny; whereof two were to bring over Reymond, and the other two to stay and watch the Earl.

In the mean Time, Letters came from Limerick, import∣ing; That the Garrison was in Distress, besieged by Daniel O Bryan: Whereupon it was resolved, as well by Strongbow, as by the new Messengers, That Reymond must undertake to relieve it.

Wherefore taking with him eighty Gentlemen, two hun∣dred Horse, and three hundred Archers, with some Irish, under Morough of Kensile, and Donold of Ossory, he marches

towards Limerick; but O Bryan not willing to fight with the Army and Garrison at once, raises his Siege, and marches towards Cashel,* 1.78 and by plashing the Trees, and trenching his Camp, he made it as strong as he could.

It was pleasant to behold the Prince of Ossory, who was O Bryans Mortal Foe, to tell the English, That they must fight valiantly, and be Victors, or He and His, would cut their Throats, for he was resolved to be of the strongest Side; and though he would help them whilst they sought, he would certainly turn against them, if they fled.

But the English Valour needed not such a Whet, for, ac∣cording to their Custom, they fell upon, and routed the Enemy, and marched to Limrick, and relieved the Garrison; which produced a Parley,* 1.79 and that a new Submission and Hostages, as well from Daniel Prince of Limrick, as from Rotherick, late Monarch of Ireland, who sent his Son over to the King, as Hostage of the Peace;* 1.80 and afterwards, by his Agents, the Archbishop of Tuam, the Abbot of S. Bren∣dam, and Laurence, his Chaplain, entred into the following Agreement.

Hic est finis & Concordia quae facta fuit apud Windesore,* 2.1 in octabis Sancti Michaelis, anno gratiae 1177. inter Dominum Regem Angliae, Henricum secundum, & Rode∣ricum Regem Conaciae, per Catholicum Tuamensem Archiepiscopum, & Abba∣tem C. Sancti Brandani, & Magistrum Laurentium, Cancellarium Regis Conaciae.

I. QƲod Rex Angliae concedit praedicto Roderico, Ligeo homini suo Regnum Conaciae, quamdiu ei fideliter serviet, ut sit Rex sub eo, paratus ad servitium suum, sicut ho∣mo suus, & ut teneat terram suam, ita bene, & in pace, sicut tenuit, antequam Dominus Rex Angliae intravit Hiberniam, reddendo ei tributum: & totam illam terram & habitatores ter∣rae habeat sub se; & Justitiae ut tributum Regi Angliae integre persolvant, & per manum ejus sua jura sibi conservent, & illi qui modo tenent, teneant in pace, quamdiu mansuerint in fideli∣tate Regis Angliae, & fideliter & integre persolverint tributum, & alia jura sua quae ei debent, per manum Regis Conaciae, salvo in omnibus jure & honore Domini Regis Angliae & suo.

II. Et siqui ex eis Regi Angliae, & ei Rebelles fuerint, & tributum & alia jura Regis Angliae, per manum ejus solvere no∣luerint, & à fidelitate Regis Angliae recesserint, ipse eos justitiet & amoveat, & si eos per se justitiare non poterit, Constabula∣rius Regis Angliae & familia sua de terra illa juvabunt, cum ad hoc faciendum, cum ab ipo fuerint requisiti, & ipsi viderint quod necesse fuerit, & propter hunc finem reddet proedictus Rex Cona∣ciae Domino Regi Angliae tributum singulis annis, scilicet de singulis decem animalibus, unum Corium placabile mercatoribus, tam de tota terra sua, quam de aliena.

III. Excepto quod de terris illis quas Dominus Rex Angliae retinuit in Dominio suo, & in Dominio Baronum suorum nihil se intromittet: Scilicet Durelina cum pertinentiis suis, & Me∣dia, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, sicut unquam Murchait, Wamai, Leth-Lachlin eam melius & plenius tenuit, aut ali∣qui qui eam de eo tenuerint. Et excepta Wexfordia, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis; scilicet, cum tota Lagenia; & excepta Wa∣terfordia, cum tota terra illa quae est à Waterfordia us{que} ad Dun∣garvan; ita ut Dungarvan sit, cum omnibus pertinentis suis, infra terram illam.

IV. Et si Hibernenses illi qui aufugerint redire voluerint ad terram Baronum Regis Angliae, redeant in pace reddendo tribu∣tum praedictum quod alii reddunt, vel faciendo antiqua servitia, quae facere solebant pro terris suis, & hoc sit in arbitrio Domi∣norum suorum, & si aliqui eorum redire noluerint, Domini eorum, & Rex Conaciae accipiat obsides, omnibus quos ei commi∣sit Dominus Rex Angliae, ad voluntatem Domini Regis, & su∣am, & ipse dabit Obsides ad voluntatem Domini Regis Angliae illos vel alios, & ipsi servient Domino de Canibus, & Avibus suis singulis annis de pertinentiis suis, & nullum omnino de quacunque terra Regis sit, retinebunt contra voluntatem Domini Regis. His testibus Richardo Episcopo Wintoniae, Gaufrido Episcopo Eliensi, Laurentio Duveliensi Archiepiscopo, Gaufri∣do, Nicholao & Rogero Capelanis Regis, Gulielmo Comite Es∣sexii, & aliis multis.

Whilst Reymond staid at Limrick, there came to him Dermond Mac Carthy, King of Cork, craving Aid against his Son Cormock Lehanagh, who had imprisoned him, and used him barbarously; Reymond assents upon the Terms agreed between them, conquers where he goes, subdues the Rebel∣lious Son, and delivers him Prisoner to his Father, who un∣naturally smote off his Head; and not long after (says Cam∣brensis) the Men of Cork, at a Parlee, not far from the Town, slew their Prince, the aforesaid Dermond mac Carthy, and most of his Company.

It seems that Dermond mac Carthy, King of Cork, gave un∣to Reymond, for this Expedition, a large Tract of Land in the County of Kerry, then reckoned part of the Kingdom of Cork; there Reymond setled his Son Maurice, who married Catherine, Daughter of Miles Cogan, and grew so Great and Powerful, that he gave Name both to his Country and his Family, this being called Fitz-Morris, and that Clan-Morris, and both the one and the other are enjoyed, to this Day, by his Lineal Heir Male, the Right Honourable William Lord Baron of Kerry.

Whilst Reymond was in the County of Cork, he received a Letter from his Wife in these Words.

KNow, my dear Lord, That my great Cheek Tooth, which was wont to ake so much, is now fallen out; wherefore if you have any Care or Regard of me, or of your self, come away with all speed.

By this Reymond knew that Strongbow was dead;* 2.2 but he wisely concealed it, and immediately returned to Limerick. And because he wanted the Soldiers to garrison the Towns near the Sea, he delivered the City to Donald, Prince of Thomond the King's Subject, upon a new Oath and Hostages; but he, as soon as the Garrison was out, perfidiously set Fire to the City in four Places, that it might be no more a Nest for English Men.

Thence Reymond marched to Dublin, and the Funerals of the Earl were there solemnized by the Archbishop of Dublin. The King's Messengers returned to England, with an ac∣count of the State of Affairs, leaving (with the Consent of the Council) the chief Government, with Reymond; who soon after surrendred to William Fitz-Adelm Ancestor of the Burks or Burghs (the King's Sewer or Taster) with whom were sent Courcy Fitz-Stephens and Cogan, as Counsellors and Assistants: He was allowed twenty Gentlemen, and they ten a piece. He landed at Wexford, whither Reymond marched to meet him; he viewed the Sea-Coasts, and took Care of the Towns and Castles that way, but did not much mind the Frontiers, against the Irish.

This William Fitz-Adelm was related to the Crown, for Arlotte, Mother of William the Conqueror, was married to Harlowen de Bourgo, by whom she had Robert, Earl of Cornwal, and Odo Bishop of Bayeux, half Brothers to the Con∣querour; Robert had Issue, William Earl of Cornwall; who had Issue, Adelm and John; Adelm had Issue, this William Fitz-Adelm; and John had Issue Hubert de Burgo, that was Chief Justice of England, and Earl of Kent, and one of the

greatest Men of his Time. And this William Fitz-Adelm, though he be represented as an ill Man, by the Historians of that Age, yet he founded one of the Best and Noblest Fami∣lies in Ireland, viz. that of the Burks, which has yielded many Brave and Worthy Men, that have proved eminently serviceable to their King and Country, whereby their Name, Estate and Family are preserved in great Honour and Repu∣tation to this Day.

John de Courcy, who marryed the Daughter of Go∣thred, King of the Isle of Man, had contracted an inti∣mate and entire Friendship with Sir Armoricus Triste∣rum, alias, de Sancto Laurentio, who afterwards mar∣ried his Sister. My Author says, they were sworn Bro∣thers in the Church of Roan; but certainly there was such Kindness between them, that Courcy was resolved to share his Conquests in Ʋlster with him: And being troubled at the sordid Humour of Fzadelme, and simpathizing with the Wants and Grievances of the Souldiery, in February 1177,* 2.3 he led forth twenty Knights and three hundred Foot-Soldiers, besides Servants, and marching through Ʋriel, in four Days (or rather early the fifth) he came to the City of Down, which, without Resistance, he took and rifled; for the Citizens were not in any Posture of Defence, because they had not the least Fear, or so much as a Thought of an Enemy. The Lord or Governour Dunlenns, or O Donel, perceiving the Amazement and Irresolution of his People, was necessi∣tated to withdraw, leaving the Legate Vivianus to negoti∣ate, in his behalf, with Courcy, and to offer him a Tribute, if he would peaceably retire; but Courcy was transported with some blind Phrophecies of Merlin and Columbus, which he interpreted of himself, and fancied nothing less, than the entire Conquest of Ʋlster; and therefore rejected all Overtures of Accomodation.

Whereupon O Donel,* 2.4 with the Assistance of Rotherick, and the rest of his Neighbours (who made it a common Cause) soon raised an Army of ten thousand Men, and with them designed to besiege the City of Down: But Cour∣cy chose rather to fight a Battle in the Field, than stand a Siege in the Town, and the Success justified his Choice, for he routed the Enemy with great Slaughter, and took the Bishop of Down Prisoner; but at the Intercession of the Le∣gate, he was released.

About Midsummer following, the Ulster Men, to the num∣ber of fifteen thousand, fought another Battle with Courcy, near Down, and though it was very Bloody on both sides, yet the Honour of the Day is by my Author given to Courcy.

His third Battle was in the Ferny, against eleven thousand Irish (the English not being above the tenth part of their number): The Occasion of it was thus; Sir John de Courcy had built many Castles in Ʋlster, especially in that part of it called Ferny, where Mac Mahon dwelt; he was very ob∣servant of Courcy, and made him his Gossip, and had sworn Fidelity to him, and had so far insinuated himself into Cour∣cy's Favour, that the Britain gave him two Castles, with the Lands belonging to them; but within a Month Mac Mahon demolished both the Castles: And being asked the Reason, why he did so? he answered, That he did not promise to hold Stones, but Land; and that it was contrary to his Na∣ture to live within cold Walls, whilst the Woods were so nigh. Courcy was netled with this slight Answer; and to revenge the Affront, entred the Ferny, and took so large a Prey of Cows, that he was obliged to divide them into three Droves, for convenience of Driving; the Ways were bog∣gy, and also so narrow, that the Prey filled the Road for three miles together. The Irish, observing these Circumstan∣ces, set upon the English, with such Briskness, Noise and Clamour, that forced the Cows back, and made them run, like Devils, upon their Drivers, so that they overthrew both Horse and Man, and trod more underfoot than were slain by the Sword: In a Word, the English were routed, and although they had slain nineteen score of the Irish, and their General, Mac Mahon, himself, yet they were forced to run for their Lives, and much ado they had to recover an old Fort of Courcy's; where they made a shift to secure themselves, although the Irish were encamped vey near them.

About Midnight Sir Amorick went to view the Posture of the Irish, who (not in the least mistrusting that a baffled handful of Men, would dare to attempt them) were in a loose and negligent Condition, most of them asleep, even their very Guards and Centinels. This being reported to Courcy, they easily agreed to make use of this Advantage; and imme∣diately with all their Force fell upon the Irish, and surprized them to that degree, that they could make no Resistance; so that they were all slain, except two hundred, who made their escape; and of the English there were but two killed in this Encounter, and four hundred the Day before.

About this Time the Legate, Vivianus, held a Synod at Dublin; in which he published the King's Title to Ireland and denounced Excommunication against all that should op∣pose it: He also gave Leave to the English, to take out of the Churches and Monasteries such Corn and other Provision as they should at any time need, paying the true Value

thereof, for the same: He gave the People Indulgences, and they gave him Money; and so they parted very well pleased on both Sides.

Miles Cogan and young Fitz-Stephens invaded Connaugh, as far as Tuam, but could not make any Stay there for want of Victuals, for the Inhabitants had removed or destroyed all their Provision, and fled away, upon the News of the Ap∣proach of the English. And here let me observe, once for all, That want of Provision hath frustrated more great De∣signs, and well-contrived Expeditions in Ireland, than any other Defect or Accident whatsoever.

But Rotherick King of Connaugh, having Notice of this March, and knowing the English would be forced to return in a little Time for want of Victuals, he placed an Ambush in a covenient Station; which, according to their Orders, fell upon the English, in their Retreat, but did no greater Mischief than the killing of three English Men, and that with the Loss of many of themselves.

This Governour, Fitz-Adelm, was very unkind to Rey∣mond and all the Geraldines, and indeed to most of the first Adventurers: He forced the Sons of Maurice Fitz-Gerald to exchange their Castle of Wicklow for the decayed Castle of Fernes; and when they had repaired that Castle of Fernes, he found some Pretence or other to have it demolished. He took from Reymond all his Land near Dublin and Wexford: He delayed the Restitution of Fitz-Stephens to his Lands in Ophaly, till he made him consent to accept of worse situated Land, in lieu of it. He made his Nephew, Walter Almain, (a corrupt beggarly Fellow, says Cambrensis) Seneschal of Wexford and Waterford, who received Bribes, from Mac Morough of Kensile, to prejudice the Fitz-Geralds; and so Mercenary was Fitz-Adelm himself, that the Irish flock'd unto him, as to a Fair, to buy their Demands. At last, having neither done Honour to the King, nor Good to the Country, he was revok'd, and in his Room the King appoint∣ed Hugh de Lacy,* 2.5 Lord Justice of Ireland, to whom Robert le Poer, the King's Marshal, Governour of Waterford and Wexford, was made Coadjutor, Counsellor or assistant.

The King,* 2.6 at a Parliament held at Oxford, anno 1177, had given the Kingdom of Cork,* 2.7 from the River next Lis∣more, running between that and Cork (i.e. the River Bride) to Knock-Brandon, near the Shenin, and so to the Sea, unto Cogan and Fitz-Stephens; Tenendum of him and his Son John, per sexaginta feoda militaria; except the City of Cork, and the Cantred adjoyning, which was the Eastmens.

He also gave the Kingdom of Limerick to the Brothers and Nephew of Richard Earl of Cornwal; but they finding they could not get Possession, in a little Time surrendred their un∣profitable Grant: Whereupon the King bestowed it upon Philip de Broase, to be held of the King and his Son John, by sixty Knights Fees; and the City, and a Cantred ad∣joyning, were likewise excepted out of this Grant.

These three Adventurers joyned their Forces together, and came to Waterford in November, and so coasted it to Cork, where they were kindly received by Richard de Londres, the Governour.

Cogan and Fitz-Stephens agreed with Mac Carthy, and the Irish Gentry; That they should hold four and twenty Can∣treds, paying a small yearly Rent; and of the seven Can∣treds, near Cork, Cogan had the four Southern, and Fitz-Stephens, the three that were on the East-side of the City.

The Kingdom of Cork being thus setled, they marched with Broase to Limerick, with sixty Gentlemen, one hundred and fifty Horse, and a smart Party of Foot: As soon as the Ci∣tizens perceived them, they set the Town on Fire; at which desperate Barbarity, Broase was so offended, that he could not be prevailed upon, by any Arguments, to settle there, or to have any thing to do with such Rash and Heathenish People, and therefore they returned to Cork; which for some Time after, Cogan and Fitz-Stephens joyntly and happily governed.

This Kingdom of Cork descended to Daughters,* 2.8 and so came by Marriage to Robert de Carew and Patrick de Courcy, about the twentieth Year of the Reign of Henry III. Courcy's part of it was afterwards subdvided among many Daughters, who were Heirs General of that Family, so that a very small Proportion of it remains with the Heir-Male of that Name, who was anciently Baron of Ringrone, but now has the Title of Lord Baron of Kingsale. As for the Carews, they were Marquesses of Cork, and built the Castles of Ardtully, Dun∣keran and Down Marque; but they removed out of Ireland, in the Time of the Civil Wars between York and Lancaster, and others intruded into their Possessions and Estate, and keep them to this Day, except what they have sold or for∣feited.

About this Time Sir Thomas de Clare obtained a Grant of Thomond,* 2.9 as Otho de Grandison did of Typerary, and Robert le Poer, of Waterford, and William Fitz-Adelm also got a large Proportion of Connaugh.

But it is time to return to the valiant John de Courcy,* 2.10 who was engaged in Ʋriel, on this Occasion; he had sent into England for Victuals, Ammunition and other Necessaries; the

Ship, by Stress of Weather was driven into a Creek, called Torshead; O Hanlon and his Followers immediately came on Board the Vessel, and murdered all that were in it, and seized on the Cargo. As soon as Courcy had Notice of this Misfortune, he drew his Men together, being above a thou∣sand, and marched towards the Newry; on the Way he re∣ceived Advice, That the Irish were encamped near Dundalk, in a great Body, to the Number of seven thousand: Courcy sent a Fryer to them, and instructed him to tell them, That there were great Forces arrived at Drogheda, from England, and that they were very near them; and to justifie this Story, the English did march with the greatest Shew and Appea∣rance they could make, and made a great Shout, wherewith the Enemy was so daunted, that they fled towards the Ri∣ver, in great Confusion; but the Tide being in, many were drowned, and more were slain: However, O Hanlon, and the greatest part of his Army, got over the River; but the Frier guided the English over a Ford, so that they came to a second Encounter, wherein the Irish were so desperate, That the English Foot were forced to retire; but the Valiant Sir Armorick, came in seasonably to their Rescue, and per∣suaded them to rally, and to make another Charge, which they performed so briskly, that the Irish were obliged to withdraw to the Fews, as the English also did to Dundalk, neither Party much boasting of the Victory, because the Slaughter was great on both sides.

About this time two Cardinals come to England, to invite the English and Irish Bishops to the Council of Lateran: There went from hence Lawrence Archbishop of Dublin, Catholicus Archbishop of Tuam, and others; but all of them first swore, Not to procure any Damage to the King or his Domi∣nions:* 2.11 Which Oath Lawrence did not very religiously ob∣serve, for he not only spoke vehemently, in the Council, against the King's Administration of Affairs in Ireland, but (as the Irish say) he obtained a Bull of Revocation from the Pope, annulling the former Bulls granted to the King: But this is not probable, because no such Bull is extant, and if there were, it would be void; but it is certain he was an inveterate Enemy to the English, and gave them all the Op∣position and Disquiet he could. However, he was reputed a very Holy Man, being zealously addicted to the Superstitious Devotion,* 2.12 so that he was canonized by Pope Honorius III. This is recorded of him, That he was so grateful to the See of Rome for his Pall, or so great an abhorrer of Immodesty, that he refused to absolve the Priests convicted of that Sin, in∣somuch that he sent one hundred and forty of them to Rome, to pay for their Absolution there.

But it is time to return to the Lord Justice Lacy, who govern'd very well, and built many Castles in convenient Places, and particularly Castle-Dermond, Leighlin, Leix, Del∣vin,* 2.13 Carlow, Tullaghphelim and Kilka; and Courcy was no less diligent in raising that kind of Fortification in Ʋlster: However, Lacy had given just Cause of Jealousie, by marry∣ing the Daughter of Rotherick, King of Connaught; where∣upon his Enemis impeached him, suggesting that he confe∣derated with the Irish, to raise a Monarchy for himself: Whereupon he was recalled, and the Government commit∣ted unto John Constable of Cheshire,* 2.14 Baron of Halton-Castle, and Richard de Peach, Lord Bishop of Coventry, Lords Justi∣ces of Ireland: But they continued in that Dignity but three Months; for Lacy behaved himself with that Discretion and Modesty, and gave the King such Satisfaction, in all Matters objected against him; That, Hugh de Lacy,* 2.15 Lord Justice, was again sent over, with Robert of Shrewsbury, a Clergy-man, his Assistant; and about the same time the famous Courcy also returned, being Dignified with the Titles of Lord of Connaught, and Earl of Ʋlster, and accompanied with his Brother S. Laurence. There were some who reported, That these two fought a success∣ful Battle with the Irish,* 2.16 at the Bridge of Ivora, near the Hill of Hoath, where the Valour of S. Laurence was so con∣spicuous, that it got him both the Land and Title of Hoath; which last continues to this Day in his Name and Family.

We left Cogan and Fitz-Stephens in the peaceable Enjoy∣ment of their Kingdom of Cork; but we shall not find them so, for Cogan and young Fitz-Stephens, at the Persuasion and Invitation of one Mac Tirid, made a Journey to Lismore, to treat with the Men of Waterford about some Controversies that were between them; they were to lodge at Mac Tirid's House, but he perfidiously took his Opportunity, and unex∣pectedly fell upon them, and murdered them and five of their Company.

Immediately the whole Country was up in Arms, and conspired a general Rebellion, Donald More in Curraugh, Mac Carthy (whom the Irish still called King of Cork) got his Forces together, and laid Siege to the City, not doubting but that he had now a favourable Opportunity to expel the English thence.

The Poor Old Fitz-Stephens was in a sad Condition, di∣stressed by Enemies without, and Suspicions of Traytors within; he had no Hopes of Relief or Assistance, saving on∣ly from Reymond le Gross, who lay at Wexford; to him a Messenger was sent, and without Delay put to Sea, with

twenty Gentlemen, and one hundred Archers, and entred the River of Cork; whereupon the Enemy dispersed, and all was set at Rights again.

Nevertheless, as soon as the King heard of the aforesaid Treachery, he sent Richard Cogan, Philip Barry, Giraldus Cambrensis, and a Good Party of Horse and Foot, to help Fitz-Stephens; by their Assistance the City and Kingdom of Cork were kept in Quiet for some Time; but the Old Fitz-Stephens had but little Benefit of it, for being much broken with Age and Misfortunes, he first lost his Senses, and not long afterwards his Life.

But Lacy, the Lord Justice, was again become suspected; for as he grew Great, his Enemies grew Envious, and the King Jealous, so that he was once more sent for, and,

Philip of Worcester,* 2.17 Lord Justice or Governour of Ireland, came over with a smart Party of Horse and Foot; he al∣so brought with him Hugh Tirrel, a Man of ill Report: He was not long in the Government, before he seized on the Lands of O Cathesie to the King's Use, though Lacy had for∣merly sold them: He also went a Circuit, to visit the Ga∣risons, and in March came to Armagh, where he exacted from the Clergy a great Sum of Mony; thence he went to Down, and so to Dublin, loaden both with Curses and Ex∣tortions. Tirrel took a Brewing-Pan from the poor Priests at Armagh, and carried it to Down, but the House where he lay was burnt, and so were also the Horses in the Stable, so that he was fain to leave the Pan, for want of Carriage; and Philip had a severe fit of the Gripes, like to cost him his Life; both which Punishments (they say) were miraculously in∣flicted upon them for their Sacrilege.

In July came over John Comin, Archbishop of Dublin, to prepare for the King's youngest Son, John Earl of Moreton; to whom the Kingdom of Ireland was assigned, towards his Portion.* 2.18 Some say that he was made King of Ireland at the Parliament held at Oxford,* 2.19 anno 1177. his Father having obtained Licence from the Pope, to make which of his Sons he pleased King thereof, saving to the See of Rome the Peter∣pence, and the rest of its Rights: And it seems Pope Ʋrban the Third sent Cardinal Octavianus and Hugo de Nunant, his Legates, to crown John King of Ireland, and by them sent him a Crown of Peacocks Feathers: But King Henry better considered of that matter; and either because he would not seem to derive his Son's Title from the Pope, or because he was loath to trust his Son with that Royal Stile (having al∣ready suffered by the like Indulgence to his eldest Son) or because he saw it Inconvenient and Illegal, to separate Ireland

from the Crown of England: It is certain he found means to carry the Legates with him into Normandy, and thereby pre∣vented that (once designed) Coronation: So that the Im∣pression of the Great Seal of Ireland was no more than this,

Johannes Filius Regis Angliae,* 2.20 Domini Hiberniae.

Earl John was then about twelve Years old, when on Wednesday in Easter-week,* 2.21 anno 1185, with about four hundred Gentlemen, most Normans, some Clerks, and particularly Giraldus Cambrensis, and a great Company of others, he took Shipping at Milford-Haven, being accom∣panied to the very Ship by Randulph Glanvile, principal Counseller of the King and Kingdom, and Justiciary of England.

The Irish Potentates flock'd to their new Prince; but their Trouses and Mantles, their Glibbs and Behaviour, were derided by the Normans, who used them scurrilously; one pats the Irish Prince on the Pate, another pulls him by the Mantle, a third pricks him in the Breech with a Pin, a fourth shuts the Door upon his Heels; every Body abuses them: Wherefore away they get as fast as they can, and every∣where publish'd the Ill Usage they received at Court. Ro∣therick O Conner, Mac Carthy and O Bryan, were then pre∣paring for their Journey; but upon this News, they better considered it, and confederated to raise a general Rebel∣lion.

There were many Reasons why Earl John's Voyage to Ire∣land was not successful. The Superstitious People observ'd, That he had not pay'd his Devotions at S. Davids, before he imbarqued; and attributed it to that. Others blamed him and his Followers more for their Rude and Ungenteel Abuse of the Irish Lords and Gentlemen. Others imputed all to the Debauchery of the Soldiers, who, by the example of their Captains, were grown Idle and Insolent: Wherein they were the more indulged, because they were ill paid. To these may be added the Litigiousness of the Natives in Towns and Cities; who were perpetually wrangling with and suing such new Inhabitants as came to settle among them. But there was a greater Cause than all these; which arose from the different Interests then in Ireland; which in∣••luenced the Normans, English, Welch, and the Natives. The Normans were most in Favour, and consequently lux∣urious; they always followed the Court, and hated to be put in Frontier Garrisons or Places of Danger: They were (says Cambrensis) great Talkers, Boasters and Swearers, very Proud, and Contemners of all others, greedy of Places

of Places of Honour and Profit, but backward in under∣taking any hazardous and dangerous Action, or performing any Service that might deserve them.

Moreover, many of the English and Welch were dispossest of their best and safest Castles, to make Room for the Nor∣mans, and forc'd to take others, in Exchange, on the Frontiers; by which means they were impoverish'd and discourag'd.

Add to this, That several of the faithful Irish, who had submitted to the English Government, and lived within their Quarters; and thereby became acquainted with the English Conversations, Humors, Strength, Policies, Seats and Ha∣bitations, were likewise dispossess'd, to make Room for the Normans, and thereby forced to revolt to the Irish, and be∣came the most Dangerous of all the Enemies, as being most Knowing and most Provok'd. And thus it came to pass, that after Earl John had wasted his Army in small and unpro∣fitable Skirmishes, and had staid eight months, and done no other Good, than that he built the Castle of Tybrach (per∣haps Typerary) Lismore and Ardfinin, the King sent for him and his Beardless Counsellors; and in his Room substituted▪ John de Courcy Earl of Ʋlster, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland; he brought over with him about four hundred Volunteers:* 2.22 And soon after his arrival, he made a Progress into Munster and Connaught, to put those Countries in order; but it seems he fell into an Ambush, or had some Skirmish with the Irish, for it is said, That he lost twelve Knights in his Return from Connaught.* 2.23 On Midsummer-day the Prime of Limerick slew four Knights, and a great part of the Garrison of Ardfinin: And soon after, by a Slight, drew that Garrison into an Ambush, by exposing a Prey to their View, which they thought to have taken; but he fell upon them and surprized and slew most of them. But the Irish had not so good luck in Meath, where they of Kenally had made Incursions and taken a Prey, for William Petit rescued the Prey, defeated them with great Slaughter, and sent an hundred of their Heads to Dublin.

Old Lacy was now busie, building his Castle of Derwath, and himself working with a Pick-ax for Diversion, when one of the malicious and ungrateful Workmen, took the Opportu∣nity, whilst he was stooping,* 2.24 and with another Pick-Ax knock'd out his Brains: And it seems there was an Insurre∣ction thereupon; for it is said, That Courcy and Young Lacy revenged the Murder, and reduced all things to quiet.

But it seems, afterwards there grew some Distast between Courcy and Lacy, so that Lacy, who was the better Courtier, supplanted Courcy, who was the better Soldier, and got him∣self into his Room.

This Courcy came from Stoke-courcy, commonly call'd Stogussy, in the County of Somerset. I find that Robert de Courcy was made a Baron at Westminster, 33 Henry 1. but whether he was the Ancestor of this Family I will not determine. This Earl of Ʋlster had a natural Son (John Lord of Kilbarrock and Raheny) who was murdered by the Lacyes; so that it is the Brother of this Earl John, that was the Ancestor of the Noble Family of Courcy, Lord Baron of Kingsale.

In the mean time King Henry died in Normandy, on the sixth Day of July 1189. He was so well pleased with the Con∣quest of Ireland,* 2.25 that he placed the Title of Lord of Ireland, in his Royal Style, before his Hereditary Estates of Normandy and Aquitain:* 2.26 And yet that Country was at that Time so inconsiderable, or so little improv'd, that there were not five Castles, or Piles for Defence, of Irish building in the whole Kingdom: Dublin, Cork and Waterford were built by the Easterlings, and all the rest have been built since the Redu∣ction of Ireland.

This King was both Wise and Valiant; he was also Ge∣nerous to the highest Degree, so that he deserved to be ranked among the bravest Princes of that or any other Age; and perhaps had made as great a Figure in History as any of them, if the Undutifulness of Becket, and the Rebellion of his own Sons, had not interrupted his Designs. However there are some, who will never forgive him the Conquest of Ireland; and therefore do load his Memory with many Malicious Aspersi∣ons, equally Ridiculous and False:* 2.27 They say, his Grandmo∣ther could not endure the Mass; and that her Husband or∣dered four Knights to hold her by Force whilst the Priest was celebrating, but in spight of them she flew out of the Win∣dow, with two of her Sons, and was never seen after: And that 'tis no Wonder they that come of the Devil should go to the Devil. And that King Henry's Embassador urging the King's Son to have Peace with his Father; was answered, That it was Natural to their Brood, to hate one another; That Henry was a Bastard; and that S. Bernard the Abbot prophesied of him, That from the Devil he came, and to the Devil he should go; That his Father had gelded a Bishop, and that himself had murdered S. Thomas of Canterbury; That his Father had Carnal Knowledge of Henry's Queen Elianor; and abundance more of such silly Stuff.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Speed, 472.
• * 1.2

  Spencer's view, 33.
• * 1.3

  Campion, 26, 28.
• * 1.4

  i. e. Vir Belgus, i. e. Populus Dannonius.
• * 1.5

  Lib. P. Lam∣beth. 153.
• * 1.6

  Speed, 473.
• * 1.7

  Lib. P. Lam∣beth, 48.
• * 1.8

  Ibid. 154.
• * 1.9

  1156. Sullevan, 59.
• * 1.10

  Hanmer, 107.
• * 1.11

  Hanmer, 141.
• * 1.12

  Speed, 472.
• * 1.13

  Sullevan, 61.
• * 1.14

  Ibid. 62.
• * 1.15

  Hanmer, 141.
• * 1.16

  Davi••, 2. 4 Inst. 357.
• * 1.17

  Council of Trent, 367.
• * 1.18

  Isti Reges non fuerunt ordina∣ti solemnitate alicujus Ordi∣nis, nec Ʋncti∣onis Sacramen∣to, nec jure hae∣reditario, vel aliqua prop••ie∣tatis successione, sed vi & armis quilibet regnum suum obtinuit, Davis 16.
• * 1.19

  Burks, Butlers, Breminghams, Barryes, Roch, Condon, Power, Fitzgirald, &c.
• * 1.20

  Settlement & Sale of Ireland.
• * 1.21

  Davis 6.
• * 1.22

  Speed.
• * 1.23

  Regan.
• * 1.24

  1167.
• * 1.25

  Stanihurst.
• * 1.26

  Cambrensis.
• * 1.27

  1168.
• * 1.28

  Regan. M. S.
• * 1.29

  1169. says Friar Clin Stanihurst. 6••
• * 1.30

  Hooker 1.
• * 1.31

  Stainhurst. 66.
• * 1.32

  1169.
• * 1.33

  1170.
• * 1.34

  Regan.
• * 1.35

  Stainhurst, 71.
• * 1.36

  Giraldus Cam∣brensis.
• * 1.37

  Regan. M. S.
• * 1.38

  Stainhurst, 79.
• * 1.39

  Lib. P. Lamb.
• * 1.40

  Hanmer, 114.
• * 1.41

  Lib. P.
• * 1.42

  Stainhurst, 82.
• * 1.43

  Hanmer, 115.
• * 1.44

  Lib. P. Lamb.
• * 1.45

  Hanmer, 119.
• * 1.46

  Lib. P. Lamb.
• * 1.47

  Campion, 59.
• * 1.48

  1171.
• * 1.49

  Hanmer, 120
• * 1.50

  1171.
• * 1.51

  Regan contra.
• * 1.52

  23 August. Regan.
• * 1.53

  Regan. M. S.
• * 1.54

  1171.
• * 1.55

  Hanmer, 125.
• * 1.56

  Hanmer, 126.
• * 1.57

  Speed, 474.
• * 1.58

  1172.
• * 1.59

  Regan says 10000.
• * 1.60

  1172.
• * 1.61

  Regan, M. S.
• * 1.62

  Stainhurst, 120.
• * 1.63

  Regan, M. S.
• * 1.64

  Hanmer, 147.
• * 1.65

  August. 1172.
• * 1.66

  Regan. M. S.
• * 1.67

  Brady, 360.
• * 1.68

  Cambrensis, cap. 35.
• * 1.69

  Temple, 5.
• * 1.70

  Matth. Paris.
• * 1.71

  4 Inst. 12.
• * 1.72

  Some call him O R••••••k.
• * 1.73

  1173.
• * 1.74

  1174.
• * 1.75

  1175.
• * 1.76

  September, 1176.
• * 1.77

  October 1.
• * 1.78

  1177.
• * 1.79

  Easter-Tues∣day.
• * 1.80

  1177.
• * 2.1

  Hanmer, 144.
• * 2.2

  27 May, 1177.
• * 2.3

  1177.
• * 2.4

  This Battle at large, Hanmer, 150.
• * 2.5

  1179.
• * 2.6

  Lib. G. Lamb.
• * 2.7

  The Patent.
• * 2.8

  Hooker, 46. Hanmer, 158. Brady, 369.
• * 2.9

  Davis, 122.
• * 2.10

  Brady, 368.
• * 2.11

  Sullevan.
• * 2.12

  Hanmer, 163.
• * 2.13

  1180.
• * 2.14

  May, 1181.
• * 2.15

  August. 1181.
• * 2.16

  Brady, 367.
• * 2.17

  September, 1184.
• * 2.18

  Brady, 369.
• * 2.19

  4 Inst. 360.
• * 2.20

  Speed, 478.
• * 2.21

  1185.
• * 2.22

  1185. September.
• * 2.23

  1186.
• * 2.24

  Cambden, 151.
• * 2.25

  Davis, 11.
• * 2.26

  Baron Finglas, M. S.
• * 2.27

  Polichronicon, l. 7. c. 21.