Hibernia anglicana, or, The history of Ireland, from the conquest thereof by the English, to this present time with an introductory discourse touching the ancient state of that kingdom and a new and exact map of the same / by Richard Cox ...

AN APPARATUS: OR Introductory Discourse TO THE HISTORY of IRELAND, CONCERNING The State of that Kingdom before the Con∣quest thereof by the English.

IRELAND is an Island seated in the Ver∣givian Sea, on the western Side of Great Britain, next to which it is the biggest Island in Europe; it extends from North to South about three hundred English Miles in length, and it is one hundred and eighty of the same Miles broad, from East to West, in some Places more, in some less; it contains above ten Millions and a half of Plan∣tation (which is near seventeen Millions of English) Acres of Land, so that it is four time as big as Palestine, and holds Proportion with England and Wales as 17 to 30.

The Country is not at all inferior to Eng∣land for Number or Goodness of Harbours, Fertility of Soyl, Plenty of Fish, both in the Fresh and Salt Water, Fowle, Wild and Tame, and all Sorts of Flesh, Corn and Grain, and e∣very thing else necessary for the Life of Man, saving that in some of these England has got an

Advantage by Improvement and good Hus∣bandry: The Irish Rivers are both more numerous and more Clear; the Shenin is big∣ber than the Thames, and might be made Na∣vigable almost two hundred Miles; the Air indeed of England is more serene, and conse∣quently more hot in Summer, and more cold in Winter; nevertheless, that Ireland is the healthier Country, may be argued from hence, That seldom any Pestilential Disease rages there, and no part of that Kingdom is so un∣healthy as the Fenns of Huntington, Lincoln and Cambridge Shires, the Hundreds of Essex, or the Wild of Kent; and it may be expected, That as the Bogs are drained and the Country grows Populous, the Irish Air will meliorate, since it is already brought to that Pass, That Fluxes and Dissenteries (which are the Coun∣try Diseases) are neither so ri••e nor so mor∣tal as they have been heretofore.

Things most observable of that Country are, That nothing venomous will live in it; there are Spiders, but not poysonous. Ireland breeds the largest Grey-hound in the World, they are called Wolf-Dogs, and will dwindle and grow much smaller in two or three Gene∣rations in any other Country. The Irish Hawk is reputed the best in Europe; and the Irish Hobbies or ambling Nags can hardly be matched; nor do any Seas abound with Pil∣chards more than the Southern Irish Sea; it is very rare to have an Earthquake in Ireland, and when it happens it is portentuous; there are a thousand Lies reported of wonderful things in Ireland, but the only extraordinary thing I can aver true, is the strange Quality of Logh ne••gh, that turns Wood into Stone,

and I my self have seen a Stick taken out of that Logh, whereof half remained Wood, and the other half was petrified.

Who were the Aborigines or first Inhabitants of Ireland, it were in vain to guess, for the Irish Historians are of no Credit in this Mat∣ter, the very Truths they write do not oblige our Belief, because they are so intermixt with Impossible Stories and Impertinent Tales, that it is exceeding difficult to distinguish which is the History and which the Fable; and Sir James Ware gives the true Reason of this Imperfection, Quia Opera sunt posterior' seculorum: And that you may not say, That this is but one Doctor's Opinion, I will call in Mr. Stani∣hurst, who pag. 55. assures the Reader, That in the Irish Histories, Nil certis authoribus compe∣riet a quibus instructior esse queat. Another tells us, That the Irish Histories are fraught with Lewd Lies and idle Genealogies, & quicquid Graecia Mendax audet in Historia. Cambrensis in∣forms us, That the Irish Histories were, dif∣fuse, inordinate, magnaque ex parte, & frivole rude quoque & agresto stylo congestae. Holingshead af∣firms, That when he came to consider the Irish Histories, he found himself so unpro∣vided to set down any particular Discourse of Ireland, that he was in Despair to write any thing at all concerning it.* 1.1 Sir James Ware as∣serts, That they were either fabulosae or fabulis mixtae.* 1.2 And even Philip O Sullevan himself (of whom Primate Vsher gives this true Testimo∣ny, That he was as egregious a Lyar as any in Christendom) confesses, That the Irish Affairs were caligine altissima mersae, & a nemine satis Latino Sermone celebratae. Polibius affirms, That the Regions North of Narbon were

utterly unknown, and what is reported of them is but a Dream; and indeed it is pro∣bable, that nothing beyond Hercules Pillars was known to that Age: But if after all this, any Body be so obstinate as to dispute this Point, I desire him to read Doctor Keating's History of Ireland; and if that does not convince him, nothing can: But if we may be permitted to guess at things so obscure, I should think, That the World was inhabited by degrees, and from the adjacent Countries, Asia peopled Graece, Graece Italy, Italy France, and France England; and therefore it is rational to believe, That England peopled Ireland,* 1.3 being the nearest Country to it, especially in those Days when the Art of Navigation was so little under∣stood, that Fleets neither did nor could tran∣sport a Colony sufficient to plant that Island from any Country more remote, their Cu∣stom being to sail only by the Shoar, and so coast it along;* 1.4 which made Hiram three Years in his Voyage: Some Welsh Words in the Irish Language, and some Customs used among the Britons, particularly the Bards and Druids, and many other Circumstances do enforce this Argument: And besides these Britons, the Belgae & Danonii (Inha∣bitants of the west of England, being Con∣quered by Vespasian) fled into Ireland,* 1.5 and set∣led there; which gave occasion to the fruitful Fancies of the Irish Historians to forge all those ridiculous Stories which they have pub∣lished of the Firbolgs and Tuah-de-danans. Per∣haps some Spaniards and more Gauls, ay, and some of other Nations, Danes, Norwegians, Oastmen, &c. might, in small Numbers, by Accident or Design settle themselves in Ire∣land;

and therefore the Irish being a mixt People might be called Scots, i. e. acerva,* 1.6 (a Heap) implying, That as a Heap consisted of many Grains, so the Inhabitants of Ireland were compounded of many Nations. But however that be, 'tis certain, That most of the Ori∣ginal Inhabitants of Ireland came out of Bri∣tain; so says Mr. Flaherty in his Ogigia, pag. 12,* 1.7 and 171. Cambden is of the same Opinion, and Ireland was anciently called a British Island by Dionisius Afer, Pliny, Catulus and Polibius, &c. It is certain the Religion and Manners of the Irish and Britons did not differ much, Cambden 11. And their Language did very much agree.* 1.8 The Irish use the Saxon Chara∣cter to this Day, and their use of Bows and Arrows,[b] 1.9 Bolyes,[c] 1.10 Mantles and[d] 1.11 Glibbs are all derived from the Britons, and so are the Bards and Druids aforesaid; their Custom of Gavelkind was British in the Ori∣ginal,* 1.12 and the Brigantes of Ireland are un∣doubtedly the Progeny of the Brigantes of Eng∣land.

As for the Irish Language, how much so∣ever some of the Bardes do brag, That it is a Pure and Original one; yet it is so far from that, that it is the most compound Language in the World, (the English only excepted) it borrows from the Spanish Com estato, i. e. how do you, &c. from the Saxon the Words Rath and (Doon, i. e. Hill) and many more: From the Danish many Words; from the Welsh al∣most half their Language:* 1.13 Doctor Hanmer gives us a Catalogue of Words common to both Nations; to which may be added, Inis, Glas, Caashe, Glin, Yerla, Droum, &c. From La∣tine they derive all their Numeral Words,

unus hene, duo dwo, tres three, quatuor cahir, quin∣que quooge, sex she, septem shoct, octo ••oct, novem ne, decem degh; and they reckon as the La∣tines do, one teen, two teen, undecem henedeag, duodecem dwodeag, and not as the Englsh do, eleven and twelve: The Words sal, arigut, cabul, aun, aunum, corp, mel, lowre, scribnor••, ore, &c. are meer Latin; the Days of the Week are also meer Latin, dy Downig dies Dominicus, dy Lune dies Lunae; so dy Mart dies Martis, and dy Saturn dies Saturni. All things that were not in use among them formerly are meer Eng∣lish Words, as cotah, dubelete, hatta, papere, ••o∣tis••y, breesty, and abundance more. Holingshead f. 13, makes too satyrical an Observation, That there is no Irish Word for Knave; but I will conclude this Paragraph with this Re∣mark, That Vlster has the right Phrase, but not the Pronunciation, Munster has the Pro∣nunciation but not the Phrase, Leinster has neither, but Connaught has both.

As for the Government of Ireland, it is not to be doubted but it was governed by Kings, but they were such as the Indian Kings in Virginia, or the Lords of Mannors in England, King of Ophaiy, King of Limerick, King of Cork, Prince of Carbry, Prince of Colly, Prince of Ini∣sowen, &c. The Monarch himself had but what he could catch, and was rather Dux Du∣cum or Dux Belli, than a King: It would be ri∣diculous to search for the Bounds of their Ter∣ritories, which were every Day altered by Force, so that every Principality was enlarg∣ed or diminished according to the Power and Fortune of him that held it: These Kings or Monarchs were neither Anointed nor Crown∣ed, nor inaugurated by any Ceremony; they

did not succeed either by Descent or Election, but by pure Force, so that the Title of most of them is founded on the Murther of his Pre∣decessor; hereupon the Irish Procurator Ge∣neral P. W. is forced to confess,* 1.14 That never any Nation upon Earth anneered the Milesian Irish in the most Unnatural, Bloody, Ever∣lasting, Destructive Fewds that have been heard of: Fewds (says he) so prodigiously Bloody, that as they were first founded, so they still increased and continued in Blood, from the Foundation of the Monarchy, in the Blood of Heber, to the Murder of the penul∣timate Monarch Muirehiortah Mac Neil; Fewds continued with the greatest Pride, most hel∣lish Ambition and cruellest Desires of Re∣venge, and followed with the most horrible Injustices, Oppressions, Extortions, Rapines, Desolations, Perfidiousness, Treasons, Rebel∣lions, Conspiracies, Treacheries and Murders, for almost two thousand Years. He proceeds and says,* 1.15 That we never read of any other People in the World so implacably, so furi∣ously, so eternally set upon the Destruction of one another; he tells you of six hundred Battles fought cruelly and unnaturally by Men of the same Country, Language Lineage, and Religious Rites, tearing out the Lives of one another for Dominion or Revenge; and that one hundred and eighteen Irish Monarchs were slaughter'd by their own Subjects, where∣of ninety four were murdered, and of them eighty six were succeeded by the Regicides, a∣mong which he finds one Brother and one Son; if this be so,* 1.16 Prosper had good Reason to call Ireland, The Barbarous Island; and the Irish have as much Reason to thank God and the

English, for a more Civil and Regular Go∣vernment exercised over them.

Nor were their Laws better than their Go∣vernours, it was no written Law, no, digest∣ed or well-compiled Rule of Right; no it was only the Will of the Brehon or the Lord. They pretended to certain Traditions or Cu∣stoms, which they wrested and Interpreted (as they do Traditions in Religion) to by-Ends, and to serve a turn. The manner of deciding Controversies was equally ridiculous with the Law they judged by,* 1.17 for the Brehon used to sit on a Sod, or Turf, or a Heap of Stones, on the top of a Hill or rather a Moun∣tain, without Canopy or Covering, and with∣out Clerks, Registers or Records, or indeed any Formality of a Court of Judicature. Eve∣ry Lord had one of these Arbitrary Brehons, who to be sure took Care not to disoblige his Patron; the greatest Crimes (as Murder and Rape) were not punished otherwise than by Fine, whereof the Brehon had the eleventh Part for his Fees, and Robbery and Theft were not counted Offences at all, if done to any Body but their Lords own Followers: They reckoned all such Stealths to be clear Gain, and built Castles on Isthmus's and other inaccessable Places, purposely to secure such Prey and Plunder as they could get, and he was esteemed the bravest Man that was most dextrous at this Sport of Plundering and Cow-Stealing. Nor is this thievish Spirit yet ba∣nished that Nation, nor perhaps never will be as long as there is a Raporee in it.

Among their Laws may be reckoned the Customs of Tanistry and Gavelkind; Tani∣stry was a barbarous Custom, which (like

Alexander's Will) gave the Inheritance to the Strongest; for though the Custom be pleaded to be (seniori & digniori puero) yet 'tis certain, Seniority was little regarded, but for the pre∣sumption that it was accompanied with Ex∣perience and Policy; and therefore when it was divested of those Circumstances, the younger Brother proved the better Man; this Custom was the occasion of many Murders, and of frequent Civil Wars in almost every Family; and so keeping the Succession uncer∣tain,* 1.18 and the Possession precarious, it was the greatest Hindrance of Improvement that could be, and therefore was justly abolished by Judgment in the King's-Bench in Ireland, in Hillary Term, 3 Jacobi 1.

This Custom was founded upon the Necessi∣ty of those Times when Ireland was very ill governed, and every petty Lord and Power of Peace and War; for if a Child or Woman should then possess a Seigniory, it would cer∣tainly be exposed to the Rapine and Incursi∣ons of its circumjacent Neighbours. And it was this Custom of Tanistry which made the Irish seek to be Popular; and to that end were Hospitable even to Profuseness, and above all things coveted an outward Appearance, thereby to attract the Admiration of the Vul∣gar, and increase the number of their Follow∣ers and Abettors.

Gavelkind was yet a more silly Custom than the other;* 1.19 and it was, That when any one died, all the Possessions of the whole Family were to be put together (or in Hotch-pot) and to be anew divided among the Survivors, by the Caunfinny or Head of the Family, who admitted Bastards, but excluded Daugh∣ters

and Wives; so that it differed from Ken∣tish Gavelkind in five Particulars, 1. The Kentish Gavelkind admitted only the next of Kin, as Sons, Brothers, &c. but the Irish admitted the whole Race or Sept. 2. The Kentish Custom excluded Bastards. 3. It al∣lowed Wives Dower. 4. It suffered Daugh∣ters to inherit for want of Males. 5. It di∣vested no Man's Freehold during his Life; whereas the Irish Gavelkind deprived the Par∣ty of his Freehold upon every new Divi∣sion: And this is the true Reason why the Irish, though never so Poor, will not learn Trades nor turn Mechanicks, because it de∣grades them from their Gentility: And the Caufinny would scorn to admit such a one to any share of the Estate, since he had as it were abdicated his Family by doing a thing beneath a Gentleman. Moreover this uncer∣tainty of their Possession hindred Improve∣ment, encouraged to Rebellions and Felo∣nies, and therefore was also abolished by Judgment of the King's Bench, 3 Jacob. 1.

But it is observable, as their Brehons had their Offices by Descent and Inheritance, so also had their Physitians, Bards, Harpers, Poets and Historians; and therefore since ex quovis Ligno non fit Mercurius: We may be sure, That some of these Hereditary Judges and Doctors were but very sad Tools, and perhaps all of them will justly fall under Suspicion, unless their Advocates can shew some Ancient, Learned Tracts in Law or Physick that might remain as Monuments on Record, That at least some of them were learned in their Pro∣fessions.

Nevertheless, it must not be denied, but that there was a time when many Learned Men were by Persecution driven out of their own Countries and flocked into Ireland, so that Ireland seemed to be a Mart of Learning, and was for a short time frequented on that ac∣count, no less than Athens heretofore; and if we believe our Authors, there were seven thousand Students at Armagh at one time, and vast Numbers besides at Ross, Carbry, Lismore and Clonard: But as this Learning was confined to the Religious Houses, so it declined with them; and as the Monks encreased in Super∣stition and Sloth, so they decreased in Learn∣ing and Knowledge; and when the Doctors of other Nations had Liberty to return home, Ireland soon returned to its former Ignorance, so that long before the English Conquest, there were hardly any Footsteps of Learning left in that Kingdom; and to this Day, very few of the Irish aim at any more than a little Latin, which every Cow-Boy pretends to, and a smattering in Logick, which very few of them know the use of.

As for the Riches of the Irish Nation before the Conquest, certainly they were very in∣considerable, for tho Sir James Ware mentions, That they had a Crown of Gold, and Jewels, and Gold Rings; which may be True, (though I doubt it, because the Irish Kings were never crowned) but however that be, it is certain their Wealth consisted in Cattle, and those none of the best, insomuch that even since the Conquest they paid the King's Revenue in Cows for want of Money; and yet it may be true that they might have some Money (tho' very little) brought in by the Oestmen; but it

is certain they never coyned any themselves; And indeed it is impossible they should be Rich, since they had little or no Traffick with any other Nation, neither had they any Ar∣tificers at home that could support a Trade a∣broad: Perhaps they had but few other Kinds of Mechanicks except Weavers, Cotners, Tay∣lors, Broge-makers and Smiths; Hats and Sadles came into use but of late; and the Irish Carpenters and Masons must not be menti∣oned,* 1.20 since Sir John Davys assures us, That the Irish never did so good a thing as to build a City; and indeed it is manifest, That all the considerable Towns and Piles in the Kingdom were built by,* 1.21 others and not by the Irish, Dublin, Co••••, Limerick, Wexford and Waterford were built by the Oestmen, and Galway was built by the Eng∣lish, and is inhabited by Englishmen only to this Day, viz. the Burks, Frenches, Bodkins, Lynches, Kerevans, &c. the Castles of Ardfinin, Nenagh, Lismore, Tybrack and Limerick, were built by King John; Castledermood, Castlederwagh, Kilkea and Leighlin by the Lacyes; Ferns, Sligo, Traly, Geshil, Adare, Askeaton by the Fitz-Giralds; the Grey-Friers at Leighlin, Ballymarter, Ardtully, Lixnaw and Macrome by the Carews; Philips∣town and Mariburgh by Bellingham; Athenry by Birmingham; Green-castle, Castle carbry, Athassel, Carlingford, Castleconnel, Loghreagh and Portumny by the Burks; Kilkenny by Ranulph Earl of Chester; Castle of Kilkenny by the Earl of Ormond; Thomastown by Thomas Fitz-Antony; Ross and Caterlogh by Isabel Daughter of Strongbow; Car∣rigfergus was walled by Sir Henry Sydny, Lord Deputy; Castle Island in Kerry was built by Geofry de Marisco, as Tymoleague Castle was by Bar∣ret, and Trim by William Peppard; the Town

and Castle of Roscomon, and the Towns of Clon∣mel, Youghal, Bandon, Londonderry, Coler••in, King∣sale, Carrik, Athy, &c. were likewise built by the English, and so were most of the Abbies and Cathedral Churches, as you may read at large in Sir James Ware's most excellent Trea∣tise de antiquitatibus Hibernia.

The first Pile of Lime and Stone that ever was in Ireland was the Castle of Tuam, built anno. 1161 by Rotherick O Connor, the Monarch, and for the rarity called Castrum Mirificum, for when O Morgaire, Archbishop of Armagh, be∣gan to build a Church of Stone, such as he had seen beyond Sea, the Irish upbraided his Pride and despised the Novelty, and laught at his Folly, to undertake a Work so much beyond his Ability, unde tibi pauperi sumptus ad perfici∣endum (say they), but what need more be offered in this Matter, than that Taragh was the Seat of the Monarch, and the old Head of Kinsale was the Residence of Sovercy King of half Ireland; but neither Place has the Ruines of any thing like a Palace, nor is the old Head a situation fit for a private Gentleman, much less for a Prince. Their Building in those Days, even of their Castles, was no other than Turf or Watles plaistered over.* 1.22 Nor did Henry II find any thing better in Ireland, nor Artificers that could make better.

As for the Christian Religion, it was intro∣duced into Ireland very early, and the Testi∣mony of Prosper (That Paladius being ordained by Pope Celestine, was sent to the Scots believing in Christ) does manifest, That the Scots, i. e. Irish, did believe in Christ before Paladius came:* 1.23 And ac∣cordingly the Irish Tradition runs, That they had Churches formed under Bishops Kiaranus, Ail∣beus,

&c. before Paladius or S. Patrick; and that they founded Bishopricks too at Ossory, Lis∣more, Ardmore and Beckerin; however it must be allowed,* 1.24 That S. Patrick, who suc∣ceeded Palladius, was the Person that had the good Fortune to convert the Body of that Na∣tion to Christianity, but he was so far from bringing them to Popery, that they owned no Jurisdiction the Pope had over them, but differed from the usage at Rome both in Ton∣sure and in celebrating the Feast of Easter, and were therefore counted Schismaticks by the Romanists; and although at this Day their Reli∣gion (as my Lord of Orrery words it) is some∣thing that pins them upon the Pope's Sleve,* 1.25 yet in the beginning it was not so, but their Religion was pure and Orthodox.

And the Learned Primate Vsher has suffici∣ently proved,* 1.26 That for Substance it was the same which the Protestants now pro••••••ss; and first he cites Sedulius and Claudius (both Irishmen) affirming in effect, That Scripture is the Rule of Faith; and he instances in the Successors of Columkille, and in Bishop Aidan, That they and their Company spent their time in searching the Scri∣ptures; he quotes the Testimony of S. Chriso∣stome and Bede, That they had the Scripture in their Mother-Tongue; and he gives you the O∣pinion of S. Patrick, That continual Meditation of Scripture adds Vigour and Vegetation to the Soul; and the Saying of Columbus, sint tibi divitiae di∣vinae dogmata legis; by the Example of Furseus, Kilianus and Bitihildis he proves, That Children and Women did study the Scriptures; and he pro∣duces many Instances wherein Sedulius and S. Patrick differed from the Rhemish Transla∣tion and the Vulgar Latin; and shews, That

all preferred the Original before any Translation whatsoever. As for Apocrypha, though it was often cited by them with Reverence and Re∣spect, such as was given to the Writings of the Fathers and other good Men, yet since they also cited the fourth Book of Esdras in the same manner (which the Romanists deny to be Canonical) it will follow that this Ar∣gument proves nothing, or proves too much. But to make the Matter more clear, he cites Marianus Scotus (born in Ireland 1028.) and the Author of the Book de Mirabilibus Scripturae, (who was also an Irishman) and they do ex∣presly exclude out of the Canon of Scripture those Books we call Apocrypha.

In the next Chapter the Primate quotes Se∣dulius and Claudius for the Protestant Doctrines about Free-Will, Predestination and Justifi∣cation; and illustrates the Doctrine of Justi∣fication by this plain Simile, viz. As the Eye on∣ly sees, yet if separated from the Body cannot see, so Faith alone justifies, yet if it be alone (that is, if it be separated from good Works) it cannot justifie, because saving Faith is always a fruitful Faith; he shews that S. Patrick and Paladius opposed and confuted the Errors of Pelagius and Celestius about the Grace of God, and both Claudius and Sedulius affirmed, That no Man is without Sin, except the Man Christ Jesus, and that there is no Perfection in this Life, and whatsoever Men have from God is of Grace, because they have nothing of due.

The third Chapter treats of Purgatory and Prayer for the Dead; and first he shews the Cheat of S. Patrick's Purgatory, which that good Man never dream'd of, his Treatise de tribus habitaculis relates to Heaven, Earth and

Hell▪ and has not the least mention of Pur∣gatory, it was a later Invention of the Monks, and so firmly believed by their Votaries, that S. Caesarius a German Monk has the confidence to advise all those who doubt of Purgatory, to go to Ireland (to S. Patrick's Purgatory, in Logh∣dirge) and he shall be convinced: And Doctor Tyrry assures us, That it is famous over all Europe; but O Sullevan has gone farther,* 1.27 and in his Ca∣tholick History of Ireland has given us the de∣scription of the Rooms and Furniture in this Purgatory, and the several sorts of Punish∣ments inflicted there; and has acquainted us with the Methods of getting in and safely get∣ting out again: But after all, this has proved the most fulfom Cheat that ever was imposed on Mankind, and being about the Year 1636 digged up, by the Order of the Lords Justices, this Purgatory was found to be a small Cave under Ground, where the Damps arising from the Earth, so influenced crazy Melancholy People, as to make them dream or fancy what∣ever they were beforehand told they should see.

But to proceed, the Primate quotes the Saying of Sedulius and the Canon of an ancient Irish Synod, That after this Life, either Life or Death succeedeth; and that Christ has loosed our Guilt and finished our Punishment: He shews the Forgery of a story on S. Brendan, inserted into the new English Legend, but not to be found in the Ancient Ma∣nuscript: He observes, That the Oblations made for the Dead, in former times, were Sacrifices of Thanksgiving and not of Propitiation, because they were made for such as they were confident were in Hea∣ven, as for S. Brendon, &c. And he concludes with the Saying of Claudius and Colombanus, That

when we come to the Judgment Seat, neither Job nor Daniel, nor Noah can intreat for any one, but every one must bear his own Burthen: To which I add the Saying ascribed by the Synod to S. Pa∣trick, mentioned page 36. He who deserveth not to receive the Sacrifice in his Life, how can it help him after his Death?

In the fourth Chapter he cites Sedulius, tel∣ling us, That 'tis Impiety to adore any other but God, and reproving the Heathen for Simplicity, in thinking that the Invisible God would be worshipped by a Vi∣sible Image; to which Claudius adds, That God is not to be worshipped in Metal nor in Stone: And S. Patrick assures us, That no Creature is to be sworn by, but only the Creator.

And as for the Liturgy, there was no Uni∣formity therein; but several Forms of Divine Service were used in divers Parts of the King∣dom; that the Roman Use began to be intro∣duced by the Pope's Legate in the twelfth Century, and was perfected by Christianus Bi∣shop of Lismore, in the Synod of Cashel, and confirmed by Henry II, wherein it was order∣ed, That all Divine Offices of Holy Church, should thenceforward he handled in all Parts of Ireland, according as the Church of England did observe them.

The Word Mass is synonimous to Liturgy, and therefore used for Evening Prayer, but it commonly signifies the Sacrament, being the principle Part of Divine Service; and the Word Sacrifice did import then, what we understand by the Word Sacrament now, and might be ei∣ther offered to God or given to the People, and not as the Mass is now, wherein the Priest doth all: He farther sheweth, that they re∣ceived the Sacrament in both kinds, and in∣stances Hildmer's Wife and S. Bridget, and her

Companions, &c. and particularly that the Popish Legends mention, That one of S. Brid∣get's Miracles happened when she was about to drink out of the Chalice.

He shews, that the Holy Men of those Ages did use the Phrase of Scripture, and called the Sacrament the Body and Blood of our Saviour, because they thought the Impossibility and Unreasonableness of Transubstantiation, would secure Mankind from Mistake; for Christ being alive in Heaven cannot be corporally in the Sacrament, because he is there represented as Dead, and his Body Bro∣ken and his Blood Shed, and there is no such thing in rerum natura, for Christ being Raised from the Dead, dyeth no more, Rom. 6. 9. He quotes Sedulius and Claudius, Henry Crump and Johannes Scotus, distinguishing between the Sacrament and the Body of Christ that was crucified.

In Chap. 5 he proves by the Epistle of Lan∣frank to King Ti••lagh, That the Irish did not use Chrism in Baptism, and by the Testi∣mony of S. Bernard, That the Irish in his time did not understand or did neglect Confession, Confirmation and Marriage; he proves that Confession in former Times was Publick, and that Penance was but a Testimony of Pe∣nitence, and always preceded Absolution; and cites Claudius to prove, that Sacerdotal Ab∣solution is declarative and ministerial, and not absolute; Sedulius calls Marriage a Gift, but not Spiritual, ergo 'tis no Sacrament; the Sy∣nod attributed to S. Patrick, prohibits the In∣cest of marrying a Brother's Wife (which was the Case of Henry VIII), and Kilianus suffer∣ed Martyrdom for dissolving such an Incestu∣ous Marriage, by Gozbertus Duke of Franconia;

and that Clemens Scotu•• was condemned by the Council of Rome, anno 745, as a bringer in of Judaism among Christians, by maintaing such Incestuous Marriages, which Cambrensis says were common in Ireland; he proves by Sedulius and S. Patrick, That no Divorces were to be made, except for the Cause of Fornication, and that Coelibacy was so far from being enjoyned the Clergy, That S. Patrick's Father was Cal∣phurnius a Deacon, and his Grandfather Potitus a Priest. There was Order taken in the Synod held by S. Patrick, Au••ilius and Isserninus, That the Wives of the Clergy should not walk a∣broad with their Heads uncovered; and Gildas reprehends the Clergy for corrupting their Children by evil Example; and he proves by the Epistle of Pope Innocent III, That the Sons and Grandsons did use to succeed their Fathers and Grandfathers in Ecclesiastical Benefices. To which I add▪ That this was so true in the See of Armagh, that they feared that Archbi∣shoprick would be made hereditary; no less than ten married Men, and some of them not in Orders, succeeding each other in that See, from the Year 966 to the Year 1130, so that S. Bernard says, They were Episcopi but not Clerici.

The sixth Chapter shews, That Monks for∣merly lived by their Labour, and eat their own Bread; they thought Idleness a sin, whereas the later Monks and Fryers do rather extort than beg, since their Importunity is so great that no body can deny them, unless he cast away natural shame, as S. Richard of Dundalk affirmed, anno 1357, at the Synod of Avignion; as also that such voluntary Beggery is sinful▪ and was not known in the Church for the first 1200 Years.

He shews, That in Fasts they eat nothing at all till Evening, but did eat Eggs in Lent, and Sunday was always excepted from Fasting; and that it is infinitely more Christian to ab∣stain from Vice than from Meats; and that the later is vain, if it be not in order to the former.

The seventh Chapter yields many Testi∣monies of Claudius, Sedulius, &c. That the Church contains the Tares and the Wheat, the Erroneous and the Orthodox; That the Church may be brought so low, that she will seem for a time, as if Christ had utterly for∣saken her; that the Enemies of the Church shall be able to do many Jugling Miracles and Lying Wonders; Sedulius warns us against these seeming Miracles, such as Simon Magus his flying in the Air, and says, That the Faith having increased, Miracles were to cease, That Mi∣racles are not a certain Sign of Grace, since many will say, That in Christ's name they have cast out Devils, &c. which yet are not of Christ, Matth. 7. 22. and that Miracles are not to be done in vain. As to the Papacy Sedulius assures us, By the Word Foundation is meant Christ, and that the Apostles (who sometime are intended by that Word) are nevertheless to be accounted the Ministers of Christ and not the Foundation, because, says Claudius, other Foundation can no Man lay be∣sides that which is laid; which is Jesus Christ: Claudius interprets Christ to be the Rock, Matt. 16. 18. but allows Peter a Primacy over the Circumcision; and also avers the like Prima∣cy in S. Paul over the Gentiles; and concludes, That one was not inferior to the other; he says, The Power of the Keys was given to all the Apostles, and so was the Holy Ghost, and that the Church was

founded on S. John as well as S. Peter. S. Sachlin says, the Church was built as well on S. Patrick as on S. Peter, and that Christ chose him for his Vicar on Earth; Ardmagh is called the Apostolick City, the Bishop of Kildare is called Summus Pontifex, summus Sacerdos; the Bishop of Cahors in France is stiled Papa & Apostolicus; so that these Titles were not peculiar to the Pope in those Days, but were common to him and other Bishops, and promiscuously used to any of them.

Chap 8. he tells us, That though Palladius and S. Patrick did receive their Ordination at Rome, and probably▪ were sent thence to preach the Gospel (which Vincentius, l. 8. c. 7. tells us, was planted first in Ireland by S. James) yet they did not come as Emissaries or Agents from the Pope, to promote or establish his Jurisdiction there: Nor did their Success give the Pope any Authority in Ireland, any more than the Apo∣stles that went from Jerusalem to propagate Christianity in other Countries, did thereby give Jurisdiction to the Bishops of Jerusalem over the Places or People they converted; or than the Irish Bishops Aidan and Finan did give their Successors, in Ireland, Jurisdiction over those Parts of Britain they converted; and in this Sense the Reader must understand the Word Emissary postea, pag. 2.

And in truth that Universal Dominion the Popes have since usurped, or at least challeng∣ed, was not then thought of, neither did the Popes for some Ages afterwards send any Le∣gate or Deputy to exercise Jurisdiction in in Ireland; Gilbertus was the first of that sort that was sent, and he was contemporary with S. Bernard, in the twelfth Century; and therefore although Ireland so abounded with

Holy Men, that it was called The Island of Saints, and also had several Archbishops, yet we hear neither of Pall nor Canonization till the same twelfth Century; and the Pri∣mate proves, They had Archbishops in Ire∣land before the use of the Pall was known there; and he shews, That Bishops were sometimes ordained by one Bishop alone; that S. Patrick ordained three hundred sixty and five Bishops, and three thousand Presbyters, and that the Number of Bishops so increased, that sometimes there were two or three in a Town, and some had no certain Diocess at all: Emely was appointed to be the Archiepiscopal See of Munster, and Fernes of Leinster; and S. Ber∣nard testifies, That in his Time the Primate of Ar∣magh did constitute another Archbishoprick (per∣haps Tuam) subject to the Primacy; whereupon Primate Vsher infers, That the Church of Ireland had no dependance upon Rome at that time, since it managed Matters of such great Importance, without consulting the Papacy: He shews further, That in those Days the King, Clergy and People chose the Bishop, and the Pope did not put them in by Provi∣sion; and that the Bishops of Dublin, Waterford and Limerick (which Cities were inhabited by Oestmen) used to be consecrated by the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, and that the Walls and Diocess of Dublin were of equal extent; and that the first Bishop was Donatus, anno 1074: And afterward the People of Waterford erected a Bishoprick there.

I must not omit the Writ King Henry I. sent to the Archbishop of Canterbury, recited by the Primate, in haec verba,

HEnricus, Rex Angliae Radulpho Cantuariens. Archiepiscopo Salutem, Mandavit mihi Rex Hiberniae per breve suum & Burgenses Dubliniae, quod eligerunt hunc Gregorium Episcopum, & eum tibi mittunt consecrandum; unde tibi mando ut petitioni eorum satisfaciens ejus consecrationem sine dilatione expleas. Teste Ra••ulpho Cancelar. &c.

But as soon as the Palls were setled in Ire∣land this Correspondence with the Arcbishop of Canterbury determined.

As for the Quotation out of the Old Book of the Church of Armagh, That if any Cause be too hard for the Primacy, let it be referred to the See Apostolick, if it be not forged; yet it proves no more than that they had a great Regard to the Piety and Learning of the Bishops of Rome in those Days, but does not prove that they fan∣cied an Infallibility in that Church.

On the contrary, the Irish rejected the Pope's Judgment as often as they thought they had Reason on their Side; particularly the Irish adhered to the Council of Chalcedon, against the fifth Synod, and the Pope's Deter∣mination, in condemning the tria capitula: It seems that Pope Gregory's Epistle to the Bi∣shops of Iberia was directed to Spain, and not to Ireland; but 'tis no great matter which.

Chap. 9 and 10 shews, That the Irish dif∣fered from the Romans in the time of Cele∣brating the Feast of Easter, until the Southern Part conformed, in the Time of Pope Honorius the First, and the Northern about forty Years after; and that both sides pretended to Mi∣racles and were sainted, particularly Bishop Aidan, Finan and S. Collumkille, all which op∣posed

the Roman Usage in this Matter; this Party were called Quartodecimans, and were so abhorred by their Adversaries, that they re∣ordained all that were consecrated by them, and sprinkled the Churches with exorcized Water, and rebaptized all that desired it; and it seems the others were as angry with them, and shunned their Company and Com∣munion. He shews, That about the Year 843 the British See appealed to Constantinople for Instructions in this Matter; which City it seems was then counted as oraculous as Rome. But it seems to me, That the Pelagian Heresie, which raged over all Ireland as well as England, is a Proof beyond Reply, That the Irish did not believe or consult the Pope as an Infal∣lible Oracle of Truth, because it is the high∣est contradiction that can be, (nay 'tis im∣possible) to believe a Man Infallible, and yet not to believe what he says.

Lastly, when he has refuted the Pope's Pretences to a Temporal Dominion in Ireland, and has asserted Polydore Virgil to be the Inven∣ter of that Concession, pretended to be made by the Irish on their Conversion, (quod nota postea, pag. 2) he asserts, That Ireland is a ve∣ry ancient Kingdom, and introduces the Eng∣lish Ambassador at the Council of Constance, speaking after this manner,

It is well known, That according to Albertus Magnus and Bartholomaeus, in his Book de Pro∣prietatibus rerum, the whole World being divided into three Parts, viz. Asia, Africk and Europe, Europe is divided into four Kingdoms, namely, the Roman for the first, the Constantinopolitan for the second, the third the Kingdom of Ireland, which is translated unto the English, and the fourth the

Kindgom of Spain. Whereby it appeareth; That the King of England and his Kingdom are of the more Eminent Ancient Kings and Kingdoms of Europe; which Prerogative the Kingdom of France is not said to obtain.

But whatever the Religion of the Irish was formerly, it is certain that at this Day it is rather a Custom than a Dogma, and is no more than Ignorant Superstition; not one in a hundred of the Common People know any thing of even the most essential Articles of the Creed; but having resigned their Faith to their Priest, they believe every silly Story he tells them; And as the Primate Vsher observes, tho they are slow of Heart to believe Saving Truth of God, delivered by the Prophets and Apostles; yet they with all greediness im∣brace, and with a most strange kind of Cre∣dulity entertain those lying Legends where∣with their Monks and Fryers in these later Days have polluted the Religion, and Lives of our Antient Saints.

The Christian Names of the Irish are as in England, Hugh, Mahoone i. e. Matthew, Teige (i. e.) Tymothy, Dermond i. e. Jeremy, Cnoghor i. e. Cornelius, Cormuck i. e. Charles, Art i. e. Arthur, Donal i. e. Daniel, Goron i. e. Jeofry, Magheesh i. e. Moses; and their Sir-names, (which were assumed in the Time of Bryan Borah) are (as in Wales) taken from the Christian Name of the Ancestor, with an O (which is as much as ap in Welsh or de in Latin) or Mac (i. e. Fitz or Son) placed before it; so his Son was cal∣led O Bryan, and his Daughter Sarah being married to one Mahown, her Son was called Mac Mahown; so Carah Mac Seerbraghah was Father of the Mac Carahs or Mac Cartyes; but

this Distinction is observed▪ That only the Chief of the Sept is called Mac Carty or O Bryan, or the like, and every other Person of the Fa∣mily is called by his Christian Name, as Phi∣lip O Sullevan, Teige Mac Carthy, &c. but there is scarce one noted Man among them, but has some Nickname or other, as Moyle, Fune, Fad∣da, Lader, Buy, Buckah, Mauntah, &c.

The Habit of an Irishman was a Mantle and Trowses, and of an Irishwoman a Mantle and Petticoat, both had Broges something thinner than Pumps on their Feet, and the Man had a Cappeen and the Woman a Kercher on their Heads; their Shifts were died in Saffron to save washing, and contained 13 or 14 Yards of Cloath, so that a Law was made against that Extravagancy; These Mantles were like Cloaks, only instead of a Cape they had a vast quantity of Thrums or yarn-Fring, so that when the Mantle was put up close to the Nape of the Neck, (as they usually wore them) the Fring hung down near a foot long. Mr. Spencer, p. 37. gives too Satyrical a Character of this Garment, That it is a fit House for an Outlaw, a meet Bed for a Rebel, and an apt Cloak for a Thief.

The Irish Musick was either a Harp (which is the Arms of the Kingdom) and makes an excellent Sound if it be skilfully touched; or a Bagpipe, which is a squealing Engine, fit only for a Bear-Garden; nevertheless they are much used at Irish Burials to encrease the Noyse, and encourage the Women to Cry, and follow the Corps, for there is nothing co∣veted more by the Friends of the deceased, than to have abundance of Company at the Burial, and a great Cry for the Defunct;

which they think argues, That he was a Per∣son of Figure and Merit, and was well-belov∣ed in his Country; therefore they bury their Dead with great Ululations or Allelews, after the Egyptian manner, and hire Women to en∣crease the Cry: And I my self have often seen strange Women come into the Crowd at a Fu∣neral, and set up the Cry or Allagone for a Quarter of a Mile together, and then enquire of some of the Company, Who it is that is Dead? And hence arose the Proverb, To weep Irish, i. e. to cry without concern.

When I say, That the Irish rode Horses without Saddles; and afterwards, even to our own Days used Padds or Pillions without Stirrops, no Body must be so foolish to think, That this is a Disgrace to the Nation, since I affirm the same thing of the Ancient Britans, and that they also used many of the same Cu∣stoms with the Irish, and some more barba∣rous than any of theirs; but what I aim at is to shew, That the Irish did continue in their Barbarity, Poverty and Ignorance until the English Conquest; and that all the Improve∣ment themselves or their Country received, and their great difference between their Man∣ners and Conditions now and then, is to be ascribed to the English Government, under which they have lived far happier than ever they did under the Tyranny of their own Lords.

Nor must any Body so interpret me as if I included all the Irish Gentry in the general Character of the Rudeness, Ignorance and Bar∣barity of that Nation, since many of them have in all Ages, and some to my own Know∣ledge, attained to great Perfections in Civili∣ty

Arts and Arms; and I do avouch, that even the common sort are not only capable, but also very apt to learn any thing that is taught them, so that I do impute the Igno∣rance and Barbarity of the Irish meerly to their evil Customs, which are so exceeding bad,* 1.28 that as Sir John Davys says, Whoever use them must needs be Rebels to all good Government, and destroy the Commonwealth wherein they live, and bring Barbarism and Desolation upon the Richest and most fruitful Land in the World.

But the Irish Capacities are not to be questi∣oned at this Day, since they have managed their Affairs with that dexterity and Cou∣rage, that they have gotten the whole King∣dom of Ireland into their Possession; and by wheedling some and frightning others, they have expelled the Body of the English out of that Island: However, let us not be dismaid, for they are but the same People our Ance∣stors have so often triumphed over; and although they are not to be so contemned, but that we may expect they will make one good Effort for their Estates and Religion, yet we may still depend upon it, That their Nature is still the same, and not to be so changed, but that they will again vail their Bonnets to a victorious English Army.

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AN EPITOME OF S^R WILLIAM PETTY'S LARGE SURVEY OF IRELAND Divided into its 4 Provinces. & 32 Counties. and the Counties into Their Several Barronies. wherein are Distinguished y^e Archbishopricks Bishopricks. Citty's. Places that Return Parliament Men. also the Roads. Bogs. and Bridges. By Phillip Lea At the Atlas and Her∣cules in Cheapside. near Fryday Street LONDON

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The History of IRELAND From The Conquest Thereof By the ENGLISH to this Time By RICHARD COX. Esq^r Printed For JOSEPH WATTS at y^e Angell in S^t Pauls Church Yard

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Notes

• * 1.1

  Ware's An∣nals, 20.
• * 1.2

  Vsher's Re∣ligion of the antient Irish, 92. Sullevan, f. 1
• * 1.3

  4 Inst. 349.
• * 1.4

  Verstegan, 36.
• * 1.5

  Suetonius, c. 4.
• * 1.6

  Divi Brita∣niei.
• * 1.7

  Cambden, 2, 120, 124.
• * 1.8

  Ib. 121.
• [b] 1.9

  Spencer, 35.
• [c] 1.10

  Ib. 36.
• [d] 1.11

  Ibid. 41.
• * 1.12

  Ware de antiq. 10.
• * 1.13

  Hanmer, 11, 12.
• * 1.14

  Prospect, 75.
• * 1.15

  Ibid. 76.
• * 1.16

  Prosper con. Collat. c. 41.
• * 1.17

  Ware de an∣tiq. 42.
• * 1.18

  Davis Re∣ports, Case de Tanistry.
• * 1.19

  Davis Re∣ports.
• * 1.20

  Davys, 155.
• * 1.21

  Ware, 110.
• * 1.22

  Cambrensis, c. 11.
• * 1.23

  Bishop of S. Asaph, 84, 85.
• * 1.24

  Ibid. 51.
• * 1.25

  Lord Orre∣ry's answer to P. W.
• * 1.26

  Vsher's Re∣ligion of the ancient Irish.
• * 1.27

  Sullevan, 23
• * 1.28

  Davis, 150.