The five days debate at Cicero's house in Tusculum between master and sophister.

Book I. (Book 1)

Comforts against Death. The Prologue, Sect. 1, 2, 3, 4. (Book 1)

SECT. I. That the Greeks were inferior to the Romans in most Points of useful knowledge.

BEING at length wholly or in great part, eas'd of the toyle of Pleading, and State Affairs. I have, chiefly upon your advice, most worthy Brutus, turn'd my thoughts to those Studies which I had indeed retain'd in mind, but after long dis-continu∣ance upon incursion of business, and the late Troubles I have resum'd. Now whereas the Sy∣stems and Circle of all those Arts which relate to direction in the way of well-living, are com∣priz'd in the Study of Wisdom, so call'd Philo∣sophy; this I have thought expedient to illustrate in Latin. Not but that Philosophy may be learn'd from Greek Treatises and Tutors. But I have still been of the Judgment that my Country-men have either invented all things more wisely than the Greeks, or improv'd whatever they receiv'd from them, which they counted worth the bestowing

their time and pains upon. For as to personal de∣portment, and ordering Family Concerns, we support them with much more Splendor and Dis∣cretion. But as to the publick, our Ancestors set∣tled the State upon unquestionably better Laws and Customs. What need I mention the Military part, wherein my Country-men have excell'd as in Valour, so much more in Discipline? Now for those Advantages which are the Products of Na∣ture, not acquists of Study, neither Greeks nor any other Nation under Heaven may compare with them. For what Gravity, what Constancy of mind, what Resolution, Honor, Conscience, what so universal excellency of Vertue, hath been any where to be found, as might match the old Ro∣man? Greece indeed had better Scholars and more Books, wherein the Victory was easily gain'd over them that made no Resistance. For whereas the ancientest sort of learned men among the Greeks were their Poets, (if it be true that Homer and Hesiod were before the building of Rome, and A••∣chilochus in the Reign of Romidus) Poetry came later among us, for about CCCCX. after the build∣ing of Rome, Livy put out the first Play, in the Consulship of C. Claudius Son of Appius the blind, and M. Tuditanus the year before Ennius was born, who was elder than Plautus and Naevius. *

* Those Arts that relate to direction in the way of well-living] As Logick, to find out the true end of Life, and Scope of all our Actions. Ethicks to mark out the Bounds of Good and Evil; with Oeconomicks and Politicks for relative Duties Publick and Private: Natural Philosophy to understand the Nature of God, the Universe, and our own Souls; this is that Circle of Arts which more immediately refer to the ordering our Life.

My Country-men have either invented all things more wisely] He repayes the Greeks that disdain which they had for the rest of Mankind, whom they call'd Barbarians.

SECT. II. However Superior in Poetry, Pictures, Mu∣sick and Geometry.

THerefore was it late before Poets were either understood or countenanc'd among us. Al∣though it be Recorded in the Antiquities, that the Romans were wont in their solemn Festivals to sing to the sound of the Pipe, Commemorations of men of Renown. Yet that this sort of Bards were in no credit, is evident from the Oration of the same Cato, wherein he objects it by way of reproach against M. Nobilior, that he had carried Poets into the Country where his Government lay. Now when he was Consul, he had taken Ennius along with him into Aetolia, as is well known. The less Reputation therefore Poets found, the less did men addict themselves to Poetry. And yet if any great Wits have appear'd, whose Genius led them that way, these have equalliz'd the Character of the most fam'd Greeks. Can we imagine if Painting had been judg'd a Commendation to that noble Personage, Fabius, there would not have been among the Romans too, many a Polyclete and Par∣rhasius? Honor cherisheth Arts, and we are all inflam'd by Glory, to the more industrious pur∣suit of our Studies: Whereas all things that are unfashionable in any People, lye disregarded. The Grecians thought a high prize of skill plac'd in un∣derstanding Vocal and Instrumental Musick. There∣fore

Epaminondas, in my Judgment, the greatest man of Greece, is reported to have play'd singularly well on the Lute. Whereas Themistocles some years before, for having refus'd the Harp, coming to him at a Feast, was censur'd for want of Breeding. This was the reason that Greece flourish'd with Mu∣sicians; all learn'd to Play, and he that was not Musical, was judg'd deficient in gentile Education. Geometry was among them in great request, there∣fore nothing was more famous than their Mathe∣maticians. But we have restrain'd the compass of this Art, within the necessary uses of surveying and casting up Accompts.

Although it be Recorded in the Antiquities] Cato the El∣der surnam'd the Censor, wrote seven Books of Origin's or Antiquities, wherein he recounted the Foundations of the Principal Cities of Italy; and Pedigrees of the Roman No∣bility.

The Oration of the same Cato] The abovemention'd Cato wrote above 150 Orations, this against M. Fulvius Nobi∣lior was, I suppose, to impeach him of high Misdemeanors, for plundering the Ambracians of their Statues and Pictures, with other publick and private Ornaments during his Go∣vernment of Aetolia.

If Painting had been counted a Commendation to that noble Personage Fabius] A Branch of the Fabian Family was sur∣nam'd Painters; because the first of that Denomination had painted the Temple of Safety; they seem to have been Cadets of the Fabii Maximi or eldest House.

Honor cherisheth Arts] That is, Credit and Reward.

SECT. III. Have overtaken them in Rhetorick, which is encouragement to set upon Philosophy.

WHen on the contrary we soon clos'd with the Orator, at first no Scholar, but of a popular Eloquence, though plain; afterwards Scholar too, for Galba, Africanus, Laelius, are re∣ported to have been learned; and Cato who liv'd before them to have studied after these, Lepidus, Carbo, the Gracchi; since whom down to our Age, men so ev'ry ways acomplish'd, that we come not much if any thing at all, behind the Greeks. Phi∣losophy to this Age hath lain neglected, nor re∣ceiv'd any lustre from the Latin Tongue, which is our present attempt to raise up and illustrate that so, if, when employ'd, we were any way service∣able to our Country-men, we may further serve them in our retirements, wherein we are oblig'd to use the more diligence, because many Books are said to be already written in Latin unadvisedly by well-meaning but insufficient men. Now it is possible, that one may have true Conceptions, and yet not be able to express his Notions in proper Terms; but for a man to commit his thoughts to writing for the publick, who can neither put them in due method, nor illustrate them with clear Proofs, nor by any delightful Ornaments entertain his Reader, is the part of one that at no rate abuses his own time, and the benefit of Writing. Here∣upon they read their own Books among them∣selves,

nor doth any one else meddle with them, but they that expect allowance to write after the same loose fashion. Whereupon if we have brought Oratory any credit by our Industry, we shall much more earnestly discover the Springs of Philosophy, from whence those other Rivulets issued. *

* We soon clos'd with the Orator] Tulley hath done his Pro∣•••••••• that Honor, as to draw up an accurate List of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Roman Advocates, with their Character, in a Trea∣•••••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the same Brutus, and thence stil'd Brutus, 〈…〉〈…〉 the famous Orators.

〈…〉〈…〉 Books are said to be already written in Latin] He in∣•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 Epicurean Pieces crudely done into Latin, by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Amafinius known to him only by hearsay, but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as he would not give himself the trouble to read 〈…〉〈…〉.

SECT. IV. Philosophy joyn'd with Oratory is more bene∣ficial.

BUT as Aristotle a man of an incomparable Wit, and great variety of knowledge, being mov'd with the glory of Isocrates the Rhetorician, begun himself to make Orations, and to teach his Pupils so to do, and to joyn Prudence with Eloquence; in like manner are we resolv'd both not to disuse our ancient Practice of Oratory, and withall to ex∣ercise our selves in this more sublime and copious Art. For I ever judg'd that to be perfect Philo∣sophy, an ability to discourse at large and floridly

upon the most important Points. To which exer∣cise we have so diligently apply'd our selves, that we have already presum'd after the Greek Mode, to hold formal Disputations, and oppose what question should be Problematically maintain'd; as of late since your departure, having many of my Acquaintance with me in my Country-house at Tusoulum, I made trial of my Abilities that way. For as heretofore I was us'd to declaim upon Law-Cases, which no man continu'd to do longer than I; so now this serves for my Declamation in old Age. I bid one propound such Subjects as he was willing to hear controverted; upon this I disput∣ed either as I sate or walked. So I have cast the dayes Acts as they call them into so many Books. The manner of which was, that when the Learner had propos'd his Judgment, I oppos'd. For this is the old and Socratick way to dispute against anothers Opinion; by which means Socrates thought it might be most easily discover'd, what carried along with it the greatest Probability. But that our Disputations may be more clearly comprehended, I shall lay them down, so as if they were upon the place kept, not barely reported. Thus therefore shall the entrance upon the present Debate natu∣rally arise. *

* In my Country-house at Tusculum] Tully had a Summer-house near Tusculum, 12. Miles from Rome, formerly the Palace of Sulla, whose Ruines are at this day to be seen, call'd Sancta Maria di grotta ferrata: It is a Monastery. When the Learner had propos'd his Judgment, I oppos'd] The order of disputing among the ancient Greeks, somewhat differs from our present Manner. He that propos'd the Subject to be controverted, I mean, in the Affirmative or Negative, is with them call'd the Auditor, resembling in

part our Respondent. The Professor is the Opponent, up∣on him lyes the whole weight of the Discourse. He scans the Terms of the Question, Distinguishes, Restrains, De∣fines, which make up our Thesis. He presseth the Propo∣nent with the Antecedent of an Enthymeme; or scatter'd Particulars of an Induction. This gain'd, he maketh out the Consequent Propositions, either in short or apt Inter∣rogatories, or a continu'd Discourse; till the Evidence be so plain, that it extort Confession. The calmness of the Teacher, and ingenuity of the Auditor, where Truth not Glory is the Prize, cut off all occasion for a Moderator. The whole is free Conference and friendly Debate: upon the sole Design of undeceiving the Auditor, prepossess'd with some popular, but erroneous Perswasion.

SECT. V. The Position.

Sophi∣ster.

I Am of the Judgment that [Death] is evil.

Master,

Whether to them that are dead, or to them that must dye?

S.

To both.

M.

It is therefore miserable because evil.

S.

True.

M.

Therefore they who are already dead, and they who must hereafter dye, are both miserable.

S.

That is my opinion.

M.

There is none therefore but who is miser∣able.

S.

No not one.

M.

Nay further, if you will be true to what you hold, all that ever were or shall be born, are not only miserable, but also for ever miserable. For had you only held them miserable who must

dye, you had excepted none of them who are alive; for all must dye; yet death would have been the end of misery; but because they who be dead are also miserable, a we are born to ever∣lasting Misery. For of necessity they are miserable who were dead a 100000 years ago, or rather all that ever were born.

S.

I am clearly of that Perswasion.

M.

Prithee tell me, do these Advises from under ground scare you? The black Mastiff with three Heads, the howling River, the Ferry over the Stygian Lake, Tantalus chin-deep in Water choak'd with thirst? Doth

—Sisyphus his ponderous Stone, Tug'd up with sweat, still rolling down alone?

Perhaps too those inexorable Justicers Minos and Rhadamanthus, before whom you can have neither Lucius Crassus, nor Mark Antony to plead your Cause; nor, because the Matter is to be try'd be∣fore Greek Judges, can you have Demosthenes for Counsel; your self must make your own defence in the greatest of all Assemblies. These things per∣haps you dread, and therefore apprehend death as an eternal Evil.

(a) We are born to everlasting Misery] It is horrible to imagine that the Author of Nature should ordain the whole Race of Mankind, so highly by him advanced to a State of endless Misery. But the Heathen did not under∣stand death as a Punishment, superinduc'd through the defection of our first Parent. This is brought against Death's being Evil, that is, miserable to both living and dead. The third Member of the Dis-junction.

SECT. VI. The Local Hell, describ'd by Poets is ficti∣tious.

S

DO you take me to be so destitute of Rea∣son, as to believe these Legends?

M.

What do not you verily believe them?

S.

Not I at all.

M.

You tell me ill news.

S.

How so? I beseech you.

M.

Because I could have past for a Wit in con∣futing them.

S.

And who might not on such a Subject? or what difficulty is it to prove these to be meer ex∣travagancies of Poets and Painters?

M.

Why? there are whole Book-fulls in the Phi∣losophers, of Disputations, to overthrow these Sup∣posititions.

S.

To much purpose indeed; for who is so senseless as to be concern'd at them?

M.

If therefore there be none miserable under ground, neither are there any Persons under ground.

S.

I am clear of your mind in that.

M.

Where then are those that you call miser∣able? or what place do they inhabit? for, if they be, they cannot be no where.

S.

Yes, I think them to be no where.

M.

Therefore neither to be.

S.

Well, as you say, and yet miserable for that very reason, because they be not.

M.

Nay, now had I rather you were afraid of Cerberus, than to use such inconsiderate Discourse.

S.

How so?

M.

You say that the same is not, and yet is. Where is your Subtilty? for when you say he is miserable, you then say that he who is not, yet is.

S.

I am not so stupid as to say that.

M.

What is it then that you say?

S.

That M. Crassus, for instance, is miserable, who by death was taken from that Estate. Cn. Pompey miserable, who was depriv'd of so great Glory; in a word, that all are miserable who lack this chearful light.

M.

You come round thither where you were before; for they needs must be, if they are miser∣able, but you lately deny'd that the Dead are; if therefore they are not, they cannot be any thing, and by consequence not miserable.

S.

Perchance I do not yet speak out my mean∣ing, for I take that very thing to be most miser∣able for him not to be that hath been.

M.

What? more miserable than for one never to have been at all? by the same reason they that are yet unborn, are already miserable, because they are not. And we our selves, if we shall be miserable after we are dead, were so before we were born; but I do not remember that I was mi∣serable before I was born: you, if you have a bet∣ter Memory, I would fain know whether you re∣member any such thing of your self? *

* To prove these to be meer Extravagancies of Poets and Painters.] The Body in a State of Separation in insensible: nor did they expect a Resurrection of the Body, only by Faith in the sacred Testimonies apprehended: therefore

to place Hell in bodily Sufferings, seem'd to them repug∣nant both to Sense and Reason. Yet they own'd the Souls of the deceas'd to enter into a State of Happiness or Misery according to their Actions in this Life.

SECT. VII. They who are not, are not miserable.

S.

YOU make a Droll of it, as if I said they are miserable who are not born, and not those that are dead.

M.

You say then that these are.

S.

Nay, but because they have been, and are not, that they are miserable.

M.

Do not you perceive that you speak Con∣tradictions? for what is so opposite, as that he should be not only miserable, but any thing, who is not at all? (b) As you go out at the Capuan Gate, and see there the Sepulchres of Calatinus, the Scipio's, the Servilii. and Marcelli, can you judge them miserable?

S.

Because you pinch me with cavilling at a word, I shall hereafter forbear to say they are miserable, but only term them miserable for that very reason because they are not.

M.

You do not say then M. Crassus is miserable, but miserable M. Crassus.

S.

Right.

M.

As though whatsoever is pronounc'd of any one, were not of necessity either so, or not so; have you not so much as learn'd the Rudiments of Logick? for this is a fundamental Maxim there, that every Proposition must be either true or false;

when therefore you say miserable M. Crassus, either you say M. Crassus is miserable, that it may be brought to trial whether it be true or false; or you say nothing at all.

S.

Well then, I grant that they are not miser∣able who are dead, because you have wrack'd out of me the Confession, that (a) they who have no be∣ing, cannot be so much as miserable; what say you of us that are alive, can we be other than miserable, since we must dye? for what enjoy∣ment can there be in life, when we are to think day and night that dye we must of a certain, and it is uncertain whether this or the next Moment?

(a) They who have no being, cannot be so much as miserable] Nothing is more certain; as the Action at Law dies with the Person, so if the Subject cease to be, all the Accidents depending on it fall together. Death is a Dissolution of the whole compound: but this Argument is intended to re∣prove the Vulgar, who foolishly pittied the dead only for their loss of these worldly Advantages, to which indeed the dead are utterly lost; but he afterwards retrieves the Soul. The drift of these two Sections is, to disprove Death's being evil or miserable to them that are already dead, which was the second Member of the disjunctive.

(b) As ye go out at the Capuan Gate.] It was a Law among the Romans (taken from the Attick) to bury none within the City: but without the several Gates by the High-way∣side. Monuments erected for the dead, were admonitions to the Passengers, and Ornaments of the Publick.

SECT. VIII. Nor is dying a miserable thing, it is assay'd, to prove it rather good.

M.

DO you come then to understand of how much evil you have discharg'd humane Condition?

S.

Which way?

M.

Because, if dying had been miserable to them that are dead, we should have had an end∣less and everlasting evil in Life. Now I see the Goal, whether when I have finish'd my course nothing further is to be fear'd. But you seem to me to be of Epicharmus's mind, an acute man, and not unfacetious, as being a Sicilian.

S.

What was his mind? for I do not know it.

M.

I will tell you if I can translate it, for you know I no more use to bring in ends of Greek in a Latin Discourse, than when I am speaking Greek to come in with Latin Sentences.

S.

In that you are right: but what, I pray, is that saying of Epicharmus?

M.

To dye I'me loth, but weigh not to be dead.

S.

Now I find the Greek by his subtlety, but since you have forc'd me to yield, that they who are dead, are not miserable; perswade me, if you can, that it is not a miserable thing that we must dye.

M.

There is now no great difficulty in that, but I aim at higher Matters.

S.

How no great difficulty in that? or what can be those higher Matters?

M.

Because if there be no evil after death, nei∣ther can death it self be evil, for the time which immediately follows it is after death, wherein you allow that there is no evil, upon which follows, that neither is it evil that we must dye; which is, we must arrive thither, where we confess is no evil.

S.

Speak to that I pray more largely; for these captious questions sooner gain of me a Confession than a Conviction. But what are those higher Matters that you say you aim at?

M.

To make out, if I am able, that death is so far from being evil, that it is good.

S.

I do not require that from you, but would gladly hear it; for though you should not demon∣strate what you attempt, yet you will gain the question that death is not evil. Proceed then, I shall not interrupt you. I had rather hear it in a continu'd Speech.

M.

What if I should ask you any thing, would you not answer me?

S.

That were an uncivil part, but unless there be a necessity, I had rather you would for bear it. *

* If there be no evil after death, neither can death it self be evil.] Death as a passage to a State of insensibility can have no very formidable aspect: and this is offer'd to overthrow the first Branch in the disjunctive Syllogisme, as if death were evil to them that are to dye. But the Heathen World knew not the universal calpableness of man∣kind: the rigorous Sanction of a just Law, and Power of the Law-giver to put his Sentence in Execution, wherein the Terrors of Death doth consist.

SECT. IX. What is death, what the Soul, in vulgar Opi∣nion.

M.

I Will comply with you, and to my best Abi∣lity declare what you desire; yet not so as if inspir'd by Pythian Apollo, I should speak nothing that were no Oracle and Infallible; but as a weak man of like frailty with the rest of Mankind, pur∣suing what hath greatest appearance of Truth; for beyond probabilities, I am not able to advance. Let (a) them deliver Certainties, who both affirm these Matters to be comprehensible, and profess them∣selves to have arriv'd at Perfection.

S.

In that, as you please, we are prepar'd to give attention.

M.

Death then however universally it may seem to be known, must first be enquir'd what it is. Some hold death to be a Separation of the Body from the Soul. Others think there is no Se∣paration, but that both Soul and Body determine at once, and that the Soul is extinguish'd with the Carkass. Of those who judge that the Soul departs, some hold that it presently scatters; some again, after a long space; others maintain that it endures for ever. Now what it is, where seated, or whence it cometh, is matter of great Controversie. Some take it to be the heart; whence men are said to be without Heart, of a bad Heart, or of one Heart. And that great Statesman Nasica, who was twice Consul, had the Surname of Wise-heart.

And the old Poet terms,

Wise Aelius Sextus of an heart Profound.

Empedocles thinks the Soul to be the Bloodshed through the Heart. Others judge that a part of the Brain is the Principle of Sense and Understand∣ing. Another Party cannot agree, either the one or other to be the Soul, but these lodge it in the Heart, those in the Brain as its Seat or Palace. Others, and among them we in our own Language use the name Soul and Spirit promiscuously; for we say to gasp and expire, or give up the Ghost; also men of a gallant Spirit, of a sound Spirit and the like. As for Spirit it is, being interpreted, Breath. Zeno the Stoic holds the Soul to be a Fire.

(a) Let them deliver Certainties.] He reflects upon the Sto∣ics, who were very positive, and Pretenders to perfect Wisdom.

SECT. X. What it is in the Judgment of divers Philo∣sophers.

BUT these which I have recited, that the Soul should be Heart, Brains, Breath, Fire are vulgar Opinions; the remaining private Doctors have held, and some of the Ancient ones. Of later date Aristoxenus, Musician and Philosopher too,

maintain'd it was a certain Key to which the body was strain'd, as in the tuning of an Instrument; so by the nature and posture of the Body, variety of Motions were rais'd, and as Notes in Musick. He kept to his Art, yet somewhat he said, which somewhat such as it was, had been long before both said and explain'd by Plato. Xenocrates deny'd that the Soul hath any corporeal Figure, but said it was a number, whose Power, as Pythagoras had before held, was of great Efficacy in Nature. His Master Plato divided the Soul into three Parts. The Principal of these, which is Reason, he plac'd in the Head as in its Citadel, and separated into two, Anger and Lust, which he lodg'd in different Apartments, placing Anger in the Stomach, and Lust under the Entrails. But Dicaearchus in that Discourse which he held at Corinth, and put out in three Books in the Person of learned men, in the first Books brings in many Disputants; in the two latter introduceth one Pherecrates an old man of Phthia, whom he alledgeth as descended of Deucalion, and there to argue that there is no such being as a Soul; that it is a meer Name without a Notion, and that we speak improperly in say∣ing, that Creatures have a living Soul; whereas in truth there is neither in Man nor Beast, any such thing as Soul or Spirit, but all that Power which produceth in us Actions of the Mind, or Senses is an equal Complexion of the Elements, nor can subsist in a separate Estate, as being no substance, but plain body, which under such a Figure, is by its natural Temper dispos'd to Ve∣getation and Sense. Aristotle who far surpasseth all others (Plato alwayes excepted) both in Parts and Industry, after he had computed the four Ele∣ments which furnish material cause of existence to

all compound Bodies, pitches upon a fifth Essence, of which the rational Soul should consist; for to think and forecast, to learn and teach, to invent, with so many other Abilities of Memory, Love, Hatred, Desire, Fear, Anxiety, Joy, he doth not conceive these and the like, can be inherent in any of those four Elements. Hereupon he adds a fifth nameless Nature, and so calls the Soul by the new name of a pure Act, being in continu'd and per∣petual Motion.

SECT. XI. Inferences from these diverse Opinions.

THese are almost all the Opinions about the Soul, as far as I can recollect; for let us wave Democritus, a brave man indeed and excel∣lent Scholar, but who fram'd the Soul upon a casual rencounter of smooth and globular Moths, for among those Gentlemen there is no feat so strange, but what omnipotent Atomes can perform. Of these Opinions which is true, God alone knows; which hath the greatest appearance of truth, is much to be question'd. Had we best therefore discuss these different Opinions, or return to the enquiry at first propos'd?

S.

I would fain both might be, if it were possi∣ble; but it is hard to confound them: Wherefore, if without scanning them at large, we may be de∣liver'd from the Terrors of death, let that be our business; but if that cannot be obtain'd till this question of the Souls nature be decided, let us now dispatch this, and that another time.

M.

I judge that more convenient, which I find you like better; for it will be concluded with good Reason, that whatsoever of those Opinions which I have alledged, prove true, death must be either not evil, or rather good. For if the Soul be Heart, or Blood, or Brains, of a certain, be∣cause it is Corporal, it will dye with the other Body. If it be breath, perhaps it will scatter into thin Air: If Fire, it will be quench'd: If it be the Harmony of Aristoxenus, it will be discomposed. What need I mention Dicaearchus, who allows not the Soul to be any Substance? according to all these Opinions, none hath any concern after Death; for Life and Sense are extinguish'd together. But what is insensible, hath neither interest in good or evil. The Judgments of the rest open some door of Hope, if this may chance to please you, that our Souls, when they have escap'd out of our Bo∣dies, may arrive at Heaven, as at their own Home.

S.

That is well pleasing to me, and I could principally wish that it were so. But next, how∣ever it is, could be contented with the perswasion that it were so.

M.

What need have you of our pains to that purpose? can we surpass Plato in Eloquence? Read over diligently his Book about the Soul, you will need no further Information.

S.

I have in truth done so, and that many times; but, I know not how, whilst I am in reading I yield my assent; when I have laid down the Book, and begin to meditate with my self upon the Soul's Im∣mortality, all my former Assent slips out of my mind.

M.

What think you of this? do you grant that Souls do either subsist after death, or determine upon death?

S.

I readily grant it.

M.

(b) What if they survive?

S.

I allow they are blessed.

M.

If they dye?

S.

That they are not miserable, because they have no being; for that Point upon compulsion from you, we a little before granted.

M.

How then, or wherefore do you say death in your judgment to be an evil, which either ren∣ders us blessed in case the Soul survive, or not mi∣serable, as being without all Sense?

(b) What if they survive? I allow they are blessed.] An in∣tellectual Life is a Blessing compar'd with Annihilation; but to this must be added; Reconciliation to God, on such Terms as he hath declar'd consistent with the Honor of his Justice and Truth.

SECT. XII. Arguments that the Soul subsists after Death, from immemorial Tradition, from Funeral Rites, and from the Veneration of ancient Heroes.

S.

BE pleas'd therefore to declare in the first place, if you are able, that the Soul sub∣sists after Death; if you cannot evince that (for it is a hard matter to make out clearly) inform us

that Death carrieth no evil along with it; for I fear least that be evil, I say not, to be insensible, but that we must lose our Senses.

M.

We can produce the best Authority for that Sentence which you would gain; now this both ought, and is wont to be of greatest moment in deciding all Causes; as first the consent of all An∣tiquity, who the less distance they were remov'd from their original and divine Extraction, did per∣haps discern truth more clearly. Therefore this one Principle was deeply engrasted in those old Sires, who liv'd in the non-age of time, that there was Sense after Death; nor would man by depar∣ture out of Life, be so rais'd up from the Founda∣tions, as to perish totally. And this may be col∣lected, as from many other Instances, so in parti∣cular from the Pontifical Sanctions about Cere∣monies at the places of burial, which they would never have observ'd with so much Devotion, nor aveng'd the breach of them under such inexpiable Penalties, had it not been imprinted in their minds, that death was not an Annihilation, but a removal and change only of Life, which used to conduct Men and Women of good Fame up to Heaven; and which continu'd in others, but was depress'd to the grosser Regions investing the Earth. After this Ritual, and the Opinion of our Ancestors,

In Heaven lives Romulus with the Gods in bliss;

as Ennius, compliant with Fame, sweetly sings. In like manner among the Greeks, and from them deriv'd to us, and as far as the Western Ocean is Hercules esteem'd, a God so powerful and propiti∣ous. From hence Bacchus born of Sem••le, and in like renown Castor and Pollux Brethren, Sons of Ty∣nearus,

who are deliver'd to have been in the Bat∣tles of the Roman People, not only assistants of Victory, (c) but also Messengers there of express: What is not Ino, Cadmus's Daughter, who was nam'd by the Greeks Leucothea, term'd by the Ro∣mans, Matuta? What? is not almost all Heaven, not to instance in more, peopled with Inhabitants of humane Race?

(c) But also Messengers thereof] In the War with the Latins at the Regillan Lake, two Knights on white Horses were seen to lead up the Roman Battalia, and after the Victory, the same night to wash their Houses at the Fountain of Juiurna, where having brought Post to Rome, the News of the day won, they vanish'd. The like divine Express is said to have brought the word to Domitius Aenobarbus, the day that Perses King of Macedon was beaten by Paulus Aemi∣lius.

SECT. XIII. From this that the Superior Gods are receiv'd to have been Men deceas'd.

BUT if I should go about to ransack old Monu∣ments, and discover out of them what the Greek Writers have disclos'd; those very Gods which are reputed of the higher Rank, will be found to have pass'd from us here to Heaven. En∣quire whose Sepulchers are shew'd in Greece. Call to mind, because you have been admitted to the Vision of the secret Ceremonies, what passages are deliver'd in those Mysteries; so will you come to

understand of how large extent this Suggestion is. But those plain-hearted Ancients, who had never learn'd these Systems of natural Theology, which many years after came to be form'd, believ'd no more than the bare objects of their Senses, com∣prehended not the Reasons and Causes of them; were often mov'd by some Apparitions, and those most commonly in the night, to conceive that those who had departed this World, were still alive. Now allowing this to pass for a most con∣clusive Argument, why we should believe the be∣ing of a God, because there is no People so Savage, no Person so Barbarous, but hath some Notion of a Deity impress'd on his mind. Many have un∣worthy Conceptions of God, for that ariseth from corrupt Custom; yet all concur in this Faith, that there is a divine Nature and Power, nor is this opinion wrought by the Conferring or Combinati∣on of men together, nor is it built upon Customs or Laws. Now the consent of all Nations in any thing, is to be esteem'd the Law of Nature. Who there∣fore is there who doth not mourn for the loss of his Friends, upon the account that he thinks them depriv'd of the Comforts of Life? Take away this Opinion, and you will take away Mourning, for no body bemoans his own loss. Perhaps they grieve or are in anguish for it. That same pitiful La∣mentation, weeping and wailing, springeth from the Consideration, that we judge him whom we lov'd, despoil'd of the Conveniencies of Life, and sensible that he is so. And this judgment we bear from the Impressions of Nature, without any Con∣clusions of Reason, or Instructions of Learning.

SECT. XIV. From an innate care of Posterity, and zeal for the State.

FUrther it is a strong Argument, that Nature hath in her self secret Convictions about the Souls Immortality, from that Providence which all have, and especially in those things which are to take place after our Death.

He raiseth Plants, whose Fruit next Age must gather.

As saith Statius in the Comedy of the young Twins; upon what Contemplation but only this, that he is interess'd in succeeding Generations? Shall then a careful Husbandman Plant Trees, whereof he is ne∣ver likely to see one Berry, and shall not a good Pa∣triot plant Laws, Customs for the Commonwealth. What means the breeding of Children; what the propagating our Name; what the Adoptions of Sons; what the formality of Wills; what the Mo∣numents of Tombs; what Epitaphs, but what we reckon upon future times. What say we to this? Do you make any question, but that a Pattern of our Nature ought to be taken from the very best of Natures? Now what Nature is better in Mankind, than that of those who esteem themselves born for the Suc∣cor, Defence, and Preservation of men. Hercules is gone to the Gods; he had never gone, had he not, while he liv'd among men, secur'd his passage thither.

SECT. XV. And thirst after Glory.

THese Instances are of old Date, and conse∣crated by the Religion of all People. By what Principles do we suppose so many brave Per∣sons acted in our own State, who laid down their Lives for the Commonwealth? was it their Judg∣ment, that their name should be confin'd within the same compass as their Lives? No man without great hopes of immortality would ever offer up himself in the Service of his Country. Themistocles might have liv'd at ease; so might Epaminondas, and (not to look abroad or backward for Examples) so might I. But there is in our minds a kind of secret sally-port, whereby we make excursion into future Ages. This is most forward and observable in the most pregnant Wits and gallant Spirits. Take away this, who would be so sensless as to live in perpetual toyl and haz∣zard? I speak for Statesmen, but as to Poets, have they no regard to Fame after Death, whence then came this Inscription?

Here, Roman, stands old Ennius crown'd with Bays, Who sung your Fathers in immortal Layes.

He expects the Wages of Glory from those whose Parents he had immortaliz'd. Then further on the same occasion,

None mourn for me, nor cruel Destiues blame, I draw the breath of never-dying Fame.

But why do I insist on Poets? Artisans strive to be ennobled by their Master-pieces after Death. For why else should Phidias work an Image like him∣self in the Shield of Minerva, where he might not inscribe his Name? Nay our own Philosophers, do they not set their Names to those very Books which they write upon contemning Glory? Now if the consent of all men be the voice of Nature; and all men every where do accord, that they who are departed this Life, have some interest here; we then must needs be of the same Sense: and if any who excell in Parts and Vertue, we suppose them as being best natur'd, to see farthest into the Power of Nature; it is likely, since the best men are most serviceable to Posterity, that there is somewhat whereof they shall be sensible after Death.

SECT. XVI. That Dead mens Souls abide in Caves under earth, is the groundless Fiction of Poets, or Imposture of Magicians.

BUT as We conceive the Being of God by natu∣ral Instinct, but gather his Nature and At∣tributes by rational Deductions; so that Souls do subsist in a separate State, we judge by the consent of all Nations; what Mansions they inhabit, and what be their essential Qualities we must learn; by reason the ignorance of which hath feigned a Hell in the Center of the Earth, and those bugbears which you did seem not without just Cause to de∣spise. For when Bodies fell into the Earth, and were covered within the ground, from whence they are said to be inhum'd, they fancied that the dead led the rest of their Life under the Earth. Upon which opinion of theirs, great errors ensu'd; these the Poets improv'd. For the cram'd Seats of the Theater, in which be Women and Children, are mov'd when they hear such a lofty Verse:

I come mith woful pains from under ground, A steep and headlong way which Cliff's surround, Huge, pointed, pendant; where gross darkness dwells.

And so far did the error prevail, which seems to me now taken quite away, that though they knew Corpses to have been burnt, yet they feign'd such Acts done below, as could neither be performed

without corporeal Organs, nor understood. For they could not comprehend the Soul's subsisting in a separate condition, but requir'd it to have some shape and figure. Upon this conceit depends all Homer's Descent into Hell. Upon the same, that Necromancy, which my Friend Appius practis'd. Upon this the Avernian Lake in our Neighbor∣hood.

Whence rais'd are Night-Ghosts, Images of the dead, Deep Acheron's Gates flung ope by salt blood-shed.

Yet they will have these Images speak; which is impossible without a Tongue, without a Palate, without the force and figure of Throat, Sides and Lungs. They could not see any thing by the mind, but terminated all sight in the Eyes. Now it is the part of a noble Wit, to call the Mind off from the Senses, and take it out of the common Road. There∣fore I suppose that in so many Ages, some have before done so; but of all whose Opinions are Recorded, (a) Pherecydes the Syrese first maintain'd that Humane Souls are immortal. An Author of great Antiquity, (b) for he liv'd in the Reign of my Kinsman. This opinion his Scholar Pythagoras greatly confirm'd, who being come into Italy in the Reign of Tarquin the proud sway'd Greece the Great, with honor to his Person, multitude of Au∣ditors, and Authority of his Doctrine: so that for many years after, the Pythagorean Name so flour sh'd, that none were reputed Scholars who were not of his Sect.

(a) Pherecydes the Syrese] From Syres one of the Islands, in the Aegean called Cyclades, he was the Master of Pythagoras.

(b) For he liv'd in the Reign of my Kinsman] Tully claime kindred with Servius Tullius the sixth Roman King upon names-sake.

SECT. XVII. That it is more likely they ascend.

BUT I return to the Ancients; they were hardly wont to give any reason of their Opinion, un∣less in matters demonstrable by Lines and Num∣bers. Plato is reported to have travelled into Italy, that he might be acquainted with the Pythagoreans; and when he was there, to have had intimacy with Architas and Timaeus, so that he became ex∣pert in all the Pythogorean Learning; and was the first that not only held the same concerning the Immortality of the Soul, as Pythagoras did; but further brought his reason to prove it; which rea∣son, unless you otherwise require, let us blanch, and so abandon this whole hope of Immorta∣lity.

S.

Do you offer, now you have rais'd my ex∣pectations to the heighth, to disappoint me? had rather, I assure you, be mistaken with Plato, whom I know how much you magnifie, and am wont, upon your Commendation, to admire, than to be of their opinion in the right.

M.

Bravely resolv'd! for I my self could be contented with so good Company, to be in the wrong. Do we then question this, as many other passages? although there be least ground to doubt this; Mathematicians perswade us, that the

Earth, situated in the middle of the Universe, bear∣eth the proportion of a Point, which they call the Center, in comparison with the vast Orb of the Starry Heavens: and further, that such is the na∣ture of the four Elements, that their Motions are divided by opposite terms; so that terrene and humid Bodies of their own bent and sway, tend perpendicularly to the Earth and Sea; the two remaining parts, the one of Fire, the other of Air, as the former by their heaviness, sink down into the middle of the World; so these sore up at right Angles to the heavenly Regions; whether it be their own nature to aspire upward; (c) or that the lighter parts are naturally lifted up by the des∣cent of the more heavy. These things being on all hands agreed, it ought to be alike evident that Souls, when they depart the Body, whether they be of a spiritous or fiery substance, mount towards Heaven; but if the Soul be a number, which is said with more subtlety than plainness; or if it be of that fifth Nature, which however nameless, is not so very difficult to be understood; then are they much more abstract from matter, and of greater purity, and will consequently ascend to the greatest distance from the Earth. Now some of these Natures the Soul must needs be of; not to fancy so quick and sprightly an Intelligence, lying plung'd in the Heart, or Brains, or after Empedocles, in the Blood.

(c) Or that the lighter parts are naturally lifted up by the descent of the heavier.] The opinion that Gravity and Le∣vity are not positive but comparative, thought to be Mo∣dern, and Cartesian, appears to have been ancient.

SECT. VIII. Nor vanish.

AS for Dicaearchus, with Aristoxenus his Con∣temporary and Fellow-Pupil, let them pass for great Scholars, the one of which seems never to have had compassion, or he would have been sensible that he had a Soul; the other is so trans∣ported with his Tunes, that he would forcibly ap∣ply them to the Matters in hand. Now we can collect Harmony from the distance of sounds; the setting of which notes in due proportion pro∣duces also variety of Tunes: But, what Musick the posture of the Limbs, and the shape of the Body destitute of a Soul, can produce, I compre∣hend not. He would do well therefore, Scholar as he is, to leave these Matters to his Master Ari∣stotle, and content himself with teaching to Fiddle. For that is good direction which is given in the Greek Proverb.

Let each man practice th' Art in which he's skill'd.

But turn we quite out of doors that casual con∣course of smooth and round Bodies; which yet Democritus would have to conceive heat and be∣come spiritous, that is, having Life. Now the Soul in this case, (which if it consists of any of the four Elements, whereof all things are said to be compounded, hath for its ingredients inflam'd Air, to which opinion Panaetius was most inclinable)

must mount upwards; for these two Elements have nothing in them tending downward, but al∣wayes ascend so, whether they scatter in the Air; it must be far from falling to the Earth; or, whe∣ther they continue, and subsist in a separate Estate, they must of more necessity mount up to Heaven, forcing their passage through this gross and impure Air, which is nearest the Earth; for the Soul is hotter, or rather more fiery than is this Air, which I just now call'd gross and impure.

SECT. XIX. But ascend the Sky.

AND that it is so, is demonstrable from this, that our Bodies compounded of the terrene sort of Principles, do yet conceive warmth from the heat of the Soul. The probability is further improv'd of our Souls breaking thorough, and sur∣mounting this aiery Region with the more ease, because nothing is swifter then thought. No speed may compare with the speed of the Soul; which if it continue entire and like it self, must of neces∣sity pass with such a quick motion, as to pierce and divide all these lower Regions of Heaven, wherein Clouds, Rains, and Winds are engendred, which is moist and dark, with Exhalations from the Earth; which Atmosphear, when the Soul hath transcendéd, and finds that she is arriv'd at a nature like her self, consisting of a refin'd Air, and gentle heat of the Sun, she fixeth in the Empirean Orb, and stayes her further ascent; for having

now gotten a lightness and heat agreeable to her self, as hanging ballanc'd in an equal counter∣poise, she moves neither way, but this is her natu∣ral home, when she hath arriv'd at her own likeness; where she shall want nothing but be nourish'd and su∣stain'd with the same Food, wherewith the Stars are nourish'd and sustain'd: and whereas we are here wont through the Lusts of our flesh, to be enflam'd to almost all sorts of concupiscence, and to be so much the more fir'd, because we emulate those who are in possession of those Goods which we pursue. Doubtless, blessed shall we be, when di∣vested of these Bodies, we shall with them have put off their craving desires, and fond Emulations. Now as it fareth with us here, when releas'd from cares, we love to recreate our selves in beholding some moral Divertisements, or other pleasing sights; we shall have then much more liberty to attend to it (d) and shall lay out our selves wholly in contemplating the wonderful Effects of Nature, and discerning their Causes; both be∣cause our minds have naturally unplanted in them, an insatiable longing to come at the sight of Truth: And because the very Borders of those heavenly places, at which we shall have arriv'd, as by their proxi∣mity they will furnish greater advantages, as the discovery of the celestial Bodies, with their mo∣tions; so will they accordingly excite in us a more ardent desire, to enquire after them. For it was this beautiful order which put our Fathers and Grand-fathers even here on Earth (as Theophrastus saith) upon Philosophy, and inflam'd them with a desire of Knowledge; but they shall with more inlarged Faculties and satisfaction, comprehend them; who while here upon Earth, however they were invelopped in thick mists of Obscurity;

yet by the piercing sight of a clear mind, endea∣voured to descry them.

(d) And shall lay out our selves wholly in contemplating the wonderful Effects of Nature, and discerning their Causes.] To behold natural Causes, is delightful to the Understanding. God is said to look down upon his Works, and rejoyce. But our greatest satisfaction is by them, as in a Mirror, to behold the infinite Wisdom and Power of him who hath dispos'd them. And since the Creature must pass away in the general Conflagration; there remains no other beati∣fical Vision, but to behold the face of the Creator, recon∣ciled to us through a gracious Redeemer, to which only purity of heart can prepare.

SECT. XX. And thence contemplate Nature.

NOW if they fancy themselves to have got some advantage, who have seen the Mouth of the Black-Sea, and those Streights, through which the Galley enter'd, which was nam'd

Argo, because in her the Flower of Greece, From Argos row'd, to fetch the Golden Fleece.

And those also who have seen the Streights mouth, where the swift current Libya and Europe parts.

What a rare sight do we think it will be, when we may see the whole Earth at one view? and as its Situation, Form, Circuit; so both its Country's

habitable; and those again utterly uninhabitable, through excess of cold or heat? For we do not at present behold with our eyes the things we do see. Since there is no sense in the Body; but, as not only Natu∣ralists inform, but also Physitians, who in Dissecti∣ons have seen and examin'd the several parts, there are certain open passages bored from the Seat of the Soul, to the Eyes, to the Ears, and to the No∣strils; whence oftentimes either being deep in Medita∣tion, or seiz'd with some violent Distemper, though our eyes and eares be both sound and open, we can neither see nor hear with them. So that it is very apparent, that it is the Soul which both sees and hears, and not those parts which are but as it were the Case∣ments of the Soul; with which yet it can perceive nothing, unless it be mindful and attentive. It is further observable, that with the same mind we comprehend objects of a most different Nature, as colour, taste, heat, scent, and sound; which the Soul could never distinguish from the report of five Mes∣sengers, unless all were committed to her, that she alone might be judge of all. And in truth those things will be seen much more clearly and transparently, when the Soul shall get free to the place whither Nature is bound; for at present, however Nature hath fram'd those overtures, which are a tho∣rough-fair from the Body to the Soul, after a most curious and artificial manner; yet are they in a sort, obstructed by gross and impure Matter; but, when the Soul shall he by her self, nothing shall interpose to hinder her from discerning every object, according to its proper Nature.

SECT. XXI. That the Epicureans who plead for Annihila∣tion, have no such reason to triumph in their Scheme of natural Knowledge improv'd.

WE could sufficiently dilate upon this Sub∣ject, if the Matter requir'd it, how many, how different, how great entertainments of the Sight, the Soul should find in the heavenly places. The Consideration of which, makes me often ad∣mire at the strange Vanity of some Philosophers, who magnifie their knowledge of Nature, and in great Extasies of Joy, offer up thanks to him that first invented and revealed it, worshipping him as a God: For by his means they pretend themselves freed from the most insupportable Lords, everlast∣ing Terror, and apprehension day and night. What Terror? What Apprehension? Is there any old Good-wife so doting, as to fear those things which you see now, had you not learn'd the Scheme of natural Philosophy, you should have fear'd?

Acheron's low Regions which pale shades frequent, Where Clouds o're-spread the gloomy Firmament.

Is it not a shame for a Philosopher to glory, that he is got above these fears, and that he knows them to be but Fables? By which it appears what profound natural Parts these men have, who should have believ'd such Stories, if they had not been

bred up to Learning. A great prize too, they have got by this Learning; that when they come to dye, they are to perish Soul and Body. Which admit to be true (for I am not contentious) what great matter of joy or boasting doth the Doctrine afford? Though, to speak truth, I cannot find any considerable Objection against the opinion of Py∣thagoras and Plato; for had Plato alledged no rea∣son for it (see what deference I have to his Person) he would have dash'd me with his bare Authority; but now he hath back'd his Judgment with so many Reasons, that he seems to me, to have endeavour∣ed to make others to be so, but himself truly to have been of the perswasion.

SECT. XXII. An immaterial Substance, though invisible, may subsist of it self, as God, so the Soul.

YET many stubborn Opponents there are, who pass Sentence of Death upon Souls, as Ca∣pital Malefactors. Nor have they other ground, upon which they derogate credit from the Eter∣nity of Souls, but only this, that they cannot fancy nor comprehend what should be the nature of a Soul separate from the Body; as if they un∣derstood what were the nature of it, when united to it; what fashion, what size, what place it takes up. So that were man a Creature, who might be look'd into, and all his inward Parts discover'd, whether would the Soul be visible, or for its ex∣traordinary subtilty escape the sight. These things

they would do well to consider, who say, they cannot conceive what a Soul should be without a Body; they will find what Conception they have of it, now it is in the Body. For my part, when I look closely into the nature of the Soul, it seems a far more difficult and obscure Speculation, what the Soul should be, when confin'd to this Body, as in a strange House, then what it should be, when it is escap'd and arriv'd at the open Heaven, as its own home; For unless we can conceive the na∣ture of a thing which we never saw, neither can we ap∣prehend the Being of God, who is an incorporeal Spirit. Dicaearchus and Aristoxenus, because the Nature and likeness of a So•••• were hard to be understood, plainly deny'd the ••••ry being of it. Indeed it is one of the hardest Operations, for the Soul, by a reflex act, to behold the Soul. And this was the true meaning of Apollo, in that Precept, wherein he enjoyns man to know himself. For I do not take, that he means we should know our Limbs, how tall we are, or of what shape; nor indeed are our Bodies our selves, and what I now speak to you, I do not address to your Body. When therefore, he saith, know your self, he means, know your Soul; for the Body is but the Case and Cabinet of the Soul. Whatever Actions are perform'd by your Soul, are your Actions. Therefore to know thee, unless it had been of some Divine Import, it would not so far have pass'd for the Invention of some profound Wit, so as to have been father'd upon a God, requiring no greater Ability, than to know ones self. But though the Soul should not attain to know what is the Nature of the Soul; pray sa∣tisfie me, can it not know its Being? can it not be sensible of its Motion? from whence arose that Argument of Plato, press'd by Socrates in the Dia∣logue

stil'd Phaedrus, and quoted by me in my sixth Book of Politicks.

SECT. XXIII. Arguments for the Immortality of the Soul, from its inward Motion.

WHat always moveth, is eternal; but what im∣parts motion to another, and what is acted by another, when it comes to an end of motion, must also come to an end of life. That only therefore which moves it self, because it is never deserted of it self, neither doth it ever cease moving; nay, this is the Spring, this the Principle of Motion, to other things which are mov'd. Now a Principle hath no precedent source of being, for all things arise from their Principle, but it can spring from no other thing; for so it would cease to be a Prin∣ciple, if it were begotten of any thing else; but if it be never generated, neither will it ever corrupt; for a Principle abolish'd, can neither arise again from another, nor can it produce any other thing from it self; for all things must necessarily arise from their Principle; so cometh it about, that the Principle of Motion, must be at that which moveth it self; now that can neither be born, nor dye; or else all Heaven would tumble down, and the whole frame of Nature stop its course; nor have any Mover, by whose first impression it should be set on Motion. It being therefore plain, that what moves it self, is eternal, who can deny the Nature of Souls to be such; for whatsoever is stir'd by a foreign Impression, is inanimate; but every Animal is quickened by an in∣ward Motion, and of its own; for that is the proper

Nature and Power of the Soul; which if it be the only of all Substances, that alwayes moves it self; neither was it in truth ever born, and is eternal.

Let all the petty Philosophers (for so should they be call'd, in my opinion, who differ from Plato and Socrates, and that Family) let them come in to assist one another; they will not only never ex∣press any thing so neatly, but also never be able to discern where the stress of the Argument lyes. (e) The Soul therefore is sensible that it moves, and is withall sensible that it moves by its own, and no foreign Impulse; and that it can never be, that it should fail it self, from whence its Eternity is concluded, unless you have any reply to offer.

S. I indeed, am well contented, to admit in∣to my thought, no matter of questioning it, I have such a favour for that Opinion.

(e) The Soul therefore is sensible that it moves.] The former Argument of Self-motion, being common to all living Creatures; might seem to conclude for the like Privilege to the Souls of brute Beasts which go downward, and re∣turn into the Power of that Matter, from whence they were educed: But Cicero restrains it to a reflex Act, of the understanding which properly flows from the rational Soul.

SECT. XXIV. From the capaciousness of its memory.

WHat do you think of these other Instances? Take you them to be of less moment? which manifest that there is somewhat Divine in the Souls of men; which could I perceive how they could have been born, I might also compre∣hend how they should dye. For as to the Blood, Choler, Phlegm, Bones, Sinews, Veins, in a word, all the mould of the Limbs, and of the whole Body, methinks I could account for them, whereof they are compounded, and how they were form'd from the Soul it self, if there accru'd no other advantage, but that we liv'd by it; I should think the Life of man as much supported by Nature, as that of a Vine or other Plant; for we say, that they also live. Again, if the Soul of man had no other, Faculties, than those of desiring and avoiding; that too it would have in common with the Beasts. For the first instance, it hath memory, and that infinite, of innumerable things; (f) so that Plato would have it to be the re∣calling to mind what was known in a former Life. For in that Book which is entitled Menon, Socrates asks a certain Youngster some Geometrical que∣stions, about the content of a Square: He answers them, as a Child; and yet the Interrogatories are so easie, that the answer proceeding, step by step, cometh at length to that pass, as if he had learn'd Mathematicks; from which Socrates would con∣clude, that to learn, is nothing else, but to refresh

the Memory. Which Topick he explains much more accurately; yet in that Dialogue which he held, the very day wherein he submitted to the Execution of the Sentence pass'd upon his Life; wherein he teaches, that any one, let him seem utterly illiterate and unexperienc'd, if he answer directly to one that puts apt questions to him, doth make it manifest, that he doth not then learn those Matters anew, but only recollect what he had before in his memory. And that it were wholly impossible for us to have the Notions, which the Greeks call common, of so many, and so great things, from our Childhood imprinted, and as it were registred in our Souls, unless the Soul before it entred the Body, had been employ'd in under∣standing the World. And if it had been nothing, as is in all places disputed by Plato (for he thinks that to be nothing, which cometh by Generation, and turns to Corruption, and that only to have being, which is such always as he calls his Idea, we the Species or Kind) the Soul after it was locked up in the Body could not come to understand them, therefore it brought the knowledge of them with it hither; by which means all admiration of our knowing so many things ceases. Nor doth the Soul discern them on the sudden, after she is remov'd into such a strange and confus'd habitation, till she hath re∣collected and recruited her self, for then she recovers those dormant notices, by remembrance of them; so that Learning is nothing else, than a recalling to mind. Now I must confess, I do after an extraordinary manner, admire the memory; what is that fa∣culty, whereby we remember? what is its force? or whence its nature? I do not demand about such a memory, as Simonides is said to have had; such as Theodectes; such as he who was sent Am∣bassador

from Pyrrhus, to the Senate Cynaeas; such as Charmidas lately; such as in these times, the Scepsian Metrodorus; such as our Friend Hortensius. I speak of the common memory of men, and those especially who are train'd up in any considerable Business or Art; the compass of whose mind, it is hard to estimate, so many things do they remember.

(f) So that Plato would have it to be the re-calling to mind, what was known in a former Life.] It is a known opinion of Plato, the pre-existence of Souls, too much favoured by Origen and Arnobius, perhaps to salve the Do∣ctrine of original Sin, which they thought less reconcile∣able to the Souls Creation in its Infusion. But the truer account of such apprehension, seems to be from the com∣mon Notions, by natural instinct implanted in the rational Soul.

SECT. XXV. Corollaries of the former Argument, from that of Invention.

WHither now tends this whole Discourse? I think it would be understood what is this force, and whence it is: Certainly it proceeds not from the Heart, nor Blood, nor Brains, nor Atomes. Whether the Soul be Breath or Fire, I know not; nor am I asham'd, as some others are, to confess I do not know, what I do not. But this I can affirm, as much as of any thing else that is obscure, be the Soul Breath, or be it Fire, I durst be depos'd it is Divine; for, I beseech you now, can

you imagine that so great an ability of memory can be produc'd or compounded of Earth, or this gross Region of Air? You do not see what is its Nature: But what are its Qualities, you do see; or if you do not that neither, what is its quantity, to be sure you do see. How then do we conceive of it? whether do we think there is any concavity, into which, as into a Fat, we turn up the things which we remember? that is absurd: For what bottom, or what such Figure of the Soul can be imagin'd? or what Gage of so large a Size? Or do we take the Soul to be imprest as Wax, and the Memory for the Prints of things set down in the Mind, as in a Table-book? What Prints can there be of Words? what of the things themselves? Lastly, what Volum so vast, as to represent such numerous Nations? What think you should that Power be, which brings to light useful Secrets, which is call'd Invention, or Devising? or that it can be compounded of this earthly, mortal and frail Nature? What judge you of him, who the first impos'd names on all things, which Pythagoras reckons a Work of the highest Wisdom? or who drew scatter'd men into Communities, and incorporated them for the mu∣tual Support of Life? or who couch'd the Sounds of the Voice, which seem'd infinite, into the marks of a few Letters? or who calculated the Courses, Progressions, Stations of the Planets. All of them were great Personages. Those of higher Anti∣quity yet, who found out Corn, who Cloathing, who Houses, who the helps of living handsomly, who guards against wild Beasts; by whom being ci∣viliz'd and reclaim'd, we naturally proceeded from the necessary, to the more polite Arts? for entertainment of the Ears, was in great measure found out and temper'd, with variety of Notes and Voices. We

look'd up even to the Stars; both those which are fix'd at certain distances, and those also which are not so in reality, but in name, only wandring Stars. All the motions and windings of which, the Soul, that first observ'd, gave at the same time proof, that it was like him who had fashion'd them in Heaven. For when Archimedes lock'd up the mo∣tions of Sun, Moon, and the five other Planets, into his Sphear, he brought that to pass, which the God that in Timaeus, built the World, that one Re∣volution should adjust motions most unlike for speed and slowness. Which if it cannot be wrought in this World without God, neither could Archimedes in his Sphear, have imitated the same Motions, without a Divine Wit.

SECT. XXVI. From further Endowments.

IN my judgment, I must say, even these more familiar and illustrious Instances, seem not performable, without some Divine Power: so as I should think that either a Poet pours out a grave and accomplish'd Poem, without some hea∣venly Instinct of the Mind; or that any Eloquence, without some extraordinary impulse, can flow in a mighty Stream of lofty Words, and copious Sen∣tences. And for Philosophy, the Mother of all Arts, what is it else; but, as Plato saith, the Gift, as I the Invention of the Gods? This first train'd us up to their Worship; next, to Justice towards men, which consists in the Preservation of Societies:

And lastly to Moderation and Courage, this also hath dispell'd the darkness from our Souls, as from our Eyes, that we can behold the Extremities of Nature; what is above, below, first, midst, last. Truly this Power seems to me to be Divine, which can work so many, and so admirable Effects. For what is Memory of things and words? What is Inventi∣on? Certainly such, as no greater Perfections can be apprehended to be in God. Now, I am not of the mind, that the Gods take pleasure in Feast∣ing on Nectar and Ambrosia, or in a Goddess of everlasting Youth, to bear their Cups: Nor do I believe Homer, who saith, that Ganymede was ra∣vish'd by the Gods, for his Beauty, to fill Jupiter Drink; a Cause no way sufficient, why such an injury should be offer'd Laomedon. This was a meer Fiction of Homer's, who made Gods like men; I could have wish'd, he had rather made men like Gods. Wherein like Gods? in Activity, Wisdom, Invention, Memory. Therefore, the Soul, which, as I say, is Divine; as Euripides pre∣sumes to say, is a God; truly if God be either Spirit, or Fire, the same is mans Soul; for as that heavenly Nature is free both from Earth and moisture; so the humane Soul partakes of neither of them. But if it be a fifth Nature, first intro∣duc'd by Aristotle; the same is common both to the Soul and God. Pursuant to which opinion, we thus express'd our selves word for word, in our Book of Consolation.

SECT. XXVII. From its Divine Original.

ORiginal of Souls, none can be found here on Earth, for there is no mixture or composition in Souls, nor any appearance that they were born or moulded; nothing of Water, Wind, or Fire, for in these Natures there is nothing which hath a Power of Memory, Understand∣ing, or Thought, which can both retain what is past, foresee what is to come, and comprehend what is present, which are Divine Properties; nor will it ever be made out, whence they could be deriv'd upon man, but from God. There is then a peculiar Nature and Power of the Soul, distant from these visible and known Na∣tures. Whatever therefore is that Principle which hath Sense, which hath Wisdom, which hath Will, which hath Activity, it is Celestial and Divine, and there∣fore, must of necessity be eternal. Nor in truth can God himself, as he is understood of us, be otherwise appre∣hended, than as a Spirit uncontroul'd and free, separate from all mortal Contagion, perceiving all things, and moving all things, and being it self endu'd with ever∣lasting Motion.

SECT. XXVIII. From its Faculties.

THE Spirit of man is of this lineage, and of the same Nature. Where therefore, or of what likeness is that Spirit? Where is yours, or of what likeness? Can you resolve me? If I am not able to understand all things, which I wish I were able to do, will you not allow to make use of such Abilities as I have? The Soul hath not that Power, as to see its self; but the Soul as the Eye, though it see not it self, beholds other things. It sees not what is of small import, its own form. Per∣haps so, though as to that—but forbear we it. It sees to be sure its Power, Pregnancy, Memory, Motion, Quickness; these are great, these are divine, these are everlasting Excellencies. What shape it is of, or where it dwells, is not to be in∣quir'd: As when we see first the face and bright∣ness of Heaven; then so great a swiftness of Cir∣cumvolution, as we cannot conceive: Next, the Succession of days and nights, and four-fold alter∣ation of Seasons, fitted to the ripening of Corn, and temperature of Bodies: Then the Sun, Captain and Ruler over all these; as also the Moon, which by her waxing and waning, doth distinguish, and as it were, point at the days of the Kalendar: Further, that in the same Orb, divided into twelve parts, the other five Planets do move, keeping constantly their proper Periods, though unequal to one another; and withall, the lustre of the Fir

mament, on all parts bespangled with Stars, then the Globe of the Earth standing above the Sea, fix'd in the middle of the Universe, inhabited and peopled in two distant Regions; the one of which, where we dwell, is plac'd under the Pole, by the Northern Bear, whence.

Blust'ring cold Boreas Banks of driven Snow raises.

The other is Southern, unknown to us which the Greeks call under the opposite Pole; (g) the re∣maining three parts are uninhabited, as being either starv'd with cold, or scorch'd with heat; (h) but here, where we inhabit, without failure.

The Air grows mild; new Liveries grace the Woods; Luxuriant Vines shoot forth young Grapes and Buds; Fruit-trees with loaded Boughs, incline their heads; Springs purle; Grass diapers the flowry Meads.

Furthermore, the multitude of Cattle, some for Food, some for Agriculture, some for Carriage, some for Cloathing; and man himself, as it were, Contemplator of Heaven, and the Gods, and Worshipper of them; but all Lands and Seas sub∣servient to Mans use.

(g) The remaining three parts are uninhabited.] The ancient Romans knew little more than the Northern temperate Zone; but concluded the like of the Southern. But our Navigati∣ons and Voyages have discovered the whole Torrid Zone to be inhabited; and part of the Northern Frigid to be so; by which the like may be inferred of part of the Southern Frigid. Nor doth any part of the World seem uncapable of Habitation at some Seasons of the year; though less commo∣dious, as Carpenter disputes in his Decads.

(h) But here, where we inhabit.] He slides into an indirect Commendation of Italy, as the Paradise of the World.

SECT. XXIX. From its Nature.

WHEN we behold therefore these, and in∣numerable other things, can we doubt, but that there presides over this frame, either the maker, if these things were produc'd, as is the judgment of Plato; or if they were from Eternity, as is the opinion of Aristotle, a directer of so great a Work and Administration? Thus the mind of man, although you see it not, as you do not see God, yet as you acknowledge God from his Works, so from the memory of things, and invention and swiftness of motion, and the whole beauty of Ver∣tue, acknowledge the Divine Power of the mind. In what place then is it? I take it to be in the head. And why take it to be there? I can give my reason, but at another time. Now for where the Soul should be? To be sure 'tis within you. What is its Nature? Proper I think, and by it self. But suppose it of Fire; suppose it of Breath, that im∣ports nothing to the matter in hand: Only look to this, that as you know God, although you are ignorant both of his place and shape, so ought your Soul to be known to you, although you are ignorant both of its place and form. Now in the knowledge of the Soul, we can no ways doubt of this, unless we be meer Dunces in natural Philo∣sophy, that there should be any mixture in Souls, any composition, any conjunction, any cementing, any thing double; which so being, neither can it be separated

nor divided, nor torn, nor drawn asunder, nor, by consequent, dye; for death is as it were a Depar∣ture, a Separation, and Dis∣union of those parts which before death were held together by some common tye. By these and the like Reasons, So∣crates being mov'd, neither sought to an advocate in the Tryal for his Life, nor petition'd his Judges, but demean'd himself with an unconcern'd stoutness, de∣riv'd not from the bravery of his Spirit, not from Pride. And on the last day of his Life discours'd much on this very Subject; and a few days before, (i) when he might easily have been released out of Prison, would not. And when he was ready to take that deadly potion into his hand, spoke after such man∣ner, as that he seem'd not driven to Death, but ascending up to Heaven.

(i) When he might easily have been released out of Prison, would not.] Crito would have deposited a great Sum, Sim∣mias the Theban had brought more. Other Fellow-Stu∣dents would have made a common Purse to have wrought upon the Keepers, the Informers, and some of the Indigent Magistrates; but he would not escape by such indirect and dishonourable Practices.

SECT. XXX. From the Authority of Socrates and Cato.

FOR thus he maintain'd, and thus he argued. There are two ways, and a double Post-road for Souls, when they go out of the Body. For they who had polluted themselves with the Vices of the

World, and abandon'd themselves wholly to Lusts, with which being blinded, they had defil'd them∣selves, as it were with Hereditary Family Vices, and Scandals, or had committed inexpiable Vil∣lanies in the overthrow of the State, that these were carried in a By-road, debarred from the blessed Assembly of the Gods. But those who had kept themselves pure and uncorrupt, and had contracted least infection from their Bodies, but had alwayes drawn themselves into retirement from them, and in humane Bodies had imitated the life of God, that such had an easie and open return to those from whom they came; and then he recounts how Swans, which are not without reason, dedicated to Apollo; but because they seem to have the Gift of Divination from him, by which foreseeing what benefit there is in death, they dye with Melody and Pleasure, so should all good and learned men do. Nor could any one doubt of this, unless it fared with us, when we think ear∣nestly about our Souls, as it is wont to do with those that gaze stedfastly upon the Sun in Eclipse, that they quite lose their sight; so the eye of the mind, looking nearly into it self, is sometimes dazled; and by that very means we let go the in∣tenseness of Contemplation. Therefore our whole discourse upon the Subject, proceeds with suspence, viewing round the Coast, demurring, crusing for∣ward and backward, as a small Pinnace beats about in the vast Ocean. But these are old Instances, and fetch'd from the Greeks. Now Cato of late, so parted with life, as that he was glad he had got∣ten an occasion of dying. For that Vicegerent of God, which Rules within us, lays a strict Injun∣ction, not to depart hence without his leave: But when God himself shall give a just Cause, as he did

Socrates then, Cato now, and many often; then truly will the Wise man joyfully escape out of this darkness, into the light. Nor yet will he break Prison, for the Laws defend that; but be∣ing so discharg'd and dismiss'd by God, as by a Magistrate, or lawful Authority, he will depart. For the whole Life of Philosophy, as the same Author saith, is a Meditation of Death.

CHAP. XXXI. From the Sequestring it self from the Body, in Meditation as in Death.

NOW what else do we, when we call of our mind from following Pleasure, that is, the Body? from minding our Estate, that is, the Ser∣vant of the Body? when we withdraw it from managing State-Affairs, and all business? What, say I, do we then, but call the Soul home, oblige it to dwell within it self, and draw it to the far∣thest distance from the Body? Now to abstract the Soul from the Body, is nothing else than to exercise dy∣ing. Wherefore, take my word, let us practise this, and sit loose from our Bodies, that is, ac∣custom our selves to dye. This, both whilst we shall be on Earth, will be like the Life of Heaven; and when being set at liberty from these Bonds, we shall ascend thither; by this means the agility of our Souls will be less clog'd. For they who have always been held fast bound in the Fetters of the Body, even when they are knock'd off, tread more gently, as they who have been many years loaded with Irons.

But when we shall come thither, then shall we live in truth, for this Life is but a Death; which, if I were so disposed, I could lament.

S.

That you have enough lamented, (k) in your Book of Consolation; which when I read, I desire nothing more, than to leave this World; but upon hearing the present Discourse, I am much more desirous to do so.

M.

The time will come, and that speedily, and that, whether you draw back or hasten; for Life is upon the Wing; but Death is so far from being an Evil, as you lately thought; that I doubt whether any thing else be, I say not, no evil; but any thing else be a greater good; for we shall be either Gods, or with the Gods.

S.

What availeth it? for there are many among us, that give no credit to these things.

M.

Now will I never, in this debate, part with you on such Terms, as that you should be of opinion, that death is evil.

S.

How can I, now I have been thus inform'd?

M.

How can you, do you ask? there will come upon you whole troops of Gain-sayers; and those not only Epicureans, whom for my part I do not despise, though best Scholars generally do con∣temn: But my dear Dicaearchus hath most earnest∣ly disputed against this immortality of Souls; for he wrote three Books call'd Lesbian, because the debate was held at Mitylenae, wherein he would prove that Souls are Mortal; the Stoics (l) they prorogue us, as Crows, to a late day of Death; for they allow Souls to abide long, but not for ever.

(k) In your Book of Consolation] Upon the occasion of his beloved Daughter Tullia dying in Childbed, Tully drew up into a Treatise, all the Heads of comfort and distress delivered by the ancient Philosophers, and applyed them for his own use; which Book is lost; though there go about a piece under that name.

(l)They prorogue us, as Crows, to a late day of death.] This is a Tradition from Hesiod, that Crows live nine Lives of a man. Aristotle denies it, and affirms only the Elephant to out-live man.

SECT. XXXII. The Adversaries of the Souls Immortality con∣futed.

HAVE you a mind therefore, to hear how, though it should be so; yet there is no evil in Death?

S.

Use your pleasure; but no one shall ever beat me out of Immortality.

M.

I commend you for that; but it is good, not to be too confident; for we often give upon some sub∣tle Argument; are shaken, and change our Judgment, even in clearer Matters, for there is some obscurity in these. Therefore, if such a rencounter should hap∣pen, let us be arm'd.

S.

Well advis'd, but I will watch that it may not happen.

M.

Have you then any thing to alledge, why we should not dismiss our Friends the Stoics; those, I mean, (m) who allow that Souls abide after they are gone out of the Body, but not always?

S.

Ay, those Gentlemen who maintain that which is most difficult in this whole dispute, that the Soul may subsist in a separate condition; but do not yield that which is not only easie to be be∣liev'd, but consequent upon that which they have granted; that the Soul, after it hath long surviv'd, should not at all dye.

M.

You rightly reprove them. Should we then believe Panaetius, dissenting from his Master Plato. Him that in all places he calls the Divine, the Wisest, the Holiest, (n) the Homer of the Philo∣sophers; yet this only Tenet of his, about the Im∣mortality of the Soul, he doth not approve; for he affirms, what no body denies, that whatsoever is born dyes; but Souls are born, as the likeness of Children, to their Parents, makes evident, which appears in their Wits also, nor only in their Bodies. He brings another Argument for it. Nothing suffers pain, but what may also be sick, and what is lia∣ble to disease, that must dye; but Souls suffer pain, they therefore must dye.

(m) Who allow that Souls abide, after they are gone out of the Body, but not always.] The Stoicks held the Soul to be a hot Breath; that is, a Body compounded of Air and Fire, so consequently subject to Dissolution, but not suddenly upon expiring. The Souls of the loose and debauched, they fancied to abide a time accordingly shorter; but those of the just and resolute, to the next Conflagration of the World.

(n) The Homer of the Philosophers.] Not only because as Homer led and excelled in Poetry, so Plato in Philosophy; but also more, because as the continued Epique Poem of Homer, was that rich Spring, from whence the following Poets drew the partial Arguments of their Poetry; so the Dialogues of Plato, are that well-stored Repertory of Wis∣dom, from whence the succeeding Philosophers have set up their several Sects, with their respective Opinions. So that, what the one furnished in gross, the others deal out by retail.

SECT. XXXIII. The Arguments of Panaetius answered.

THESE Reasons may be disprov'd, for they proceed from ignorance, that when there is speech about the Eternity of Souls, it is meant of the Understanding, which is always free from any turbulent Motion; not of those parts wherein Passions, Wrath, and Lusts inhabit; which (o) he, against whom these Objections are raised, sup∣poseth remov'd from the Understanding, and lodg'd in distinct Apartments. For likeness, more appeareth in Beasts, whose Souls have no reason. But the likeness of men, is more visible in the shape of their Bodies; and the Souls themselves, it much imports, in what kind of Body they be lodg'd; for there proceed many Impressions from the Body, which quicken the understanding, many which dull it. (p) Aristotle indeed saith, that all ingenious men are of a me∣lancholly Complexion; so that I have the less reason to be troubled, that I am none of the quick∣est. And, as if the Problem were agreed upon, subjoyns a reason, why it cometh to be so. Now if there be such great influence, see the Production in the Body, upon the habit of the Mind (and these, whatever they be, are all that maketh the likeness) the likeness of Soul, infers no necessity, why it should be born. To pass likeness, would Panaetius could be present; he liv'd with Africanus, I would enquire of him, whom of all his Kindred, was Africanus's Brother's Grandson like? In shape,

his very Father; in life, so like any Villain, that he was by far, the basest of all. Like to whom too, was the Grandchild of P. Crassus, both a wise and eloquent man; as also the Sons and Grand∣sons of many other excellent Personages, whom it is no ways material to name on this occasion? But what drive we at? have we forgot that this is the Scope of our present discourse, after we had spoken sufficiently upon Eternity; further to prove that there is no evil in death, though Souls were also to be extinct.

S.

True, I minded it, but all the while you were discoursing upon Eternity, was willing you should run on wide of the Point in hand.

(o) He against whom these Objections are raised.] Plato.

(p) Aristotle indeed saith, that all ingenious men are of a melancholy Temper.] In his Problems, Sect. 30. Choler adust hath the predominancy in them, and they are upon the con∣fines of madness.

SECT. XXXIV. Upon Supposition of the Souls mortality, death is not evil, being a departure from evils.

M.

YOU look high, I see; and would fain be removing to Heaven: I hope that will be our portion; but suppose, as those Gentlemen would have it to be, that Souls do not remain af∣ter death; I see we are cut off from the hopes of a more blessed Life, but what evil doth that opi∣nion import? Suppose the Soul so to perish, as

the Body, is there then any pain, or indeed any sense at all in the Body after death? No body saith so; although Epicurus chargeth that on De∣mocritus, his Followers deny it; neither is there any sense therefore left in the Soul; for that it self is no where; where then is the Evil; for there is no third Subject; is it because the parting of the Soul from the Body, passeth not without pain? Should I believe it to be so, how small a business is that? and I take it to be untrue, for it happens fre∣quently without Sense, nay sometimes with Pleasure. And that whole concern, make the most of it, is of small import, for it indureth but a Moment. That consideration perplexeth, or rather torments, a de∣parture from all those things which are good in this Life. Look whether it may not more truly be said from the Evils thereof. Why should I now bewail mans Life? I might truly, and have title to do so; but what needs it, when I am labouring to take off the opinion, that we shall be miserable after death, to make even Life more miserable, by bemoan∣ing it? We have done this in that Book wherein we comforted our selves, as much as we could. Therefore, to state the question aright, Death withdraws us from Evils, not from Goods. This Point was so largely debated by Hegesias the Cyre∣naick, that he is reported to have been prohibited by King Ptolomy, to dispute publickly on that Sub∣ject, because many upon the hearing it, made themselves away. Callimachus hath an Epigram upon Cleombrotus the Ambraciote; who, saith he, had no misfortune befell him; but upon reading Plato's Dialogue, threw himself from the Wall in∣to the Sea. And that Hegesias, whom I mention'd, left a Book, entitled, The resolv'd Passenger; because one departing out of Life, by forbearing to eat,

is disswaded by his Friends, whom he answers, by reckoning up the Miseries of man's Life. I could do the like, though not to that degree as he, who thinks it expedient for none at all to live. Others I wave. Is it expedient for us to do so, who being strip'd of the Comforts and Ornaments both of Fa∣mily and Court; had we dy'd before, Death had most assuredly remov'd us from Evils, and not from Goods.

SECT. XXXV. Or from uncertain Goods.

SUppose we then, one that has no Evil, hath met with some misfortune; (q) Metellus the Honourable had four Sons; Ay, but Priam had fifty, and seventeen of them born of his lawful Wife. Fortune had the same power over both, though she made use of it only upon one; for many Sons, Daughters, Grandsons, Grand-daugh∣ters, laid Metellus in the Grave: but the hand of an Enemy slew Priam before the Altar, where he had taken Sanctuary, after the loss of so numerous a Progeny. Had he been deceas'd, whilst his Children surviv'd, the State of the Empire con∣tinu'd firm.

By Barbary Guards attended, In Palace carv'd and vaulted.

Resolve me whither he had departed from Goods or Evils? from Goods, he would at that time have

thought. But in truth it had fallen out better for him, nor had that Ditty been sung to so la∣mentable a Tune.

All these I saw in Ashes lay'n, Priam by the proud Victor slain, Joves sacred Altar blood profane.

As if at that time any thing could have befallen him, better than Death. Now had he been taken away before, he had escap'd those Evils; but being so at this time, he lost the Sense of them. Our Friend Pompey, after a sore Sickness at Naples, was pretty well recover'd; the Neapolitans put on Garlands; so did the Burgers of Puteoli, no doubt. The ad∣jacent Towns deputed Members of their own to congratulate him in the Name of their Corpora∣tions; a formal piece of insignificant Courtship, to say truth, and like the Greeks, but yet successful. Pray then inform me, if he had at that time dy'd, would he have been taken away from good or evil things? To be sure he had from unhappy ones; for then would he not have been engag'd in a War with his Father-in-law; he would not have taken up Arms, without any Preparation; he would not have left home; not fled out of Italy; he had not, after the loss of his Army, fallen naked into the hands and Poignard of Slaves; his Children had not been left in a deplorable condition, and all his Fortunes possess'd by the Conqueror. He that by departing then, had dy'd in a most honourable Estate, by prolonging his Life, how many, great, and incredible Calamities did he suffer?

(q) Metellus the Honourable, had four Sons.] Qu. Caecilius, Metellus Macedonicus had been himself Consul, Censor, Au∣gur, and had triumph'd over Andriscus the Mock-Philip, Usurper of the Kingdom of Macedon; he saw three Sons Consuls, whereof one Censor, and Triumphal; also a fourth Pretor. These he left all in good Estate, and three Daughters Married, by whom and his numerous Progeny, he was accompanied at his Funeral, having liv'd the Fa∣vourite of Fortune, indulgent to the last.

SECT. XXXVI. Such as we shall not miss.

THESE accidents are escap'd by dying, al∣though they never actually befall us, yet because of their possibility: But men do not con∣sider themselves liable to these chances; every one hopes for Metellus's Fortune: As though either there were more fortunate than unhappy; or there were any certainty in man's Estate; or it were more prudent to hope than fear. But be this granted, that men are depriv'd of their good things, by death, is it there∣fore consequent, that the Dead lack the Conveni∣encies of Life, and that it is a miserable thing so to do? To be sure they must say so. Can he that hath no Being, be in want of any thing? the very name of want is sad, because it imports thus much. The man had something, hath it not; desireth, looketh after, needeth it. These are, I take it, the Inconveniencies of want. One wants Eyes; to be blind is discomfortable: Another Children; so is it to be Childless. This holds in the Living; but none of the Dead want any comforts of Life;

no, nor Life it self. I speak of the Dead, which have no Being; we who have a Being, though we are without Horns or Wings, would any one of us say he wanted them? None, I trow. For if one have not that which is neither for his use, nor agreeable to his Nature; he doth not want it, though he is sensible he hath it not. This Argument is to be urged over and over, when that is made out, which is unquestionable upon supposition of the Souls mortality; but that there is so total an Abolition in death, as that there is not left the least Suspition of any Sense. This therefore being fully resolv'd, it must be strictly search'd, to find what it is to want, that so there be no ambiguity left in the Term. Want therefore, is the being without that, which one desireth to have; for desire is imply'd in missing, unless in such case, as when we speak of having miss'd the Fit of an Ague, in a more re∣strain'd notion of the word. The term of wanting is farther used in another Sense, when one is with∣out a thing, and sensible that he is without it, and yet not much concern'd about it; but to want any evil, is not properly spoken, for that would import no sorrow for it. The opposite is properly said to want good, which is evil; but neither doth the Living want what he doth not need. Yet it may be understood, of a living man, that he wants a Kingdom; now this cannot, with any Logical Truth, be said of you; it might of Tarquin, when he was depos'd and banish'd from his Kingdom; but the term can by no means be understood of a dead man; for want is proper to one that hath Sense; but the Dead have no Sense; therefore neither do the Dead want. Though what need we syllogize on this Point; since we see the matter stands in no such great need of Logic?

SECT. XXXVII. Since it hath not appear'd dreadful, even to com∣mon Soldiers.

HOW often have, not only our Commanders, but whole Armies also charg'd the Enemy, without any probability of coming back alive? Had death been to be fear'd, (r) L. Brutus would never have hindered the return of that Tyrant, which himself had expell'd, by losing his Life in the Engagement. Nor would Decius the Father in Battle with the Latins, the Son of the Hetrurians, and Grandson with Pyrrhus, have run upon the Point of the Enemies Sword. Spain had not seen the two Scipio's in one War, fall for their Country; Cannae, Paulus Aemilius; Venusia, Marcellus; the La∣tins, Albinus; the Lucanians, Gracchus; is any one of these at this day miserable? No, nor immedi∣ately after they had expir'd; for none can be mi∣serable, who is insensible. But that very thing is grievous, to be without Sense; grievous indeed, if one were to miss it. But it being notorious, that he can be nothing, who hath himself no Being; what can be grivous to him, who is without any thing; and hath no Sense that he is so? Although we have inculcated this Argument too often al∣ready; but for this purpose, because all that distress of mind which ariseth from the apprehension of death, is grounded on this. For whosoever shall sufficiently perceive what is clearer than the light, that upon perishing of Body and Soul together, and the

whole living Creature being destroy'd, and an utter Abolition made of the entire compound; that Animal which was before, is annihilated; he will clearly discern, that there is no difference be∣tween a flying Horse, which never was, and King Agamemnon: And that M. Camillus doth now no more regard this Civil War, than I did the taking of Rome when he was alive. Why then would both Camillus have griev'd, had he thought these things would have come to pass about three hun∣dred and fifty years after; and should I grieve, if I thought any Foreign Nation would be Masters of our City ten thousand years hence? Because the dearness of our Country is so great, that we measure it, not by our Sense, but its own safety.

(r) L. Brutus.] L. Junius Brutus, the first Roman Consul, after the expulsion of Tarquin, in a Battle for the reducing him, charg'd Aruns the Son of Tarquin so furiously, that they gave each the other his deaths wound. Decius Mus, the Father in the War with the Latins, made a solemn Vow, to take no Quarter, that he might purchase the Ro∣mans Victory; the like did Decius Mus, the Son, being a fourth time Consul in the Tuscan War; and Decius Mus the Grandson, at that time Consul, in the Engagement with Pyrrhus King of Epirus, fell in the desperate Encounter, a third Sacrifice for the deliverance of his Country, out of the same Line successively. In the second Punick War, P. Scipio (Father of the elder Africanus) commanding in Spain, was run thorough with a Lance; and nine and twenty days after, Cn. Scipio his Brother was killed, and all his Sol∣diers with him, the Tower being set on fire, into which they had fled. At Cannae Fight Paulus Aemilius the Consul, with 45000 Romans, were slain. Marcellus, sirnam'd the Sword of Rome, having first beaten Hannibal at Nola, where he slew the Captain in chief, hand to hand, was intercepted in a March between Venusia and Bautia, where he was cut off with his Party. Sempronius Gracchus having routed the Carthaginians at Beneventum, through the Treachery of

Flavius a Lucanian, with whom he quarter'd, was kill'd by Mago in Lucania. Aulus Albinus encountred the Latins so vigorously, as that he fell in the Charge.

SECT. XXXVIII. Much less to hinder promoting the publick good. But as Death is not terrible, so neither is it amiable.

THerefore Death, which by reason of uncertain Ca∣sualties, is daily imminent, and because Life so is short, can never be far off, doth not yet deter a wise man from providing for the State and his own Family for all future Ages; and from thinking that Posterity, though he shall have no Sense of it, is his concern. Upon which ground, he that is of the judgment, that the Soul is mortal, may yet lay de∣signs for Eternity, not out of desire of glory, whereof he shall have no Sense, but of Vertue, which Glory ne∣cessarily follows, though you make it not your aime. Now this is natural, that as our Birth giveth us an entrance into the business of this World, so Death should give our Exit from it. Which, as before our Birth, it nothing concern'd us, so neither shall it after Death. Herein what Evil can there be, since Death is the concern neither of the Living, nor the Dead; the latter cease to be, it attaches not the former. Those who speak in a slighting way of it, would have it near∣est resemble a dead Sleep, as though any one would choose so to live to ninety years, as that when he had arriv'd at sixty, he should sleep the rest. Swine would not make such option, much

less any man. But Endymion, if we will hearken to Fables, fell, I cannot tell when, a sleep in Latmos, which is a Mountain of Caria; and is not, I suppose, yet awake. Do you judge, therefore, that he regards when the Moon is eclips'd; for he is reputed to have been cast into a deep trance by her, that she might kiss him as he sleeps; re∣gard it, how should he, when he is not sensible of it? You have sleep, the Image of Death; every day it cometh upon you; and do you make question, whe∣ther there be Sense in Death, when you experi∣ence there is none in its resemblance?

SECT. XXXIX. The opinion of untimely Death examin'd.

AWAY then with these Sayings, little better than fit for old Wives; that it is miserable to dye before ones time: What time, I pray? that of Nature? Now she hath lent Life, as Cash, at no day certain of payment prefix'd; what reason then have you to murmur, if she calls in her own when she pleaseth, since you receiv'd it upon that con∣dition? The same Persons, if a Child dye young, think it ought to be born patiently, and if in the Cradle, without any complaint. Yet nature hath more rigorously exacted of him, her Loan. He had not as yet, say they, tasted the sweets of Life; but this other had entertain'd great expectations, and had already begun the enjoyment of them. Now in all other benefits, the very having get some share, is counted better than to get none at all. Why should it

be otherwise in Life? However, Callimachus, say not unhandsomly, that Priam wept much oftner than Troilus. But their fortune is commended, who dye of Age. Why? because, I warrant, had their life been longer, it could not have been so plea∣sant. Certainly nothing is so sweet to man; as Wisdom: Now though old Age impair us in other things, yet it improves us in that. But what Age is long? or indeed what can man long have? lately Children, and presently after Youths; doth not old Age, pursuing close behind, in the Race over∣take us e're we are aware? But we count this long, because we have nothing further to proceed to. All these accounts pass for long or short, accor∣ding to the proportion they bear, with the space allotted to each kind. By the mouth of the Hy∣panis, which on the side of Europe, falleth into the Black-Sea; Aristotle reports certain Insects to be bred, that live but one day. Such therefore, of these, as dye at two in the Afternoon, dye elderly; but such, as at Sunset, very aged; and the more, if it be on the longest day in Summer. Compare our life, at longest, with Eternity; we shall be found, in a manner, as short-liv'd as are these Insects.

SECT. XL. We must live in our places undaunted, and when our time is come, dye contented, after the exam∣ple of Theramenes.

DEspise we therefore, all Fooleries, (for what slighter name can I give this weakness?) And let us place the whole stress of living well in con∣stancy and bravery of Spirit, and contempt of the World, and in the exercise of all Vertue. But now we break our Hearts with most unmanly thoughts, so that if Death come upon us, before we have met with the good luck read us by Fortune-tellers, we look upon our selves as mock'd, abus'd, and rob'd of some great Advantages. Whereas, if we are held in suspense, tormented and fretted with lin∣gering Expectations: Good God! How chearfully should we enter upon that Journey, which being perform'd, there will be no further disquiet, nor anxiety of mind? How taking, and of what gallant Spirit is Thera∣menes? for though we cannot choose but cry, when we read the Story, yet a brave man never dyeth pittifully. When he had been imprison'd, by or∣der of the Council of State, consisting of thirty Tyrants, and had taken of the Poyson, in a hearty draught, as though he had been adry; the small remainder he so flung out of the Cup, as that it dash'd against the ground; then smiling, said, Here is to Critias the fair, who had been his most mortal Enemy. For it is the Grecian Mode, in their Feasts, to name whom they would have pledge them,

This excellent Person broke a Jest with his parting breath; (s) and was a true Prophet of that death, which soon after overtook him who had been the occasion of his suffering by Poyson. Who could commend this indifferency of mind, at the very point of Death, if he judg'd death to be evil? A few years after, Socrates goeth into the same Prison, and to the same Cup, by the same perfidiousness of Judges, as Theramenes did of Tyrants. What, therefore, was that Speech which Plato maketh him to have made to the Judges, after his Condem∣nation.

(s) And was a true Prophet of that death, which soon after overtook him.] Theramenes being offended at the Cruelty and Oppression of his Fellow-Commissioners, towards their Country-men, was for terrors sake put to death. Upon which there was a rout among the Athenians, that were but suspected of Moderation; and Greece was fill'd with Atticks in Banishment; till soon after, they banding under Thrasybulus, took Phy, distant from Athens twelve Miles; and in a first Engagement with the Tyrants, having the better in a second, slew Critias, with Hippoma∣chus, dissolv'd the Government, and freed Athens from the Lacedemonian Yoke.

SECT. XLI. Socrates.

My Lords,

I AM in great hopes (saith he) that it will turn to my advantage, that I am put to death: For one of the two things must of necessity be, that death either quite takes away all Sense, or is a removal from this, into some other place. Wherefore, whether all Sense be ex∣tinguish'd, and death be like that sleep, which sometimes giveth a most sweet rest, undisturb'd by Dreams; good God? what gain is it to dye? or how many days can be found, preferrible to such a night as the perpetual Duration of the following time shall present? Who then so happy as I? but if, what is said, be true, that death is a removal into those Coasts, which those, who are hence departed, inhabit, that is yet far more happy, when you have pass'd thorough pretended Judges, to come be∣fore real ones, such as are Minos, Rhadamanthus, Aeacus, Triptolemus, and to consort with those who have liv'd justly, and with integrity. Can therefore this Journey seem to you unpleasant? But to confer with Orphaeus, Musaeus, Homer, Hesiod, at what rate would you purchase? For my part, if it were possible, I could be content to dye many times over, if I could find what I now mention. Then what incredible satisfaction would it be to me, when I should accost Palamedes, Ajax, and others, circumvented by the Sentence of cor∣rupt Judges? Furthermore, I would sound the Wisdom of that Monarch, who led the numerous Army against Troy; of Ulysles, and of Sisyphus: nor should I, be∣cause

I made such enquiries, as here I have done, be therefore sentenc'd to dye. You then, my Lords, such as have voted me not guilty, never be afraid of Death; for no evil can befall any good man, either alive or dead; nor are his concerns ever dis-regarded by the Divine Pro∣vidence; neither is this befallen me by blind chance; nor have I any reason to be offended at those by whom I was accus'd, or at those by whom I am condemn'd, save only this, that they intended my harm. These things I thus consider, and judge, that nothing could fall out better. But, saith he, it is time to depart hence, for me, that I may dye; for you, that ye may live; now, whither of these two be better, God above knows, but no man on Earth, I think, can tell.

SECT. XLII. The Spartans.

NOW had I rather have this gallant Spirit, than all their Fortunes who past Judgment upon him: though as to his disowning, that any, besides God, knows which is better: he knows it himself, for he hath told it before: but he retains to the last, that Principle of his, not to be positive in any thing. Now hold me this stedfastly, that nothing can be evil which is allotted all by Nature: And consider, that if death be Evil, it is an everlasting Evil; for of a miserable Life, Death seemeth to be the end: but if Death be miserable, there can be no end of the Misery. Now what do I mention Socrates, or Theramenes, men excelling in the Glory of Vertue and Wisdom; when (t) a certain Lace∣demonian,

whose name is not so much as Record∣ed, did so much despise Death, as when he was condemn'd (u) by the Ephori, and led to Execu∣tion upon looking chearfully, and with a merry Countenance, when a certain Enemy challeng'd him, and said, do you slight the Laws of Lycurgus? He answer'd, Nay, but I take my self to be much be∣holden to him, who hath laid that Fine upon me, which I shall be able to pay, without either Loane, or taking up upon Interest. O Citizen worthy of Sparta! Inso∣much as that he who suffer'd so bravely, seemeth to have been condemn'd unjustly. Innumerable such Instances hath our Government produc'd; but why name I Princes and Commanders, when Cato writes, that whole Legions have often march'd up with Alacrity, to the place from whence they never expected to return? with like Courage did the Lacedemonians fall (w) at Thermopylae; upon whom Simonides,

Friend, tell at Sparta, here thou saw'st us slain, Our Countries Laws establish'd, to maintain.

What saith the Captain General Leonidas? Good cheer! fall on my Lacedemonians, we may chance to Sup in the other World. That was a stout Na∣tion, whilst the Laws of Lycurgus were in force. One of them, when another of the Persian Party, said in a vaporing way, We shall Eclipse the Sun, our flight of Arrows will be so thick; reply'd, Then we shall fight in the shade. I mention men; what was that Lacedemonian Dame, who having sent her Son to the Wars, and hearing that he was kill'd, said, To that end brought I him into the World, that there might be one who should be contented to dye for his Country.

(t) A certain Lacedemonian.] Called by Plutarch in his Laconic replys, Thrictamenes.

(u) By the Ephori.] A Bench of High Justicers consist∣ing of five, who by the softness of the Spartan Kings, grew to that highth, as to have Power of calling in question the Royal Proceedings in Government; but Lycurgus made no such Constitution.

(w) At Thermopylae.] The ridge of Thessalian Hills, which parts Greece as the Apennine Italy; at the Thermopylae is a Pass made good by Leonidas, with three hundred Spar∣tans against Xerxes and his mighty Army, with the slaughter of innumerable Persians; till by the treachery of one Ephi∣altes, the Enemy was brought round another way, and out off all the Spartans, who were buried in a common Grave; upon which was erected a Pillar, with the Inscription made by Simonides.

SECT. XLIII. And Theodorus the Cyrenian. A Digression to the Point of Burial.

ALLOW all this; the Spartans were tough and sturdy, the Countries Discipline hath great influence. What say we of Theodorus the Cyrenian, no mean Philosopher? do we not ad∣mire him? When King Lysimachus threatened he would Crucifie him; Use, saith he, those dreadful Menaces to these your Courtiers: Theodorus careth not whether he rot on ground, or in the Air. By which saying of his, I am put in mind that it were proper to speak somewhat here to the Point of Interment and Burial; a matter of no great diffi∣culty, especially after those Informations of being insensible, which have been even now premis'd:

What was Socrates Sense of the business, appeareth in a Dialogue, which relateth the manner of his death: about which we have already spoke so much; for having argued for the immortality of Souls, when the time of his dying press'd on, and he was ask'd by Crito, how he would be buried; Now much pains, saith he, have I laid out, Friends, to lit∣tle purpose, for I have not perswaded our Companion Crito, that I shall fly away hence, and leave nothing of me here below. Nevertheless, Crito, if you can come at me, or shall find me any where, bury me, as you shall think fit: But believe me, when I shall have de∣parted hence, none of you will reach me. An excellent reply, for he both left it to his Friend, and de∣clar'd that he was upon the whole matter altoge∣ther indifferent. Diogenes was more churlish; though of the same mind, yet like a Cynick more roughly bid them fling him out of doors, without any burying: What, say his Friends, to the Birds and Beasts? By no means, saith he, but lay my staff by me, that I may beat them away. How can you do that, an∣swered they, when you shall have no feeling? Oh! I shall have no feeling; what harm then will the tearing of wild Beasts do me? Bravely said Anaxagoras, who when he lay a dying (x) at Lampsacus, and his Friends ask'd him, whither, if he should do otherwise than well, he would be carried to Clazomenae, his Country; answered, There is no need; for it is the same distance from all places, to the other World. Now upon the whole consideration of Burial, this Prin∣ciple is to be held, that it relates to the Body, whe∣ther the Soul dye or survive; it is also manifest, that whether the Soul be extinguish'd, or escap'd, there remains no Sense in the Body.

(x) At Lampsacus.] Anaxagoras was banish'd Athens, for speaking irreverently, as they judg'd it, of the Sun, which he call'd a Mass of glowing Iron.

SECT. XLIV. Cruelty towards dead Enemies, and lamenting unburied Friends reprov'd.

BUT all the World is full of mistakes; Achilles drags Hector ty'd at the Chariots tail; sure he thinks him torn grievously: Therefore this the man doth, out of revenge, as he thinks. Again (y) the Woman bewails it, as a very cruel matter.

I saw, and at the sight my sad heart fail'd, Hector behind the flying Chariot trail'd.

What Hector? or how long will he continue Hector? Better saith Attius, and Achilles at length grown wise.

Priam the Corps I gave, But Hector took away.

Thou didst not therefore drag Hector, but the Corps which had been Hector's. (z) Look! another peeps up from under ground, who cannot let his Mo∣ther sleep.

Mother! whose care soft slumbers have beguil'd, Nor pittiest me; rise, bury thy dead Child.

When these Aires are plaid to a low and lamenta∣ble Tune, which raiseth compassion in whole The∣aters; it is hard not to judge them miserable who lye unburied. E're Birds and Breasts—He is afraid least he should not have the use of his Limbs, if they be torn, but fears not, if they be burnt.

(a) Alas! what of the half-burnt King remain'd, Bare bones, lye trod on ground with gore distain'd.

I understand not what he feareth, since he worketh out such sweet numbers to the sound of the Pipe. Hold we this then for a Maxim, that nothing is to be regarded after Death; though many take Ven∣geance on Enemies, even when they are dead. Thyestes in Ennius curseth his Brother in very inge∣nious Verses, wishing first, that Atreus might pe∣rish by Shipwrack; a dismal Fate! for such a kind of death is not without grievous pain; the rest is but empty sound.

Pitch'd on a craggy Rocks sharp-pointed Top, There let him hang his Bowels panch'd, His sides upon the rough Spikes gaunch'd, On the stones, black gore and matter drop.

Why? those very stones were not more void of all Sense, than he that is thus empal'd, whom he thinks he wisheth it for a Torment. How grievous would they be, if he felt them; without Sense, they were no torture at all; that too, is wonderful idle.

Nor of the Graves safe harbor be possess'd, Where after life, his Corps from harms may rest.

You see upon how great a mistake all this runs on; he thinks the Grave to be the Bodies Haven; and that when it is dead, it rests there: Pelops was much to blame, who had not taught his Son better; nor instructed him what regard was due to each thing.

(y) The Woman.] Andromache, Hector's Wife, the cou∣plet is taken out of a Tragedy of Ennius, of that name.

(z) Look! another peeps up from under ground.] Priam King of Troy, at the Greeks Invasion, had sent his youngest Son Polydore, with a great Sum of Money, to Polymester King of Thrace, who had married Iliona, the Princess Royal of Asia, his eldest Daughter, that he might be secured against the uncertain events of War: She tenderly brought him up as her own Son; but the Fortune of the Trojans being turned, the Tyrant, to curry favor with the Greeks, murthers his Charge, flings him out unburied, and seiseth his Portion. Thhe Ghost of the murther'd, appears to his ruputed Mo∣ther in her sleep, and demands burial. This passage is ta∣ken out of the Iliona of Pacuvius.

(a) Alas! what of the half-burnt King.] These seem to be a distinct out of Ennius, spoken by Hecuba or Andro∣mache, about King Priam, consum'd or scorch'd in the Flames of Troy; with an allusion to the Greek way of burning the Corps, or gathering the Ashes or Bones into Urns.

SECT. XLV. The Customs about some Savages about Burial condemn'd. What decency to be observ'd in Interment of the Dead.

BUT why do I take notice of private Opinions, when we may plainly see, the diverse Errors of whole Nations? The Egyptians embalm their Dead, and keep them at home. The Persians over and above embalming, wrap them in Searcloths, that the Body may continue as long as is possible entire. It is the Custom of the Magi, not to inter any of their Fellows, till their Bodies have been first torn in pieces with wild Beasts. In Hircania the Commons maintain Dogs at the publick Charge, Noble-men in their Families. Now we know that is a generous Race of Mastiffs; but every one pur∣chaseth them according to his Ability; and that they take for the best way of Burial. Chrysippus collects many other Instances, as being excellently well vers'd in all sorts of History, but some of them (b) so loathsom, that civil Discourse doth nauseate and abhor the mentioning of them. Now this whole matter is to be despised by us, not neglected by our Friends; provided always that we judge the Bodies of the Dead, to have no Sense: yet how far Custom and common Fame is to be comply'd with, let the Living consider that, but so as to understand, that it no ways concerns the Dead. Now death is then to be receiv'd with the greatest content, when the decay∣ing Life can comfort it self with a Reflexion upon its

past good Services. No man hath liv'd short of his time, who hath compleatly discharg'd the Office of an accomplish'd Vertue. Many things have occurred to render death seasonable to my self, which I wish had succeeded; for nothing of new Acquisition was afterwards made; the Duties of my Life were fully discharg'd; there remain'd only Combats with Fortune; wherefore if single reason cannot be prevalent enough to make us neglect Death, yet let our past Life so far prevail with us, as that we should think we have liv'd enough, and too long: For though Sense be gone, yet the dead do not want the highest and most durable Goods of Praise and Glory, however they perceive them not; for though Glory have nothing in it self, why it should be pursu'd, yet it follows Vertue as its shadow. The true judgment of the multitude, concerning good men; if at any time it be such, is more to be commended, than that those men should be happy for that reason.

(b) So loathsom.] The Massagetes and Dervices counted their Friends miserable, if they dyed a natural Death; so when they grew Aged, first sacrificed them, and then feast∣ed on their Flesh.

SECT. XLVI. Glory after Death, should abate the fear of dy∣ing in Prosperity.

NOW I cannot say, in whatever Sense it be taken, that Lycurgus, Solon do want the Glo∣ry of their Laws, and good Government of their Countries, that Themistocles, Epaminondas, want that of Martial Valor; and sooner shall Neptune swallow up Salamina it self, than the Memory of the Salaminian Trophy; and Leuctra shall be rais'd out of Boeotia, before the Glory of the Leuctri∣an Fight. Nay, much longer shall it be, be∣fore Fame shall forget Curius, Fabricius, Calati∣nus, the two Scipios, the two Africans, Maximus, Marcellus, Paulus, Cato, Laelius, innumerable o∣thers, whose Copy whosoever shall have tran∣scrib'd, measuring it not by popular Fame, so much as the true Commendation of good Pa∣triots; That man, if occasion shall so require, will, with unshaken Resolution, advance towards Death, wherein we know, there is either the greatest Good, or no Evil. Nay, he will choose to dye, whil'st he is still in a prosperous State; for the accession of superfluities which might be cast in, cannot be so pleasing, as the diminution of those just measures of good, already attain'd, will be grievous. To which purpose seemeth that word of the La∣cedemonian, when Diagoras the Rhodian, a noble Master in the Olympian Games, had seen two Sons in one day, win the Prize in the same

Games, he came up to the old man, and gave him joy in these words, Dye Diagoras, for you would not mount up to Heaven and be immortal, (c) The Greeks value that occasion highly, and perhaps overvalue it, or at least in those days did so, and he that spoke thus to Diagoras, looking upon it as an extraordinary Priviledge, that three Victors in the Olympian exercises should come out of one Fa∣mily, thought it disadvantageous to him, to tarry longer in this World, expos'd to the vicissitudes of Fortune. Now have I, in short, as I thought, sufficiently answered you, for you had granted me, that the Dead were under no evil. But I have been earnest, the more to enlarge hereupon, because this is the greatest comfort in Mourning, and the loss of Friends; for we ought with pati∣ence to bear our own sorrow, and what is by choice brought upon us for our own concern; lest we be found guilty of self-love. That other surmise creates us intollerable disquiet, to think that those dear Friends, whose lost Society we lament, are in a State of feeling those miseries which men commonly conceive. This conceit I was desirous, utterly to remove from my self, and thereupon have been perhaps somewhat of the longest.

(c)The Greeks value that occasion highly.] Nothing is so renown'd as the Olympick Games amongst the Greeks; for Jumping, Running, Wrestling, Hurling, Pitching; for Horse-matches, and Chariot-Races, it was the Academy of all Greece. The Victors at those Games, were in that ge∣neral Assembly of the Greeks, as in a Theater of Glory, proclaim'd, crown'd, and returning home, receiv'd in Tri∣umph into their respective Cities, where, all their Life-times after, they enjoy'd exceeding great Immunities. These Masteries in bodily exercise, Tully doth not magnifie, nor did Socrates before him, approve the fondness of his Coun∣try-men,

in deferring that parrade of Pomp on them; or their complacency in it, who valued themselves at that rate upon such account: but these prefer the University Learning, and those Studies which improve the Mind, bet∣ter the Man, and promote good order in the Govern∣vernment.

SECT. XLVII. An Epilogue after the Mode of the Greek Rhe∣toricians, who would perswade us, that Death is the greatest good that can befall man, upon Divine Testimonies.

S.

YOU of the longest? not in my judgment, I assure you, for the former part of your Discourse, wrought in me a desire to dye. The latter, sometimes no unwillingness; other times an indifferency; but upon the whole Tenor of the Debate; there hath been effected a Conviction in me, not to account death among things evil.

M.

Do we therefore still lack a Conclusion (d) af∣ter the manner of Rhetoricians? or is it now time for us, quite to abandon that practice?

S.

Nay, but do not you desert that Art which you have always advanc'd; and that with good reason; for That, to speak the truth, hath advanc'd you. But what is this Epilogue? for I would fain hear it, whatever it be.

M.

(e) They are wont, in Disputations, to pro∣duce the Judgment of the immortal Gods, in the case concerning Death: (f) nor do they devise them themselves, but report them upon the Au∣thority of Herodotus and diverse others. First of

all Cleobis and Biton, Sons of the Argive Priestess are magnified. The Story is well known, it being the received Ceremony, that she must ride in a Coach to a solemn and anniversary Sacrifice at the Temple, some good distance out of Town, and the Mules not being brought time enough, then the young men before named, stripping of their Garments, annointed their Bodies with Oyl, put themselves in∣to the Traces; so the Priestess lighting at the Tem∣ple, having had her Chariot drawn by her Sons, is said to have pray'd the Goddess to bestow upon them a reward of their Piety, the greatest that could be given man by God. Afterwards the young men having feasted with their Mother, went to sleep, and were found dead in the Morning. A like Prayer Trophonius and Agamedes are said to have made; these having built the Temple to Apollo at Delphi, and coming to worship him, requested no small reward of their work and pains, specified nothing, but what were best for man. Apollo declared he would give it them the third day after, which day was no sooner come, but they were found dead. Here they say, that God hath determin'd the Que∣stion, and that God too, unto whom all the other Gods have deser'd, above the rest, the power of Divination.

(d) After the manner of Rhetoricians.] Tully having pre∣mised those Reasons, upon which he grounds the immor∣tality, or removes the danger of death, other instances florid and specious, but which he esteemed less firm, he turns off to the Person of Greek Rhetoricians, whom he no where over-values.

(e) They are wont, in Disputations, to produce the Judgments of the immortal Gods.] When any doubt ariseth, which affords matter of Debate; if a Divine Determination come

once to be understood, all dispute ceaseth; the Case is over-rul'd; without further appeal, mans Reason must ac∣quiesce in the Will of God, as in a peremptory Sentence; against which, to oppose our private Conceptions, were in∣tolerable Impiety. Nevertheless it is injoyn'd, our prudence with all due caution, to examine the Testimony, before it be admitted as such; lest, in our own wrong, we pay the Homage of Divine Faith, to humane Inventions. The Stoicks were not forward in giving credit to Oracles, or any sort of Prognostication, suspected South-sayers, Fortune∣tellers, and Interpreters of Dreams. Those Ages which have most hearkened to Apparitions and Visions, have brought in the greatest Errors▪ Strong Affections joyned with weak Judgments, are apt to betray to Fanaticism. Nay, it is indulged our frailty, to consider upon what grounds we receive the Holy Scriptures; the Word of God is tryed, and will abide the Test. The Sun at noon day shines not brighter, than the moral Evidences which verifie the Parts and the Whole; but the Eyes of our Understand∣ings are dim, and further darkened by the Interest of our inordinate Affections. S. Augustin in his Confessions, ac∣knowledges his backwardness in assenting to revealed Truths; but with all humble modesty purgeth himself from a resolved suppressing its Convictions, or undervalu∣ing its Author. There is a further caution necessary in the admission of such a Divine Testimony, to take it in its right Sense, and therefore to use all due means to be well informed of that. Our Souls are staked, not only against Faith, but the True Faith: Now, the greater the Sum charged is, the wise Merchant will take the better advice, before he allow the Bill of Exchange.

(f) Nor do they devise them themselves, but report them upon the Authority of Herodotus and diverse others.] The fol∣lowing Stories carry the name of great Authorities, but their Tradition is uncertain in a matter not self-evident; nor is Herodotus a responsible Voucher, his Narrations re∣sembling the Ionick Fables, sweet and delightful, sometimes strange even to Admiration; not with that plainness which is the usual Companion of Credibility. The like may be said of Homer; nor are Pindar and other Poets, or Mytho∣logers sufficient Evidences in these Cases.

SECT. XLVIII. Those of Demigods, Oracles, and in Panegyri∣cal Commemorations of such as have dy'd for their Country.

THERE is told us a fine Tale about Silenus, who having been caught by Midas, is written to have given him this recompence for his release, that he taught the King. (g) For man not to be born, is far the best; but next to that, to dye speedily; to which Sense Euripides in his Cresphantes alluded.

'Twere fit at the same House we met to mourn, Where any Child into the World is born; But who by death his painful days should end, Friends would his Obsequies with mirth attend.

Somewhat to the same effect is found in Cran∣tors Book of Consolation, for he saith, that one Elisius a Terinese being greatly afflicted at the death of his Son, came into an Oratory to enquire what might be the Cause of so great a Calamity, and that three Verses to this purport were given him in a Table-Book.

Here men in darkness, stray without a guide; A natural death thy Son Enthynous dy'd, Thus best for him and thee, did Fates provide.

Upon these, and like Authorities, they prove that the cause hath been decided by a Divine Sen∣tence.

One Alcidamas an ancient Rhetorician of the highest Rank, for eminency hath gone so far, as to pen an Encomium of Death, which consists in a rehearsal of the Miseries, which accompany mans Life. The Reasons, which are more accu∣rately collected by Philosophers, he wanted; co∣piousness of Language, he wanted not. Now (h) Deaths for their Country embrac'd with eminent Reso∣lution, are wont to seem not only glorious to Rhetoricians, but also blessed. They go back as far as Erechtheus, whose very Daughters were zealous to dye, to save the Lives of their Citizens; descend to Codrus, who charg'd up to the midst of his Enemies in the disguise of a Servant, lest, if he had worn his Royal Robes, he might have been discover'd, because the Oracle had foretold, that Athens should bear away the Victory, if their King were slain. Nor is Menaeceus past in silence, who, upon a like Predi∣ction, sacrific'd his Life for his Country. Iphigenia at Aulis, bid them lead her up to the Altar, that so the Enemies Blood might be drain'd, by the Effusion of her own.

(g) For Man, not to be born, is far the best; but next to that, to dye speedily.] In consideration of the manifold Vanities, which mans Corruption hath brought upon the World, this Assertion hypothetically taken, carrieth truth in it; but simply delivered, is not agreeable to right Reason; therefore our Author judiciously separates from his sober enquiry after the means of well living; these Encomiums of Death and Invectives against Life, which favour of dis∣content, give indication of the Hypochondriacks, and tempt us to ingratitude against God and our Parents.

(h) Deaths for their Country embrac'd with eminent Resolution, are wont to seem, not only glorious to Rhetoriciaus, but also blessed.] It was a custom among the Greeks, one day in the year, to make a solemn Commemoration-speech at the

Tombs of those who had dyed Champions of the Liberty of Greece, as at Marathon, against Darius, and elsewhere. Here the Orators strain'd all the Power of their Eloquence, by extolling the Bravery of those Warriers, to incite their Auditors to gallant Resolution in like honourable Under∣takings. Tully so words this Sentence, as if the Rhetorici∣ans affected Praise of their own Wit, in the Commendation of the others Valour; intimates also, that they carried it too far, when they went about to perswade, that there were happiness in loosing Life upon such accounts; he had prov'd above, that as death should not be terrible, when the circumstance requires it, so neither is it amiable. It suffices to our reward, that we cheerfully submit to the ne∣cessity, though we make it not matter of choice.

SECT. XLIX. The Close of all, applys that Substance of the present Debate to the Readers benefit.

THEY come thence to latter times; Harmo∣dius is in vogue, and Aristogiton the Lacedemo∣nian; Leonidas, Theban, Epaminondas flourish; with our Patriots they are not acquainted; and but to recount them, would be a hard task, there are so many, who we see, have made it their choice, to dye in the Bed of Honor. Which things being so, yet must we use great Eloquence, and speak as with Authority, that men may be brought either to wish for death, or at least may forbear fearing it; for if that last day do not bring with it an utter Annihilation, but only change of abode, what were more desirable? but if it destroy, and abolish the whole, what is better, than in the midst of our labors here, to fall asleep, and so laid fast to take

an eternal repose? If that fall out to be true, yet (i) better is the saying of Ennius, than of Solon, for that our Country-man saith.

None at my Funerals weep; nor hard Fates blame.

But that wise man on the contrary,

Let not my death want tears; may my Friends mourn, And with deep sighs, my Funerals adorn.

(k) But as for us, if any such thing should fall out, that a Message may seem to be sent us from God, to depart this Life, let us submit with joy, and be thankful, judging our selves discharg'd from Prison, and our Shackles knock'd off, that we may either return to dwell in our eternal and true home; or may be set free from all Sense and un∣easiness; but if no such Message be sent us, yet let us be prepared to think that day, so dreadful to others, to be to us happy: and rank nothing amongst Evils, (l) which is either by God appointed, or by Nature the common Mother. (m) For we were not without Cause, or at all adventures born and bred; but in truth there was some Power which had an especial Providence over man, nor would beget or breed up such a Being, as after it had endur'd all the labours of this Life, should then fall into the eternal Evil of Death. Let us rather think it a Haven, to find provided for us, into which I could wish we might ride, with Sails top and top-gallant; but if we shall be beaten off through contrary Winds, yet not long after we must of necessity be driven back to the same place. Now, what is necessary for all, can that be miserable to any one? You have the Epilogue, least you should

think any thing hath been omitted, or left un∣finish'd.

S.

I have it indeed, and that Conclusion, hath in truth, more confirm'd me.

M.

Very well, say I, but at present let us have some regard to our Health; then to morrow, and as many days after as we shall abide in this Tuscu∣lan Place, let us mind these Matters, and especi∣ally such as bring relief to our Discontents, Fears and Lusts; which is the greatest advantage that can be made of all Philosophy.

(i) Better is the Saying of Ennius.] The loss of the Vertuous, finds in sorrow comfort; and yet he that lives undesir'd, dyes unlamented; but Cicero must extoll his Country-man above a wise man of Greece.

(k) But as for us, if any such thing should fall out, that a message may seem to be sent us from God, to depart this Life.] This is a particular Application of the former discourse, to himself in that present juncture of Affairs, wherein he seems not to be free from all apprehension of violence from the displeasure of Caesar, and exasperated Spirits of some of the Caesarian Officers, and their Army of Veterans, spread all over Italy, and the places whither he was then retired.

(l) Which is either by God appointed.] Death is not the Ordinance of a Creator, but Sentence of a Judge.

(m) For we were not without cause, or at all adventures born and bred; but in truth there was some Power which had an especial Providence over man.] This is a masterly stroke, to set forth our primitive Institution. Man was ordain'd to some good end, no less than that of Vertue and Glory; which State being lost, as evidently it is, the same especi∣al Providence watching over him, hath, by a new Covenant, in the hands of a Mediator, restor'd him to a lively hope, that after he hath endur'd the labours of this painful Life, he shall not then fall into the evil of eternal Death.