The lives of two and twenty English divines eminent in their generations for learning, piety, and painfulnesse in the work of the ministry, and for their sufferings in the cause of Christ : whereunto are annexed the lives of Gaspar Coligni, that famous admirall of France, slain in the Parisian massacre, and of Joane Queen of Navarr, who died a little before / by Samuel Clarke ...

The Life of Gaspar Colinius Great Admirall of France.

GAsppar Colinius or Coligni,* 1.1 was descended of a very Ancient and Honourable Family; his Predeces∣sors had Kingly Priviledges in their own Coun∣try; as the Power of Life and Death, of Coin∣ing Money, Imposing Taxes and Tributes, &c. His Father was Gaspar de Colonia or Colinius, who lived under King Francis the first; and had to Wife Ludovica Monmorancy, the Sister of Annas Mon∣morancy, Great Constable of France.

When in the year 1522. the Admirall Bonivet had taken Fontaraby in the Confines of Spain, as soon as he was returned into France, the Spaniards came and besieged it with a great Army: The siege lasted twelve moneths, whereby the Inhabitants suffered much extremity by reason of Famine.

King Francis hearing of it, commanded this Gaspar to raise an Ar∣my, and relieve Fontaraby, which Army he presently Levied; but in his march he fell sick, and died at Ax, August 4. Anno Christi 1522,* 1.2 leaving three Sons behind him, Odet, Gaspar and Francis.

Ludovica his Widow, was made one of the Ladies of Honour to the Queen of France, and was very carefull of the education of her Sons, and lived a most chaste and vertuous life all the remainder of her daies, dying in Paris, Anno Christi 1547.* 1.3

Pope Clement the seventh, seeking to increase his Authority in France,* 1.4 made the elder Brother [Odet] a Cardinall, knowing that by reason of the eminency of his Family, he might be very usefull to him. By which means the Inheritance fell to this our Gaspar, the second Brother,* 1.5 who was born Feb. 16. Anno Christi 1517. whose ingenuity and toward∣linesse appearing in his childhood,* 1.6 his Mother was very carefull of his education; and for his Instruction in Learning, she made choice of Ni∣cholas Beraldus to be his Schoolmaster, a man famous in those daies in France. She also provided him Tutors to instruct him in Military Arts; of such as were most skilfull therein.

This Gaspar being thus furnished both for Peace and Warre, when he came to the age of twenty four, the Dolphin of France, the Kings eldest Son besieging Baion at that time, Gaspar went to serve under him, and to put in practice what he had before gotten in the Theory: In which Service he shewed much alacrity and courage;* 1.7 and in advan∣cing near to the enemies Trenches, he was wounded with a Bullet in

his throat. The same year also the King having intelligence that his, and the enemies Army were ready to joyn battell in Insubria, Gaspar obtaining leave, hastened thither, and in that battell gave great proof of his Valour and Prudence; so that shortly after K. Francis dying, and his Son Henry succeeding to the Crown, he advanced him to great honour; and whereas his Uncle Annas Monmorancy was Generall of the Horse,* 1.8 he made this Gaspar Colonel of a Regiment of Foot: In which Office he carried himself so well, that in a little space he gat much repute for his Justice, Valour and Prudence, and thereby became very gratefull to the common people: For whereas the Souldiers formerly by their rapines and plunderings used much to oppresse them, this new Colonel kept them in awe by military Discipline,* 1.9 especially he severely punished them for incontinency, swearing and blasphemy; and his Or∣ders were so generally approved of, that shortly after the King put them amongst his Military Laws.

The same King also advanced him to greater honour, taking a great liking to him, making him one of his own Horsemen, which vulgarly are called of the Kings Order. And whereas contention arose about that time between the King of France, and King Henry the eighth of England about the Town of Bulloine, which a little before upon condi∣tions of peace had been pawned to the English; the King of France di∣strusting the English,* 1.10 made this Gaspar Governour of all that Countrey; who presently going into Picardy, whither King Henry of France had sent an Army to besiege Bulloine: He with admirable art and diligence built a Castle near to it, which was such a shelter to the French, and did so hinder the Sallies of the English, that in a short time they were forced to treat about surrendring of the City. For the finishing of which Treaty, the whole businesse was referred by the King of France to our Gaspar, and his Uncle Rupipontius; which being ended, and the Town surrendred,* 1.11 Gaspar returned to the King, and was shortly after made the Great Admirall of France, which amongst the French, is counted the greatest honour in the Kingdom, having the command of the Sea, and the Kings Navy. He was also made Governour of Picardy, and of the Isle of France, and Captain of a Troop of men at Arms, and one of the Kings Councel.

Anno Christi 1554. Charles the fifth Emperour of Germany, and Queen Mary of England, raised great Armies against the King of France, and to resist such potent Adversaries, none was thought so fit by the suffrage of all,* 1.12 as our Gaspar; and therefore he was chosen by the King to that place, who presently raising Forces hasted to the Confines of France, towards the Belgick Provinces to secure them a∣gainst the approach of their enemies. At this time France was in great fear, considering the conjunction of such potent adversaries, and the King of France his want both of Money and Arms to resist them, so that many thought that the ruine of France was approaching. Whereupon our Admirall perswaded the King to treat of Peace; which counsell was so gratefull both to the King and his Nobles, that

the charge of it was presently committed to the Admirall,* 1.13 which with∣in few daies he effected, to the incredible joy and rejoycing of all the Orders of France; and he was looked upon as an Instrument of saving his Countrey, especially considering upon what honest, honourable and profitable conditions he had concluded the Peace.

About this time it fell out that the Guises, who were Lorrainers by extraction, and pretended a Title to Sicily and Naples, which they said the King of Spain had injuriously taken from their Ancestors; perswa∣ed King Henry of France, that for divers years they had held cor∣respondency with a great part of the Neapolitane Nobility, so that if the King would but assist them with some competent Forces, they doubted not to make an easie conquest of that Kingdom. By this their counsell they violated the Peace which was made a little before with Spain, and solemnly sworn to on both sides,* 1.14 which was a great grief to our Admirall, who sticked not to say that such perjury proved al∣waies, as dishonourable, so fatall to Kingdoms; and that God in all ages had been a severe revenger of it: Yet the King would not heark∣en to him, but commanded him to raise Forces in his Province.* 1.15 This was the first cause of that deadly feud which arose between the Guises and him: There were some other smaller causes which further kindled that fire, which for brevity sake I omit.

The Emperour hearing of these preparations in France, thought to be before hand with them, and therefore raises an Army in the Low-Countries to invade France, which the King being informed of, and knowing that the first storm would fall upon Picardy, he present∣ly dispatched away the Admirall for the securing of it, and before he he had marched two daies journey, he was informed by his Scouts that the Spaniards intended to besiege San-Quintan in Picardy: He also re∣ceived Letters from one Captain Brullius, that as soon as the Citizens of San-Quintan heard of the Spaniards intention, they were seized with such a Pannick fear, that many of them left their houses, and fled into the woods with their Wives and Children. Our Admirall hearing these things, dissembled the matter before his Souldiers, as well as he could, and shewing much alacrity, by great journeys hasten∣ed to San-Quintans. Whereupon two of his Captains [Gernacus and Lusarcius] endeavoured by all means to disswade him from it; tel∣ling him that the City was not fortified, neither provided with food and other necessaries to sustain a siege, and that the enemies would beleaguer it before he could furnish it with such things, and therefore they told him that it was better, and more for his honour, to disturbe the enemy in the open fields, then by shutting himself up within the Walls to expose himself to such danger. But he considering of what consequence that place was, and what advantage the getting of it would be to the Spaniards, adhered to his first resolutions; and ha∣ving by the way adjoyned to himself about two hundred and fourty Souldiers, he hastily flies to the City,* 1.16 and sets all hands on work for the fortifying of it. The Spaniards being informed hereof, presently

begirt the City with a siege,* 1.17 and began to draw their Trenches about it, and possessed themselves of the Suburbs, whereby by rolling Tren∣ches they approached the Wals. This our Admirall taking notice of, Sallied out upon them, and firing the Suburbs, drave the enemies further off; yet when he had throughly viewed the City, and found the weaknesse of it, he began to suspect that he could not long hold out against so potent an adversary.* 1.18 Yet considering that Gods Provi∣dence had cast him upon these straits, he resolved rather valiantly to die, then to give the enemy so great an advantage against France, by surrendring that Town to them.* 1.19 And therefore he laid out all his care, labour and industry, for the defending of it; and for the greater in∣couragement of the Citizens and Souldiers, he laid his own hands to e∣very work that was to be done.

Whilst he was thus busily imployed, a Messenger brought him word that his Brother Andelot was gotten safe into the City with about five hundred Souldiers; the remains of a greater Army which the King had sent under the Constable for the victualling and relieving the City, which Army was encountred by a great party of German Horse and Foot,* 1.20 who in the incounter had routed the French, slain many, and dispersed the rest; only in the time of the medly Andelot with his five hundred men had slipped into the City.

As soon as this defeat of the French was known to the Souldiers and Citizens, they were possessed with so great a fear that the incourage∣ments of the Admirall were little regarded. Hereupon he calls them all together, makes a Speech to them, and shewed them that the safe∣ty of their Countrey should be preserved before their lives; and there∣upon caused them all to take an Oath, that if any one spake about the surrender of the City, he should lose his head for it; himself also took the same Oath.

* 1.21In the mean time the Spaniards being elated with their former vi∣ctory, presse upon the City harder then before; and for twenty daies together continue their battery against the Wals, whereby they beat down a great part of them.

The Admirall seeing this, and perceiving that they were approach∣ing to give a generall storm, he encouraged his Souldiers stoutly to make resistance; telling them that if they did but withstand the first stroke, the enemy would not be forward to attempt a second. Where the greatest breach and danger was, there himself stood armed to re∣sist in the very face of danger: Other places he commended to his Brother,* 1.22 and his other Captains. But whilest he was valiantly fight∣ing in the breach, word was brought him that the enemy was entred in two other places of the City: Whereupon taking some of his trustiest Friends with him, he ran thitherward to oppose them, but before he came he found that that part of the City was filled with his armed ene∣mies, against whom whilest he opposed himself, he was invironed by his adversaries and taken Prisoner,* 1.23 who presently carried him away to Antwerp.

Whilst he was Prisoner there, he fell dangerously sick,* 1.24 and lay fourty daies tormented with a Fever; and as soon as he began to recover, he called for a Bible, by reading whereof he much eased and refreshed his mind and body; and by the diligent study thereof he began to embrace the reformed Religion, and to have a tast of true Piety, and the right manner of calling upon God.

Not long after he payed his Ransome, which was fifty thousand Crowns, and so returned home; and being weary of the Factions and Affairs at Court, and seriously thinking of his change of Religi∣on, he gat leave of the King to turn over his Regiment of Foot to his Brother Andelot,* 1.25 and his Government of the Isle of France to his Brother-in law, Marshall Monmorancy; and shortly after he sent one of his intimate Friends to the King, humbly to signifie to him that he intended also to lay down his Government of Picardy, and therefore desired him to think of one to succeed him therein: The King answered that he wondred at his resolution, and scarce thought him wise to divest himself so suddainly of so many places of honour and profit: and from that time he began generally to be suspected of his change in Religion,* 1.26 shewing a minde so free from ambition and de∣sire of rule.

Monsieur Andelot also discovering his resolution in Religion,* 1.27 the Cardinall of Lorraine (who hated the Family of Coligni with a dead∣ly hatred, as the greatest enemies to the greatnesse of his Family) watched his opportunity, and suggested to the King, that all men took notice, that many great men of France were infected with the poison of Calvinisme, which they scattered amongst the inferiour sort of people, and in particular that Monsieur Andelot had blabbed out ma∣ny things to the dishonour of the solemn sacrifice of the Masse, &c. The King being incensed hereby, commanded the Cardinall of Chat∣tillion his Brother, and Monmorancy his Cosen, to send for Andelot, and to admonish him to answer modestly to the questions which should be proposed to him.

When he came before the King, he professed his great good will to∣warde him, and spake many things of his great merits, and then told him that he was sorry to hear that which was reported, viz. that he thought ill of Religion, and therefore he required him to tell him what he thought of the Mass, which the Calvinists spake so much against?* 1.28 Andelot being a man of great courage, answered confidently according to the truth; which the King being offended at, exhorted him to look to himself, and to prevent the danger before it were too late. Whereunto Andelot with greater courage answered, that he had hitherto shewed himself obedient in all things to his Majesty, whom he had found alwaies bountifull to himself and his Family, but in the cause of Religion, he could neither daub nor dissemble with God; That his Body, Wealth and Dignity were in the Kings power, of which he might dispose as he pleased: but his Soul was subject to God only that gave it; to whom therefore in this cause he must needs be obedient, as to his greater Lord.

At this the King was so inraged, that snatching up a dish, he there∣with hurt his Son the Dolphin, that sat next him; and then he com∣manded one of his privy-chamber to carry Andelot to the City of Meaux,* 1.29 where he remained a Prisoner in the Bishops house, till he was removed to the Castle of Melodune.

Not long after King Henry the second dying, his Son Francis suc∣ceeded him, who was married to Mary Queen of Scotland, the Daugh∣ter of the Duke of Guises Sister, by which means the Guises ruled all at Court, and they also boasted often of the Kingdom of England, to which this Mary was Heir apparent, as they said.

* 1.30The Admirall knowing their cruel, barbarous and bloody dispositi∣ons, who would never be free from turbulent Counsels, and especially from pesecuting those of the Religion; he was now, without further delay, resolved to lay down his Government of Picardy: and for that end acquainted Lewis of Bourbon, Prince of Conde, concerning his in∣tention, wishing him to beg that place of the King, which accordingly he obtained.

Our Admirall being thus eased of these publique Burthens, and the troubles of them which withdrew his mind from Religion, he kept at home in his own Castle, and the rather because of his Wife Carola Lavollia,* 1.31 born of an Illustrious and Ancient Family, which was wonderfully given to the study of Religion, exhorting her Hus∣band also, that casting off the remainders of Idolatry and Superstiti∣on, he should wholly betake himself to the true service of Christ. The Admirall having often heard her presse this upon him, dealt se∣riously with her, telling her, that he never knew any either in France or Germany which embraced in truth this reformed Religion,* 1.32 but that they were overwhelmed with manifold afflictions, under which they almost perished. He told her also, that by the Laws of France, which were confirmed by all the Parliaments, Whosoever made profession of this Religion, was to be burnt alive, and all his estate to be forfeited to the King. Yet, saith he, if you be so prepared with Faith and cou∣rage, that you can be content to undergo the same lott with others, you shall see that I will not be wanting to do my duty. To this she answer∣ed, That the condition of the Church at this day, was no other then what it had been in former ages, even from the beginning, and she per∣swaded her self, that it would be the same to the end of the world. And thus each of them incouraging other,* 1.33 the Admirall began to instruct his Family in the true knowledge and worship of God, and gave them Bi∣bles and other good Books to read for their furthtr edification. With∣all he stoutly forbad them those oaths and blasphemies which were com∣mon in France, especially in the Court. He provided also godly Go∣vernours and Schoolmasters for his Children, so that in a short time there was a wonderfull change in his Family; yea, by his example his two Brethren, Odet the Cardinall, and Andelot, were exceedingly stirred up to the study of Religion.

The Admirall from his childhood had been bred in the Court,

which did in those daies exceedingly abound with luxury and other vices, from which he was not altogether free;* 1.34 but so soon as he im∣braced the true Religion, there was such a strange alteration in his life and deportment, that the powerfull work of Gods Spirit did won∣derfully appear therein. Before he durst come to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, he conferred with divers Godly Ministers,* 1.35 both about Transubstantiation and Consubstantiation, for the setling of his judgment in the truth: and once being present in the Town of Vatevill at a private meeting of the godly, where there was a Sermon, and the Sacrament to be administred; after Sermon he requested those that were present that they would not be offended at his weak∣nesse, but that they would pray to the Lord for him, and then reque∣sted the Minister that he would a little more explain himself about the Sacrament, which he willingly did; and having by sundry texts of Scripture shewed that Christ is received only Spiritually and Sacra∣mentally therein, he concluded with that of St. Augustine,* 1.36 Manduca∣re cibum qui non perit sed permanent ad vitam, est credere in Christum. Et Quid paras dentem, & ventrem? crede, & manducasti. Item, Nolite parare fauces, sed cor. Christ is to be fed upon not with our mouths, but with our faith, &c.

Our Admirall being much satisfied with this discourse,* 1.37 gave thanks first to God, then to that Minister and Congregation, and shortly after was himself partaker of that holy Sacrament, the same whereof when it was once spread abroad in France, it cannot be believed what joy and consolation it brought to the Churches of Christ; for though till that time the true worshippers of God had many Laws made a∣gainst them by the Kings and Parliaments, though they were daily dragged to prisons, torments and death, so that they were forced to hold all their meetings in secret, yet was true Religion after a wonder∣full manner dispersed through all the Provinces of France,* 1.38 and the Po∣pish party found by experience that the more they sought to suppresse and extinguish the light of Gods Word, and the Professors of it, the more it daily encreased.

Not long after fell out the tumult at Amboise, and the conspiracy of the Nobility against the Guises, whose pride and insolency the Princes of France could no longer bear with. Of this number was the Prince of Conde, and the King of Navarre his Brother. Whereupon the Guises procured an Edict from the King,* 1.39 whereby a meeting of the Nobility was appointed at Fontainbleau, especially to treat about matters of Religion; and when the day came, which was Aug. 24. 1560. the King requested those that were present to deliver their opi∣nions: Whereupon the Admirall rising out of his seat,* 1.40 humbly pre∣sented the King with two Supplications under this title, The humble Supplications of those who in severall parts of your Majesties Kingdom, do truly and purely serve God. These Supplications were delivered to Albespine the Kings Secretary, who publiquely read them. This bold fact of the Admirall was much wondered at, considering the Kings

bitter enmity against that Religion, and the great power of the Guises. The summe of those Petitions was this:

* 1.41They which purely and sincerely serve God, taking this fit opportunity, do humbly beseech your Majesty, that of your clemency you will be pleased to pity a great number of our Subjects, who unto this day are miserably af∣flicted, tormented and wasted for the cause of Religion in all your Provin∣ces: We humbly beg of you that you will not be grieved to take cognisance of our cause, and to appoint that the Scripture may be the judge in these great controversies; whereby it will easily appear how much we do abhor heresie, which hitherto hath been laid to our charge: as also how falsly we have been charged with sedition, when we never used force or arms to defend our selves, but ever thought it our duty in our greatest extremities only to have recourse to your Majesties clemency. Our humble request therefore to your Majesty is, that you would be pleased to restrain our persecutors, by whose means there is no part of your Majesties Kingdom, which in these late years hath not been defiled with the blood of your innocent Subjects. Our case hath been miserable when we have been forced to plead our cause before the Popes Clients and Pensioners, rather then before equall and indifferent Judges. Our humble request therefore is, that you would be pleased favou∣rably to look upon so many Families who have alwaies acknowledged you for our gracious Lord and King; and according to Gods command have honoured and obeyed you, and shall be ready, if occasion be offered, to spend our lives for your dignity and service; and therefore we think it but equal that our lives and welfare should be protected against the rage of our cruel and bloody adversaries. We further pray, that some publique places may be allowed us where our Ministers may Preach the Word of God sincerely, and Administer the Sacraments truly; that our Religion being no longer con∣cealed, we may be freed from those false calumnies which our adversaries have hitherto cast upon us; And we shall ever pray, &c.

After these Supplications were read, there were great debates, but little about Religion, great complaints being made of the Kings debts, and consideration had how the same might be discharged. Hereupon our Admirall spake freely and boldly against the Forces raised by the Guises,* 1.42 under the pretence of a guard for the King, as if he needed such a guard in the heart of his own Kingdom; whereas the Autho∣rity of the Kings name in France is so sacred and powerfull, that there∣by the meanest Constable is able to suppresse any tumult whatsoever. This free speech of his extreamly vexed the Guises, who hated him so much the more for it.

* 1.43Some others propounded that there might be a publique Conven∣tion of the States called, as the only means to cure the distempers of France; which though some had laboured to discredit, and so had caused an intermission of it for eighty seven years, yet it had alwaies been exceeding advantagious to the Kingdom, as the Parliaments in England, consisting of three States, had alwaies been there, whereby the English Kings had been enabled to make such powerfull Invasions of France.

Shortly after King Francis the second dying, his younger Brother Charles the ninth succeeded, and thereupon the former request was re∣newed for calling a Convention of all the States.

At this time Catherine of Medice was the Queen Mother, a Floren∣tine by birth, to whom the education of the young King, and the care of his person was committed, according to the ancient custom of France; but she was not suffered to have any thing to do with the Government of the Kingdom: and hereupon the Guises, who for a long time had been powerfull at Court, intruded themselves into that Office. And at that time many of the Nobility proceeded cruelly to torment and afflict those of the Religion;* 1.44 whereupon there was great fear lest some new Commotions should be raised in the Kingdom: But the Queen Mother pretended favour towards them,* 1.45 for which cause our Admirall endea∣voured, and at last effected that she should be joyned in Commission with Anthony King of Navarr, who was made Protector during the Kings Minority. This many wise men disliked and opposed, saying, that in the stories of former times it did appear that the Government was never committed to the Queen Mother, especially if she were a stran∣ger, but it redounded to the great hurt of France, and was the cause of many Civil broils.

When the day of the publique Convention of the States came, he which made the Speech in the behalf of the Nobility,* 1.46 about the end of his Oration presented the King with a Supplication, that they of the Re∣formed Religion might have publique places allowed them for the exer∣cise of the service of God in.

To this one Quintin a Doctor of the Civil Law,* 1.47 and Professor of Paris, opposed himself, and made a long Oration in the name of the Clergy, which he rather read then pronounced by heart, where∣in he took the boldnesse to affirm, That all they that moved for pub∣lique places for those of the Religion, were guilty of Treason against the King and Kingdom, the authors of sedition, and bringers in of a new Religion, and therefore ought severely to be punished. Of which when the Admirall in the Kings Councel afterwards complain∣ed, Quintin to excuse himself, professed that he had spoken nothing of his own head, but only had pronounced that Oration which was penned and put into his hand by the Clergy, and that he was ready a∣gain in the Convention of States before the King and all the company to avow that in all that he had said, he had no thoughts of hurt to the Admirall.

In conclusion there was an Edict sent forth in the Kings Name, commanding and requiring all the Judges and Magistrates through France, to release all those of the Religion that were in prison,* 1.48 and it was forbidden them upon great penalties hereafter to meddle with, or to trouble any for their Religion sake. As for the businesse of allowing them publique places for worship, that was put off to the next Generall meeting of the States, which was appointed but held not, to be at Pon∣thoise in Piccardy.

January following, there was a meeting of all the Princes and No∣bles of France, appointed to be held at St. Germans, whither also re∣paired the Deputies from all the Parliaments,* 1.49 and there it was decreed that Churches should be allowed to the Protestants in the Suburbs be∣longing to each City: Upon the publishing of which Edict, the Peace of the Kingdom seemed to be setled, and in the Suburbs of all the greater Cities, yea of Paris it self, those of the Religion met publiquely, and had Sermons preached without the least disturbance.* 1.50 But present∣ly after was news brought that the D. of Guise in Campania had basely murthered about two hundred persons who were met together at Vas∣siac to hear a Sermon, according to the power given them by the Kings Edict, in a barn; and it was conceived that the D. of Guise took this boldnesse, relying upon the friendship of the K. of Navarr, whose weak mind he had bowed and bound to himself by promising him the King∣dom of Sardinia,* 1.51 and other favours; and upon this confidence, adjoyn∣ing his other Brethren to him, with a great Army he went to the Court, and there seized upon King and Queen Mother, who seemed with many tears to bewail the violence profered to to them, and carried them away to Paris.

Hereupon the Queen Mother sent divers messengers to the Admirall, and writ with her own hand to the Prince of Conde, requesting them to help her, and to deliver the King out of this captivity: This caused the Prince of Conde with many of the Nobility,* 1.52 upon deliberation, to resolve to raise an Army for the rescue of the King, and to curb the insolency of the Guises, often saying, that he ought not to be deterred with reports, as if he intended to propagate his Religion by arms, or to offer violence to the Person of the young King. For, said he, After such a publique Decree made by the King and all the States in favour of those of the Religion; What had the D. of Guise, who is a Lor∣rainer by extraction, to do in France? Or by what confidence doth he exercise such cruelty against the Kings faithfull Subjects? And there∣fore he saw that there was no way left but to repell force with force; and that he was not the author of the War, but by War defended those that were unjustly oppressed by War.

There was also a publique report that the D. of Nemours had endea∣voured by flatteries to perswade the young Prince Henry, the Kings Brother (who was afterwards chosen King of Poland) to go with him out of the bounds of France, which the young youth had decla∣red to his Mother. There was much speech also of the Massacre at Vassiac, and of their leading the King and Queen Mother as their captives to Paris, where they had a powerfull faction. They had al∣so sent to the German Princes, desiring to be admitted into the league of the Protestants. The Cardinall of Lorraine had also sent to Chri∣stopher Duke of Wirtzberge a prudent and valiant Prince, pretending that both he and his Brethren would embrace the Protestant Re∣ligion, and desired to be enrolled in the number of the Protestant Princes.

These things being publiquely divulged, the resolution of the Prince of Conde to take Arms was generally approved of, and in a few daies many Cities sided with and assisted him, as Orleans, Biturg, Roan, Lions, Vienna, Valentia, Mont-alban, &c. And whereas by the com∣mon consent of all the Protestants in France the Prince of Conde was chosen Generall, he prevailed so far with them,* 1.53 that the managing of the War was conferred upon our Admirall, to whom he also delega∣ted his own power and interest, for the opinion which he had of his excellent justice, gravity and prudence. This being generally taken notice of, the Queen Mother interposeth as a Mediatrix for peace, and sends for the Prince of Conde to come to their tents, intreating him, that for the convenient situation of it, he would deliver up into their hands for a few daies, as the fittest place for the Treaty, the City of Boience, where there is a bridge that passeth over the River Loir, which bridge she affirmed to be the fittest of all other places for the Parlee. The Prince of Conde upon the perswasions of his Brother,* 1.54 the King of Navarr, and of the Queen Mother, and upon their faithfull pro∣mise that the Town should be delivered back to him again, and that his person should be in safety during the Treaty, without taking any further pledges, delivers up Boience to them, only desiring that whilst the Treaty lasted, the Constable, Guise, and Saint Andrew (who were called the Triumvirate for the ruine of France) might be commanded to withdraw from the Camp.

When these things were done,* 1.55 the Queen Mother and the Guises put a garrison into the Town of Bogener, fortifie it strongly, and keep the Prince of Conde prisoner.

The Admirall being justly incensed by this perfidiousnesse, and re∣solving not to be wanting in his aid to the Prince of Conde, he present∣ly with all his Cavalry sets upon the enemies Camp, which brought such a terrour amongst them, that thereupon the Queen Mother com∣manded the Prince of Conde to be set at liberty. And a few daies after the Admirall assaulted Boience, and at last took the Town, though with some losse of his men.

About this very time the Admirals eldest Son, called Gaspar, being a youth of nine years old, but of admirable towardnesse, fell sick,* 1.56 and died at Orleance, which was an exceeding great grief to his Fa∣ther.

In the mean time the Guises perceiving that they were forsaken by the greatest part of France, which now adheared to,* 1.57 and assisted Conde, they resolved to call in forraign helps; and thereupon sending much Money into Swisserland and Germany, they hired from the former Foot, and from the latter Horse, to come in to their aid, which the Admirall used often to say, was a plain demonstration of their trea∣cherous and hostile minds against France: and therefore that he might not be wanting to himself and Friends, who had committed so great a trust to him, he resolved to oppose Forraign by Forraign for∣ces:* 1.58 And for this end he sent his Brother Andelot to the Protestant

Princes in Germany, of whose good will to the French Churches he had good assurance, requesting aid from them, who accordingly within three moneths space sent him three thousand Horse, and six thousand Foot into France.

Whilst these things were transacting, intelligence was given to the Admirall that some Cannons,* 1.59 and a great quantity of Gunpowder was carrying to the Duke of Guise, who now besieged Biturg, guar∣ded with six Troops of Horse and some Foot. Hereupon the Admi∣rall taking some Horse with him, by long journeys hastened to meet the Convoy, and coming up to them, they scarce stood the first shock, but throwing away their Arms fled, and left the Booty to the Admi∣rall, who wanting Horses to draw them away, by over-charging the Guns brake them, and blew up the Gunpowder, and so returned to his Camp.

Andelot returning out of Germany, brought with him three thou∣sand Horse and six thousand Foot; so that the Prince of Conde having a good Army of French and Germans, hasted to Paris; which the Guises hearing of, intended to meet him, having gotten a Regiment of Swissers, in whom they put most confidence, and so the two Armies meeting,* 1.60 a Battell was fought, but with a doubtfull event: for on the one side the Constable was taken prisoner by one Will. Steward a vali∣ant Scots man; and on the other side the Prince of Conde was taken prisoner,* 1.61 which made many of his Foot to throw away their Arms, and fly: But the Admirall rallying the Horse, and encouraging them to prefer their Religion, Country and honour befor their lives, he vali∣antly charged the Guisians, in which medly he slew Marshall St. An∣drew, a potent man at Court, and Prossaeus Collonel to the Duke of Guise, and divers other Noble men: The fight being ended, the Ad∣mirall carried the Constable to Orleance, where he made his abode for a while: But shortly after came the Duke of Guise to besiege the City, whereupon the Admirall leaving his Brother Andelot for the defence of it, flies into Normandy, and there besieged the Castle of Cadonius, where the Marquesse of Elboeve, one of the D. of Lorrains Brothers was, and within a few daies had it, with all the Arms and Ammunition surrendred to him.

About this time there was one John Poltrot, a young man of a No∣ble Family,* 1.62 in the Army of the Duke of Guise, who having embra∣ced the Reformed Religion, and served for some moneths under the Prince of Conde, took up privately with himself a resolution to kill the D. of Guise, as a publique enemy to his Countrey, and a cause of all the present calamities: And, said he, If I had been bound to him by any oaths, I must not have been perfidious; but being free, why should I not venture as Scaevola did, for my Countries safety? With this re∣solution he went to the Duke of Guises Camp, and watching his oppor∣tunity, shot him into the shoulder, of which wound he died within a few daies after.

* 1.63The very same day in the morning the Duke of Guise being ready

to give an assault to Orleance, wrote to the Queen Mother, that within twenty four hours he would send her word of the taking of that City, and that he would make the day very memorable by sparing neither sex nor age; and that after he had kept his Shrovetide there, he would extinguish the memory of the Town, by utter subverting of it. But man knows not his destiny, nor what shall happen to him, for that the same evening he was slain, as you heard before.

Presently after which, a Peace was concluded,* 1.64 and the Edict renu∣ed for the free exercise of the Reformed Religion through all France, as formerly.

Not many moneths after,* 1.65 the Admirall being sent for to Court by the Queen Mother, the Widow of the Duke of Guise comes in, and falls down at the Kings feet, crying out with many tears for revenge for her Husbands death, charging the Admirall as the contriver and author of it. The Admirall apprehending that this was but the de∣vice of others, which set her on to seek his destruction by fraud,* 1.66 which they could not effect by War; before the King and all the Councel he clears himself, shewing that Poltrot had at his death pro∣fessed that he was set on by none but God; neither did he doubt but that he had done God good service in it, and freed his Countrey from a Tyrant that raged and thirsted after Christian blood, and therefore he was not sorry for what he had done, &c.

He also desired, that if they questioned the death of the Duke of Guise, he might have leave also to put in a Charge against him, for that he doubted not but that he could easily prove the Duke of Guise, guilty of murthering wickedly the Kings Subjects, and of violating all the sacred Laws and Decrees of the King; of taking up arms of his own head without Authority, and thereby making himself guilty of Treason, and of kindling those flames in France, which had continued about thirteen moneths.

Notwithstanding this resolute speech of the Admirall, his enemies ceased not for some years still to call upon the King for justice against him; whereupon the King at last appointed a Convention of all the Peers of the Kingdom, at the City of Molincum,* 1.67 whither also he cal∣led his chiefest Senators and Counsellours; commanding the Cardi∣nall of Lorraine, and the Widow of the Duke of Guise, to produce what proofs they could, and the Admirall to defend himself against them. When both parties had pleaded their Cause, the King told them that he had referred the judgment to his Counsellors, and there∣fore asked them if they had any exceptions against any of them: they answered, No. Then he asked them if they would refer the determi∣nation of their Cause to him, and would stand to his judgment: They answered that they would willingly so do.

Whereupon Jan. 29. Anno Christ 1566. the King passed this sen∣tence, That having heard both parties,* 1.68 and consulted with his No∣bles and Counsellours, who were all unanimously agreed in the same sentence, he pronounced the Admirall clear and innocent from the

murther of the Duke of Guise, and therefore absolved him from that crime, commanding his Proctor and all others, that they should never dare hereafter accuse him for the same. He commanded also, that neither his present accusers, nor any other of his Subjects, should dare hereafter to make any mention of it. Nor that any of his Judges or Parliaments should ever admit any plea against him for it. He decla∣red also, that seeing both parties had freely referred themselves to him, his will was, that they should live lovingly and peaceably toge∣ther, never contriving any thing against each other; and that if any of them, their Friends, Kindred of Partakers, should violate this Decree, that they should be held contemners of the Kings Majesty, as guilty of Treason, as disturbers of the publique peace; and lastly, that this his definitive sentence should be recorded in all the Parliaments of his Kingdom.

* 1.69But to return to something that hapned before this, the Admi∣rall had in his Family one Hambervilleries, born of a Noble house, whom he made use of in his most weighty and honest affairs; and it pleased God that some Letters of his being intercepted, came to the Admirals hands, wherein he wrote to some great Courtiers, that he was ready to obey their commands in giving the Admirall a Soporife∣rous Potion. Our Admirall having read these Letters, called the man to him, commanding him to write some verses in a paper that lay by, which when he had done, comparing both the writings together, he asked him whether he would acknowledge his hand in those Let∣ters; which he looking upon, being stricken with guilt for his wick∣ednesse, he presently fell upon the ground, and begged his Masters pardon. The Admirall told him that he was willing to pardon him, but upon condition that he should presently depart out of his house,* 1.70 nor should ever come into his sight again.

Not long after the aforementioned Edict of Peace was published, the Queen Mother took counsell to go to Baion to meet her Son-in-law the King of Spain,* 1.71 and to take her Children with her: This afterwards proved the cause of many tragicall events, though for the present things were kept very secret: and first she ordered her journey to Ly∣ons, which hitherto had been in possession of those of the Religi∣on, because of the great number of them there; and as soon as she came thither,* 1.72 she presently set her Italian Artificers to work, to build a Citadell upon a neighbouring hill, which commanded all the City.

A little before this the plague began to be very hot, and now it had seized upon the Court it self,* 1.73 yet could not the Queen Mother be per∣swaded to remove her self and children from the danger, till she had seen the foundations of the Castle laid. At last making Lossius Go∣vernour of that City, a cruel and barbarous man, and and an implacable enemy to those of the Religion, and adjoyning to him some insolent Souldiers that might daily vex the godly inhabitants, she departed. But this is very remarkable, that whithersoever she removed the Court,

in Cities, Towns, Castles, &c. the plague still followed her, so that for three moneths together the King was in continuall danger, and was still forced to remove from place to place by reason of the infection. At last they came to Baion, where the Queen Mother met her Daughter the Q. of Spain, and Embassadors from the King, with whom she com∣municated her counsels.

In the mean time the Marshall Monmorancy, whom the King had made Governour of Paris in his absence,* 1.74 had certain intelligence brought him that the Guises had imployed their Agents to the common people of Paris, to stir them up against those of the Religion in that City; he heard also that the Cardinall of Lorraine intended suddainly to be there with a great number of armed attendants, though the King by several Edicts had commanded that none in their journeys should carry Harquebushes or Pistols about them. Therefore so soon as Monsieur Monmorancy heard that the Cardinall was entred Paris with his followers thus armed, he presently taking his guard went to them, commanding them to deliver up their Arms: This the Cardinall and his Nephew the young Duke of Guise, took as an intollerable affront to them, and were often heard to say, that that fact should cost Mon∣morancy his life. The Cardinall was very potent in this City, and could easily have raised sixty thousand armed men to have slain the Governour;* 1.75 whereupon he resolved to call in some of his Friends to his aid, and in the first place he wrote to the Admirall to hasten to him, who accompanied with three hundred Horse, entred Paris, Jan. 22. which did so terrifie the multitude, especially the Priests, Monks and Canons of the great Church, that they began to think of flying thence.

The day after Monsieur Monmorancy sent for the Presidents of the Parliament, and the chief Magistrates of the City to come to his house, to whom he complained before the Admirall, of the audaciousnesse and factious counsels of the Cardinall of Lorrain,* 1.76 as also of the se∣ditious speeches cast abroad in the City, as if the Admirall, taking ad∣vantage of the Kings absence at so great a distance, consulted about plundering that rich City; and therefore he thought fit to call the Ad∣mirall before them, that so he might clear himself from that aspersion. Then said the Admirall, I have long since found out what my malici∣ous and implacable adversaries have aspersed me withall,* 1.77 as if I in∣tended to seize upon this City, which is the Bullwark and Eye of France. But such counsels as these are fit for those that claim an inte∣rest (I know not how it comes in) in the succession of the Kingdom, and contend to have certain Dukedomes and Countries restored to them. For my own part, I neither challenge any right to the King∣dom, nor to any part of it, which yet if I should do, I think there hath not been a Noble man in France these five hundred years, which had the like opportunity to disturb the publique Peace as I. Ye remember after the Duke of Guise was slain, that I had the Constable Prisoner in Orleans, and what a great occasion I had thereby of doing greater

things if I would have embraced it: But on the contrary, I was never more earnest with the King and Queen Mother for peace, then at that time when our affairs prospered best. Who can be ignorant how sol∣licitous and importunate I was for peace at that very time when many potent and flourishing Cities had delivered up themselves into my hands? and divers other great Cities, both of Normandy and Brit∣tany, sought my favour and protection? Who knows not that after Peace was concluded, instead of begging Honours and Offices am∣bitiously of the King, which happily I might have obtained, I retired my self to my own house, and there even to this time have lived a quiet and private life? But omitting these things, and speaking to the present occasion; Being sent for by Monmorancy, I am come hither, not to disturb the peace of the City, or to innovate any thing, but ra∣ther to preserve peace against the audaciousnesse of some that would disturb it. It is not unknown unto you how much confidence those of the Religion do put in me. These being stirred up with new rumours, and terrified with the counsels and factions of the Guises, do daily flock to me; bring me intercepted Letters of the meetings of certain Cap∣tains, who command their old Souldiers to be ready in arms, that when they have occasion to use them they may be at hand. What needs more words? Letters are intercepted written into Normandy, the originall whereof is sent to the Queen Mother, and I will shew you a copy of them, wherein amongst others there is this passage: There is no readier means of restoring the Crown of France to those to whom it doth belong of old, then by rooting out the house of Valois, and by massacring all the Hugonots which are the chief upholders of it; for this end their woods are to be sold, that with the price thereof we may arm our selves and get money; and if the Hugonots sue for them, the businesse being once adjudged against them, they will never move for their charges of the suit.

Now also what should I speak of the daily plunderings and mur∣thers? It's sufficiently known, that after the peace was published, more then five hundred of those of the Religion were basely murthered in severall places, and yet not one of the murtherers were ever punished by the Magistrates; and they which have complained of these things to the King or Queen Mother, have carried away either only words, or some empty paper or parchment instead of satisfaction. Who knows not that in the City of Turon lately and openly, many of the Religion were cruelly massacred, even under the Ensign, and by the Souldiers of him who was sent thither by the Duke of Monpensier to settle the peace? These things being so, yet I hear that there are ma∣ny of your Priests who are so terrified by my coming hither, that they consult about leaving the City, and yet there is no place in all France, no City, Town or Castle where the Priests live, and attend their services with more freedom and safety, then in my Town of Castelon.

The Admirall having ended his speech, the company was dismis∣sed;

and two daies after there came to Monmorancy about thirty Dele∣gates from the Parisian Merchants, and with them the Bishop and di∣vers Priests, to all whom the Admirall spake very Friendly, bidding them be of good cheer, and fear nothing: and within few daies after, going to the Court of Parliament, he made a speech to them,* 1.78 and told them, That nothing was more desirable to him then the Peace and welfare of the City, neither did he come to them with any other mind then to advance it; and therefore he exhorted them that they also would do their endeavours that the Citizens might behave themselves peaceably and quietly: and so shortly after he returned home.

At his return he was informed that there was one Maius,* 1.79 who lived not far from him, a famous thief that was hired by the Duke of Au∣male the Brother of Guise, to lie in wait for him when he should ride forth on hunting, for which end he had given him an hundred pieces of gold, and an excellent Horse: many also complained to the Admi∣rall against him for his thefts and robberies; whereupon having got∣ten sufficient witnesses, he complained of him to the Parliament at Paris, and a few daies after having apprehended him, he caused him to be carried to Paris; but when he came before the Parliament this villain accused the Admirall as if he had dealt with him about killing the Queen Mother, and had promised him a great reward for the same: The Parliament after examination finding this to be but a Calumny, and proving him guilty of many thefts,* 1.80 condem∣ned him to be broken upon the wheel, which accordingly was ef∣fected.

Shortly after the Prince of Conde had a Sonne born,* 1.81 to whom the King would be Godfather, but because he could not himself be pre∣sent by reason of his Religion, he substituted the Admirall to supply his room, which businesse was celebrated with very great pomp; for at the Feast a Table was prepared as if it had been for the King him∣self, at which the Admirall sat alone, and was attended like a Viceroy,* 1.82 which every one interpreted as a pledge of the Kings singular love and favour to him.

Not many daies after, news was brought that the Duke de Alva had by the command of the King of Spain brought a great Army into the Low-Countries to suppresse and root out the Protestants, and this Army being to passe by the borders of France, the Admirall moved in the Kings Councel that Burgundy might be looked to; and lest any tumults might arise about the difference in Religion, he ad∣vised that a guard might rather be appointed of the Swissers then of the French men; and it was commonly reported that six thousand Swissers should be ready to oppose the Duke de Alva, in case he at∣tempted any thing against Burgundy.* 1.83 But a few daies after the Prince of Rupisurias * 1.84, of the royoll blood, wrote to the Admirall to send him some trusty Person to whom he might communicate a secret which would much conduce to his safety: he also being a Friend to the

Prince of Conde, by reason of their propinquity in blood, told him that there was secret counsell taken at Baion, for the utter extirpation of the Protestant Religion, and all the Professors of it, and for that end those six thousand Swissers were hired and brought into France, under pretence of opposing the Duke de Alva: the Admirall also was informed of the same by many Letters and Messengers from severall of his Friends.

* 1.85These things coming forth, first the Prince of Conde, and presently after him the Admirall went to the Court, and told the King, the Queen Mother and all the Councel, that they saw no sufficient reason why so many Swissers should be brought into France, except it were to oppresse them, and many other honest Families which embraced the Reformed Religion: But they should find more that had devoted themselves to that Religion then commonly was thought of, an expe∣rience whereof they had in the late Wars. They told them also, that if their adversaries attempted any innovations, they would not be want∣ing to themselves, nor like sheep would suffer their throats to be cut by murtherers. They therefore earnestly intreat and beseech the Kings Majesty, that he would be moved to pity so many honest Fami∣lies, and the afflicted condition of his Countrey, and of the common people who suffer most in such Warres. But they could get nothing at Court but scoffs and scorns,* 1.86 whereby they perceived their lives to be in great danger, which caused them to withdraw, and to consult about the preservation of themselves and the Reformed Churches: and hereunto they were earnestly solicited by many of the Nobility, and by multitudes of honest Citizens, who complained that they could no longer bear the manifold injuries wherewith they were daily oppressed by the Magistrates in every place.* 1.87

These things being so, the Prince of Conde and the Admirall knowing of how great Authority the Kings Name was through all France, which caused the Guises in the former Warres to get him into their power; communicating their counsels but with a few, they re∣solved to go privately to the Court to see if by any means they could get the King away from the Guises and Queen Mother, that so by re∣moving him from his evil Counsellours, they might the better esta∣blish peace; but being betrayed by one of their Society, this design was wholly frustrated, whereby they were forced openly to prepare for War.

The Prince with five hundred Horse went to St. Denis, where some others arriving,* 1.88 in few daies made up the number of two thousand Horse, and four thousand Shot; and the Prince considering that the Parisians were not accustomed to fast, hoped that if he could take their victuals from them, he should either force them to fight, or draw his enemies to a more assured peace: Whereupon he sent Andelot with five hundred Horse to Poissy and Pontois, to seize upon the passages of the Seine beneath Paris, and other Troops to seize upon such passages as were above the Town. Some others he sent to joyn with the Forces

that were coming out of Guinne, himself and the Admirall with about eight hundred Horse, and a thousand two hundred Harquebushiers, kept St. Denis, to curb Paris on that side. But the Constable, who was the Kings Lieutenant Generall, hearing that the Prince had thus divi∣ded his Forces, issued out of Paris with about a thousand six hundred Foot, and two thousand Lances, and well furnished with Artillery, and having chosen a commodious place for the Battell,* 1.89 the next day he gives the Prince Battell, wherein the Constable was wounded, of which he died within a few daies after.

In this Battell the Admirall had wonderfull experience of Gods goodnesse in his preservation,* 1.90 for riding upon a very fierce and head∣strong Horse, the curb of his Bridle being broken, his Horse ran away with him, and carried him twice through his enemies Army, yet did not the Admirall receive any one wound, though many Pistols were discharged at him; and whenas his Horse had one Bullot shot into him, he suffered himself to be easily reduced into his own Troop.

In this Battell many fell on both sides, especially on the Prince of Conde's, yet was the Kings Army routed and driven into Paris,* 1.91 where∣upon the Prince and Admirall thought best to retreat into Lorraine to meet those Horse which were sent for their assistance from divers of the Germane Princes: for they again thought fit to oppose Forreigners a∣gainst Forreigners.

In their march thitherwards they were eagerly pursued by their ad∣versaries, especially by Henry Duke of Anjou the Kings Brother, af∣terwards King, first of Poland, then of France; who taking all ad∣vantages to presse upon their rear, put them to many inconveni∣encies.

When they came into Lorraine and met the Germans,* 1.92 who were commanded by D. Cassimire the Son of the Elector Palatine, they met with new troubles, for the Germans began to mutiny for their arrears, and to cry Gelt, gelt, according to their usuall custom; but how to satisfie them, or to raise the least part of that Money, the Prince and Admirall knew not: Yet in this strait our Admirall found out this re∣medy:* 1.93 He advised that a certain Tax should be imposed upon eve∣ry man in their own Army, according to the rank and place which he held, and for example himself disbursed five hundred Crowns; and the Treasurers going through all the Regiments collected the Tribute: Besides whatsoever Monies the Prince, Admirall, Andelot, or others had, was all put into the Treasurers hands, so that in all they collected eighty thousand pounds, which was given to the Lanceknets, by which prudent advice of our Admirall they were extricated out of that great strait.

These Forces being thus united, their adversaries hastily retired, and by long journeys returned to Paris, which the D. of Anjou looked upon as a great dishonour to him.

But the Prince of Conde's Army being much encouraged hereby,

went presently and besieged Caen.* 1.94 and having battered the Wals, and made a sufficient breach, just as Monsieur Andelot was ready with his Brigade to have given the assault, the Kings Trumpeters came upon the spur and proclaimed that Peace was concluded,* 1.95 for the effecting whereof, Commissioners had been sent from both parties a few daies before to Paris, whereupon the siege was raised, and the Prince of Con∣de dismissed his Army.

* 1.96But some daies before this, word was brought to the Admirall that his Wife, who together with her Children in the beginning of the War had betaken themselves to Orleance, was taken with a violent disease; whereupon he presently posted to Orleance, and sending for the best Physicians he could get, he performed the Office of a dear and loving husband to her, yet it pleased God that she died. This was a very great affliction to him, and when many of his Friends came to comfort him, being overwhelmed with sighs and tears, he said, Oh my God, wherein have I sinned and offended thee, that thou correctest me so bitterly, and loadest me with so many calamities! O that I could live more holily, and be more exemplary in my life then I have been! Most holy Father, look upon me with the eyes of tender mercy, and ease me of these pressures.

* 1.97Then being comforted by his Friends, he commanded his Children to be called to him, and told them that by this losse of their dear Mo∣ther, they might see the instability of all earthly comforts, and that there was nothing here below which they could confide in; and that Houses and Castles, though never so strong, were not given them for habitations, but as Inns; and that therefore they ought not to trust in any of these frail and fading things, but only in the mercy, and goodnesse of God, and then they need not doubt but that they should find him alwaies ready at hand for their comfort; and so two daies after, calling Monsieur Grelleus his Sons Tutor, he told him, that he must needs return back to the Camp,* 1.98 where he knew not what might befall him, and therefore he required him to have a special care of his Sons, and as he had often requested him, to be carefull to bring them up in true Religion and the fear of God, as well as to instruct them in other Arts and Learning. His Wife had been alwaies very studious of the Reformed Religion,* 1.99 of an admirable courage and constancy in bear∣ing the manifold afflictions which befell both her self and Husband; and amongst her other excellent qualities and vertues, she was alwaies very pitifull towards poor people and sick persons, to whom she was very li∣berall in relieving and assisting of them: and whereas many sick and wounded Souldiers were daily sent from the Camp to Orleance, she fre∣quently visited them, so that the Physicians judged her disease to pro∣ceed from the stench of them.

Peace being proclaimed (as is before specified) in many places by the Kings Trumpeters,* 1.100 the Admirall had scarce been three daies at his own house, before Letters and Messengers came to him from ma∣ny of his Friends, signifying, that instead of peace, his enemies made

great preparations for a more dangerous Warre; for they observed that in every place such provision of War was made, that if the Prince of Conde himself, and the other associates did not timely prevent it, they would be circumvented by their cruel enemies before they were a∣ware; and this they gathered from the Garrisons put into Orleance, Altissiodore, Blesa, and other Cities surrendred to them, as also by the Adversaries possessing themselves of all the Bridges and Passes over the Rivers, keeping the Horse together in the heart of France, and continuing two Regiments neer Paris, under a pretence of a guard for the King.

Our Admirall finding these things to be true, thought it most for his safety to retire into Tanlian to his Brother Andelot, and from thence he shortly after removed to Nuceria, a strong City under the Prince of Conde's Government, whither formerly upon the like occasion he had carried his Wife and Family.

In his passage thither there fell out this memorable accident: Near to the Town of Molinius there is a great Lake in the passage to Altissio∣dore; when our Admirall came near it,* 1.101 there was in his company an old man called Gripperius, that had been a great traveller by sea, and one that loved the Admirall very dearly; this man observing a black cloud coming towards them carried with a violent wind, he called to the Admirall, desiring him to gallop to the next Town so fast as he could, lest he should be oppressed with the violence of the storm ap∣proaching; the Admirall hearkening to his counsell, spurred on his Horse, but before he had passed the narrow passages of the Lake, there suddainly came such a violent tempest, accompanied with a Whirl∣wind, that many Horses and men were quite overthrown, many were wounded with the great hailstones, and almost quite slain: The wind took off the Admirals hat, which afterwards could never be found, and one of his followers lent him his hat: but herein the great mercy of God did appear, that the Admirall scaped unhurt by the hail, only one hailstone hit and hurt him about the ankle; and had this storm taken him and his company a little sooner, whilst they were upon the Lakes bank, in all probability it had made an utter end of them.

The tempest being over, our Admirall comforted his attendants, and lifting up his eyes to Heaven, he said, O Almighty God,* 1.102 I thank thee, from whom I know this storm proceeds, to warn us of the tempest of danger that is approaching, by which we shall be sorely pressed, but not oppressed.

When they were met together at Nuceria,* 1.103 they sent divers Messen∣gers with Letters to the King, signifying that they had daily intelli∣gence of the snares that were laid for their lives, and therefore they beseeched his Majesty to pity his Kingdom wasted already with two Civil Warres; and that he would not ruine his Kingdom, but rather by his clemency and wisdom quench that fire that is kindled by the Guises.

Our Admirall also wrote to Margaret, Daughter of King Francis, and new Dutchesse of Savoy, whom he believed to have great power with the Queen Mother, intreating her to improve all her Authority and interest for the diverting of the storm that was approaching to the ruine of her Native Countrey. But when he perceived that no ar∣guments nor intreaty could prevail for peace, and understood that Tavannius, who was a little after made Marshall of the Kingdom, was secretly drawing his Forces towards Nuceria,* 1.104 there to compasse them in, he advised the Prince of Conde that they should presently depart from thence, and make all the hast that possibly they could to Rochel, which by reason of their ancient priviledges, had never hitherto ad∣mitted of any Garrison. By the way they were to passe over the Ri∣ver Liger, and in the train there was the Prince of Conde's Wife, and six little Children, whereof one was but a year old; and two daies after followed the Admirall and Monsieur Andelots Children, whom the Admirall had sent for to come to them:* 1.105 At which time this strange Providence fell out; When the Prince of Conde thought to transport his company in two or three little Ships privately over the River neer unto Sancerra, it pleased God that a Foard was found, whereby fifty Horsemen that were of the Princes train rode over, and in the mean time the Ladies, Women and Children were ferried over in Boats, and no sooner were they gotten all over, but, though the day was fair, the River suddainly rose so high, that the Inhabitants of Sancerra took notice of the wonderfull Providence of God, praying heartily for the safety and welfare of those little ones who had escaped such a danger.

The King hearing of this their going to Rochel, by the advice of his Courtiers, presently commanded all his Horse, especially those that were in the Countries of Xantone and Poicters, to hasten to Rochel. He sent also his Brother Henry the Duke of Anjou, to raise all the Forces he could, and presently to march thitherwards. In the mean time those of the Religion,* 1.106 who relying upon the Kings promise and Proclamation of peace, staied in their own Cities, were every where basely murthered.

About this time Joane Queen of Navarr, who in the former trou∣bles had kept here own house,* 1.107 abhorring such abominable treachery and perfidiousnesse after peace so often renewed, getting what Forces she could together, advanced with them to Rochel, carrying with her her Son Henry, who after her death was King of Navarr, and her only Daughter.

* 1.108These things being thus setled, the Admirall drew some great Guns out of Rochel, intending to besiege Niort, and within a few daies had it surrendred to him. Then he led his Forces to Engolisme, which stands upon an high and steep hill, having only one passage to it, and therefore the enemies had a little before strongly fortified it, but the Admirall planting his Ordinance on that side where it was saultable, within a few daies space had it surrendred to him.

Presently after the Van of each Army met at Jasenullius,* 1.109 and fought together, the Admirall commanded that of the Protestants: who charged the enemy so gallantly, that they were presently broken,* 1.110 and scattered, flying to Lusinian for safety, leaving all their bag and bag∣gage behind them, so that the booty which the Admirall gat, was esti∣mated to be more worth then fifty thousand Crowns. Two daies after they intercepted Letters from Fizius the Kings Secretary, to the Queen-Mother, much bewailing that losse.

Presently after the Admirall going to the Town of Jarnac,* 1.111 fell into great danger, and without a speciall providence had become a prey to his enemies. For the enemy understanding that he purposed to tran∣sport his Forces over the River in that place by a bridge of boats, they secretly laid an ambush on the other side, and observing the Admirall where he was, they let fly all their Harquebushes at him, and others endeavoured to break the bridge; of the Admirals side there was one Harquibushier that had often shot at the enemies, and at last was by a bullet slain; whereupon twelve more ran to his aid, so that a tumult arising, the Admirall ran with his naked Sword,* 1.112 not having time to put on his arms, and endeavoured to cut in sunder the cords wherewith the boats were fastened; all which time the enemies ceased not continually to shoot at him, yet God wonderfully preserved him; and from that time forwards he resolved never to be without a Lifeguard for his as∣sistance in such suddain accidents.

Two daies after the enemies having passed over the River Charenton, the Prince of Conde feared lest they would compasse him about, ha∣ving lately joyned to them three thousand German horse, and six thou∣sand Swissers, yet being of a very resolute and couragious mind, he resolved to stop their course, yet withall if possible to avoid a set Bat∣tell. In the mean time word was brought to the Admirall that some of his Forces which were quartered in a neighbour village, were cir∣cumvented by their enemies, and yet valiantly defended themselves; our Admirall hastened therefore upon the spur to their succour with some horse, whom as soon as the enemies espied,* 1.113 they compassed round about, which being told to the Prince of Conde, being more valiant then advised, he brake into the midst of them, where being oppressed with the multitude, and his horse killed under him, which al∣so fell upon him, he lifting up his beavour, rendred himself to some of the Kings Captains, who gave him their faith for his safety; but pre∣sently after came Montisquius Captain of the Duke of Guise his guard, not without the secret command of his Master (as it was believed) and setting upon Conde behinde his back,* 1.114 as he was talking with the Captains, dispatched him with a dagg shot into his neck. He was a Prince inferiour to none that lived in that age for courage and courte∣sie; he was eloquent in speech, liberall, affable to all,* 1.115 and a most excellent Commander in Warre. After his death his body was basely abused, and at last in scorn laid upon a Shee-Asse, and carried to Jarnac.

The Admirall being exceedingly grieved with this great losse, and suspecting the issue, made a retreat, together with his Brother Andelot, into the Town of St. Jan de Angeli; and whereas he might have re∣venged the indignities done to the body of the Prince, by shewing the like to the bodies of many of his great adversaries whom he had slain, yet he would not do it, but afforded them decent buriall, which thing he also did during all the time of the Warres.

The Queen of Navarr being at Rochell, and hearing of this great losse, hastened to the Camp, comforted the Captains, and exhorted all the Souldiers not to be disheartned,* 1.116 nor to forget their former va∣lour, telling them that she had brought her only Son Henry, that was to succeed her in the Kingdom, to be their Generall, professing that she preferred the safety of the Army before the life of her Son. To him was also Henry Prince of Conde, Brother to Lewis that was lately slain, adjoyned in this honour; but the whole care for managing the Warre, by the joynt consent of all the Commanders and Officers was wholly divolved upon the Admirall, none having the like credit or authority amongst those of the Religion as he: For it was well known that besides his singular skill in military affairs, his justice and tempe∣rance, there was none amongst all the Peers of France that had so openly embraced and professed the Religion as he. He was the first that reformed his Family according to the Rule of Gods Word:* 1.117 He was the man that presumed to prefer their Petition to King Francis the second, that was nearly allied to the Guises by affinity. He gave the first example to the Nobility of France of Piety, who were grown extream loose by reason of the dissolutenesse of the Court: and after he had once embraced the Reformed Religion, he never gave the least occasion of scandall to the Churches. And whereas many Delegates repaired often to him from the Churches, he alwaies gave them whol∣some and prudent counsell. He first took up arms, not to fight against the King,* 1.118 as some misreported, but at the request and Prayers of the Queen Mother: Neither yet did he it, either by his own private coun∣sell, or of the Queen Mother, but by the Authority of the Parliament of Orleance, the King being not yet twelve years old: As also after the Kings Edict for Peace, established and promulgated by the advice and consent of all the States of France, because it was so notoriously vi∣olated by the Guises, to the utter undoing of many honest Families, and almost the ruine of many flourishing Cities, and to the losse of the lives of many famous Captains, to the great prejudice of the whole King∣dom, and to the oppression of many flourishing Churches▪ dispersed almost in every Town of France. By all which that poor King∣dom was laid open to be a prey to any forreign Prince that should in∣vade it.

* 1.119After these things a grievous affliction befell the Admirall by the death of his Brother Andelot, who in the City of Xantone died of a vi∣olent disease suddainly, not without suspition of poison; and the ra∣ther because it was a usuall saying of Biraguus, shortly after made

Chancellour, That the War was not to be finished with so much hazard by armed men, but rather by Cooks and Kitchin boyes.

Upon this occasion the Admirall wrote a Letter to his own and his Brother Andelot's sons, who were with their Tutor at Rochel, for com∣forting of them, the tenour whereof was this:

Although I believe that the death of my Brother Andelot is very grievous unto you,* 1.120 yet I thought fit to admonish you that you have great cause to rejoyce that you had so good a Father and Uncle, of whom I dare affirm that he was truly Religious and eminent for his valour and skill in military affairs, the remembrance of which vertues ought to be dear unto you, that as much as may be, you may be imitators of them; yea I believe I may boldly affirm this of him, that there is none in all France more skilfull in warlike affairs then was he; and I doubt not but even forreign Nations will subscribe to the truth hereof, especially those which have had experience of his vertues; and this credit he got to himself, not by idleness and sluggishness, but by undergoing the greatest labours for his Countries sake. Truly I knew no man that was more devout to Godward, nor more just to men then he. Neither am I ignorant that it were unfit for me thus to boast of him to strangers; but I mention them more freely to you, because I would have you to be imitators of his vertues, for I even propose him for my own imitation; and I pray God from my heart, that when I come to dye, I may with the like piety and assurance resign up my spirit to God, as I saw him to do; And that my grief for him may be the more extenuated, I ear∣nestly desire that I may see his graces and vertues to live in you: Which that it may be so, I exhort you with all your hearts to embrace Piety and true Reli∣gion, and wholly to apply your selves to your Books, that thereby you may (through Gods grace) be led in the way of vertue: and though I willing∣ly allow you to recreate your selves in those hours which your Master allots you, yet I charge you, take heed that in your play you neither speak nor do any thing whereby you may offend God: Be very carefull to reverence your Ma∣ster, and obey him no otherwise then you would obey me, for I am perswaded that he will give you no other counsel then what may be for your honour and profit. In short, see that you love me, or rather that you love your selves, so that I may hear nothing of you but what I may rejoyce in, and as you grow in years and body, so you may grow in Piety and Vertue. The Lord bless you all, and the holy Spirit preserve you for ever. From Xantone, May 18. 1569 Castellonius.

The courage and magnanimity of our Admirall did exceedingly ap∣pear in this, for that though he had lost such a Brother as was second to none in piety, justice, vertue, and the glory of his military actions, so that the Admirall called him his right arm, yet he told his Friends often that he wholly relied upon the divine providence, and knew assuredly that the Church of God was not administred by humane counsels,* 1.121 nor this Christian Army, led by the providence and valour of its Comman∣ders, but by God: And speaking concerning his Brother to his Friends, he brake out into this expression, O blessed Andelot, who hast finished the course of thy life so holily and happily!

* 1.122About this time news was brought him that Wolfgang, Duke of Bi∣pont, had brought a strong Army out of Germany into France, for the aid of the Protestants, and that he had already passed the Loir, and had taken Charity, where was a Bridge over that River; and when he understood that they were advanced as farre as Chalons, he intended to joyn his Forces with them, and that very day on which he came to them, D. Wolfgang died of a violent disease; whereupon the German Army unanimously chose Wolradus Count Mansfield, to be their Gene∣rall. This conjunction of theirs exceedingly troubled their adver∣saries, and every one deemed that the Kings Army would not be able to stand before them, but that the Courtiers would hereby be brought to stoop to them. Yea all good Patriots that studied the publique Peace, did abominate the perfidious Authors of these Wars, publique∣ly saying, that God never suffered such perjury to escape long unpu∣nished; and it was verily believed that if the Admirall had led this gallant Army strait to Paris, many great Cities would willingly have yielded and put themselves into the Admirals protection: which opi∣nion was much confirmed hereby, for that the Duke of Anjou pitch∣ing his tents near to them,* 1.123 and adventuring a Battell, he was easily overthrown, most of his foot being either slain or taken, together with their Commander in chief, Strossius, cosen German to the Queen-Mother.

The Admirall having so brave an Army, hoping that now at last the Kings heart would be inclined to Peace,* 1.124 he sent an humble sup∣plication to him (the Duke of Anjou not suffering him to send Am∣bassadours) in his own and the Armies name, intreating and beseech∣ing him no longer to harden his heart, but to pity the afflicted condi∣tion of the common people, and also to consider, that if the Warre should be protracted, it would turn to the great prejudice of all the States of France; there being twenty thousand Auxiliary Souldiers of both parts; and that things were brought to this passe, that by these Civil Warres mens minds were so farre from union and love to their Countrey, that every one sought the blood, ruine and destruction each of other. They therefore humbly intreated that he would spare his poor Subjects that had so long groaned under these heavy pressures, and that he would no longer be led away by the Cardinals and Italians, who had too much power over him, and could not have the like fel∣low-feeling of the miseries of France as the French men themselves. They suggested also that this was the fittest time for a Treaty, when both parties were so confident of their own strength; and that the conditions which he and his Army would propose were very easie, viz. That they might enjoy that Peace and Liberty for the exercise of their Religion, which was often confirmed to them by the Decrees of all the States, and by the Kings own Proclamations; That it was extream madnesse in those Italians and strangers, to think that those of the Religion, whereof there were at least two hundred thousand men, could so easily be rooted out, the truth whereof

the experience of the former Warres might easily demonstrate.

The Duke of Anjou having received that disgrace which we spake of before, by the advice of his Councel dismissed a great part of his Army, especially of his Horse, for a moneth or two, bidding them go home and refresh their bodies.

Things standing thus, the Admirall called a Councel, wherein it was determined, That seeing Rochel and divers other Maritine Cities and places were wholly in the power of the Protestants, That there∣fore they should take care for the fortifying of them, and then should attempt the taking in of the City of Poictiers, which would be as a Bulwark to all that Countrey; but to this there seemed a main impe∣diment, which was the taking in of the Castle of Lusiniac,* 1.125 the strong∣est piece in all France: yet after they had besieged it a few daies, it was surrendred to them; and so also was Castelheraut about the same time. Then they proceeded to besiege and batter Poictiers,* 1.126 but within a few daies the Admirall, being quite tired with watchings and la∣bours, fell sick of a Flux, which held him so violently for thirty daies together, that he could neither assist them with his Counsels nor pre∣sence; so that by this means the City was relieved with much provision and three hundred fresh Souldiers, which encouraged them to make di∣vers sallies: The King also wrote to them to hold out, promising spee∣dy aid, which animated them valiently to defend themselves. But it was evident that if the Lord had not laid that affliction upon the Admi∣rall, the City had been theirs.

About this time there was one of the Admirals Servants called Dominicus Albio, who having been taken prisoner by the Kings party,* 1.127 and stayed some moneths with them, returned to his Master, where after a while he was suspected by reason of some words that fell from him, and therefore being strictly examined, he brought forth a box of poyson which one Riverius, a chief man about the Duke of Anjou had given him; together with one of his Secretaries, both of them promising him two thousand Crowns if he would poyson his Master. Upon this his confession he was condemned to death; and though some would have had him tormented,* 1.128 yet the Admirall caused him only to be hanged, for the terrour of orhers.

The Admiral being not yet fully recovered of his Disease, news was brought him that Castelheraut, being about seven miles off, was besieged by the enemies; whereupon in his Horselitter, he presently advanced thitherward,* 1.129 and having relieved the place with fresh men he easily raised the siege, and drave away his enemies, killed many, especially of the Italians, neither gave he over the pursuit till they had passed the River, which for the depth of it is called Creusa. In the mean time the young Duke of Guise, who was Governour of Poictiers, in the night time removed out of the City with a great company, put∣ting a fresh Garrison into it; and the Duke of Anjou having recruted his Army with many French, Germans and Swissers, came to Chinon; whereas the Admirals Army was tired out with the long siege of

Poictiers, and much wasted with want of provision, and with great tempests; and of those which remained there were very many sick, especially of the Germans; and most of those of Xantone were gone home to refresh themselves. Many also were gone to La Charity, and Sancerre, which were in the Protestants hands: For which causes the Admirall judging it best to protract time, restrained the eager mindes of his Souldiers from fighting; yet both Captains and common Soul∣diers would not be satisfied, threatning to go home and provide for their own safety. They also judged it farre more fit to fight there in their own Countrey, where they might be supplied with necessaries, then in their enemies; especially considering that they had divers strong Towns in Aquitane, the Delphinate and Leige, into which they might retreat, and from whence they might make excursions for the depopulating of their enemies Countries. The Germanes also cried out, that having wanted their pay for divers moneths, it were better for them to fight, then to be so long from their own Countrey and re∣lations.* 1.130 Thus it being resolved that they should come to a Battell▪ both Armies advanced to Monconture, striving which should possesse the place; and the Van being led by the Admirall, was suddain∣ly set upon by the enemy; the Admirall seeking for his Armour-bearer could not find him, yet unarmed as he was, he rushed into the midst of his enemies; Count Mansfelt seconded him, so that they forced them to give ground: Hard by there was a rivolet which the enemies contended earnestly to passe over;* 1.131 whereupon the Admirall taking some Harquebushiers with him, hastened to the Rivers bank to op∣pose them, where he continued all that evening; ••n the mean time the enemy continually shot at him both with great and small shot,* 1.132 who if they could have gotten the passage, might have brought great detri∣ment to the Army; for the enemies exceeded the Protestant Army by a third part, besides they were fresh and in good plight, the other were weary and harrassed out; but this holp them only for two daies space, for on the third day six hundred Germans set upon the Admirall, who had only two hundred French horse with him, and in the fight, the Admirall being often shot at,* 1.133 at last received a wound on his face by the right side of his nose, the bullet piercing into his mouth, which wound bled so fast that he could not spit out the blood: his sword also by many blows fell out of his hand, and the buckles of his Breast∣plate were so broken that it hung by very little: but in this extremity by the assistance and faithfull help of one ••lorinerius a young Norman, whom he had brought up from a Child in his Family,* 1.134 he was rescued and conveyed out of the crowd, and his Forces being overthrown, he was by his Friends conveyed to Parthenaeus. Here we might wonder at his constancy and magnanimity: for whereas in this great calamity most men gave way to despondency, he laboured to comfort and con∣firm each of them; he also caused his Secretaries presently to write into all the parts of France to the Protestants that were in arms,* 1.135 not to be discouraged, or to think that he had received so great a blow

which might not be repaired within a few daies.

The very next day he removed to Niort, where, having setled his affairs, he went into Xantone, and there stayed seven daies for the cure of his wound, which could not be perfectly healed in lesse then twen∣ty five daies space. Being thus tos••ed up and down with various affli∣ctions, word was brought him that the Parliament of Paris,* 1.136 Sept. 13. 1569. had made a Decree wherein they had declared him guilty of treason, and had proposed a reward of fifty thousand Crowns to any one that would bring him alive to the King. At the same time he had intelligence that one Martinengus an Italian, banished his own Countrey for treason, being made by the King Commander of some Troops of horse, had been at Castellion, and surprized his Castle, and plundered it of all his rich Furniture which for divers ages had remain∣ed there,* 1.137 the value whereof was not lesse worth then one hundred thousand Crowns, besides he had so burned the whole Town ad∣joyning to the Castle, that there was scarce any footsteps remaining of it; which sad tidings were so farre from causing any dejectednesse in him, or disfitting him for his employments, that he did not so much as shew the least change in his countenance: And whenas his Friends and kindred flocked to him to comfort him, he told them, That through Gods grace, he had this frame of spirit given him, that for those things which are usually called Goods, he possessed them, and not they him; and that his Fortunes were subjected to him,* 1.138 not he to them. And whereas in those Civil Warres, Princes, Peers, Nobles, Knights, Horsemen and Footmen had large allowances from the King, whereby they maintained themselves, he on the contrary was alwaies carefull to discharge his quarters, both for himself and Family,* 1.139 whereby he contracted great debts, taking up money upon use to enable him to it; yea he pawned his very Wives Jewels, Bracelets, Rings, and other rich furniture, thereby to furnish himself with money; by which means he did so weaken his estate, that in the end of this third Civil Warre he was forced in a Councel of the Princes, to move for some allowance wherewith to sustain his Family.

About this time he wrote another Letter to his Sons, and the Sons of his Brother Andelot, who were still at Rochel, under the same Tutor, the tenour whereof was this:

Truly it would be very gratefull unto me if I had opportunity to see you,* 1.140 and to speak face to face: but seeing I am deprived of that happiness, I thought fit by this Epistle to admonish you alwaies to set Piety and the fear of God before your faces, especially at this time, when you find by experi∣ence that there is no trusting to those things which are called Goods. Our hope must be placed elsewhere then in this world, and other things must be sought after then those which we see with our eyes, and handle with our hands: but because to do that is not in our own powers, we must earnestly pray unto God that he would lead us in that way which is most sure and safe; neither yet must you expect that that way will prove pleasant and delicate, and abounding with worldly felicity: For Christ himself who hath gone

before us, and is our Captain and Ensign bearer, must be imitated by us. Men indeed have dispoiled us of those things which are fading and transi∣tory, but if we be willing and carefull to submit to the will of God, we shall be happy, and it shall be well with us at the last; for those men have wronged you, not for any injury you ever did them, but out of a hatred a∣gainst me, which also proceeds from hence, because the Lord is pleased to honour me by being an Instrument of assisting has afflicted Church; and therefore if for this cause we suffer losse and inconveniences, we have no rea∣son to grieve for it, but rather to assure our selves that he will give us such a reward as men shall not be able to take from us. I have many other things to write to you of if I had leasure; but for the present I have enough, if I may admonish and request you for Gods sake, that you go on valiantly in the study of vertue, and that in all your words and actions you shew an abor∣rency of all vices; be obedient to your Master, and your other Governours, that though I seldom see you, yet I may hear that you increase in Piety and good Manners: To conclude, I pray, if it be the will of God, that whatso∣ever further befals us, either in our estates or persons, we may have it san∣ctified to us for our spiritual good; and I heartily pray to God that he will be a refuge and help unto you, and a defence in this your minority; Fare you well. From Xantone, Octob. 16. 1568. Castellonius.

The Admirall and all the Commanders of his Army having often consulted about their future proceedings, resolved to strengthen all their garrisons, and so with their light Horse to go into Tholouse, where they of the Religion held Montalban, a place very strong both by Na∣ture and Art, who also had gotten together a good summe of money for paying the German Auxiliaries: besides they hoped by passing over the two Rivers of Garone and Lotters, to joyn to themselves those forces which were under the command of Mongomry, a man of great authority by reason of his skill and experience in military affairs, who also had lately by the assistance of his forces quieted Berne, that belonged to the Prince of Navarr.

This journey, by reason of the roughnesse of the way proved very difficult and painfull, especially considering that the enemies had Gar∣risoned all the Cities, and broken down all the Bridges where they were to passe; yet at length with much difficulty they came to Montal∣ban, from whence the Admirall sent to the King and Queen-mother in in his own,* 1.141 and in the names of all that were with him, humbly intreat∣ing them that they would not suffer so many valiant and gallant men as were in both Armies mutually to shed the blood each of other; but that rather out of their clemency they would put an end to those mischiefs; that the contrary was the counsell of some Cardinals and Bishops that never came into the field to try the miseries of Warre; or else of certain Italians that rejoyced in the ruines of France; and that it was extream madnesse to suppose that two huedred thousand Protestants to whom so many of the Nobility had joyned themselves, could so easily be suppressed and destroyed. Besides also it could not be but in those Warres many Papists must be great sufferers as well as

the Protestants; some in their persons, and others in their estates and Families. That the speeches of the Courtiers were unworthy the Kings Majesty, who used commonly to say, That the King would not spare his Popish Subjects, so he might destroy his adversaries: For it was the voice of a Tyrant, not of a King, to say, Pereant amici,* 1.142 dum unà in mici intercidant, Let my friends perish whilst mine enemies fall together with them. That the conditions of Peace were easie, viz. That the Decrees made by the States of Orleance, and the Edicts of Paris might be renew∣ed and established, whereby the Protestants were allowed certain places for publique Worship.

These Messengers being dispatched away, they presently resolved to passe the River Oaronna, which was between theirs and Mongomries forces, but the passage seemed very difficult by reason of the breadth, depth and swiftnesse of the River; whereupon the Admirall resolved to take in the Town of Marian, which stands upon the Rivers bank, which he also did, and Mongomry coming to the other bank, the Ad∣mirall intended to make a Bridge, which also with admirable art and industry he effected, and so in two daies space passed the German horse over it: but the night after a Ship coming swiftly along the stream, brake down the Bridge, so that they were forced to make a new one of Boats, whereby Mongomries Army came over safe to them; and the German horse also which brought up his rear, and so having stayed there two daies for the refreshing of his men, he led his Army to Tho∣louse, and took in all the neighbouring Towns, either by storm or sur∣render, though he had only two great Guns in his Train, which he brought with him from Montalban. And the Protestant Army was the more incensed against them of Tholouse, because (say they) they have been violent to burn them of our Religion: They beheaded Cap∣tain Rapin who carried them the Edict of Peace from the King; they have also committed many other insolencies which now cry for venge∣ance, and God hath put an opportunity into our hands, which we must not neglect, &c.

Having dispatched these things he resolved to march to Vivaret, and to the bank of Rhodanus, and understanding that some were up in Arms for him in the Delphinate, who also had taken some Towns, he sent part of his forces to them, to assist them in taking in some Cities of greater consequence, committing the government of them to Count Lodwick of Nassaw, who arriving in the Delphinate, struck such a terrour into the Inhabitants as caused them to fly into the Cities; but he having no Guns for battery, only wasted the enemies Countrey, and so with honour returned within few daies to the Admirall.

Shortly after the Admirall worn out with cares, watchings,* 1.143 and in∣cessant labours, fell sick; and though he was greatly afflicted with his disease, yet conceiving that it was of great concernment for him to get to the River Liger, he made no stay, but in his Horselitter march∣ed with his Army thitherward; for he was informed that about La Charity and Sancerra, there were about two hundred risen in Arms for

him, whom he thought to be of great concernment to adjoyn to his Army, the rather because Cossaeus Marshall of the Kingdom, after the Battell in Xantone, by the King made Generall of the Army in the room of the Duke of Anjou, as he understood, advanced with his Army that way, and began to approach near him: And whereas there came a Trumpet from him to the Admirall about exchange of Prisoners, the Admirall sent him word by his Trumpet that he should not need to be at so much pains to seek him, for that he himself was hasting towards him, so fast as he could.

* 1.144When he was advanced so far as the Forrest, behold new Ambas∣sadors met him from the King about a Peace; for when the Courtiers heard that the Admirall, whom they thought to be utterly broken by his former overthrow, had in so short a time gotten so gallant an Ar∣my together again, they were extreamly terrified, lest he should march directly towards Paris, and there should plunder and destroy the brave Countrey Houses of the Courtiers, Senators, and rich Ci∣tizens of Paris, the like whereunto they had heard that the Senators and Citizens of Tholouse had already felt.

The Admirall by his march (though in his Horselitter) had his disease much increased upon him, and the Physicians gave their judgment, that if he continued still to be pressed with so great cares and multiplicity of businesses, he could not hold out long; where∣upon the Treaty with the Kings Ambassadours brake off for a time: but some Nobles that were aweary of the Warres complained that there was no reason that the Treaty should cease, because the Admi∣rall could not be present at it, affirming, that though he should die, yet there were men enough of honour and interest that could carry on the Treaty, to the establishing of Peace. The Ambassadors tnswered them, We wonder thrt you do not consider of how great authority the Admirall is amongst you,* 1.145 who if he should die to day, we would not offer to any of you tomorrow, so much as a cup of cold water. What? do you not yet know that the only name of the Admirall can prevail more for you then a great Army without him?

* 1.146Within a few daies the Admirall being refreshed, and in a good measure recovered, the Treaty began again, and at last it was conclu∣ded, That certain Commissioners should go along with the Kings Am∣bassadours, to signifie to his Majesty in the name of them all, That they of the Religion desired nothing more then Peace, neither was any thing more grievous to them then Warre; yet was there none of them but would undergo greater miseries, yea and death it self, rather then to deny the truth which they had embraced: That if the King pleased to grant them Peace and the exercise of their Religion upon the former conditions, and to put some cautionary Towns into their power for their security, they would willingly, and for ever lay down their Arms.

These Messengers being dispatched, the Admirall advanced for∣ward, and in his way took in the Town of Reneducium, to which some

of the Vantcurriers of Cossaeus were come, and from that day forwards there was no day passed without some skirmishes between the two Ar∣mies; and one day the minds of the Souldiers on both parts were so far inflamed that it had near come to a generall Battell, there being on∣ly a little Brook between the two Armies, Monsieur Mongomry having already broken the first Battell of the adversaries, wherein were Vale∣tius and Vasco, men of great authority amongst the Royalists. But presently came new Messengers from the King desiring a cessation from arms till the Treaty was finished;* 1.147 and after great debate an Edict was sent from the King, by which certain places were allotted to the Prote∣stants for the exercise of their Religion in, for the performance where∣of they had for two years four cautionary Towns put into their hands, viz. Rochel, Montalban, Cognac, and Charity: and the Kings Proclama∣tions hereof were sent all over the Kingdom; and so an en end was put to the third Civil Warres.

The Admirall bringing the German Forces to the borders of their Countrey, dismissed them courteously, and so taking the two young Princes of Navarr and Conde, he went with them to Rochel, where the Queen of Navarr was, purposing to stay there till the Peace was fully setled in every place: and after a few Moneths, trusting to the Kings promises, and to the oaths of the Kings Brethren, and Parlia∣ments, having been tired out with so many and great labours, he be∣took himself to rest; and at the intreaties and perswasions of his Friends, inclined to dispose of himself again in Marriage, the rather because he was earnestly solicited thereto by the kindred of Jacoba Monbella, the widow of the L. Anthony Monbell, who was Daughter of Count Intermontanus, of whose modesty, piety, and wholly life he had heard much formerly.* 1.148 She therefore being brought honourably to him to Rochel, he solemnly married her; and not long after he dispo∣sed his own Daughter Ludovica in Marriage to Monsieur Teligni, a young man of great Nobility and vertue. Of all the Nobility of France none seemed more acceptable and dearer to the King then this Teligni, by reason of his admirall ingenuity; and therefore being much about the King, it was he that did afterwards perswade the Ad∣mirall of the great esteem and hearty good will of the King towards him.

But God quickly mixed sorrow with the joy of these Marriages,* 1.149 news being brought about that time, of the death of Odet Coligni Car∣dinall of Chattillion, who had been some time in the Court of England, as the Procurator for the cause of the Protestants with Queen Eliza∣beth, who much favoured him for the amplitude of his Family, and the opinion of his vertue and integrity. But the Protestants affairs being composed in France, his Brother Gaspar sent for him: Where∣upon coming to Queen Elizabeth, he obtained leave for his departure; but being taken with a suddain disease, he died Feb. 14. 1571. not without the suspition of poyson, and was buried at Canterbury, being about fifty years old. He was a man of rare courage,* 1.150 candor and faith∣fulnesse,

of a sharp judgment, so that few were to be compared with him in managing great affairs. Guillin his Chamberlain poysoned him with an Apple, at the instigation of the Queen-Mother, as he confessed at the time of his death, when afterwards he was taken as a Spy at Ro∣chel, for which he was hanged.

But all this while the Duke of Anjou was a great enemy to the Protestants, and boasted every where of his Victories against them, yet the King did what he could to perswade the Queen of Navarr and the Admirall of his great good will towards them, that they might be induced the more to confide in him.* 1.151 Notwithstanding which the Papists in some places made slaughters of the Protestants. As in Orenge, whither all the Inhabitants returned, who had been driven away in the time of the late Warres, the Popish Souldiers made an assault upon them, and slew them without regard of age or sex. Also in Roan, and other places they were slain in great number by the Popish rabble. Whereupon the Queen of Navarr, the Princes and other Protestant Nobles sent to the King to complain of the violation of the Edict, and to require satisfaction for the same. The King entertained them kind∣ly,* 1.152 protested that these things were done to his great grief, and that he would so punish the Authors of these mischiefs, as should be for the terrour of others.

Not long after, viz. Anno Christi 1571. the King wrote very flat∣tering Letters to the Admirall,* 1.153 giving him very honourable tearmes, inviting him to his Court at Blesa, intreating him that he would be an instrument of concluding a Marriage between Henry Prince of Na∣varr, and his Sister Margaret, and to prevail the more with him, he sent him word by his Messengers, that no surer way could be found out for establishing the publique Peace of the Kingdom, and for uniting all sorts of persons, then by this Marriage.

And the better to delude him, the Guises seemed to be every day lesse welcome to him then other, and Monmorency (the Admirals Si∣sters Son) was used very familiarly by the King, who often protested to him his good will towards the Admirall; communicated to him the counsels of his greatest affairs, for the managing whereof he told him, that he had need of the Admirall for to be his Captain and Mi∣nister. The Queen-Mother also, according to her manner, protested that she liked nothing better then that a certain Peace should be con∣firmed upon equal conditions,* 1.154 the memory of former matters being blotted out.

* 1.155By these means the Admirall was drawn to the Court, where he was intertained extraordinary lovingly, even beyond expectation; so that when he fell down on his knees to do reverence, the King took him up, calling him his Father, saying often and openly, that a more desired day never shone unto him then that, wherein he saw an end put to the Warre, and a firm Peace setled in the whole Kingdom by his presence; adding, with a smiling countenance, Now we have you with us, you shall never depart from our side hereafter. He was intertained

with the same serenity of countenance by the Queen-Mother, the Duke of Anjou, but especially by the Duke of Alanson, who much favour∣ed him. The King also seconded his words with deeds, causing one hundred thousand Crowns to be paid him out of his Treasury for his private losses in the last Warres; he gave him also the Revenues of the Cardinall his Brother, which were very great, for one year, and also the furniture and houshold stuff of the said Cardinall.

A few daies after the Admirals return from the Court, the young Duke of Guise,* 1.156 by the instigation of the Cardinall of Lorraine his Un∣cle, would have put in a new complaint against the Admirall for the death of his Father; but the King interposing his Authority, drew up a form of agreement, which he made both of them to set their Seals to, and to take their oaths for the keeping of it; notwithstanding which the Duke of Guise shortly after entered Paris, accompanied with many armed men, which the Admirall hearing of, being then at his House at Castellion, he moved the King by his Son-in-law Monsieur Teligni, that he might have leave to keep a small Guard for his own safety: Whereupon the King wrote to him with his own hand, and sent his Letter by Bricmald, a man of great esteem for his vertue; the tenour where of was this:

That it was most acceptable to him that the Admirall should be ex∣ceeding cautious and carefull of his own safety,* 1.157 and therefore he gave him power to fortifie his Castle, and to raise as great a Guard as he pleased, desiring him to be confident without doubting of his good will towards him; and that he would be as carefull of his safety, as a Father of his Childes. These Letters with many such like expressions of love being written with the Kings own hand, many read with great delight, and were now throughly perswaded that they ought no longer to doubt of the Kings good will and sincere affections to the Admirall.

Hereupon Count Lodwick of Nassaw (whom we mentioned before) thinking this a fit time (and being secretly invited to the Court) mo∣ved the King in the name of his Brother the Prince of Orenge, for as∣sistance; telling him that there were many Cities in the Low Countries, that being oppressed and tired out with the lust, covetousnesse, and cruelty of the Spaniards, would willingly surrender themselves into his hands; And after a few daies spent in debate about this businesse,* 1.158 the King faithfully promised Count Lodwick that very shortly he would send a great Army under the command of the Admirall thither; and it was further agreed upon betwixt them, that if they succeeded in that War, the King of France should have all the Countrey from Ant∣werp to Picardy, and that the Prince of Orenge should have Holland, Ze∣land, and Frisland.

About this very time Letters were intercepted and sent to the Ad∣mirall,* 1.159 written from the Cardinall Peleus to the Cardinall of Lorrain to this purpose: That the King was never better affected then now; and therefore because of his good affections, together with the Queen-Mothers,

and the Duke of Anjou's, he hoped there would be good issue of those affairs which were resolved on in the common Councel: That the King at the Admirals coming to Court, had carried himself more politickly then they could have expected; whereupon the King believed that he had taken away all suspition from the Admirall, and had left him no occasion of doubting of his love and good will towards him, which Lorrain knew to be the basis, by their joynt consent, upon which their future proceedings did depend. That some speech was indeed raised about warring upon the King of Spain, which the King made such use of, that the Admirall thence collected arguments of his greater good will towards him. That they must use such artifices whilst they expected an opportunity to effect what was resolved on. That the King of Spain was throughly acquainted with all these pro∣ceedings, that so he might suspect nothing by reason of those great pre∣parations which were made for Warre, for he was assured that this was done upon good grounds, as subservient to the principal end. That therefore he desired the Cardinall that whatsoever he had heard, or should hear hereafter, yet he should assure himself that the King would never depart from his first purpose, and that whatsoever he did, did but conduce to hasten the end of their Counsels, and that both the King, Queen-Mother, and the Duke of Anjou, were all very solicitous for this thing, and that as soon as ever the businesse should be effected, they would instantly send away Messengers to acquaint Lorraine with it. And as for the businesse of the Prince of Navarrs marriage, they hoped that it would quickly be effected, for this was ro begin all their future designs, &c.

* 1.160He that sent these Letters to the Admirall, hoped that he would have been warned by them to look to himself and his affairs, but he had such a strong confidence of the Kings love and good will towards him, which also was daily nourished in him by his Son-in-law Teligni, that he which was most provident and sharp-sighted in all others businesses, was fatally blind in this.

In the beginning of May 1571. the King desired the Queen of Na∣varr to go to Paris, to provide all things necessary for the marriage, where she arrived the fifteenth day of the same moneth; and the fourth day of June she fell sick of a feavour, whereof she died five daies after, to the extream grief and sorrow of all her Servants and Friends.* 1.161 Two daies before her death, being in perfect memory, she made a most Chri∣stian Testament and last Will, finishing her course with singular piety and joy in God.

She was a Princesse of great experience by reason of her manifold adversities,* 1.162 in all which she shewed an invincible constancy, and he∣roicall greatnesse of courage, most affectionate to her Religion, very carefull of the education of her children, training them up in the fear of God. In her words most grave and full of motherly affections to them. She had a ready and well advised wit, was pitifull and easie to be intreated; constantly maintained that which she judged to be

good, and agreeable to the will and good pleasure of God. She had a great vivacity of spirit, whereby she was able to comprehend all her af∣fairs, and had a lively grace in representing them, either by word or writing. She died June 9. 1572. and of her age 44.

It was believed that she was poysoned by the smell of certain per∣fumes; the Doctors and Chyrurgions which opened her, were com∣manded not to open her brain where the mischief lay, and therefore could not determine about the cause of her death.

The Admirrll in this time was at his house aa Castallion,* 1.163 where he re∣ceived many Letters and Messages from the King to come to him; and because he stirred not, the King sent Cavagnes and Briquemaud to fetch him, that they might come to a conclusion about the Warres in Flan∣ders; and special commandment was given to the Provost of Mer∣chants, and other chief men, that at the Admirals coming to Paris, there should be no affronts done him.

About the same time the Admirall had many advertisements from his Friends, both within and without the Realm;* 1.164 that though he could not conceive any sinister opinion of the King, his Mother, or Brother, that yet at least he would consider into what place he was about to thrust himself, amongst so many implacable enemies. But he resting upon the testimony of a good conscience,* 1.165 and the provi∣dence of God, rejected all those counsels, as proceeding from mens covetousnesse, or desire of new troubles, which he abhorred worse then death; and therefore taking a small train with him,* 1.166 he went to Paris, and was very honourably intertained by the King, Queen-Mother, the Kings Brethren and others, to the great astonishment of the whole City.

At the Admirals coming to Paris, amongst other Letters that were brought to him, there was one that gave him these warnings.* 1.167 Re∣member the Popish Maxime, confirmed by the Authority of Coun∣cils, That faith is not to be kept with Hereticks, in which number the Protestants are accounted. Remember the implacable spirits of the Papists at this time, irritated by the last Warres. There is no doubt but it is the fixed purpose of the Queen-Mother to destroy the Pro∣testants by any means whatsoever. Consider that she is an Italian, of a most crafty wit, born of the Progeny of Popes, who contrives all extream things against her enemies. Remember in what School the King hath been brought up from his childhood: how he hath been taught to swear and forswear: To pollute himself with whoredomes and adulteries: To compose his countenance: To counterfeit Faith and Religion: How he hath been accustomed to cruelty and blood∣shed: How he hath been taught not to suffer above one Religion in his Kingdom: How it hath been whispered into his ears, That the Pro∣testants seek to dispoil him of his life and Kingdom: That he is not bound to keep Covenants made with armed Subjects: That he is taught the Mysteries of State Policy. Remember that Commodus caused Julianus to be slain, whom he pretended to honour and im∣brace

as a Father. That Antoninus Caracalla, under the pretence of a Muster, caused all the chief youths of the City to be slain. That Lysander under the pretence of friendship commanded the throats of four hundred Milesians to be cut. That lately Atonius Spinola in∣vited all the chief men of Corsica to a Banquet, where they were all slain. That Christian, King of Denmark, used the same art to commit that horrid massacre at Stockholme, &c. That the Kings speech to his Mother at Blois was no secret, when swearing fearfully, he asked her whether he had not carried himself well at the coming of the Queen of Navarr? To whom she answered, That he had begun well, but that would profit little unlesse he went on: But I (quoth he) swear∣ing often, will bring them all into the net. Wherefore if you be wise, haste both out of the Court and City with all speed, as out of a most impure sink.

* 1.168The Admirall having read this Letter, though he were offended, yet lest he should seem to neglect the prayers and warnings of his Friends, he returned this answer; That there was no place left any longer for these suspitions: That he was verily perswaded that so great perfidiousnesse could not enter into the heart of so good a King: That indeed the Duke of Anjou was more estranged from the Prote∣stants; but that hatred would by degrees cease by reverence of the affinity contracted with the King of Navarr: That the King had en∣tred into a league with the Queen of England, and endeavoured to do the same with the Protestant Princes in Germany, which sufficiently shews how he stands affected to the Protestants. Moreover that Faith was given to the Prince of Orenge, and to the E. of Nassaw his Brother to aid them against the Spaniards. That the Kings Ambassadours did daily search into the Counsels of the Duke de Alva, and acquainted the King therewith, as the King daily informed him: That the Navy under Strossius at Broag is rigged for no other end but to disturb the Spansh Fleet, and to assist the Prince of Orenge. That for himself they need not fear, the King having made Friendship betwixt the Guises and him, faith being mutually given that neither should injure other. To conclude, That the King doth all he can to have Peace at home, and Warre abroad; and to translate it into the Low Countries against the Spaniards; wherefore he prayeth his Friends not to trouble his mind any more with suspitions, which is now busied with weightier matters, and to joyn with him in prayer to God, that he would bring those things to a good issue, which are well begun for his glory, and the good both of Church and Kingdom.

A little before Count Lodwick with some others had Commissions from the King to surprize some Frontier Town in Flanders.* 1.169 On the other side the Duke de Alva had intelligence of every step that Count Lodwick took, yet such was his diligence that he surpriz'd Monts in Hen∣ault, wherewith the Duke de Alva was so netled, that he said, The Queen-Mother had sent him the flowers of Florence, but he would for them re∣turn her Spanish thistles; but upon further intelligence he was soon pa∣cified.

Many Lords and Gentlemen of the Religion accompanied the King of Navarr and Prince of Conde to Paris,* 1.170 and the King drew many more of them thither, who otherwise would have kept their houses, under pretence of his Warres in Flanders.

Count Lodwick was presently besieged in Monts by de Alva, where∣upon the King gave Commission to Monsieur Jenlis to raise Horse and Foot for his succour:* 1.171 but de Alva being acquainted with all his pro∣ceedings, surprized him, which the King seemed to be much grieved at, and presently wrote to his Ambassadours in the Low Countries to procure the deliverance of the prisoners. He also encouraged the Ad∣mirall to send all the help he could to the Rutters, whom the Prince of Orenge had levied for the relief of his Brother, causing monies to be de∣livered to him for their pay.

The Ambassadours of Spain also seemed to be very male-content, be∣cause the King began Warre in Flanders: and the Kings Mother played her part in this Tragedy, pretending that she knew nothing of the Kings proceedings, and now she did know them she would leave the Court. These juglings were carried so handsomly, that the Admirall, Teligni his Son-in-law, and other Lords were confidently perswaded that the King was wholly guided by the Admirals advice.

July the last, The Rochelers wrote to the Admirall that the Kings Army approached near them;* 1.172 that from Xantone and Gascoine it daily wasted the Countrey about them, using terrible threatnings against their Town, and menacing to plunder it; whereupon they intreated his advice, especially about receiving eight hundred men, which they sought to put as a Garrison into the Town. The Admirall made them an honourable answer, Aug. 7. assuring them of the care he had over them, adding that he found the King so well disposed for Peace, that all men had cause to commend him. Yet the Rochelers neglected not to look to themselves and to fortifie their Town. In other Towns many were the threats of the Papists against the Protestants,* 1.173 which much terrified some: others relied upon the Admirals presence and favour at Court; and to such as suggested doubts to him, he said, that the King had reconciled the differences betwixt the Guises and him, causing both Parties to swear friendship: That the King gave his Sister in marriage, not so much to the King of Navarr as to the whole Church of the Protestants, to joyn with them thereby in an in∣violable union, and therefore he besought all them, that either by writing or words advised him of the hatred of the King, Queen-Mo∣ther, the Duke of Anjou, or the house of Guise, no more to trouble him with those things, but rather to commend all in their daily prayers to God, and to give him thanks who of his infinite mercy had brought things to so good an end.

August 17. Henry King of Navarr,* 1.174 and the Lady Margaret of France, Sister to the King, in the evening were conducted to the Louure, and the next day were married by the Cardinall of Bourbon in the sight of all the people upon a great Scaffold made before the

gate of the great Church in Paris, which day was passed over in Banquets, Dances and Masks; and that very day the Admirall wrote a Letter to his Wife great with child in this tenour:

Most dear and desired Wife, This day was celebrated the Marriage be∣tween the King of Navarr and the Kings Sister,* 2.1 and these three or four en∣suing daies will be spent in Feastings, Maskings and Dancings. The King hath promised me, that after a few daies he will set time apart to hear the complaints which are brought from several parts of the Kingdom for violating the Edict of Peace; for the prosecution whereof it's very necessa∣ry that I should improve all my interest with the King: For though I have an earnest desire to see thee, yet it would be grievous to me, and I suppose to thee also, if I should be any waies deficient in a business of so great con∣cernment; neither will my stay here about it be such, but that I hope to come to thee this next week. If I should only respect my own content, it would be much more pleasing to me to be with thee, then to stay any longer at Court, for sundry reasons which I may hereafter impart to thee; but I must have more respect to the publique good, then either to my own pleasure or profit. I have some other things to impart to thee so soon as God shall bring us toge∣ther, which I much long for both day and night. All that I have for the present to write to thee is only thus much; at four a clock this afternoon was celebrated the Masse for the Marriage, during which time the King of Na∣varr walked without the Church with some other Noble-men of our Religi∣on. Some other matters of smaller concernment I shall reserve till we have an opportunity to speak together; in the mean time (most dear and loving Wife) I pray for thee that God will protect and keep thee, Farewell. Pa∣ris, Aug. 18. 1572.

Three daies since I was much tormented with the Stone and Cholick, but through Gods mercy they held me not above eight or ten hours, and now by the same mercy I am wholly freed from them. I promise thee that in these great Feasts and Pastimes I will trouble none. Once again Farewell.

Thy most loving Husband, Chattillion.

* 2.2About the same time, their Counsels for the Massacre being not yet ripened, the King with the greatest demonstrations of good will that might be, thus accosts the Admirall, My Father, Remember what you have undertaken to me, that you will be injurious to none of the Guises whilst you are in the Court, they also have interchangeably given their faith, that they will carry themselves honourably and mo∣destly towards you. And truly I put as great trust as may be in your words, but I have not the same confidence in their promises. For be∣sides that I know that the Guises seek occasion of revenge, I know their disposition to be bold and haughty, and with what great favour and affection the people of Paris do follow them; It would be a great grief to me if they who have brought into the City many men of Warre notably furnished with arms, under colour of coming to the mar∣riage solemnity, should go about any thing for your destruction, which would extreamly reflect upon me; and therefore I think it fit,

if you be of the same minde, to bring a Regiment of Praetorian Soul∣diers into the City, under the command of such men (meaning some that were least suspected) who may not only be ready for the publique securiry, but upon all emergencies, if turbulent spirits should attempt any thing against you. This friendly speech so prevailed with the Ad∣mirall that he gave his consent, and so a Regiment was brought in with∣out the suspition of the Protestants, which afterwards helped to cut their throats.

Five daies after, as the Admirall came from the Court,* 2.3 where he had been all that morning, accompanied with twelve or fifteen Gen∣tlemen, being on foot about a hundred paces from the Louure, walk∣ing softly, and reading a Petition, just over-against the house of one Villemure a Canon, and Tutor to the young Duke of Guise, one shot with an Harquebush at him through a lattice window, the Gun was laden with three brasse bullets, one whereof brake his forefinger of his right hand, the other two pierced his left arm: He that shot it had a horse ready at the back door, whereon being mounted he escaped through St. Anthonies gate, where finding a Spanish Jennet held ready for him, he posted away to the place appointed for his retreat. The door of the house being burst open, the Harquebush was found with a Lacquey, and another servant who belonged to Challey, Steward of the Kings house, and a great dealer in the Duke of Guises affairs, who also the day before had brought this Harquibushier to that house, de∣siring that he might be well intertained: the Lacquey also was sent that morning by this Harquebushier whose name was Maurevel, to the Duke of Guises Groom of his Stable, requiring that the Horse should be ready that was promised him.

The Admirall being brought to his lodging, shewed singular piety and patience; Chyrurgions were sent for, and amongst the rest Am∣brose Pareus, the Kings Chyrurgion, who began first with his finger, which he cut off, but his pincers not being keen,* 2.4 he opened and pres∣sed them three times before he could cut it off. Then he lanced both those places in his arm which the bullets had pierced; all which the Admirall bore not only with a couragious heart, but with a constant countenance, insomuch as seeing his Friends to weep which held his arm whilst the incisions were made, he said unto them, My Friends, why do you weep?* 2.5 I judge my self happy that bear these wounds for the cause of my God. And withall looking upon Monsieur Merlin his Minister, he said, These wounds, my Friends, are Gods blessings, the smart indeed of them is troublesome, but I acknowledge the will of my Lord God therein, and I bless his Majesty who hath been pleased thus to honour me, and to lay any pain upon me for his holy name sake; let us beg of him that he will enable me to presevere unto the end. And seeing Monsieur Merlin to weep and lament, he said to him, My Merlin, you should rather comfort me: To whom he answered, Indeed there can be no greater comfort then to think upon the honour which God hath done you, in judging you worthy for his Name and Religions sake to suffer these pains. My

Merlin, answered the Admirall, if God should have dealt with me a••¦cording to my deserts, or have used his power over me, he must have de•••• far more severely with me; but blessed be his Name, who hath dealt so mild¦ly and lovingly with me his unworthy Servant.

Then said another that stood by, Go on with this your piety, fo•• God ought to be praised by you who hath left the greatest part sa•• and untouched, for which cause you have greater reason to admire h•••• mercy in these wounds, then to complain of his justice, especial•••• considering that neither your head nor your mind are wounded. Th•••• said Merlin, You do very well Sir that you turn your thoughts fro•• these murtherers to God, for truly it was his hand that inflicted thei•• wounds, neither ought you at all to think upon the bl••ody-minded¦nesse of your adversaries. Truly, said the Admirall, I freely and from my heart forgive both him that shot at me,* 2.6 and those also that set him on: for I know assuredly that it is not in their power to hurt me, no though they should kill me, for my death is a most certain passage to eternal life. Th•• same words he shortly after spake to Marshall Danvill when he came to visit him.

And whereas Monsieur Merlin told him, that the afflictions and cala∣mities which happen to Gods Children use to quicken the•• more in Prayer: The Admirall thereupon with an audible voice and fervent soul poured out this Prayer unto God, O Lord God, and my heavenly Father, have mercy upon me for thy tender mercies sake;* 2.7 Remember not against me my former iniquities, neither charge me with the sins of my youth. If thou Lord shouldst strictly mark what is done amiss, or shouldst impute to us our breach of Covenant, what flesh could stand before thee, or endure thine anger? As for me, disclaiming all false gods and worship, I only call upon thee the eternal Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and worship thee alone: for Christ his sake, I beseech thee to bestow thy holy Spirit upon me, and give me the grace of patience. I only trust in thy mercies, all my hope and confidence is placed on that alone, whether thou pleasest to inflict pre∣sent death upon me, or to spare my life to do thee further service. Behold Lord, I am prepared to submit to thy will in either, nothing doubting, but if thou pleasest to inflict death upon me, thou wilt presently admit me into thine everlasting Kingdom. But if Lord thou sufferest me to live longer here, grant, O most heavenly Father, that I may spend all the remainder of my daies in advancing thy glory, and in observing and sticking close to thy true Religion. Amen.

His Prayer being ended, Monsieur Merlin asked him if he pleased that they also should go to Prayer with him: Yea, said he, with all my heart; and whilst Merlin was praying, the Admirall with his eyes fixed upon heaven joyned with very great devotion. And after Prayer, when Merlin minded him of the examples of the ancient Martyrs, telling him that there was never any man from the beginning of the world, that laid out all his labour and interest for God, and his true Reli∣gion, but that he met with manifold afflictions; the Admirall inter∣rupted him,* 2.8 saying, I am refreshed and confirmed with this speech,

and the examples of the holy Fathers and Martyrs do much comfort me, and mitigate my pain.

Presently after the two Marshals of the Kingdom, Monsieur de Cosse and Danvill came to visit him, telling him that they were ex∣treamly grieved for his mishap, and that nothing could have happen∣ed more bitter to them; yet withall, say they, we judge it equal and agreeable to your former valour, to recollect and shew your self a man, for your vertue hath given you far more then this ill chance can take from you. Then the Admirall turning to de Cosse, said, Do you not remember, Sir, what I told you of late? Truly so much attends you also. But, said Danvill, My Admirall, I purpose neither to comfort you, nor to exhort you to courage and constancy, for your self is the man from whom such Consolations and Exhortations use to pro∣ceed, only I request you to consider wherein I may be serviceable un∣to you: I wonder from whence this mischief did proceed! Then said the Admirall, Truly I can suspect none but the Duke of Guise, yet dare I not affirm that it was he: However, through Gods mercy,* 2.9 I have learned neither to fear mine enemies, nor death it self, which I am sure can do me no hurt, but may forward my eternal peace and happinesse: For I know that my God in whom I have put all my con∣fidence can neither deceive nor lye unto me. Only herein I am sor∣rowfull, for that by this accident I am disabled to shew the King how much I would have done for his service (meaning in the Warre of Flanders:) Would to God I had an opportunity to speak with his Majesty, for I have some things to impart ro him, which much con∣cern his interest, and I believe there is none that dare tell it him but my self.

In the mean time the King of Navarr, and the Prince of Conde complained grievously of this vile and treacherous fact to the King; To whom the King cursing and swearing grievously, called God to witnesse that he would so severely punish this wickednesse towards the Admirall,* 2.10 that he would leave the example to all future ages to take heed of such villany; and thereupon the Lacquy and Woman that were found in the house, were apprehended and cast into prison.

At two a clock in the afternoon, the King hearing of the Admirals desire to speak with him, went to him,* 2.11 accompanied with the Queen-Mother, his two Brethren, the Duke of Monpensier, the Cardinall of Bourbon, Marshall Danvill, Tavenes, de Cosse, &c. When the King came first into the Admirals chamber he caused all his servants to go forth, except Monsieur Teligni, his Wife, and Merlin; then going to the beds side, the Admirall said to him, I humbly thank you Sir, that you have been pleased to put your self to so much trouble for my sake. Then did the King with flattering words congratulate his valiant mind, and bid him be of good courage, and hope well of the issue. To whom the Admirall replied;

Sir,* 2.12 There are three things wherewith I was desirous to acquaint

your Majesty; First, To professe my fidelity and observance to your Majesty; and I pray God so to be mercifull unto me, before whose Throne I may be brought shortly to appear by these my wounds, as I was alwaies studious and carefull of your honour and dignity. Nei∣ther yet am I ignorant how often mine adversaries have calumniated me to your Majesty, and accused me for a disturber of the publique Peace; but through Gods mercy, though I should hold my peace, yet my actions will sufficiently clear me from this charge. Indeed this hath been the fountain of all these calamities, because I resisted their fury, and impudency: and because I asserted the authority of your Edicts against their turbulent and violent proceedings; neither could I endure to suffer them so often to violate the faith confirmed by your oathes to your Subjects. God is witnesse of the sincerity of my mind herein, who also fully knows the difference between me and my adversaries, and will righteously judge the same. Furthermore also considering the great Honours and Offices conferred upon me by your Father, and Grandfather, and confirmed by your self; I should be ungratefull and unfaithfull if I should not humbly request your Majesty to provide a remedy against all those maladies and per∣turbations which already disturb the peace of your Kingdom. And now to proceed to the businesse of Flanders, Never any of your Pre∣decessors had the like opportunity of getting Honour as your self. You know that many Cities in the Low Countries desire your favour, and to throw themselves into your protection. This occasion I per∣ceive is in your Court laugh't and scoff't at, and through the default of some few men, the opportunity is like to be overslipt. Those For∣ces which were lately led by Genlisse thitherward, were circumvented, and destroyed by de Alva; you know what a great number of Catho∣licks were in that Army; Of what Religion then I pray you are those who make a jest at the slaughter of so many of their Countrey-men, and of their own Religion? There is scarce any secret word spoken in your Privy-Councell, but presently the Duke de Alva knows of it. I pray you Sir, What good can we expect when those that sit in your Privy-Councell, and should assist your Majesty and your Brethren, do betray your most secret counsels to your publique and professed ene∣mies? I beseech you Sir, that you take care of a businesse of such concernment as this is, yea again and again I intreat it of you. And lastly, I beg with the like earnestnesse, that you will not suffer your Edict of Pacification to be so ordinarily broken: You know how of∣ten you have sworn to keep it: You know that forreign Nations, and all your neighbour Princes have taken notice of it. What an unwor∣thy thing is it Sir, that an Oath so solemnly sworn, should be so much slighted and neglected? Do you think that forreign Princes will hereafter make any account of your Oath? But the other day in Champaigne, as the Nurse carried a child home from Baptism, and from a Sermon which was held in a place allowed by your authority, certain seditious persons lying in wait by the way, basely murthered

the Nurse, Infant, and some other of the company with it. Consider I pray you, how great the wickednesse was, and how Honourable, yea how Glorious it will be to your name not to suffer such cruelty to es∣cape with impunity.

Unto this Speech of the Admirall the King returned this answer,* 2.13 That he had never called his loyalty into question; That he reputed him a good Commonwealths man, and a valiant and excellent Cap∣tain, before whom he preferred no man in his Kingdom. And (said he) if I had had any other opinion of you, I had never done as I have heretofore. About the Flemish businesse he answered never a word. But for the third thing he answered, that he liked nothing better then that his Edicts for Pacification should be holily and invio∣lably observed, for which end he had sent his Deputies into all the Provinces of his Kingdom; for the confirmation whereof he called the Queen-Mother to witnesse, who turning to the Admirall, said, My Admirall, there is nothing more true,* 2.14 Commissaries and Deputies are sent into all parts. Yea forsooth (said the Admirall) of those men who have imposed Fifty thousand Crowns as the price of my Head.

Then said the King, My Admirall, there is danger lest your earnest∣nesse may hinder your health, it is better that you take your rest; the harm hath befallen you, but the dishonour reflects upon me; but I swear by Gods death that I will so severely punish this wicked deed, that the memory thereof shall continue to all posterities: The Woman and Lacquy that were found in the house we have committed to safe custody, Whom further do you require to be examined, or whom would you have to exercise judgment? To this the Admirall an∣swered, I leave this businesse to your Wisdom and Fidelity, yet be∣cause you ask my judgment, I humbly desire that Cavanneus and Masparrot may be employed therein, for I think that the author of this deed is not farre off. The King and Queen-Mother coming nearer to the Admirals pillow, spake a while softly, and at last the Queen-Mother said, Although I am but a woman, yet I perceive we must provide be∣times.

The King at his departure advised the Admirall to be transported into the Kings Castle, and the Earl Rhetius pressed the same divers times, saying that he feared lest such a commotion should be raised amongst the common people of Paris, as the King with all his autho∣rity should not be able to quell. To this it was answered, That the Physicians and Chyrurgeous would not allow of his removall, lest the stirring of his body should inflame his wounds: That if the King pleased to manifest his love and favour to the Admirall, there was no more fear of the people of Paris, then of a company of women: That the au∣thority of the Kings name was so great in France, especially in Paris, that were the common people never so mad and furious, yet the menti∣on of that alone would easily suppresse them.* 2.15

Then did the King call for the brasen bullet wherewith the Admirall

was wounded, and asked him if he felt not very great pain when his fing∣er and arm were cut? To which receiving an answer, he replied, that there could not be a more constant and valiant man found this day in the world; and so restoring the Bullet, the Queen-Mother looking on it said, I am glad that the Bullet is got out, for I remember that when the Duke of Guise was shot in his Camp, the Physicians often told me, that though it were poysoned, yet there was no danger when the Bullet was out: But, said a by-stander, Madam, we rested not upon that, but we gave the Admirall Physick to prevent the danger if there were any poyson.

After the Kings departure came in John Ferrers, Vidam of Chartres, who comforted the Admirall with many words, concluding that the enemies had betraied their great cowardlinesse in that they durst not encounter the Admirall but through a grated window; but that the Admirall was an happy man, who had lengthened out the praise of his vertue to so great an age. Yea, said the Admirall, in this I account my self happy, that the Lord hath been pleased to shew me mercy, for they are truly blessed whose sins are forgiven,* 2.16 and whose transgressions are covered.

* 2.17The King of Navarr, Prince of Conde, and some other Christians of the Protestants being present, they resolved to go down into a lower Chamber, to consult what course to take for their present secu∣rity. At this debate Ferrers was very earnest that they should with all speed depart out of Paris, assuring them that this was but the first act of a more dangerous Tragedy that would suddainly ensue. Others on the contrary argued, That it was enough for the present to require justice of the King, desiring that judgment might be speedily exe∣cuted: In this opinion Teligni stood stiff, affirming that he knew the Kings mind throughly, and that they ought not to suspect his faith and good will. Yet it was alleadged again that many seditious re∣ports were scattered about: That many Papists on the Wedding-day, when the Protestants came out of the Church, that they might not be present at Masse, spake publiquely, That within a few daies they should hear Masse.* 2.18 Also some of the chief Citizens said, that there should be more blood then wine shed at that Marriage. Also the Pre∣sident of the Senate advised a Noble-man of the Protestants to go into the Countrey with his Family for a few daies. Also John Monluc Bishop of Valentia,* 2.19 when he was going Ambassadour into Poland, advised the Earl of Rochfaucand, not to suffer himself to be blinded with the smoak of the Court and its unsuall favours, which are deservedly suspected by wise and wary men; Therefore, said he, be not too secure, cast not your self into dangers, but withdraw your self and other Noble-men betimes out of the Court. But these things could not be heard by reason of Monsieur Teligni's confidence.

In the mean time the Woman and Lacquy who were found in the house of Villemur, were examined by the Presidents of the Parliament. The Woman confessed that a few daies before, Villerius Challius, a

retainer to the Guises, brought a Souldier to that house, commending him to her as if he had been the Master of the house, but his name was concealed. The Boy confessed that he had served this man a few daies, who called himself one while Bolland, and another while Bondol, and that he was sent that morning to Challius to intreat him that the Horse might be ready as he had promised. Hereupon Challius was sent for, the more to delude the Protestants.

The King also wrote to the Governours of the Provinces,* 2.20 wherein he detested the wrong done to the Admirall, and required them to do their endeavour that all might understand how greatly it grieved him, and that he would most severely punish it to the terrour of all others.

The day after some of the Admirals friends being certified that many things were done tumultuously in the City, and that weapons were brought together in many places; they thought fit that counsell should be taken betimes, for that no good could be expected from those proceedings: Hereupon one was sent to the King to certifie him of the commontion of the people, and of their carrying of Arms, and therefore to request him to charge certain of his guard to stand before the Admirals door for his better security: The King seeming to be moved with this news,* 2.21 began to demand of the Messenger who had told it him? and whether the Admirall knew of it? and withall he sent for the Queen-Mother, who was scarce entred, when the King with a disquiet mind (as he seemed) said, What a mischief? What is the matter? He tels me that the common people are in a tumult, and take Arms. She answered, They are not in any tumult, neither do they take Arms; but you know that early in the morning you com∣manded that all should contain themselves in their own quarters, lest any tumult might arise. That is true, said the King, but I forbad them to take Arms.

Then the Messenger again requested that he would send some of his Guard to the Admirals lodging. The Duke of Anjou being by, said, Take Cossen to you with fifty Harquibushiers: The other answered, We desire only six of the Kings Guard, for their Authority will more prevail with the people then many armed men. Yea (quoth the King and the Duke of Anjou) take Cossens to you,* 2.22 for you cannot have a fitter man: which words were pronounced very imperiously. The Messenger knowing Cossen to be a great enemy to the Admirall, yet held his peace; and not far from the Kings Chamber he met with Monsieur Thoree, Brother to Marshall Monmorency, who whispering in his ear, said, No greater enemy could be given us for our Keeper; to whom the other answered, Did you not observe how Imperiously the King decreed it? but pray you remember what I answered to the King when he first commanded it.

A few hours after came Cossen with his fifty Harquibushiers to the Admirals house, and chose two shops by, to place his Guard in. A little after Rambulet, the Kings Camp-master followed, who by the

advice of the Duke of Anjou, commanded all the Popish Nobility that lodged in that street to remove their quarters elsewhere, that he might dispose of their lodgings to the friends and familiars of the Admirall; then which no more crafty counsell could be devised for those matters which afterwards fell out.* 2.23

Towards evening this hapned, which gave to many no small occa∣sion of suspition: A Boy by the command of Teligni brought two hunting poles to the Admirals house; but Cossen put him back, and would not suffer them to be carried in: This being told to the King of Navarr, who was now with the Admirall, he went down, and asked Cossen upon what confidence he did it? Cossen answered, that he had done it at the command of the King; but, said he, since you will have it so, let them be brought in. That day the King sent to all the Admi∣rals familiar friends, admonishing them to go near to the Admirals house, and take up all those quarters.

* 2.24But upon the former occurrences another Councel was called un∣der the Admirals lodging, wherein the Vidam of Chartres again urged his former opinion, that the Admirall should presently be carried out of Paris, and that his friends should go along with him: That every hour they observed many things that justly increased their suspition; But most were of the contrary opinion, viz. That they were only to require justice of the King, and to desire that the Guises and their Fa∣ction might be commanded out of the City, as being too powerfull with the people of Paris; and of this opinion was the King of Navarr, the Prince of Conde, and many others; and the rather because Teligni urged that it would be a great injury to the King, if any should call his faith and sincerity into question, and that it would be sufficient if justice were meekly required of him. At this debate there was one Bucavannius a Picard,* 2.25 who never spake word; he was a professor in∣deed of the true Religion, but very gracious with the Queen-Mother, and very frequent with her familiars, which probably betraied all to her.

About three a clock in the night there fell out another thing which increased the suspition, for one carrying to the Admirals house the Coats of Male of Teligni and Guercius, Cossen turned him back again, which man complaining to Guercius (who was a stout and gallant man) he went to Cossen, and sharply taxed him for it, so that they had well near fallen to blows, but Teligni, who was of a meek and quiet spirit, with gentle words pacified them, himself being so deluded with the fair and flattering words of the King, that he never thought that he spake enough in his commendation.

* 2.26In the mean time a Councell was held at Court, where were pre∣sent the King, Queen-Mother, Duke of Anjou, Duke of Nevers, the Bastard of Angolisme, Birage, Tavannius, and Radesianus; and it was concluded, That seeing by the death of one the mischief diffu∣sed amongst so many could not be extinguished, therefore all should be destroyed: And that the wrath which God would not have fulfilled

with the blood of Coligni alone, should be poured out against all the Sectaries; therefore, say they, the bridle is to be let loose to the common people, who are stirred up enough of themselves; and when the businesse is accomplished, reasons will not be wanting whereby the deed may be excused, the blame being laid upon the Guises, who will willingly undergo the same. So they all concluded that all the Protestants were to be destroyed, even every Mothers child of them. Concerning the King of Navarr, and the Prince of Conde, it was debated, Whether they were to be exempted from the number of the rest: and it was alleadged that the King of Navarr was to be spared, because of his royall Dignity, and his affinity newly contracted; for it would be without all excuse, if so great a Prince, next to the King in blood, conjoyned in fresh affinity, should be slain in the Kings Castle, between the arms, as it were, of the King his Brother-in-law, and his Wives imbraces. Concerning the Prince of Conde the contention was greater; he was much envied for his Fa∣thers sake, yet the dignity of his person, and the authority of the Duke of Nevers, who became surety for him, prevailed that he should be spared.

After this the King calling the King of Navarr, told him that by reason of the violence and boldnesse of the Guises,* 2.27 and the common people inclining to them, he would advise him to command those of his houshold whom he knew most faithfull to him, to come to him to the Louure, to be at hand upon all occasions: This the King of Navarr took in very good part, sending for those that were stout of hand to lodge a∣bout him.

Now it was observed that armed men rambled up and down in the City every where, and about the Louure also: that the common peo∣ple grumbled and gave forth threatning speeches. The Admirall be∣ing informed of these things, sent one to the King to tell him of it. The King answered, that there was no cause why Coligni should be affraid, for that these things were done by his command to represse the motions of the people, who were stirred up by the Guises, and therefore bad him to rest assured. It was also told Teligni that Porters were seen carrying Arms into the Louure; but he slighted it, saying, that these were unnecessary suspitions, the Arms being carried in for the winning of a Castle in the Louure, that was built for sport.

Presently the Duke of Guise, to whom the charge was chiefly committed to see the businesse executed,* 2.28 calling together the Captains of the Popish Swissers, and the Tribunes of the French bands, late in the night he discovered to them what the will of the King was, that the hour was come wherein by the Kings commandement punishments should be inflicted on the head, and by consequence upon the whole faction of the Rebels; that the beast was caught and entangled in the net, and therefore they must do their endeavoer that he might not escape: Be not therefore (said he) wanting to so fit an occasion of

carrying home a most glorious triumph over the enemies of the King∣dom; the victory is easie, the spoils will be rich and great, which you may obtain as the rewards of your good service, without shedding your own blood.

Then were the Swissers placed about the Louure, unto whom certain bands of French men were added, and charge was given them that they should suffer none of the King of Navarrs, nor of the Prince of Conde's men to come forth. Cossen also was charged with his Harquibushiers to suffer none to come out of the Admirals house.

* 2.29That evening Guercius with some others, had profered Teligni to keep guard in the Admirals house, suspecting danger; but he told them that there was no need for them so to trouble themselves, and so with gracious words dismissed them; by which means it came to passe that none lodged in the Admirals house but Cornaton, Labonnius, Yolett the Master of his Horse, Merlin his Chaplain, Paraeus the Kings Chy∣rurgeon, and some four or five Servants: Teligni was gone to the next house, where he lay with his Wife. In the Admirals Court were the five Swissers whom the King of Navarr had sent him.

Then did the Duke of Guise send for John Caronius lately made Provost of Merchants, whom he commanded to signifie to the Alder∣men, that they should bid those in their severall Wards to appear in Arms at the Town-house about midnight to understand the Kings pleasure: He commanded also Macellus, who was very gracious with the people, to signifie to them that liberty was given them from the King to take arms to destroy Coligni, and all the other Rebels, that therefore they should see diligently that they spared none, nor suffered them any where to be concealed: That order should be taken to do the like in all other Cities of the Kingdom, who would fol∣low the example of Paris: That the sign for the beginning the assualt should be the ringing of the little Bell in the Palace: That the sign whereby they should know one another, should be a white handkerchief about their left arm, or a white crosse in their hats: That therefore they should come armed in good numbers, and with good courages, taking care to have candles lighted in their windows, that no tumult might arise before the sign was given. And thus the Duke of Guise, and the bastard of Engolisme did all they could that things might be effected ac∣cording to the agreement.

At midnight the Queen-Mother fearing the Kings wavering, who was somewhat startled at the horridnesse of the fact,* 2.30 reproved him for it, saying, that by his delaies he would overslip so fair an occasion offered by God for the utter vanquishing of his enemies. The King being netled with this which seemed to charge him with cowardlinesse, commanded the matter to be put in execution; which word the Queen-Mother speedily taking hold of, caused the little Bell to be rung in St. Germanes Church about an hour before day,* 2.31 Aug. 24. being St. Bar∣tholmews day, and on a Sabbath.

Presently the Duke of Guise with Engolisme, and d' Aumal went to the Admirals house, where Cossen watched;* 2.32 and a noise being raised the Admirall was awakned with it, and heard of a sedition, yet rested secure relying upon the Kings word and favour: But the tumult growing greater, when he perceived a Gun to be discharged in his Court, he then conjectured, though too late, that which was the truth, and so rising out of his bed and putting on his night-gown, he stood and prayed against the wall. Then came a servant to Labonnius, and told him that there was one at the door who by the command of the King desired to be brought to the Admirall; Labonnius therefore taking the keys, ran down and opened the door; then did Cossen catch at him, and stabbed him with his dagger, and so with his Harquebu∣shiers he set upon the rest, killing some and chasing away others: Thus all things were filled with noise, and another door at the stair foot was easily broken open, and one of the five Swissers (sent by the King of Navarr) was slain; yet were the stairs so barricado'd with chests that he could not presently enter. In the mean time Monsieur Merlin went to prayer with the Admirall and the rest; and at the end thereof a servant coming in said to the Admirall, Master, It is God who calleth us to himself, they have broken into the house, neither is there any ability to resist. Then said the Admirall,* 2.33 I have prepared my self for death a good while ago; shift you for yourselves if possibly you can, for your endeavour to help me would be in vain: I commend my soul into Gods hand. It was observed that the Admirals countenance was no more troubled then if no danger were at hand.

Thuanus relates his words thus; I perceive what is in doing, I was never afraid of death, and I am ready to undergo it patiently, for which I have long since prepared my self; I bless God that I shall die in the Lord, through whose grace I am elected to an hope of everlasting life. I now need no longer any help of man. You therefore my Friends, get ye hence so soon as ye can, lest ye be involved in my calamity, and your Wives here∣after say, that I was the cause of your destruction. The presence of God, to whose goodness I commend my soul which will presently fly out of my body, is aboundantly sufficient for me. Then all his company gat up into an upper room, and crept out at a window upon the tiles, and by the bene∣fit of night some escaped.

By this time Cossen with some Swissers of the Duke of Anjou's guard had removed the chests, and were come up the stairs: One Beheme [a German] was the first that entred the chamber, who seeing the Ad∣mirall sitting there, said, Are not you the Admirall? I am (quoth he) but you young man should have regard to my hoary head and old age. But Beheme exchanging no more words, struck him with his Sword, and first embrued himself in the Admirals blood; then Cossen,* 2.34 Atinius and the rest followed, and slew him with many wounds. This Atinius re∣ported afterwards that he never saw a man in so present a danger, to have born out death with so great a constancy.

Then did the Duke of Guise from below ask if the businesse were

done? answer was made that it was: But, said he, the Duke of Engo∣lisme will not believe it, except he see him himself, therefore cast down his body out at the window; with that they hurled it down headlong into the Court all defiled with gore blood; whereupon the bastard of Engolisme, wiping the blood from his face with his handkerchief, and thereby knowing him,* 2.35 kicked him in a scornfull manner: Some say it was the Duke of Guise that did it. Then one of the Duke of Nevers servants cut off his head, and carried it to the King and Queen-Mother, who caused it to be embalmed, and sent it as a present to the Pope and the Cardinall of Lorrain,* 2.36 to assure them of the death of their capitall enemy.

The people fell upon his Corps as mad men, one cuts off his hands, another his feet, another his privy members, and for three daies space drag his poor carcasse about the streets with all indignity. Then some boyes would have thrown it into the River Seine, but others dragged it to the gallows at Mountfaucon, where they hung it up by the thighs, and the shoulders downward; but within few daies Francis Monmoren∣cy,* 2.37 who had seasonably withdrawn himself from the danger, caused some trusty persons to take it down by night, and bury it in the Chap∣pell at Contilia.

This was the end of this brave man, who was the very first Noble man in all France that durst professe himself a Protestant,* 2.38 and a helper of them.

He was marvellous zealous in performance of the exercises of Re∣ligion:* 2.39 He used to rise very early, and then putting on his night∣gown: and calling his Servants about him, he went to prayer with them: Then he set time apart to hear the Deputies of the Churches which were sent to him, or for such like publique businesses. Each other day in the forenoon he had a Sermon preached before him, after which he returned to his businesse till dinner, which being rea∣dy, his Servants came in, and there the Admirall standing by the Table, and his Wife by his side, one of David's Psalms were sung, and a blessing craved upon the meat; which course he did not only ob∣serve at his own house, but every day in his Camp without intermissi∣on. When the cloth was taken away, he presently arose, and stand∣ing, with his Wife by him, either himself or his Chaplain returned thanks. At supper-time the same was done, both with Prayers and Psalms: And because he found it difficult to get all his Servants toge∣ther at bed-time in regard of their various employments, he caused them all to come in presently after supper, where after a Psalm he went to prayer with them.

* 2.40By this his excellent example very many of the French Nobility were enduced and encouraged to use the same discipline in their Fami∣lies; the Admirall often admonishing them, that if they would em∣brace godlinesse in the life and power of it, it was not enough for the Master of the Family to hear Sermons, and to order his life in an holy and religious manner, unlesse by his authority and example

he brought all his houshold to joyn with him in the same.

When the time for receiving the Lords Supper approached,* 2.41 he used to call his Friends and all his Family to him, and shewed them that he must render an account to God for them as well as for himself: If any discord was between them, he reconciled it; If any were ignorant, he took care that they should be better instructed; If any were obsti∣nate, he plainly gave them notice, that it was better for them to remain at their own homes, then for him to maintain such ungodly persons in his retinue.

He alwaies esteemed the carefull education of Children in good Schools a singular benefit of God,* 2.42 and he called it the Seminary of the Church, saying, that ignorance of good letters was the cause of errour both in Church and State; and that Popery crept in, and kept in by that means. Hereupon he erected a fair School at Chattilion un∣der his Castle, in a pleasant and wholesome place, and bestowed great cost on it, where he maintained Learned Interpreters of the Hebrew, Greek, and Latine tongues; he maintained also many poor boyes and young men in that School.

He was modest and moderate in his desires after the world,* 2.43 for though he had great Honours and Offices conferred upon him, whereby he might much have enriched himself; yet he added not so much as one Lordship or plough-land to the Inheritance left him by his Fathers. He husbanded his estate and houshold affairs frugally; yet having very ma∣ny Noblemen and Gentlemen that resorted to him upon publique busi∣ness, he gave them free and hearty entertainment, whereby he spent all that he saved at other times by his frugality. Yea his extraordinary ex∣pences were so great, that he left his Heir in debt no lesse then fourty thousand Crowns, paying to his creditors yearly use-money no less then six thousand Crowns.

There was such incredible love and concord betwixt him and his two Brethren, that all three seemed but to have one mind betwixt them.* 2.44 He lived fifty three years six moneths, and eight daies,* 2.45 and was slain Aug. 24. 1572.

He was of a middle stature, of a ruddy colour, his members e∣quall and well compacted; of a mild and cheerfull countenance, of a small and pleasant voice, yet somewhat slow and gentle, of a heal∣thy constitution, of a comely gate and gesture; abstemious in the use of Wine; of a moderate diet and sleep, for he never used to sleep a∣bove seven hours at the most.* 2.46 After the Edict for Pacification he suffered no day to passe, but before he went to bed he set down the things in his journall which fell out in the Civil Warres, and were of any moment; which being found after his death, was carried to the King, and admired by his very adversaries, who thereby saw his qui∣et, constant and composed mind in the midst of his greatest busi∣nesses.

When the Warre was finished, and he was retired to Rochel, no day passed over his head,* 2.47 wherein he did not morning and evening read

over one of Calvin's Sermons upon Job, which History he used to call his Pancrestum or Physick for all diseases, which greatly comforted his heart in all his afflictions.

* 2.48By his first Wife he had five Children: He left alive Lewis his el∣dest Daughter, married to Monsieur Teligni, who was murthered the same night with his Father-in-law; then Francis, Odet, and Charles, the two elder survived that furious Massacre; the third being not eight years old, in whom he took much delight for his prettinesse, was ta∣ken by his enemies, and taught to bear the Crosse of Christ in his ten∣der years.

He left his second Wife great with child, who was brought to bed four moneths after of a girl; and returning to her native Countrey in the borders of Savoy, was not long after committed to prison by the command of P. Philibert D. of Savoy, for marrying against his con∣sent.

Notes

• * 1.1

  His Parentage.
• * 1.2

  His Fathers death.
• * 1.3

  His Mothers death.
• * 1.4

  Popes Policy.
• * 1.5

  His Birth.
• * 1.6

  His education.
• * 1.7

  His valour. He is wound∣ed.
• * 1.8

  His advance∣ment.
• * 1.9

  His military discipline.
• * 1.10

  His military service.
• * 1.11

  He is made Admirall.
• * 1.12

  He is made Generall.
• * 1.13

  He makes Peace with the Emperour.
• * 1.14

  His distast of perjury.
• * 1.15

  The cause of the feud be∣twixt, him and the Guises.
• * 1.16

  His courage.
• * 1.17

  S^t Quintan besieged.
• * 1.18

  His fidelity to his Countrey.
• * 1.19

  His industry.
• * 1.20

  The French Army routed.
• * 1.21

  The City bat∣tered.
• * 1.22

  S^t Quintan taken.
• * 1.23

  The Admirall taken.
• * 1.24

  His sicknesse a means of health to his soul.
• * 1.25

  He devests himself of his Offices.
• * 1.26

  His tempe∣rance.
• * 1.27

  Andelot que∣stioned for Religion.
• * 1.28

  His stout Answer.
• * 1.29

  His imprison∣ment.
• * 1.30

  The cause why he left his Offices.
• * 1.31

  His godly wife encourages him.
• * 1.32

  Persecution attends the Gospel.
• * 1.33

  He instructs and reforms the Family.
• * 1.34

  The power of Religion.
• * 1.35

  His prudent humility.
• * 1.36

  How Christ is received in the Sacrament.
• * 1.37

  He partakes of the Sacrament to the great joy of the Churches.
• * 1.38

  Persecution the bellows of the Gospel.
• * 1.39

  A meeting of the Nobility.
• * 1.40

  His zeal and courage.
• * 1.41

  The Prote∣stants Petition.
• * 1.42

  His boldnesse.
• * 1.43

  A Parliament desired.
• * 1.44

  The Prote∣stants persecu∣ted.
• * 1.45

  The Admirals oversight.
• * 1.46

  A general con∣vention of the States.

  A petition for the Protestants
• * 1.47

  The malice of the Clergy.
• * 1.48

  The Prote∣stants freed from persecu∣tion.
• * 1.49

  Churches al∣lowed them.
• * 1.50

  A massacre by the Duke of Guise.
• * 1.51

  The King sei∣zed on by the D. of Guise.
• * 1.52

  Why the Pro∣testants first took arms.
• * 1.53

  Prince of Con∣de made Ge∣nerall.

  The Admirall made Lieute∣nant Generall.
• * 1.54

  P. of Condees facility.
• * 1.55

  The Q Mo∣thers perfidi∣ousnesse. P. of Conde prisoner. The Admirall releases him.
• * 1.56

  His eldest Son dieth.
• * 1.57

  The Guises call in forraign help,
• * 1.58

  And so do the Protestants.
• * 1.59

  The Admirall taketh their ammunition.
• * 1.60

  A Battell.
• * 1.61

  Conde taken prisoner. The Admirals valour.
• * 1.62

  John Poltrot slew the Duke of Guise.
• * 1.63

  A wicked brag
• * 1.64

  A peace con∣cluded.
• * 1.65

  The Admirall accused.
• * 1.66

  He clears him∣self.
• * 1.67

  The contro∣versie deter∣mined by the King.
• * 1.68

  The Admirall cleared.
• * 1.69

  Treachery against the Admirall.
• * 1.70

  He forgives the Traitor.
• * 1.71

  The Q. Mo∣thers mischie∣vous counsels.
• * 1.72

  Her subtilty.
• * 1.73

  God follows her with the plague.
• * 1.74

  The Guises at∣tempts against the Prote∣stants
• * 1.75

  frustrated by the Admirall.
• * 1.76

  Lies raised of him.
• * 1.77

  His speech to the Parisians.
• * 1.78

  His speech to the Parliament
• * 1.79

  New treachery against him.
• * 1.80

  The Traytor executed.
• * 1.81

  The young Prince of Con∣de born.
• * 1.82

  The Admirall honoured.
• * 1.83

  New designs against the Protestants.
• * 1.84

  Roch-sur-yon.
• * 1.85

  The Prince of Conde and Ad∣mirall com∣plain to the King.
• * 1.86

  They are an∣swered with scorns.
• * 1.87

  The second Civil War.
• * 1.88

  Paris blocked up by the Prince.
• * 1.89

  A Battell.
• * 1.90

  The Admirall wonderfully preserved.
• * 1.91

  The Royalists routed.
• * 1.92

  They joyn with the Ger∣mans.
• * 1.93

  The Admirals prudence.
• * 1.94

  Caen besieged by the Prince.
• * 1.95

  Peace conclu∣ded.
• * 1.96

  The Admirals Wife dieth.
• * 1.97

  His counsell to his Children.
• * 1.98

  His charge to Grelleus.
• * 1.99

  His Wives character.
• * 1.100

  Popish trea∣chery.
• * 1.101

  A remarkable Providence.
• * 1.102

  A Prediction.
• * 1.103

  They send to the King.
• * 1.104

  The third Ci∣vil War.
• * 1.105

  A special pro∣vidence.
• * 1.106

  The Prote∣stants basely murthered.
• * 1.107

  The Queen of Navarr assists them.
• * 1.108

  Niort taken. Engolisme be∣sieged.
• * 1.109

  A Battell.
• * 1.110

  The Royalists beaten.
• * 1.111

  A special pro∣vidence.
• * 1.112

  The Admirals danger.
• * 1.113

  His valour.
• * 1.114

  Prince of Con∣de basely slain.
• * 1.115

  His character.
• * 1.116

  The Prince of Navarr in his room.
• * 1.117

  The Admirals piety.
• * 1.118

  His Authority to take up Arms.
• * 1.119

  Andelot's death.
• * 1.120

  The Admirals Letter to his Sons and Ne∣phews.
• * 1.121

  His Faith.
• * 1.122

  The Germans aid the Prote∣stants.
• * 1.123

  The Royalists beaten.
• * 1.124

  The Admirall sends to the King for Peace.
• * 1.125

  Lusiniac sur∣rendred.
• * 1.126

  Poictiers be∣sieged.

  The Admirals sicknesse.
• * 1.127

  Treachery a∣gainst the Ad∣mirall.
• * 1.128

  The Traitor executed.
• * 1.129

  The Royalists beaten.
• * 1.130

  The Admirall forced to fight.
• * 1.131

  His policy.
• * 1.132

  A special pro∣vidence.
• * 1.133

  He is wound∣ed.
• * 1.134

  His Army o∣verthrown.
• * 1.135

  His courage.
• * 1.136

  He is con∣demned by the Parliament of Paris.
• * 1.137

  His house plundered.
• * 1.138

  His contenta∣tion.
• * 1.139

  His justice.
• * 1.140

  His Letter to his Sons and Nephews.
• * 1.141

  They send to the King for Peace.
• * 1.142

  A Tyrannical speech.
• * 1.143

  The Admirall falls sick.
• * 1.144

  Ambassadours from the King
• * 1.145

  The great e∣steem of the Admirall.
• * 1.146

  The Treaty goes on.
• * 1.147

  Peace con∣cluded.
• * 1.148

  The Admirals second marri∣age.

  He marries his Daughter to Teligni.
• * 1.149

  Odet Coligni's death in England.
• * 1.150

  His character.
• * 1.151

  Popish cruel∣ties.
• * 1.152

  The Kings dissimulation.
• * 1.153

  The Kings dissimulation with the Ad∣mirall.
• * 1.154

  Royal dissimu∣lation.
• * 1.155

  The Admirals entertainment at Court.
• * 1.156

  The malice of the Duke of Guise.
• * 1.157

  The Kings dissembling Letter.
• * 1.158

  The King dis∣sembles with C. Lodwick.
• * 1.159

  Intercepted Letters which shewed the dissimulations.
• * 1.160

  The Admirals security.
• * 1.161

  The Queen of Navarr's death.
• * 1.162

  Her character.
• * 1.163

  The King sends for the Admirall.
• * 1.164

  His friends ad∣vertisements.
• * 1.165

  His security.
• * 1.166

  He went to Paris.
• * 1.167

  Warnings to the Admirall.
• * 1.168

  His confident answer.
• * 1.169

  Royal treache∣ry.
• * 1.170

  The Prote∣stants flock to Paris.
• * 1.171

  Deep dissimu∣lation.
• * 1.172

  Rochel block∣ed up.
• * 1.173

  The Admirall deluded.
• * 1.174

  The King of Navarr mar∣ried.
• * 2.1

  The Admirals Letter to his Wife.
• * 2.2

  The Kings dissimulation.
• * 2.3

  The Admirall wounded.
• * 2.4

  His admirable patience,
• * 2.5

  and Christian courage.
• * 2.6

  His charity.
• * 2.7

  His Prayer.
• * 2.8

  His comfort.
• * 2.9

  His Faith.
• * 2.10

  The Kings prophane dissimulation.
• * 2.11

  The King vi∣sits the Admi∣rall.
• * 2.12

  His speech to the King.
• * 2.13

  The Kings answer.
• * 2.14

  Deep dissimu∣lation.
• * 2.15

  The Bullet viwed.
• * 2.16

  Psal. 32.1.
• * 2.17

  A Councel held by the Protestants.
• * 2.18

  Presages of the Massacre.
• * 2.19

  Monluc's advice.
• * 2.20

  The Kings dissimulation.
• * 2.21

  Deep dissimu∣lation.
• * 2.22

  An ill omen.
• * 2.23

  Popish subtilty
• * 2.24

  Counsell that the Protestants should leave Paris.
• * 2.25

  A Judas.
• * 2.26

  The Massacre projected.
• * 2.27

  The Kings dissimulation with the King of Navarr.
• * 2.28

  The Duke of Guise excites to the Massa∣cre.
• * 2.29

  Fatall security
• * 2.30

  The Queen-Mothers mis∣chievous mind
• * 2.31

  The sign of the Massacre.
• * 2.32

  The Admirals house assault∣ed.
• * 2.33

  The Admirals speech.
• * 2.34

  The Admirall slain.
• * 2.35

  His body base∣ly abused.
• * 2.36

  His Head sent to Rome.
• * 2.37

  Yet buried.
• * 2.38

  His character.
• * 2.39

  His piety and zeal.
• * 2.40

  Examples pre∣valent.
• * 2.41

  His manner of preparing for the Lords Supper.
• * 2.42

  His care for education of children.
• * 2.43

  His contempt of the world.
• * 2.44

  Brotherly love
• * 2.45

  His age.
• * 2.46

  His abstinence
• * 2.47

  His daily ex∣ercise.
• * 2.48

  Teligni mur∣thered, and his young Son.