The life & death of Alexander the Great, the first founder of the Grecian empire ... as also, The life and death of Charles the Great, commonly called Charlemagne, the first founder of the French empire / by Sa. Clarke ...

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Title
The life & death of Alexander the Great, the first founder of the Grecian empire ... as also, The life and death of Charles the Great, commonly called Charlemagne, the first founder of the French empire / by Sa. Clarke ...
Author
Clarke, Samuel, 1599-1682.
Publication
London :: Printed for William Miller ...,
1665.
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Subject terms
Alexander, -- the Great, 356-323 B.C.
Charlemagne, -- Emperor, 742-814.
Link to this Item
http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A33319.0001.001
Cite this Item
"The life & death of Alexander the Great, the first founder of the Grecian empire ... as also, The life and death of Charles the Great, commonly called Charlemagne, the first founder of the French empire / by Sa. Clarke ..." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A33319.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 6, 2025.

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THE LIFE & DEATH OF CHARLES the GREAT, King of FRANCE, and Emperor of GERMANY.

PEPIN, sirnamed The short,* 1.1 the 23d. King of France (a wise and valiant Prince) had two Sons, Charles and Ca∣roloman, and five daughters: Birthe, who was maried to Milon Earl of Mans, by whom she had great Rowland: Hiltrude, maried to Rene Earl of Genes, by whom she had the renowned Oliver; Rohard, Adeline, Idubergue, Ode, and Alix.

Pepin being toiled out with great Wars, much broken with the care of Publike affairs, and now grown Old, that he might imploy his last dayes in the maintenance of Justice and Peace, the burden of War he laid upon his Eldest Son Charles, a wise and a valiant young Prince, of whose mo∣desty and obedience he was well assured: And then retiring to Paris, he was not long after surprised with sicknesse, in which he recommended his two Sonnes to the Estates of

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France,* 1.2 to give them portions at their pleasures, and so en∣ded his dayes Anno Christi 768.

He was a Religious Prince,* 1.3 wise, moderate, valiant, lo∣ving to his Subjects and beloved of them, happy in his Father, and his Children, and in his Government; An ex∣cellent Patterne for other Princes, who by his Example, hold it for an undoubted Maxim, That the strongest Fortress, and best security for a Prince, is the love of his Subjects, and the surest bond of his Authority, a respect gotten, and preser∣ved by virtue.

Pepin being dead, the Estates of France assembled toge∣ther,* 1.4 and by their joynt consents, divide the Kingdom be∣twixt his two Sons Charles, and Caroloman, by equal porti∣ons. Brothers these were of divers humors, who had cer∣tainly ruined each other by this equality of power, had not the death of Caroloman, within three years after, divolved the Goverment of the whole Realm upon Charles.

Charles was endowed with singular gifts both of Body and Mind,* 1.5 which were much improved by the sedulous care of his Prudent Father, manifested in the virtuous education of him: For which end he procured Paul of Pisa, a lear∣ned man, to instruct him in the Greek and Latin Tongues, and one Aymon to read to him Philosophy, and the Mathema∣ticks: Himself also trained him up in Feates of Armes, and Warlike exercises. But above all, and as the ground of all virtues, he was carefull to have him trained up, and well instructed in Religion, which all his life after he loved, and honored with great Reverence the Church and Pastors thereof. He called the study of Humane Sciences his Pa∣stimes, and the companions of his Sword, and did sometimes recreate himself therein. He loved Learning and Learned men by Nature. He delighted in Poesy, as some of his wri∣tings do shew; but especially in History, wherein he was exceeding well read. Charity, Temperance, Equity, care of Justice to releive his Subjects, to keep his Faith and pro∣mise, both to Friend and Foe, and to use a Victory modest∣ly, were the notable effects of his excellent knowledge, as remarkable in him as in any Prince that ever lived. The

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Universities of Paris, and Pisa (either Founded, or endow∣ed by him) witnesse the great love and honour that he did bear to learning.

During the Life of his Father Pepin,* 1.6 he shewed how much he had profited in Armes under so good a Schoolmaster, ha∣ving great Commands under him, which he discharged with notable reputation; and the improvement of his skill and a∣bility after he came to his Kingdom, shew plainly, that there was never any Soldier that carried Sword with more valour, nor great Captain that commanded with more Obedience, or that performed Noble Actions with greater successe, or that used his Victories with more mildnesse, and judgment. Neither did ever King or Prince rule with more authority, nor was more reverently obeyed by his Subjects and Soldi∣ers then our Charles; who therefore well deserved the name of Charlemagne, or Charles the Great, by reason of his great virtues. He was of a lively disposition, quick, active, and vehement: Quicquid egit, valdè egit: Yet modesty, and wisdom did so season, and moderate his vivacity, and vehe∣mency, as gave a great lustre to both, and kept them within their due bounds: And this mixture of divers humors so tempered with moderation, made him as admirable for his Judgment, as venerable in his Person and countenance.

There appeared in him a grave,* 1.7 sweet Majesty in a goodly Personage: His Body was large and strong: He was very patient of labour: Had a quick spirit, was cleer and sound, both in apprehension, memory, and Judgment: Resoluti∣on never failed him in difficulties, nor a Reply in Discourses. Terrible he was to some, Amiable to others, according to the Cause, Persons, and Occurents; which virtues purchased him such great esteem, as that he was beloved, respected, and reverenced of all men, which effects the story of his raign will shew: For having received a great Kingdom from his Father, he enlarged it with wonderfull successe; God having raised him up to be a Bulwork to Christians against the inundation and rage of Barbarous Nations in the decay and ruin of the Empire. And in prosecuting the Narrative hereof, I shall first set down his actions during the Life of

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his Brother Caroloman, then what he did from the time of his death, till he was made Emperor, and lastly what his Deportment was from thence to his Death.

Caroloman,* 1.8 being Crowned King at Soissons, as Charles was at Wormes, began to be extream jealous of his Brothers greatnesse, whom, with grief, he saw to be beloved, hono∣red, and obeyed by all the French, and that deservedly for his singular virtues and endowments both of Body and mind. This jealousie (too ordinary a concomitant of Princes) made him seek by all meanes to undermine, and overthrow the affairs of Charlemagne, whose eyes were fixed upon Italy, as the fittest, and most glorious Theatre wherein to exercise his valour, and to maintain his authority and power amongst Christians; and Caroloman did all that possibly he could to cross his designes therein. But before I bring him upon that stage, give me leave to shew you what at this time was the State of Italy, and Rome.

Rome (sometimes the Head of the World) was of late be∣come the Chaos of all confusion,* 1.9 the Randevouz of all Bar∣barous Nations, as if they had vowed the ruine thereof by turnes, having already sackt it three times. For under the Empire of Honorius, Anno Christi 414. The Goths, under their King Alaricus, after two years seige, took it, and sackt it, but did not dismantle it. Forty five years after, du∣ring the Empire of Martian, Anno Christi 459. the Vandales, under the conduct of Genserick their King, took it again, sackt it, spoiled and disgraced it, leading the Wddow of the Em∣peror Valentinian the third, away in Triumph. And in the time of Justinian the Emperor, the Goths, under the com∣mand of Totila, having weakned it by a long seige, took it, sackt, and dismantled it. Thus Rome was no more Rome, but a spectacle of horrid confusion: after so many devastati∣ons retaining nothing of her antient beauty, but only the traces of her old buildings, and the punishment of her Ido∣latry and Tyranny; Afterwards the Longobards, or Lom∣bards held Italy, for the space of two hundred years, till by our Charlemagne they were subdued, and expelled.

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Presently after the Death of Pepin, the Church of Rome fell into great confusions by the practices of Didier King of Lombardy, who having corrupted some of the Clergy, cau∣sed Constantine, Brother to Toton, Duke of Nepezo, to be chosen Pope,* 1.10 which he persecuted with such violence, that he procured Philippicus, who was already Canonically cho∣sen, to be deposed: But the better party, seeing them∣selves contemned by the Lombards, assembled together, and by common consent, chose Steven the third (a Sicilian by birth) Pope; who being conscious to his own weaknesse, resolved to call in the King of France, and to oppose him a∣gainst his too-powerfull enemies.

Charles being thus sollicited by the Pope, sent twelve Prelates speedily to Rome, that he might strengthen the Popes party against the other, intending in a greater need to apply a greater remedy; and the matter succeeded accord∣ing to his desire. For a Councel being assembled at Late∣ran,* 1.11 they confirmed Steven, lawfully chosen, and depo∣sed Constantine, who was set up by disorder and violence. But Didier would not rest satisfied with this affront, and seeing that force had succeeded no better, he resolved to try Policy, intending to undermine Steven with fair pretences: For which end he sent to congratulate his Election, purged himself in reference to the Anti-Pope Constantine,* 1.12 now de∣graded: accused both him and his Brother Toton of ambi∣tion, and protested to live with Steven in amity; and to ma∣nifest this his good meaning, he desired him to be pleased with his repair to Rome, that there he might confer with him in private. The Pope (who never seeks to the French but in case of necessity) was easily perswaded by Didier, who came to Rome, conferred with the Pope, and made great Protestations of his Obedience to him. But these his faire shewes continued not long.

There was at this time at Rome a Governour for the Ea∣sterne Emperor, called Paul Ephialte, him Didier corrup∣ted, and the administration of Justice being in his hands, he made use of him so cunningly, as that in the presence of Pope Steven, he caused him to seize upon two of his cheif Se∣cretaries,

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Christopher,* 1.13 & Sergius (whom Didier accused of some pretended crimes) and presently to hang them in an infamous manner. Their greatest offence was, because they favored the French. Neither did he rest here, but cau∣sed all the principal Citizens to be banished, whom he ob∣served to be of the French faction, that so, having re∣moved all hinderances, he might be Master of Rome in despite of the Pope.

Steven was not so dull but he discovered the Lombards pra∣ctice exceedingly to tend to his prejudice:* 1.14 whereupon he sent to Charlemagne, beseeching him to prepare an Army against Didiers force. This Charlemagne easily assented to, and fully resolved upon: But Didier had provided a diver∣tisment in France by the meanes of Caroloman, to stop Charles his passage into Italy, making work for him in Guien∣ne, where there arose a perilous Warre upon this occasion.

Though the Country of Guienne depended upon the Crown of France,* 1.15 yet were there many Tumults raised by the pra∣ctices of some Noblemen of the Countrey, who frequently stirred up the people (mutinous enough of themselves) to Rebellion. The cause of these Troubles was, the abuse of the former Kings Clemency and Bounty, who suffered such people as he Conquered, to enjoy their priviledges and li∣berties. Eudon (a Nobleman of Guienne) began first un∣der Martel, Jeffery and Hunult his Children, and heirs of his discontent, had continued it under Pepin; and Jeffery be∣ing now dead, Hunalt succeeded him with the like hatred, which Caroloman fomented, that he might imploy him a∣gainst his Brother Charles.

Guienne was a part of Charles his portion: But Hunalts design was, to withdraw that Country wholly from the Crown of France, and for that end he pretended a Title to the Dukedom thereof, labouring to procure the people to Elect him, having the promise, and assistance of Caroloman to further him therein. Indeed the countenance of Carolo∣man could do much; but the wisdome and courage of Char∣lemagne prevailed more: For being advertised of Hunalts practice, and of his Brothers secret designes, he armed

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with such speed, as that he surprised the Townes of Poi∣ctiers,* 1.16 Xante, and Angoulesm, and all the Country adjoyn∣ing, Hunalt (who had reckoned without Charles) finding himself thus prevented, fled to a Noble man of that Coun∣try called Loup, whom he held, not only to be firme to his fa∣ction, but also his trusty and affectionate friend.

Charlemagne being informed hereof, sent presently to Loup, requiring him to deliver Hunalt into his hands, who was guilty of high Treason;* 1.17 and in the mean time he built a Fort in the middest of the Country, where the Rivers of Dordonne, and Lisle do joyn, which he called Fronsac, the better to secure his Country against such Invaders. Loup, not daring to refuse, delivered up Hunalt, and all his Fami∣ly into the hands of Charles, who pardoned Loup, and all that obeyed him; thus ending a dangerous Warre without blowes: And to Hunalt he granted life, and liberty, and the enjoyment of his goods; leaving a memorable example to all Princes how to carry themselves in a Civil War, pre∣venting a mischief by prudence, and diligence, and not to thrust their vanquished Subjects into despair by ri∣gour.

Caroloman seeing his practices against his Brother to suc∣ceed so ill, undertook a journy to Rome, with an intent to cause some alterations there, which yet he covered with a pretence of devotion. He also took his Mother Berthe a∣long with him, and in their passage, they were honourably entertained by Didier King of the Lombards, where Berthe treated, and concluded a marriage between her Son Charle∣magne, and Theodora, Sister, or Daughter to this Didier, who was one of the greatest enemies to her Sons good Fortune.* 1.18 Yet Charlemagne (to please his Mother) received his Wife, but soon after, put her away, as neither suiting with his af∣fects, or affaires, and so, that which was intended as a cause of love, bred a greater hatred betwixt these two Princes. Caroloman having effected nothing at Rome answerable to his desire,* 1.19 but only discovered his foolish, and malitious jealou∣sie, too apparent under his feigned devotion, returned in∣to France, and there soon after died. Anno Christi 770.

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Leaving the intire Kingdom to his Brother, who had now no Corival.

Charlemagne having put away his Wife Theodora upon su∣spition of incontinency,* 1.20 he married Hildegard, or Ilde∣grade, Daughter to the Duke of Sueve, his Vassall, by whom he had Charles, Pepin, and Lewis, and three Daugh∣ters, Rotrude, Brthe, and Gille, who were the Nursery of his Noble Family. But Carolomans jealousie died not with him, but survived in his Wife Berthe, who (being impati∣ent of her present condition, and thrust headlong with a spi∣rit of revenge against her Brother in Law, Charles) retired with her two Sons to Didier, King of Lombardy, as to the most bitter, and irreconcilable enemy of her Brother Charles. Didier intertained her and her Children very curteously, hoping by them to promote his design: But it proved the leaven of his own destruction. His practice (together with the Widdows) was to procure the present Pope, who (Ste∣ven being dead) was one Adrian,* 1.21 a Roman Gentleman, to Crown, and confirm the Sons of Caroloman for Kings of France, wherein the Lombard had two designs. First, by this meanes to bring the Pope in disgrace with Charle∣magne, that he might the easilier suppresse him, being de∣stitute of the French aides, whereon he chiefly relyed; and Secondly to set France in a flame, by setting up new Kings in it.* 1.22 Didier therefore earnestly besought the Pope to grant this favour to the Sons of Caroloman for his sake: But Adrian (well acquainted with the Lombards humour) was so resolute in denying his request, as that they fell into open hatred. And Didier being much displeased with this repulse, took Armes, and with his Forces entred into the Exarchy, being a Signory under the Popes jurisdiction,* 1.23 and besieged Ravenna, the chief City of the Exarchie: Whereupon the Pope sent his Nuncio to him, to expostulate the cause of this so sudden War against his Subjects; desiring him to restore what he had taken, and not to proceed in this Hostile man∣ner without any reasonable cause, and that upon the pain of Excommunication.

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At the same time there fell out a great occasion to en∣crease the hatred between Charlemagne and Didier:* 1.24 For that Hunalt (who had bin before vanquished in Guienne, and to whom Charles had shew'd so much favor) very ingratefully retir'd himself to Didier, who did not only receive him courte∣ously, but honored him by making him Generall of his Army which he had raised against the Pope. And Didier suffered him∣self to be so far abused by the insinuations, and perswasions of Hunalt, touching the meanes to attempt something against the Estates of Charlemagne, that holding Italy undoubtedly for his own, he plotted a War, and assured himself of a cer∣tain victory in France. Thus Ambition and Covetousnesse hasten mens ruine. The Pope having no other defence to secure his Estate but his Excommunication,* 1.25 which against Di∣dier proved but Brutum fulmen, a meer scarecrow, he was forced to have recourse to Charlemagne, as to his Sacred Anchor, or last Hope, intreating speedy aide from him in this his great necessity. Charlemagne had great reason to Arme against Didier, who had alwayes crossed his affairs; fed and fomented his Brothers jealousies, entertained his Widdow, and Children, and laboured to have them chosen Kings of France, and all to trouble or ruin his estate. He had also received his rebellious Subjects, and with their aid, pra∣cticed to make a War against him.

The sollicitation,* 1.26 and request also of the Roman Church was a great incentive to induce him to Arm, against him, who professed himself to be an open enemy to the Christian Reli∣gion, whereof the former Kings of France had shewed them∣selves Protectors, and Guardians. But that he might not at∣tempt any thing rashly, he first sent his Ambassadors to the Pope, to assure him of his good will, and promising not to wanting to him in his necessitie: Yet withall, to tell him, that he thought it best, first to use mildnesse, before he at∣tempted force against the Lombard. He therefore sent also his Ambassadors to Didier to summon him to restore what he had taken from the Pope, and to suffer him to live in Peace. Di∣dier (who relied much upon his Policy) gave good words to the Ambassadors, promising them to perform all that Charles

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required, but in effect, he would have the Pope to accept of conditions of Peace from him, and that the Children of Caroloman should be declared Kings of France.

These demands were judged so unreasonable, that the Treaty was broken, and the French Ambassadors returned home: And Didier prosecutes his War against the Church more eagerly then he did before;* 1.27 and having spoiled all the Territories of Ravenna, he took Faenza, Ferrara, Comachia, Campagnia, and Romandiola, Towns of the six Govern∣ments, or Hexarchy. Charlemagnes Ambassadors, upon their return, inform their Master, that the War with the Lombard could not be avoided: and they found Charles in a Posture fit to invade Italy: For he had Levyed a goodly Army to suppresse the rebellious Saxons, who (impatient of the French yoke) revolted daily from his Obedience, which Army was now ready to be imployed against the Lom∣bard.

Yet was not Charlemagne willing to attempt any thing in a matter of such importance without the advise of his Estates,* 1.28 and therefore he presently summoned a Parliament, and (being loath to lose time) in the mean season he caused his Army to March, and to make there Rendevouz at Geneva, (a Town under his Obedience, and in the way to Italy) and having divided his Army into two Parts, he seized upon the Passages of Mount-Cenis, and St. Bernard, which are the two entrances from France into Italy.

The Estates at their meeting having found the Causes of War against Didier,* 1.29 King of Lombardy, to be just, Charle∣magne caused his Army to advance with all speed, and to joyn near to Verceil. There Didier attended him and gave him Battel: But at the first encounter he was vanquished by Charlemagne. After which, the Lombard rallying, and reenforcing his Army, fights him again, and was again bea∣ten, and so shattered were his Troops, that he was enforced to suffer his Enemy to be Master of the Field; which proved an infallible Harbinger to his totall Ruine. Thus having tumultuously trussed up what he could in such haste, he sent his Son Aldegise to Verona, with the Widdow and Children

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of Caroloman: and cast himself into Pavia, which he had diligently Fortified, as the Fortress, or Dungeon rather of his last Fortune.

Charlemagne pursues him at the heels,* 1.30 and with all his Forces besieged him in Pavia, resolving to have it at what price soever. And to make his resolution the more mani∣fest, he sent for his Wife and Children into Italy, to the end that the Italians (who hitherto were doubtfull to whom to adhere) might know his mind, and without attending any new occurrents, might resolve to obey the Victor.

Having thus cooped up Didier in Pavia, and seised upon all the avenues, he resolved to attempt Verona also, which they held to be the strongest place in all Lombardy. So lea∣ving his Uncle Bernard to continue the siege of Pavia, he marched with part of his Army to Verona.

His beginnings being so succesfull,* 1.31 and this Check given to Didier, (who was now, as it were, shut up in Prison,) gave a great alteration to the affaires of either party amongst these people of diverse humours. The Spoletines, and Rea∣tines, and those of Ancona, of Fermo, and of Ossino (stri∣ving as it were, which should be first) yielded to Charle∣magne, and detested the wretched, and forlorn estate of Didier, as a worthy reward of his Treachery, Injustice, and Violence. The Venetians (who were Neuters, and specta∣tors of this Tragedy, and had never dealt in any sort with Didier) offered amity and succours to Charlemagne, who de∣sired them to keep the Seas quiet, lest the Emperor of Con∣stantinople should espouse Didiers quarrel, and cause any new disturbance.

Charlemagne staid not long about Verona before the City began to think of yielding: and Berthe, the Widdow of Caroloman, was the chief Instrument to draw them to a sur∣render, the French Forces being (as she said) very formi∣dable. Aldegise, the Son of Didier, seeing the Citizens so unanimous in their resolutions to open their Gates to the Conqueror, and being unable to relieve his Father, he se∣cretly stole away, and fled to the Emperor of Corstantino∣ple. Then did Verona yeild to Charlemagne upon composition,* 1.32

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who received both the Inhabitants, and Berthe to mercy, keeping his agreement punctually with them; upon Berthe & her Children, he inflicted no punishment; but only blamed them for their uncivil rashness, and enjoyned them to return into France, there to do better, and to live more honorably. This being about Easter, Charlemagne took the oportunity to go to Rome, where yet he staied only eight dayes to visit the most remarkable places, and to confet with Pope Adri∣an. The Pope made Charles a Patrician of Rome, which was a step to mount him to the Empire. From thence he hasted, and came to Pavia, which had now been besieged for the space of ten moneths: and being pressed by Warre without, and by the Famine, and Pestilence within, it at last yeilded upon composition: and Didier (who had hated Charles without cause,* 1.33 and attempted War rashly) fell into his enemies hands, who yet shewed himself Prudent in un∣dertaking the War, and mild and modest in his use of the Victory.

Thus Charlemagne having begun the War justly, and ended it happily,* 1.34 ruined the Kingdom of the Lombards in Italy, car∣rying Didier prisoner with him to Lions, or to Leg; for Authors agree not of the certain place. This was Anno Christi 776. A notable date to present the Tragicall end of so great a Kingdom, which had continued in Italy for the space of two hundred and four years under Princes of diverse dispositions. But Pride, Injustice and Tyranny, had provo∣ked the wrath of God against them, so as whilst they thought to take from another, they lost their own; To usurp the liberties of others, they fell into ignominious slavery them∣selves; and their subtilty proved the occasion, and hastener of their ruine. An excellent Pattern for Princes and great States not to attempt an unjust and unnecessary War, nor to usurp upon any other mans right, thinking to prevail over a good cause by Craft and Policy.

Charlemagne (as was said before) used his Victory with great moderation towards the Conquered Nation,* 1.35 which gave great content to all the Italians, who held it a gain to have lost their old Master, & to be rightly made free by being

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subject to so wise a Lord. For he left unto them their ancient liberties, and to particular Princes (such as were Vassalls to Didier) their Signeories. To Aragise, Son in Law to Didier, he left the Marquisat of Beneventum. He placed French Go∣vernors in Conquered Lombardy, whom he ordered to treat these his new Subjects with the like mildnesse, as he shewed to those of his antient Patrimony left unto him by his Prede∣cessors.

During the Seige of Pavia,* 1.36 Pope Adrian held a Councel at Rome, in favour to Charlemagne, to give him honours answerable to his merits of the Church, wherein it was de∣clared, that the right to give all Benefices throughout all Christendom did belong to him.

No sooner was Charlemagne returned into France,* 1.37 but Aldegise (the Son of Didier) sought to disquiet Italy, being assisted by Constantine, the Emperor of Constantinople, and the practises of Rogand, to whom Charlemagne had given Friul, who now revolted from his Obedience. But the vi∣gilancy, and care of the Governors whom Charlemagne had set over his new-conquered Subjects, soon put an end to these Rebellions:* 1.38 and Rogand being taken, suffered accor∣ding to his demerits, being beheaded by the Kings command∣ment. Thus Italy remaining quiet to him, and his, (as con∣quered by a just War) it was afterwards incorporated into the French Monarchy in his posterity, being given in Par∣tage to the Children of France, whilst the good Govern∣ment of the French Kings maintained the dignity of the Crown.

But the end of this War proved the beginning of another in Germany,* 1.39 whereof the Saxons were the chief promoters, drawing other People of Germany in to their assistance. This War continued the space of thirty years, yet not without some intermissions: The Saxons having still a mind to oppose and Cross Charlemagne in his proceedings, especially when he was busied in other affaires of great consequence.

These Saxons were subject to the Crown of France, e∣specially under Martel, and Pepin his Son. The motives of this War were diverse: The impatiency of a People desi∣ring

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their antient liberty,* 1.40 and not able to bear subjection to a forreigner: the hatred & jealousie of a Potent neighbour, threatning them with servitude: A controversie about the li∣mits and bounds of their Lands: But the greatest, and most important cause was, the diversity of Religion: For the Saxons were obstinate in retaining and cleaving to their Pa∣gan superstition, which they had received from their Fore∣fathers, and Charlemagne urged them to forsake their Pa∣ganisme, and Idolatry, and to make open profession of the Christian Faith; being moved with Zeal to the general ad∣vancement of the Truth, and the private Duty of a Prince to his subjects, to provide for their soules health. Upon this controversie about Religion the Saxons fought eight times with Charlemagne: especially taking advantage when they found him busied elsewhere, watching their oportunities ei∣ther to cross him in his designes, or to frustrate his attempts. At such time as he was in Italy against Didier, they played Rex, not only in rejecting the French command, but also in making War against those Cities in Germany which o∣beyed Charlemagne. They had taken Eresbourg from the Crown of France even upon his return, and besieged Si∣gisbourg, robbing, and spoiling all the Country round a∣bout.

Charlemagne (who would never undertake any weighty matter without good advise) assembled a Parliament at Wormes,* 1.41 and by their Counsel and assistance, levied a great Army, to Charge the Saxons in diverse places at once. This resolution succeeded happily: For having vanquished the Saxons twice in one moneth in a pitched Field, he soon re∣duced them to their antient obedience: Using his Victo∣ries with much modesty and discretion; desiring rather to shew them the power of his authority, then the rigour of his force.* 1.42 The chief amongst the Saxons was Widichind, and as Religion was the chief motive of their frequent Rebel∣lions; so Charlemagne, seeking the establishment of the Chri∣stian Religion in Saxony with great Zeal, after much relu∣ctance, happily effected it. For having vanquished this Widichind, by reason and humanity, he brought him to the

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knowledge of the Truth;* 1.43 and by his grave and prudent con∣versation, he perswaded him without any Violence, to leave and forsake his Pagan superstition, which force of Armes could never have effected in him, nor in the Saxons. For mens soules are not be compelled with force of Armes, but with reason. And by the meanes and endeavours of this Widichine, the greatest part of the Saxons were brought to the know∣ledge of the true God, and the obedience of the French Mo∣narchy: And the most obstinate were forced, either to sub∣mit, or to abandon their Country. And indeed great num∣bers of Saxons retired themselves into divers strange Coun∣tryes.

Thus the War with the Saxons was happily ended (which had been long & dangerous) and the Conquered, by the Truth were the true Conquerors, by attaining to the knowledge of the true God. Charlemagne was very carefull to have them well instructed in the Truth: For which end he ap∣pointed godly and learned men in all places, and gave them honourable maintenance, whereby he shewed that his Pie∣ty was not inferior to his Valour, and happy successe; and for a president to Princes to make Religion the Soveraign end of their Armes and Authorities.

This Widichind was very eminent, both for Wisdome, Valour, and Authority in his Country; and from him are descended many famous Families: as the two Henries, the one called the Fowler, and the other of Bamberg; and the two Othos, all of them Emperors: as also the Dukes of Sax∣ony, the Marquesses of Misnia, the Dukes of Savoy, and the famous race of Hugh Capet in France.

From this War of Saxony did spring up many others in the Northen parts, of which we shall hear afterwards; but be∣cause in the Interim their fell out great Wars in Spain against the Sarazins, which (like a Deluge) threatned to over-run all Christendom, I shall intermit the former, till I have spoken something of this latter, that I may proceed with the more clearness in the remainder of this History.

The motive of the Spanish War,* 1.44 was more upon pleasure then necessity: But Zeal of Religion gave a colour and

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shew of necessity to the Heroical designes of Charlemagne, who sought to enlarge the limits of the French Monarchy by his Armes. But this his Spanish War, as it was undertaken upon lighter grounds, so was it, more painfull, more dan∣gerous, and lesse successefull then that of Italy, whereunto necessity and Duty had drawn Charlemagne; yet did his wise and wary proceeding in the action, warrant him from all blame. The occasions whch moved him to bend his Forces against the Sarazins in Spain were, the assurance of good successe, the quiet and peace of his Realme, that he might have opportunity to imploy his Souldiery, the hate of the Spaniards against the Sarazins, and the generall fear of all Christians, least these Caterpillers should creep further into Europe.

This was the estate of Spain at this time. The Sarazins had conquered a great part of it, and were divided under diverse Commands which had the Title of Kingdoms. Yet these diverse Kings (being apprehensive of their common danger) resolved to unite their forces against Charlemagne, their common enemy; and foreseeing the Tempest, they sought to prevent it, and to cross the designes of Charle∣magne: For which end, they suborned King Idnabala, a Sarazin, being a very subtile, and crafty man, to insinuate himself into the acquaintance, and familiarity of Charlemagne, which stratagem prevailed more then all their Power and Forces.

Charlemagne was much quickned to this War by Alphonso,* 1.45 surnamed the Chast, King of Navar, & by the Asturians, and Gallizians (Christian People of Spain) who suggested to him that the War would be easie, profitable, and honourable, and therefore most worthy the Valour, and Fortune of Charlemagne. This Idnabala also (under a shew of friend∣ship) laboured to hasten him to the execution of this en∣terprise, from which he knew well he could not divert him, that he might the better betray him by discovering his Coun∣sels to the Sarazins.

Charlemagne being wel-affected of himself,* 1.46 and thus exci∣ted by others, assembled a Parliament at Noyon, and there

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concluded a War against the Sarazins in Spain. The army which he imployed in this action was very great, both for number of men, and Valour of Commanders, and Cheif∣taines, being the most choise and worthy Captaines in all Christendom:* 1.47 amongst whom, these were of chiefest note, Milon Earl of Angers: Rowland the Son of Milon, and Ber∣the, Sister to Charlemagne; Renald of Montaubon. The four Sons of Aymon: Oger the Dane: Oliver, Earl of Gene∣va: Arnold of Belland: Brabin, and many others. The Valour of which persons hath been fabulously related by the Writers of those dark times (who for the most part were Friers, concerning whom the Proverb was, a Fryer, a Ly∣er,) with the addition of a thousand ridiculous Tales, so that the truth is hardly picked out from the midst of so much error: Yet what is most probable, and can be gathered out of the most authentick Authors shall be here set down. They say, that Charlemagne, to make this undertaking more ho∣nourable in shew, did at this time institute the Order of the twelve Peers of France.

Charlemagne being entred into Spain with his brave Army,* 1.48 found no object for them whereon to exercise their Valour: For the Sarazins, resolving to make a defensive, rather then an offensive War, had withdrawn themselves into their Cities, which they had fortified strongly. The most re∣nowned of the Sarazin Kings at this time, were Aigoland, Bellingan, Dmises, Marsile, and Idnabala: But this last, as was said before, made shew of much friendship to Charle∣magne, and of open hatred against the other Sarazin Kings; with whom notwithstanding he held secret and strickt intel∣ligence to betray Charlemagne unto them.

The first City that the French attempted was Pampelune,* 1.49 in the Kingdom of Navarr, the which they took by force, but with much paines, danger, and losse. Having sackt this City, and put all the Sarazins in it to the sword, they mar∣ched to Saragoce, which yielded to them upon composition, as did also many other small Townes, being terrified with the example of Pampelune. This prosperous beginning en∣couraged Charlemagne to advance forward, relying on his

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wonted Fortune and good successe: But as he passed tho∣row the Provinces of Spain, like a Victorious Prince, without any opposition, he divided his Army, and gave part of it to be conducted by Milon of Angers, his Brother in Law, who in his March near unto Bayon, was set upon by Aigo∣land, the Sarazin King, who in this common danger had thrust an army into the Field,* 1.50 and now assaulted Milon, and his Troops, little expecting any enemy, and took him at such an advantage, as he defeated him.

This losse was very great: For Writers say that forty thousand of the French here lost their lives; Milon himselfe being also slain for a confirmation of the Sarazins Victory. Charlemagne was at this time afar off, and so notable by any diligence to prevent the losse. Yet he suppressed his grief and trouble, least he should discourage the whole Army: and so hastning thitherward, he gathered up the remainder of those broken, and dispersed Troops, withall, keeping the Conquered Cities, and such as were Friends in their due Obedience: But after this there fell out another acci∣dent.

Aigoland being puffed up with Pride through his late Vi∣ctory,* 1.51 marched with his Army into Gascoine, and besieged Agen, to divert Charlemagne from his pursuit, and to draw him home to defend his own Country.* 1.52 So as Charlemagne, fearing least his own absence, and the Sarazins late Victo∣ry should cause any alteration in the minds of them of Gui∣enne, being then Subjects of whom he had no great assurance, he returned into France. Aigoland had now continued some moneths at the siege of Agen, yet had prevailed little, but only in over-runing the Country, which he did freely (with∣out any considerable resistance) even unto Xaintonge: the Country-men in the mean time retiring into the Walled Townes, expected the return of Charlemagne their King: Aigolands Army was very great, and puffed up with the re∣membrance of their late Victory: So as Charlemagne return∣ing with his Forces from Spain well tired, he maintained his Countries more through his authority, then by present force; yet did he give life to the courage of his Subjects with his

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presence, and bridled the proud Sarazin, who could not be ignorant with whom he had to deal, nor where he was, being environed with the enemies on all sides, and in an ene∣mies Country.

Hereupon Aigoland,* 1.53 pretending an inclination unto peace, gave Charlemagne to understand that he had been the first Invader, and that his own comming into France was on∣ly to draw his enemy out of Spain, and to cause him to leave to the Sarazins their conquered Countries free: and therefore (said he) the Treaty of an accord is easy, seeing all the question is only to leave to every man his own, and to suffer him to enjoy it quietly, the world be∣ing wide enough for us all. But to the end this Treaty might take good effect, after many messages to and fro, they resolve to come to a Parlee: and upon Charlemagnes Faith given, Aigoland came to his Camp.

Charlemagne, either really moved with a Zeal for Religi∣on, or at least, making it the colour of his Actions, gave the Sarazin to understand, that he should have his Friend∣ship if he would leave his Pagan Superstition, be Baptised, and make open profession of Christianity. The Sarazin, although he had a goodly Army, yet not willing to ha∣zard any thing, and content with his former revenge upon Charlemagne, desired nothing more then to return quietly into Spaine. And being now in the middest of his enemies Camp, to maintain his reputation, he made no shew at all of fear, but talking to his own advantage (as if no force, but only reason should move him) he entred into a serious and cunning discourse with Charlemagne, shewing, That un∣necessary Wars were the ruin of mankind, and that he was grieved to see so much Blood spilt: That he had not begun, but followed, being urged by necessity to defend himself and his Country against the Forces of Charlemagne: That he was not yet so dejected, nor his Forces so weak as to re∣fuse the Battel: But for that it would be an infinite losse to hazard the lives of so many men, he desired rather to make tryal of the right by some Troops, and they that vanquish∣ed should be deemed to have the right, and true Religion

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on their side: Protesting to yeild to that Religion which should appear to be best upon this tryal. This Proposal, and condition was accepted by Charlemagne: The Com∣bate was fought, the proof made, and the Christian Troop vanquished that of the Sarazin.

Then did Aigoland protest openly,* 1.54 that he would be∣come a Christian, but in heart he had no such meaning, and therefore took this opportunity to fly from his promise. He gives Charlemagne a visit, and finds him at the Table, well accompanyed with his chief followers, (for then it was the Custome of Kings not sit, and eat alone) but, casting his eye aside, he saw twelve poor men ill apparelled, sitting upon the ground, near to the Table of the Noblemen; and demand∣ding what those poor, miserable Creatures were which did there feed apart: One answered, That they were the ser∣vants of God: He then replyed, surely your God is of small account, whose servants are so miserable, and contemptible: And thereupon takes an occasion to retire himself, having lost nothing, but made great advantage by this Treaty: Having hereby qualified the force of Charlemaegne, viewed his Army, made shew of his own Courage and dexterity, and all, without an Ambassador.

Charlemagne on the other side,* 1.55 seeing himselfe thus deluded and affronted, was resolved to take revenge for so notable a loss of men, and so bold an attempt of the Sara∣zin, so that withall speed he raised an Army of a hundred and thirty thousand men, and being thus fraught with Chol∣ler and indignation, he returned into Spain. His first en∣try was prosperous: For in the encounter he defeated Ai∣golands Army near to Pampelune, and for a Seal of his Victo∣ry,* 1.56 he carried ••••ay the head Aigoland his enemy, who was slain by the hand of Arnold of Belange, a Noble and Valiant Knight: But the sequel was not answerable to the beginning: For notwithstanding the overthrow of the Sara∣zin Troops, all the rest in Spain were not vanquished, where there were more Kings, and more men of War, who kept correspondence with Amurath, King of Babylon, which place was their Nursery, and Storehouse.

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Marsile and Belingand,* 1.57 two Brethren, were the chief of the remainder of the Sarazin Army,* 1.58 wherein there was a great Babylonian Gyant, called Ferragat, of an exceeding stature, him did Rowland slay, who was Nephew to Char∣lemagne; after which the Sarazins gathered together the relicts of their brooken Troops, and made a shew of reso∣lute men, vowing to sell their lives at a dear rate to Charl∣magne, being favoured by many great, and good Townes in the Country. Charlemagne makes a sudden stop and pur∣sues not his Victory, God reserving to himself a Soveraign power over all mens designes, yea, over the greatest, and in matters of greatest consequence, to the end that all may learn to ask counsell and successe of him, and it was his will, and pleasure that the French Forces should not conquer and possesse Spain, the which he had reserved as a portion for another Nation.

Thus Charles,* 1.59 who should have prosecuted his late Victo∣ry vigorously, grew remiss, which encouraged Idnabala the Sarazin (who had free accesse into the Camp) to make a motion of Peace. He was a good Secretary of his own Companions minds, what shew soever he made of speaking of himself. Charlemagne (finding by his late experience that the event of Warre is uncertain and doubtfull, and that this War tended to the loss of his Subjects, who imployed both their lives and goods for the purchass of an uncertain Victory, and seeing himself overburdened with great affairs in his other Estates, to the preservation whereof reason did summon him rather then to seek for new) he seemed not unwilling to hearken to the motion of Idnabala, who as∣sured him that he found the Sarazins affaires to be so despe∣rate, that they would be glad to embrace his friendship at whatsoever rate they purchased it. The Treaty hereupon began, and the cheif Article was propounded, which was, that they should embrace the Christian Religion, and this Charlemagne seemed to urge with great vehemency: but finding the Sarazins obstinate in their refusall, he was con∣tent to grant them peace, paying him some great summs of money, as a token that they had been vanquished by him.

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And accordingly he sent a Noble man of his Court,* 1.60 named Ganes, to treat with them, who (being by Bribes cor∣rupted by Marsile, and Bllingand) undertook so to order businesses, that Charlemagne should return into France, and by the way, should receive a notable disgrace: yet they seemed to make such a Composition and agreement, which in shew, was very honorable for Charlemagne: to whom they pro∣mised to pay (as an Homage, and acknowledgment for the peace he should grant them) what sums of mony he would appoint, and that thereupon he should retire with his Army into France; yet leaving such Forces in Spaine as he pleased, to see the condition which should be agreed upon, perfor∣med. But Ganes had discovered to them, that Charlemagne upon other accounts, was necessitated to return, and therefore desired to leave the smallest Forces that he could in Spaine.

The Agreement being thus concluded,* 1.61 Charlemagne de∣parted with his Army, attending a better opportunity to ef∣fect what he had designed: and he left his Nephew Rowland only with twenty thousand men, to see the conditions per∣formed. And to make his passage into France the more ea∣sy, he commanded him to lodge in a place of advantage, in the Pyrenean Mountaines, called Roncevaux: and so the French Army marched backwards to France, under the con∣duct of Charlemagne, who little dreamed of such an affront as he shortly after met with.

Whilst the French Army were upon their retreat, Marsile and Bellingand slept not, but gathering together all the Forces they could, they lodged them secretly in the hollow Caves of those Mountaines, being places inaccessible, and wholly unknown but only to the Inhabitants of those Coun∣tries. They had intelligence given them by Ganes what number of men Charlemagne had left in Spaine,* 1.62 under the command of Rowland, to whom the reputation of his Uncle, and the good will of the People of Spaine in the Chiefest Townes, was of more use then his twenty thousand men, although they were the choise of all the Army. Rowland had no fear of an Enemy, when as returning to his Garri∣son,

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he was suddenly set upon by the Sarazins, who were far more in number then the French, who seing them∣selves thus treacherously assaulted, and compassed in, de∣fended themselves valiantly against those miscreants: But still fresh Troops of Sarazins issued forth of these Caves on every side in so great numbers as that in the end, the French (tired and spent in so long and painfull a conflict) were op∣pressed by the multitudes, rather then overcome by the Va∣lour of their enemies.

Rowland in so great and extreame a danger (gathering together the pieces of his shipwrack) performed both the Duty of a good Commander,* 1.63 and of a valiant, and reso∣lute souldier, fighting gallantly, and having beaten ••••wn a great number where the enemies were thickest; he at length came where King Marsile was, whom he slew with his own hands. But Belingand, holding the Victory abso∣lutely his own, pursued the French with great violence; in so much as Rowland (not able to hold out any longer) reti∣red himself apart, and finding his Death approaching, he endeavoured to break his good Sword Durandall,* 1.64 but his strength failing him, he dyed of Thirst, through so long and difficult a combate in that hot Country: and with him dyed Oliver, Oger the Dane, Renald of Montaubon, Arnald of Belland, and other Nobles Personages, who are the sub∣ject of many fabulous stories: Yet the Fame of their sin∣gular virtues, and prowess is engraven in the Origi∣nals of true Histories, where it shall never be blotted out.

Charlemagne having intelligence brought him of this great and unexpected losse,* 1.65 returned suddenly to take his re∣venge upon the Sarazins, of whom he killed an infinite num∣ber in severall places: and being informed of the Treason of Gaines, he caused him to be drawn in pieces by four Hor∣ses, as the only author of this miserable defeat. And being transported with a just disdain, and indignation for this so base an affront, he had purposed to have passed on in Spain to take further revenge. But the great and weighty affaires of his other Estates called him back into France to attend upon

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them. And so ended his Spanish Wars with small successe, having troubled Charlemagne at divers times,* 1.66 for the space of fourteen years. For God had appointed the limits of his designes, as reserving to himself a Soveraign power over all mens enterprizes, even of the greatest.

Charlemagne made a Tomb for his Nephew Rowland, and honoured the memory of those other worthy warriers (who died in the Bed of Honor) with Monuments: after which he was necessitated to undertake divers other Wars, both in Italy and Germany, in all which it pleased God to give him better successe.* 1.67 Italy (during Charles his Troubles in Spain) had rebelled, being provoked thereto by Adalgise, Duke of ••••eventum, who endeavoured to repossesse the Race of Didier: but that attempt was soon suppressed by Charle∣magne, to the cost of the Lombard Rebells: yet shortly af∣ter ensued another War in Germany.

The like occasion also bred a War in Bavaria:* 1.68 For the King Tassillon, who was Son in Law to Didier, King of Lom∣bardy (being eagerly pressed by his Wife, and wonderfully discontented with Charlemagne) shaked off the yoke of subje∣ction, and betook himself to Armes: But Charlemagne surpri∣sed him with such celerity, that Tassillon was forced to sue for Peace; which Charlemagne granted upon condition of his subjection, and loyalty: But again Tassillon, not a∣ble to contain himself raised a new War in another place, as when we stop one breach, it finds ent by another. He stirred up the Huns and Avars (a neighbouring People to Austria, which was one of the Estates of the French Mo∣narchy) against Charlemagne, who yet suppressed them with happy successe; and Tassillon himself being again vanquished by Charlemagne, and found guilty of Rebellion and Trea∣son, was condemned to lose his Estate according to the Salique Law: and with him, the Kingdom of Bavaria en∣ded, being now wholly incorporated into the Crown of France.

The Huns and Avars (of whose names joyned together, the word Hungary hath been made) were also punished by Charlemagne, and brought under the yoke of the French

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Monarchy. They had formerly attempted by War to dis∣quiet the Country of Austria, whom Charlemagne had at divers times opposed by his Forces,* 1.69 so that the War, at times; had continued for the space of eight years, and the final issue was, that all the Country obeyed him: The Danes also, the Sorabes, and Abrodites, and the Westphali∣ans, (who had all joyned in this War of Hungary) were al∣so brought under the obedience of Charlemagne. The li∣mits of the Northen Kingdom called Austrasia, were so en∣larged, that it was divided into two Kingdoms, and the Realm of Austria which joynes upon France, was called Westriech, that is to say, the Realme of the We•••• and that which is towards Danubius, was called Ostrie•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that is the Kingdom of the East, Austria being then of a greater command then it is at this day. For it contained all Hungary, Valachia, Bohemia, Transilvania, Denmark, and Poland: Then was the French Monachy of a vast extent. But all these Nations have since, either returned to their first beginning, or new Lords have seized upon them.

Thus the French Monarchy was greatly enlarged by the prowess and Valour of Charlemagne:* 1.70 and his Children were grown up, as in age, so in knowledge & experience, through the carefull education which their prudent Father gave them; who framed them to the management of affairs, intending them to provide that they might first succeed him in his vir∣tues, and afterwards in his Kingdoms. But man purposeth and God disposeth, France, Italy, Germany, Spain, and Hun∣gary made the Roman Empire in the West, and Charlemagne being Master of these goodly Provinces, was in effect an Emperor, but only wanted the Title, and the soleme De∣claration of this dignity. And shortly after, the Provi∣dence of God that gave him the former, ministred opportu∣nity to him for the enjoyment of the latter, which came thus to passe.

Leo was at this time Pope of Rome,* 1.71 against whom there was strange sedition raised by Syluester, and Campul, men of great credit in the Court of Rome. These men (with their adherents) upon a solemn day of Procession, seized upon

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Leo before St. Laurence Church, whom they stripped of his Pontifical Robes, cast him unto the ground trod him under their feet, and bruised his face with their fists, and having dragged him ignominiously through the dirt, they cast him into Prison: where yet he stayed not log, being freed by a Groom of his Chamber called Albin: and so ha∣ving recovered St. Peters Church, he sent to Vingise, Duke of Spoleto, intreating him to deliver him from this miserable Captivity. Vingise failed him not, but came to Rome, and carried the Pope along with him to Spoleto;* 1.72 where yet he stayed not long, but from thence went to Charlemagne into Fra•••• whom he found full of Troubles. He complained 〈…〉〈…〉 of the Romans sought to usurp his power into their han••••, and advised the King, to exact an Oath of Fidelity of them. Paschalis was there soon after him, and accused the Pope of Adultery, and other grosse Crimes. Charle∣magne dismissed them both, and promised to be at Rome within a few moneths, and accordingly prepared for his journey.

In December Anno Christi 800. Charlemagne was recei∣ved in Rome with all shewes of Honour,* 1.73 and within eight dayes he went into St. Peters Church, and in the presence of all the people and Clergy, he asked, who had any thing to say against Pope Leo? Paschalis, or Paschasires, and Campulus had published the Popes Crimes by Writ: but knowing how Charlemagne stood affected towards both parties, they appeared not; so none prosecuting these crimes against him,* 1.74 the Pope was absolved upon his Oath; wherein he swore by God and the four Evangelists, that all these things were false which they layed to his Charge: Whereupon the King declared him innocent, and condem∣ned his accusers, and within few daies three hundred of them were beheaded in the Lateran Field for their presumption, and affectation of liberty, on the eighteenth of December; and shortly after, Charles was chosen Emperor: but before I speak of that, I must represent you with a brief view of the pre∣sent estate, and condition of the Emperor of Constantino∣ple.

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The seat of the Roman Empire,* 1.75 since the time of Constan∣tine the great, remained at Constantinople, a City of Thrace, situated in a convenient place for the guard of the Easterne Provinces: After which, all the West being full of new Guests, who had expelled the Romanes, the name, authority and power of the Empire remained in the East, where now the State was in a strange confusion, the mother being banded against her Son, and the People amongst themselves.

Constantine the Son of Leo the Fourth, was Emperor at this time, who from his Infancy was governed (together with the Empire) by his Mother Irene: But being now come to the age of twenty years, he assumed the Government in∣to his own hands.* 1.76 There was then a great division in the East, which had been continued from Father to Son for four∣score yeares together, about bringing Images into the Churches. The Bishops would needs bring them in: But the Emperors together with the greatest part of the People opposed themselves against them. This contention had its beginning under Philip Bardanes, was continued under Leo Isaurus, and from him was derived to his Son Constantine, surnamed Copronimus, and to Leo the Fourth, Son to the said Constantine. This filled all the East with infinite scan∣dalls.

The same fire of contention continued in the minority of our Constantine, who was yet governed by his Mother, a woman of a violent spirit, who had undertaken the protect ō of Images,* 1.77 & held a Councel of many Bishops for the defence thereof: But the people growing into a mutiny, by force expelled them from Constantinople, where their Assembly was held. But Irene, being resolved to carry on her design, assem∣bled another Councel at Nicea, City of of Bithinia, honored for having intertained the first general Councel under Constan∣tine the Great, the first of that name: where it was Decreed, that Images should be placed in Churches for devotion. But Charlemagne did not allow of this Decree, and either him∣•••••••• or some other by his Command,* 1.78 did write a small Trea∣tie against this Councel, the which beares this Title, A Trea∣tise of Charlemagne, touching Images, against the Greek Sy∣node.

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This crafty Woman made choise of the City of Nicea, that the name of the ancient first Councel held there, might honour this new invention with the pretext of Antiquity: For there are some that confound the first Council of Ni∣cea with the second, and Constantine the fourth with the first.

Constantine continued in the hereditary hatred of his Fa∣ther, and Grandfather against Images, so as being of age, and in absolute possession of his Empire, he disannulled all these new decrees, and caused the Images to be beaten down in all places: Yet did he make all shews of respect to his Mother, yeilding unto her a good part of his authority and command: which respect was the cause of an horrible Tra∣gedy. For this Woman being transported for two causes (both by reason of her new opinion, and for despight that she had not the whole Government in her own power) grew so unnatural, that she resolved to dispossess her Son of the Empire, and to seize up on it herself: And indeed the authority which her Son had left her, and the free accesse which she had unto his Person, gave her oportunity for the execution of her design.* 1.79 For having corrupted such as had the cheif Forces of the Empire at their command, and won them to her with her Sons Treasure, she seized on his Person, put out his eyes, and sent him into Exile (where, shortly after, he died of grief) and took possession of the Empire.

These unnatural and Tragick furies were practised in the East, whiles that Charlemagne, by his great Valour built an Empire in the West. Irene, in her Son Constantines life time would have married him with the eldest Daughter of Charlemagne: but this accident crossed that design.

After the Death of Constantine, Irene sent to Charlemagne to excuse herself of the murther,* 1.80 disavowing it, and laying the blame upon such as had done it (as she pretended) with∣out her command. And to win the good liking of Charle∣magne, she caused him to be dealt withall about marr•••••••• (For at that time Festrude was dead) with promise to con∣sent that he should be declared Emperor of the West, and

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that she also would resign unto him the Empire of the East: But Charlemagne would not accept of her profers. The No∣bility and People of the Greek Empire did so hate Irene, as having suffered her the space of three years, in the end, they resolved to dispossesse her.

This Woman,* 1.81 the unnatural murtheress of her own child, being thus publickly hated and detested, Nicephorus, a great and Nobleman of Greece, assisted by the Chiefest in the Court, and with the good liking, and consent of the Peo∣ple, seized upon the Empire, and took Irene, whom yet he only banished, to give her oportunity and means to live better then she had done: And afterward he treated, and agreed with Charlemagne, that the Empire of the East con∣tinuing under his command, the other of the West should remain to Charles.

By this Transaction of Nicephorus,* 1.82 and the consent of the Greeks, the possession of the Empire was ratified and confirmed to Charlemagne, and now began the Division of the Empire into the East and West. That of the west began in Charlemagne, and continued in his Posterity, whilest they were inheritors of their Fathers virtues: But after∣wards it was translated to the Princes of Germany, who yet acknowledge Charlemagne to have risen from a German stock, being born at Wormes, Crowned at Spire, and inter∣red at Aix, all Cities of Germany. Hitherto we have repre∣sented, what Charlemagne did whilest he was King of France only: Now we are come to consider what hapned to him, worthy of Memory, whilest he was Emperor.

The deeds of Charlemagne after he came to the Empire.

The Romanists do boast that the Pope gave the Empire of the West unto Charlemagne: But the truth is, the Popes had not yet come to that hight as to pretend to a power of disposing of Empires and Kingdoms at their own pleasure: But the right of Charles came another way. For before he came to Rome Anno Christi 800. he had all France under his Government, together with Franconia, and Austrasia:

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He had subdued a great part of Spaine unto the River Iberus, from the Sarazins:* 1.83 As also Saxony, West phalia, Dacia, Hungary, Istria, Dalmatia. He had likewise subdued all Italy, except Magna Graecia, and therefore he was entitled, Charles by the Grace of God King of the Frenches, Emper∣or of the Lombards, and Patricius of Rome: So he stiles himself in his Epistle to Alcwin: and Alcwin in an Epistle to him stiles him, The Glorious Emperor [Gallicarum] of France, and Recto & Defensor Ecclesiae: Both which Epi∣stles are in the second Part of Alcwins Works. His Coro∣nation was by the Decree and Prayers of the Romane Peo∣ple. Sigisbert in his Chronicon, shewes the time, and cause, saying: The Romanes, who in heart were long before falne from the Emperors of Constantinople: Taking the oportu∣nity that Irene had picked out the eyes of her own Son the Emperor, with one General consent they resolved to Pro∣claim King Charles for their Emperor, and to Crown him by the hands of the Pope:* 1.84 So on Decemb. 25. Anno Christi 800. they Crowned him by the hands of Pope Leo, as the Emperors were wont to be Crowned by the Bishops of Con∣stantinople; and the People cried thrice, C••••olo Augusto, à Deo Coronato, Magno & Pacifico Imperatori, Vita & Victoria, And the Pope anointed him: As also his Son Pepin, whom Charlemagne, by a solemn Decree had made King of Italy. And the Pope knowing the dangers which had oft befaln himself and his Predecessors,* 1.85 intreated the Emperor that he would be Protector of the Church of Rome.

Thus Charlemagne, the King of France, was advanced to the Empire, partly by Inheritance, partly by the sword, by dedition, and the Title was given him by the People, and the Bishop of Rome: yet nothing was proper to the Bishop, but the Coronation and other Ceremonies, which he performed in the name of the People, according to the Custom at Constantinople. At the same time also it was a∣greed,* 1.86 that all the Chief men of the City, as well Ecclesi∣astical, as Secular, should give their Oath of Fidelity unto the Emperor. Secondly, That the Emperors Missus should reside in the Pallace of St. Peter to decide Pleas a∣mongst

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the People: and that there should be allotted for his maintenance, a part of the former Emperors Patrimony. Thirdly, That if any mans cause was perverted by the ordi∣nary Judges, and the wronged person should implore the aid of the Missus, or Emperors Commissioner, for Justice; and the Missus should adjure the Judges, saying, By the Faith ye owe unto my Lord the Emperor, I require you to do this man Justice: Then none should dare to decline, either to the right hand or to the left, although the wrong were done by any of the Popes kinsmen. Fourthly, That the Mulcts which should be imposed upon any guilty person, should be equally divided between the Emperors Missus, and the Popes Missus. Fifthly, That if any goods fell under Es∣cheat, they should appertain to the Church, without an expresse gift of the Emperor. Continu. Eutrop. Catal. Test. Verit.

Yet all this right was not sufficient for Charlemagne,* 1.87 nor did he enjoy the Empire without contradiction. For he was forced to overcome the envy of this assumed Title with great sums of mony; Especially the Emperor of Constanti∣nople envyed it; but Charlemagne by his magnanimity pre∣vailed against their contumacy, wherein he excelled the Greeks: and he sent many Ambassadors unto them: espe∣cially unto Irene, not only to treat for Peace, but about her marriage, that thereby he might the better confirme his Title: But before his Ambassadors came the second time to Constantinople (Irene being sick) the People had Crow∣ned Nicephorus on the first of November Anno Christi 802.

Yet did Nicephorus renew the League with Charlemagne, which Irene had before made with him: but (as Sigonius saith) with expresse condition, that Venice should be free betwixt the two Empires.* 1.88 In the mean time Nicephorus was molested by the Sarazins, and was forced to agree with them upon hard conditions: He was also molested by the Bul∣garians, over whom he obtained one great Victory; but when he refused all conditions of Peace, they assembled together again to fight for their Lives and Land, in which Battel they

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overthrew,* 1.89 and killed Nicephorus, and his son Stauracius was wounded in the fight, and fled to Adrianople, where he was afterward declared Emperor. But after three Months Michael Rangabis, his Brother in Law, shut him up in a Mona∣stery. Then were mutual Ambassadors sent between the two Emperors, & a perpetual Peace was concluded betwixt them.

Charles the Great was Crowned Emperor in the thirty-third year of his Raign, upon the 25th of December, and in the fifty eighth year of his age. He fought many Battels and was always victorious. He had (as was said before) Wars with the Heathenish Saxons, which, by times, lasted thir∣ty years:* 1.90 He oft-times overcame them, and granted them liberty, upon condition that they would imbrace the Chri∣stian Faith; but upon every oportunity their Duke Wedekin, shaked off both Loyalty, and Christianity. At several times when Charlemagne had obtained a Victory, his manner was to erect a new Bishoprick:* 1.91 So that he erected seven Bishop∣ricks in that province, to which he annexed Princely Power, knowing well, that such fierce People might sooner be ta∣med by Religion then by Armes.* 1.92 The places where these were erected, were, Breme, Verda, Minda, Paterborne, Os∣nabourg, Hildesem, and Halberstad. But though he gave the Bishops power of Governing, yet the Nobles did not altogether loose the power of administring in Publike af∣fairs. At last, because the Saxons revolted again, he removed ten Thousand of them, with their Wives and Children, into Brabant, and Flanders, and sent some French to inhabit in their roomes.

Charlemagne lived fifteen years after that he had united the Romane Empire to the French Monarchy; yet not with∣out many troubles. For Grimoald, Duke of Beneventum sought to disturbe Italy in the behalf of the Lombards:* 1.93 but Charles prevented it betimes, imploying against him his Son Pepin, a Worthy and a Valiant Prince: and Grimoald being vanquished, was entreated withall mildnesse, and being re∣stored to his Estate, he became afterwards a very affectio∣nate, and obedient servant to Charlemagne, who was a Pru∣dent Conqueror, that knew as well how to use, as how to get a Victory.

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After this it followed, that for some attempts made by the Venetians against the Empire of Charlemagne,* 1.94 in the behalf of the Emperor of Constantinople: or (as others say) upon the false information of Fortunatus, Patriarch of Grado, that Charlemagne commanded his son Pepin, King of Italy, to make Wars against them: which he accordingly began with great resolution, and took the Cities and Fortresses which the Venetians held within the main land, and at length be∣sieged the City of Venice it self, both by Sea and by Land, to the relief whereof the Greek Emperor sent a Fleet: about which Authors agree not; for some say, that Pepin wholly took Venice: Others say, that he only took some Islands thereof, and that the Plac 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is called Rioalto defended it self: How ever it was, this War continued long, Obeliers, and Becur, two great Personages, being the chief Comman∣ders for the Venetians. At last Peace was concluded be∣twixt them, and the Venetians had liberty to live after their own Lawes and customs, and the Venetians won great re∣putation for being able to defend themselves against so po∣tent and Victorious an Enemy. Charlemagne would have the Country which he had Conquered from the Lombards, to be called Lombardy, that by retaining their Name, he might somewhat sweeten their servile condition, in the ruin of their Estate.

But now Charlemagne,* 1.95 finding himself old and broken, and his Children Valiant, Wise, and Obedient, he resolved to make his last Will and Testament, wherein he divided his Kingdomes between his three legitimate Sons, to wit, Charles his Eldest, Pepin, and Lewis: In which he made his eldest Son Charles King of the greatest, and best parts of France, and Germany. To Pepin he gave the Kingdom of Italy, and Bavaria, with some other Provinces. And to Lewis he bequeathed Provence, and that part of France which bordereth upon Spaine, together with some other Provin∣ces. But all succeeded after an other manner then he inten∣ded, God the Soveraign disposer of Kingdoms, having de∣creed otherwise to dispose thereof. He endeavoured also to reduce all his Kingdoms under one Law, making choise

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of the Roman Laws above all others, both for the digni∣ty of the Empire, and because they seemed to him, to be most Just and equal:* 1.96 But the French, being loath to alter any thing in their customary Laws, desired, and obtained of him that they might be governed by the same: So as Gaul, Narbonne, (which comprehends Daulphine, Languedoc, and Provence) do use the written Laws (as the ancient Provinces of the Romans) and the rest of France observe their custo∣mary Laws.

It afterwards happened that a great Fleet of Infidels which inhabited Spaine, with the aid, and assistance of some Africans, invaded the Isles of Sardinia, and Corsica in the Mediterranean Sea, for the 〈…〉〈…〉 whereof, the Emperor Charlemagne sent commandment to his Son Pepin that he should send thither against them a valiant Captain whose name was Buoaredus,* 1.97 who took so good order as that he drove those Infidels out of those Islands, and slew five thou∣sand of them in one Battel. And with no lesse good suc∣cesse, the Emperor undertook an other War against the Dukes of the Bohemians,* 1.98 and Polanders, which is a part of the ancient Sarmatia, who infested the Countries under his Do∣minions, against whom he sent his Son Charles with great Forces of Burgonias, Saxons, and Germans: And this young Charles, imitating his Father, Warred valiantly, and with discretion against them, and coming first to a Battel with the Bohemians, led by Leo their Duke, he overcame them, as he did also at other times, and at last slew Leo their Duke; the like successe he had also against the Polanders, so as at length they all became his Fathers Subjects. And for these Victories of Charlemagne he was so much feared, and renow∣ned through the World, that a great King of the East; and Amurath, the greatest of all the Mahomatists, sent their Am∣bassadors, with rich Presents unto him, desiring peace, and friendship: and the like did all Christian Kings.

Charlemagne thus living with honour,* 1.99 and in tranquillity, Godfrey King of Demark (which was a dependance of the Realm of Germany, and part of Charles his Portion, as was hinted before) made War against him. This Godfrey was a

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mighty Prince, and commanded over a large Dominion, and with great Forces came into Friesland and Saxony, where he did great harm. Against whom, the Emperor addressing himself (though he was now Old, and unweil∣dy) speedily departed with a great Army: but by the way news was brought him that King Godfrey was dead, and that his Army was returned into their own Country. And upon the same day news came also,* 1.100 that his Son Pepin (who had raigned in Italy in great prosperity) was dead in the City of Millan, which was an occasion of great grief to the old Emperor. Then did he return to the City of Aken, or Aix, unto which place Ambassadors came to him from Hermi∣gius, who succeeded Godfrey in the Kingdom of Denmark, humbly desiring Peace. The like came also to him from the Emperor of Constantinople, and others also from Am∣bulat, a King of the Moors, who raigned in a great part of Spaine; to all which he returned gracious answers, and granted their Petitions: withall, giving hearty thanks to God for that he was generally so well esteemed of. But after this Sunshine, an other storme returned, as the clouds return after the raine:* 1.101 For it pleased God to take away an other of hs Sons, called Charles, who lay on the borders of Germa∣ny for the defence thereof; so as now his whole hope rested in his third Son Lewis.

Thus man purposeth and God disposeth. Thus the Sons die before the Father. Thus we see the greatest cannot free themselves from the common calamities of mankind. Thus both great Kings, and great Kingdoms have their Period.

Crownes have their compasse; Kingdoms have their date: Fortune her frowns: Felicity her fate.

Thus Charlemagne lost his Children, and his great Empire her best support under God: For these two Princes (like Stars of the greater magnitude) did shine bright by inheri∣ting their Fathers virtues, and Valor, leaving behind them

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Lewis their Brother, with large Territories, and few ver∣tues, to Govern so great an Estate.

After the Death of these two great Princes,* 1.102 many ene∣mies rose up against old Charlemagne, who seemed (as it were) to have lost his two Armes: as the Sarazins in Spaine, the Sclavonians, and the Normans in the Northern Regions: But he vanquished them all, and brought them into his obedience and subjection, old and broken as he was.

Charlemagne all his Life time held the Church in great re∣verence,* 1.103 and had imployed his Authority to beautify it, and bountifully bestowed his Treasure to enrich it: But this great Plenty, joyned with so long and happy a Peace, made the Church-men to live losely.

Charlemagne (being himself well instructed in Religion) knowing of what great importance it was, to have such as should instruct others to be sound in the Faith, and holy and exemplary in their lives, he at sundry times, called five Councels in sundry Places of his Dominions (For as yet the Popes had not challenged that Power to belong to them) for the Reformation and good Government of the Church:* 1.104 As at Mentz: at Rheimes: at Tours: at Chaalons: and at Arles: and by the advise of these Ecclesiastical Assemblies, he made and published many Orders for the good of the Church which were gathered together in a Book called, Ca∣pitula Caroli Magni. A worthy President for Princes who seek true honour by virtue, whereof the care of Piety is the cheifest Foundation.

In the Preface to this Book, he thus saith, that he had ap∣pointed these Constitutions with the Advice of his Presbyters,* 1.105 and Counsellers: and that herein he had followed the Exam∣ple of King Josias, who endeavoured to bring the Kingdom which God had given him, to the worship of the true God: Some of his Constitutions are these. He commanded to look to, and to try the learning and Conversation of such as were admitted into the Ministry. He forbad private Masses, Also the Confusion of Diocesses, requiring that no Bishop should meddle in an others Diocesse. He forbad that any

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Books should be read publickly, but such as were approved by the Councell of Calcedon. He forbad the worshipping of Saints. He commanded Bishops not to suffer Presbyters to teach the People other things then what are contained in, or according to the holy Scriptures. And Lib. 2. Ch. 3. he saith, Although the Authority of the Ecclesiasticall Mini∣stry may seem to stand in our Person: Yet by the Authority of God, and Ordinance of man, its known to be so divided, that every one of you, in his own place and order, hath his own pow∣er and Ministry: Hence its manifest that I should admonish you all, and you all should further and help us. He admonished Bi∣shops especially, to teach both by Life and Doctrine, both by themselves, and the Ministers that were under them, as they would answer the Contrary in their accounts at the Great Day. He Ordained that the Bishop of the first See should not be called the Prince of Priests, or the highest Priest, or have any such Title, but only should be called, The Bishop of the first See. That none can lay another foun∣dation, then that which is laid, which is Christ Jesus, and that they which lay Christ for their foundation, its to be hoped that they will be careful to shew their Faith, by bring∣ing forth good Workes.

He held also a great Councel in the City of Frankfort,* 1.106 of the Bishops of France, Germany, and Italy, which him∣self honoured with his own presence; where, by generall consent the false Synod of the Greeks (they are the words of the Originall) untruly called the seventh, was condemn∣ed, and rejected by all the Bishops, who subscribed to the condemnation of it. This was that Cocel (spoken of be∣fore) called by Irene at Nice, wherein the bringing of Ima∣ges into Churches for devotion, was established. In a Word, if Charlemagnes medling with Italy, and his advan∣cing the Pope, for confirming that which he had taken, could be excused, he was unto all Princes a patterne of mag∣nificence, of Zeal in Religion, of learning, eloquence, temperance, prudence, moderation, &c. Alwin saith of him, Charles was a Catholick in his Faith, a King in power, a High Priest in Preaching, a Judge in his equity, a Phi∣losopher

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in liberal studies,* 1.107 famous in manners, and ex∣cellent in all honesty. He was so temperat, that notwith∣standing his great revenues, he was never served at the Table with above four dishes at a meal, and those of such meat as best pleased his taste, which he used to the same end for which God created them, which was for sustenance, and to support his Body, not for shew and pomp.

His ordinary exercise was hunting when he was at leisure,* 1.108 in time of War: and in times of peace, he attended to such as read Histories to him, and sometimes he heard Musick, with which he was much delighted, having good skill therein himself: He was very charitable, and a bountifull Almes∣giver, and so carefull to provide for the poor Christians, that in Syria, in Africa, and in Aegypt, and in other Pro∣vinces of the infidels,* 1.109 where Christians lived, he found meanes to have Almes houses, and Hospitalls erected, and en∣dowed for those that were Poor.

But there fell out a new accident, which drew our Great Charles again to Armes in his old age, and that was this; Al∣phonso, King of Navarr, surnamed the Chast, by reason of his singular,* 1.110 and signall temperance in that kind, did in∣form, and advertise him, that there was now a very fit opor∣tunity, and meanes offered for him utterly to subdue the Sa∣razins in Spain. Charlemagne (who infinitely desired to finish this work, which he had so often attempted with no great successe) gave ear to the information and advice, whereupon he raises an Army, and marches into Spain, re∣lying on the Spaniards favour, and assistance, they being Christians. Indeed Alphonso meant plainly, and sincerely, but so did not his Courtiers, and Nobles, nor associates, who feared Charles his forces no less then they did the Sarazins, & if Charles prevailed, the most confident of Alphonso's servants and Officers doubted to be dispossessed of their places, and Governments by a new Master: and therefore they labour∣ed to cross Alphonso, and to countermand Charles; but the Lot was cast, his Army was in the Field, and he was resol∣ved to passe on: But when he was entred into Spain, he en∣countered with so many difficulties, that being discouraged,

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he returned back into France, and so concluded, and put a period to all his Warlie enterprises; embracing again the care of the Church, and of Religion, as a fit subject for the remainder of his dayes.

Charlemagne was threescore and eight years old when he left the Wars,* 1.111 after which he spent three whole years in his study, to prepare himself for Death, in which time, he read much in the Bible, and read over also St. Augustines works, whom he loved and preferred before all the other Doctors of the Church: He resided also at Paris, that he might have oportunity of conferring with learned men. There he erected a goodly University, which he furnished with as learned me as those times could afford, and en∣dowed it with great priviledges: For he had an exceeding great care to make it a Nurcery for the holy Ministry, that from thence the Church might be supplyed with able Tea∣chers, whence also grew so many Colleges of Chanons, with sufficient revenues annexed thereunto.

Thus Charlemagne spent three years happily in the only care of his Soul, leaving an illustrious example to all Prin¦ces, to moderate, and ennoble their greatnesse with Piety, and so to enjoy their Temporal estates, as in the mean time not to neglect their eternal concernments, and to think of their departure out of this Life in time.

Foreseeing his Death (whereunto he prepared himself by these exercise) he made his last Will and Testamont,* 1.112 leaving his Son Lewis the sole heir unto his great Kingdoms, and be∣queathed to the Church much Treasure. But all things and Persons in this World have an end: His Testament was but the Harbinger to his Death; for presently after, he was taken with a pain in his side, or Pluresie, and lay sick but eight dayes, and so yielded up his Spirit unto God that gave it, Anno Christi 814. and of his age seventy one, and of his Raign forty seven, including fifteen years of his Empire: His Body was interred in a sumptuous Church which he had caused to be built in the City of Aquisgrave, or Aix la Ca∣pelle, where he was born, and his memory was honored with a goodly Epitaph.

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He was one of the greatest Princes that ever lived:* 1.113 His vertues are a patterne to other Monarchs, and his great suc∣cesses the subject of their wishes. The greatnesse of his Monarchy indeed was admirable:* 1.114 For he quietly enjoyed all France, Germany, the greatest part of Hungary, all Italy; and a good part of Spain. At the time of his Death he was in peace with the other Kings of Spain, as also with the Kings of England, Denmark, Balgarie, with the Emperor Leo of Constantinople,* 1.115 and withall the Princes of that time.

This Noble Prince was endued with so many excellent virtues that we read of very few in antient Histories that ex∣celled him, so that he may be justly compared with the best of them: For in Martial Discipline, in Valour, in Dexte∣rity, in feats of Armes, there are none that exceeded him. He obtained as many Victories, fought as many Battles, and subdued as many fierce and Warlike Nations as any one we read of, and that both before, and after that he was Emperor. He was tall of Stature, very well proportioned in all his members, passing strong: of a fair and grave countenance, Valiant, mild, mercifull, a lover of Justice, liberall, very affable, pleasant, well read in History, a great Friend of Arts and Sciences, and sufficiently seen into them, and a man who above all, loved and rewarded learned men. He was very Charitable in his Kingdoms, yea, in his very Court, he harboured and relieved many Strangers, and Pilgrims. In matters of Faith and Religion he was very Zealous; and most of the Wars which he made,* 1.116 were to propagate and enlarge the Christian Faith.

He (being misled by the darknesse of the times wherein he lived) superstitiously honoured, and obeyed the Church of Rome, and the Pope that was Bishop thereof, together with other Bishops and Prelates, commanding his Subjects also to do the like. He was also very devout, and spent much of his time in Prayer, Hearing, and Reading. In his Diet he was very temperate, and a great enemy to riot and excesse; and though he was Rich and Mighty, yet fed he his Body with what was necessary and wholesome, not rare, costly, and strange.

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And yet his virtues were not without their blemishes (as the greatest commonly are not without some notable vices) For in his Younger dayes,* 1.117 he was much given to women, adding Concubines to his lawful Wives, by whom he had di∣vers Children: But this was in the time of his youth: For afterwards he contented himself with his Wife, and for a remedy of this imperfection, though he was three or four times a Widdower, yet he ever maried again the Daughter of some great Prince or other.

To conclude all, he was an excellent Emperor, that loved and feared God, and dyed when he was very Old, and full of Honour, leaving Lewis (the weakest of his Sons) the sole heir of his great Empire, but not of his virtues: So that this great building soon declined in his posterity.

He had engraven upon his Sword Pro Deo, & Religione, For God, and Religion: He used to set his Crown upon the Bible, as our Canutus sometime put his Crown upon the Rood, both of them thereby intimating, that as all honour was due to God, so true Religion was the best Basis of Go∣vernment, and that Piety was the best Policy.

The Epitaph which I spake of, was this.

Sub hoc conditorio situm est Corpus Caroli Magni,* 2.1 atque Orthodoxi Imperatoris, qui Regnum Francorum nobiliter ampliavit, & per annos Quadraginta septem foelicite tenuit. Decessit Septuagenarius, Anno Domini 814. Indictione 7. Quinto Calend. Febru.

Under this Tomb lieth the body of Charles the Great,* 3.1 and Catholick Emperor, who most Nobly enlarged the King∣dom of the French, and most happily ruled it for the space of forty and seaven years. He died in the seventy and one year of his age: In the year of our Lord eight hundred and fourteen, the seventh Indiction, on the fifth Calends of Fe∣bruary.

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He had five Wives:* 3.2 the first was called Galcena, the Daughter of the King of Galistria, by whom he had no Children. The second was Theodora, the sister (or as others say) the Daughter of Ddir, King of Lombrdy; whom he kept not long, but repudiated her for sundry reasons. The third was Hildeb anda, Daughter of the Duke of Sue∣via, whom he loved exceedingly, and had by her three Sons, viz. Charles his eldest, whom he made King of the greatest, and best part of France, and Germany: Pepin his second, whom he made King of Italy, Bavaria, &c. Lewis his youngest, to whom he left the Empire intire, his Brothers being both Dead, in their Fathers Life time. This Lewis was surnamed Debonaire, or the Courteous. He had also three Daughters; the eldest was called Ro∣thruda: the second Birtha; and the youngest Giselia who would never marry. His fourth Wife he had out of Germany, called Fastrada: And his fifth and last, was also a German Lady, called Luithgranda, of the Suevian Race, by whom he had no Children.

He shewed his love to Religion by having one,* 3.3 du∣ring his Meale-times, that either read to him some part of the Holy Scriptures: or else some part of Saint Au∣gustines Books, especially that De Civitate Dei: or some History. He was also a great Friend to Learning, and therefore erected three Universities: One was Padua in Italy; another was that at Boulognia: the third was that in Paris, whereunto he was excited by our Countryman Al∣win, who was his Tutor.

His Sons he caused to be trained up in the Study of the Liberall Arts:* 3.4 and his Daughters to Learne to sow, and practice good Huswifery. He alwayes wore a short Sword at his Girdle, in the Pummel whereof was en∣graven his Coat of Armes, with which he Sealed all his Lawes, &c. And used to say, Behold the Sword which shall defend my Lawes, and that shall be drawn and im∣ployed against those that break them. In the year eight hundred and four, The King of the Scots entered in∣to the first League which was between the two King∣doms

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of France,* 3.5 and Scotland, which was confirmed by succeeding Kings, which occasioned one of them to adde unto their Coat of Armes a double streak of Gules with Flower de Lisses round their Escutchion, to shew that their alliance with France conduced much to the support of their Kingdome.

FINIS.

Notes

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