Mr. Coleman's two letters to Monsieur L'Chaise, the French king's confessor with Monsieur L'Chaise's answer to Mr. Coleman, which the House of Commons desired might be printed : together with the D. of Y's letter to the said Monsieur L'Chaise, which sheweth what Mr. Coleman wrote to him, was by his special command and appointment.

THE FIRST LETTER OF M^r, Coleman's To the French Kings Confessor, MONSIEUR LE-CHEER.

Since Father Sir Germaine hath been so kind to me as to recommend me to your Reverence so advantagiously or to encourage you to accept my Correspondence; I will own to him that he has done me a Favour, without consult∣ing me, greater than I could have been capable of, if he had advised with me, because I should not then have had the confidence to have permitted him to ask it in my behalf; And I am so sencible of the honour you are pleased to do me, that though I cannot deserve it, yet at least to shew the sence I have of it; I will deal as freely and openly with you at this first time, as if I had the honour of your Acquaintance all my life, and shall make no Apollogy for so doing, but on∣ly tell you, I know your Character perfectly well, tho I am not so happy as to know your Person; and that I have an opportunity of putting this Letter into the hands of Father Sir Germaines Nephew (for whose integrity and prudence he has undertaken) without any sort of hazard.

In order then Sir, to the plainness which I promise, I will tell you what has plainly passed between your Reverend Predecessor Father Ferriers and my self, about three years ago, when the King, my Master, sent a Troop of his Horse-Guards into the Most Christian Majestys Service, under the Command of my Lord Duras: He sent with it an Officer called Sir William Frogmorton, with whom I had a particular intimacy, and he had then very newly embraced the Catho∣lick Religion, and to him did I constantly write, and by him address my self to Father Ferriers.

The first thing of great importance, which I presumed to offer to him (not to trouble you with lesser matters of what passed here; and immediately after the fatal Renunciation of the Kings Declaration for Liberty of Conscience, to which we owe all our late mischiefs and hazards) was in July, August, and September, 1673. when I constantly in∣culcated the great danger the Catholick Religion, and his most Christian Majesties Interest would be in, at our next Session of Parliament, which was then to be in October fol∣lowing; at which, I plainly foresaw, that the King, my Master, would be forced to something in preiudice, of his Alliance with France, which I saw so evidently and particu∣larly that we should make Peace with Holland, that I weigh∣ed all the Arguments I could (which to me were Demon∣strations) to convince your Court of that Mischief, and pressed what I could to perswade his Christian Majesty to use his utmost force to prevent that Sitting of our Parlia∣ment, and proposed Expedients how to do it. But I was answered so often and so positively, that his Christian Ma∣jesty was so well assured by his Ambassador here our Am∣bassador there, the Lord Arlington, and even the King himself, that he had no such apprehensions at all, but was fully satisfied of the contrary, and lookt upon what I of∣fered as a very zealous mistake, that I was forced to give over arguing, tho not believing as they did, but confident∣ly

appealed to time and success to prove, who took their measures rightest. When it happened, that which I fore-saw came to pass, the good Father was a little surprised to see all the Great Mens mistake, and a Little one in the Right, and was pleased by Sir William Frogmorton to desire the Continu∣ance of my Correspondence, which I was mighty willing to comply with, knowing the interest of our King, and in a more particular manner, of my more immediate Master the Duke, and his Most Christian Majesty to be so inseperably united, that it was impossible to divide them without de∣stroying them all.

Upon this I shewed, That our Parliament, in the Cir∣cumstances it was mannaged, by the temerous Counsels of our Ministers, who then Governed, could never be useful either to England, France, or the Catholick Religion, but that we should as certainly be forced from our Neutrality at their next Meeting as we had been from our active Alliance with France the last; that a Peace, in the Circumstances we were in, was much more to be desired than the continuance of the War, that the Desolution of our Parliament would certainly procure a Peace, for that the Confederates did more depend upon the Power they had in our Parliament, than upon any thing else in the World, and were more en∣couraged from thence to continue the War, so that if that were Dissolved, their Measures would be all broken, and they consequently, in a manner necessitated to a Peace.

The good Father minding this discourse some what more than the Court of France thought fit to do my former, urged it so home to the King, that his Majesty was pleased to give him Order to signifie to his Royal Highness, my Master, that his Majesty was fully satisfied of his Royal High∣nesses good intention towards him, and that he esteemed both their Interests but one and the same; that my Lord Arlington and the Parliament, were both to be lookt upon as very unuseful to their Interest; and that if his Royal

Highness would endeavour to Dissolve this Parliament, his Majesty would assist him with his Power and Purse to have such a new one as would be for their purpose. This, and a great many more expressions of kindness and confidence Father Ferier was pleased to communicate to Sir William Frogmorton, and commanded him to send them to his Royal Highness, and withal to beg his Royal Highness to propose to his Most Christian Majesty what he thought necessary for his own Concern, and the advantage of Religion, and his Majesty would certainly do all he could to advance both or either of them.

This Sir William Frogmorton sent to me by an Express, who left Paris, June 2, 1674. Stilo Novo.

I no sooner had it, but I communicated it to his Royal Highness, to which his Royal Highness commanded me to Answer, as I did on the 29th. of the same Month.

That his Royal Highness was very sensible of his Most Christian Majesties Friendship; and that he would labour to cultivate it with all the good Offices he was capable of doing for his Majesty: That he was fully convinced that their Interests were one: That my Lord Arlington and the Parliament, were not only unuseful, but very dangerous both to England and France, that therefore it was necessary that they should do all they could to Dissolve it. And that his Royal Highnesses opinion was, That if his Most Christian Majesty would write his thoughts freely to the King of England upon this Subject, and make the same offer to his Majesty of his Purse to dissolve this, which he made to his Royal Highness to call another, he did believe it very pos∣sible for him to succeed, with the assistance we should be able to give him here; And that if this Parliament were dis∣solved there would be no great difficulty of getting a new one, which would be more useful: The Constitution of our Parliament being such; that a new one can never hurt the Crown, nor an old one do it good.

His Royal Highness being pleased to own those Propositi∣ons, which were but only general, I thought it more reason∣able to be more particular, and to come close to the Point.

That if we hapned to agree, we might go the faster about the Work and come to some issue before the time were too much spent.

I said this for my Maixme, The Dissolution of our Parlia∣ment vvould certainly procure a Peace. Which Proposition was granted by every body I conversed withal, even by Monsieur Ravigny himself, with whom I took liberty of dis∣courting so far, but durst not say any thing of the Intelli∣gence I had with Father Ferriers.

Next, That a Sum of Money certaine, vvould certainly pro∣cure a Dissolution. This some doubted, but I am sure I ne∣ver did, for I knew perfectly well, that the King had fre∣quent Disputes with himself at that time, whether he should Dissolve or Continue them, and he several times declared, That the Arguments were so strong on both sides, that he could not tell to which to incline; but was carried at last to their Continuance by this one Argument; If I try them once more, they may possibly give me money, If they do, I have gained my Point, If they do not, I can dissolve them then, and be vvhere I am novv; so that I have a possibility at least of getting money for their continuance, against nothing on the other side. But if we could have turned this Argument and said Sir, Their Dissolution will certainly procure you mo∣ney, when you have only a bare probability of getting any by their continuance; and have shewn how far that bare probability was from being a foundation to build any rea∣sonable hope upon, which I am sure his Christian Majesty was sensible enough of: And how much 300000 l. Ster∣ling certain (which was the sum we proposed) was better than a bare Probability (without any reason to hope that that would ever come to pass) of having half so much more (which was the most he designed to ask) upon some vile

dishonourable terms and a thousand other hazards, which we had great reason to be afraid of. If, I say, we had had power to have so argued, I am most confidently assured we could have compassed it. For Logick in our Court built upon Money has more povverful Charmes than any other sort of Reason.

But to secure his most Christian Majesty from any haz∣ard as to this point, I proposed that his Majesty should offer that sum upon that condition, and if the condition were not performed, the money should never be due, if it were, and that a Peace would certainly follow thereupon, (which no body doubted) his Majesty would gain his end, and save all the vast expences of the next Campagne, by which he could not hope to better his condition, or to put himself into more advantagious circumstances of Treating than he was then in, but might probably be in a much worse considering the mighty oppositions he was like to meet with and the uncertain Chances of War.

But admitting that his Majesty could maintain himself by his great strength and conduct in as good a condition to Treat the next year, as he was then in, which was as much as could then reasonably be hoped for, he should have saved by this Proposal as much as all the men he must needs loose, and all the charges he should be at in a year, could be valued to amount to more than 300000 l. Sterling, and so much more, in case his condition should decay, or it should be worse than it was when this was made: and the condition of his Royal Highness and the Catholick Religion here, which depends very much upon the success of his most Christian Majesty, delivered from a great many Frights and real Hazards.

Father Ferriers, seemed to be very sensible of the benefit which all Parties would gain by this Proposal, but yet it was unfortunately delayed by the unhappy and tedious sickness which kept him so long from the King in Franche Conte,

and made him so unable to wait upon his Majesty after he had returned to Paris, but so soon as he could compass it, he was pleased to acquaint his Majesty with it, and did write to the Duke himself, and did me the honour to write to me also, on the 15th. of September 1674. and sent his Let∣ters by Sir William Frogmorton, who came express upon that Errand.

In those Letters he gave his Royal Highness fresh assu∣rances of his most Christian Majesties Friendship and of his Zeal and readiness to comply with every thing his Royal Highness had or should think fit to propose in favour of Re∣ligion, or the business of the Money, and that he had com∣manded Monsieut Ravigny, as to the latter, to treat and deal with his Royal Highness, and to receive and observe his Orders and Directions; but desired that he might not at all be concerned as to the former, but that his Royal Highness would cause what Propositions he thinks fit to be made a∣bout Religion, to be offered either to Father Ferrier, or to Monsieur Pompone.

These Letters came to us about the middle of our Sep∣tember, and his Royal Highness expected daily when Mon∣sieur Ravigny should speak to him about the subject of that Letter, but he took no notice at all of any thing, till Septem∣ber 19, the Evening before the King and the Duke went to Nevvmarket, for a fortnight, and then only said, That he had command from his Majesty to give his Royal Highness the most firm assurance imaginable of his Friendship, or something to that purpose, making his royal Highness a general Complement, but made no mention of any parti∣cular Orders relating to the subject of Father Ferriers Letter.

The Duke wondring at this proceeding, and being ob∣liged to stay good part of October at Nevv-market, and soon after his coming back hearing of the death of Father Ferrier, he gave over all further prosecuting of the former Project.

But I believe I saw Monsure Ravigny's pollicy all along, who was willing to save his Masters money, upon an assu∣rance we would do all we could, to stave off the Parliament for our own sakes, that we would struggle as hard without money as with it, and we having by this time upon our own Interests prevailed to get the Parliament Prorogued till the 13th. of April, he thought that the Prorogation being to a day so high in the Spring, would put the Confederates so much beyond their measures, as that it might procure a Peace, and be as useful to France as a Desolution.

Upon these Reasons, which I suppose he went upon. I had several discourses with him, and did open my self so far to him as to say that I could wish his Master would give us leave to offer 300000 l. to our Master for the desolution of the Parliament, and shew him that a Peace would most certainly follow a dessolution, which he agreed with me in, and that we desired not the Money from his Master to excite our Wills, or to make us more industrious to use our ut∣most power to procure a Dissolution, but to strengthen our Power and Credit with the King, and to render us more capable to succeed with his Majesty, as most certainly we should have done had we been fortified with such an Argument.

To this purpose I promised Monsieur Pompone, frequent∣ly, by Sir William Frogmorton, who returned from hence a∣gain into France, on the 16th. of November, the day our Parliament should have set, but was Prorogueth, Monsieur, Pompone, as I was informed by Sir William, did seem to ap∣prove the thing, but yet had two Objections against it.

1. That the Sum vve proposed vvas great, and could very ill be spared by his Majesty in the Circumstances he vvas in.

To which we answered; That if by his expending that sum he could procure a Dissolution of our Parliament, and thereby a Peace, which every body agreed would ne∣cessarily follow, his most Christian Majesty would save five

or ten times a greater sum, and so be a good husband by his expence; and if we did not procure a Dissolution, he should not be at that expence at all, for that we desired him only to promise upon that condition, which we were contented to be obliged to perform first.

2. The second Objection was, That the Duke did not move it, nor appear in it himself.

To which we answered, That he did not indeed to Mon∣sieur Pompone, because he had found so ill an effect of the Negotiation with Father Ferrier, when it came into Mon∣sieur Ravignys hands, but he had concernd himself in it to Father Ferrier.

Yet I continued to prosecute and press the Dissolution of the Parliament, detesting all Prorogations, as only so much loss of time, and a means of strengthening all those who de∣pended upon it in opposition to the Crovvn. The Interest of France, and the Catholick Religion, in the opinion they had taken, that our King durst not part with his Parliament, apprehending another would be much worse.

2. That he could not live without a Parliament, therefore they must suddainly meet, and the longer he kept them off, the greater the necessities would grow, and consequently their power to compel him to do what they listed would in∣crease accordingly; and therefore if they could but main∣tain themselves a while, their day would certainly come in a short time, in which they should be able to work their Wills.

Such discourses as these kept the Confederates and our Male-contents in heart, and made them weather on the War in spite of all our Prorogations, and therefore I pressed, as I have said, a Dissolution until February last, when our Cir∣cumstances were so totally changed, that we were forced to change our Councils too, and be as much for the Parlia∣ments Sitting, as we were before against it. Our Change was this.

Before that time the Lord Arlington was the only Mi∣nister in credit, who thought himself out of all danger of a Parliament, he having been accused before them and justifi∣ed and therefore was zealous for their sitting, and to in∣crease his Reputation with them, and to become a perfect Favourite, he set himself all he could to prosecute the Catho∣lick Religion, and to oppose the French.

To shew his Zeal against the first, he revived some old dormant Orders, for prohibiting the Roman Gatholicks to appear before the King, and put them in Execution at his first coming into the Office of Lord Chamberlaine. And to make sure work against the second, as he thought, prevailed with the King, to give him and the Earl of Ossery, who married two Sisters of Myn Heere Odyke's, leave to go over into Holland with the said Heere, to make a Visite, as they pretended, to their Relations, but indeed and in truth, to propose the Lady Mary, Eldest Daughter to his Royal Highness, as a Match for the Prince of Orange, not only with∣out the consent, but against the good liking of his Royal Highness; insomuch as the Lord Arlingtons Creatures were forced to excuse him with a distinction, that the said Lady was not to be lookt upon as the Dukes Daughter, but as the Kings, and a Child of the State, and so the Dukes Consent not to be much considered in the disposal of her, but the Interest only of State; by this he intended to ren∣der himself the Darling of the Parliament and Protestants, who would look on themselves as secured in their Religi∣gion by such an alliance, and designed further, by that means to draw us into close Conjunction with Holand, and Enemies of Erance.

The Lord Arlington set forward upon this Errand, November the 10th. 1674, and returned not till January 6, following. During his absence, the Lord Treasurer, Lord Keeper, and Duke of Lauderdale were the only Ministers in any considerable credit with the King, and who all pretended

to be intirely united to the Duke, declared loudly and with great violence against the said Lord, and his actions in Hol∣land, and did hope in his absence, to have totally supplanted him, and routed him out of the Kings favour; and after that they thought they might easily enough have dealt with the Parliament, but none of them had Courage enough to speak against the Parliament, till they could get rid of him, for fear they should not succeed, but that the Parliament should sit in spight of them, and come to hear that they had used their endeavours against it, which would have been so unpardonable a crime with our omnipotent Parliament, that no power would have been able to have saved them from punishment.

But they finding, at his return, when they could not pre∣vail against him by such means and arts as they had then tri∣ed, resolved upon new Councils, which were to out-run him in his own course, which accordingly they undertook, and became as fierce Apostles, and as zealous for Protestant Re∣ligion, and against Popery, as ever my Lord Arlington was be∣fore them; and in pursuance thereof, perswaded the King to issue out those severe Orders and Proclamations against Catholicks, which came out in February last, by which they did as much as in them lay to extirpate all Catholicks, and Ca∣tholick Religion out of the Kingdom.

Which Counsels were in my opinion so detestable, being levell'd (as they must needs be) so directly against the Duke by People that he had advanced, and who had professed so much duty and service to him, that we were put upon new thoughts how to save his Royal Highness from the deceits and snares of them upon whom formerly we depended, we saw well enough that their design was to make themselves as grateful as they could to the Parliament (if they must sit) they thinking nothing to be acceptable to them as the per∣secuting of Popery; but yet they were so obnoxious to the Parliaments displeasure in general, that they would have

been very glad of any expedient to keep it off, though they durst not engage against it openly themselves, but thought this device of theirs might serve to that purpose, hoping that the Duke would be so alarm'd at their proceedings and by his being left by every body, that he would be much more afraid of the Parliament than ever, and use his utmost power to prevent its sitting, which they doubted not but he would endeavour and they were ready enough to work under∣hand with him for their own sakes, not his, in order there∣unto, but durst not appear openly; And to encourage the Duke the more to dissolve the Parliament, their Creatures used to say up and down, That these vigorous proceedings a∣gainst the Catholicks vvas in favour of the Duke, and to make the Dissolution of the Parliament more easie, vvhich they knevv he coveted, by obviating one great Objection vvhich vvas com∣monly made against it, which was, That if the Parliament should be Dissolved, it vvould be said it vvas done in favour of Popery, vvhich Clamour they prevented by the severity vvhich they had shevvn against it before hand.

As soon as we saw these tricks put upon us, we plainly saw what men we had to deal with, and what we had to trust to if we were wholly at their mercy, but yet durst not seem so dissatisfied as we really were, but rather magnified the con∣trivance as advice of great cunning and skill.

All this we did purely to hold them in a belief, that we would endeavour to dissolve the Parliament, that they might rely upon his Royal Highness, for that which we knew they longed for, and were afraid they might do some other way, if they discover that we were resolved we would not.

At length when we saw the Sessions secured, we declared we were for the Parliaments meeting, as indeed we were from the moment we saw our selves used by all the Kings Ministers at such a Rate: That we had reason to believe they would sacrifice France, Religion, and his Royal Highness

too, to their own interests, if occasion served, and that they were led to believe that that was the only way they had to save themselves at that time; for we saw no expedient for to stop them in their Carreirs of Persecution, and those other destructive Counsels, but the Parliament, which had set it self a long time, to dislike every thing the Ministers had done and had appeared violently against Popery, whilst the Court seemed to favour it; and therefore we were confident that the Ministers having turned their faces, the Parliament would do so too, and still be against them, and be as little for Persecution then, as they had been for Popery before.

This I undertook to mannage for the Duke, and for the King of Frances Interest, and assured Monsieur Ravigny (which I am sure he will testify if occasi∣on served) That that Sessions should do neither of them any hurt, for that I was sure I had power enough to prevent mischief, tho I durst not answer for any good they should, do, because I had but very few assistants to carry on the work, and wanted those helps which others had of making Freinds.

The Dutch and Spaniard spared no paines nor expence of monys to anituate as many as they could against France.

Our Lord Keeper, Lord Treasurer, and all the Bishops, and such as call themselves Old Cavaleers, who were all then as one man, were not less industrious against Popery, and had the Purse at their Girdle too, which is an excellent Instru∣ment to gain Friends with, and all united against the Duke, as Patron both of France and of the Catholick Reli∣gion.

To deal with all this force we had no money, but what came from a few private hands, and those so mean ones too, that I dare presume to say, that I spent more my particular self out of my own Fortune, and upon my single Credit, than the whole body of the Catholicks in England besides, which was so inconsiderable in comparison of what our Ad∣versaries

could command, and we verily believe did be∣stow in making their party, that it is not worth mention∣ing.

Yet, notwithstanding all this, we saw that by the help of the Nou-Conformists, as Presbyterians, Independents, and other Sects who were as much afraid of Persecution as our selves, and of the Enemies of the Ministers, particularly the Treasurer, who by that time had suplanted the Earl of Ar∣lington, and was grown sole mannager of affairs himself, we should be able to prevent what they designed against us, and so render the Sessions ineffectual to their ends, though we might not be able to compass our own; which were to make some brisk step in favour of his Royal Highness, to shew the King that his Majestys affairs in Parliament were not obstructed by reason of any aversion they had to his Royal Highnesses person, or apprehension they had of him or his Religion, but from Faction and Ambition in some, and from a real Dissatisfaction in others. That we have not had such fruits and effects of those great summes of mo∣ny, which have formerly been given as they expected.

If we could have made then but one such step, the King would certainly have restored his Royal Highness to all his Commissions, upon vvhich he would have been much great∣er than ever yet he was in his whole life, or could probably ever have been by any other course in the World, than what he had taken, of becoming Catholick, &c.

And we were so very near gaining this Point, that I did humbly beg his Royal Highness to give me leave to put the Parliament upon making an Address to the King, That his Majesty would be pleased to put the Fleet into the hands of his Royal Highness, as the only person likely to give a good account of so important a Charge as that was to the King∣dom; and shewed his Royal Highness such reasons to per∣swade him that we could carry it, that he agreed with me in it, that he believed we could; yet others telling him how

great a damage it would be to him if he should miss in such an undertaking (which for my part I could not then see, nor do I yet) he was prevailed upon not to venture, though he was perswaded he could carry it.

I did communicate this design of mine to Monsieur Ravig∣ny; who agreed with me, that it would be the greatest ad∣vantage to his Master imaginable to have the Dukes power and credit so advanced, as this would certainly do it, if we could compass it: I shew'd him all the difficulties we were like to meet with, and what helps we should have. But that we should want one very material one, money, to carry on the work as we ought: And therefore, I do confess, I did shamefully beg his Masters help, and would willingly have been content to have been in everlasting disgrace with all the World, if I had not with the assistance of 20000 l. sterling from him (which perhaps is not the tenth part of what was spent on the other side) made it evident to the Duke, that he could not have missed it.

Monsieur Ravigny used to tell me, that if he could be sure of succeeding in that design, his Master would give a very much larger sum; but that he was not in a condition to throw away money upon uncertainties.

I answered, That nothing of this nature can be so infal∣libly sure, as not to be subject to some possibility of falling, but that I durst venture to undertake to make it evident, that there was as great an assurance of succeeding in it, as any Husband-man can have of a Crop in Harvest, who sowes his Ground in its season; and yet it would be accounted a very imprndent piece of wariness in any body to scruple the venturing so much Seed in its proper time, because it is pos∣sible it may be totally lost, and no benefit of it in harvest. He that minds the Winds and the Raines at that rate, shall neither Sow nor Reap.

I take our Case to be much the same now as it was the last Session, if we advance the Dukes Interest one step forwards,

we shall put him out of the reach of all Chances for ever; for he makes such a Figure already, that cautious men do not care to act against him, or always without him, because they do not see he is much overpowered by his Enemies. Yet he is not at such a pitch as to be quite out of danger, or free from opposition, but if he could gain any considerable new addition of power all would come over to him as the only Center of our Government, and no body could con∣tend with him further. Then would Catholicks be at ease, and his Most Christian Majesties Interest secured with us in England, beyond all apprehensions whatsoever.

In order to this, we have two great Designes to attempt this next Sessions.

First, That which we were about before, viz. To put the Parliament upon making their humble request to the King that the Fleet may be put into his Royal Highnesses care.

And, Secondly, To get an Act for General Liberty of Con∣science.

If we carry these two, or either of them, we shall in effect do vvhat vve list aftervvards. And truly vve think vve do not undertake these great Points very unreasonably, for that we have good Cards for our Game; Not but that vve expect great opposition; and we have reason to beg all the assistance we can possibly get; and therefore if his Most Christian Majesty would stand by us a little in this Conjun∣ction, and help us with such a sum as 20000 l sterling, which is no great matter to venture upon such an undertaking as this, I would be content to be sacrificed to the utmost ma∣lice of mine Enemies, if I did not succeed.

I have proposed this several times to Monsieur Ravigny, who seems alwayes of my opinion, and has often told me That he has vvrit to France on this Subject, and has desired me to do the like; but I know not whether he will be as zealous in this point as a Catholick would be, because our prevailing in these things will give the greatest blow to the

Protestant Religion here, that ever it received since its Birth, which perhaps he would not be very glad to see, especially when he believes that there is another way of doing his Ma∣jesties business well enough without it, which is by a Disso∣lution of the Parliament, which I know he mightily de∣pends upon, and concludes, that if that comes to be dissol∣ved, it will be as much as he need care for, proceeding, per∣haps upon the same manner of discourse which we did this time twelve month. But with submission to his better judgement, I do think that our case is extreamly much alter∣ed from what it was then in relation to a Dissolution, for then the body of our governing Ministers (all but the Earl of Arlington) were intirely united to the Duke, and would have governed his way had they been free from all fears and controule, as they had been if the Parliament had been re∣moved, but they have since that time engaged in quite dif∣ferent Councils, and imbarqued themselves and Interests upon other bottoms, having declared themselves against Popery; and to dissolve the Parliament simply, and without any other step made, will be to leave them to Govern what way they list, which we have reason to suspect will be to the prejudice of France, and Catholicks, because their late De∣clarations and Actions have demonstrated to us, that they take that for the most popular way for themselves, and the likeliest to keep them in absolute power, whereas should the Duke get above them, after the trick they have shewed him, they are not sure he will totally forget the usuage he has had at their hands. Therefore it imports us now to ad∣vance our Interest a little farther, by some such project as I have named, before we Dissolve the Parliament, or else per∣haps we shall but change Masters, a Parliament for Ministers, and continue still in the same slavery and bondage as before, but one such step as I have proposed well made, we may safely see them Dissolved, and not fear the Ministers, but shall be established and stand firm without any opposition.

For every body then will come over to us, and worship the rising Sun.

I have here given you the History of three years as short as I could, though I am afraid it will seem very long and troublesome to your Reverence amongst the multitude of affairs you are ingaged in. I have also shewn you the pre∣sent state of our Case, which may by Gods Providence and good Conduct be made of such advantage to Gods Church that for my part I can scarce believe my self awake, or the thing real, when I think of a Prince in such an Age as we live in, converted to such a degree of Zeal and Piety, as not to regard any thing in the World in comparison of God Al∣mightys glory, the Salvation of his own Soul, and the Con∣version of our poor Kingdom, which has a long time been opprest and miserably harrassed by Heresie and Schism.

I doubt not but your Reverence will consider our Case, take it to heart, and afford us what help you can, both with the King of Heaven, by your holy Prayers, and with his most Christian Majesty, by that great credit which you most justly have with him. And if ever his Majesties Affairs or your own can ever want the service of so inconsiderable a Creature as my self, you shall never find any body readier to obey your Commands, or faithfuller in the execution of them, in the best of his power, than

Your most humble, and most obedient Servant.

September 29. 1675.