Basiliká the works of King Charles the martyr : with a collection of declarations, treaties, and other papers concerning the differences betwixt His said Majesty and his two houses of Parliament : with the history of his life : as also of his tryal and martyrdome.
Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649., Fulman, William, 1632-1688., Perrinchief, Richard, 1623?-1673., Gauden, John, 1605-1662., England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I)
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[illustration]
DIEU ET MON DROIT

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AETERNITATI SACRUM
ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΑ THE WORKS of CHARLES. I. with his LIFE and MARTYRDOME
Aly diutius Imperium tenucrunt, nemo tam Fortiter reliquit
Tacit. Hist. Lib. i.

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ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΑ. THE WORKS OF King Charles THE MARTYR: With a COLLECTION of DECLARATIONS, TREATIES, and other PAPERS concerning the Differences BETWIXT His said Majesty AND HIS TWO HOUSES of PARLIAMENT. With the History of His LIFE; as also of His TRYAL and MARTYRDOME.

The Second Edition.

LONDON, Printed for Ric. Chiswell, at the Rose and Crown in StPaul's Church-Yard, MDCLXXXVII.

Page  [unnumbered]
    In the first PART (from p. 1. to p. 212. inclusively) are contained
  • THE LIFE of CHARLES I. p. 1
  • PAPERS concerning CHURCH-GOVERNMENT V. p. 75
  • PRAYERS used by His MAJESTY VII. p. 93
  • MESSAGES for Peace, XXXVIII. p. 97
  • DECLARATIONS III. p. 130
  • LETTERS XLII. p. 138
  • SPEECHES LIX. p. 159
  • With the History of His TRYAL and DEATH. p. 189, &c.
    In the Second PART (from p. 213. to the end inclusively) are contained
  • I. HIS MAJESTY's Declarations concerning His proceedings in His Four first PARLIAMENTS. p. 217
  • II. Declarations and Papers concerning the Differences betwixt His MA∣JESTY and His Fifth PARLIAMENT. p. 241
  • III. Declarations and Papers concerning the Treaty of Peace at Oxford, MDCXLII. III. p. 325.
  • IV. A Declaration concerning the Cessation in Ireland: Also Declarati∣ons and Passages of the Parliament at Oxford. p. 401
  • V. Papers and Passages concerning the Treaty of Peace at Uxbridge. p. 437
  • VI. Messages, Propositions and Treaties for Peace: With divers Resolu∣tions and Declarations thereupon, MDCXLV. VI. VII. VIII. p. 547
  • VII. An Appendix containing the Papers which passed betwixt His MA∣JESTY and the DIVINES which attended the Commissioners of the Two Houses at the Treaty at Newport, concerning Church-Go∣vernment. p. 611
  • VIII. ΕΙΚΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ. p. 647
    Page  [unnumbered] THE MORE PARTICULAR CONTENTS OF THE FIRST PART, (Omitting the LIFE.)
  • THE Papers which passed betwixt His Majesty and MrAlexander Henderson concerning the change of Church-Government, Page 75
  • His Majesty's Quaere concerning Easter, 91
  • His Majesty's first Paper concerning Episco∣pacy, ibid.
  • Prayers used by King CHARLES in the time of His Troubles and Restraint.
    • I. A Prayer used at His Entrance into Excester after the Defeat of Essex in Cornwall, 93
    • II. A Prayer for a Blessing on the Treaty at Vxbridge, ibid.
    • III. A Prayer for a Blessing on the Treaty at Newport, ibid.
    • IV. A Prayer for Pardon of Sin, 94
    • V. A Prayer in times of Affliction, ibid.
    • VI. A Prayer in time of Captivity, ibid.
    • VII. A Prayer in time of imminent danger, 95
  • King CHARLES His Messages for Peace, XXXVIII.
    • 1. His Message from Canterbury, January 20. 1641, 2. For the Composing of all Differen∣ces, 97
    • 2. His Message from Huntingdon, March 15. 1641, 2. In pursuance of the former, ibid.
    • 3. His Message from Nottingham, August 25. 1642. When he set up His Standard, 98
    • 4. His Message from—Sept. 5. 1642. In pursuance of the former, 99
    • 5. His Message from—Sept. 11. 1642. In Re∣ply to the Answer of both Houses to the former, ibid.
    • 6. His Message from Brainford Nov. 12. 1642. After the Defeat of the Rebels there, 100
    • 7. His Message from Oxford, April 12. 1643. For the Disbanding of all Forces, and His Return to the Houses, ibid.
    • 8. His Message from Oxford, May 19. 1642. In pursuance of the former, 101
    • 9. His Message from Oxford, March 3. 1643, 4. For a Treaty, 102
    • 10. His Message from Evesholme, July 4. 1644. After the Defeat of Waller at Cropredy∣ Bridge, ibid.
    • 11. His Message from Tavestock, Septemb. 8. 1644. After the Defeat of Essex in Corn∣wall, 103
    • 12. His Message from Oxford, Decem. 13. 1644. For a Treaty by Commissioners, ibid.
    • 13. His Message from Oxford, Decem. 5. 1645. For a safe Conduct for Persons to be sent with Propositions, 104
    • 14. His Message from Oxford, Decem. 15. 1645. In pursuance of the former, ibid.
    • 15. His Message from Oxford, Decem. 26. 1645. For a Personal Treaty, 105
    • 16. His Message from Oxford, Decem. 29. 1645. In pursuance of the former, 106
    • 17. His Message from Oxford, Jan. 15. 1645, 6. In pursuance of the former, ibid.
    • 18. His Message from Oxford, Jan. 17 1645, 6. For an Answer to His former Messages, 107
    • 19. His Message from Oxford, Jan. 24. 1645, 6. In further Reply to their Answer, 108
    • 20. His Message from Oxford, Jan. 29. 1645, 6. Concerning Ireland, 109
    • 21. His Message from Oxford, Febr. 26. 1645, 6. For an Answer to the former, 111
    • 22. His Message from Oxford, March 23. 1645, 6. Concerning his Return to the Hou∣ses, ibid.
    • 23. His Message from Southwell, May 18. 1646. After His departure to the Scots, 112
    • 24. His Message from Newcastle, June 10. 1646. For Propositions for Peace, and a Personal Treaty, 113
    • 25. His Message from Newcastle, Aug. 1. 1646. For a Personal Treaty upon their Proposi∣tions, 114
    • 26. His Message from Newcastle, Dec. 20. 1646. For a personal Treaty at or near London, ibid.
    • 27. His Message from Holdenby, Feb. 17. 1646, 7. For the Attendance of some of His Chap∣lains, 115
    • 28. His Message from Holdenby, March 6. 1646, 7. In pursuance of the former, 116
    • 29. His Message from Holdenby, May 12. 1647. In answer to their Propositions, ibid.
    • 30. His Message from Hampton-Court, Sept. 9. 1647. In Answer to the Propositions presen∣ted to Him there, 118
    • 31. His Message left at Hampton-Court, Nov. 11. 1647. At His departure from thence, 119
    • 32. His Message from the Isle of Wight, Nov, 17. 1647. For a Treaty; With His Propositi∣ons, 120
    • 33. His Message from Carisbrook, Decem. 6. 1647. For an Answer to the former, 122
    • 34. His Message from Carisbrook, Decem. 28. 1647. In Answer to the four Bills, and Pro∣positions, 123
    • 35. His Message from Carisbrok, Aug. 10. 1648. Page  [unnumbered] In Answer to the Votes for a Treaty, 124
    • 36. His Letter to the Speakers, from Caris∣brook, Aug. 28. 1648. With the Names of those He desired to attend him at the Trea∣ty, 125
    • 37. His Letter to the Speakers, From Caris∣brook, Sept. 7. Concerning the Treaty, 126
    • 38. His Message from Newport, Sept. 29. 1648. With His Propositions, ibid.
  • His MAJESTY's Declarations.
    • 1. His Majesty's Declaration after the Votes, for No further Address, Jan. 18. 1647, 8. 130
    • 2. His Majesty's Answer to their Reasons for the Votes for No further Address, 132
    • 3. His Majesty's Declaration concerning the Treaty at Newport, and the Armies Pro∣ceedings, 136
    • 4. Quaeries propounded by His Majesty, con∣cerning the intended Tryal of His Maje∣sty, 137
  • His MAJESTY's Letters, XL.
    • To the Queen, XXI, p. 138, 139, 140, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154.
    • The Queen to the King, VII. 140, 141, 142, 145, 146.
    • To the Prince, II. 156, 158.
    • The Prince to the King, 158
    • To the House of Peers, 138
    • To the Duke of York, 156
    • To the Prince Elector, 142
    • To Prince Rupert, 155
    • To the Duke of Richmond, 144
    • To the Marquess of Ormond, IV. 142, 144, 148, 149.
    • To the Earl of Essex, 141
    • To the Lord Mountague, 156
    • To the Lord Jermin, 153
    • To Secretary Nicholas, 155
    • To SrThomas Fairfax, II. 157
    • To Colonel Whaley, 156
    • To the Scots, 157
  • His MAJESTY's Speeches, LIX.
    • 1. To both Houses, at the Opening of His first Parliament, at Westminster, June 18. 1625. p. 159
    • 2. To both Houses in Christ-Church Hall at Oxford, Aug. 4. 1625. ibid.
    • Another Copy of the two former Speeches 160
    • 3. To the Speaker of the Lower House of His Second Parliament, 1625, 6. ibid.
    • 4. To both Houses at White-Hall, Mar. 29. 1626. 161
    • 5. To the House of Lords at Westminster, May 11. 1626. ibid.
    • 6. To the French Servants of the Queen, at Somerset House, July 1. 1626. 162
    • 7. To both Houses, at the Opening of His Third Parliament, Mar. 17. 1627, 8. ibid.
    • 8. To both Houses at White-Hall, Ap. 4. 1628. ibid.
    • 9. To the Speaker, and House of Commons, Apr. 14. 1628. 163
    • 10. To both Houses, in Answer to their Peti∣tion, June 2. 1628. ibid.
    • 11. To both Houses, in further Answer, June 7. 1628. ibid.
    • 12. To the Lower House, at the Reading their Remonstrance at White-Hall, Jun. 11. 1628. ibid.
    • 13. To both Houses, at the Prorogation, June 26. 1628. 164
    • 14. To both Houses, at White-Hall, Jan. 24. 1628, 9. ibid.
    • 15. To both Houses, in Answer to their Peti∣tion for a Fast, Jan. 31. 1628, 9. 165
    • 16. To the Lower House, concerning Ton∣nage and Poundage, Feb. 3. 1628, 9. ibid.
    • 17. To the House of Lords, at their Disso∣lution, Mar. 10. 1628, 9. 166
    • 18. To the Speaker of the Lower House, 1640. ibid.
    • 19. To the House of Lords, at Westminster, Apr. 24. 1640. ibid.
    • 20. To both Houses, at the Dissolution, May 5. 1640. 167
    • 21. To the Great Council of Lords at York, Sept. 24. 1640. ibid.
    • 22. To both Houses, at the Opening His Fifth Parliament, Nov. 3. 1640. 168.
    • 23. To the House of Lords at Westminster, Nov. 5. 1640. ibid.
    • 24. To both Houses at White-Hall, Jan. 25. 1640, 41. 169
    • 25. To both Houses, in Answer to their Re∣monstrance concerning Papists, February 3. 1640, 41. 170
    • 26. To the House of Lords, at Westminster, Feb. 10. 1640, 41. ibid.
    • 27. To both Houses, at His passing the Bill for Triennial Parliaments, Feb. 15. 1640, 41. 171
    • 28. To both Houses, about Disbanding the Armies, Apr. 28. 1641. ibid.
    • 29. To the House of Lords, concerning the Earl of Strafford, May 1. 1641. 172
    • 30. To both Houses, at His passing the Bill for Tonnage and Poundage, June 22. 1641. ib.
    • 31. To both Houses, at His passing the Bills for taking away the High Commission, and Star-Chamber, and Regulating the Council-Table, July 5. 1641. 173
    • 32. To the Scottish Parliament, at Edinburgh, Aug. 18. 1641. ibid.
    • 33. To both Houses, after His Return from Scotland, Dec. 2. 1641. 174
    • 34. To both Houses, concerning Ireland, Dec. 14. 1641. ibid.
    • 35. To the Lower House, about the Five Mem∣bers, Jan. 4. 1641, 2. 175
    • 36. To the Citizens of London, at Guild-Hall, Jan. 5. 1641, 2. ibid.
    • 37. To the Committee of both Houses, at Theobald's, March 1. 1641, 2. ibid.
    • 38. To the Committee of both Houses, at New-Market, Mar. 9. 1641, 2. ibid.
    • 39. To the Gentry of Yorkshire, Apr. 5. 1642. 177
    • 40. To the Gentry of Yorkshire, May 12. 1642. ibid.
    • 41. To the Inhabitants of Notting hamshire, at Newark, July 4. 1642. 178
    • 42. To the Inhabitants of Lincolnshire, at Lin∣coln, July 15. 1642. ibid.
    • Page  [unnumbered] 43. To the Inhabitants of Leicester, July 20. 1642. 179
    • 44. To the Gentry of Yorkshire, Aug. 4. 1642. 180
    • 45. To His Army at the Reading His Orders, Sept. 19. 1642. 181
    • 46. To the Inhabitants of Denbigh, and Flint, at Wrexham, Sept. 27. 1642. ibid.
    • 47. To the Inhabitants of Shropshire, at Shrewsbury, Sept. 28. 1642. 183
    • 48. To the Inhabitants of Oxfordshire, at Ox∣ford, Novem. 2. 1642. ibid.
    • 49. To the Lords and Commons at Oxford, Jan. 22. 1643, 4. 184
    • 50. To the Primate of Ireland, at Christ-Church, 1643, 4. 185
    • 51. To the Lords and Commons at Oxford, Feb. 7. 1643, 4. ibid.
    • 52. To the Lords and Commons at Oxford, at their Recess, Apr. 16. 1644. ibid.
    • 53. To the Inhabitants of Somerset, at Kings∣more, July 23. 1644. 186
    • 54. To the Committee of both Houses, at Carisbrook, Aug. 7. 1648. 187
    • 55. To the Commissioners of both Houses, at Newport, Novem. 4. 1648. 188
    • 56. To the Lords Commissioners, at their ta∣king leave at Newport, Nov. 1648. ibid.
    • 57. His Majesty's Speeches to the Pretended High Court of Justice; with the History of His Tryal, Jan. 1648, 9. 189
    • 58. His Majesty's Speeches to His Children, Jan. 29. 1648, 9. 205
    • 59. His Majesty's Speech upon the Scaffold, with the Manner of His Martyrdome, Jan. 30. 1648, 9. 206
    Page  [unnumbered] THE MORE PARTICULAR CONTENTS OF THE SECOND PART.
  • I. His Majesty's Declarations concerning His Pro∣ceedings in His four first Parliaments.
    • 1. A Declaration concerning His two first Parliaments, 1625, 1626. 217
    • 2. A Declaration concerning His Third Parli∣ament, 1628, 9. 222
    • 3. A Proclamation for suppressing false Ru∣mours touching Parliaments, March 27. 1629. 230
    • 4. His Majesty's Letter to the Judges concern∣ing Ship-money, Feb. 2. 1636, 7. With their Answer, 231, 232.
    • 5. A Declaration concerning His Fourth Par∣liament, 1640. 233
  • II. Declarations and Papers concerning the Differen∣ces betwixt His Majesty and His Fifth Parliament.
    • 1. A Petition of the House of Commons, 241. With a Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom, Dec. 1. 1641. 243
    • 2. His Majesty's Answer to the Petition, 254
    • 3. His Declaration in Answer to the Remon∣strance, 255
    • 4. The Petition and Protestation of the Bi∣shops, Dec. 28. 1641. 258
    • 5. Articles of High Treason against the Five Members, Jan. 3. 1641, 2. 259
    • 6. The Nineteen Propositions, June 2. 1642. 260
    • 7. His Majesty's Answer, 262
    • 8. His Majesty's Declaration to the Lords at York, June 13. 1642. 271 With their Promise thereupon. 272
    • 9. His Majesty's Declaration concerning the scandalous Imputation of His raising War, June 16. 1642. 273. With the Declaration and Profession of the Lords, 276
    • 10. A Proclamation forbidding Levies of For∣ces, June 18. 1642. 277
    • 11. Votes for raising an Army against the King, July 12. 1642. 279
    • 12. A Declaration of both Houses for raising Forces, Aug. 8. 1642. 280
    • 13. His Majesty's Declaration in Answer, 281
    • 14. A Proclamation against the Earl of Essex, Aug. 9. 1642. 283
    • 15. His Majesty's Proclamation for the setting up His Standard, Aug. 12. 1642. 285
    • 16. His Majesty's Declaration of Aug. 12. 1642. 286
    • 17. His Majesty's Declaration concerning His Messages for Peace, 315
    • 18. His Declaration after the Battel at Edge-Hill, 323
  • III. Declarations and Papers concerning the Treaty of Peace at Oxford, MDCXLII, III.
    • 1. His Majesty's Declaration concerning His Advance to Brainceford, 325
    • 2. The Answer of both Houses to His Mes∣sage of Nov 12. 1642. 327
    • 3. His Majesty's Reply, 328
    • 4. The Petition of both Houses, Nov. 24. 1642. 329
    • 5. His Majesty's Answer, ibid.
    • 6. The Proceedings in the Treaty at Oxford, 330. With a Declaration of both Houses thereupon, 372
    • 7. His Majesty's Declaration in Answer, Jun. 3. 1643. 380
    • 8. His Proclamation against the Votes, Or∣ders, and pretended Ordinances of the Hou∣ses at Westminster, June 20. 1643. 397
  • IV. A Declaration concerning the Cessation in Ireland. Also Declarations and Passages of the Par∣liament at Oxford.
    • 1. The Grounds and Motives of the Cessation in Ireland, Octob. 19. 1643. 401
    • 2. A Proclamation for Assembling of the Mem∣bers of Parliament at Oxford, December 22. 1643. 409
    • 3. A Letter of the Lords at Oxford to the Scots, 410
    • 4. Votes of the Commons at Oxford, Jan. 26. March 12. 1643. 411
    • 5. A Declaration of the Lords and Commons at Oxford, of their Proceedings for a Treaty, March 19. 1643, 4. 412
    • 6. A Declaration of the Lords and Commons at Oxford, concerning their Endeavours for Peace, March 19. 1643, 4. 422
    • 7. The Petition of the Lords and Commons at Oxford, April 25. 1644. 433
    • 8. His Majesty's Answer, 434
    • 9. A Declaration to Forein Churches, May 13. 1644. 436
  • V. Papers and Passages concerning the Treaty of Peace at Uxbridge, MDCXLIV, V.
    • 1. A Proclamation declaring His Majesty's Re∣solution for Peace, Sept. 30. 1644. 437
    • Page  [unnumbered] 2. A Proclamation for a Fast upon occasion on the Treaty, Jan. 27. 1644, 5. 439
    • 3. A full Relation of the Treaty at Vxbridge, 440
    Wherein are set down,
    • 1. The Messages and Propositions sent by His Majesty, and brought to Him which pre∣ceded the Treaty, and were Inducements to it, from p. 440, to p. 449
    • 2. The Passages in the beginning of the Treaty preparatory thereunto; wherein,
      • 1. Of the several Commissions and Passages thereupon, from p. 449, to p. 454
      • 2. The Papers concerning the Manner and Order of the Treaty, 454
      • 3. The Papers concerning a Scandalous Ser∣mon Preached at Vxbridge, against the Treaty the first day of the Treaty, and be∣fore it began, ibid. & 455
    • 3. The Papers concerning Religion, during the whole Treaty, collected together, from page 455, to p. 469
    • 4. The Papers concerning the Militia, during the whole Treaty, collected together, from p. 469, to p. 487
    • 5. The Papers concerning Ireland, during the whole Treaty, collected together, from p. 487, to p. 507
    • 6. The Papers concerning His Majesty's Pro∣positions, and particularly for a Cessation of Arms, and touching His Majesty's Return to Westminster after disbanding of Armies, and further time for continuing or renewing the Treaty, collected together, from p. 507, to p. 514
    • 7. And lastly, an Appendix, wherein are con∣contained the following particulars:
      • 1. His Majesty's Message from Evesham of the 4th of July, 1644. p. 514
      • 2. His Majesty's Message from Tavestock of the 8th of Septemb. 1644. ibid.
      • 3. The Bill for abolishing of Episcopacy, &c. 515
      • 4. The Articles of the late Treaty of the date Edenburgh the 29th of Novemb. 1643. 519
      • 5. The Ordinance for calling the Assembly of Divines, 521
      • 6. The Votes and Orders delivered with it, 523
      • 7. The Articles of the 6th of August, 1642. concerning Ireland, 524
      • 8. The Ordinances of the 9th of March, and the 11th of April, touching the Forces in Ireland, 527
      • 9, 10. The Letters and Advices from the Lords, Justices, and Council of Ireland, ibid.
    • Hereunto are added His Majesty's Answers to certain Papers delivered upon the close of the Treaty, one concerning the Militia, and two concerning Ireland, from p. 531, to p. 545
  • VI. Messages, Propositions, and Treaties for Peace: With divers Resolutions and Declarations thereupon, MDCXLV, VI, VII, VIII.
    • 1. His Majesty's Message from Oxford, Decem. 5. 1645. p. 547
    • 2. A Letter of the two Speakers to Sir Thomas Glemham, 548
    • 3. His Majesty's Message from Oxford, Decem. 15. 1645. ibid.
    • 4. His Majesty's Message from Oxford, with Propositions, Dec. 26. 1645. 549
    • 5. The Answer of both Houses to His Messa∣ges of Decem. 5. and 15. 550
    • 6. His Majesty's Reply, Dec. 29. 1645. ibid.
    • 7. His Majesty's Message from Oxford, Jan. 15. 1645, 6. 551
    • 8. The Answer of both Houses to His Messages of Dec. 26, and 29. 552
    • 9. His Majesty's Reply, Jan. 17. 1645, 6. 553
    • 10. His Majesty's further Reply, Jan. 24. ibid.
    • 11. His Majesty's Message from Oxford, Jan. 29. 1645, 6. 555
    • 12. His Majesty's Message from Oxford, Febr. 26. 1645, 6. 556
    • 13. His Majesty's Message from Oxford, Mar. 23. 1645, 6. 557
    • 14. His Majesty's Letter to the Lieutenant of Ireland, April 13. 1646. ibid.
    • 15. His Majesty's Message from Southwell, May 18. 1646. 558
    • 16. His Majesty's Letter to the City of London, May 19. 1646. 559
    • 17. His Majesty's Message from Newcastle, June 10. 1646. 560
    • 18. His Majesty's Letter to the Governors of His Garrisons, June 10. 1646. 561
    • 19. His Majesty's Letter to the Lieutenant of Ireland. June 11. 1646. ibid.
    • 20. The Propositions of both Houses to His Majesty at Newcastle, July 24. 1646. 562
    • 21. His Majesty's Answer, Aug. 1. 1646. 570.
    • 22. His Majesty's Message from Newcastle, De∣cem. 20. 1646. 571
    • 23. His Majesty's Quaeries to the Scots Commis∣sioners, Jan. 14. 1646, 7. p. 572. With their Answer, and His Reply, 573
    • 24. His Majesty's further Answer to their Pro∣positions, May 12. 1647. ibid.
    • 25. The Petition and engagement of the City of London, 576
    • 26. The Declaration of both Houses thereup∣on, July 24. 1647. 577
    • 27. An Ordinance concerning the Declarati∣on, July 26. 1647. ibid.
    • 28. Votes for His Majesty's coming to London, July 26. 31. 1647. ibid. and 578
    • 29. His Majesty's Profession disavowing any Intentions of War, 1647. 578
    • 30. The Proposals of the Army, Aug. 1. ibid.
    • 31. Propositions of both Houses to His Maje∣sty at Hampton-Court, Sept. 7. 1647. 584
    • 32. His Majesty's Answer, 585
    • 33. His Majesty's Message left at Hampton-Court, Nov. 11. 1647. 586
    • 34. His Majesty's Message from the Isle of Wight: With Propositions, November 17. 1647. ibid.
    • 35. His Majesty's Declaration at the Isle of Wight, Nov. 19. 1647. 589
    • 36. His Majesty's Letter to Sir Thomas Fairfax, from Carisbrook, Nov. 26. 1647. ibid.
    • 37. His Majesty's Letter to both Houses from Carisbrook-Castle, Dec. 6. 1647. 590
    • 38. The four Bills and Propositions sent to His Majesty in the Isle of Wight, December, 24. 1647. ibid.
    • 39. The Scots Commissioners Paper to His Ma∣jesty Page  [unnumbered] at the same time. 594
    • 40. His Majesty's Answer to the Four Bills and Propositions, Dec. 28. 1647. ibid.
    • 41. Both Houses Declaration thereupon, with Votes for no further Address, 595
    • 42. His Majesty's Declaration in Answer to the Votes for no further Address, Jan. 18. 1647, 8. 596
    • 43. Votes for a Treaty, 598
    • 44. His Majesty's Message in Answer to the Votes, Carisbrook, 10. Aug. 1648. ibid.
    • 45. Votes in order to the Treaty, 600
    • 46. His Majesty's Answer to the Votes. 601
    • 47. A Letter of both Speakers to His Majesty, Sept. 2. 1648. ibid.
    • 48. His Majesty's Answer to both Speakers, 602
    • 49. His Majesty's Propositions, 29. September, 1648. ibid.
    • 50. Votes concerning His Majesty's Proposi∣tions and Concessions, 606
    • 51. The Heads of the Remonstrance of the Army presented to the House of Commons, Nov. 20. 1648. 607
    • 52. His Majesty's Quaeries concerning the Re∣monstrance 608
    • 53. His Majesty's Declaration concerning the Treaty, and His dislike of the Armies Pro∣ceedings, ibid.
  • An APPENDIX containing,
    • I. His Majesty's Reason why He cannot in Con∣science consent to abolish the Episcopal Go∣vernment, Octob. 2. 1648. p. 612
    • II. The Answer of the Divines to His Majesty's Reason, Octob. 3. ibid.
    • III. His Majesty's Reply to their Paper, Octob. 6. 616
    • IV. The Rejoynder of the Divines to His Maje∣sty's Reply, Octob. 17. 621
    • V. His Majesty's final Answer concerning Epis∣copacy, Nov. 1. 1648. 634
  • ΕΙΚΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ.
    • I. UPon His Majesty's calling this last Par∣liament, page 647
    • II. Upon the Earl of Strafford's Death 648
    • III. Upon His Majesty's going to the House of Commons, 650
    • IV. Upon the Insolency of the Tumults 651
    • V. Upon His Majesty's passing the Bill for Tri∣ennial Parliaments: And after setling this, during the pleasure of the Two Houses, 654
    • VI. Upon His Majesty's Retirement from West∣minster, 656
    • VII. Upon the Queens departure and absence out of England, 658
    • VIII. Upon His Majesty's Repulse at Hull; And the Fates of the Hothams, 659
    • IX. Upon the Listing and Raising Armies a∣gainst the King. 661
    • X. Upon their seising the King's Magazines, Forts, Navy and Militia, 665
    • XI. Upon the Nineteen Propositions first sent to the King; And more afterwards, 667
    • XII. Upon the Rebellion and Troubles in Ire∣land, 671
    • XIII. Upon the calling in of the Scots; and their coming, 674
    • XIV. Upon the Covenant, 677
    • XV. Upon the many Jealousies raised, and Scandals cast upon the King, to stir up the People against Him, 680
    • XVI Upon the Ordinance against the Com∣mon Prayer-Book, 684
    • XVII. Of the Differences between the King and the Two Houses in point of Church-Go∣vernment, 687
    • XVIII. Upon Vxbridge Treaty; and other Officers made by the King, 692
    • XIX. Upon the various Events of the War, Vi∣ctories and Defeats, 694
    • XX. Upon the Reformation of the Times, 696
    • XXI. Vpon His Malesty's Letters taken and di∣vulged, 699
    • XXII. Upon His Majesty's leaving Oxford, and going to the Scots, 701
    • XXIII. Upon the Scots delivering the King to the English, and His Captivity at Holdenby, 702
    • XXIV. Upon their denying His Majesty the At∣tendance of His Chaplains, 703
    • XXV. Penitential Meditations and Vows in the King's Solitude at Holdenby, 707
    • XXVI. Upon the Armies Surprisal of the King at Holdenby, and the ensuing Distractions in the Two Houses, the Army, and the Ci∣ty, 708
    • XXVII. To the Prince of Wales, 710
    • XXVIII. Meditations upon Death, after the Votes of Non-Addresses, and His Majesty's closer Imprisonment in Carisbrook-Castle, 716
Page  1

THE LIFE OF CHARLES I.

CHARLES I. King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, was the Son of James VI. King of Scots, and Anne his Wife a Daughter of Denmark. By His Father descended to Him all the Rights (together with their blood) of all our Anci∣cient both Saxon and Norman Kings to this Empire. For the Lady Margaret, Sister and sole Heir of Edgar Atheling the last surviving Prince of the English Saxons, being married to Malcolme Conmor King of Scots, conveyed to his Line the Saxon, and Margaret Daughter of Henry VII. married to James IV. did bring the Norman titles and blood. From this Imperial Extract He received not more Honour than He gave to it. For the blood that was derived to Him elaborated through so many Royal Veins, He delivered to Posterity more maturated for Glory and by a constant practice of Goodness more ha∣bituated for Vertue.

He was born at Dunfermeling, one of the principal Towns of Fife in Scotland, on Nov. 19thAn. 1600. [An. 1600] in so much weakness, that his Baptism was hastened without the usual Ceremonies wherewith such Royal Infants are admitted into the Church. Providence seeming to consecrate Him to Sufferings from the Womb, and to accu∣stome Him to the exchange of the strictures of Greatness for clouds of Tears.

There was no Observation nor Augury made at His Birth concerning the Sequel of His Life or course of Fortune (which are usually related of such whose lives have different occurrences from those in others of the same state.) Either the fear of His Death made those about Him less observant of any Circumstances which curious minds would have formed into a Prediction, He appearing like a Star that rises so near the Point of his Setting, that it was thought there would be no time for Calculation. Or He being at distance by his Birth from the Succession to the Crown (Prince Henry then having the first hopes) made men less sollicitous to enquire of His future state, on whom, being born to a private Condition, the Fate of the Kingdom did not de∣pend.

But in the third Year of His age, when King James was preparing himself to re∣move to the English Throne, a certain Laird of the Highlands, though of very great age, came to the Court to take his leave of him, whom he found accompanied with all his Children. After his address full of affectionate and sage Advice (to which his gray hairs gave authority) to the King; [An. 1602] his next application was to Duke CHARLES (for in the Second year of his Age he was created Duke of Albany, Marquess of Or∣mond, Earl of Rosse, and Baron of Ardmanock) whose hands he kiss'd with so great an ardency of affection that he seem'd forgetful of a separation. The King, to cor∣rect his supposed mistake, advised him to a more present observance of Prince Henry, as the Heir of his Crown, of whom he had taken little notice. The old Laird an∣swered that he knew well enough what he did, and that It was this Child (who was then in His Nurses arms) who should convey his name and memory to the succeeding ages. This then was conceived dotage; but the event gave it the credit of a Prophecy, and Page  2 confirmed that Opinion, That some long-experienced souls in the World, before their dislodg∣ing, arrive to the height of prophetick Spirits.

When he was three years old He was committed to the Care and Governance of Sir Robert Cary's Lady, [An. 1603] as a reward for being the first Messenger of Queen Elizabeth's death, whose long life had worn the expectation of the Scotish Nobility into a suspi∣cion, that the Lords of England would never acknowledge her to be dead as long as there was any old Woman of that Nation that could wear good cloaths, and personate the Majesty of a Queen.

In the fourth Year, [An. 1604] after he had wrestled with a Feaver, He was brought in Octo∣ber to the English Court at Windsor, where on the Jan. 6. following, having the day before been made Knight of the Bath, He was invested with the Title of Duke of York; [An. 1606] and in the sixth Year was committed to the Pedagogie of MrThomas Murray, a Person well qualified to that Office, though a favourer of Presbytery.

Under this Tutor, and confined to a retiredness by the present weakness of his Body, He was so diligent and studious, that He far advanced in all that kind of Learning which is necessary for a Prince, without which even their natural En∣dowments seem rough and unpleasant in despight of the splendour of their Fortune. His pro∣ficiency in Letters was so eminent, that Prince Henry taking notice of it, to put a Jest upon Him, one day put the Cap of the Archbishop Abbot, (who was then, with the Prince and the Duke and other of the Nobility, waiting in the Privy Chamber for the King's coming out) on his Brother's head; adding, That if He continued a good Boy, and followed His Book, he would make him one Day Archbishop of Canterbury Which the Child took in such disdain, that He threw the Cap on the Ground, and trampled it under His Feet with so much eagerness, that he could hardly be restrain∣ed. Which Passion was afterward taken by some over-curious as a presage of the ruine of Episcopacy by His Power. But the event shewed it was not ominous to the Order, but to the Person of the Archbishop, whom in his Reign he suspended from the Administration of his Office.

[An. 1611] In his eleventh Year he was made Knight of the Garter: [An. 1612] and in the twelfth Prince Henry dying Novemb. 6. He succeeded him in the Dukedome of Cornwal and the Re∣galities thereof; and attended his Funeral as Chief Mourner, on Decemb. 7.

On the 14th of Feb. following He performed the Office of Brideman to the Princess Elizabeth his Sister, who on that Day was Married to Frederick V. Prince Elector Pala∣tine; the Gayeties of which Day were afterwards attended with many fatal Cares and Expences.

His Childhood was blemished with a supposed Obstinacy: for the weakness of his Body inclining him to retirements, and the imperfection of His Speech rendring Dis∣course tedious and unpleasant, He was suspected to be somewhat perverse. But more age and strength fitting Him for Manlike Exercises, and the Publick Hopes inviting Him from his Privacies, He delivered the World of such Fears: for applying Himself to Action, he grew so perfect in Vaulting, riding the great Horse, running at the Ring, shooting in Cross-bows, Muskets, and sometimes in great Pieces of Ordnance, that if Principality had been to be the Reward of Excellency in those Arts, He would have had a Title to the Crown this way also; being thought the best Marks-man and most graceful Manager of the great Horse in the three Kingdoms. His tenacious humour He left with his Retirements, none being more desirous of good Counsel, nor any more Obsequious when he found it; yea, too distrustful of his own Judgment, which the issue of things proved always best when it was followed.

When he was sixteen Years old, [An. 1616] on Nov. 3. He was created Prince of Wales, Earl of Chester and Flint, the Revenues thereof being assigned to maintain his Court which was then formed for Him. And being thus advanced in Years and State, it was expect∣ed that He should no longer retain the Modesty which the Shades of his Privacy had accustomed Him unto, but now appear as the immediate Instrument of Empire, and that by Him the Favours and Honours of the Court should be derived to others. But though Providence had changed all about, yet it had changed nothing within Him; and He thought it Glory enough to be great without the diminution of others; for He still permitted the Ministry of State to His Father's Favourites: which gave occasi∣on of Discourse to the Speculativi.

Some thought He did it to avoid the Jealousies of the Old King (which were conceived to have been somewhat raised by the popularity of Prince Henry, whose breast was full of forward Hopes.) For Young Princes are deemed of an impatient Am∣bition, and Old ones to be too nice and tender of their Power; in which though they are Page  3 contented with a Successor (as they must have) yet are afraid of a Partner. And it was supposed, that therefore King James had raised Car and Buckingham, like Comets to dim the lustre of these rising Stars.* But these were mistaken in the nature of that King, who was enclined to contract a private friendship, and was prodigal to the Objects of it before ever he had Sons to divert his Love, or raise his Fears.

Some that at a distance looked upon the Prince's actions, ascribed them to a Nar∣rowness of Mind, and an Incapacity of Greatness: while others, better acquaint∣ed with the frame of his Spirit, knew His prudent Modesty enclined Him to learn the Methods of Commanding by the practice of Obedience; and that being of a peaceful Soul, He affected not to embroil the Court (and from thence the King∣dom in Factions, the effects of impotent minds) which He knew were dangerous to a State, and destructive to that Prince who gives Birth unto them; that therefore He chose to wait for a certain, though delayed, Grandeur, rather then by the Com∣pendious way of Contrasts get a precocious Power, and leave too pregnant an Ex∣ample of Ruine.

Others conceived it the Prudence of the Father (with which the Son complyed) who knew the true use of Favourites was to make them the objects of the People's impatience, the sinks to receive the Curses and Anger of the Vulgar, the Hatred of the Querulous, and the Envy of unsatisfied Ambition: which he would rather have fall upon Servants, that His Son might ascend the Throne free and unburthened with the discontents of any. This was the rather believed, because He could dispence Ho∣nours where and when He pleased; as He did to some of His own Houshold; as Sir Robert Cary was made Lord Cary of Lepington, Sir Thomas Howard Viscount An∣dover, and Sir John Vaughan Lord of Molingar in Ireland.

The Evenness of His Spirit was discovered in the loss of His Mother, [An. 1618] whose Death (presaged, as some thought, by that notorious Comet which appeared Nov. 18. be∣fore) happened on March 2. Anno 1618. which He bewailed with a just measure of Grief, without any affected Sorrows, though she was most affectionate to Him above all her other Children; and at her Funeral he would be chief Mourner.

The Death of the Queen was not long after followed with a sharp Sickness of the King: wherein his Life seeming in danger, the consequences of his Death began to be la∣mented.

DrAndrews, then Bishop of Ely, bewailed the sad Condition of the Church, if God should at that time determine the days of the King. The Prince being then only conversant with Scotch-men, which made up the greatest part of his Family, and were ill-affected to the Government and Worship of the Church of England.
Of this the King became so sensible, that he made a Vow,
If God should please to restore his Health, he would so instruct the Prince in the Controversies of Religion, as should secure His affections to the present Establishment.
Which he did with so much success, as he assured the Chaplains who were to wait on the Prince in Spain, that He was able to moderate in any emergent Disputations (which yet he charged them to decline, if possible.) At which they smiling, he earnestly added,
That CHARLES should manage a Point in Controversy with the best-studied Divine of them all.

In His 19th Year, [An. 1619] on March 24. which was the Anniversary of King James's coming to the Crown of England, He performed a Justing at White-hall, together with seve∣ral of the Nobility, wherein He acquitted Himself with a Bravery equal to his Dig∣nity. And on the Sunday following, attending His Father to the Sermon at StPaul's Cross, and to the Service inthe Quire, He shewed as much humble Devotion there, as He had manifested Princely Gallantry in his Justs, admired and applauded by the People for His Accomplishments in the Arts both of War and Peace: That he could behave Himself humbly towards His God, and bravely towards his Enemy; pleased with the hardiness of His Body, and ravished with his more generous Mind; that the Pleasures of the Court had not softned one to Sloth, nor the supremest Fortune de∣bauched the other to Impiety.

Confident in these, [An. 1622] and other evidences of a wise Conduct, the King (without ac∣quainting his Counsel) sends the Prince into Spain, there to Contract a Marriage with the Infanta, and, as a part of the Portion, to recover the Palatinate, which His Si∣sters Husband had lost, and was by the Emperour cantel'd to the Duke of Bavaria and the King of Spain. And herein▪ He was to Combate all the Artists of State in that Court, the practices of that Church, and put an Issue to that Treaty wherein the Lord Digby, though much conversant in the Intriegues of that Council, had been long cajoled.

Page  4 To that Place he was to pass Incognito, accompanied only with the Marquess of Buckingham, MrEndymion Porter, and MrFrancis Cottington, through France; where, to satisfy His Curiosity, and shew Himself to Love, He attempted and enjoyed a view of the Court at Paris, and there received the first Impression of that Excellent Princess who was by Heaven destined to His Chast Embraces. Satisfied with that sight, no lesser enjoyments of any Pleasure in that great Kingdom, nor Vanity of Youth, which is hardly curbed when it is allyed to Power, could tempt His stay, or a discovery of His Greatness; but with a speed answerable to an active Body and Mind, He out-stripped the French Posts which were sent to stop Him, although that King had intelligence of His being within his Dominions immediately after their de∣parture from the Louvre.

The certain news of His safe arrival at Madrid drew after Him from hence a Princely Train, and raised the Censures of the World upon the King; As being too for∣getful of the Inhospitality of Princes to each other, who, when either Design, Tempests or Necessity have driven their Rivals in Majesty upon their Coasts with∣out a Caution, they let them not part without some Tribute to their Interest: and a fresh Example of this was in the King's own Mother, who seeking Refuge in England with her Sister Queen Elizabeth from a Storm at Home, did lose both her Li∣berty and Life.

This none daring to mind the King of, his Jester Archee made him sensible, by tel∣ling him, He came to change Caps with him. Why, said the King? Because (replyed Archée) Thou hast sent the Prince into Spain, from whence He is never like to return. But (said the King) what wilt thou say when thou seest Him come back again? Mary, says the Jester, I will take off the Fools Cap which I now put upon thy Head for sending Him thither, and put it on the King of Spain's for letting him return.

This so awakened the King's apprehension of the Prince's danger, that it drove him into an exceeding Melancholy, from which he was never free till he was assured of the Prince's return to his own Dominions, which was his Fleet in the Sea: and that was not long after. For notwithstanding the contrasts of his two prime Mini∣sters there, Buckingham and Bristol, (which were sufficient to amaze an ordinary Pru∣dence, and disturb the Counsels of so young a Beginner in the Mysteries of Empire, and the Arts of Experienced Conclaves;) the impetuous attempts of the Spanish Cler∣gy, either for a change of His Religion, or a Toleration of theirs; the Spleen of Oli∣vares, whom Buckingham had exasperated; He so dexterously managed the Treaty of Marriage, that all the Articles and Circumstances were solemnly sworn to by both Kings. By a civil Letter to the Pope (which His Enemies Malice afterwards took as an occasion of Slander) He procured a civil return, with the grant of a Dispensation; baffled the hopes of their Clergy by his Constancy in his own Profession, and vindi∣cated it from the odious aspersions of their Priests, by causing our Liturgy to be tran∣slated into the Spanish Tongue; and by His generous mien enthralled the Infanta, for whom He had exposed His Liberty.

Yet having an insight into the practices of that Court, that they would not put the Restitution of the Palatinate into the consideration of the Portion, but reserve it as a Super-foetation of the Spanish Love, and as an opportunity for the Infanta to reconcile the English Spirits, who were heated by the late Wars into an hatred of the Spaniards; and that this was but to lengthen out the Treaty till they had wholly brought the Palatinate under their Power; He conformed His mind to the resolves of His Father, who said,

He would never marry his Son with a Portion of His only Sister's Tears;
and therefore inclined to a Rupture. But concealing His Purpose, and dissembling His Knowledge of their Designs, He consulted His own Safety and Return, which His Father's Letters commanded: which He so prudently acquired, that the King of Spain parted from Him with all those endearments with which departing Friends ceremoniate their Farewells; having satisfied him by a Proxie left with the Earl of Bristol, to be delivered when the Dispensation was come. Which as soon as He was safe on Shipboard, by a private Express, He commanded him to keep in his hands till further Order.

His return to England, [An. 1623] which was in October 1623. was entertained with so much joy and thanksgiving, as if He had been the happy Genius of the whole Nation; and his entrance into London was as a triumph for His Wisdom, their Bonfires lengthned out the day, and their Bells by uncessant ringing forbad sleep to those Eyes which were refreshed with His sight. Nor could the People by age or sickness be confined at home, but despising the prescriptions of their Physicians, went to meet Him as restored Health.

Page  5 When He had given the King an account of His Voyage, and the Spanish Counsels not to restore the Palatinate, a Parliament was summoned, which was so zealous of the Honour of the Prince, that both Houses voted an Address to his Majesty, that he would no longer treat, but begin a War with Spain; and desiring the Prince's media∣tion (who was always ready to gratifie the Nation) therein to his Father, they as∣sured Him they would stand by Him with their Lives and Fortunes: but yet when the War, with the Crown, descended unto Him, they shamefully deserted Him in the beginning of His Reign,

When neither a Wife nor Peace was any longer to be expected from Spain, both were sought for from France, by a Marriage with Henrietta Maria, the youngest Daughter of Henry the IV. The Love of whom the Prince had received by the Eye, and She of Him by the Ear. For having formerly received impressions from the rela∣tions of His Gallantry; when she was told of His passing through Paris, She answer∣ed (as it is reported) that if He went to Spain for a Wife, He might have had one nearer hand, and saved Himself a great part of the labour.

In the midst of these Preparations for War and Love, [An. 1625] King James died at Theobalds, Sunday March 27. An. 1625. and Prince CHARLES was immediately proclaimed at the Court-Gate King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, and so throughout all the three Kingdoms, with infinite Rejoycings. The people expecting all the benefits of the happiest Government under Him, whose private and youthful part of Life had been so spent, that it had nothing in it to be excused, and where the eager Inquisi∣tors for matter of Reproach met with no satisfaction. An argument of a solid Vertue, that could hold out against all the Vices of Youth, that are rendred more impetuous by Flat∣teries and Plenty, which are continually resident in great Courts. For had any Debauche∣ry polluted His earlier Days, it had been published by those who in scarcity of just Accusations did invent unimaginable Calumnies. Nor could it have been hid, for in a great Fortune nothing is concealed, but Curiosity opens the Closets and Bed-chambers, espe∣cially of Princes, and discovers their closest Retirements, exposing all their Actions to Fame and Censure. Nor did the King deceive their hopes, they being the happiest People under the Sun while he was undisturbed in the administration of Justice.

His first publick Act was the Celebrating His Father's Funeral, whereat He Him∣self was Chief Mourner, (contrary to the Practice of His Royal Predecessors, and not conformable to the Ceremonies of State;) Either preferring Piety to an unnatural Grandeur; or urged by some secret Decree of Providence, that in all the Ruines of His Family He should drink the greatest Draught of Tears; or His Spirit presaging the Troubles of the Throne, He would hallow the Ascent to it by a Pious Act of Grief.

When He had pay'd that Debt to His Deceased Father, He next provided for Po∣sterity, and therefore hastened the coming over of His Dearest Consort, whom the Duke of Chevereux had in His Name Espoused at the Church of Nostre-Dame in Paris; and He receiving Her at Dover the next Day after Trinity-Sunday; at Canterbury be∣gan his Conjugal Embraces. A Lady of most excellent Endowments, who assumed to Her self nothing in His Good Fortune but the Joy; and in His Evil bore an equal share, for She reverenced Him, not His Greatness.

Thus having dispatched the Affairs of His Family, He applies Himself to those of His Kingdoms, which too much Felicity had made unmanageable by a moderate Government. And He seemed not so much to ascend a Throne, as enter upon a Theatre, to wrestle with all the difficulties of a corrupted State; whose long Peace had softned almost all the Nobless into Court-pleasures, and made the Commons in∣solent by a great Plenty. The Rites and Discipline of Religion had been blotted out by a long and uninterrupted Prosperity, and Factions crept from the Church into the Senate, which were made use of by those that endeavoured the alteration of Govern∣ment; and the Resolves of that Council were the Dictates of some heady Dema∣gogues, who fed the Vulgar with hopes of Novelty under the name of Liberty, so that the King could not endure their Vices, nor they His Vertues, whence came all the Obstructions to His Designs for Glory and the Publick Good. The Treasury had been exhausted to satiate the unquiet and greedy Scots: and the People were taught not to supply it, unless they were bribed with the blood of some Minister of State, or some more advantages for Licentiousness. Each of these single would have enno∣bled the Care of an Ordinary Prudence to have weathered out; but when all these conspired with the Traiterous Projects of Men of unbounded and unlawful hopes, they took from Him His Peace, and that which the World calls Happiness, but yet Page  6 they made Him Great, and affording Exercises for His most excellent Abilities ren∣dred Him Glorious.

The different states of these Difficulties, when like Clouds they were gathering to∣gether, and when they descended in showres of Blood, divide the King's Reign into two parts. The first could not be esteemed days of Peace, but an Immunity from Civil War. The other was when He was concluded by that Fatal Necessity, either to part with His Dignity, and expose His Subjects to the Injuries of numerous Ty∣rants; or else to exceed the calmer temper of His peaceful Soul, and make use of those necessary Arms, whereby he might hope to divert, if possible, the Ruine of Church and State which He saw in projection.

In the first part He had no Wars at home but what was in the Houses of Parlia∣ment; which though their first Institution designed for the production of just Coun∣sels, and assistances of Government, yet, through the just Indignation of Heaven, and the practices of some unquiet and seditious Persons, became the Wombs wherein were first conceived and formed those monstrous Confusions which destroyed their own Li∣berty, caused our Miseries, and the King's Afflictions.

His first Parliament began June 18. At the opening of which the King acquainted them with the necessity of Supplies for the War with Spain, which they importunate∣ly had through His Mediation engaged His Father in, and made it as Hereditary to Him as the Crown. His Eloquence gave powerful Reasons for speedy and large summs of Money; did also audit to them the several disbursements relating both to the Army and Navy, that He might remove all Jealousies of misimployment, and give them notice how well He understood the Office He had newly entred upon, and how to be a faithful Steward of the Publick Treasure. But the Projectors of the alteration of Government brought into Debate two Petitions, one for Religion, the other for Grievances, formed in King James's time, which delayed the Succours, and increased the Necessities, which at last they answered but with two Subsidies, too poor a stock to furnish an Army with; yet was kindly accepted, in expectation of more at the next Session. For the Infection seising upon London, the Parliament was adjourned till August, when they were to meet at Oxford: and at that time He pas∣sed such Acts as were presented to Him.

At the next Session he gave a complying and satisfactory answer to all their Petiti∣ons, and expected a Retribution in larger Subsidies towards the Spanish War. But in stead of these, there were high and furious Debates of Grievances, consultations to form and publish Remonstrances, Accusations of the Duke of Buckingham: Which the King esteeming as reproaches of His Government, and assaults upon Monarchy, dis∣solves that Assembly, hoping to find one of a less cholerick complexion after His Coronation.

This inauspicious Meeting drew after it another Mischief, the miscarriage of the Designs upon Spain. For the Supplies of Money being scanty and slow, the Fleet could not go forth till Octob. 8. an unseasonable time in the British Seas; and their first contest was with Winds and Tempests, which destroying some, scattered all the Ships. When they met, a more dangerous Storm fell among the Souldiers and Sea∣men, where small Pay caused less Discipline, and a Contempt of their General, the Lord Wimbleton, rendred the attempt upon Cades vain and fruitless. This was fol∣lowed by a Contagion (to which some conceive discontented minds make the Bodies of Men more obnoxious) in the Navy, which forced it home, more empty of Men, and less of Reputation.

The Infection decreasing at London, the King performed the Solemnities of His Coronation Feb. 2. with some alterations from those of His Predecessors: for in the Civil He omitted the usual Parade of riding from the Tower through the City to White-Hall, to save the Expences that Pomp required, for more noble undertakings. In the Spiritual there was restored a Clause in the Prayers which had been pretermit∣ted since Henry VI. and was this; Let Him obtain favour for this People, like Aaron in the Tabernacle, Elisha in the Waters, Zacharias in the Temple; give Him Pe∣ter's Key of Discipline, Paul's Doctrine. Which though more agreeing to the Princi∣ples of Protestantism, which acknowledgeth the Power of Princes in their Churches, and was therefore omitted in the times of Popery; yet was quarrelled at by the Fa∣ctious Party, (who take advantages of Calumny and Sedition from good as well as bad circumstances) and condemned as a new invention of Bishop Laud, and made use of to defame both the King and him.

Page  7 After this He began a second Parliament Feb. 2. wherein the Commons voted Him four Subsidies, but the Demagogues intended them as the price of the Duke of Buck∣ingham's Blood; whom MrCook and DrTurner with so much bitterness inveighed a∣gainst, as passing the modesty of their former dissimulation they taxed the King's Go∣vernment. Sir Dudley Digges, Sir John Elliot and others carried up Articles against him to the Lords House, in which, to make the Faction more sport, the Duke and the Earl of Bristol did mutually impeach each other. By these contrasts the Parlia∣ment were so highly heated, that the Faction thought it fit time to put a Remon∣strance in the Forge, which according to their manner was to be a publick Invective against the Government. But the King having notice of it, dissolves the Parliament June 18. An. 1626. and the Bill for the Subsidies never passed. [An. 1626]

This misunderstanding at home produced another War abroad. For the King of France taking advantage of these our Domestick embroilments begins a War upon us, and seiseth upon the English Merchants Ships in the River of Bourdeaux. His pretence was, because the King had sent back all the French Servants of the Queen, whose in∣solencies had been intolerable. But the World saw the vanity of this pretext in the Example of Lewis himself, who had in the like manner dimitted the Spanish Attendants of his own Queen: and that truly the unhappy Counsels in Parliament had exposed this just Prince to Foreign Injuries. Which He Magnanimously endeavoured to revenge, and to recover the Goods of His abused Subjects; and therefore sent the Fleet designed for Justice upon Spain to seek it first in France. But the want of Money made the Preparations slow; and therefore the Navy putting out late in the Year was by Storms forced to desist the Enterprize. So that what was the effect only of the malice of His Enemies, was imputed by some to a secret Decree of Heaven, which obstructed His just Undertakings for Glory.

The next Year the King, [An. 1627] quickened by the Petitions of the Rochellers, who now sued for His Protection, as well as by the Justice of His own Cause, more early pro∣secuted His Counsels, and sent the Duke of Buckingham to attach the Isle of Rhe; which though alarmed to a greater strength by the last Year's vain attempt, yet had now submitted to the English Valour, had not the Duke managed that War more with the Gayeties of a Courtier than the Arts of a Soldier. And when it was wis∣dom to forsake those Attempts which former neglects had made impossible, being too greedy of Honour, and to avoid the imputation of fear in a safe retreat, he loaded his overthrow with a new Ignominy, and an heavier loss of Men, (the common fate of those Who seek for Glory in the parcels, lose it in the gross.) Which was contrary to the temper of his Master, who was so tender of humane Blood, that therefore He raised no Wars, but found them, and thought it an opprobrious Bargain to purchase the fruitless Laurels, or the empty name of Honour, with the Lives of Men, but where the pub∣lick Safety required the hazard and loss of some particulars.

This Expedition being so unhappy, and the Miseries of Rochel making them im∣portunate for the King's Assistance, His Compassionate Soul was desirous to remove their Dangers, but was restrained by that necessitous condition the Faction had con∣cluded Him under. To free Himself from which, that He might deliver the op∣pressed, he doth pawn His own Lands for 120000 Pounds to the City, and borrows 30000 l. more of the East-India Company: but this was yet too narrow a Foundation to support the Charges of the Fleet, and no way so natural to get adequate supplies as by a Parliament; which He therefore summons to meet March 17. intending to use all Methods of Complacency to unite the Subjects Affections to Himself.

Which in the beginning proved successful, for the modesty of the Subjects strove with the Piety of the King, [An. 1628] and both Interests contended to oblige, that they might be obliged. The Parliament granted the King five Subsidies, and He freely granted their Petition of Right, the greatest Condescension that ever any King made, where∣in He seemed to submit the Royal Scepter to the Popular Fasces, and to have given Satisfaction even to Supererogation.

These auspicious beginnings, though full of Joy both to Prince and People, were matter of Envy to the Faction: and therefore to form new Discontents and Jealou∣sies, the Demagogues perswaded the Houses that the King's Grant of their Petition extended, (beyond their own hopes and the limits themselves had set, and what He had expresly mentioned and cautioned) even to the taking away His Right to Tonnage and Poundage. Besides this they were again hammering a Remonstrance to reproach Him and His Ministers of male-administration. Which Ingratitude He being not able to endure, on June 26. adjourns the Parliament till Oct. 20. and afterward by Procla∣mation till Jan 20. following.

Page  8 In the interim the King hastens to send Succours to Rochel: and though the Gene∣ral, the Duke of Buckingham, was at Portsmouth Assassinated by Felton, armed (as he professed) with the publick Hatred; yet the Preparations were not slackned, the King by His personal Industry doing more to the necessary furnishing of the Fleet in ten or twelve Days then the Duke had done in so many Months before. But in the mean while Rochel was barricadoed to an impossibility of Relief. Therefore the Earl of Lindsey, who commanded the Forces, after some gallant, yet fruitless, attempts re∣turned to England, and the Rochellers to the Obedience of the French King.

As Providence had removed the great Object of the Popular hate, and (as was pretended) the chief Obstruction of the Subjects Love to their King, the Duke of Buckingham; so the King Himself labours to remove all other occasions of quarrel before the next Session. He restores Archbishop Abbot, who for his remissness in the Discipline of the Church had been suspended from his Office, and was there∣fore the Darling of the Commons because in disgrace with the King, (so contrary are the affections of a corrupted State to those of their Governours) to the administration of it again. DrPotter, the great Calvinist, was made Bishop of Carlisle. MrMountague's Book of Appello Caesarem was called in. Proclamations were issued out against Papists. Sir Thomas Wentworth, an active Leader of the Commons, was toward the beginning of this Session, as Sir John Savil had been at the end of the last, called up into the Lord's House, being made Viscount Wentworth, and Lord President of the North.

But the Honours of these Persons (whose Parts the King, who well understood Men, thought worthy of His Favour and Employment) seeming the rewards of Se∣dition and the spoils of destructive Counsels, the Demagogues were more eager in the pursuit of that which these had attained unto, by the like arts. And therefore despising all the King's obliging Practices, in the next Session they assumed a Power of reforming Church and State, called the Customers into question for Levying Ton∣nage and Poundage, made now their Invectives, as they formerly did against the Duke, against the Lord Treasurer Weston; so that it appeared that not the Persons of Men, but the King's trust of them, was the object of their Envy, and His Favour, though never so Vertuous, marked them out for Ruine. And upon these Points they raised the Heat to such a degree, that fearing they should be dissolved e're they had time to vent their Passions, they began a Violence upon their own Body (an Example which lasted longer then their Cause, and at last produced the overthrow of all their Privi∣ledges.) They lock'd the Doors of the House, kept the Key thereof in one of their own Pockets, held the Speaker by strong Hand in the Chair, till they had thun∣dred out their Votes like dreadful Anathemaes, against those that should levy, and, which was more ranting, against such as should willingly pay the Tonnage and Pound∣age. This Force the King went with His Guard of Pensioners to remove; which they hearing, adjourned the House; and the King in the House of Lords declaring the Injustice of those Vipers who destroyed their own Liberties, dissolved the Parli∣ament.

While the Winds of Sedition raged thus furiously at home, more gentle gales came from abroad. The French King's Designs upon other Places required Peace from us, and therefore the Signiory of Venice by her Ambassadors was moved to procure an Accord betwixt Charles and Lewis; [An. 1629] which the King accepted. And not long after the Spani∣ard pressed with equal necessities desired Amity; which was also granted. The King being thus freed from His Domestick Embroilments and Foreign Enmities, soon made the World see His Skill in the Arts of Empire, and rendred Himself abroad more con∣siderable then any of His Predecessors. And He was more glorious in the Eyes of the good, and more satisfied in His own Breast, by confirming Peace with Prudence, then if He had finished Wars with destroying Arms. So that His Scepter was the Caduceus to arbitrate the differences of the Potentates of Europe. His Subjects likewise tasted the sweetness of a Reign which Heaven did indulge with all its favours, but only that of valuing their Happiness. While other Nations weltred in Blood, His People enjoyed a Profound Peace, and that Plenty which the freedom of Commerce brings along with it. The Dutch and Easterlings used London as the surest Bank to preserve and increase their Trading. The Spanish Bullion was here Coined, which advantaged the King's Mint, and encreased the Wealth of the Merchants, who re∣turned most of that Money in our Native Commodities.

While He dispensed these Blessings to the People, [An. 1630] Heaven was liberal to Him in giving Him a Son to inherit His Dominions, May 29. An. 1630. which was so great matter of rejoycing to the People of uncorrupted minds, that Heaven seemed also con∣cerned Page  9 in the Exultation, kindling another Fire more than Ordinary, making a Star to be seen the same day at noon. (From which most men presaged that that Prince should be of high Undertakings, and of no common glory among Kings: which hath since been confirmed by the miraculous preservation of Him, and Heaven seemed to conduct Him to the Throne.) For this great Blessing the King gave publick Thanks to the Author of it, Almighty God, at StPaul's Church; and God was pleased in a return to those thanks with a numerous Issue afterwards to increase this Happiness. For neither Armies nor Navies are such sure props of Empire as Children are. Time, For∣tune, private Lusts, or Errors may take off, or change Friends: but those that Nature hath united must have the same Interest, especially in Royal Families, in whose Prosperities stran∣gers may have a part, but their Adversities will be sure to crush their nearest Allies.

Prospering thus in Peace at home, a small time assisted His frugality to get such a Treasure, and gave Him leasure to form such Counsels as might curb the Insolence of His Enemies abroad. He confederated with other Princes to give a check to the Austrian Greatness, assisting by his Treasure, Arms and Counsel, the King of Sweden, to deliver the oppressed German States from the Imperial Oppressions. And when Gustavus's Fortune made him Insolent, and he would impose unequal Conditions upon the Paltsgrave, the King's Brother-in-law, He necessitated him notwithstanding his Victories to more easie Articles.

The next year was notorious for two Tryals; [An. 1631] one of the Lord Audley Earl of Castlehaven, who being accused by all the abused parts of his Family of a prodigious wickedness and unnatural uncleanness, was by the King submitted to a Tryal by his Peers, and by them being found guilty, was condemned, and his Nobility could be no patronage for his Crimes; (but in the King's eyes they appeared more horrid, because they polluted that Order) and was afterwards executed.

The other was of a Tryal of Combate at a Marshal's Court, betwixt Donnold Lord Rey, a Scottish High-lander, and David Ramsey, a Scottish Courtier. The first accu∣sed the last to have sollicited him to a Confederacy with the Marquess Hamilton, who was then Commander of some Forces in assistance of the King of Sweden: in which Ramsey said all Scotland was ingaged but three; and that their friends had gotten provision of Arms and Powder out of England; that the Court was extream∣ly corrupted; and that the matters of Church and State were so out of frame as must tend to a Change.

There were no Witnesses, and the Defendant denying what the Appellant affirmed, the Tryal was thought must be by Duel. In order to which the King grants a Com∣mission for a Court-Marshal; where though the presumptions of Ramsey's guilt were more heightned, yet the King hinders any further process by Combat, which is doubt∣ed whether it be lawful; either thinking none so foolish as to strive for Empire which He found so full of Trouble; or knowing that Magistracy being the sole Gift of Heaven, it was vain to commit a Crime in hope of enjoying it, or in fear of losing it: (which was the Principle upon which Excellent Princes have neglected the diligent Inqui∣sition of Conspiracies) and fatally continues Hamilton in that favour as did enable him afterwards more falsly to act that Treason of which he was then accused.

Some Tumults in Ireland shewed a defect in that Government which made the King send over as Deputy thither the Lord Wentworth, [An. 1632] a most accomplished Person in af∣fairs of Rule, of great Abilities equal to a Minister of State. The King's choice of him he soon justified, by reducing that tumultuary people to such a condition of Peace and security as it had never been since its first annexion to this Crown, and made it pay for the Charges of its own Government, which before was deducted out of the En∣glish Treasury: their Peace and Laws now opening accesses for Plenty.

This enjoyment of Peace and Plenty through all the King's Dominions made Him mindful of employing some fruits of it to the Honour of that God that caused it; and not to let so great a Prosperity wholly corrupt the minds of men to a neglect of Reli∣gion, (which is usual) He shewed his own Zeal for the Ornaments of it, and spent part of His Treasure towards the repair of StPaul's Church, and by His Example, Admonitions and Commands drew many of His Subjects to a Contribution for it; and had restored it to its primitive lustre and firmness, adorned it to a magnificence equal with the Structure, which is supposed the goodliest in the Christian World, had not the Malice of His Enemies forced him to Arms, mingled His Mortar with the blood of innocent people, and sacrilegiously diverted all the Treasure and Materials gathered for this pious design, to maintain an impious and unjust War: and after∣wards to dishonour His cares for Religion, they barbarously made it a Stable for their Horse, and Quarters for their unhallowed Foot.

Page  10 Some reasons of State drew the King from London, [An. 1633] May 13. to receive the Imperial Crown of Scotland. Himself professed that He had no great stomach to the Journey, nor delight in the Nation, being a race of men that under the Scheme of an honest animosity and specious plain-dealing were most perfidious. A full Character of their great Movers. Yet as He had been nobly treated all along His Journey by the English Nobility, so was He there magnificently received and crowned at Edinburgh June 10th. But the King soon found all those Caresses false. For the Nobility and Laick Patrons could not concoct His Revocation (though legal and innocent) of such things as had been stoln from the Crown during His Father's Minority, with a Commission for Surrendry of Superiorities and Tithes to be retaken from the King by the present Occupants (who could as then pretend no other Title than the unjust usurpation of their Ancestors) on such conditions as might bring some Profit to the Crown, (to which they justly belonged) some Augmentation of the Clergy, and far more ease and benefit to the common People, whom by advantage of those illegal Tenures they oppressed with a most bitter Vassalage. This Act of His Majesty being so full of equity and publick good, those whose greatness was builded upon Injustice did not bare-facedly oppose it, but endeavoured to hinder that and all the other designs of Peace and Order, by opposing in the Parliament next after the Coronation the Act of Ratification of all those Laws which King James had made in that Nation for the better regulating the affairs of that Church, both as to the Government and Worship of it.

This was highly opposed by such as were sensible of their diminution by a le∣gal restitution of their unrighteous Possessions. And although the King carried it by the major part of Voices; yet to prevent their own fires with the publick Ruine, they did most assiduously slander it among the People as the abetting of Popery, and the betraying their Spiritual Liberty to the Romish yoke. These Calumnies recei∣ved more credit by the King's Order for a more decent and reverend Worship of God at His Royal Chappel at Edinburgh, conformably to the English Usage.

Their noise grew lowder by the Concent of their party of Malecontents in England; who also took advantage to diffuse their poison from the King's Book of Sports, which King JAMES had in his time published in Lancashire, and was now ratified by King CHARLES for a more universal Observance. The Occasi∣sion of which was the Apostasie of many to Popery, (whose Doctrines and Practi∣ces are more indulgent to the licentious) through the rigid Opinion of some Prea∣chers, who equall'd all Recreations on the Sabbath (as they call'd it) to the most prodigious transgressions. On the contrary, some of the ignorant Teachers had perverted many to down-right Judaisme, by the consequence of so strict an Observance of the Sabbath. And some over-busie Justices of Peace had suppressed all the ancient Feasts of the Dedications of Churches. The King there∣fore intended by this Edict to obstruct the success of the Enemies on both sides, and to free His People from the yoke of this Superstition. But (such is the weak∣ness of Humane Prudence, that the Remedies it applies to one Inconvenience are preg∣nant of another; and whereas the Generality of men seldom do good but as necessitated by Law, when Liberty is indulged all things are soon filled with Disorder and Confusion. And so) it happened in this, that the Vulgar abusing the King's Liberty, (which was no more than is granted in other Protestant Churches) and committing many undecencies, made many well-temper'd Spirits too capable and credulous of those importunate Calumnies of the Faction that His Majesty was not well-affected to Religion.

The boldness of the Pickeroons, [An. 1634] Turks, and Dunkirk-Pirates infesting our Coasts, damaging our Traffique, the Usurpation of the Holland Fishers on the King's Domi∣nion in the Narrow Seas, and His Right disputed in a Tract by the Learned Grotius, call the King's next Cares for His own Honour, and the People's Safety. But the Remedy appeared exceeding difficult; the furnishing of a Navy for so ho∣nourable an undertaking being too heavy a burden for His Exchequer; which (al∣though not emptied by any luxuriant Feasts, nor profusely wasted on some prodi∣gal and unthirsty Favourite, nor lavished on ambitious designs, from all which destructions of Treasure no King was more free) was but just sufficient for ordi∣nary and necessary Expences of State and Majesty. And though it was most just for Him to expect the Peoples Contribution to their own Safety, who were ne∣ver richer than now, nor had they ever more Security for their Riches than they now had by his Concessions of Liberty: yet knowing how powerful the Page  11 Faction alwaies was to disturb the Counsels of Parliament, He feared that from their Proceedings the common Enemies would be incouraged (as formerly) to higher Insolencies, and the envious Demagogues would contemn their own safety to ruine His Honour. He also accounted it a great unhappiness to be necessita∣ted to maintain His State by extraordinary waies, and therefore refused to renew Privie Seals and Loans, the use of which He debarred Himself of in granting the Petition of Right. Therefore consults His Atturney-General Noy, whether the Prerogative had yet any thing left to save an unwilling people. Noy acquaints Him with Ancient Precedents of raising a Tax upon the Nation for setting forth a Navie in case of danger, and assures Him of the Legality of the way in proceeding by Writs to that effect. Which Counsel being embraced, there were Writs directed to the several Counties for such a Contribution that in the whole might build, furnish and maintain Forty Seven Ships for the safety of the Kingdom. And by these the King soon secured and calmed the Seas; but the Faction endeavoured to raise a Tempest at Land.

They complained of Invasions on their Spiritual Liberties, [An. 1635] because the Bishops endeavoured in these years to reduce the Ceremonies of the Church to their pri∣mitive Observance, of which a long Prosperity had made men negligent: and time had done that to the Spiritual Body which it doth to the Natural, dayly amassed those Corruptions which at length will stand in need of cure. Therefore when they took this proper Method of reforming a corrupted State in bringing things back to their Original Institution, both His Majesty and they were defamed with designs of Popery.

This Tax of Ship-money was pretended a breach to their Civil Liberties, and con∣trary to Law, because not laid by a Parliament. Therefore those who sought the People's favour to alter the present Government, by seeming the singular Patrons of their Rights, [An. 1636] refused to pay the Tax, and stood it out to a Trial at Law. The Just Prince declined not the Tryal, and permitted Monarchy and Liberty to plead at the same Bar. All the Judges of the Land did justifie by their Subscriptions, that it was legal for the King to levy such a Tax; and their Subscriptions were enrolled in all the Courts of Westminster-Hall. And when it came to be argued in the Exchequer-Chamber, ten of them absolutely declared for it; only two, Crook and Hutton, openly dissented from that Opinion to which they had formerly subscribed, not without the ignominy of Levity unbeseeming their places. And as the King was thus victorious in the Law, so was He at Sea; and having curbed the Pirates, He also reduced the Hollanders to a precarious use of His Seas.

Amidst all these Difficulties and Calumnies the King hitherto had so governed, that sober men could not pray for, nor Heaven grant in Mercy to a People any greater Happiness than what His Reign did afford. The British Empire never more flourished with Magnificent Edifices; the Trade of the Nation had brought the Wealth of the Indies home to our doors; Learning and all good Sciences were so cherished, that they grew to Admiration, and many Arts of the Ancients, buri∣ed and forgotten by time, were revived again. No Subjects under the Sun richer, and (which was the effect of that) none prouder. Security increased the Hus∣band-mans stock, and Justice preserved his Life; none being condemned as to Life, but by the lawful Verdict of those of an equal Condition, the Jury of his Peers. The poor might Reverence, but needed not Fear the Great: and the Great though he might despise, yet could not injure his more obscure Neighbour. And all things were so administred, that they seemed to conspire to the Publick good; except that they made our Happiness too much the cause of all Civil Commotions, and brought our Felicity to that height, that by the necessity of Humane Nature, which hath placed all things in motion, it must necessarily decline. And God provoked by our sins did no longer restrain and obstruct the arts and fury of some wicked men, who contemning their present certain enjoyments, hoped for more wicked acquisi∣tions in publick Troubles; to overwhelm every part of the King's Dominions with a Deluge of Blood and Misery, and to commence that War, which as it was horrid with much slaughter, so it was memorable with the Experiences of His Majesties Vertues; Confusions, like Winds, from every Coast at once assaulting and trying His Righteous Soul.

The first Storm arose from the North, and the flame first broke out in Scotland, where those Lords who feared they should lose their spoils of Religion and Majesty, took all occasions to hasten the publick Misery (which at last most heavily lay Page  12 upon their Country, the hands they had strengthned and instructed to fight against their Prince, laying a more unsupportable slavery upon them then their most im∣pious Slanders could form in the imaginations of the credulous that they might fear from the King) by calumniating the King's Government, raising fears of Ty∣ranny and Idolatry, forming and spreading seditious Libels. The Author, or at least the Abettor, of one of which was found to be the Lord Balmerino, a Traitor by Nature, being the Son of one who had before merited Death for his Treasons to King James, yet found that mercy from him as the Son now did from King Charles, to have his Life and Estate continued after condemnation. Yet this perfidious man interpreted the King's Clemencie for his own Vertue; and he that had dared such a Crime, could not be changed by the Pardon of it; and as if he had rather received an Injury than Life, he was the most active in the approaching Rebellion.

For the Rabble, [An. 1637] that delights in Tumults, were fitted by this and other Bou∣tefeus for any occasion of contemning the King's Authority (though His designs, that were thus displeasing to the Noblefs, were evidently for the benefit of the Populacy) and at last took fire from the Liturgie, something differing from ours, (lest a full consent might argue a dependency upon the Church of England) which some Scotish Bishops had composed and presented to the King for the use of their Church; which the King who was desirous that those who were united under His Command might not be divided in Worship, confirmed, and appointed to be first read July 13. at Edinburgh, a City always pregnant with suspicions and false rumours. But it was entertained with all the instruments of Fury that were present to a debau∣ched multitude: for they flung Cudgels and Sticks at the Dean of Edinburgh while he was performing his Office; and after that was done, re-inforced their assault up∣on the Bishops, whom the Earls of Roxbrough and Traquaire pretended to protect, who indured some affronts, that their Patience might provoke a greater rage in the Multitude, which a vigorous punishment had easily extinguish'd. For they that are fierce in a croud, being singled, through their particular fears become obedient. And that Rabble that talks high against the determinations of their Prince, when danger from the Laws is within their ken, distrust their Companions, and return to subjection.

But it soon appeared that this was not the bare effort of a mutinous Multitude, but a long-formed Conspiracy; and to this Multitude, whose present terrour was great, yet would have been contemptible in a short space, there appeared Parties to head them of several Orders. Who presently digested their Partisans into several Tables, and concocted this Mutiny into a formal Rebellion. To prosecute which they mutually obliged themselves and the whole Nation in a Covenant to extirpate Episcopacy, and whatsoever they pleased to brand with the odious names of Heresie and Superstition, and to defend each other against all Persons, not excepting the King.

To reduce this people to more peaceful Practices, the King sends Marquess Hamilton (one who being caressed by His Majestie's Favour had risen to such a degree of Wealth and Greatness, that now he dreamed of nothing less than Empire, to bring his Power to perfection, at least to be Monarch of Scotland, to which he had some pretensions by his birth) as His Commissioner. Who with a species of Loyalty dissembled that pleasure which he took in the opposition of the Covenan∣ters, whose first motions were secretly directed by his Counsels, and those of his Dependents, Traquair and Roxbrough, for all his Allies were of that Party, contrary to the custom of that Country, where all the Members of a Family espouse the part of their Head though in the utmost danger:) and his Mother rid armed with Pistols at her Saddle-bow for defence of the Covenant. By his actings there new seeds of Discontents and War were dayly sown, and his Oppositions so faint, that he rather encreased than allayed their fury: By several returns to His Majesty for new Instructions he gave time to the Rebels to consolidate their Conspiracy, to call home their Exiles of Poverty that were in Foreign Armies, and provide Arms for open Force: By his false representations of the state of things, he induced the King to temporize with the too-potent Corruption of that Nation (an Artifice King JAMES had sometimes practised) and by granting their desires, to make them sensible of the Evils which would flow from their own Counsels. Therefore the King gave Order for revoking the Liturgy, the High-Commission, the Book of Ca∣nons, and the Five Articles of Perth.

Page  13 But the Covenanters were more insolent by these Concessions, because they had gotten that by unlawful courses and unjust force which Modesty and Submis∣sion had never obtained; and imputing these Grants to the King's Weakness, not His Goodness, they proceeded to bolder Attempts: Indicted an Assembly with∣out Him, in which they abolished Episcopacy; excommunicated the Bishops and all that adhered to them. Afterwards they seised upon the King's Revenue, surprised His Forts and Castles, and at last put themselves into Arms.

Provoked with these Injuries the King amasses a gallant Army, in which was a very great appearance of Lords and Gentlemen, and with these marches, and in∣camps within two miles of Berwick, within sight of the Enemy. But their present Condition being such as could endure neither War nor Peace, they endeavoured to dissipate that Army, which they could not overthrow, by a pretence to a Pacifica∣tion. For which they petitioned the King, who yielded unto it out of His innate tenderness of His Subjects Blood. So an Accord was made June 17. [An. 1639] and the King disbands His Army, expecting the Scots should do the like, according to the Arti∣cles of Agreement.

But they being delivered from Fear, would not be restrained by Shame from breaking their Faith. For no sooner had the King disbanded, but they protested against the Pacification, printed many false Copies of it, that might represent it dishonourable to the King, retained their Officers in pay, changed the old Form of holding Parliaments, invaded the Prerogatives of the Crown, and sollicited the French King for an aid of Men and Money.

This perfidious abuse of His Majestie's Clemency made those that judge of Counsels by the issue to censure the King's Facility. Some wondred how He could imagine there would be any Moderation in so corrupt a Generation of Men, and that they who had broken the Peace out of a desire of War, should now lay aside their Arms out of a love to Quiet. That there would be alwaies the same causes to the Scots of disturbing England, and opposing Government, their un∣quiet Nature and Covetousness: therefore unless some strong impression made them either unable or unwilling to distract our quiet, the King was to look for a speedy return of their Injuries. Others attributed the Accord to the King's sense that some eminent Officers in his own Camp were polluted with Counsels not different from the Covenanters: and that Hamilton His Admiral had be∣trayed the seasons of fighting by riding quietly in the Forth of Edinburgh; and had secret Conference with his Mother, the great Nurse of the Covenant, on Shipboard. But most referred it to the King's innate tenderness of His Subjects Blood, and to His Prudence not to defile His Glory with the overthrow (which seemed probable) of a contemptible Enemy, where the gains of the Victory could not balance the hazards of attempting it.

While Men thus discourse of the Scots Perfidiousness, [An. 1640] the King prepares for ano∣ther Army, and in order thereto calls a Parliament in Ireland, and another in Eng∣land, for assistances against the Rebels in Scotland. The Irish granted Money to raise and pay Eight Thousand Men in Arms, and furnish them with Ammunition. Yet this Example, with the King's account of the Injuries done to Him and this Nation by the Scots, and his promise of for ever acquitting them of Ship-money if now they would freely assist Him, prevailed nothing upon the English Parliament, whom the Faction drew aside to other Counsels. And when the King sent SrHenry Vane to remind them of His desires, and to demand Twelve Subsidies, yet to accept of Six; but he industriously (as was collected from his own and his Sons following practices) insisted upon the Twelve, without insinuation of the lesser quantity His Majesty would be contented with; which gave such an opportunity and matter for seditious Harangues, that the House was so exasperated, as that they were about to Remonstrate against the War with Scotland. To prevent this ominous effect of the falseness of His Servant, the King was forced to dissolve the Parliament May 5. yet continued the Convocation which granted Him Four Shillings in the Pound for all their Ecclesiastical Promotions. But the Laity that in the House had not time to declame against His Majestie's Proceedings, did it without doors; for being disper∣sed to their homes, they filled all places with suspicious rumours and high discon∣tents: and in Southwark there was an open Mutiny began, which was not pacified without much danger, and the Execution of the principal Leaders.

The King thus betrayed, defamed and deserted by those who should have consi∣dered that in His Honour their Safety was embarqued, though He had no less Page  14 cause to fear secret Conspiracies at Home, which were more dangerous because obscure, than the Scots publick Hostility; yet vigorously prosecuted his undertak∣ing, and raised a sufficient Army: but could not do it with equal speed to His Enemies, who had soon re-united their dispersed Forces; and incouraged by the Faction, with whom they held Intelligence in England, contented not themselves to stand upon the defence, but invaded us, and advanced so far before all the King's Army could be gathered together, that they gave a defeat to a Party of it ere the Reer could be brought up by the Earl of Strafford, who was appointed General, or the King could come to incourage them with His Presence.

He was no sooner arrived at his Army, but there followed Him from some En∣glish Lords a Petition, conformable to the Scotch Remonstrance, which they called the Intentions of the Army. So that His Majesty might justly fear some attempts in the South, while He was thus defending Himself from the Northern injuries. The King answered the Petitioners, That before their Petition came He had resolved to summon all the Peers to consult what would be most for the Safety of the Nation and His own Honour. Who accordingly met Sept. 24. Where it was determined that a Parliament should be called to meet Nov. 3. and in the mean time a Cessation should be made with the Scots, with whom some Commissioners from the Parliament should treat.

Nov. 3. began that Fatal Parliament which was so transported by the Arts of some unquiet persons, that they dishonoured the name and hopes of a Parliament, ingul∣fed the Nation in a Sea of Blood, ruined the King, and betrayed all their own Priviledges and the People's Liberty into the power of a phanatick and perfidious Army. And although His Majesty could not hope to find them moderate, yet He endeavoured to make them so; telling them at their meeting, that He was resolved to put himself freely upon the Affections of His English Subjects; that He would sa∣tisfie all their just Grievances, and not leave to malice it self a shadow to doubt of His desire to make this a glorious and flourishing Kingdom. He commended to their care the chasing out of the Rebels, the Provisions of His own Army, and the Re∣lief of the oppressed Northern Counties.

But the Malignity of some few; and the ignorance of more, employed that As∣sembly in other matters: first, in purging their House of all such as they concei∣ved would not comply with their destructive Enterprises; and for such men they either found some fault with their Elections, or made them Criminals in some pub∣lick Grievance; though others of a deeper guilt they kept among them, that their Offences might make them obnoxious to their power, and obsequious to their com∣mands. Then with composed Harangues they declamed upon the publick Grie∣vances, and reckoned up causal Misfortunes amongst designed Abuses of Govern∣ment, every way raising up Contumelies against the present Power: and that which was fullest of Detraction and Envy was applauded as most pregnant with Liberty. Thus pretending several Injuries had been done to the People, they raised the Multitude to hopes of an unimaginable Liberty, and a discontent with the present Government. After this they set free all the Martyrs of Sedition, that for their malignant Libels had been imprisoned, and three of them were conducted through London with such a company of people adorned with Rosemary and Bayes, as it seemed a Triumph over Justice and those Tribunals that sentenced them. Then they fell upon all the chief Ministers of State: they impeached the Earl of Strafford, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland; after him the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Finch, Keeper of the Great Seal, the Judges that according to their Oath had de∣termined Ship-money legal, and others; some of which fled, those that were found were clapt in Prison: so that the King was soon despoiled of those that were able or faithful to give Him Counsel, and others terrified in their Ministry to Him.

While the Factious thus led the House, their Partisans without by their Instru∣ctions formed Petitions against the Government in Church and State; to which they seduced the ignorant Rabble in the City and several Counties to subscribe, and in a tumultuous manner to present them to their Patriots. Who being ani∣mated by the success of their Arts, fell to draw up a Bill for Triennial Parliaments, wherein the Power of calling that great Council of the Nation was, upon the re∣fusal of the King, and the neglect of others, devolved upon Constables, which pro∣phanation of Majesty though the King disswaded them from, yet they persisted in; and He passed it.

After five Months time (for so long a space they took to rake up Matter and Witnesses to justifie their accusation, [An. 1641] and to give leisure to the Court for Over∣tures Page  15 of gainfull Offices to the great Sticklers against him; which not appear∣ing) the Earl of Strafford is brought to his Triall in Westminster-Hall before the Lords as His Judges: (the King, Queen and Prince sitting behind a Curtain in an adjoyning Gallery) and round about the Court stood the Commons. His Accusers and Witnesses were English, Scotch and Irish, (and indeed so brave a Person could not be ruined but by the pretended hatred of the whole Empire.) The English were such as envied his Vertues, and greatness in the King's Fa∣vour. The Scotch, because they knew his Prudence able to counterwork their Frauds, discover their impudent Cheats, and his wise management to overthrow their Force. The Irish hatred arose from his just and necessary Severity in his Government, whereby he had reduced them from so great a Barbarousness that was impatient of Peace, to a Civility that was fertile of Plenty; and by Artifi∣ces, Husbandry and Commerce had rendred that tumultuary Nation so rich, that they were now able to repay to the English Treasury those great Debts which their former Troubles and Commotions had contracted. Although those of this Nation were Papists, and sworn Enemies both of the English name and State, and were even then practising and meditating their Rebellion, (which they hoped more easie when so wise a Governour was removed) and so prone enough of themselves to the Crime; yet were they much caressed by the Faction, that these in the name of the whole Kingdom should press the Earl with envy to the Grave.

His Charge consisted of twenty eight Articles (that their number might co∣ver their want of Evidence.) To all which the Lieutenant (whose Patience was not overcome, nor his nature changed by the Reproaches of his Accusers) an∣swers with so brave a Presence of Spirit, such firm Reasons, and so clear an Eloquence, that he whom the mercenary Tongues of their Lawyers had rendred as a Monster of men, could not be found guilty of Treason, either in the par∣ticulars or the whole. So that his Enemies were filled with madness that their Charge of Crimes appeared no other then a Libel of Slanders; and the dis-in∣teressed Hearers were (besides the pleasure they received to find so great En∣dowments polluted with no hainous Crimes) sensible of the unhappiness of those who are Ministers of State among a Factious people, where their prosperous Counsels are not rewarded, and unsuccessfull, though prudent, are severely accused: when they erre, every one condemns them, and their wise Advices few praise; for those that are bene∣fitted envy, and such as are disappointed hate those that gave them. And such seem∣ed the Fate of this Excellent Counsellour, whom nothing else but his great Parts, his Master's Love and Trust had exposed to this Danger.

The Faction being obstructed this way, by the Earl's Innocency and Abilities, from taking away his Life, move the House to proceed by a Bill of Attainder, to the making a Law after the Fact, whereby they Vote him guilty of High Treason: yet adde a Caution, that it should not be drawn into a Precedent, seeking to secure themselves from a return of that Injustice upon themselves which they acted on him, intending to prosecute what they falsly charged him with, the Alteration of Government. Which yet passed not without a long de∣bate and contention: for many that had none but honest hopes, disdained to ad∣minister to the Interest of the Faction in the blood of so much Innocent Gal∣lantry; and those that were prudent saw how such an Example opened the ave∣nues to ruine of the best Persons, when once exposed to publick hatred. There∣fore they earnestly disswaded such a proceed. And fifty nine of the most emi∣nent openly dissented when it came to the Vote; whose Names were afterwards posted, and marked for the fury of the Rabble, that for the future they might not oppose the designs of the Factious, unless they desired to be torn in pieces.

In two dayes the Lower House past the Bill, so swift were the Demagogues to shed blood: but the Lords House was a little more deliberative (the King having amongst them declared His sense of the Earl's Innocency:) of whose slow Resolves the Faction being impatient, there came a seditious rabble of about 5 or 6000 of the dreggs of the people, armed with Staves and Cudgels, and other Instruments of Outrage, (instigated by the more unquiet Members both of the House of Commons and the City) to the Parliament doors, clamouring Justice, Justice: and the next day, to raise their Fury, there was a report spred among them of some endeavours to prepare an Escape for the Lieutenant of Ire∣land;Page  16 therefore with more fierceness they raised their clamours, some objecting Treason to him, others their Decay of Trade, and each one either as he was in∣structed (for some of the House of Commons would be among them, to direct their Fury, and to give some order to their Tumult, that it might appear more terrible,) or the sense of his own necessities and lusts led him, urged his diffe∣rent motives for Justice: and at last, heated by their own motion and noise, they guard the doors of the House of Peers, offer insolencies to the Lords, espe∣cially the Bishops, as they went in, and threaten them if their Votes disagree from their clamours. And when they had thus made an assault on the Liberty of the Parliament (which yet was pretended to be so Sacred) they afterward set upon the neighbouring Abbey-Church; where forcing open the doors they brake down the Organs, spoiled all the Vestments and Ornaments of the Wor∣ship: from thence they fly to Court, and disturb the Peace of it with their undecent and barbarous clamours: and at last were raised to that impudency, as to upbraid the King, (who from a Scaffold perswaded them as they passed by to a modest care of their own private affairs) with an unfitness to reign.

When some Justices of the Peace, according to the Law, endeavoured to sup∣press those Tumults by imprisoning the most forward and bold Leaders, they themselves were imprisoned by the Command of the Commons, upon pretext of an injury offered to the Liberties of the Subject; of which one was (as they then dictated) That every one might safely petition the Parliament: yet when the Kentish men came to petition for something contrary to the Gust of the Facti∣on, they caused the City Gates to be shut upon them; and when other Coun∣ties were meditating Addresses for Peace, by threatnings they deterred them from such honest undertakings. And when some prudent Persons minded the Demagogues how dishonourable it was for the Parliament not to suppress such Mutinies, they replied, that their friends ought rather to be thanked and caressed.

By these and other Arts having wholly overthrown the freedom of that Council, and many withdrawing themselves from such Outrages, when scarce the third part of the Peers were present, the Faction of that House likewise passed the Bill, the Dissenters being out-voted only by seven Voices. Yet all this could not prevail upon the King, though the Tumults were still high without, and within He was daily sollicited by the Lords of his Palace (who now looked upon the Earl as the Herd doth on an hurt Deer, and they hoped his Blood would be the Lustration of the Court) to leave the Earl as a Sacrifice to the Vulgar rage. Nor did the King any ways yield, till the Judges (who were now obsequious to the pleasures of the Parliament) de∣clared he might do it by Law, and the Earl by his own Letters devoted himself as a Victime for the publick Peace and His Majesty's safety: and then overcome with Importunities on all hands, and being abused by bad dealing of the Judges (as Himself complained to the Bishop of London, who answered, That if the King in Conscience found him not guilty, He ought not to pass the Bill; but for matter of Law, what was Treason, he referred Him to the Judges, who according to their Oath ought to carry them∣selves indifferently betwixt Him and His Subjects: but the other four Bishops that were then consulted, Durham, Lincoln, Carlisle, and the Archbishop of Armagh, were not so free as the Bishop of London was, and therefore the King observed a special blessing of God upon him.) He at last with much reluctancy signed a Commission to some Lords to pass that Bill of Attainder, and another for Continuation of the Par∣liament during the pleasure of the Two Houses.

The passing of these two Bills, as some thought, wounded the King's Great∣ness more than any thing He ever did. The first, because it cut off a most exqui∣site Instrument of Empire, and a most faithful Servant: and none did more make use of this to pollute His Honour, than those who had even forced Him to it; like those malignant and damned Spirits who upbraid unhappy Souls with those Crimes and ruines to which they themselves have tempted and betrayed them. But the heaviest Censor was Himself, for he never left bewailing His Compliance, or rather Connivence, with this Murder, till the issue of his Blood dried up those of His Tears.

By the other Bill He had, as some censured, renounced His Crown, and grant∣ed it to those men who at present exercised so Arbitrary a Power, that they wanted nothing but length of time to be reputed Kings, and this they now had gotten. But the more Speculative concluded it an act of especial Prudence, for the King made that an evidence of His sincere intention to oblige His people, and overcome Page  17 the Malice of His Enemies with Benefits: which the Faction would have usurped, and by the boldness of the attempt ingaged the People to them as the only Patrons of their Liberty. And they were furnished with an Example for it by their Confe∣derates in Scotland, who indicted an Assembly without the King's leave, and conti∣nued it against His pleasure; and (as all imitations of Crimes exceed their first pat∣tern) it was conceived these men whose furies were more unjust, and so would be more fierce, intended to improve that Precedent to the extreamest guilt.

The Bill was no sooner signed, but they hastened the Execution; and so much the more eagerly, because the King desired, in a most passionate Letter delivered by the Prince to the Lords, that the Excellent Soul which found so much Injustice on Earth, might have the more time to fit it self for the Mercy of Heaven. But this favour which became Christians to grant, agreed not with the Religion of his Adversaries, and therefore the second day after he was brought to the Scaffold on Tower-Hill, (in his Passage thither he had a sight of the Archbishop of Canterbury, whose Prayers and Blessing he with a low Obeisance begged, and the most pious Prelate bestowed them with Tears,) where with a greater presence of mind than he had looked his Ene∣mies in the face, did he encounter Death, and submitted his neck to the stroke of the Executioner. He was a person of a generous Spirit, fitted for the noblest en∣terprises, and the most difficult parts of Empire. His Counsels were bold, yet just, and he had a Vigour proper for the Execution of them. Of an Eloquence, next to that of his Master's, masculine, and most excellent. He was no less affe∣ctionate to the Church than to the State, and not contented while living to defend the Government and Patrimony of it, he commended it also to his Son when he was about to die, and charged his abhorrency of Sacriledge. His Enemies called the Majesty of his Miene in his Lieutenancy, Pride, and the undaunted execution of his Office on the contumacious, the insolency of his Fortune. He was censured for committing that fatal Errour of following the King to London and to the Par∣liament after the Pacification with the Scots at York; and it was thought that if he had gone over to his charge in Ireland, he might have secured both himself and that Kingdom for his Majesty's Service. But some attributed this Counsel to a necessity of Fate, whose first stroke is at the brain of those whom it designs to ruine, and brought him to feel the effects of Popular Rage, which himself in former Parlia∣ments had used against Government, and to find the Experience of his own advices against the Duke of Buckingham. Providence teaching us to abhor over-fine Counsels by the mischiefs they bring upon their Authors.

The Fall of this Great Man so terrified the other Officers of State, that the Lord High Treasurer resigned his Staff to the Hands from whence he received it; the Lord Cottington forsook the Mastership of the Court of Wards; and the Guardian of the Prince returned Him to the King: These Lords parting with their Offices, like those that scatter their Treasure and Jewels in the way, that they might delude the violence of their greedy pursuers. But the King was left naked of their faithful Ministery, and exposed to the Infusions and Informations of those who were either Complices or Mercenaries to the Faction, to whom they discovered his most private Counsels.

When the Earl of Strafford was dead, then did the Parliament begin to think of sending away the Scots, who hitherto had much impoverished the Northern Coun∣ties, and increased the charges of the Nation: but now they were voted to receive 300000 l. under the notion of a Brotherly assistance, but in truth, designed by the Faction, as a reward for their Clamours for the Earl's Blood; yet were they kept so long till the King had passed away more of His Prerogative, in signing the Bills to take away the High-Commission and the Star-Chamber. After which spoils of Majesty they disband the English and the Scotch Armies, August 6. and on the 10th of that Month the King follows them into Scotland, to settle, if it were possible, that King∣dom. But the King still found them as before: when he satisfied their greedy ap∣petites, then would they offer Him their Lives and Fortunes; but when gain or advantage appeared from His Enemies, they appeared in their proper nature un∣grateful, changeable and perfidious, whom no favours could oblige, nor any thing but Ruine was to be expected by building upon their Love.

While the King was in Scotland labouring to settle that Nation by granting all that the Covetousness and Ambition of their Leaders pretended was for the Publick good, and so aimed at no less than a Miracle, by His Benefits to reduce Faith (which, like Life, when it is once departed doth never naturally return) into those perfidious breasts; the Parliament adjourns, and leaves a standing Committee of such as were the Leaders Page  18 or the Servants of the Faction. These prepared new Toils for His Majesties re∣turn, and by them was the Grand Remonstrance formed: in it were reckoned for Grievances all the Complaints of Men that were impatient of Laws and Govern∣ment; the Offences of Courtiers, the unpleasing Resolves of Judges, the Neglects or Rigours of the Ministers of Justice, the undigested Sermons of some Preachers, yea the Positions of some Divines in the Schools, were all exaggerated to defame the present Government both in Church and State, and to magnifie the skill of these State-Physicians that offered Prescripts for all these Distempers. Beside, more easily to abuse the Vulgar, who reckon Misfortunes as Crimes, unpleasing accidents were represented as designs of Tyranny; and those things which had been refor∣med, were yet mentioned as continued burthens. From which the People were assured there could be no deliverance but by the Wisdom and Magnanimity of the Remonstrants.

To prepare the way for this, the most opprobrious parts of it were first whispered among the Populacy, that by this seeming suppression men impatient of Secrets might more eagerly divulge them, and the danger appear greater by an affected silence. Then prodigious Calumnies (which none but souls prone to any wickedness could believe of so Great a Man) were formed of the King, and such suspicions raised of Him and His Friends, as might force them to some Injuries which hitherto they forbore, and by securing themselves increase the Publick fears. For Slanders do rather provoke most men, than amend them; and the provoked think more of their safety, than to adjust their actions against their malicious Slanderers. And when the minds of Men were made thus sollicitous concerning Dangers from the King, to make them more pliable and ductile, there was represented to them an inevitable anger of Hea∣ven against the present state of things both in Church and State, testified by many Prodigies that were related, and portentuous Presages of Ruine. Certain Prophecies (for a credulity to which the English Vulgar are infamous) from unknown Oracles are divulged, which aenigmatically describe the King as a Monster, and from such a Prince must proceed a change of Government. Some vain persons also, that gave themselves up to the Imposture of Astrologie, were hired to terrifie the People with the unsignificant Conjunctions of Stars, and from them to foretel Ruines to the better part of the World, and an imminent destruction of Men of the long Robe, and Alterations of States.

These were done to temper the minds of Men by a superstition for a guidance of their Ministers, who being conceived to be the Ambassadours of Heaven, were sup∣posed to have it in their Commission, to declare the Conditions of War and Peace: and these, either through the same weakness capable of the like terrours, with the Vulgar, or (which is more to be abhorred) corrupted, as some were, by the Ca∣resses and gainful hopes that the Faction baited them with, did justifie their Fears, and increase them by applying some obscure Prophecies in Scripture to the present times and People; compared the pretended Corruptions of our Church with the Idolatries of Israel, and whatsoever was condemned in the Holy Records, was pa∣rallel'd with the things they disliked here, and all the Curses that God poured upon His irreconcileable and obdurate Enemies, were denounced against such as differ'd from them, or would not joyn with the Faction.

To make these Harangues more efficacious, the Authors of them received the Reverence of the Demagogues, who (despising, questioning and exposing to Af∣fronts such sober Divines as would have cured the madness of the People,) appro∣priated to such Teachers the Titles of Saints, Faithful Ministers, Pretious Men; and they on the other side made a return of Epithets to their Masters, of the Servants of the Most High, such as were to do the Work of the Lord; That by their Counsels men were to expect new Heavens and a new Earth; that they were Men that should prepare the Kingdom for Jesus Christ, and lay the Founda∣tions of the Empire of the Saints which was to last a Thousand years. To make the Cry yet louder, they permitted all Sects and Heresies a Licence of pub∣lick profession, (which hitherto Discipline, the Care of the Common Peace and Religion had confined to secret Corners) and permitted the Office of Teaching to every bold and ignorant Undertaker; so that at last the dreggs of the People Usur∣ped that Dignity, and Women, who had parted with the Natural Modesty of their Sex, would not only speak, but also rule in the Church. All these, in gratitude for their Licentiousness, still perswaded to their Hearers the admiration of the Authors of it, and bitterly inveighed against those whom the Care both of the Souls and For∣tunes Page  19 of Men would excite to repress them, in many of their Raptures denouncing Wo and Judgment to the lawful Governours in Church and State.

While all these Methods of Ruine were preparing here, the same anger of God, the same madness of men raised up another Tempest in Ireland. For the Popish Lords and Priests of Ireland (who were the prime Composers of the Tragedies there,) were incouraged by the Success of the Scots, who by a prosperous Rebellion (as the Historian of those Troubles writes) had procured for themselves such large Pri∣viledges, to an imitation, which the present Jealousies in England (where mutual Contrasts would employ all their force upon one another,) promised to be secure. And they had an happy opportunity by the Vacancy in Government through the slaughter of the Earl of Strafford, with whom the Irish Lords (while they prosecuted him in England) had removed all those other inferiour Magistrates that were most skilful in the Affairs of that Kingdom, by accusing to the Faction some of them of Trea∣son, and others of an inclination to the Earl, and had got preferred to their char∣ges such as were either altogether unacquainted with the Genius of that People, or favourers of the Conspiracy. A strength they had also ready; for those Eight Thousand which had been listed for the Scotish Expedition were unseasonably disban∣ded, and the King in foresight they might cause some mischief in their own Coun∣trey, had therefore promised Four Thousand of them to the King of Spain: yet would not the Parliament consent to their departure, because (as the Irish Lords suggested) it would displease the King of France; and when the King promised to send as many to the French Camp, that likewise was not relished. The Common Souldiers of that Army being thus made useless, and therefore like Men of their employment, most fierce when they were to be dismissed from the dangers of War, were easily drawn into the Rebellion, although very few of their Officers were polluted with the Crime.

The Irish Lords and Priests being allured by these our Vices and these several opportunities, began their Rebellion Octob. 23. The Irish throughout that whole Kingdom on a sudden invading the unprovided English that were scattered among them, despoiling them of their Estates, Goods, and many thousands of their Lives, without any respect of Sex, Age, Kindred, or Friendship, and made them as so ma∣ny Sacrifices to their bloody Superstition. They missed but a little to have surprised Dublin. But their Conspiracy being detected there and in some few other places, the English name and interest was preserved in that Kingdom, till they could receive Succours from hence.

The King had the first Intelligence of it, in its very beginnings, in Scotland, and thereupon sent SrJames Stuart to the Lords of the Privie Council in Ireland, to ac∣quaint them with His Knowledge and Instructions, and to carry all that Money that His present Stores could supply. Besides, He moves the Parliament of Scotland, as being nearest, to a speedy help; who decline their Aids, because Ireland was de∣pendent upon the Crown of England. At the same time also He sends post to the Parliament of England; who less regard it, the Faction applauding their Fortune, that new Troubles were arisen to molest the King, and that the Royal Power be∣ing thus assaulted in all three Nations, there must shortly arise so many new Com∣monwealths. Besides that it yielded fresh matter of reproach to His Majesty, to whose Councils at first secretly they whispered, and at last publickly imputed that horrid Massacre. Which Slanders were coloured by the Arts of the Irish Rebels, who, to dishearten the English from any resistance, bragged that the Queen was with their Army; That the King would come amongst them with Auxiliary Forces; That they did but maintain His Cause against the Puritans; That they had the King's Com∣mission for what they did, shewing indeed a Patent that themselves had drawn, but thereto was affixed an Old broad Seal that had been taken from an obsolete Pa∣tent out of Farnham Abbey, by one Plunckett, in the presence of many of their Lords and Priests, as was afterwards attested by the Confession of many. That the Scots were in Confederacy with them, to beget a Faith of which, they abstained from the Lives and Fortunes of those of that Nation among them.

On the other side, to incourage the Natives of their own Party, they produce fictitious Letters, wherein they were informed from England that the Parliament had passed an Act, that all the Irish should be compelled to the Protestant Worship; that for the first offence they should forfeit all their Goods, for the second their Estates, and for the third their Lives. Besides they present them with the hopes of Liberty: That the English Yoke should be shaken off; that they would have a King of their own Nation; Page  20 and that the Goods and Estates of the English should be divided among the Natives. And with these hopes of Spoil and Liberty and Irish were driven to such a Fury, that they committed so many horrid and barbarous Acts as scarce ever any Age or People were guilty of.

In the mean while nothing was done for the relief of the poor English there, but only some Votes passed against the Rebels, till the King returned to London, which was about the end of November; where He with the Queen and the Prince were magnificently feasted by the Citizens, and the chief of them afterwards by Him at Hampton-Court. For he never neglected any honest Arts to gain His Peoples love; to which they were naturally prone enough, had not His Enemies methods and impulses depraved their Genius. But this much troubled the Faction, who en∣vied that Reverence to Majesty in others which was not in themselves, and they endeavoured to make these loves short and unhappy; for they discountenanced the prime advancers of this Honour of the King, and were more eager to render Him odious. For having gotten a Guard about them, they likewise insinuated into the people dangerous apprehensions as the cause of that Guard, and every day grew more nice, and jealous of their Priviledges, and Power. The King's advices to more tenderness of His Prerogative, or His Advertisements of the scandalous Speeches that were uttered in their House, they interpret as encroachments upon their Gran∣deur, and upbraided the King for them in their Petitions to Him.

But their greatest effort upon Majesty was the Remonstrance: after which they took all occasions to magnifie the apprehensions of those Fears which they had fal∣sly pretended to in it. This the Faction had before formed, and now brought into the House of Commons; where it found a strong opposition by those wise men that were tender of the publick Peace and Common Good: though those who preferred their Private to the General Interest, and every one that was short-sighted and im∣provident for the future, were so fierce for it, that the Debates were continued all Night till ten a Clock the next Morning, so that many of the more aged, and Per∣sons of best Fortunes (not accustomed to such watchings) were wearied out, and many others, not daring to provoke the Faction in this their grand Design, left the House, so that at last they carried it, yet but by eleven Votes. Which they pre∣sented with a Petition to take away the Votes of Bishops in the House of Lords, and the Ceremonies in the Church, and to remove those Persons from His Trust which they could not confide in; yet named none, but only accused all under the name of a Malignant Popish Party. Which they had no sooner delivered than they caused it to be published in print.

To which the King answers in another publick Declaration, but so much to the Discontent of the Demagogues, to find their Methods of Ruine so fully discovered as they were in His Majesties Answer, that they had recourse to their former Sove∣reign Remedy, which sober men accounted a Crime, and an indignity to Govern∣ment, the Tumults of the Rabble. Who in great numbers and much confusion came up to Westminster, some crying out against Bishops, others belching their fury against the Liturgy, and a third Party roaring that the Power of the Militia should be taken out of the King's hands. To their Clamours they added rude Affronts to those Lords whom their Leaders had taught them to hate, and especially to the Bi∣shops, at their going in, or coming out of the House: and afterwards drawing up to White-Hall, they appeared so insolent, as it was evident they wanted only some to begin, for there were enough to prosecute an assault upon the King in His own Palace.

The Bishops thus rudely excluded from their Right and Liberty of coming to the Parliament, Twelve of them afterwards protest against the Proceedings of it, during their so violent Exclusion. Which Protestation the Commons presently accu∣sed of High Treason, and caused their Commitment to the Tower; where they con∣tinued them till the Bill against their Votes in the Lord's House was past, that they might not produce their Reasons for their Rights, and against the Injustice offered unto them, and then afterwards released them.

The King also saw it necessary to take a Guard of such Gentlemen as offered their Service for His Safety, and to prevent the prophaning of Majesty by the rude fury of the People, who used to make their Addresses acceptable at Westmin∣ster, by offering in their passage some base Affronts at White-Hall. But when the ter∣rour of this Guard had reduced them to some less degree of Impudencie, they then, instructed by their Heads, laboured to make it more unsafe to the King, by seeking Page  21 to raise the Rage and Jealousie of the whole City against Him. For at Midnight there were cries out in the Street, that all People should arise to their defence; for the King with His Papists were coming to fire the City, and cut their Throats in their Beds. Than which though nothing was more false, yet it found the effects of truth; and the People by such Alarms being terrified from sleep, the impressions of those nightly fears lay long upon their Spirits in the day, and filled them almost with Madness.

The King therefore, not alwaies to incourage these Violences with Patience, but at last by a course of Justice to take off those whom He had found to be the Au∣thors of these destructive Counsels, the grand Movers of these Seditious practices, and, which was more, the Inviters of a Foreign Force, the Scotch Army, into this Nation; commands His Atturney-General to accuse Five Members of the House of Commons, and one of the Lords, upon Articles of High Treason, to be tried accor∣ding to the Laws of the Land: And He also sends some other Officers to seal up their Trunks and Cabinets in their several Lodgings, and to secure their Persons. This being related to the House of Commons (wherein the Faction was now grown more powerful, and with whom did joyn many men of Integrity in this Occurrence, being too careful of the Priviledges of their House, which yet secure none of the Members against Justice for Murder, Felony, or Treason) they were so far from admitting the King's Charge against them, that they accused the King of breach of Priviledge, and Vote all those guilty of Enmity to the Commonwealth that shall obey the King in any of His Commands concerning them.

This obstruction of Justice so far moved the King, together with the Advice of some of His Council that were also of the House of Commons, as also an hope of rooting up the Faction this way, that none through the hope of Concealment should be incouraged to conspire the publick Ruine, that He Himself, with about an hun∣dred Lords and Gentlemen and their followers, went to the House of Commons: Where commanding His Attendants to move no further than the Stairs, to offer no violence, nor return any uncivil Language to any, although provoked, Himself with the Paltzgrave only enters the House, and demands that the Incendiaries might be delivered into His hands, with whom he promises to deal no otherwise than ac∣cording to the Law. But they whom He sought, being before informed (as it is reported) of the King's coming by the secret Intelligence of Marquess Hamilton, and a Court Lady (who having lost the Confluence of Servants with her Beauty, sought now to prevent a solitude by politick Ministeries) had forsook the place, and with∣drawn themselves into the Sanctuary of the City. Wherefore the King having re∣newed His Charge, without injury to any, immediately departs.

But the Faction would not let Him so rest, but prosecuted this attempt of His with all the Clamours that they possibly could raise, spread the sparks of Dissension far and wide, make the common People mad with Fears and Distractions, stir up some in several Counties to bring Petitions for the Impeached Members and their Viola∣ted Priviledges; and at last prepare an armed Rabble disposed into Order to bring the accused Demagogues to the House from their Coverts in London. This coming to the knowledge of the King, although many Gallant and Faithful Persons proffe∣red their Service by mingling with the Rout, or by being as Spectators, to curb any Insolencies that should be attempted on Him; yet was He resolved to withdraw Himself with the Queen and their Children to Windsor, that He might permit their Fury to languish when it had no opposition, and to give time for their jea∣lousies and rumours to wax old and perish. For the first Indignation of a mutinous Multitude is most fierce, and a small delay breaks their consent; and Majesty would have a greater Reverence, if any, at a distance.

The King's Wisdom was perceived by His Enemies, and therefore to counterwork it, and not to let the People sleep without fear, lest they should come to be sober, and return to the love of Obedience, strange reports were every day brought of dan∣gers from the King: That Troops of Papists were gathered about Kingston upon the Thames, where the County Magazine was lodged, under the command of the Lord George Digby, who was then famed to be a Papist, (though at that time he was an elegant Assetor of the Protestant Faith,) and Col. Lunsford, who was characterised to be of so monstrous an Appetite that he would eat Children. And Parties were sent to take them both, which found no such dreadful Preparations. At other times, when the People on the Lord's days were at Divine Worship, they were distracted from it by Alarms, that the Papists (who and from whence none could tell) were up in Arms, and were Page  22 just then about to fire their Houses, and mix their Blood with their Prayers; That there were Forces kept in Grotts and Caves under Ground, that should in the Night break out into the midst of the City, and cut all their Throats: And what was more prodigious, and though ridiculous, yet had not a few Believers in London, That there were Designs by Gunpowder to blow up the Thames, and choak them with the Water in their Beds. Thus were the people taught to hate their Prince, and by bloody News from every Quarter they were instructed to that Cruelty which they vainly feared, and to adore those by whose Counsels they were delivered from so unexpected Dangers.

By all this the Faction gained the repute of Modesty inferiour to their supposed Trust, when they demanded nothing else but the Command of the Tower, and the Militia of all the Counties in England, together with the Forts and Castles of the same. For all which they moved the House of Commons to petition: who desiring the Con∣juncture of the Lords in the same, were wholly refused by them. Therefore stemm'd by the Faction they petition alone. Which unlimited Power the King absolutely re∣fused to grant unto them, who He foresaw would use that, as they had all His other Concessions, to the ruine of the Author of their Power. Yet was pleased to consent, after He had demonstrated the Prejudice they required to the English Nation, that they might send over an Army of 10000 Scots into Ireland, and deliver unto them the strong Town and Port of Carickfergus, one of the chief Keys of that Kingdom: which was done to oblige the Scots to them in their future Designs. And also He was pleased to wave the Prosecution of the Impeached Members, and was willing to grant a Free and General Pardon for all His Subjects, as the Parliament should think convenient.

But all this could not content them who had immoderate Desires, and they were more discontented that they could not usurp the King's Right, than if they had lost their own Privileges: therefore to bring the Lords to a Concurrence with them, the hi∣therto prosperous art of Tumultuous Petitions was again practised, and great Num∣bers from several Counties were moved to come as Earthquakes, to shake the Funda∣mental Constitutions of their House, and to require that neither the Bishops nor the Popish Lords should continue in their ancient Right to Vote among the Peers. By this means they should weaken the King in the Voices of that House, and whosoever they could not confide in, they could fright Him from Voting against them, by exposing him as Popish to the Popular Fury. For this was the method of using the Petitions. The most common Answer was with Thanks, and that the House of Commons were just now in consideration thereof. The Petitioners were taught to reply, that They doubted not of the Care of the Commons House, but all their Distrust was in the House of Lords, where the Popish Lords and Bishops had the greatest Power, and there it stuck, whose Names they desired to know: And in this they were so earnest, that they would not willingly with∣draw whilest it was debated, and then they had leave to depart with this Answer, That the House of Commons had already endeavoured Relief from the Lords in their Requests, and shall so continue till Redress be obtained. Such Petitions as these were likewise from the several Classes of the inferiour Tradesmen about London, as Porters, Water-men, and the like: and that nothing of testifying an universal Importunity might be left unattempted, Women were perswaded to present Petitions to the same effect. While the Faction thus boasted in the success of their Arts, Good men grieved to see these daily Infamies of the Supreme Council of the Nation, all whose Secrets were pub∣lished to the lowest and weakest part of the People: and they who clamoured it as a breach of their Privilege, that the King took notice of their Debates, now made them the subjects of discourse in every Shop, and all the corners of the Street; where the good and bad were equally censured, and the Honour and Life of every Senator expo∣sed to the Verdict of the Rabble. No Magistrate did dare to do his Office, and all things tended to a manifest Confusion: So that many sober Persons did leave the King∣dom, as unsafe, where Factions were more powerful than the Laws. And Just Persons chose rather to hear than to see the Miseries and Reproaches of their Country.

On the other side, to make the King more plyable, they tempt him by danger in His most beloved Part the Queen, concerning whom they caused a Rumour, that they did intend to impeach Her of High Treason. This Rumour made the deeper Impression, because they had raised most prodigious Slanders (which are the first Marks for de∣struction of Princes) on Her; and when they had removed all other Counsellors from the King, She was famed to be the Rock upon which all hopes of Peace and Safety were split: That She commanded no less His Counsels than Affections, and that His Weakness was so great, as not to consent to or enterprise any thing which She did not first approve. That She had perverted Him to Her Religion, and formed Designs of Page  23 overthrowing the Protestant Profession. These and many other of a portentuous fals∣hood were scattered among the Vulgar, who are always most prone to believe the Worst of Great Persons: and the uncontrolled Licence of reporting such Calumnies is conceived the first Dawning of Liberty. But the Parliament taking notice of the Report, sent some of their House to purge themselves from it, as an unjust Scandal cast upon them. To which the Queen mildly answers, That there was a general Report thereof, but She never saw any Articles in writing, and having no certain Author for either, She gave little Credit thereto; nor will She believe they would lay any Aspersion upon Her, who hath been very unapt to misconstrue the Actions of any One Person, and much more the Proceedings of Parliament, and shall at all times wish an Happy Vnderstanding between the King and His People.

But the King knowing how usual it was for the Faction by Tumults and other Practices to transport the Parliament from their just Intentions in other things, and that they might do so in this, resolved to send Her into Holland, under colour of ac∣companying their eldest Daughter, newly married to the Prince of Orange; but in truth to secure Her; so that by the fears of Her danger (who was so dear unto Him) He might not be forced to any thing contrary to His Honour and Conscience, and that Her Affections and Relations to Him might not betray Her Life to the Malice of His Enemies. With Her He also sent all the Jewels of the Crown, that they might not be the Spoils of the Faction, but the means of the support of Her Dignity in Forein Parts, if His Necessities afterwards should not permit Him to provide for Her other∣wise. Which yet She did not so employ, but reserved them for a supply of Ammu∣nition and Arms, when His Adversaries had forced Him to a necessary Defence. It was said, that the Faction knew of this Conveyance, and might have prevented it, but that they thought it for their greater advantage that this Treasure should be so ma∣naged, that the King in confidence of that Assistance might take up Arms, to which they were resolved at last to drive Him. For they thought their Cause would be bet∣ter in War than Peace, because their present Deliberations were in the sense of the Law actual Rebellions; and a longer time would discover those Impostures by which they had deluded the People, who would soon leave them (as many now did begin to repent of their Madness) to the Vengeance which was due to their Practices, unless they were more firmly united by a communion of Guilt in an open assaulting their Lawful Prince.

The King hastens the Security of the Queen, and accompanies Her as far as Dover, there to take His Farewel of Her; a Business almost as irksom as Death, to be separated from a Wife of so great Affections and eminent Endowments: and that which made it the more bitter, was, that the same Cause which forced Her Separation from Him, set Her at a greater distance from His Religion, (the onely thing wherein their Souls were not united) even the Barbarity of His Enemies who professed it, yet were so irrecon∣cileable to Vertue, that they hated Her for Her Example of Love and Loyalty to Him. While He was committing Her to the mercy of the Winds and Waves, that. She might escape the Cruelty of more unquiet and faithless men, they prosecute Him with their distasteful Addresses, and the Canterbury present Him with a Bill for taking away Bishops Votes in Parliament. Which having been cast out of the House of Peers se∣veral times before, ought not by the Course and Order of Parliament to have been ad∣mitted again the same Session. But the Faction had now used their accustomed En∣gine, the Tumult, and it was then passed by the Lords, and brought hither together with some obscure Threats, that if it were not signed, the Queen should not be suf∣fered to depart. (By such impious Violences did they make way for that which they call'd Reformation.) This His Majesty signs, (though after it made a part of His pe∣nitential Confessions to God) in hopes that the Bill being once consented to, the Fu∣ry of the Faction, which with so great Violence pursued an absolute Destruction of the Ecclesiastical Government, would be abated, as having advanced so far in their Design to weaken the King's Power in that House by the loss of so many Voices, which would have been always on that side where Equity and Conscience did most ap∣pear. But He soon found the Demagogues had not so much Ingenuity as to be com∣pounded with, and they made this but a step to the Overthrow of that which He designed to preserve.

When His Majesty was come back as far as Greenwich, He met with many Informa∣tions how averse the Faction was to Peace, and that their Proceedings were raised to a Level with their Principles, which some of them published, That the Alteration they did intend, and which was necessary both in Church and State, must be made by Blood. There∣fore they endeavoured by their Calumnies to create an Hatred of Him, and to despoil Page  24 Him of all the hopeful Effects of His Condescensions. For when a Prince is once hated, his Benefits do him no less hurt than Injuries. In order to this, Mr. Pym had publickly charged Him with a Connivence at least, if not with the Contrivance of the Irish Re∣bellion: because many Papists had His Majesties immediate Warrant for their transport thither. This the King requires satisfaction for, shewing the Falshood and Malice of the Defamer, by giving an Account of the date of the several Warrants. But the Fa∣ction so far prevailed as to make it a Publick Sin, and the House was perswaded to be∣lieve and acknowledge it to be their common sense. Many others had uttered seditious Speeches in the House, especially Mr. Marten, a man of all Uncleannesses, a publick contemner of Religion and Honesty, that had wasted a large Patrimony (which he had likewise unjustly mortgaged to several and different Creditors) in the most infa∣mous Lusts, and sought a greater licence and fresh supplies for them by the ruine of the State; at which he was powerful, being of as impure and lascivious a Wit as he was of Life, wherewith he used to prophane God and His Vicegerents: yet serving the ends of Confusion, had his name among the Catalogue of those that were to do the Work of the Lord. Besides the attempts upon His Honour, they endeavour another up∣on His Family, and to seize upon the Prince. Which the King, hearing, sends for Him and the Duke of York, and immediately removes to Theobalds in order to His journey towards the North, where He intended to settle His abode, till he saw what Issue this Storm would have.

This removal of the King was variously censured. Some thought it unadvisedly done, to withdraw so far from London, to leave His chief City wholly to the pra∣ctices, and expose His Friends there to the Impostures and Injuries of his Enemies. Others, especially the friends of the Faction, defamed it as a preparing Himself for that War which followed. But others concluded it as an act of Necessity, and where there was no choice for Prudence. For when He had passed more obliging Acts, and parted with so much of His Prerogative and so many undoubted Rights of His Crown, as could not be equalled by the Grants of all His Predecessors, yet He found that He had effected nothing more by giving, than to make the Faction more eagerly desire what they knew He must in Honour and Conscience deny; and that the People were so bewitched as not to see, it is safer to trust Him who was con∣tented with a less degree of Power, than those whose ambition and avarice knew no bounds: Who being thus deluded as so far to administer to the Lusts of their Disturbers, would not fail their assistance to seize upon His Person, unless in time He did pro∣vide for His Liberty. Nor could it be imagined that He meditated a War, who to make His people happy (if they had not despised their own Mercies) had depri∣ved Himself of a power to manage it. For besides those Acts formerly mentioned, He had signed many other as prejudicial to such an undertaking. For He had pas∣sed Acts against His own power of Impressing Souldiers, His right to Tonnage and Poundage, the Stannary Courts, Clerk of the Market, the Presidial Courts in the North, and Marches of Wales; whereby He had not only diminished His Greatness, and that Reverence which was due to the Crown, but also so streightned His Reve∣nue as it was not able to maintain Discipline, without which no hopes of Victory, especi∣ally in a Civil War. Besides, His Enemies in every County had injured His Fame, which is of great moment in the deciding Controversies by the Sword; and the City of Lon∣don, which is the grand Treasury of the Wealth and Strength of the whole Nation, was now enslaved by the Rabble to their commands. All which considerations as they could not escape so Wise a Prince, so would they not permit the Designs of War, especially in that Breast, to which it was equally miserable to suffer the spilling of His Subjects blood, as to expose Himself to Ruine. So that His departure from Lon∣don was not of Design, but Necessity, nor was there in it more of Fear than Shame; for He could not longer endure those detestable Spectacula, in which Tumults like Beasts were let loose to assault the Majesty of Government.

While the King thus provides for His Liberty, the Faction proceed to usurp the Militia, which His Majesty had denied, and the Lords were ashamed to ask: there∣fore they privately incourage their Partisans in all the Cities and Boroughs where they were most powerfull, to appoint Musters, to arm and train their youth, and module them into Companies; which afterwards (though contrary to the Law) they move the Lower House to vote Legal, and to make an Order in the name of the Parliament for the constituting of Deputies to the same purpose in every County: and at last, by the Tumults which they raised, the Threats they used to divulge the names of the dis∣senting Lords, and secret promises to some others (for Mr. Pym told the Earl of Do∣ver, Page  25 he must look for no Preferment unless he joyned with them) they prevailed upon the House of Peers, when many of the most eminent were absent, to joyn in a Petition for the Militia, upon pretence of great Dangers at home, and more prodigious terrors from abroad, pretending that by Intelligence from Paris, Rome and Venice, they were assured of great designs to overthrow the Parliament, together with the Protestant Religion; (whose fate and Interest they would have it imagined, was so twisted with theirs, that like those Twins they could not laugh nor grieve but in Conjunction.) This Paper being presented to His Majesty, whose Soul was wholly devoted to Peace, when it did not betray Religion and the Trust Heaven had committed unto Him, He proposes to them Expedients whereby they might be associated with Him in the Power of the Militia, which Honour and Conscience forbad Him to devest Himself wholly of, and passionately adjures them to lay aside their vain and empty Terrors, whereby they distracted and divided the People, not suffering them to enjoy the Peace and Gra∣cious Concessions wherein He had exceeded the Goodness of all His Predecessors.

But they, who had projected to themselves the whole Power, would not be con∣tented with a Partner in it, and therefore despising His Indulgence, and neglecting His Admonitions, the next day in furious Votes declared themselves sole Masters of the Mi∣litia: and to make the People believe there was truth in their false Fears, they com∣mand strict Watches to be kept in all suspected places, Beacons to be new set up, the Sea-marks to be watched, and the Navy to be new rigged and fitted for the Sea. New Plots were also discovered, and strange and unheard-of Counsels to murder the most Eminent Patriots are brought to light. A Taylor in a ditch hears some desperate Cavali∣ers contriving the Death of Mr. Pym. A Plaister also taken from a Plague-sore was sent in∣to the House to the same person, that the Infection first seising on a Member of the quickest senses, might thence more impetuously diffuse it self upon all the most Grave Senators. Such like plots as these, and whatsoever could be devised, were published to make the Vul∣gar think those demands of the Faction seem modest, (their dangers being so great) which were very unjust.

And lest the King should at His coming into the North make use of that Magazine at Hull (which at His own Charges He had provided for the Scotch Expedition) for His own defence, the Faction, to secure that and the Town for their future purposes, send down Sir John Hotham, without any Order or Commission from either House of Parliament, to seise on them. This man of a fury and impudence equal to their com∣mands, when the King, petitioned by the Gentlemen of Yorkshire to employ those Arms and that Ammunition for the Safety and Peace of that County, (where some of the Factious Members of Parliament had begun to form the like Seditions with those of London,) [An. 1642] would have entred Hull, April 23. insolently shut the Gates upon Him, and would not permit Him, though with but twenty Attendants, for He offered to leave the Guard of Noblemen and Gentlemen which followed Him without. The King thereupon proclaims him Traitor, and by Letters complains of the Indignity, and re∣quires Satisfaction. But the Faction rendred the Act so glorious, that the House of Commons by their Votes approved what he had done without their Command, and clamoured that the King had done them an injury, in proclaiming so innocent a Mem∣ber, Traitor: Ordered the Earl of Warwick, to whom they had committed the Com∣mand of the Navy, to land some men out of the Ships at Hull, and to transport the Magazine there from thence to London. An Order of Assistance was also given to se∣veral of their Confidents, as a Committee of both Houses to reside at Hull, and the Counties of York and Lincoln were commanded to execute their commands. Besides, they sent a Commission to Hotham, to prosecute the Insolencies he had begun, and kindle that War which took fire on the whole Nation, and in a short space consumed him and his Son, who were executed by the Instructors of his Villany: For he fell under the same Fate which attends all the Instruments of Great Crimes, to be Odi∣ous and suspected by those that made use of them. Therefore they gave such a pow∣er to the Lord Fairfax in Yorkshire as did conclude the diminution, and submission of Hotham to his Commands. This caused him to reflect with grief and madness upon his first ministery to the Faction, which appeared every day more monstrous to his Conscience, being now spoiled of that Grandeur that he hoped would have been its re∣ward, and awakened by those Desolations in the whole Kingdom which followed it, and were but as the Copies of his Original Treason. Therefore he thought to expiate his former guilt by surrendring the Town to Him from whom he had detained it. But his practices were discovered to the Faction by One whom they had sent thither in pretence to preach the Gospel, but in truth secretly to search into the intrigues of Page  26 his Counsels: so that he perished in his design, being neither stout nor wise enough in just enterprises, nor of a pertinancy sufficient for a prosperous Perfidiousness. And although in his Ruine the King observed how great a draught was offered to the high∣est thirst of Revenge, yet He did truly bewail him: and indeed he was so much the more to be pitied, because his cruel Masters deluded him to a silence of their black Se∣crets with a false hope of Life till the Ax was upon his Neck. So betraying his Soul to a surprise by his Spiritual enemies, as his pretended Spiritual Guides had done his Body to them.

The Insolency of Hotham, who acted according to his Instructions and late Commis∣sion, beginning acts not usual in Peace, nor justifiable by Law, (for he issued out Warrants for the Trained Bands to march into Hull with their Arms, where he forced them to leave them, and nakedly return to their homes, that so they might be obnoxi∣ous to his Violence) and the practices of the Committee which were sent down into the North, to debauch the People in their Loyalty, made the King intend His own Security by a Guard; which the Gentry and Commonalty of Yorkshire, that were wit∣nesses of the Injury offered to their Prince, did willingly and readily make up. No sooner had the King expressed His intention of such a Guard, but the Faction, who were watchful of all opportunities of beginning a War, and ingaging those that either through Fear or Weakness had hitherto submitted to their Impostures, in a more ob∣liging guilt, (for now the greatest part of the Peers, who were of the most ancient Families and noblest Fortunes, and a very great number of the House of Commons, Persons of just hopes and fair Estates, who perceiving the designs of the Disturbers, scorned any longer to be their Slaves, yet not thinking it safe to provoke the fury of the Vulgar Tumults by a present opposition, had withdrawn from the Parliament to follow the King and His Fortune, and every day some more were still falling off) took this occasion to commence our Miseries, and open those Sluces of Blood which pollu∣ted the whole Kingdom. For upon the first Intelligence of it they filled the House of Commons and the City with Clamours, that His Majesty had now taken Arms to the over∣throw of them and the Protestant Religion; and that they were not any longer to think the Happiness of the Kingdom did depend upon the King, or any of the Regal Branches of that Stock; that it would argue no want either of Duty or Modesty, if they should depose Him. By these Harangues they so heated the Parliament, that was now more penurious than before in persons of Honour and Conscience, to such a degree of Fury, that unmind∣ful how they themselves for eight months before upon impossible Fears and improbable Jealousies had taken a Guard, they Resolved upon the Question, that the King by ta∣king to himself such a Guard did intend to levy War against the Parliament. With an equal fury they issue out Commissions into all parts of the Kingdom, and appoint cer∣tain days for all the Trained Bands to be put into a posture of War, sending down some of their Members to see to the execution of these Commands, and to seise on the Magazines in the several Counties.

To all these their violent and unjust attempts the King first opposes the Law, in se∣veral Declarations manifests the Power of Arms to be the ancient and undoubted Right of the Crown, by many Proclamations charges all men under the Crime and Penalties of Treason to forbear the Execution of those Ordinances which were publi∣shed to license their Rebellion, and answers with a wonderful Diligence and Elo∣quence all the fictious Pretensions of the Parliament to that Power, in their several Remonstrances. But though the King had in the judgment of all understanding and uninteressed persons the Juster Cause, and the more powerful Pen, yet the Faction's Hast, which is most essicacious in civil Discords, the Slanders they had raised of Him, and impressed in the minds of the People, the terrors of that Arbitrary Power which the House of Commons had a long while exercised in the vexatious prosecution of all such as did oppose their imperious Resolves, (for they would by their Messengers send for the Great Earls and Prime Barons of the Kingdom as Rogues and Felons, and weary them and others with a tedious and chargeable Attendance, oppress them with heavy and unproportionable Censures, and restrain them by Illegal Imprisonments) and the hopes of licence and spoil in the ruine of Church and State, had so preoc∣cupied the Minds of the inferiour Multitude, that neither Law nor Religion could have the least consideration in their practices; and those Persons whom His Majesty appointed as Commissioners of Array, in few places found that Obedience which was due to the just Commands of a Gracious Prince, who vainly expected that Reve∣rence to Justice in others which Himself gave.

After the experience of their Power in these their Successes at Land, and having Page  27 gotten the whole Navy at Sea, being made Masters of the most and greatest Strengths of the Kingdom, they then thought it might be safe for them to publish the aims and ends of their most destructive designs; which if sooner manifested, when the King by his Message of the 20th of Jan. from Windsor-Castle, advised them to prescribe the limits of their Privileges, give full Boundaries to His own Power, and propose what was in their judgments proper to make the People happy; and most religiously promised an equal ten∣derness of theirs and the Peoples Rights as of His own, and what was for the Publick good should not be obstructed for His Particular Emolument; they had justly drawn upon them∣selves all that popular hatred which they endeavoured to fling upon the King, and had been buried under those ruines which they projected for the Grave of Majesty. But then the Faction confided not so much in their own force, nor were the Vulgar then so blinded with fury as to chuse their own destruction: and therefore to that Mes∣sage of Peace nothing was returned but Complaints, that by such Advisoes their Counsels were disturbed, that it was contrary to their unbounded Privileges to be minded of what was necessary. But now they were furnished with a Power equal to their Ambition, they thought it expedient to confirm their newly-gotten Empire with some pretensions to Peace; but with a great deal of Caution, that the affectation of it might not disap∣point them of their hopes, which were all built upon War and Confusion. Therefore they formed the Conditions such as the King could not in Honour or Conscience grant them, nor expect Peace by them. Or if He did, they should be instated in such a Grandeur, that they might reap for themselves all the reproachful Honours and un∣lawful gains of an Arbitrary Power, the thing they aimed at, and leave the King over∣whelmed with shame and contempt for their miscarriages in Government. These Conditions were digested into Nineteen Propositions; which when presented to the King, He saw by an assent to them He should be concluded to have deposed Himself, and be but as an helpless and idle Spectator of the Miseries such Tyrants would bring upon the People whom God had committed to His Trust. Therefore He gave them that denial which they really desired and expected, and adjusts His refusal in a Decla∣ration, wherein He sets forth the Injustice of each Proposition. His Answer He sent by the Marquess of Hertford and Earl of Southampton, Persons of great Integrity and Prudence, with Instructions to treat in the House of Peers upon more equal Conditions.

But it behoved the Faction not to let the Kingdom see any way to Peace, therefore denying any admittance to those Lords, before ever the King's Answer could publick∣ly discover who were the obstructours of the Peoples quiet, they Ordered a Collection to be made of Money and Plate, to maintain Horse, Horse-men and Arms for the en∣suing War. The specious Pretences for which were the Safety of the King's Person, and the taking Him out of the hands of Evil Counsellors, the Defence of the Privileges of Parliament, the Preservation of the Protestant Religion, and the maintenance of the ancient Laws of the Land. Such inviting causes as these inflamed the Minds of the Multitude, and filled them with more aiery hopes of Victory than the noise of Drums and Trum∣pets. But that which was most powerful were the Sermons of such who, being dis∣pleased with the present Ecclesiastical Government, were promised the richest Bene∣fices, and a partage of the Revenues which belonged to Bishops, Deans and Chapiters. These from their Pulpits proclaimed War in the Name of Christ the Prince of Peace, and whatsoever was contributed to the spilling of the Blood of the Wicked, was to build up the Throne of the meekest Lamb; and besides the satisfaction they were to expect from the Publick Faith, which the Parliament promised, there was a larger Interest to be doubled upon them in the Kingdom of Saints that was now approaching. De∣luded by these Artifices and Impostures, People of all Conditions and all Sexes, some carried by a secret Instinct, others hurried by some furious Zeal, and a last sort led by Covetousness, cast into this Holy Treasury the Banck for Blood, all the Ornaments of their Family, all their Silver Vessels, even to their Spoons, with the Pledges of their first Love, their Marriage-rings; and the younger Females spared not their Thimbles and Bodkins, the obliging Gifts of their Inamorato's, from being a part of the Price of Blood. But while these Preparations were made at London, the King at York declares against the Scandal, that He intended to Levy War against the Parliament, calling God to witness how far His desires and thoughts were from it; and also those many Lords who were Witnesses of His Counsels and Actions, do publish to the World by a Wri∣ting subscribed with all their Names, to the number of Forty and odd, that they saw not any colour of Preparations or Counsels that might reasonably beget the belief of any such Design, and were fully perswaded that He had no such intention.

But all was in vain, for the Faction chose that the People should be rather guilty of Page  28 committing Rebellion, that only of favouring the Contrivers of it, and decreed to try whether by a prosperous Success they could change their Crimes to Vertue. There∣fore they hastened all they could to raise Horse and Foot to form an Army equal to their Usurpation: which was not difficult for them to do, for they being Masters of London, whose multitudes desirous of Novelty, were easily amassed for any enterprise, especially when the entring into this Warfare, might make the Servant freer than his Master, (for such was the Licence was indulged to those Youths that would serve the Cause) 20000 were sooner gathered that the King could get 500. The City also could afford them more Ordnance than the King could promise to Himself com∣mon Muskets: and to pay their Souldiers, besides the vast summs that were gathe∣red for Ireland (which though they by their own Act had decreed should not be used for any other enterprise, yet now dispense with their Faith, and imploy it to make England as miserable as that Island) and the Contributions of the deluded Souls for this War; they seized also upon the Revenues of the King, Queen, Prince, and Bishops, and plunder the Houses of those Lords and Gentlemen whom they suspected to be Fa∣vourers of the King's Cause. And in contemplation of these advantages, they pro∣mised their credulous Party an undoubted Victory, and to lead Majesty Captive in Triumph through London within a Month, by the Conduct of the Earl of Essex, whom they appointed General.

Thus did they drive that Just and Gracious Prince to seek His Safety by necessary Arms, since nothing worse could befall Him after a stout, though unhappy Resi∣stance, than He was to hope for in a tame Submission to their Violence. Therefore though He perfectly abhorred those Sins which are the Consequences of War, yet He wanted not Courage to attempt at Victory, notwithstanding it seemed almost impossible against so well-appointed an Enemy. Therefore with an incredible dili∣gence moving from place to place, from York to Nottingham, from thence to Shrews∣bury and the Confines of Wales, by discovering those Abilities with which His Soul was richly fraught unto His deluded Subjects, He appeared not only worthy of their Reverence, but of their Lives and Fortunes for His Defence; and in all places incouraging the Good with His Commendations, exciting the fearful by His Exam∣ple, dissembling the Imperfections of His Friends, but alwaies praising their Vertues, He so prevailed upon those who were not Men of many Times, nor by a former Guilt debauch'd to Inhumanity, that He had quickly contracted an Army greater than His Enemies expected, and which was every day increased by those Lords and Gen∣tlemen who refused to be polluted any longer with the practices of the Faction by sitting among them, and being Persons of large Fortunes had raised their Friends and Tenants to succour that Majesty that now laboured under an Eclipse. Most Men being moved with Pity and Shame to see their Prince, whose former Reign had made them wanton in Plenty, to be driven from His own Palaces, and concluded under a want of Bread, to be necessitated to implore their Aid, for the Preservation of His and their Rights. So that notwithstanding all the Impostures of the Faction and the Corruptions of the Age, there were many great Examples of Loyalty and Vertue. Many Noble Persons did almost impoverish themselves to supply the King with Men and Money. Some Private Men made their way through numerous dangers to joyn with the fight under His Colours. Many great Ladies and vertuous Matrons parted with the Ornaments of their Sex to relieve His wants, and some bravely defended their Houses in His Cause when their Lords were otherwhere seeking Honour in His service. Both the Universities freely devoted their Plate to succour their Prince, the Supreme Patron and Incourager of all Learning; and the Queen pawned Her Jewels to provide necessaries for the Safety of Her Husband. Which Duty of Hers, though it deserved the Honour of all Ages, was branded by the Demagogues with the imputa∣tion of Treason.

This sudden and unexpected growth of the Strength of the King after so many years of Slanders, and such industrious Plots to make him odious and contemptible, raised the admiration of all Men, and the fears of the credulous Party who had gi∣ven up their Faith to the Faction, when they represented the King guilty of so much Folly and Vice (and some corrupted Citizens had represented Him as a Prodigie of both in a Scene at Guild-Hall in London, an Art used by Jesuites to impress more deep∣ly a Calumny,) that they could not imagine any Person of Prudence or Conscience would appear in His Service, and they expected every day when, deserted by all as a Monster, He should in Chains deliver Himself up to the Commands of the Parlia∣ment. Some attributed this strange increase in power to the natural Affection of the Page  29 English to their Lawful Sovereign, from whom though the Arts and Impulses of Seditiouc Demagogues may a while estrange and divorce their minds, yet their Genius will irresisti∣bly at last force them to their first Love; and therefore they urged the saying of that Observing States-man, that if the Crown of England were placed but on a Hedge-stake, he would be on that side where the Crown was. Others referred it to the full evidence of the wickedness of His Adversaries, for their Counsels were now discovered, and their Ends manifest, not to maintain the common Liberty, which was equally hateful to them as Tyranny when it was not in their hands, but to acquire a Gran∣deur and Power that might secure and administer to their Lusts: and it was now every where published what MrHambden answered to one who inquired What he did expect from the King; he replied, That He should commit Himself and all that is His to our Care. Others ascribed it to the fears of ruine to those numerous Families and Myriads of People which the change of Government designed by the Parliament must necessarily effect. But this, though it argued that Cause exceeding bad by which so great a part of a Community is utterly destroyed, without any absolute necessity for preserving the whole; yet made but an inconsiderable Addition to the King, whose greatest Power was built upon Persons of the Noblest Extract and the fairest Estates in England, of which they could not easily suspect to be devested without an abso∣lute overthrow of all the Laws of Right and Wrong, which nevertheless was to be feared by their invasions on the King's most undoubted Rights. For when Ma∣jesty it self is assaulted, there can be no security for private Fortunes; and those that de∣cline upon design from the paths of Equity, will never rest till they come to the Extremity of Injustice; as these afterwards did. Besides those that imputed the speedy amas∣sing of these Forces to the Equity of the King's Cause, His most Powerful Elo∣quence, indesatigable Industry, and most Obliging Converse; there were another sort that, suspending their Judgments till all the Scenes of War were passed, resol∣ved all into the Providence of God: Who though He were pleased to single Him out of all the Kings of the Earth as the fittest Champion to wrestle with Adversity, and to make Him glorious by Sufferings, which being well born truly prove men Great; yet would He furnish Him (almost by a Miracle) likewise with such Advantages, in the conduct of which His Prudence and Magnanimity might evidence that He did deserve Propserity, and by clearing up even this way His eminent Vertues, warn the following Ages from a Credulity to unquiet Persons, since the best of Prin∣ces was thus infamously slandered.

From all these concurring Causes, each one in their Way and Order, did the King's Strength so far increase, as that He won many Battles, and was not far from Conquest in the Whole War; had not God seen fit to afflict this sinful Nation with Numerous and most Impious Tyrants, and make us feel, that no Oppressions are so unsupportable as those which are imposed by such as have made the highest Pretensions to Liberty: of which we had bitter experience after the War was finished that was now begun. For there had been some slight Conflicts ere this in the several Countries be∣twixt the Commissioners of Array and the Militia, with various Successes; which require just Volumes and compleat Histories to relate, and cannot be comprehended in the short View of the King's Life, where it is only intended to speak of those Bat∣tles in which the King in Person gave sufficient evidence of His Wisdom and Valour. The first of which was at Edge-Hill on Oct. 23. For the King had no sooner gotten a considerable Force, though not equal to those of His Enemies, but He matched to∣wards London, and in His way thither met with Essex's Army that were come from thence to take Him. The King having viewed their Army by a Prospective-glass from the top of that Hill, and being asked afterwards by His Officers what He meant to do, To give them battle (said He with a present Courage) it is the first time I ever saw the Rebels in a Body: God, and good Mens Prayers to Him, assist the Justice of My Cause: and immediately prepared for the Fight; which was acted with such a Fury, that near 6000 were slain (according to the common account, but some say a far less number) were slain upon the place. Night concluded this Battle, which had comprehended the whole War, had not the King's prevailing Horse preferr'd the Spoils to Victory, and left the Enemy some advantage to dispute for her. But the King had all the fairest marks of her Favour. For though He had lost His General, yet he kept the Field, possessed the dead Bodies, opened His way toward London, and in the sight of some part of the Army of Essex, (who accounted it a Victory that He was not totally routed and killed,) took Banbury, and entred Triumphantly into Oxford (which He had designed for His Winter-quarters) with 150 Colours Page  30 taken in fight. And having assured that place, He advances towards London, whi∣ther Essex had gotten before Him, and disposed his baffled Regiments within 10 Miles of the City; yet the King fell upon two Regiments of them at Brainford, took 500 Prisoners, and sunk their Ordnance. From thence intending to draw nearer London, He had intelligence, that the City had powred forth all their Auxiliaries to re-inforce Essex's Troops; to which being unwilling to oppose His Souldiers weari∣ed with their March, nor thinking it safe to force an Enemy to fight upon Necessity, which inspires a more than Ordinary Fury, He retreats to Oxford, having taught His Enemies, that He was not easily to be overcome.

For in the management of this Battle He did not only undeceive the abused World of those Slanders which His Enemies had polluted Him with, but He exceeded that Opinion His own Party had of His Abilities, and though He parted from London al∣together unexperienced in Martial Affairs, yet at Edge-Hill He appeared a most Excel∣lent Commander. His Valour was also equal to His Prudence, and He could as well endure Labours as despise Dangers. And by a communication of toils, encouraged His Souldiers to keep the Field all the Night, when they saw He refused the refresh∣ments of a Bed; for He sought no other Shelter from the injuries of the Air than His own Coach. These Vertues and this Success made such an impression on the Parlia∣ment, that though they took all courses to hide the Infamy of their worsted Army, yet in more humble Expressions than formerly they Petitioned the King for a Treaty of Peace, which His Majesty very earnestly embraced. But the Faction, who were frighted with these Tendencies to an Accommodation, cause some of the City to Pe∣tition against it, and to make proffer of their Lives and Fortunes for the prosecution of the War. Encouraged by this, they form their Propositions like the Commands of Conquerours, and so streighten the Power and time of their Commissioners, that the Treaty at Oxford became fruitless, which there had taken up all the King's Em∣ployment this Winter, though abroad His Forces were busie in several Parts of the Na∣tion, not without Honour.

At the Opening of the Spring the Queen comes back to England, [An. 1643] bringing with Her some considerable Supplies of Men, Money and Ammunition, and Her coming was entertained with such a Series of Successes, that the King that Summer was Master of the North and West, except some few Garrisons. Which so dismaied the Parlia∣ment, that very many of them were preparing to quit the Kingdom: and had the King followed His own Counsels, to march immediately towards London, and not been fatally over-born at a Council of War, (which it is said, His Enemies at London did assure their Party would so be) first to attempt Gloucester, He had, in the judgment of all discerning men, then finished the War with Glory. But here He lay so long till Essex had gotten a Recruit from London, and came time enough to Relieve the Town; though in his Return the King necessitated him to fight, worsted him near Newbery, and so bravely followed him the next day, that He forced the Parliaments Horse which were left in the Reer to seek their safety by making their way over a great part of their Foot; yet lost on His side much Noble Blood, as the Earls of Car∣narvan and Sunderland, and Viscount Falkland. This last was lamented by all, being equally dexterous at the Pen and Sword, had won some Wreaths in those Controver∣sies that were to be managed by Reason, and was eminent in all the Generous parts of Learning, above any of his Fortune and Dignity. After this Encounter the King returns to Oxford, to consult with those Members of both Houses that had left the Impostures and Tumults at London, to joyn with Him for the Common Benefit, who being as to the Peers the far greater, and as to the Commons an equal Number with those at Westminster, they assumed the Name and Authority of Parliament, and deli∣berated of the ways of Peace, and means to prevent the Desolations which the Fa∣ction so furiously designed, who were now resolving to encrease our Miseries by Cal∣ling in the Scots to their assistance.

For though they pretended so highly to God's Cause, as if they had the certainty of some Divine Revelation, yet they would not trust Him for their Preservation, not∣withstanding their Pretences to his Cause had furnished them with so vast a Treasure and so mighty a Strength; but would invite others to the Violation of most Sacred Oaths, to sin against all Laws and every Rule of Justice, that themselves might be secure in their Usurpations. And that perfidious Party that then ruled in Scotland, hoping for as great Advantages as their former Wickedness had yielded, contrary to all Obligations which the King's Goodness had laid on them, and their free and vo∣luntary Execrations, (as was that of Alexander Lesley, who lifting up His arms and Page  31 hands to Heaven, wished they might rot to his body before he died, if ever he should heave them up hereafter, or draw his Sword, against so gude a King,) drew that people once more into Rebellion against their Prince; and to make them more eager, and think the Enterprize easie, they first raised a Report that the King was deserted by most of His Nobility.

The Parliament at Oxford having by a Letter moved the Earl of Essex to endeavour Peace, did also declare against this Invasion of the Scots by another Letter sent to them, in which also they acquaint them with the falseness of their officious Lye, and shew how inconsiderable a Number of Lords were with those that invited them in. The King Himself writes also to put them in mind of their several Ingagements to be Quiet. But with an Insolency fit for most perjured Souls, they commanded the Letters to be burned by the hand of the Hangman. A more secret falshood He also found in the Marquess Hamilton, whose Treasons now came to be more suspected. For His Majesty having written to him, to use all his Power and Interest to keep his Country-men at home, (which had not been difficult for one of his Grandeur in that unquiet Nation) he by some secret arts doth more inflame them; and to co∣ver his Perfidiousness, flies from Scotland to Oxford, as seeking a shelter for his Loy∣alty; but indeed to be a Spy in the King's Counsels. But his Treasons had out∣stripp'd him and his Brother, the Earl of Lanerick who came with him, therefore they were both forbidden the Court. Lanerick not willing to tarry till a further Dis∣covery, gets out of Oxford, flies to those at London, and by them was employed in the Scotch Army; which made Hamilton's Treachery more evident, and he was sent Pri∣soner to Pendennis Castle. But the dishonour of that Nation was in a great measure repaired by the Gallantry and Faithfulness of the Marquess Montrosse, who being Commission'd by the King, with an incredible Industry by small numbers of men won many Battels, and overthrew well-formed Armies: and had not the Fate of his Ma∣ster, which was to be betrayed by those He trusted, been likewise common to him, he had forced that Nation to Justice and Quiet.

But ere Montrosse could get his Commission, the Scots were entred into England: whose coming that it might be less odious to the People, who now grew cold in their Zeal to the Cause, and saw themselves deluded into so continued Dangers, the Fa∣ction make use of such Frauds as should make the People either think them necessary Assistances, or might divert their Thoughts from apprehending the Miseries they brought with them to this Nation; therefore they invent new Slanders of the King and His Party. That His Majesty did intend to translate Monarchy into a Tyranny: that He would seize upon all their Estates who had any way opposed Him, and make their Per∣sons Slaves: and that there was no hope of Pardon from Him, who was so merciless: that He would take away all their Liberties and Privileges as forfeited, destroy the Protestant Re∣ligion, and introduce Popery, which at Oxford He did practise Himself, and that all men must be forced to go to Mass. As for His Party, they set them out to be such Monsters, that the lower sort of People doubted whether the Cavaliers had the shapes of men. For sad Relations were Printed and Published of their Inhumanity and barbarous Murders: That they did feast upon the Flesh of Men, and that they fed their Dogs and their Horses with the same Diet, to make them more fierce for the blood of the Godly Party: that no man's house was so poor and mean that a Cavalier would think beneath his Rapine. Thus they wrought upon the Melancholy Spirits of some by Fear. For those of a Morose and Cholerick temper they had proper Divertisements: they permitted to them a tumultuary Reformation, to pull down the Pictures and Images of Christ, the Virgin Mary, and the Saints; which with great Solemnity they committed to the Flames, that they might suffer as it were another Martyrdom. All Crosses, though set up for Ornament and Use in the Streets of London, and other places, they pul∣led down: they invade the Churches, and there deface what their Humour or Ra∣pine would call Superstition, pull down the Organs, tear the Surplices; and all this was suffered to please the Rabble, who delight in Violences and such Ostentations of their Fury, and to make them in something or other guilty, that they might despair of Pardon.

For others, who were to be wrought upon by Religion, they entertain them with Fasts, publick Thanksgivings for slight Victories, and solemn Spiritual Meetings (as they called them;) where whatsoever the Faction dictated, was commended by the Speakers to their unwary Hearers as the Oracles of Heaven: and being thus wrapp'd up in those true Delights which accompany the Worship of God, they were securely swallowed by them, as Poyson when it is offered in a Sacramental Chalice. Page  32 To please their Ministers whom hitherto they had used as their Properties and Instru∣ments of their Arts, Presbytery is set up, that they also might have an Imaginary Empire: but it was not intended they should exercise it. For the Pretensions of that to a Divine Right, did so terrifie them who were resolved against all Government that was not subject unto or dependent on theirs, that they presently raised all the other Sects, Independents, Erastians, (who for the most part were Lawyers, that could not endure to hear of any Thunderbolts of Excommunication, but what was heated in their own Forges) Anabaptists, Seekers, and Atheists, (of which there were many sprung up, who seeing how Religion was abused to carnal and unjust Ends, began first to despise that, and afterwards to deny God) to write and declame against this new Polity, as the most severe and absolute Tyranny under the Sun, and the Tenth Per∣secution. But this seeming Modesty of admitting a Church Government served their Ends for the present, till they could acquire a greater strength; in confidence of which they might slight the Terrors of the Law, and the Anathema's of the Church. The Liturgy also was abolished, under pretence of a Spiritual Liberty, for it was accused of putting a restraint upon the Spirit; but in truth because it had so frequent Offices for the King. To these were added the Covenant, the Fetters of the Scotish Slavery: this was to bind the whole Nation to the Interest of the Faction, and was used as the Water of Jealousie, to discover those whom they did suspect. Therefore all the Con∣spirators, of what Sect soever, whether Independents or Anabaptists, though they re∣fused to take it themselves, (because it did oblige to the Preservation of the King's Person and Authority) yet were as eager Imposers of it as the Presbyterians (who in simplicity urged it as the Fundamental Constitution of their Empire) upon all who they thought would not prostitute their Souls to their Designs, or had any thing fit to be made their Spoils. And by this onely Engine, many thousand Persons and Families were miserably ruined, especially of the Clergy.

To oblige more fastly those that had no patience to expect, nor hopes to receive any Reward for their Service against their Prince in the other life, and so would not be sa∣tisfied with the shews of Religion, but sought more solid Encouragements in the Spoils of it; the Lands of the Bishops were exposed to Sale, and that at such easie Rates as might invite the hazard of the Purchase, satiate their boundless Covetousness, and engage them in a pertinacious Faith to their Merchants. To cement all these di∣stinct Humours in one common Pleasure, the Archbishop of Canterbury was prepared for a Sacrifice, and about this time began his Tryal, which continued a whole Year, being when the Houses were at leisure called by several Months and Weeks to answer to his Charge, that by his frequent Passages, as a Prisoner, he might give a pleasant Diversion to the Rabble, who are delighted with the Ruines and Misfortunes of Great Persons, and by their Injuries and Reproaches he might be reduced to such a weakness of Spirit as was not competent with the defence of his Cause. But his Cause and his Conscience were impregnable, and he overthrew their Slanders, though he could not their Power.

By these Arts and Ways was the Winter spent to prepare for the Attempts of the following Summer, [An. 1644] wherein, though the Parliaments Forces encreased by the Scotish Succours had the Success over several bodies of the Royallists, yet that small Number that followed the King's Person, and were guided by His own Counsels and Exam∣ple, obtained two great Victories. For His Majesty having once more provided for the Safety of the Queen, (in sending Her to Excester, there to lay down the burden of Her Love, and from thence to seek for Shelter in France) taken (contrary to their hopes) His last Farewel of Her, and left Oxford strengthned against the Siege which the Earl of Essex and Sir William Waller threatned that Place with, He with a small Party draws out, intending to form His Counsels according to the future Occurrences. This made the Enemy divide, and Essex was designed to reduce the West. But Waller, with whom usually went Sir Arthur Hasilrigge (a Person fitter to raise Seditious Tu∣mults than manage Armies) was to hunt the King upon the Mountains of Wales, to∣wards which He seemed to direct His Course. But hearing of the Resolutions of these two jealous Generals, He wheels about to Oxford, and from thence drew the greatest strength of that Garrison, and with that falling upon Waller at Cropredy-bridge, obtained a great Victory; which would have been more prejudicial to the Enemy, had not the Tenderness of His Subjects Blood restrained Him from prosecuting His Success to a greater Slaughter. But contenting Himself to have diverted Injuries from His own Breast, He only used this Victory for an advantage to Peace, which in a Letter from Evesham, July 4. He moves the Parliament unto.

Page  33 But the unquiet Criminals rendred it vain and fruitless, and represented to the People their yet prevailing Forces in the North, and their Army in the West, which had now taken in some considerable places to their obedience. Therefore to remove their Confidence in Essex's power, the King follows him, and so closely pursues him, that He drove him up into Cornwall, and there did as it were besiege him. During which He sent a Letter to him, which was seconded by another from the Lords and Gentlemen in His Army, to sollicite His endeavours for the Peace and Quiet of the bleeding and wasted Kingdom. But it met not its desired effect: Because that Earl either valued not that solid Glory of being the happy Author of a Nation's Set∣tlement; or feared that his past Actions had wholly despoiled him of hopes of Secu∣rity in a return to Obedience, or knew that his Authority was not so great to put an issue to those Crimes which he had led others to commit. (For every inconsiderable person may be powerful at Disturbances, but to form Peace requires much Wisdom and great Vertues.) Which last was generally believed, for he had found and complained that his Credit declined with the Faction, that they were distrustful lest their own Arts might teach him to have no faith to them, because he often sollicited them to a com∣posing of the Kingdoms Distractions. Therefore making no return to those Letters, he provided for his own safety in a Cock-boat, and ignominiously deserted his Army; of which the Horse, taking the advantage of a dark night, made their escape, but the Commanders of the Foot did capitulate for their Lives, and left their Arms, Cannon, Baggage and Ammunition, to the Disposal of the King.

The speedy and prudent acquisition of these two Victories shewed the King had those Abilities that might have inserted Him in the Catalogue of the Bravest Comman∣ders; and had not want of Success in His following Enterprises clouded the Glory of this Summer, He had been as eminent among the Masters of War as He was among the Sons of Peace, the Honour of which last He most eagerly thirsted, as rendring Him most like that Majesty He did represent. Therefore after this Victory, by a Letter from Tavestock, Sept. 8. He re-inforces that from Evesham for an Accord with the Parlia∣ment, being not transported from His Lenity by the Violence with which Victory uses to hurry humane breasts to an insolence. But He knew that Peace, though it is profita∣ble to the Conquered, yet it is glorious for the Conquerour. To busie His Army while He expected their Answer, and formed an Association in the Western Counties, He sits down before Plymouth; but finding this Message had an equal reception with the for∣mer, and that the Faction intended not to sacrifice their ill-acquired Power and usur∣ped Interests to the publick Tranquillity, He rises from thence, and marches towards London, from whence were by this time in the way to meet Him Essex and Waller re∣cruited, and joyned with the Earl of Manchester's Forces that were now returned from their Northern Services. And at Newbery both sides joyn in an eager Fight, which being varied with different successes, in the several divisions, each party drew off by degrees, and neither found cause to boast of a Victory.

The King being returned to Oxford, the Parliament wearied with the Complaints of the oppressed Nation, who now grew impatient under the Distractions, take into Consideration His Majesty's two Messages for Peace, and sent Propositions for it in the name of the two Parliaments of England and Scotland, united by Solemn League and Covenant. Which though they seemed the desires of minds that intended nothing less than the common Tranquillity, yet the King neglects them not, but hoping that in a Treaty Commissioners might argue them into Reason, offers it, which with much difficulty the Houses are drawn to accept; but yet would have it at Vxbridge, a place but about fifteen miles distant from London, and above twice that distance from Ox∣ford. And accordingly Commissioners from both Parties met on Jan. 30. While the King was providing for the Treaty, and forming Instructions for His Ministers, the Faction found the Parliament other work by new designs; and to habituate the Peo∣ple to an abhorrency of Peace, fed them with blood. The two Hothams first were to be the Sport of the Multitude: and that the Father might have more than a single death, he was drawn back in his journey to the Scaffold, Decemb. 31. that his Son might be executed before him, as he was Jan. 10. when after he had expressed his fu∣ry to those Masters whom they had served to their ruines, his Head was chopt off. And on Jan. 20. the Father is brought to the place that was defiled with his Son's blood, and had his own added to it. These were not much lamented by any, for the memory that they first kindled the Flame of the Nation kept every eye dry.

The People thus fed with courser blood, a cleaner Sacrifice was afterwards present∣ed, William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury, and Primate of all England. He had in∣dured Page  34 Imprisonment four years, and passed through a Trial of many months, in which he had acquitted himself with such a confidence as became the Innocency and Constancy of a Christian Bishop and Confessor, but yet must fall to please the Scots, and those merciless men who imputed God's anger in the difficulties of Success against their Prince, to the continuance of this Prelate's life: therefore he was voted guilty of High Treason by the House of Commons,* and was condemned in the House of Peers, (though they have no power over the life of the meanest Subject without the concurrence of the King) when there were but seven Lords present, and all those not consenting to the Murder, to be drawn, hanged and quartered. And this was the first Example of murdering men by Votes, of killing by an Order of Parliament, when there is no Law. It was moved (they say) by some that he might be shipp'd over to New-Eng∣land, to die by the Contempt and Malice of those People. But this seemed too great an Honour, because it would make his end as his life was, much like that of the Pri∣mitive Bishops, who for their Piety were banished to Barbarous Coasts, or condemned to the Mines. Or else it would be like an Athenian Ostracism, and confess him too great and good to live among us. Therefore this motion was rejected; yet the Lords upon his Petition, to the distaste of some Commons, changed the manner of that vile Execution to that more generous of being beheaded. To the Scaffold he was brought Jan. 10. after he had endured some affronts in his Antichamber in the Tower by some sons of Schism and Sedition, who unseasonably that morning he was preparing himself to appear before the great Bishop of our Souls, would have him give some satisfaction to the Godly (for so they called themselves) for his Persecutions, (which he called Disci∣pline.) To whom he answered, That he was now shortly to give account of all his Actions at an higher and more equal Tribunal, and desired he might not be disturbed in his Prepara∣tions for it. When he came to the Scene of his death, he appeared with that chearful∣ness and serenity in his face, as a good Conscience doth beautifie the owners with: and it was so conspicuous, that his Enemies, who were ashamed to see his Innocency pour∣traited in his Countenance, did report he had drunk some Spirits, to force his nature from a paleness. He preached his own Funeral Sermon on that Text Heb. 12. 2. and concluding his life with Prayer, submitted himself to the stroke of the Ax.

He was a Person of so great Abilities (which are the Designations of Nature to Dig∣nity and Command,) that they raised him from low beginnings to the highest Office the Protestant Profession acknowledges in the Church. And he was equal to it. His Learning appear'd eminent in his Book against Fisher, and his Piety illustrious in his Diary (although published by One that was thirsty of his blood, and polluted with many malicious comments and false Surmises to make him odious.) He was of so Publick a Spirit, that both the Church and State have lasting Monuments of the Vertuous use of his Prince's favour; at his Admittance into which he dedicated all the future Emoluments of it to the Glory of God and the Good of Men, by a Proje∣ction of many noble Works: most of which he accomplished, and had finished the rest had not the Fate of the Nation checked the current of his Designs, and cut off the Course of his Life. He was not contented by himself only to serve his Genera∣tion, (for so he might have appeared more greedy of Fame, than desirous of the Universal Benefit) but he endeavoured to render all others as Heroick, if they aim∣ed at a Capacity for his Friendship: for (I have heard it from his Enemies) no great man was admitted to a confidence and respect with him, unless he made his Address by some Act that was for the Common Good, or for the Ornament and Glory of the Protestant Faith. Learned men had not a better Friend, nor Learning it self a greater Advancer; he searched all the Libraries of Asia, and from several parts of the World purchased all the Ornaments and Helps of Literature he could, that the English Church might have (if possible) by his Care as many Advantages for Knowledge as almost all Europe did contribute to the Grandeur of that of Rome. The Outward Splendour of the Clergy was not more his Care than their Honour by a grave and pious Conversation; he would put them into a power of doing more good, but was severe against their Vices and Vanities. He scorned a private Trea∣sure, and his Kindred were rather relieved than raised to any greatness by him. In his Election of Friends, he was determinated to the Good and Wise, and such as had both Parts and Desires to profit the Church, had his closest Embraces; if otherwise it happened, their frauds, not his choice, deserved the blame. Both Papists and Se∣ctaries Page  35 were equally his Enemies; one Party feared, and the other hated his Ver∣tues. Some censured him of too much Heat, and a Zeal for Discipline above the Pa∣tience of the Times. But his greatest unhappiness was that he lived in a Factious Age, and Corrupt State, and under such a Prince, whose Vertues not admitting an immediate approach for Accusations, was to be wounded in those whom He did Caress. But when Faction and Malice are worn out by time, Posterity shall ingrave him in the Albe of the most Excellent Prelates, the most indulgent Fathers of the Church, and the most injured Martyrs. His blood was accompanied with some tears that fell from those Eyes which expected a pleasure at his Death, and it had been followed with a more general mourning, had not the Publick Miseries and pre∣sent fears of Ruine exacted all the Stock of Grief for other objects.

About this time the Faction clove into two Sects, the Presbyterian and Independent, which hitherto had been united under one name of Patriots, or Godly, had joyntly con∣spired War and disturbed the Peace, and by various arts had acted all their lusts under the name and Authority of Parliament. For they would either early in the morning before the House was full, or late at night, when those whose cares were most for the Publick were absent, being assured of the Speaker, propose and vote what served for their Design. IF any thing contrary to it was about to be resolved in a full Assembly, they by multitude of Scruples would so disturb the Debates, that the determination was deferr'd to a desired Opportunity. But if these failed, then would they surprise the House with another Vote that should weaken and hinder the Execution of the for∣mer. When the most consciencious were too numerous for them, then would they make necessities to send the less pliant to their wills into the Country. Thus the Les∣ser, but more industrious, Party did circumvent the Greater, that were not so wary nor diligent. While they thus joyntly contrive the Publick Ruine, they had gotten themselves into the most considerable and profitable Offices of the Kingdom. But the Presbyterians having the advantage in Number and Power, and the dissension in their Opinions growing still higher, by the Animosities of the inferiour and obscurer parts of their Sects, there was neither Faith nor Love among them, but what Fear and Ne∣cessity did force them unto. The Independents, who comprehended all the several herds of Hereticks, Anabaptists, Seekers, Millenaries, &c. though they were the Disci∣ples of the other, yet excelled their Masters in Art and Industry, had their private Junto's and Meetings apart to mould their Projects, and assign to each of their Confi∣dents their several Scenes and Methods; and, by proper Applications to mens several humours, had exceedingly encreased their strength in the multitude, only they wan∣ted the Power of the Sword and the most useful Offices to perfect their Empire.

This they effected by those very practices they had learned from the Presbyterians: and by procuring the Ordinance of Self-denial, (as they called it) they turned out Essex (whom they had before secretly caused to be suspected, and who had neither glory in his War, nor security or quiet in his Peace) from his Generalship, and with him also the other Leaders that were favourers of the Presbytery, under pretence that it was not fit that any Members of Parliament should be encouraged to a continuance of the War, by enjoying the profitable and powerful Offices in the Army, to which they would now give a new Module. Having by this artifice displaced those whose power they feared, they brought in as many Candidates of their own Sect as they could to be Colonels, and Sir Thomas Fairfax was appointed General. This man both Parties did the more easily consent in, because he was known to be of sufficient Per∣sonal Valour, and of no private Designs, obstinate by a natural Melancholy rather than pertinacious in any Interest, and rather free from Baseness, than ambitious of Vain-glory; by all these Qualities they supposed he would be obedient to the Re∣solves of his Masters. But the Independents, that were better informed of his ductile Spirit, and how easily he might be imposed upon by a Species of Religion, got the great Patron of all the wildest and most unreasonable Sectaries, Oliver Cromwell, at first to be admitted into his Counsels, and afterwards to be the Director of all his actions, under the Title of Lieutenant General. For although he likewise by the Self-denying Ordinance was made incapable of any Office in the Army, being a Mem∣ber of the Parliament; yet those Troops of Fanaticks whom he had amassed, and for∣merly lead under the Command of the Lord Grey of Wark and the Earl of Manchester, (both which he had cast off) were instructed to refuse the Conduct of any one but him. He was therefore permitted by the Parliament, as the General desired, for a time to continue in the Army; but he never left it till he had changed that, ruined the Parliament, and turned out the General, that thus was the Author of his unlawful Page  36 Power. For this Man, having a long time been poor and necessitous, the Patrimony that was left him being profusely spent, and nothing remaining but the Instruments of his Crimes, a bloody and fierce Nature, a greedy Soul full of bold and unjust hopes, yet able to conceal them with a profession of Modesty, a contempt of Religi∣on and Friendship, yet highly pretending to both till he had smote under the fifth rib those credulous hearts that trusted him; he was fitted for the most impious Enterpri∣ses, for vexed by a pressing and tedious Poverty, he resolved to indeavour the utmost distance from such a Condition, though by the greatest wickedness, therefore used the Power he had now gotten to overthrow the whole State, and establish himself in an absolute and unsupportable Tyranny, which is the common issue of assaulting a Just and Lawful Prince with Arms.

With these Tragedies and Changes was the Winter spent at London, while the King at Oxford waits for the Issue of the Treaty at Vxbridge, which, as all other Consultations for Peace, was vain and fruitless. For the Faction would alwaies obstruct those endea∣vours by their proper Methods. If the Condition of their Affairs were prosperous, then would they make their Demands like Impositions on conquered Slaves, detesting to supplicate that the acquisitions of their Swords and Blood should be confirmed by a worsted Enemy. In a more humble fortune they would deprecate their drooping Party, not then to think of a Reconciliation which their unprosperous Arms must necessarily render harder than their hopes; and that it was not for the Honour of a Parliament to seem to yield to any thing by fear or compulsion. Besides these devices, many fictitious Letters were composed, false Rumours divulged, and witnesses suborned, to make Men sus∣pect that many dangerous Plots and portentous Designs were disguised in these Over∣tures of Accord. Therefore the Commissioners of Parliament were instructed to offer no Expedient for an Accommodation, nor hearken to such as were tendred to them in the name of the King. His Majesty seeing and bewailing His Condition, that He must still have to do with those that were Enemies to Peace, prepares Him∣self for the War at the approaching Spring: and although this Winter was infamous with many losses, either through the neglects or perfidiousness of some Officers; yet before the season for taking the Field was come, His Counsels and Diligence had re∣paired those Damages.

In April he sends the Prince to perfect the Western Association, [An. 1645] and raise such For∣ces as the necessities of the Crown, which was His Inheritance, did require: with Him is sent, as Moderator of His Youth and prime Counsellor, SrEdward Hide, now Lord High Chancellor of England, whose faithfulness had endeared Him to His Maje∣sty, who also judged his Abilities equal to the Charge; in which He continued with the same Faith, through all the Difficulties and Persecutions of his Master, till it pleased God to bring the Prince back to the Throne of His Fathers, and Him to the Chief Ministery of State. After their departure the King draws out His Army to relieve His Northern Counties and Garrisons. But being on His march, and having stormed and taken Leicester in His way, He was called back to secure Oxford, which the Parliament Army threatned with a Siege. But Fairfax having gotten a Letter of the Lord Goring's (whom a Parliament Spy had cajoled to trust him with the deli∣very of it) to His Majesty, wherein he had desired Him to forbear ingaging with the Enemy, till he could be joyned with Him; he leaves Oxford, and made directly towards the King that was now come back as far as Daventry, with a purpose to fight Him before that addition of strength, and at a place near Naseby in Northampton-shire both Armies met on Saturday, June 14. Cromwell having then also brought some fresh Horse to Fairfax; whose absence from the Army at that time the King was assured by some (who intended to betray Him) should be effected. Nevertheless the King would not decline the Battle, and had the better at first, but His vanquishing Horse following the chase of their Enemies too far (a fatal errour that had been twice be∣fore committed) left the Foot open to the other Wing, who pressing hotly upon them put them to an open rout, and so became Masters of His Canon, Camp and Carriage, and among these of His Majesties Cabinet, in which they found many of His Letters, most of them written to the Queen: which, not contented with their Victory over His Forces, they print as a Trophee over His Fame, that by propo∣sing His secret Thoughts, designed only for the Breasts of His Wife, to the debau∣ched multitude, and they looking on them through the Prejudices which the Slan∣ders of the Faction had already formed in their minds, the Popular hatred might be increased. But the publication of them found a contrary effect, every one that was not barbarous abhorred that Inhumanity among Christians which Generous Heathens Page  37 scorned to be guilty of, and the Letters did discover that the King was not as He was hitherto characterized; but that He had all the Abilities and Affections, as well as all the Rights that were fit for Majesty: And (which is not usual) He grew greater in Honour by this Defeat, though he never after recovered any considerable power.

For the Fate of this Battle had an inauspicious influence upon all His remaining Forces, and every day His losses were repeated. But though Fortune had left the King, yet had not His Valour; therefore gathering up the scattered remains of His broken Army, He marches up and down to encourage those whose Faith changed not with His Condition. At last attempting to relieve Chester, though He was be∣set behind and before, and His Horse wearied in such tedious and restless Marches; yet at first He beat Poyntz off that followed; but by being charged by fresh Souldi∣ers from the Leaguer, and a greater Number, He was forced to retreat, and leave some of His gallant Followers dead upon the place. After this He draws towards the North-East, and commands the Lord Digby with the Horse that were left to march for Scotland, and there to join with Montross, who with an inconsiderable company of Men had got Victories there so prodigious that they looked like Miracles. But this Lord was surprised before he could get out of Yorkshire; for His Horse having taken 700 of the Enemies Foot, were so wanton with their Success, that they were easily mastered by another Party, and he himself was compelled to fly into Ireland. These several overthrows brought another mischief along with it; for the King's Commanders and Officers broke their own Peace and Agreement, which is the only Comfort and Relief of the Oppressed, and which makes them considerable, though they are spoiled of Arms, by imputing (as it useth to be in unhappy Councils) the criminous part of their Misfortunes to one another. But many gallant Persons, whom Loyal∣ty and Religion had drawn to His Service, endured the utmost hazards before they delivered the Holds He had committed to their trust; and by that means employing the Enemies Arms, gave the King time, who was at last returned to Oxford, to provide for His Safety.

Hither every day sad Messages of Ruines from every part of the Nation came, which though they seemed like the falling pieces of the dissolved World, yet they found His Spirit erect and undaunted. For He was equal in all the Offices of His Life, tenacious of Truth and Equity, and not moveable from them by Fears, a Con∣temner of worldly Glory, and desirous of Empire for no other reason, but because He saw these Kingdoms must be ruined, when He relinquished the care of them. But that which most troubled Him were the Importunities of His own disconsolate Par∣ty to seek for Conditions of Peace, which He saw was in vain to expect would be such as were fit to accept; for His former experience assured Him, that these Men would follow the Counsels of their Fortune, and be more Insolent now than ever. And for Himself, He was resolved not to Sacrifice His Conscience to Safety, nor His Honour to Life. This He often told those that thus pressed Him, and did profess in His Letter to Prince Rupert, (who likewise moved Him to the same,) that He would yield to no more now than what He had offered at Uxbridge; though He confessed it were as great a Miracle His Enemies should hearken to so much Reason, as that He should be re∣stored within a Month to the same Condition He was in immediately before the Battle at Naseby.

But yet to satisfie every One how tender He was of the Common Safety, He sent several Messages to the Parliament for a Treaty, and offers to come Himself to Lon∣don, if He may have security for Himself and Attendants. All which were either not regarded, or answered with Reproaches. And because the people began to murmure at so great an earnestness of the Faction to continue the Wounds of the Nation open and bleeding, (since there were many Forts yet held out for the King by Gallant Persons, besides the Lord Hopton had an Army yet unbroken, and Ormond and Montross had considerable Interests in Ireland and Scotland, all which might be perswaded in a Treaty to part with those Arms which could not be taken from them without much blood;) and it was the common belief that these Men sought for Victory, not Peace and Liberty, which was now tendred: therefore to raise suspi∣cions in the Vulgar, it is suggested that the Cavaliers who came to Compound would take the advantage of the King's Presence, if he were permitted to be there, and kindle a new Flame and War in the City. And that it might be thought they had real grounds for these fears, the disarmed Compounders were commanded to depart above twenty Miles from London; and to injealous the People more, all the transacti∣ons of the King in the Irish Pacification were published, and amplified with the mali∣cious Page  38 Slanders and Comments of the implacable and conscious Demagogues, that so the terrours of the Vulgar being augmented, they might be frighted into a longer patience.

The King finding these men irreconcileable to Peace, and that they had declared against His Coming, though without a Caution, tries the Leaders of the English Ar∣my; but they proved no less pertinacious, and were now approaching to besiege Oxford. Providence not leaving any more Choice, but only shewing Him a way for a present Escape, He goes in a Disguise (which when Necessity cloaths Royal Persons with, seems like an Ominous Cloud before the Setting of the Sun,) to the Scottish Camp that was now before Newark, where the Ambassadour of the King of France, who was then in the Leaguer, had before covenanted for His Majestie's Safety and Protection; and the Scottish Officers had engaged to secure both Him and as many of His Party as should seek for Shelter with them, and to stand to Him with their Lives and Fortunes.

The King being come thither May 4. made a great alteration in Affairs; [An. 1646] Newark was surrendred by the King's Command, and StThomas Glemham having gallantly de∣fended Oxford till the Besiegers offered Honourable Conditions, delivered up that also. But the greatest Change of Counsels were at London, where when it was re∣lated, among whom the King had sought a Sanctuary, various and different Discour∣ses were raised. Some wondred that His Majesty had sought a refuge there where the Storm began, and how He could apprehend to find Relief from those that were not only the Authors of His Troubles, but now the great Advancers of His Over∣throw: And they conceived no Promises or Oaths can be a sufficient Caution from those People that have been often Persidious. Others judged that in those Necessities where∣in the King was concluded, it was as dangerous not to trust as to be deceived; no Counsel could be better, than to try whether a Confidence in them would make them faithful, and whether they would then be honest, when they had the Critical Op∣portunity to testifie to the World, that they intended not what they did, but what they said; That they fought not against Him, but for Him. But a last sort bewailed both the greatness of the King's Dangers, that should make Him seek for Safety in a tempestuous Sea and false bottom; as also the debaucheries of the English Ge∣nius, which was now so corrupted, that their Prince was driven to seek an Asylum from their injuries among a People that were infamous and polluted with the Blood of many Kings.

While others discoursed thus of the King's journey, the Parliament heated by the Independents fiercely declared against the Scots, who were removing the King to New∣castle, and used several methods to make them odious and drive them home. For they kept back their Pay, that they might exact free-Quarter from the Countrey; then they did extenuate their Services, derogate from their famed Valour, upbraid them as Mercenaries, threaten to force them out by the Sword. All which while the Eng∣lish Presbyterians, though they wish'd well to their Brethren, yet lest they should seem to indulge the Insolencies of a strange Nation, did not dare to plead in their de∣fence. But the Scots themselves for a time did justifie their Reception and Preservati∣on of His Majesty by the Laws of Nature, Nations, and Hospitality, which forbid the deli∣very and betraying of those that have fled to any for Succour. The Democratick Faction urged that it was not lawful for the Scots, their Hirelings, and in their Dominion, to re∣ceive the King into their Camp without the leave of their Masters, and keep Him without their Consent. These Debates were used to raise the King's price. Which when the Scots were almost assured of, to make their ware more valuable, they sollicit the King, in hopes of their Defence, to command Montross to depart-from his noble Underta∣kings in Scotland, where he had almost recovered the Overthrow Roxbrough and Tra∣quaire had betrayed him unto, and was become formidable again; as also the Loyal Marquess of Ormond to desist from his gallant Oppositions both of the Irish Rebels, and English Forces. Which when the King had done, being not willing those Gal∣lant Persons should longer hazard their brave Lives, and after both these Excellent Leaders had more in anger than fear parted with their unhappy Arms: that they might have a colour of betraying Him, whom the General Assembly of Scotland (which useth to hatch all the Seditions to the heat and strength of a seeming Authority) had forbid to be brought into His Native and Ancient Kingdom (as He affectionately call'd it) they tender Him the Covenant; pretending without that Chain upon Him they did not dare to lead Him into Scotland. This His Majesty refused not, if they would first loose those Scruples of Church-Government which lay upon His Conscience: Therefore to untie those Knots, Mr. Henderson, that was then the Oracle of the Kirk, Page  39 and the great Apostle of the Solemn Covenant, was employed to converse with Him. But the Greatness of the King's Parts and the Goodness of His Cause made all his at∣tempts void (for the Papers being published, every one yielded the Victory to His Majesty) and unfortunate; for he returned home, and not long after died, as some reported, of a Grief contracted from the sense of his Injuries to a Prince whom he had found so Excellent.

While these things were acting at Newcastle, the bargain was stroke at London, and for 200000 l. His Majesty, stripp'd of those Arms He had when He came among them, was deliver'd up, as it were, to be scourged and crucified, to some Commissio∣ners from the Parliament: But to honest their Perfidiousness, they add this Caution, That there should be no attempt made upon the King's Person, but being entertained at one of His own Palaces, He should there be treated with upon Propositions from both Nations, which should speedily be sent to Him. But the Parliament never though of sending any Propositions till He came under the Power of the Army, who had malicious Designs upon His Person. The Commissioners receiving Him, convey Him to His own House at Holmeby. This was a very curious and stately Building, yet was not therefore cho∣sen because it might be a Majestick Prison; but because it was within Ken of Naseby, which was infamous with His Overthrow, that so the Neighbourhood to it might more afflict His grieved Spirit. To this unpleasingness of the Place they added other discomforts, by making the restraint so strict that they suffered none to come near Him, that by owning His Cause were assured of their Welcome; yea even His Chap∣lains (which most troubled Him) were debarred from their Ministery. But God supplied this Want by more plentiful Assistances of His Holy Spirit, and made Him, like the Ancient Patriarchs, both a King and a Priest (at least for Himself:) and here He sacrificed Praises even to that God that hid himself, and composed those most Di∣vine Meditations and Soliloquies that are in His Book, spending that time in Converse with Heaven, which He was not suffered to employ with Men in whom He de∣lighted.

While the King's Soul was thus winged above the Walls of His Prison and the For∣tune of His Enemies, they that had put an end to the War, yet could not find the way to Peace; for their Souls were unequal to the Victory, and could not temper their Success, the two Sects falling to dissension, and turning all their arts and arms one against another. The Presbyterians had the richer and more splendid followers, but the Independents the most fierce, subtle, and most strongly principled to Confusion; the first was powerful in the Parliament, but the latter in the Army. After they had a long time practised on one another the very same Methods they had acted against the King, and such as favoured Him in the Parliament (of which there were always some Number among them) the Independents still gained upon their Opposites, ma∣king the Presbyterians odious, by Libels composed to render their Government ridicu∣lous and tyrannical, by putting them upon all the most envious Employments, as Re∣forming the Universities, and Sequestring Ministers that refused to take the Covenant. Not contented thus to deal with their elder Brethren, by spoiling them of their Ho∣nour, they proceeded to strip them of the relicks of their armed Power, surprising them in Parliament with a Vote to disband all the Souldiers that were not in Fairfax's Army: then the General turns out those Commanders of Garrisons that were any way inclined to them. Besides this, they either corrupted with Gifts or frighted some of the most busie, yet obnoxious, Presbyterians either wholly to come over to them, or be their Instruments in disturbing and revealing the Counsels of that Party; which was done under the Scheme of Moderation, and Reconciling the Godly one to ano∣ther.

The Presbyterians at last awakened with the daily wounds of their power, [An. 1647] and the dishonour of their party, began now to be more afraid of their Stipendiaries than they were of their Sovereign; for they found that they lost all that by the Victory which they sought by the War: therefore to break the confidence of the Independents, and make themselves free, they Vote in the Parliament, where they had most Voices, That to ease the Commonwealth of the Charges in maintaining the Army, 12000 of the Soul∣diers should be sent over to Ireland, and all the rest to be disbanded, except 6000 Horse, 2000 Dragoons, and 6000 Foot, who should be disposed in different and distant places in the Nati∣on, to prevent any Rising. The Commanders and Independents soon discovered the Arti∣fice, that it was not to ease the Nation, but weaken them; therefore they employ the Inferiour Officers (being persons that by dissimulation and impudence having ac∣customed themselves to much speaking, did at last imagine their Vices were Gifts of Page  40 the Holy Ghost, and so were fit to disquiet the minds of men,) to possess the com∣mon Souldiers with a fear of Disbanding without their Arrears, or else to be sent into that unquiet Island to perish with hunger and cold, and the surprises of a treacherous Enemy. This presently set the Army to Mutiny, which while it was in the Beginnings, the Com∣manders make semblance of Indignation at it, seem very busie to compose it; and Cromwell, to make the Parliament secure, calls God to witness, that he was assured the Army would at their first Command cast their Arms at their Feet; and again solemnly swears, that he had rather himself with his whole Family should be consumed than that the Army should break out into Sedition. Yet in the mean time he and his Creatures in the Army administer new fuel to the flames of it; and when they had raised their Fury to such heat that it was at last concocted to a perfect defection from all obedience to the Parliament, they lay aside their disguises, and post from London to the Head Quarters, where the Synagogue of Agitators was seated, and to whom was committed the ma∣nagement of this Conspiracy. This Conventicle was made up of two of the most unquiet and factious in every Regiment of Foot, and each Troop of Horse: their business was to consult the Interests of the whole Army, and when they had moulded their Pretences and Arts to their grand Design, to instruct the ruder part of it in their Clamours and Injuries, and to corrupt all the Garrisons by Emissaries to the same enterprises. At last they extended their Cares to the whole British Empire, and dictate what their pleasures are concerning England and Ireland. Which was in both Kingdoms to establish the Power and Liberty of the People; for they openly professed an intent for Democracy. And because about an hundred Officers in the Army would not be forward in the Sedition, they were by this Committee of Adjutators, and the secret intimations of the Commanders, cashiered.

Thus the Counsels of both Parties being directed to overthrow their contrary, each thought the Person and Presence of the King would be no vain advantage to their De∣signs, for they would Honest their actions with a care of Him: therefore the Presby∣terians had it in Consultation to Order Col. Greves, who had the Command of the Guard about the King at Holmeby, to remove His Majesty to London; the Intelligence of which coming to the Army by the treachery of a certain Lord, they immediately send a body of Horse to prevent them, and to force Him into their own Quarters. Thus was that Religious Prince made once more the mock of Fortune, and the sport of the Factions, and was drawn from His peaceful Contemplations, and Prospect of Heaven, to behold and converse with men set on Fire of Hell. These, to tempt Him to a Confidence in their integrity, (that they might the more easily to His disgrace ruine Him, and murder Him by His own Concessions, if He would be deluded by them) highly pretend to a Compassionate Sense of His Sufferings, and complain of the Par∣liaments Barbarous Imprisoning Him in His own Palaces, wondering they had no more Reve∣rence for Majesty; and to beget a belief of this, they profess (which they would have to be conceived with them was more sacred than any Oaths) that they will never part with their Arms till they have made His way to His Throne, and rendred the Condition of His Party more tolerable. Besides these Promises and Compassions, they permit Him the Ministery of His Chaplains in the Worship of God, (which, it is said, He took with so great a Joy, that He almost believed Himself free and safe, it being His most heavy burden while He was the Parliaments Captive) the Commerce of Letters with the Queen, the Visits of His own Party, and the Service of His Courtiers; some of whom they also admitted to their Council of War, mould Propositions which they will urge in His behalf, and alter them to the King's Gust and at His Advice. In their publick Remonstrances against the Covetousness, Ambition, Injustice, Cruelty and Self-mindedness of the Parliament, they do sometimes obliquely, sometimes plain∣ly, profess, that the King, Queen, and the Royal Family must be restored to all their Rights, or else no hope of a solid Peace; but then they would intermix such Conditions as argu∣ed they sought Reserves for a perfidious escape. For Cromwell did among his Confi∣dents boast of his fine arts, and that by these Indulgences was intended nothing but His Destruction.

By all these Impostures they prevailed nothing upon the Hopes or Fears of the King; nor did He commit any thing unworthy His former Fortune, and the Great∣ness of His Integrity and Wisdom, or which any of the Disagreeing Factions could use to His reproach. But they found another kind of Success upon the Parliament, for they sacrificed to the commands of their Stipendiaries eleven Members of the House of Commons, and seven of the Peers, causing them to forbear sitting among them, because they had been accused by the Army in a very frivolous Charge. All men Page  41 wondering at the inequality of those mens Spirits, who had so furiously rejected the Articles of their lawful Sovereign against five or six of their Body, and yet did now so tamely yield to the slight Cavils and dislike of their Mercenaries above thrice that Number. They therefore concluded that neither Religion, Justice, or the Love of Liberty, which are always uniform, but unworthy Interests and corrupt Souls, which va∣ry with fears and hopes, had been the Principles and first Movers of their attempts. Besides this, they were so prone to Slavery, that they had gone on to Vote all the lusts of the Army, had not a Tumult (their arts being now turned upon their own heads,) from London stopp'd them in their violent speed, and kept the Speaker in his Chair till they had voted more generously, that it was neither for their Honour nor Interest to satisfie the demands of the Souldiers; and that the King should come to London to treat.

These contrary desires of the divided Faction, which had joyntly oppressed their Sovereign, shewed that Ill men will more easily conspire together in War, than consent in Peace: and that Combinations in Crimes will conclude in Jealousies, each Party thinking the advantages of the other too great; and that Power is never thought faithful which is accounted excessive. Therefore both prepare for War. With the 140 Members that sate in Parliament were joyned the City, and the cashiered Souldiers and Officers that had served in their pay. With the Army were the Speakers of both Houses; who had fled to them with about 50 of their Members that projected the Change of Go∣vernment, being either for an Oligarchy or Democracie, yet left some of the same judgment behind, to betray and disturb the Councils at London. To these did ad∣here the Neighbouring Counties, who were cajoled by the splendid Promises of the Army, of Restoring the King, (which they much boasted) Dissolving the Parliament, and Establishing Peace and Government: and they more willingly credited these, be∣cause they had conceived an hatred of the Parliament and City, both for beginning the War, and now obstructing Peace. The Army intitle their attempts for King and People: Their Adversaries for bringing the King to His Parliament. The Comman∣ders were greedy of that War which promised an easie Victory, and made the poor Souldiers hope for the Plunder of the City.

For the advantage was clear on the Army's side, which consisted of veterane Soul∣diers, united among themselves by a long Converse, and known Commanders: but the force of the other was made up of a tumultuary Multitude, gathered under new Leaders, and so had no mutual confidence: their meetings were full of doubts and fears, none could determine in private, nor in publick consult, because they dared not trust one another; and it was observed that those who were most treacherous talk'd most boldly against the Enemy. Therefore in the very beginnings the Parlia∣ment and City desert their Enterprise, treat with, and open their Gates to the Army, who march in Triumph through London, bringing the Speakers and their Fellow-Tra∣vellers to their Chairs, seize upon the Tower, dismantle the Fortifications, pull down all the Chains and Posts of the City, send the Lord Mayor and the chief Citizens to the Tower, and reduce all the power of the Nation in Obedience to the Commanders. For Fairfax is made General of all the Forces both in England and Ireland, and Rains∣brough, a Leveller, and a violent Head of the Democraticks, High Admiral. The im∣peached Presbyterians fled beyond Sea, others of that Sect drooping complyed with the Fortune of the Conquerours; and that which grieved good Men most, was, a Publick Thanksgiving (which is not to be observed but for the happy endeavours of a Nation in their vertuous and glorious undertakings for Liberty and Safety, but now was prophaned for our Slavery and Misery) to God was appointed for the Army, and they were entertained now at a Feast, whom before the City would have forced from their Walls.

While these things were in Motion, the King consults Heaven for Direction, and His Party modestly abstain from either side, thought both to be abhorred, and knew that Party would be the worst which should overcome. The Army having now the greatest strengths of the Nation, the Parliament and City at their Obedience, make no mention of their former promises to the King; only the Adjutators were fierce for breaking that Parliament, and calling another, as they call'd it, more equal Repre∣sentative. But both their Synagogue and the Council of War being now delivered from fear of the Presbyterians, began to contrive the destruction both of the King and Monarchy. As for the King, whom they had now brought to Hampton-Court, some that had before contrived His Death, and to murder Him while he was in the Scotch Camp, (so at once to satisfie their own Revenge, and load their Enemies with the Infamy of the Murder,) yet could not then perform it, were now fierce for a speedy and secret Assassination by Pistol or Poison. Others would have Him tryed and Page  42 condemned by their Council of War. But the Chiefs thought fit to proceed more artificially in their Crime, and when they should get more Authority, destroy Him by a Parliamentary way of Justice. To bring this about, they must proceed to make Him more odious, that the People might be patient while they kill Him, and undoe them. To proceed therefore to their Impiety, Cromwell and his Creatures stickle fiercely in the House of Commons, and cause the Parliament to send, not Conditions of Peace to be treated on, but Propositions like Commands that admitted no Dispute: which if the King had yielded unto, He had despoiled Himself of Majesty, and been thought guilty of so much want of Spirit as would conclude an unfitness for Empire; besides such a voluntary Diminution would have been equally unsafe, as un∣glorious: And if he did not, then He was to be esteemed the only Obstacle of the Uni∣versal Peace. And lest the King should put them to more tedious arts by signing them, they themselves to divert Him privately promised to procure more soft Articles, and professed to be sorry the Presbyterian Sowreness and Rigour did yet leaven the House, which made these Propositions so unpleasant.

The King could not but perceive the practices of the Army, yet being resolved that no Dangers whatsoever should make Him satisfie those unreasonable Demands of the Parliament, which granted would have been the heaviest oppression on His Subjects, and the greatest injury to His Posterity He could possibly be guilty of; For to good Princes the Safety of their People, and their own Memory, which is built upon the Happiness of Posterity through their Counsels, are more pretions than Life and Power; and although Providence and the Malice of His Enemies had obstructed His way to Glory by Victories and Success, yet He would trace it in the unenvied and unquestionable paths of Constancy and Justice: Therefore to make His denial of them advantageous to Himself, by a seeming confidence in the Army's proffers, thereby to oblige, if it were possible, those that had no sense either of Faith or Honour, or at least to injea∣lous those two Rivals for His Power, and commit them, the King absolutely rejects the Parliaments Propositions, and requires the Demands of the Army as more equal, and fit for a Personal Treaty, and that the Army also should nominate Commissioners. Cromwell and his Complices seemed to be joyful for this Answer of His Majesty, which had preferred them before their Competitiors to the Honour of Justice and Moderation in the Eyes of the People; but yet secretly did they exasperate the minds of the more short-sighted Commons against the King for this Affront. And to the King they pro∣fess a shame and trouble upon their Spirits (for so they loved to speak) that they could not now perform their Promises: sometimes they excused themselves by a Reverence to the Parliament, at other times by the fierceness of the Adjutators; and when by these excuses they had coloured their delayes to some length, they began to interpret their sayings otherwise than the King apprehended them, to forget what they had assured Him of, and at last openly to refuse any performance. To all these Perfidies they add other Frauds to beget a fear in Him of the Adjutators and the Levellers, who they informed Him meditated His Murder, professed they could not for the pre∣sent moderate their bloody and impetuous Consultations, but when they should reco∣ver the lost Discipline of their Army, then they might easily and speedily satisfie their engagements to Him. To give credit to their words, the Fury of the Adjutators was blown to a more conspicuous Flame, their Papers were published for a change of Go∣vernment call'd The Case of the Army, and, The Agreement of the People; the animations of Peter's, and another of the same Diabolical Spirit, saying, His Majesty was but a dead Dog, were divulged, and all were communicated to some Attendants about the King, with an Advice from the Chiefs of the Army to escape for His Life, for they were un∣willing He should be killed while they helplessly look'd on.

The Fury and Threatnings of Men of such destructive and bloudy Principles, who accounted all things lawful that they could do, that Providence administring Opportunity did in∣vite and license their Impieties, and who imputed all their lusts, that had no colour from Justice, to the Perswasions of the Holy Spirit, were not to be despised; nor was the King to abandon His Life, if He could without sin preserve it to a longer waiting upon God. Therefore with three of His most trusty Attendants, in the dark, tempestuous and ominous night of Nov. 11. He leaves Hampton-Court, some say, uncertain where to seek safety; others, that he intended to take Ship, but being disappointed in his Expectation, He was at last fatally led into the Power, and, when He could not escape, committed Himself to the Loyalty and Honour of Col. Hammond, (a Confident of Cromwell's, who had been but a little before made Governour of the Isle of Wight for this very purpose,) and was by him conveyed to Carisbrook Castle, the very Pit his Enemies had designed for Him. For it Page  43 was discoursed in the Army above a fortnight before, that the King e're long would be in the Isle of Wight: and the very night He departed from Hampton-Court, the Cen∣tinels were withdrawn from their usual Posts, on purpose to facilitate His Flight. The all-wise God not permitting Him to fly from those greater Trials, and more Glorious Acts of Patience He had designed for Him. Being here in this false Harbour, He minds that business which lay most upon His Heart, the Settlement of the Nation; He sends Concessions to the Parliament more benign and easie than they could desire or hope, together with His Reasons why He could not assent to their Demands; and earnestly sollicites them to pity the Languishing Kingdom, and come to a Personal Treaty with Him, on His Concessions and the Army's Demands.

But the Conspirators, to cut off all hopes of a Treaty, take this Occasion to send Four Preliminary Articles, which if He would pass as Acts, they would treat of the rest. These were so unjust, that the Scotch Commissioners in the Name of their King∣dom declare against them in publick Writings, and following the Messengers of Par∣liament to the Isle of Wight, do in the presence of His Majesty protest against them as contrary to the Religion, the Crown, and Accords of both Kingdoms. The King, according to His wonted Wisdom and Greatness of Mind, presently returns them an Answer, to shew the Injustice of having Him grant the chief things before the Treaty, which should be the Subject of it, and to give them such an Arbitrary Power, to the ruine of all the People. This Answer He delivered sealed to their Messengers, who desired that they might hear it read, and that they might be dealt with as Commis∣sioners, not as bare Carriers, (a greater trust than which their Masters had not com∣mitted unto them) and promise upon their Honour that it should not be any preju∣dice to Him. But His Majesty had no sooner read it, than they finding it not to the Gust of those that sent them, notwithstanding the Faith they had given, cause their Just Soveraign to be kept close Prisoner, force away His Chaplains, Dr. Sheldon, now Lord Bishop of London, and Dr. Hammond, both which He highly valued for their Integrity, Wisdom, Piety and Learning, and His other Servants, even those whom the Parliament had placed formerly about Him, and in whom His Goodness had wrought both an Affection and Admiration of Him, and permit none about him but such as they hoped would be a Watch upon Him, and whose barbarous Souls might trample on His Fortune. Besides they set strict Guards at His Doors and Windows, lest any Letters might come to Him, or be sent from Him.

The like reception His Letter found with the Parliament. For Cromwell and his Officers were resolved to go on with their Design, and having so long used the Adjuta∣tors, as served to frighten the King into the Toils they had set, they soon quiet them, (which was not difficult, being a Company of hot-headed Fellows, that could only talk, not form a Counsel or a Party, to endure a Storm,) by executing some of their most pertinacious Leaders; and being free of that Care, applied their Practices whol∣ly to the Destruction of His Majesty. To this purpose they mould the Four Votes for No Addresses to the King; but before they bring them into Publick, they send into their several Counties about Forty or Fifty of the Principal Members, who they thought would oppose them, to raise Money for the Souldiers. Nevertheless the first of those Votes was contested against so strongly, that the Debates lasted from Ten of the Clock in the Morning till Seven in the Evening; and though they thus wearied the more Ho∣nest Party, yet could it not pass till the Conspirators had engaged that no worse thing should be done to the King. The remaining Votes were dispatched in half an Hours time, when those of the most sober Principles were gone forth to refresh themselves, and the Conspirators still kept their Seats. The House of Peers were not so hasty in them as the Commons had been, and their Debates vexed the Conspirators with Delays, till those who were sent by the Army to thank the Lower House for their Consent to these Desires of the Souldiers, did also threaten the Upper for their long Deliberations: some new Terrors were also added, for they quartered two of their Regiments at White-Hall, under colour of guarding the Parliament, but in truth to work upon the Lords; which had its effect, for many that had the most Honourable thoughts in this Business, forsook the Parliament, and then three or four (which often was the fullest Number about those times in that House,) joyn with the Commons in their Votes for no Addresses.

This prodigious Perfidiousness in Parliament and Army, both which had so fre∣quently declared and engaged themselves by Oaths and Promises to preserve the King in his Just Rights, fill'd all men with amazement and indignation, to see how little they valued their Faith, who pretended so high to Religion; therefore each of them Page  44 were put to satisfie the Common Fame. Cromwell to some would have cover'd this Im∣piety with another, that as He was praying for a Blessing from God on his Vndertakings, to restore the King to His Pristine Majesty, his Tongue cleaved to the roof of his mouth, that he could not speak one word more; which he took as a return of Prayer, and that God had re∣jected Him from being King. To others he did impudently assert, That it was lawful to circumvent a wicked man with deceit and frauds. The Conspirators in the Parliament strove to honest their Proceedings by a Declaration, and assign in it for Causes of their Per∣juries, all the Calumnies that had been raised against the King by His most professed Enemies, or from those uncertain Rumours which themselves had invented, adding and repeating others which had even in the Parliament House been condemned as Forgeries, (yet now were used as necessary Veils for a more execrable Falshood.) Which infamous Libel they caused to be sent to all the Parishes of the Kingdom, to be divul∣ged, supposing that none did dare to refute their black and most malicious Slanders, or that none could publickly do it, because they set strict Watches upon all the Print∣ing-Presses. They likewise commanded the Curates to read it in their several Churches, and commend it to the People. And that these might the more readily observe their Orders, they at the same time strictly enjoyn the payment of Tithes, and Vote that the Dean and Chapiter's Lands (which they had designed for profane Uses, and never intended they should be for the Emolument of Church-men) should be set apart for Augmentations for their Preachers, pretending a servent zeal for the propagation of the Gospel, when they did most dishonour it. By their Agents and the Anabaptists, with other Hereticks and Schismaticks, they sollicite the unacquainted Rabble to sign to Gratulatory Addresses to approve what they had already done, and petition for a speedy progress in the Ruine of His Majesty.

But all these their cursed Projects failed, for several Answers to their Defamations were published, One writ by the King Himself, another by* Sir Edward Hyde, and a third by Dr. Bates: all which proved the Monstrous Falshoods of their Paper, and that the Faction were guilty of what they imputed to the King; and this with such Evidence, that none of their most mercenary Writers, or the most foul-mouthed Con∣spirators, did dare or hope with Success to reply unto. The Curates coldly, if at all, observed their Orders, and there came so few Petitions, and those signed by such con∣temptible and lewd persons, as they rather loaded the Faction with more hatred, than gave them any credit. While generally in every place none of the People could con∣tain their Fury against these Impostors, but publickly cursed them and their Infamous Adherents.

For their Miseries made them sensible of the want of that Prince, whose gentle and just Rule had brought them to such an inebriating Prosperity, that they had forgot the Minister of their Happiness. But now they found Government when it was out of His hand, like Moses's Rod cast on the ground, transformed to a Serpent; and that those who pretended to free them from Tyranny had deluded them into the most in∣sufferable Slavery: wherein they were either totally despoiled of all things that render our Being comfortable, or they were not secure in the use of them. Religion, the Or∣nament of the present, and the Pledge of a future Life, was so dishonoured by Schisms and Heresies (somented to weaken the People by Divisions, to a tameness under their Oppressors) by Fasts for the most impious Designs, and Thanksgivings for prosperous Crimes; that some men concluded it to be nothing else but the Invention of Tyrants, and the Disguise of Villains, and therefore did forsake it, and turn Atheists. Others that did still find the Inward Consolations of it, yet feared openly to profess it, lest they should be taken for those that pretended a Love to God, that they might more securely destroy men. Liberty also was now but an empty name: for all the Common Prisons were too narrow to receive even those that did not dare to break the Laws; so that the Houses of Noble men were converted to Gaols, for those that were unfortunate in ho∣nest Enterprises; where they were to languish with want and sickness, and not be called to know their Offence or their Accusers, because they had not guilt enough for a publick Condemnation. Some were put a Ship-board in the midst of Summer, there to contract Diseases: Others were sold Slaves to forein Plantations. Many to escape such nasty Confinements, or an ignominious Torture, fled from their Native Soil ei∣ther to the Neighbouring Countries, where they were the Evidences of the Infamy and Barbarousness of our Nation; or seeking for Shelter in the Isles and Deserts of America, polluted those Rocks and Seas with English Blood.

Propriety was no longer hedged up by Law; but whom the Violence of the Soul∣dier did not impoverish, the Frauds of Committee-men would, from whose Rapines Page  45 none were secure that had not been as criminal as themselves, and few safe that did not seek their favour, and bow down to their Greatness: These men taking advan∣tage of the common evils, to satisfie either their private revenge, or lusts: for their Proceedings were not regulated by the known Laws; but the secret Instructions of their Masters in Parliament and Army, or their own Pleasures, were the Rules of ad∣ministring Justice. An honest Fame likewise was a Mark for Ruine: for if any by just Arts had got the Esteem of the People and the Affections of His Neighbourhood, and did not comply with their Interest, first he was vexed with Slanders and Reproa∣ches, and afterwards with Sequestration; especially if he were a Minister: and it was their common Principle, that an Honest Cavalier was the worst Enemy, and a Cava∣lier Saint did the most hurt; so that both their Vices and Vertues were equally hated. Common Converse was dangerous; for they had Informers in every place, and Spies almost in every Family of Note: Servants were corrupted to accuse their Masters, and the Differences in Religion did injealous and arm the nearest Relations one against a∣nother: Men out of a mutual distrust would hasten from Company, to consult in private their peculiar Safety, for they knew their Words were observed, and their Secrets sought after. Few Families but had by the Civil War some Loss to bewail; some mourned over their disagreeing Members in different Camps, and had cause to fear which side soever prospered they must be miserable in some part.

These and many more Miseries were more highly embittered by the uncertainty of a Remedy: For the Parliament, that had the name of Government, were guilty of all these Reproaches of a Community, being Slaves to those whose interest it was to keep us thus miserable; and if at any time they were free from the yoke of the Army, the two Sects kept them so divided, each Party labouring by Votes and Counsels to cir∣cumvent the other, that they could not mind the Universal Benefit. Besides the pow∣er they exercised was too much to be well used, for they engrossed the Legislative Au∣thority and the Exercise of Jurisdiction. So that they would make Laws according to their Interest, and execute them according to their Lust; this day's Vote should contradict the former day's Order, and to morrow we must violate what to day we solemnly swore to observe: so that men knew not what to obey, nor where to rest: Thus all hopes of Liberty and Peace were lost in the Confinement of the King, who only was found able and willing to determine our Miseries. For His Principles were Uniform, and His Endeavours for a Settlement constant; besides His Adversities had illustrated, if not calcined, His Endowments. For now when He had no Friends, Counsellors, or Secretaries, His Discourses with Commissioners upon their several Ad∣dresses, and His Declarations of His own Injuries, the Nations Slavery, the Injustice of His and their Adversaries, were so excellently and prudently managed, that they undeceived the greatest part, and reconciled many of His bitter Enemies: therefore the whole Nation now panted for a Return to the Obedience of such an inestimable Prince.

These Considerations caused several attempts for His Deliverance, some Private, and others more Publick. The first was managed by those Servants whom the Parlia∣ment had placed about Him; for these won by His Goodness, of which they were daily witnesses, twice plotted His Escape, and ventured their Lives for His Liberty, but failed in both designs: and the last being discovered before it could be put into action, One Rolfe, a bloody Villain, (that had also endeavoured to poison Him, for which though he was publickly accused, yet was acquitted by that Judge whom the Conspirators had employed to hear that Cause) waited to kill Him as He should de∣scend from His Chamber.

The more publick was that of the whole Nation; [An. 1648] for inraged with their own Op∣pressions and the Miseries of their Prince, men in most Counties, even of those that had adhered to the Parliament, but now vexed that they had been so basely deluded, draw up Petitions for a Personal Treaty with the King; that the Armies Arrears being paid, they should immediately be disbanded; that Relief should be sent into Ireland, and England quite eased of the Contribution, which they could no longer bear. To these Petitions there were such innumerable Subscriptions, that the Officers of the Army, and Parliament were mad to see their Threats of Sequestration, Imprisonment and Death, to make no Impression; and the Promises they likewise made were slighted, because discredited by their former Perjuries. The first Petitioners were the Essex men, who came in such Numbers as had not been seen before, as if they would force, not intreat for, what was necessary. After them those of Surrey, whom, by the command of the Officers and Parliament-men, the Souldiers assault at the Parliament-Doors, kill some, wound Page  46 more, and plunder all: and for this brave Exploit upon unarmed Petitioners, they have the Thanks of the Commons, and a Largess for their Valour; that so the People might be affrighted from offering Petitions, which before the very same men had de∣clared to be the Birth-right of every English-man.While men see and admire the Re∣turns of the Divine Justice, and the reciprocal motions of the Popular heat, that the very same Parliament that first stirr'd up this way of tumultuary Petitions against the King, now complained that the Honour and Safety of Parliaments was indan∣gered by Petitions.

But all their Tyranny upon the complaining Nation prevailed nothing but to pro∣voke them to a higher Indignation and more frequent Petitions. And when they per∣ceived they dealt with men obstinate to their own Interests, which were not to be gained but by the Publick Ruine, they fly from Prayers to Arms, and intitle their just War, For the Liberty of King and People. And in several places, as in Kent, Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, Cornwall, Yorkshire, Wales, and at last in Surrey, multitudes take Arms for this Righteous Cause. The Navy also fall off, and setting Rainsbrough their le∣velling Admiral on Shore, seventeen Ships deliver themselves up to the Prince of Wales. The Scots likewise by an Order of their own Parliament send into England (to recover the Liberty and Majesty of the King) an Army under Hamilton. But all was in vain, God had decreed other Triumphs for His Majesty, and to translate Him to another Kingdom. For the English being but tumultuarily raised, having no train of Artillery nor Ammunition considerable, were soon supprest by a veterane Army provided with all necessaries. The Scots, either through weakness or wickedness of their Comman∣ders, who made so disorderly a March, that their Van and Reer were forty miles a∣sunder, were easily worsted by Cromwell, who surprised their main Body, and Hamil∣ton was taken Prisoner. Cromwell follows the scattered Parties into Scotland, where they were likewise assaulted by Argyle, a domestick Enemy, and forced to submit those Arms the Parliament had put into their hands to the Faction of that false Earl; who calls another Parliament, from which all were excluded that in the former Voted for the King's Delivery, and all the Orders of that Convention made void. Cromwell had the Publick Thanks, and the private Faith of Argyle to endeavour, as opportuni∣ty permitted, the extirpation of Monarchy out of Scotland.

The Navy also deserts the Prince, being corrupted by the Earl of Warwick, who was appointed for this Service; and when he had ingloriously bought off their Faith to their lawful Prince, himself was ignominiously cashiered by the Conspirators. These great disappointments and overthrows of just Enterprises men variously attributed to different Causes. Some to the Perfidiousness, others to the Weakness of those that managed them; as also to the Treachery of some Presbyterians, who in hatred to the Army first incouraged, and then in Jealousie of the Royalists basely deserted them. For the Rabbies of the Kirk cursed Hamilton in the beginning of his Enter∣prise. Another sort thought them unhappy, because the greatest part of the Un∣dertakers were such that formerly had either fought against the King, or else had betrayed Him, and God would not now bless their unexpiated Arms. And some to the Fate of the Kingdom, which God had decreed to give over to numerous and impious Tyrants, because of their unthankfulness and impatience under so Incom∣parable a Prince.

But while these things were managed by the Army that were now at a distance, and Cromwell's Terrors were greater in Scotland than here, the less guilty Parliament-men seriously considering how impatient the People (who in London and other places had gotten innumerable Subscriptions to a Petition for a Personal Treaty) now were of those Injuries that were done to their Sovereign, how hateful themselves grew, be∣cause they had betrayed and inslaved their own Privileges together with the Liberties of the Subject to an insatiable and Phanatick Army, and how an evident Ruine attend∣ed even their Conquests of Him whom it was unlawful to assault, did at last (though too late) contrary to the clamours of their factious and Democratick Members, Re∣peal those Votes which they had formerly made, of No more Addresses to the King. This being passed in both Houses, they afterwards with a strong Consent vote a Treaty with the King, in Honour, Freedom, and Safety. The factious Party in the Parliament found themselves too few and weak to oppose this impetuous tendency of the Two Houses and the whole Kingdom to Peace. But yet they endeavoured to frustrate the labours of their more sincere Members, and to baffle the People's just desires of it, by imposing many unequal Conditions and obstructive restrictions.

For they procured that the Treaty should be in the Isle of Wight, and not at London;Page  47 that it should be by Commissioners, and not immediately with the two Houses, as was petitioned. The Propositions that were sent to be treated were the same which had before been offered to the King at Hampton-Court, and were then rejected by Him, and also condemned by the Army it self as too unjust. The Commissioners were so streight∣ned in Power, that it was not lawful for them to soften any one of the Conditions of Peace, not to alter the Preface, or change the Order of the Propositions, nor to debate a Subsequent till the Precedent were agreed on. They could conclude nothing; they were only to propose the Demands, urge Reasons for the Royal Assent, receive the King's Answer, and refer all in writing to the Parliament, whose slow Resolves and the delays of sending were supposed would consume that narrow measure of time which was appointed to debate so many and so different things, for they were limited to forty days. The Commissioners they sent were five of the Lord's House and twelve of the Commoners, and with them some of their Presbyterian Ministers, who were to press importunately for their Church-government, to elude the King's Arguments for Epi∣scopacy, and only to impose, not to dispute, their own.

With all these, upon so many several and different Propositions, some relating to the Law of the Land, others to Reason of State, and some to the practice of the Apo∣stolical Primitive Churches, the King was to deal without publick assistance. For though He was permitted the ministry of some Officers of State, Counsellours and Divines, yet were they but of private advice, and to stand behind the Curtain; He only Him∣self was to speak in the debate, and singly to manage matters of Policy with their most exercised Statists, and the points of Divinity with their best-studied Divines. The Vulgar, to whom the arts of these men were not so obvious, were much pleased with the Name of a Treaty, and now hoped to exchange their Servitude under so many importunate Tyrants, for the moderate and easie Government of one Lawful King. Others that had a clearer insight, and observed with what difficulties it was burthened, hoped for no benefit from it. Because that if His Majesty should not consent, as they believed he would not, then He would be the object of the popular impatience: And if He should consent, He that now was thought to be most inju∣riously dealt with, would then be conceived not to deserve the Pity even of his Friends; nor could He gain any other thing by His Concessions, than to be ruined with more Dishonour. So that considering both the inviolable Integrity of His Ma∣jesty, and the implacable Malice of His Enemies, they despaired of any happy Issue.

But beyond the Faith of these men, and the Hopes of the other, the King's incredi∣ble Prudence had found Temperaments for their most harsh Propositions. And by a present Judgment and commanding Eloquence did so urge His own, and refel their Arguments, that He forced an Admiration of Himself, and, which was a Testimony of the Divine Assistance, drew many of the unwilling Commissioners to His own O∣pinion (though their Commission, and the danger of their Lives, necessitated them, contrary to the dictates of their own Consciences, to prolong the Debates;) with a wonderful Lenity proved their Demands unjust, yet granted what was not directly against his Honour and Conscience: thus devesting Himself of His own Rights, He demonstrated that He had those Affections which might justly style Him the Father of His Country. For He endeavoured by His own Losses to repair the damages of His People. Yet the King saw by the Obstinacy of the most powerful of those He treated with, that they intended nothing less than Peace, nor any thing more than His De∣struction; which that it might be adequate to their Malice, they would have it ac∣companied with the damnation of His Soul (as He Himself in bitterness complained to One of His Servants) pressing Him to do those things which they themselves ac∣knowledged sinful, as the Alienation of Church-Lands. Although His Majesty was thus sensible of their insatiable thirst for His blood, yet because He had passed His Royal Word not to stir out of that Island, He did not hearken to the same Servant, who perswaded Him to provide for His Safety by flight, which He assured Him was not difficult, and in administring to which He offered to hazard his own blood. But the King always thought His Life beneath the Honour of Faithfulness, and would not give His Enemies that advantage over His Fame, which their unjust Arms and Frauds had gotten upon His Person, chusing rather to endure whatsoever Providence had al∣lotted for Him, than by any approach to Infamy seek to protract those days which He now began to be weary of: For that life is no longer desirable to Just Princes, which their People either cannot or will not preserve. And He thought it more Eligible to die by the Wickedness of Others, than to live by His own.

While the Treaty thus preceeded, the Army under the Command of the Lord Fair∣faxPage  48 and Ireton, (this last was bold, subtle, perfidious and active in all designs; so that his Soul being congenial with that of Cromwell, had been the cause of an Alliance be∣twixt them, for he had married one of Cromwell's Daughters, and therefore was left to hover about the General as an evil Genius, that he might do nothing contrary to their Impious Design,) drew towards London, and quartered within half a days march from the City; that, if their Interest did require, they might the more suddenly op∣press those who were less favourable to their Enterprises. The Officers did at first publickly profess a great Modesty, as that they would quietly submit to the Orders of the Parliament; that they did prefer the Common Peace to their own private Advantages, and should be glad to be dismissed from the toyls of War: yet in private practised an universal Confusion, for mingling counsels with their Factious party in the two Houses, they set up again the meetings of their Adjutators, framed among themselves Petitions against the Treaty, and to require that all Delinquents without difference (wherein they in∣cluded the Person of the King) might be brought to Tryal; and by their Emissaries abroad drew some inconsiderable and ignominious persons, (by representing large spoils in the subversion of Monarchy, and imaginary advantages by the change of Government,) to subscribe to them.

When they thought these practices had produced their desired effect, and they had infected most of the Souldiers in the several Garrisons, and that more parties of their Army were gathered to their Quarters about London; Ireton, under pretext of a Con∣trast betwixt him and Fairfax, withdraws himself privately to Windsor-Castle, where being met by some of his Complices in the Parliament, they joyntly frame a Declaration in an imperious and affected Style. Wherein in the name of the Army he maliciously declaims against all Peace with the King, and His Restitution to the Government: af∣terwards he impiously demands that he may be dealt with as the Grand and Capital Delinquent: with these he mingles some things to terrifie the Parliament, some to please the Souldiers, and others to raise hopes of Novelty in the Rabble.

This being prepared, and the Treaty now drawing towards an End (which those of the Faction had prolonged and disturbed, that the Army might have more time to gather together) and the Commanders having a perfect Intelligence how all things in the Isle of Wight and in the Parliament did strongly tend to an Accommodation, they thought it now seasonable to begin their intended Crime. Therefore they spee∣dily call a Council of War, at which met the Colonels, and other inferiour Officers, all men of Mercenary souls, seditious, covetous, and so accustomed to Dissimulation, that they seemed to be composed by nature to frame and colour impostures. They began their Meeting with Prayers and Fasting, pretending to inquire and seek the Will of God concerning the Wickedness they had predetermined to act. This is the constant practice of such who would most securely abuse the Patience of the People, while they commit the most horrid Crimes. For not being able to honest their Iniquities by any colour of Reason, or any Command of the known Will of God, they pretend to a guidance by Revelation and Returns of Prayer. This Imposture they had hitherto successfully used; and the credulous Rabble of the common Souldiers were drawn to a perswasion, that God did counsel all the Designs of these armed Saints. Thus having prefaced their Villany, Ireton produces his Remonstrance, which being read among them, was received by the Souldiers (who, through a pleasure in blood, and hopes of Spoil, are used to praise every thing of their Chiefs, whether good or bad, that tends to disturbance, and continuance of War,) with as great an Applause as if it had been an Oracle from Heaven; and to make it the more terrible, they styled it the Remonstrance of the Army, and order it to be pre∣sented to the Parliament in the name of the Army and People of England.

When this Remonstrance was published, the minds of men were variously affected. Some wondred that persons of so abject a Condition should dare to endeavour the al∣teration of an ancient Government, an attempt so far above their fortune; and to design against the Person of their Sovereign, who by the Splendour of His former Majesty, and by a continued Descent from so many Royal Progenitors, had deri∣ved all that challenges the Reverence of the People. And they thought the act so full of a manifest Wickedness, that the Contrivers could not really intend the Exe∣cution, but only used it as a Mormo to frighten the King and Parliament to hearken to their Pretensions of a lesser guilt. Others considering their former Crimes and Injuries both to King and People, and their damnable blasphemies of the Almighty God, did truly judge that their preceding Iniquities had now habituated and temper'd them for the extremest mischiefs; and that having proceeded thus far, they would think their Safety consisted in an accumulation of their Sins. Only they admired that Page  49 these men would discredit their ancient Arts of pretending to God's Direction, (in which they could not so easily by every Vulgar judgment be deprehended,) by boast∣ing of the Concurrence of the People, which was too evident a Cheat, for not one in a thousand through the whole Nation but did abominate their practices. But o∣thers more Speculative knew it was the accustomed Method of the Subverters of a lawful Magistracy and Invaders of a Tyranny, first to seek the favour of the Rabble by high pretences of Liberty and Justice, and then to boast of it as though they had it, and were entrusted by the People to recover what they presented to their hopes and desires; and that these men follow∣ing the same practices, would be the greatest Oppressors of those whom they pre∣tended to vindicate.

The Parliament though hitherto they had been very obsequious to the Army, yet the Members now meeting in greater Numbers than usually, and preferring the ut∣most hazards to a Compliance with this Remonstrance, laid it aside, and fell to debate the King's Concessions which then lay before them. This free and stout Carriage of theirs was much resented by the Souldiers, who stormed at the contempt of those whose grandeur depended upon their Arms. And lest they should miscarry in their chief design, and lose the Sacrifice to their Ambition, they immediately sent a party of their Army into the Isle of Wight, to secure the King: these laying hold upon Him, with a most Insolent Rudeness, not permitting the delay of a Breakfast, forced Him from the Island into Hurst Castle, an unwholesome and sordid place. The other part of their Army they cause to march towards London, with all the imaginable signs of terror, as if they went to sack and plunder an Enemies Town. When they had entred, they were quartered in those Houses of the King and Nobility which were nearest the Parliament-House, hoping by the greatness and nearness of the danger, so to affright those Members who were not so wicked as to comply with them, that they should voluntarily withdraw, and hiding themselves, leave the possession to their own scanty party. For then the violence would seem less, and give more Authority to their un∣just Decrees.

But the honest Members were more in love with Justice, and therefore not terrified with the Menaces and Clamours of the Souldiers, but as inspired with some unaccu∣stomed Courage at this time, and thinking themselves guarded by the Priviledges of Parliament, with a greater boldness than usually they did upon just designs, they ap∣pear in the House. Where the Commoners re-assuming the consideration of the King's Concessions, continued that Debate till past Midnight; the Factious party and the Crea∣tures of the Army still raising new Doubts and Scruples, multiplying Cavils, and by tedious Harangues wasting the time, that the most just party, which consisted most of Gentlemen of Fortunes, not accustomed to such Watchings and Fastings, might be wearied out and leave them to their own Resolves: and also that they might give time to the whole Army to march into the City that Night. Among the rest, Sir Henry Vane, (who was born to disquiet the World, and to be a firebrand of Communities, yet still carrying the designs of Confusion under a feigned meekness and simplicity of the Gospel) This man in the Isle of Wight had perswaded the King not to be prodigal in His Concessions; that He had already yielded more than was fit for them to ask, or Him to grant, and undertook to make it evident to the whole World: yet now did most fiercely and perfidiously inveigh against the Concessions, as designed by the King under the species of Peace to ruine the Parliament and Commonwealth. Yet at last, notwithstanding those terrours without and troubles within, the House came to this Resolve, that The King's Concessions were a sufficient ground for Peace. Which was car∣ried by 200 Voices, and there were scarce 60 dissenters.

The next day the same Resolve was passed by the Lords in the very same terms, not one dissenting. Who immediately adjourned for a week, to wait whether this fury of the Army would spend it self after so generous an opposition. And the House of Commons sent some of their own Members to acquaint the Lord Fairfax and his Officers of this their Vote. This free and publick detestation of the Crime, that was designed, did extremely enrage the Projectors of it, and the Democratick party in the House mingled Threatnings with their Advices. For one of the Chiefs of the Facti∣on could not forbear to assure them, that If they continued in this their Resolve, they should never after have Liberty of meeting there again. Which accordingly was execu∣ted: for the next day they were to meet there, the Colonels had placed a guard of two Regiments of Foot and one of Horse upon the House of Commons, who strictly keeping all the Avenues thereto, that none might enter without their Licence, laid hold upon forty Members that were Persons of the most known Integrity and highest Page  50 Resolution; they denied admission to 150 more, and suffered none to enter of whose servile compliance they were not well assured. Some that had escaped their observa∣tion and got into the House, by tickets, as from Friends or Servants, they invite forth; whom being once without doors they violently force away, while they in vain pleaded the Priviledges of Parliament.

The imprisoned Members they vex and torture with great Indignities, exposing them to the mockeries and insolencies of the Common Souldiers: although there were among them many that had before Commanded Armies, Brigades and Regiments in the Parliament's cause against the King; and others that had been most importunate assertors of their first injustice to their Prince. Those that beheld these vicissitudes wondred, and acknowledged the just Judgement of God, that had thus visibly and properly punished the Injustice of these men against their Lawful Sovereign, by the ministry of their own more vile and mercenary Souldiers, and did thus upbraid them with the falseness of their Principles by which they acted against the King; the ve∣ry same now serving to honest this violence that was committed on them: for both equally pretended to a Necessity of Reformation, and Self-preservation. Others were inquisitive for the faith of these men, who taking up Arms for the Sacred Pri∣viledges of Parliament, had now left nothing but the Walls of that House. For the Number that would serve them was not equal to the Name of a Parliament, be∣ing scarce the eighth part of that Convention, and not much above forty in all, and others that did abhor the Conditions of sitting there withdrew themselves to their own homes. And many of those who formerly deluded by their pretensions to Religion, Justice and Liberty, had hitherto been of the Faction, yet now awakened by these clamorous Crimes, forsook their bloody Confederacy.

Yet did not this contemptible Number, of which in most Votes there were Twen∣ty Dissenters, blush to assume the Authority of managing the weightiest affairs of the English Empire, to alter and change the Government, to expose His Majesty to a vio∣lent Murder, and to overthrow the Ancient Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom. For being wholly devoted to the service of the Army, they communicated counsels with them; and whatsoever was resolved at the Council of War, passed into a Law by the Votes of this Infamous remnant of the House of Commons, who now served the Souldiers in hopes of part of the Spoil, and a precarious Greatness, which being acquired by so much Wickedness could not be lasting. In order therefore to the Army's design they revive those Votes of No Addresses to the King; (which had at first but surreptitiously and by base practices passed, and had been afterwards repealed by a full House.) Those Votes of a Treaty with the King, and of the Satisfactoriness of His Concessions, with scorn they rased out of the Journal-Book. And then proceeded to Vote,

  • 1. That the People under God are the Original of all Just Power.
  • 2. That the Commons of England assembled in Parliament, being chosen by and represent∣ing the People, have the Supreme Authority of this Nation.
  • 3. That whatsoever is enacted and declared for Law by the Commons of England assembled in Parliament (by which they understood themselves) hath the force of a Law.
  • 4. That all the People of this Nation are concluded thereby, although the Consent and Con∣currence of the King and House of Peers be not had thereunto.
  • 5. That to raise Arms against the People's Representative or Parliament, and to make War upon them, is High Treason.
  • 6. That the King Himself took Arms against the Parliament, and on that account is guilty of the blood shed throughout the Civil War, and that He ought to expiate the crime with His own blood.

Those that were less affected with the common Fears and Miseries could not temper their mirth and scorn at such ridiculous Usurpers, that thought to adjust their Crimes by their own Votes; that in one breath would adorn the People with the Spoils of Monarchy, and in the next rob the People to invest themselves. And (it is said that) even Cromwell (who intended to ruine our Liberty,) was ashamed, and scorned their so ready Slavery, and afterwards did swear at the Table of an In∣dependent Lord, that he knew them to be Rascals, and he would so serve them. Others of more melancholy Complexions, considering the baseness of these servile Tyrants, and the humours of their barbarous masters the Souldiers, all whose inhumanities they were to establish by a Law; and that Power gotten by Wickedness cannot be used Page  51 with the Modesty that is sit for just Magistrates; justly feared that as under the King they had enjoyed the height of Liberty, so under these men they were to be over∣whelmed in the depth of Slavery: and that these Votes which overturned the very Foundation of our Laws, could not be designed but for some horrid Impiety and our lasting Bondage, which came so to pass.

For in their next Consultations they constitute a Tribunal to sentence their Sovereign (which afterwards they used as a Shambles for the most Loyal and Gallantest of the Nobless and People) of the most abject Subjects; and to procure a Reverence to the Vilest of men, they give it the specious name of The High Court of Justice. For which they appoint 150 Judges (that the Number might seem to represent the whole Multitude) of the most violent and heady of all the Faction: To whom they give a power of citing, hearing, judging and punishing CHARLES STUART King of Eng∣land. To make up this Number they had named six Peers of the Upper House, and the twelve Judges of the Land. But the greatest part were Officers of the Army (who having confederated against His Majesty, and publickly required His Blood, could not without a contempt to the light of Reason be appointed His Judges) and Members of the Lower House, who were most violent against Monarchy, and in∣deed all Government wherein themselves had no share. The rest were Persons pick'd out of the City of London and Suburbs thereof, who they imagined would be most obsequious to their Lusts.

Those that surveyed the List, and knew the men, deemed them most unfit for a Trust of Justice, and proper Instruments for any wicked undertaking; for of these Judges one or two were Coblers, others Brewers, one a Goldsmith, and many of them Mechanicks. Such among them as were descended of ancient Families, were Men of so mean worth that they were only like the Statues of their Ancestors, had nothing but their Names to make them knownunto the World. Some of them were Spend∣thrifts, Bankrupts, (such as could be neither safe nor free, unless the Kingdom were in Bondage) and most notorious Adulterers, whose every Member was infamous with its proper Vice; Vain and Atheistical in their Discourse, Cowardly and Base in Spi∣rit, Bloody and Cruel in their Counsels, and those Parts that cannot honestly be named were most dishonest. One of them was accused of a Rape; Another had pub∣lished a Book of Blasphemies against the Trinity of the Deity. Some of them could not hope to get impunity for their Oppressions of the Country and Expilations of the publick Treasure, but by their ministry to this Murther. Others could not pro∣mise themselves an advancement of their abject or declining Fortune but by this Ini∣quity. Yet all these by the Faction were inrolled in the Register of Saints, though fitter to standas Malefactors at the Bar, than to sit upon Seats of Judgment. And notwithstanding their diligent search for such a Number of Men, who would not blush at nor fear any guilt, some of those whom they had named, in abhorrencie of the Impiety, refused to sit; and some that did, yet met there in hopes of distur∣bing their Counsels.

All this while the House of Peers were not consulted, and it was commonly suppo∣sed that most of them terrified with those Preparations against the King (the only de∣fence of the Nobless against the Popular Envie) would absent themselves from that House, except four or five that were the Darlings of the Faction; and they deemed the Names and Compliance of those few were enough to give credit and Authority to their bloody Act. But in them they were disappointed also; for some of the Peers did constantly meet, and on that day wherein the Bill for Trial of the King was carried up to that House, there were Seventeen then present (a greater Number than usual,) who all Unanimously (even the Democratick Lords not dissenting) did reject the Bill as Dangerous and Illegal. This so highly provoked the Fury of the Faction, that they meditated a severe revenge, and for the present blotted out those Peers, whose Names they had before put into their Ordinance, to make the Court more splendid. After this they did also rase out the names of the Judges of the Land; for they being pri∣vately consulted concerning these Proceedings against the King, (although they had been all raised to that Dignity and Trust by the Faction, yet) answered that It was con∣trary to the known Laws and Customs of England, that the King should be brought to Tryal.

To heal these two wounds which the Lords and Judges had branded their Cause with, they use two other Artifices to keep up the Spirits and Concurrence of their Party. First, they bring from Hertfordshire a Woman (some say a Witch) who said, that God by a Revelation to her did approve of the Armie's Proceedings. Which Message from Heaven was well accepted of with thanks, as being very seasonable, and coming Page  52 from an humble Spirit. A second was the Agreement of the People, which was a Module of a Democratical Polity, wherein those whose abject Condition had set them at a great distance from Government, had their hopes raised to a share of it, if they conspired to remove the great Obstruction, which was the Person and Life of the King. This was presented to the House of Commons by SrHardress Waller and sixteen other Offi∣cers, as a temporary remedy; for when they had perpetrated their Impiety, they discountenanced and fiercely profecuted those that endeavoured it.

In confidence of these their Arts and their present Power, notwithstanding all these publick Abhorrencies and Detestations by all Persons of Honour and Knowledge, they enacted their Bill. And for President of this Court, they chose one of the Number, John Bradshaw;A person of an equal Infamy with his new employment, a Mon∣ster of Impudence, and a most fierce Prosecutor of evil purposes. Of no repute among those of his own Robe for any Knowledge in the Law: but of so virulent and petulant a Language, that he knew no measure of modesty in Speaking; and was therefore more often bribed to be silent, than fee'd to maintain a Client's cause. His Vices had made him penurious, and those with his penury had seasoned him for any execrable undertaking. They also had a Sollicitor of the same metal, John Cook.A needy Man, who by various Arts and many Crimes had sought for a ne∣cessary Subsistence, yet still so poor, that he was forced to seek the shelter of obscure and sordid Corners to avoid the Prison. So that vexed with a redious Poverty, he was prevailed upon through the hopes of some splendid booties to venture on this employment, which at the first mention he did profess to abhorr. These were their chief Agents: other inferiour Ministers they had equally qualified with these their prime Instruments, as Dorislaus a German Bandito, who was to draw up the Charge; Steel another of their Counsel, under pretence of sickness covered his fear of the Event, though he did not abhor the wickedness of the Enterprise, having before used his Tongue in a cause very unjust, and relating to this, the Murther of Captain Burleigh. The Serjeants, Clarks and Cryer were so obscure, that the World had never taken no∣tice of them, but by their subserviency to this Impiety.

These were the publick Preparations; In private they continually met to contrive the Form of their Proceedings, and the Matter of their Accusation. Concerning the first they were divided in Opinions. Some would have the King first formally degra∣ded and devested of all His Royal habiliments and Ensigns of Majesty, and then as a private person exposed to Justice. But this seemed to require a longer space of time than would comport with their project, which, as all horrid acts, was to be done in a present fury, lest good Counsels might gather strength by their Delay. Others re∣jected this course as too evidently conforming with the Popish procedure against Sove∣reign Princes, and they feared to confirm that common Suspicion, that they followed Jesuitical Counsels (whose Society (it is reported) upon the King's offering to give all possible Security against the Corruptions of the Church of Rome, at a Council of theirs did decree to use their whole Interest and Power with the Faction to hasten the King's death.) Which sober Protestants had reason enough to believe, because all or most of the Arguments which were used by the Assertors of this Violence on His Majesty were but gleanings from Popish Writers. These Considerations cast the Determination on their side who, designing a Tyrannical Oligarchy, whereby they themselves might have a share in the Government, would have the King proceeded against as King, that by so shedding His Blood they might extinguish Majesty, and with Him murther Monarchy. For several of them did confess, that indeed He was guilty of no Crime more than that He was their King, and because the Excellency of His Parts, and Eminent Vertues, together with the Rights of His Birth, would not suffer Him to be a private Person.

In their second debate about the Matter of Accusation, all willingly embraced the Advice of Harrison (who was emulous of the Power of Cromwell, and though now his Creature, yet afterwards became the Firebrand and Whirlwind of the following Times) to blacken Him as much as they could; yet found they not where∣with to pollute His Name. For their old Scandals which they had amassed in their Declaration for no more Addresses to the King had been so publickly refuted that they could afford no colour for His Murther. Therefore they formed their Accusation from that War to which they had necessitated Him. And their Charge was, that He had levied War against the Parliament; that He had appeared in Arms in several places, and did there proclaim War, and executed it by killing several of the Good People; for which they impeached Him as a Tyrant, Traytor, Murderer, and an implacable Common Enemy.This Page  53 Charge, in the Judgment of Considering Men argued a greater guilt in those that prosecuted it, than in Him against whom it was formed: for they seemed less sensi∣ble of the instability and infirmities of Humane Nature, than those that had none but her light to make them generous, for such never reproached their conquered Enemies with their Victory; but these Men would murther their own Prince, against whom they had nothing more to object than the unhappy issues of a War, which leaves the Conquered the only Criminal, while the names of Justice and Goodness are the spoils of the Conquerour. How false those Imputations of Tyranny, Treason and Murther were, was sufficiently understood by those who considered the peaceful part of the King's Reign; wherein it was judged, that if in any thing He had declined from the safest arts of Empire, it was in the neglect of a just Severity on Seditious Persons whom the Laws had condemned to die. And in the War it was known how of∣ten his Lenity had clipped the Wings of Victory. But it appeared that these Men, as they had broken all Rights of Peace, so they would also those of Conquest, and destroy that which their Arms pretended to save.

How little Credit their Accusation found, appeared by the endeavours of all Par∣ties to preserve the King's Person from Danger, and the Nation from the guilt of His Blood. For while they were thus ingaged to perpetrate their intended Mischiefs, all Parties declare against it. The Presbyterian Ministers, almost all those of London, and very many out of the several Counties, and some, though few, also of the Independents, did in their Sermons and Conferences, as also by Monitory Letters, Petitions, Protesta∣tions and Remonstrances, publickly divulged, adjure the Assassinates not to draw so great a Guilt upon themselves and the whole Nation by that Murder. For it was con∣trary to those numerous and fearful Obligations of their many Oaths; to the Publick and Pri∣vate Faith, which was exprest in their Protestations and many Declarations; to the Laws of the Land, those of Nature, and Nations, and the Commands of Scripture. That it was to the dishonour of our Religion, and against the publick good of the Kingdom. But all was fruitless, for they had lost their Ministerial Authority by serving the Faction so long, till they needed not their assistance, and despised their admonitions: Besides the very same Prin∣ciples they preached to kindle the War were now beat back into their faces, and made use of against them to adjust the Murder. The people also contemned them for their short-sightedness, in that they would be the heady and indiscreet Instruments of such men, and in such practices as must of necessity at last ruine them and all Ministers, as well as the King and Bishops.

The Scots also by their Commissioners declare and protest against it. The States of Holland by their Ambassadors (if they were faithful in their trust) did intercede, and deprecate it as most destructive to the Protestant Interest. Some of the most eminent of the Nobility, as the Earl of Southampton, the Duke of Richmond, the Marquess of Hert∣ford, the Earl of Lindsey, and others, neglect no ways, either by Prayers or Ransom to save the King. Yea they offered themselves, as being the prime Ministers of the King's Commands, as Hostages for Him, and if the Conspirators must needs be fed with blood, to suffer in His stead for whatsoever he had done amiss. The Prince piously assays all ways and means to deliver His Father from the danger. For besides the States Am∣bassadors (whom He had procured) both He and the Prince of Orange did daily send as Agents the Kindred, Relations, and Allies of Cromwell, Ireton, and the other Conspi∣rators, with full power to propose any Conditions, make any Promises, and use all Threatnings to divert them, if it were possible, from their intended Cruelty, or at least to gain some time before the Execution. But all was in vain, for no Conditions of Peace could please them who were possessed with unlawful and immoderate desires: their Am∣bition (that is more impetuous than all other affections) had swallowed the hopes of Empire; therefore they would remove the King to enthrone themselves. Some thought that their despair of Pardon had hardened them to a greater Inhumanity, for if after all these attempts they continued the King's Life, they must beg their own; which they knew Justice would not, and they resolved Mercy should not give; for this is reckoned among the benefits which we hate to receive, and Men are usually ashamed to confess they deserved death.

Whatsoever it was that truly made them thus cruel, they publickly pretended no other Motive than the Calls and Ducts of Providence, and the Impulses of the Blessed Spirit. To carry on this Cheat, Hugh Peters (the Pulpit-Buffoon, of a luxuriant Speech, skill'd to move the Rabble by mimical Gestures, Impudent, and Prodigal of his own and others fame, Ignominious from his Youth, for then suffering the con∣tumely of Discipline, being publickly whipt, at Cambridge, he was ever after an Ene∣my Page  54 my to Government, and therefore leagued himself with unquiet Sectaries) Preaches before these fictitious Judges upon that Text, Psalm 149. 8. To bind their Kings in chains, and their Nobles in fetters of iron. He assures them undoubtedly that this was prophesied of them, that they were the Saints related to in that Scripture, that they should judge the Kings of the Earth, often calling them in his profane Harangue the Saint-Judges. Then he professed that he had for a certain found upon a strict Scrutiny, that there were in the Army 5000 Saints, no less holy than those that now in Heaven con∣versed with God. Afterwards kneeling in his Pulpit, weeping and lifting up his hands, he earnestly begs them in the Name of the People of England, that they would execute Justice upon that Wretch CHARLES, and would not let Benhadad escape in Safe∣ty. Then he inveighs against Monarchy, and wrests the Parable of Jotham to his purpose, wherein when the Trees would chuse a King, the Vine and the Olive refused the Dignity, but the Bramble received the Empire, and he compared Monarchy to the Bramble. And all the while of contriving and executing this Murder he preached to the Souldiers, and in some places about the City, bitterly and contemptuously railing a∣gainst the King. Others also of the Congregational perswasion acted their parts in this Tragedy, but more closely, and not so much in the face of the Sun.

The Conspirators taking heat from their infamous Preachers, whom they them∣selves had first kindled, and somewhat doubting that these several strong Applica∣tions from all Parties to save the King, and the Universal Discontents, might take some advantage from their delay, with more speed hasten the Assassination. In order to which they send a Serjeant of Arms with a Guard of Horse (lest the People should stone him for his Employment) into Westminster-Hall, and other places in London, to summon all that could lay any Crime to the King's charge, to come, and give in their Evi∣dence against Him. Having proclaimed their wicked purposes, and dress'd up a Tribu∣nal at the upper end of Westminster-Hall, with all the shapes of Terrour, where the President with his abject and bloody Assistants were placed, thither afterwards they bring this most Excellent Monarch, whom having despoiled of three Great Kingdoms, they now determined also to deprive of Life.

Into which Scene the King enter'd with a generous Miene, shewing no signs of discomposure, nor any thing beneath His former Majesty; but as if He were to combate for Glory the Monsters of Mankind, He undauntedly took the Seat which was set for Him, with scorn looking upon the fictitious Judges, and with pity upon the People, who crouding in (the great Gates of the Hall being flung open) did be∣wail in Him the frailty of our Humane condition, whose highest Greatness hath no Security: A sad Spectacle even to those that were not in danger.

He being set, the Charge against Him was read, with all those reproachful terms of Tyrant, Traytor, and Murderer; after which He was impleaded in the name of the People of England. This false Slander of the People of England was heard with Impati∣ence and Detestation of all, and stoutly attested against by the Lady Fairfax, Wife of the Lord Fairfax, who by this act shewed her self worthy of her Extract from the No∣ble Family of the Veres: for from an adjoyning Scaffold where she stood, she cried out with a loud Voice (but not without danger) that It was a Lye, not the Tenth part of the People were guilty of such a Crime, but all was done by the Machinations of that Tray∣tor Cromwell.

But the King after the Charge was read, with a Countenance full of Majesty and Gravity, demands by what Authority they proceeded with Him thus contrary to the Publick Faith, and what Law they had to try Him that was an absolute Sovereign. Bradshaw replying, that of the Parliament; His Majesty shewed the detestable False∣hood in pretending to what they had not, and if they had it, yet it could not justifie these Practices. To which Reply when they could not answer, they force Him back to the place of His Captivity.

The Magnanimity of the King in this Days Contest with these inhumane Butchers did much satisfie the People, and they were glad (while they thought not of His Danger) that He wanted not either Speech or Courage against so powerful Enemies; that He had spoken nothing unworthy of Himself, and had preserved the Fame of His. Vertues even in so great Adversities. For He seemed to triumph over their For∣tune whose Arms He was now subject to. The Parricides sought to break his Spirit by making His appearances frequent before such contemptible Judges, and often expo∣sing Him to the contempt of the Armed Rabble; therefore four days they torture Him with the Impudence and Reproaches of their Infamous Sollicitor and President. But He still refused to own their Authority, which they could not prove lawful, and so Page  55 excellently demonstrated their abominable Impiety, that He made Colonel Downes, one of their Court, to boggle at and disturb their Proceedings. They therefore at last pro∣ceeded to take away that Life which was not to be separated from Conscience and Honour, and pronounced their Sentence of Death upon their Lawful and Just Sove∣reign, Jan. 27. not suffering Him to speak after the Decree of their Villany, but hur∣rying Him back to the place of His Restraint.

At His departure He was exposed to all the Insolencies and Indignities that a phana∣tick and base Rabble, instigated by Peters and other Instructors of Villany, could invent and commit. And He suffer'd many things so conformable to Christ His King, as did alleviate the sense of them in Him, and also instruct Him to a correspondent Patience and Charity. When the barbarous Souldiers cried out at His departure, Justice, Ju∣stice, Execution, Execution, as those deceived Jews did once to their KING, Crucisie Him, Crucifie Him; this Prince, in imitation of that most Holy King, pitied their blind fury, and said, Poor Souls! for a piece of Money they would do as much for their Commanders. As He passed along, some in defiance spit upon His Garments, and one or two (as it was reported by an Officer of theirs, who was one of their Court, and praised it as an evi∣dence of his Souldiers Gallantry, while others were stupefied with their prodigious baseness) polluted His Majestick Countenance with their unclean spittle: the Good King, reflecting on His great Exemplar and Master, wiped it off, saying, My Saviour suffer'd far more than this for me. Into His very Face they blowed their stinking To∣bacco, which they knew was very distasteful to Him; and in the way where He was to go, just at His Feet, they flung down pieces of their nasty Pipes. And as they had devested themselves of all Humanity, so were they impatient and furious if any one shewed Reverence or Pity to Him as He passed. (For no honest Spirit could be so for∣getful of humane fruilty, as not to be troubled at such a sight; to see a Great and Just King, the rightful Lord of three flourishing Kingdoms, now forced from His Throne, and led captive through the Streets.) Such as pull'd off their Hats, or bowed to Him, they beat with their Fists and Weapons, and knock'd down one dead but for crying out, God be mer∣ciful unto Him.

When they had brought Him to His Chamber, even there they suffered Him not to rest, but thrusting in and smoaking their filthy Tobacco, they permitted Him no Privacy to Prayer and Meditation. Thus through variety of Tortures did the King pass this Day, and by His Patience wearied His Tormentors: nothing unworthy His former greatness of Fortune and Mind by all these Affronts was extorted from Him, though Indignities and Injuries are unusual to Princes, and these were such as might have forced Passion from the best-tempered meekness, had it not been strengthned with as∣sistance from Heaven. In the Evening the Conspirators were acquainted by a Member of the Army, of the King's desire, that seeing His Death was nigh, it might be per∣mitted him to see His Children, and to receive the Sacrament; and that Doctor Juxon, then Lord Bishop of London, (now Arch-Bishop of Canterbury) might be admitted to pray with Him in His private Chamber. The first they did not scruple at, the Chil∣dren in their power being but two, the Lady Elizabeth, and the Duke of Glocester, and they very young. The second they did not readily grant. Some would have had Peters to undertake that Employment for which the Bishop was sent for: But he declined it with some Scoffs, as knowing that the King hated the Offices of such an unhallowed Buffoon. So that at last they permitted the Bishop's access to the King, to whom his eminent Integrity had made him dear. For with so wonderful a Prudence and up∣rightness he had managed the envious Office of the Treasury, that that accusing age especially of Church-men, found not matter for any Impeachment, nor ground for the least Reproach.

The next day being Sunday, the King was removed to St. James's, where the Bishop of London read Divine Service, and preached before Him in private on these words, In the day when God shall judge the secrets of all men by Jesus Christ according to my Gospel. While the King and the Bishop at this time, and also at other times, were performing the Divine Service, the rude Souldiers often rushed in and disturbed their Offices with vulgar and base Scoffs, vain and frivolous Questions. The Commanders likewise and other impertinent Anabaptists did interrupt His Meditations, who came to tempt and try Him, and provoke Him to some unnecessary disputations. But He maintained His own Cause with so irrefragable Arguments, that He put some to silence, the pe∣tulancy of others He neglected, and with a modest contempt dissembled their Scoffs and Reproaches. In the narrow space of this one Day, and under so continued Affronts and Disturbances, the King (whose whole Soul was totally composed to Religion,) Page  56 applied Himself, as much as was possible, to the Reading Holy Scriptures, to Prayer, Confession of Sins, Supplications for the forgiveness of his Enemies, the receiving the Eucharist, holy Conferences, and all the Offices of Piety: so under the utmost Malice and Hatred of men, He laboured for the Mercy of God, and to fit Himself for His last victory over Death.

While the King thus spent this day, the Ministers in the several Churches in London, and in those parts of the Kingdom where His danger was known, were very earnest in their Prayers to God for His Diliverance and Spiritual Assistance. Some of them in their Sermons declared the horrour of that sin that was about to be committed, detested the Impiety of the Parricides, and denounced the heavy Judgments which such a sinful Nation polluted with their Prince's blood were to expect. The Con∣gregations were dissolved into Tears. Some bewailed the sad Condition of the King, as the effect of the Sins of the Nation. Others cursed their damnable Credulity of the Slanders of that Just man, and the promises of Liberty by their Impostors. And another sort wept, because their Fears did prognosticate those Miseries which the Issue of His blood would let in upon them. And every one found matter of grief, fear, and indignation in the loss of so Excellent a Prince. All countenances were full of sadness and astonishment, there was no Tumults nor any Quiet, every one listning and hearkning, either as impatient to know the greatness of their Misery, or greedy to receive some hopes of Comfort in their Sovereign's Safety; otherwise there was a stilness like that which too strong Passions effect, and might be thought a Stupidity rather than a Calmness.

The next day, being Jan. 29. the King was permitted the sight of His Children. His conference and words with them was taken in writing and communicated to the World by the Lady Elizabeth His Daughter, a Lady of most eminent Endowments; who though born in the supremest Fortune, yet lived in continual Tears, the passages of her Life being spent in beholding the Ruines of her Family, and the Murther of her dear Father, whom she not long survived, but died in that Confinement to which they had cheated His Majesty, in Carisbrook Castle in the Isle of Wight.

While these things were done in publick, the Conspirators meet in private in a Com∣mittee, to appoint every one their part in this Tragedy, determine what Gestures they were to affect, what Words they were to use, as also for the manner, place and time of the Murther. In which Consultations, both now and before the Sentence, each one, according to the bloodiness of his temperament, or servilely to flatter Cromwell, by their Cruelty to Him that did obstruct his Ambition, did propose several ways ei∣ther of contempt or hatred in killing their sentenced, yet anointed, Sovereign. Some would have His Head and Quarters fastned upon Poles (as it is usual with Traitors) that the marks of their Curelty might out-last His Death. Others would have Him hanged, as they punished Thieves and Murtherers. Others gave their Vote that He should suffer in His Royal Habiliments with His Crown, and in His Robes, that it might be a Triumph of the Peoples power over Kings.

At last they think it sufficient that He should lose His Head by the stroak of an Ax on a Scaffold near White-Hall Gates before the Banqueting-House, that so from thence where He used to sit on His Throne, and shew the Splendour of Majesty, He might pass to His Grave; there parting with the Ensigns of Royalty, and laying them down as Spoils, where He had before used them as the Ornaments of Empire. Thus did they endeavour to make their Malice ingenious, and provided Triumphs for their re∣venge. And because they suspected, or were informed, that as the King had not own∣ed their Authority, so He would not submit to their Execution, not willingly stoop to the Block, they caused to be fastned in it some Iron Staples and Rings, that by them with Cords they might draw Him down, if He would not comply. But His prudent Meekness prevented this Inhumanity; and He died disowning their Authority, though He could not escape their Power.

In the midst of these Preparations, they cause some Souldiers to offer to His Majesty certain Articles and Conditions, to which if He would subscribe, they promise Life, and the continuance of a precarious Empire: either out of a Terrour and Fear of the consequents of their Impieties; for the confidence of contriving great Crimes is often turned into a sollicitude when they come to be acted: or out of Design to ruine His Conscience and Honour together with His mortal Life, if He should consent. But when one or two of them had been read to Him, He refused to hear any more, saying, I will suffer a thousand deaths ere I will so prostitute my Honour, or betray the Liberties of my People. Thus mindful of Justice, He would not deface the Splendor of His former Vertues with a too impotent desire of Life.

Page  57 At last that Fatal Day Jan. 30. approached: and that morning, a little before His Death, the Conspirators ordered some of their Ministers, viz. Marshall, Nye, Caryl, Salway and Dell, to pray with Him, as they said, in order to His passage out of this Life; but when these sent to let Him know the end of their coming, He returned an∣swer that He was busie: they sent a second time, and He replied that He was at His De∣votions: they importunately sent a third time, and my Lord of London then desiring to know what answer he should give to satisfie them; His Majesty then as unconcern∣ed in their Ministery said, My Lord, you may give them what answer you please, but I am resolved that they who have so often and so causelesly prayed against Me, shall not in this My Agony pray with Me, they may pray for Me if they please. Therefore the King arming Himself with His own Devotions in the Offices of the Church of England, in them found an unexpected Comfort; for the Gospel for that Day being the History of the Passion of our Saviour, did by that Example strengthen the King to follow Jesus, and to take up His Cross; and His Majesty was thankful for that Pattern. Being thus confirmed by the Blood (for He took the Sacrament that Morning) and Sufferings of His LORD (whose Vicegerent He was) together with His own Innocency, a∣gainst the Terrors of Death, He was brought from StJames's through the Park to White-Hall, walking very fast, and with as chearful a Countenance as if He were go∣ing to Hunting, (a Recreation He was much pleased with,) often advising His slow guards to move faster, adding, I now go before you to strive for an Heavenly Crown, with less sollicitude than I formerly have led My Souldiers for an Earthly Diadem. And being come to the end of the Park, He with much Alacrity went up the Stairs leading to the long Gallery in White-Hall, and so into the Cabinet-Chamber, where He continued some time in Devotion, while they were fitting the Theatre of His Murther.

While these things were acting, the Lord Fairfax, who had always forborn any publick appearance in the practices of this Murther, had taken up (as is credibly re∣ported) some Resolutions, (either in abhorrency of the Crime, or by the Solicitati∣ons of others) with his own Regiment, though none else should follow him, to hin∣der the Execution. This being suspected or known, Cromwell, Ireton and Harrison coming to him, after their usual way of deceiving, endeavoured to perswade him, that the LORD had rejected the King, and with such like Language as they knew had formerly prevailed upon him, concealing that they had that very morning signed the Warrant for the Assassination; they also desired him with them to seek the LORD. by Prayer, that they might know his mind in the thing. Which he assenting to, Harrison was appointed for the duty, and by compact to draw out his profane and blasphemous discourse to God in such a length as might give time for the Execution, which they privately sent to their Instruments to hasten; of which when they had notice that it was past, they rose up, and perswaded the General that this was a full return of Pray∣er, and God having so manifested his pleasure they were to acquiesce in it. There was likewise another attempt made by Col. Downes, who had disturbed them in their Court, to obstruct them in their Execution; for it is said that he endeavoured to make a Mu∣tiny in the Army to hinder the Wickedness, but the hast of the Assassinates prevented him.

While these men acted their Wickedness by Prayers, to the lasting reproach of Christianity, the King, after He had finished His Supplications, was through the Banqueting-House brought to the Scaffold, which was dress'd to terrour, for it was all hung with Black, where were attending two Executioners in Disguises, and the Ax and the Block prepared. But it prevailed not to affright Him whose Soul was al∣ready panting after another Life. And therefore He entred this ignominious and gast∣ly Theatre with the same mind as He used to carry to His Throne, shewing no fear of death, but a Solicitude for those that should live after Him. Looking about He saw divers Companies of Horse and Foot so placed on each side of the Street and about the Scaffold, that the People could not come near Him, and those that saw could not be Hearers; therefore omitting that Speech which it was probable He would have spo∣ken to the People, He spoke to the Officers, and those that were then about Him, that which is now printed among His Works.

Having ended His Speech, He declared His Profession of Religion; and while He was preparing for the Block, He expressed what were His Hopes (for all the Righ∣teous have such) in Death, saying, I have a good Cause and a Gracious God on my side; I go from a Corruptible to an Incorruptible Crown, where no disturbance can be, no disturbance in the world. After this composing Himself to an address to God, having His Eyes and Hands like fore-runners lifted up to Heaven, and expressing some short and pri∣vate Page  58 Ejaculations, He kneeled down before the Block as at a Desk of Prayer, and meekly submitted His Crowned Head to the pleasure of His God, to be profaned by the Axe of the disguised Executioner: which was suddenly severed from His Body by one strong stroke. So fell CHARLES the First, and with Him expired the Glory and Liberty of Three Nations.

Thus the King finished His Martyrdom, but His Enemies not their Malice, who extended their Cruelty beyond His Life, and abused the Headless Trunk. Some wash∣ed their hands in the Royal Blood, others dipt their staves in it; and that they might indulge their insatiate Covetousness as well as their boundless Inhumanity, they sold the chips of the Block, and the sands that were discoloured with His Blood, and ex∣posed His very Hairs to sale: which the Spectators purchased for different uses. Some did it to preserve the Relicks of so Glorious a Prince, whom they so dearly loved. Others hoped that they would be as means of Cure for that Disease which our English Kings (through the Indulgence of Heaven) by Their touch did usually heal: and it was reported that these Reliques experienced failed not of the effect. And some out of a brutish malice would have them as spoils and trophies of their hatred to their Lawful Sovereign. Cromwell, that he might feed his Eyes with Cruelty, and satisfie his sollici∣tous Ambitions, which aspired at Monarchy when the Lawful King was destroyed, curi∣ously surveyed the murthered Carcass when it was brought in the Coffin into White-Hall, and to assure himself the King was quite dead, with his fingers searched the Wound, whether the Head were fully severed from the Body or no.

Afterwards they delivered the body to be unbowelled to an infamous Empirick of the Faction, together with the rude Chirurgions of the Army (not permitting the King's own Physicians to this Office) who were all most implacable Enemies to His Majesty, and commanded them to search (which was as much as to bid them so report) whether they could not find in it Symptoms of the French disease, or some evidences of Frigi∣dity, and natural impotency: that so they might have some colour to slander Him who was eminent for Chastity; or to make His Seed infamous. But this wicked Design was prevented by a Physician of great Integrity and Skill, who intruding himself among them at the Dissection, by his Presence and Authority kept the obsequious Wretches from gratifying their Opprobrious Masters. And the same Physician also published that Nature had tempered the Royal Body to a longer life than commonly is granted to other men. And as His Soul was fitted by Heroick Vertues to Eternity, so His Body by a Temperament almost ad pondus made as near an approach to it as the pre∣sent Condition of Mortality would permit.

Failing in these Opportunities of Calumny, with more Impudence and Rancor they use other waies to make Him odious, and rase the Love of Him out of the People's hearts. They conclude from the outward unhappinesses of His Reign unto an hatred of God against Him; and with the same Confidence as they inrolled themselves in the List of the Saints, and entred their own names in the Book of Life, they blotted His out, and placed Him in some of the dark and comfortless Cells of the damned: and they commonly professed it among the Disciples of the Faction as an Article of their belief, that it was impossible for Him or any of His Party to be saved.

Not content with these Injuries to His Body and Soul, they endeavour likewise to murther His Memory. For they pull'd down His Statue which was placed at the West end of StPaul's Church, and that other in the Old Exchange, and leaving the Arch void, they writ over, Exit Tyrannus Regum ultimus. But the Providence of God hath shewed them to be not only deceivers, but also deceived. For that Just Prince hath of His own seed to sit upon His Throne. And Posterity shall wonder at the Vanity as well as the Falseness of those men, that they should think to destroy the Memory of that Prince whose true and lasting Glory consisted not in any thing wherein it was possible for Successors to shew the Power of their Malice, but in a solid Vertue, which flourisheth by Age, and whose Fame gathers strength from multitude of Years, when Statues and Monuments are obnoxious to the flames of a Violent Envy and the Ruines of Time.

Besides this, they take care to suppress all those more Lively figures of Him and more lasting Statues, His Writings, and therefore force from my Lord of London, whom they kept Prisoner, all those Papers His Majesty had delivered to him, and make a most narrow search of his Cloaths and Cabinets, lest any of those Monuments of Piety and Wisdom should escape to the Benefit of Mankind. Yet by the gracious Goodness of the Almighty God, to their Eternal Infamy, and for a per∣petual record of the King's great Vertues, there escaped their Search, and was publi∣shed to the World, The Book of His Meditations and Soliloquies. In the Composition of which a Sober Reader cannot tell which to admire most, either His incredible Pru∣dence, Page  59 His ardent Piety, or His Majestick and truly Royal Style. Those parts of it which consisted of Addresses to God corresponded so nearly in the Occasions, and were so full of the Piety and Elegancie of David's Psalms, that they seemed to be dictated by the same Spirit.

His very Assassinates confessed the goodness of the Book, though they were ashamed He whom they had murthered should be the Author. For Bradshaw in his examinati∣on of Royston who printed it, asked him, How he could think so bad a man (for such would that Monster have this Excellent Prince thought to be) could write so good a Book. Therefore they laboured by all waies and means to suppress it, as the greatest Witness against them to Posterity, and which would make them odious in all Generations. For the Blood of the Holy, Wise and Eloquent, leaves eternal stains of Infamy upon those that spill'd it; because no man reads their Works, but they curse those cruel hands which cut the Veins and stopp'd the streams of so much Goodness: and we esteem them barbarous and inhumane Monsters who did not Reverence the Persons of those whose Writings we admire.

But their fury became ridiculous, while they thought by their present power to corrupt His Memory, and take off the admiration of the following Ages; for the more they hindred the publication, the more earnestly it was sought after: yet they endeavoured it another way, and therefore hired certain mercenary Souls to despoil the King of the Credit of being the Author of it. Especially one base Scribe, natural∣ly fitted to compose Satyrs and invent Reproaches, who made himself notorious by some licentious and infamous Pamphlets, and so approved himself as fit for their ser∣vice. This Man they encouraged (by translating him from a needy Pedagogue to the office of a Secretary) to write that Scandalous Book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (an Invective against the King's Meditations) and to answer the Learned Salmasius his Defence of Charles the First. But all was in vain, for those that were able to judge of Styles found it must be the same Pen which wrought these Meditations, and drew those Letters which the Faction had published for His. Others, that were not able to sa∣tisfie themselves by such a Censure, were assured of it by the Relations of Col. Ham∣mond that was His Keeper, who did attest to several Persons that he saw them in the King's hand, heard Him read them, and did see Him to correct them in his presence. The Arch-Bishop of Armagh did also affirm to those he conversed with, that he was employed by a command from the King to get some of them out of the hands of the Faction, for they were taken in His Cabinet at Naseby. And Royston that printed them did testifie to those that enquired of him, that the King had sent to him the Michaelmas before His death, to provide a Press for some Papers He should send to Him, which were these, together with a design for a Picture before the Book; which at first was Three Crowns indented on a Wreath of Thorns, but afterwards the King recalled that, and sent that other which is now before His Book. Thus these several Testimo∣nies did secure the faith of the World against the Slanderers, and made their endea∣vours as contemptible as themselves were hateful.

While the Parricides were seeking for fresh occasions to express their Malice, the whole Kingdom was composed to Mourning and Lamentation; for never any King, not only of the English, but of whatsoever Throne, had His Death lamented with greater Sorrows, nor left the World with a higher regret of the People. When the news of His Death was divulged, Women with Child for grief cast forth the untime∣ly fruit of their Womb, like Her that fell in travel when the Glory was departed from Israel. Others, both Men and Women, fell into Convulsions and swounding Fits, and contracted so deep a Melancholy as attended them to the Grave. Some unmind∣ful of themselves, as though they could not, or would not, live when their beloved Prince was slaughtered, (it is reported) suddenly fell down dead. The Pulpits were likewise bedewed with unsuborned Tears; and some of those to whom the living King was for Episcopacie's sake less acceptable, yet now bewailed the loss of Him when dead. Children (who usually seem unconcerned in publick Calamities) were also affect∣ed with the news, and became so prodigal of their Tears, that for some time they re∣fused comfort; even some of those who sate as Judges could not forbear to mingle some Tears with His Blood when it was spilt. Many composed Elegies and serious Poems to preserve the memory of His Vertues, to express their own Griefs, and to instruct the Mournings of others, and their Passions made them above their usual strain more elegant. Many who writ the Acts of His time did vindicate His Honour, and divulged the base Arts of His Enemies, even while their Power was dreadful.

Men of all Sorts, Degrees and Sects (there being none among which He had not some Admirers) then freely and without Envy recounted His several Vertues, which Page  60 now appeared as great as Mortality refined by Industry was capable of. For though Prosperity makes the Severest Tryals of Vertues, yet Adversity renders them most Orient. As the Night best acquaints us with the Splendor of the Stars.

That which first challenged their Wonder,* was the composure and Inclination of His Soul to Religion, which He used not as an Artifice of Empire, but as the Ornament and Comfort of a private breast; for He never affected a Magnifick Piety nor a Pom∣pous Vertue, but laboured to approve Himself in secret to that God who rewardeth openly. All His Offices in this were, like His Fortune, far above those of other men; His Devotion in Prayer was so raised, that His Soul seemed to be wholly swallowed up in the Contemplation of that Majesty He did adore, and as in an Ecstasie to have left His senses without its Adsistencie. An instance of this was given at the Death of the Duke of Buckingham, the news of whose Murther being whispered to the King while He was at Prayers, He took no notice of it (although it was so weighty an Occur∣rence to have His prime Minister cut off in the busie Preparations for a great Design) till He had finished His Addresses to Heaven, and His Spirit was dismissed from the Throne of Grace to attend the Cares of that on Earth. This was so clear an Evidence of a most fixed Devotion, that those who built their Hopes upon His Reproaches, slan∣derously imputed it to a secret Pleasure in the fall of him whose Greatness was now terrible to the Family that raised it; which both His Majesties care of the Duke's Children afterwards, as also the Consideration of His Condition, did evince to be false, and that the King neither hated him, nor needed to fear him whom He could have ruined with a Frown, and have obliged the People by permitting their Fury to pass upon him.

Besides, His Majestie's constant Diligence in those Duties did demonstrate, that no∣thing but a principle of Holiness, which is alwaies uniform, both moved and assisted Him in those sacred Performances, to which He was observed to go with an exceeding Alacrity as to a ravishing pleasure, from which no lesser Pleasures nor Business were strong enough for a Diversion. In the morning before He went to Hunting (His belo∣ved Sport) the Chaplains were before Day call'd to their Ministry: and when He was at Brainford among the Noise of Arms, and near the Assaults of His Enemies, He cau∣sed the Divine that then waited to perform his accustomed Service, before He provi∣ded for Safety, or attempted at Victory; and would first gain upon the Love of Hea∣ven, and then afterwards repel the Malice of Men. Those that were appointed by the Parliament to attend Him in His Restraints wondred at His constant Devotions in His Closet; and no Artifice of the Army was so likely to abuse Him to a Creduli∣ty of their good Intentions, as the Permission of the Ministery of His Chaplains in the Worship of God, a Mercy He valued to some of His Servants, above that of enjoying Wife and Children.

At Sermons He carried Himself with such a Reverence and Attention (that His E∣nemies which hated, yet did even admire Him in it,) as if He were expecting new Instructions for Government from that God whose Deputy He was, or a new Char∣ter for a larger Empire: and He was so careful not to neglect any of those Exercises, that if on Tuesday Mornings, on which Dayes there used to be Sermons at Court, He were at any distance from thence, He would ride hard to be present at the begin∣nings of them.

When the State of His Soul required, He was as ready to perform those more severe parts of Religion which seem most distastful to Flesh and Blood. And He never re∣fused to take to Himself the shame of those Acts wherein He had transgressed, that He might give Glory to His God. For after the Army had forced Him from Holmeby, and in their several removes had brought Him to Latmas, an house of the Earl of Devonshire, on Aug. 1. being Sunday in the Morning before Sermon He led forth with Him into the Garden the Reverend DrSheldon (who then attended on Him, and whom He was pleased to use as His Confessour) and drawing out of His Pocket a Paper, commanded him to read it, transcribe it, and so to deliver it to Him again. This Paper contained several Vows, which He had obliged His Soul unto for the Glory of His Maker, the advance of true Piety, and the emolument of the Church. And among them this was one, that He would do Publick Penance for the Injustice He had suffered to be done to the Earl of Strafford, His consent to those Injuries that were done to the Church of England (though at that time He had yielded to no more than the taking away of the High Commission, and the Bishops power to Vote in Parliament) and to the Church of Scotland: and adjured the Dr, that if ever he saw Him in a Condi∣tion to observe that or any of those Vows, he should solicitously mind Him of the Obligations, Page  61 as he dreaded the guilt of the breach should ly upon His own Soul. This voluntary submis∣sion to the Laws of Christianity exceeded that so memorable humiliation of the good Emperour Theodosius, for he never bewailed the Blood of those seven thousand Men which in three hours space he caused to be spilt at Thessalonica, till the resolution of StAmbrose made him sensible of the Crime. But the Piety of King Charles anticipa∣ted the severity of a Confessor for those Offences to which He had been precipitated by the Violence of others.

This Zeal and Piety proceeded from the Dedication of His whole Soul to the Ho∣nour of His God, for Religion was as Imperial in the Intellectual as in the Affectionate Faculties of it. This Profession of the Church of England was His not so much by Edu∣cation, as Choice, and He so well understood the Grounds of it, that He valued them above all other Pretensions to Truth, and was able to maintain it against all its Ad∣versaries. His Discourse with Henderson shews how just a Reverence He had for the Authority of the Catholick Church, against the Pride and Ignorance of Schismaticks; yet not to prostitute His Faith to the Adulterations of the Roman Infallibility and Traditions.

Nevertheless the most violent Slanders the Faction laboured to pollute Him with, were those that rendred Him inclinable to Popery. From which He was so averse, that He could not forbear in His indearments to the Queen, (when He committed a secret to Her Breast which He would not trust to any other, and when He admired and applauded Her affectionate Cares for His Honour and Safety) in a Letter, which He thought no Eye but Hers should have perused, to let Her know that He still differ'd from Her in Religion; for He says, It is the only thing of Difference in Opinion betwixt Vs. Malice made the Slanderers blind, and they published this Letter to the World, than which there could not be a greater Evidence imaginable of the King's most secret thoughts and Inward Sincerity, nor a more shameful Conviction of their Impudence and damnable Falshood. Nor did He only tell the Queen so, but He made Her see it in His Actions. For as soon as His Children were born, it was His first Care to pre∣vent the satisfaction of their Mother in baptizing them after the Rites of Her own Church. When He was to Die, a time most seasonable to speak Truth, especially by Him who all His Life knew not how to Dissemble, He declares His Profession in Reli∣gion to be the same with that which He found left by His Father King James.

How little the Papists credited what the Faction would have the World believe, was too evident by the Conspiracies of their Fathers against His Life and Honour, which the Discovery of Habernefield (to whose relations the following practices against Him and the Church of England gained a belief) brought to light. They were mingled likewise among the Conspirators, and both heated and directed their Fury against Him. They were as importunate in their Calumnies of Him, even after His Death, as were the vilest of the Sectaries; which they had never done, could they have imagined Him to be theirs; for His Blood would in their Calendar have out-shamed the Multitude of their fictitious Saints. For His sake they continued their hatred to His Family, abet∣ted the Usurpations of the following Tyrant, by imposing upon the World new Rules of Obedience and Government, invented fresh Calumnies for the Son, and obstructed by various Methods His return to the Principality, because He was Heir as well of the Faith as of the Throne of His Father. Although this Honour is not to be denied to many Gallant Persons of that perswasion, that their Loyalty was not so corrupted by their Faith to Rome, but that they laboured to prevent the Father's Overthrow, and to hasten the Son's Restitution.

He was not satisfied in being Religious as a particular Christian, but would be so as a King, and endeavoured that Piety might be as Universal as His Empire. This He assayed by giving Ornaments and Assistances to the External Exercise and Parts of it, (which is the proper Province of a Magistrate, whose Power reaches but to the Out∣ward man) that so carnal minds, if they were not brought to an Obedience, might yet to a Reverence, and if men would not honour, yet they should not despise Reli∣gion. This He did in taking Care for the Place of Worship, that Comeliness and De∣cency should be there conspicuous where the God of Order was to be adored. And it was a Royal Undertaking to restore Saint Paul's Church to its primitive strength, and give it a beauty as magnificent as its Structure. He taught men not to contemn the Dispensers of the Gospel, because He had so great an esteem for them, admitting some to His nearest Confidence and most Private Counsels, as the Archbishop of Canterbury; and the greatest Place of Trust, as the Bishop of London to the Treasury: consulting at once the Emolument of Religion, whose Dictates are more powerfully impressed Page  62 when the Minister is honoured by the Magistrate, and the Benefit of the State, which wise Princes had before found none to seek more faithfully, if any did more prudently, than Church-men.

Though a Voluntary Poverty did much contribute to the lustre and increase of the Church in the Purer times, yet a necessitated would have destroyed it in a Corrupt age; therefore the King, to obstruct all access of Ruine that way, secured her Patri∣mony, and recovered as much as He could out of the Jaws of Sacrilege, which together with time had devoured a great part of it. His endeavours this way were so strong, that the Faction in Scotland found no Artifice able to divert them but by kindling the flame of a Civil War; the Criminals there seeking to adjust their Sacrilegious Acquisi∣tions by Rebellious practices, and to destroy that Church by force which His Majesty would not suffer them to torture with famine. In Ireland the Lord Lieutenant Went∣worth, by His Command and Instructions, retrived very great Possessions, which the tumults of that Nation had advantaged many greedy Persons to seise upon, and would not suffer Sedition to be incouraged with the hopes of Impiety. In England He coun∣tenanced those just Pleas which Oppressed Incumbents entred against Rapacious Pa∣trons; and this way many Curates were put into a Condition of giving Hospitality, who before were contemptible in their Ministry, because they were so in their Fortune. His Enemies knew how Inviolable was the Faith of His Majesty in this, and therefore pressed Him with nothing more to obstruct Peace than the Alienation of Church-Lands, rather than which He did abandon His Life, and parted sooner with His Blood than them. He used to say, Though I am sensible enough of the Dangers that attend My Care of the Church, yet I am resolved to defend it or make it My Tomb-stone, (alluding to a Story which He would tell of a Generous Captain, that said so of a Castle that was committed to his trust.) He had so perfect a Detestation of that Crime, that it is said He scarce ever mentioned Henry VIII. without an Abhorrency of His Sacriledge. He neglected the Advices of His own Party, if they were negligent of the Welfare of the Church.

Those Concessions He had made in Scotland to the prejudice of the Church there, were the subject of His grief and penitential Confessions both before God (as appears in His Prayers) and men. For when the Reverend DrMorley, now Lord Bishop of Winchester, (whom He had sent for to the Treaty in the Isle of Wight, where he em∣ployed his diligence and prudence to search into the Intrigues and Reserves of the Commissioners) had acquainted Him how the Commissioners were the more pertina∣cious for the abolishing of Episcopacy here, because His Majesty had consented to it in Scotland, and withal told Him what Answer he himself had made to them, That perchance the King was abused to those Grants by a misinformation that that Act which was made in King James's Minority against Bishops was yet unrepealed, and that His Concession would but leave them where the Law had; The King answered, It is true, I was told so, but whenever you hear that urged again, give them this Answer, and say that you had it from the King Himself; That when I did that in Scotland, I sinned against My Conscience, and that I have often repented of it, and hope that God hath forgiven Me that great Sin, and by God's grace for no Consideration in the World will I ever do so again.

He was careful of Uniformity, both because He knew the Power of Just and Law∣ful Princes consisted in the Union of their Subjects, who never are cemented stronger than by a Unity in Religion; but Tyrants, who measure their greatness by the weakness of their Vassals, work that most effectually by caressing Schisms, and giving a Licence to different Perswasions (as the Usurpers afterwards did:) Besides, He saw there was no greater Impediment to a sincere Piety, because that Time and those Parts which might improve Godliness to a growth, were all Wasted and Corrupted in Malice and Slanders betwixt the Dissenters about forms. He was more tender in preserving the Truths of Christianity, than the Rights of His Throne. For when the Commissioners of the Two Houses in the Isle of Wight importunately pressed him for a Confirmation of the Lesser Catechism which the Assembly at Westminster had composed, and used this mo∣tive, because it was a small matter; He answered, Though it seem to you a small thing, it is not so to Me: I had rather give you one of the Flowers of My Crown, than permit your Children to be corrupted in the least point of their Religion. Thus though He could not infuse Spiritual Graces into the minds of His Subjects, yet He would manage their Reason by Pious Arts; and what the Example of a King (which through the Corruptions of men is more efficacious to Impiety than to Vertue) could not do, that His Law should, and He would restrain those Vices which He could not extirpate.

Religion was never used by Him to veil Injustice;* for this was peculiar to. His Ad∣versaries, Page  63 who when they were plotting such acts as Hell would blush at, they would fawn and smile on Heaven; and they used it as those subtle Surprisers in War, who wear their Enemies Colours till they be admitted to butcher them within their own Fortresses. But His Majesty consulted the Peace of His Conscience not only in Piety to God, but also in Justice to Men. He was, as a Magistrate should be, a speaking Law. It was His usual saying, Let me stand or fall by My own Counsels. I will ever, with Job, rather chuse Misery than Sin. He first submitted His Counsels to the Censure of the Lawyers before they were brought forth to Execution. Those acts of which the Fa∣ction made most noise, were delivered by the Judges to be within the Sphere of the Prerogative. The causes of the Revenue were as freely debated as private Pleas, and sometimes decreed to be not good; which can never happen under a bad Prince. The Justice of His Times shewed that of His Breast, wherein the Laws were feared and not Men. None were forced to purchase their Liberty with the diminution of their Estates, or the loss of their Credit. Every one had both security and safety for His Life, Fortune, and Dignity; and it was not then thought, as afterwards, to be a part of Wisdom to provide against Dangers by obscurity and Privacies. His Favours in bestowing Great Offices never secured the Receivers from the force of the Law, but Equity overcame His Indulgences. For He knew that Vnjust Princes become Odious to them that made them so. He submitted the Lord Keeper Coventrey to an Examination when a querulous person had accused him of Bribery. He sharply reproved one whom He had made Lord Treasurer, when he was petitioned against by an Hampshire Knight, on whose Estate, being held by Lease from the Crown, that Treasurer had a design; and He secured the Petitioner in his right. The greatest Officer of His Court did not dare to do any the least of those injuries which the most contemptible Member of the House of Commons would with a daily Insolency act upon his weaker Neighbour. In the Civil Discords He bewailed nothing more, than that the Sword of Justice could not correct the illegal Furies of that of War. Though by His Concessions and Grants He diminished His Power, yet He thought it a Compensation, to let the World see He was willing to make it impossible for Monarchy to have an unjust Instrument, and to secure posterity from evil Kings. Although He proved to a Leading Lord of the Faction, That a People being too cautious to bind their King by Laws from doing Ill, do likewise fetter Him from doing Good, and their fears of Mischief do destroy their hopes of Be∣nefit. And that such is the weakness of Humanity, that he which is intrusted only to Good, may pervert that Power to the extremest Ills. And indeed there is no security for a Com∣munity to feel nothing in Government besides the Advantages of it, but in the Benig∣nity of Providence, and the Justice of the Prince, both which we enjoyed while we enjoyed Him.

Though He was thus in Love with Justice,* yet He suffered not that to leven His Nature to Severity and Rigour, but tempered it with Clemency, especially when His Goodness could possibly find out such an Interpretation for the Offence, that it struck more at His Peculiar than the Publick Interest. He seemed almost stupid in the Opi∣nion of Cholerick Spirits as to a sense of His own Injuries, when there was no fear lest His Mercy should thereby increase the Miseries of His People. And He was so am∣bitious of the Glory of Moderation, that He would acquire it in despight of the Ma∣lignity of the times. For the Exercise of this Vertue depends not only on the temper of the Prince, but the frame of the People must contribute to it; because when the Reverence of Ma∣jesty and fear of the Laws are proscribed, sharper Methods are required to from Obedience. Yet He was unwilling to cut off, till He had tried by Mercy to amend, even guilty Souls. Thus He strove to oblige the Lord Balmerino to peaceful practices, by continuing that Life which had been employed in Sedition, and forfeited to the Law.

Soon after His coming into the Isle of Wight (by which time He had experienced the numerous Frauds and implacable Malice of His Enemies) being attended on by DrSheldon and DrHammond (for they were the earliest in their duties at that time) a discourse passed betwixt His Majesty and the Governour, wherein there was mention made of the fears of the Faction that the King could never forgive them. To which the King immediately replies, I tell thee, Governour, I can forgive them with as good an appetite as ever I eat My Dinner after an hunting, and that I assure you was not a small one; yet I will not make My self a better Christian than I am, for I think if they were Kings I could not do it so easily. This shewed how prone His Soul was to Mercy, and found not any obstruction but what arose from a sense of Royal Magnanimity.

He sooner offered and gave life to His captive Enemies than their Spirits debauched by Rebellion would require it, and He was sparing of that blood of which their fury made Page  64 them Prodigal. No man fell in battel whom He could save. He chose rather to en∣joy any Victory by Peace (and therefore continually sollicited for it when He seemed least to need it) than make one triumph a step to another; and though He was passio∣nate to put all in Safety, yet He affected rather to end the War by Treaty than by Conquest. The Prisoners He took He used like deluded men, and oftener remembred that God had made them His Subjects, than that the Faction had transformed them to Rebels. He provided for them while in His Power, and not to let them languish in Prison, sent them by Passes to their own homes, only ingaging them by Oath to no more injuries against that Sovereign whom they had felt to be Gracious: for so He used those that were taken at Brainford. But yet the Casuists of the Cause would soon dispense with their Faith, and send them forth to die in contracting a new guilt. Those whom the fury of War had left gasping in the Field, and fainting under their wounds, He commends in His Warrants, (as in that to the Mayor of Newbury) to the care of the Neighbourhood, either tenderly to recover, or decently bury: and His Commands were as well for those that sought to murther Him as those that were wounded in His Defence.

This made the Impudence and Falshood of Bradshaw more portentous, when in his Speech of the Assassination he belch'd out those Comparisons of Caligula and Nero: the first would kill numbers of Senators to make himself Sport, and the last thought it just enough that Paetus Thraseas should die, because he look'd like a School-master. But this Prince's Anger was without Danger to any, His Admonitions were frequent, Corrections seldom, but Revenge never. He grieved when His Pity had not Power or Skill to save Offenders, and then He punished the bad, but yet gave them space to repent, and make their Execution as near as He could like a natural Death, to tran∣slate them from hence to a place where they could not Sin. He had nothing of the Beast in Him, which Machiavel requires in such Princes as make Success the only end of their Counsels, and consult a prosperous Grandeur more than an unspotted Consci∣ence. He scorned to abuse the Character of God upon Him by turning a Fox to dis∣semble, and abhorred to think that He whom Heaven had made above other men, should degenerate to the Cruelty of a Lion. He sooner parted with Mortality than Mercy; for He ended His days with a Prayer for His Enemies, and laboured to make His Clemency immortal, by commanding the practice of it to His Son.

None of His Vertues were in the Confines of Vice,* and therefore this Admirable Clemency proceeded not from a defect of Spirit, as His Detractors imputed it, and the Vulgar, who mistake Cruelty for Valour, imagined; but like the Bowels of the Supremest Mercy which are incircled with an Infinite Power, so this Pity to guilty and frail men was attended with an Incomparable Fortitude. For this Vertue consisting in despising Dangers and Enemies in those Causes that render Death comely and glorious, the King gave several Evidences of a Contempt of all Power beneath that of Heaven. When the Lord Rey first acquainted Him with the Conspiracy of Ramsey and Hamilton, He was upon a Remove to Theobalds, where the Marquess was to wait upon Him as Gen∣tleman of the Bed-Chamber; who having some notice given him of the Discovery, be∣sought His Majesty to spare his attendance till he could clear his innocence, and re∣turn the Treason upon the Accuser. The King answered, that He would therefore make him wait, to let him see He did as little fear his strength as distrust his Loyalty; for He knew he durst not attempt His Life, because He was resolved to sell it so dear. And to make good His Confidence, He made him ride alone with Him in His Coach to Theo∣balds, and lie in His Chamber that Night: while the sollicitous Court admired, and even censured, His Magnanimity, for it went beyond His pattern, and did more than that Emperour who was stiled the Delight of Mankind, who being informed of a Con∣spiracy against him, invited the two Chiefs of it to accompany him to the Spectacula, and caused them both to sit next on each side to him in the Theatre; and to give them more advantage for their design, put the swords of the Gladiators (under colour of en∣quiring their judgments concerning their sharpness) into their hands, to shew how little dread he had of their fury. But the British Prince's Magnanimity exceeded that of the Excellent Roman's, as much as the privacies of a Bed-chamber and the darkness of Night make up a fitter Scene for the Assassination of a beloved Sovereign than a pub∣lick Theatre.

As He never provoked War, so He never feared it; and when the miserable Ne∣cessity lay upon Him to take up Arms to preserve Himself from an unjust Violence, He shewed as much if not more Valour than those can boast of that with equal force finished Wars with Conquest: in the success of these, Fortune, the Vanity of an Ene∣my, Page  65 and the assistances of Friends may challenge a part of the Praise, but in that none but His own brave Soul had the Glory. For to attempt at Victory against an Enemy that had almost more Forts and Garrisons than He had Families to joyn with Him, that with Cannon out-vied the number of His Muskets, that had gotten from Him a Navy which His Care had made the most formidable in the World, and not left Him the command of a Cock-boat, that were prodigal with the Treasure of a Nation and His Revenues, when He begged for a subsistence; was such a Courage that would have made that Senate of Gallant Persons, who were the most competent Judges of Valour, and never censured Vertue by the Success, but thanked their Imprudent Con∣sul for not despairing of the Common-wealth, when he gathered up those broken Le∣gions which his Rashness had obtruded to an Overthrow, to have decreed a Triumph for CHARLES, had His life been an Honour to that Age, or could those Generations have reckoned Him among their great Examples. Most Men indeed thought the King's side most glorious, yet they concluded the other more terrible: those that minded their Duty were in the Royal Camp, but such as cared for Safety took part with the Faction, or at least did not oppose them. As He first entred the War, so did He continue in it. His moderation alwaies moved Him to desire Peace, and His Fortitude made them sometimes sue for it. His Adversaries never prevailed upon His Fears, but upon the Treachery and Covetousness of some of His Party, who could not endure an Honourable Want: and on such their Gold was stronger than their Iron on Him, and He was rather Betray'd than Overcome.

His Greatness of Mind forsook Him not with His Fortune, Arms and Liberty, it being Natural, and not built upon them; this made Him tenacious of Majesty when His Power was gone. For when Whaley, that had the Command of the Guards up∣on Him while He was in the Army, insolently intruded into His Presence to hear His Discourse with a Foreign Minister of State, and being bold in His Power and Office, refused to obey the Command for a greater Distance, the King caned him to an Obser∣vance. When the Parricides sent their party of Souldiers to force Him from the Isle of Wight to the Slaughter, Cobbet that commanded them thrust himself into the Coach with Him: but the King sensible that the nearness of such a Villain was like a Conta∣gion to Majesty, with His Hand forced him away to herd among his bloody fellows. His Spirit alwaies kept above the barbarous Malice of His Enemies, and of their ru∣dest Injuries would seem unsensible. He told a faithful Servant of His that the Con∣spirators had kept Him for two Months under a want of Linnen and Shirts: But (said He) I scorned to give them that pleasure ac to tell them I wanted. Thus all the strokes of Fortune upon His Magnanimous Soul were but like the breaking of Waves upon a Rock of Diamonds, which cannot shake, but only wash it to a greater Brightness.

But though He knew not how to submit to the Power of men,* yet He would tremble under the Frowns of God. His great Spirit made Him not unquiet or furious under the Corrections of the Almighty: But with a wonderful Patience (a Vertue not usual with Kings, to whom the bounds of Equity seem a restraint, and therefore are more restless in In∣juries) He did submit to the Will of His Eternal Soveregin. He never murmured nor repined at that Providence which had given Him plenty of tears to drink: But His Me∣ditations still breath the Justice of God and the Holiness of all His waies with Him. He would take Occasions from displeasing Occurrences to thank God that had fitted Him for the Condition he had brought Him unto. For when he marched after His Carriage in pursuit of Essex into the West, one of them broke in a very narrow Lane, which made Him stop till an intolerable Showre of Rain came pouring upon Him; from which that He might seek for a Shelter in the Neighbouring Village, His Cour∣tiers offered to hew Him out a way through the Hedge with their Swords, but He re∣fused: and when they wondred at it, He lifting up His Hat and Eyes to worship the Fountain of All Grace, said, As God hath given me Afflictions to exercise My Patience, so He hath given me Patience to bear My Afflictions. The Indignity He received from Hotham provoked no Curse from Him, nor could the Injuries from Scotch and English move Him to any thing more than Prayers for God's sanctifying them to Him. He wanted not Temptations to Passion from His own Party; for in a Letter to the Queen, He tells Her that She could not but pity Him in His Condition as to them: yet He so managed their several Humours, and so cherished their Expectations with Patience and Meekness, that they quietly waited for a return of His Fortune.

When He was in His Captivity at Carisbrook under the strictest Restraint, those that attended Him never almost observed Him but chearful and pleasant in His Discour∣ses, Page  66 and sometimes breaking out into pleasing Reparties and Jests. When in the Trea∣ty at Newport, (where he had occasions of Passion daily administred by the Perverse∣ness to Peace of the Party He was to deal with) one of the Commissioners was impor∣tunate with Him for more Concessions, and minded Him of His saying, That if there were another Treaty, it should not lie in the power of the Devil's Malice to hinder Peace: the King answered, It would be so when there was a Treaty, but as for this it could not be thought a Treaty, but He was like the man in the Play, that cried out he had been in a Fray, and when they asked him what Fray, he replied there was a Fray and no Fray, for there were but three blows given, and He took them all: so this is a Treaty and not a Treaty, for there be many Concessions, but I have made them all. Another time, when He met one of the Presbyterian Ministers near his Chamber enquiring for Captain Titus, (who then waited on Him, and had been faithful to Him in that Service) the King told him, He wondred he would have any more to do either with Titus or Timothy, since he fared so ill in medling with them in his Disputes about Episcopacy the day before. These shewed how free His Soul was, and uncontrolled in the greatest and most displeasing per∣plexities.

He would never take any indirect courses to avoid the Cross, nay, He scrupled at such expedients as some deemed most conducing to His great end. For at the Trea∣ty in the Isle of Wight there being offered to Him an expedient, to secure His Consci∣ence, and satisfie the Commissioners in the Propositions about the Church, and it be∣ing urged by a great and faithful Counsellor, that He must grant what possibly He could to preserve His own Life for the good of the Church, for (it was said) her safety depended on His; with a present and pious indignation He replied, Tell not Me what I should do for saving of My Life, but what I may do with a safe Conscience: God forbid that the Life or Safety of the Church should depend upon My Life or upon the Life of any mortal man; and I thank God I have a Son whom I have reason to believe will love the Church as well as I do. Another time, a little after the Treaty was ended, DrMorley shewing to Him a Billet he had received by the Lady Wheeler the King's Laundress (who often conveyed much Intelligence) from an Officer of the Army, that the King's Death was resolved on; His Majesty answered, I have done what I can to save My Life without lo∣sing of my Soul. I can do, I will do no more: God's will be done.

In the Pomp of His Murther, wherein He was made a Spectacle to the World, An∣gels and Men, no Trials were ever greater, nor ever were any better born: the Parri∣cides found it was easie to take away His Life, but impossible His Honour and Patience; His Passions being then so low and quiet, that the natural Infirmity of His Speech did not in the least measure appear, which uses to be most evident in the smallest discompo∣sure of the Spirit. After the Regicides had passed their Decree for His Assassination, and caused Him to be persecuted with all the Indignities of the fanatick Souldiers, there fell from Him nothing like Passion or Indignation, but that He gave the Authors of those Impieties the Title that was due to them: for when my Lord of London came to Him, (which was not till eight a Clock on Saturday Night,) He told him, My Lord, that you came no sooner I believe was not your fault; but now you are come, because these Rogues pursue My Blood, you and I must consult how I may best part with it. Yet even this was spoken without any Fury or Violence; for though all about Him was tumul∣tuous with Horrour, Destruction and Contempt, His Soul seemed unconcerned, en∣joyed a Calm Serenity, and was full of its own Majesty. This Vertue made Him forget He was a Prince born to command, and only consider that He was a Christian whose Calling obliges to Suffer.

He had found out a way to Glory by Humility.* For the Supream Power, to which nothing can be added, hath no better way to encrease, than when secured of its own Greatness it humbleth it self. And the Dignity of Princes is in nothing farther from Envy and Dan∣ger than in Humility. He despised the converse of none, though poor, if honest: He shewed to SrPhilip Warwick (who had much of His Trust and Affections) in the Isle of Wight, a poor ragged Old Man, and told him he was a very honest fellow, and had been His best Company for two months together. He would have those about Him converse rather with Himself than with His Majesty, and with them would He mingle Dis∣courses as One of the People: none made an end of speaking till His own Modesty, not Pride in the King, thought it was enough: and He never did contradict any Man without this mollifying Preface, By your favour, Sir. His Discourse as it was familiar, so it was directed to raise those that heard it to a nearer approach to Himself by per∣fection; for He did not proudly scoff at, but gently laboured to mend the defects of His Subjects. When Doctor Hammond had in some degree lost the Manage of His Page  67 Voice, His Majesty shewed him his Infirmity, and taught him to amend it; which that Excellent Person often mentioned as an instance of a Gracious Condescension of Majesty. When Noble Youths came to take their leaves of Him before they went to foreign travel, He would not let them go without His Instructions, of which this was one, My Lord, Keep always the best Company, and be sure never to be Idle. Thus He would confer the Vertues as well as the Titles of Nobility, He laboured to keep them as Majesty had made them, and that that blood might not be tainted in them which was honoured in their Ancestors. Nor did He desire that they should be otherwise than He directed, as Tyrants and weak Princes will commend those Vertues which they are afraid of, for they dread or envy their Subjects Parts and Abilities. Aristotle observes that a Tyrant cares not to hear his Vassals speak any thing that is either Grave or Generous; and it is reckoned among the Usurpations of such Monsters, that they would have the opinion to be the Only Wise and Gallant. Plato indangered his Life when he conversed with the Sicilian Tyrant, because he was thought to understand more than his Host. It was observed of Cromwell, (by one of his confident Teachers) that in the time of his Tyranny he loved no man that spoke Sense, and had several Artifices to disparage it among his Slaves that attended him; and he would highly extol those Pulpit-Spea∣kers that had most Canting and least Reason. But the King thought it the Honour of Principality to rule over Excellent Persons, and affected to be Great only by being Better; and to raise their Spirits would stoop with His own.

Of these He always chose the most accomplished that He knew,* to be His Mini∣sters of State and closest Confidents: for as the fortune of Princes stands in need of ma∣ny Friends, which are the surest supports of Empire; so He would always seek the Best, and those He thought fittest for His Employments, which a bad or weak King would hate or fear. Therefore He had always the finest Pens and ablest Heads in His Cause, and Persons likewise of Integrity in His Service: for the Archbishop and Earl of Straf∣ford, that were clamoured against as the greatest Criminals, were not guilty enough, even by those accusations which they were loaded with, and yet not proved, to receive the Censure of the Law, but were to be condemned in an unaccustomed way of spil∣ling English blood. When some discovered their Abilities even by opposing His Coun∣sels, He preferr'd the Publick Benefit which might be by their Endowments to His private Injuries; He would either buy them off to His Service by some Place of Trust, or win them to His Friendship; unless He saw them to be such whose Natures were corrupted by their Designs, (for He had a most excellent Sagacity in discerning the Spirits of men) or they were such who polluted their parts by prostituting Religion to some base ends (the injuries of which He could never neglect:) and such He nei∣ther conceived Honourable in a Court, nor hoped they would ever be faithful and quiet in a Community. Among these Purchaces were reckoned the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the Lord Falkland, and others now living, whose Perfections honoured His Judgment and justified His Choice.

He had no Favorite,* as a Minister of Pleasures, to gratifie whose Lusts and Vanities He might be sollicited to do things contrary to the benefit of the Community; but all were Instruments of Government, and must be able to serve the Publick, whom He took to serve Himself. For no Prince was ever more affectionate of His People than He was, nor did He think His Interest separate from theirs. Those nice distinctions and cautious limits of Prerogative and Liberty which the Faction invented to enjealous the People with, were all indistinctly comprised by Him in an Uniform and Constant care of a just Government: none dared to advise Him to attempt at a power His Pre∣decessors had parted with, or the Laws had concluded Him from. For He told the Lords, when He purged the Earl of Strafford from the Accusation of Sir Henry Vane, (that He had advised His Majesty to make use of some Irish to reduce this Kingdom; on which, though it had but a single and various testimony, the Faction built their Practices against His Life) I think no body durst ever be so impudent as to move Me to it; for if they had, I should have made them such an Example, and put such a mark upon them, that all Posterity should know my Intentions by it. For my Intention was ever to govern by the Law, and not otherwise. He thought He could not be happy unless His People were so; as we found our selves miserable when He was not prosperous. Therefore He parted with so much of His Prerogative to buy our Peace, and purchase our Content. He sought their Love by affecting them, the only way of gaining it, because that Pas∣sion only is free and impatient of Command. Nor was He ever more pleased than in the enjoyment of it: When His Third Parliament granted five Subsidies, and it was told Him that there was not One Voice dissenting, it is said, He wept for joy; and it had Page  68 been happy for the People, if the King had always had such cause of Tears, and His Eyes had been always wet with the same.

Contests for Liberty could never have been more unseasonable than under this Prince, for He never denied His Subjects the removal of any just Grievance, yea He parted sometimes, through their own importunity deluded by the Faction, with that which should have kept them Free: And when He made such Concessions, which tended to the prejudice of those that desired it, He would say to some about Him, that He would never have granted these things, but that He hoped they would see the Inconvenience of that Power which they begg'd from Him, yet themselves could not manage, and return it to its pro∣per place, before it became their Ruine. He was far from the ambition of Ill Princes to seek an unlimited Power; but He thought it the Office of the best Sovereign to set bounds to Liberty. He despised His Life if it were to be bought by the Misery of the Nation, and therefore rejected the Propositions of the Army as the Conditions of His Safety, when tendred to Him the day before His Murther, because they would inslave the People. Neither would He expose particular persons to an evident and inevitable dan∣ger, though it were to secure Himself: for when my Lord Newburgh and his Noble Lady, at whose house in Bagshot He did stay as He was removed from Carisbrook to Windsor, proposed to Him a way to escape from that bloody Guard that hurried Him to the Slaughter, He rejected it, saying, If I should get away, they would cut you in pieces; and therefore would not try their design, though it seemed feasible.

With these arts He did seek to oblige the Community;* but the Faction's Slanders hindred the Success: which they the more easily obstructed, because the King never affected Popularity, for that consists in an industrious pleasing of the People in minute and ordinary Circumstances, but He always endeavoured by a solid Vertue their real Happi∣ness, and therefore in confidence of that neglected a specious Compliance with the less beneficial Humours of the Vulgar: so that the Multitude, who are taken with things of the lightest consideration, could not sufficiently value Him, being not able to apprehend His Worth: for a Statist observes, Moderate Princes are always admired, but Heroick are never understood. On particular Persons (if not the sworn creatures of the Conspira∣tors, and by Treason made inhumane) He feldom failed by conversing to take them. His Trophies in this kind, even when He was despoiled of means to bribe their hopes, were innumerable; and those that engaged against Him ere they knew Him, after the Knowledge of Him did curse their Credulity and their prosperous Arms. A clear instance of this (to mention no more) was in MrVines, one of the Presbyterian Mi∣nisters (who are conceived to be too tenacious of a prejudice against those that dislike their Government) that were sent to dispute against Episcopacy: for he admiring the Abilities of the King which He manifested in asserting of it, professed to MrBurroughs, (one whose Attendance the King required, and found him faithful to the extremest dangers in those enterprises in which he several times engaged for His Safety,) how he had been deluded to unworthy thoughts of the King, but was now convinced to an exceeding Reverence of Him, and hoped so of others; and earnestly solicited those that attended on Him, to use all means to rescue Him from the intended Villany of the Army; saying, Our happiness was great in such a Prince, and our Misery in the Loss of Him would be un∣speakable. Yet He never courted, although He won them, but His passage to their hearts was through their brain, and they first Admired and then Loved Him.

As He was powerful to gain,* so He was careful to keep Friends. Fidelity to the Publick and Private was His chiefest Care; for He knew how necessary it is for Princes to be faithful, because it is so much their Interest that others should not be false. Though it is a Mystery of Empire with other Kings to proportion their Faith to their Advantage, yet He abhorred to promise any thing which He could not Religiously observe. Some over-fine Politici would have had Him grant all the Desires of the Faction as the most immediate way to their Ruine; for it was supposed they could never agree in dividing the Spoil, and their dissensions would have opened a way for the recovery of His a∣bandoned Rights. But He was so constant in all that was good, that He thought the purchase of Greatness too vile for the breach of His Faith, and He hated those acquisi∣tions which would give Him cause to blush. This Heroick Expression often fell from Him, Leave Me to My Conscience and Honour, and let what will befal Me. His Enemies knew this so natural, that if they could make their Propositions repugnant to His Conscience, they were sure no Peace should obstruct their Designs. Nay, He was faithful in those Stipulations wherein their first Breach would have justified a depar∣ture from His Promise; though He saw this Vertue would be rewarded with His Mur∣ther. For when some of His Attendants at Carisbrook daily importuned Him to pro∣vide Page  69 for His Safety from the perfidious Violence of the Army, which every day they had informations of, He made this return; Trouble not your selves, I have the Parlia∣ments Faith and Honour engaged for My remaining here in Honour, Freedom, and Safety, and I will not dishonour My self by Escaping.

As He was to the Publick so to His Private Obligations. No assaults could take the Duke of Buckingham from His Protection: for though His forein Enterprises required supplies of Money, and the Faction would not let the Bills for Subsidies pass unless they might be gratified with the Dukes blood, or Degradation from His Trust, the King would not buy them with the Life or Dishonour of His Friend. And although he fell afterwards as a Sacrifice to the Common hate, (for so the Assassinate pretended, that he might give a Splendor to his Crime, It being more specious to revenge the Publick than private Injuries,) yet was he not the King's Offering. In the case of the Earl of Strafford this Honour seemed to be clouded: But Posterity will see that that Noble Per∣son was rather ravished from Him, (on design by his Enemies to rob him of the Glo∣ry of Fidelity,) than deserted by Him; for He never left him till the Earl did aban∣don himself. And a Penitence for a Submission (not Consent) to the Rape made a Satisfaction for the Offence, and repaired the damage of the Injury. For His Maje∣sties Tears over him will emblam and preserve his name and blood to the honur of Following Ages, more than the remnant of his days would have administred to his glory.

It would be an Injury to His other Vertues to mention His Chastity and Temperance,* because it is an Infamy to be otherwise; unless to let Posterity know, that no injured Husband nor Dishonoured Family conspired to His Ruine, but such who were enga∣ged to Him for preserving all their Rights in those Relations unattempted, and secu∣ring them by His own example. He witnessed His Conjugal Chastity the day before His Death, (a time not to be spent in falsities, which was too little for necessary Pre∣parations to appear before the God of Truth;) when He commanded the Lady Eliza∣beth to tell her Mother, that His thoughts had never strayed from Her, and His Love should be the same to the Last. The purity of His Speech likewise testified the Clean∣ness of His Heart, for He did abhor all Obscene and wanton Discourse. And He was so far from defiling the Beds, that He would not pollute the Ears of His Subjects.

This Chastity found no Assaults from Intemperance,* for He never fed to Luxury but Health. His strong Constitution required large Meals, but His Vertue took care they should not be gluttonous; for He delighted not in Sawces or Artifices to please the Palate and raise the Lust, but all was sincere and solid, and therefore he never was subject to a Surfeit. He always mingled Water with His Wine, which He never drank pure but when He eat Venison; and He was so nice in observing the bounds of Sobriety, that most times Himself would measure and mingle both together. He did usually at every Meal drink one Glass of Beer, another of wine, and a third of Wa∣ter, and seldom drank between His Meals. These though Ordinary Vertues, were yet eminent in Him, since they could not be corrupted by the Power nor the Flatteries of Fortune. And they are therefore mentioned to gratifie Posterity; for men are cu∣rious to know all even the minute Passages of Great and Vertuous Persons.

Being free from Incontinency and Intemperance,* the gulphs of Treasure and Drayners of the Largest Exchequer, He had no other Vice to exhaust the Publick Stock, and so necessitate Him to fill it up by Oppressions, but He would by Frugality make His Revenue sufficient for the Majesty of the Crown, and the Necessities of the State. His own Nature indeed inclined Him to Magnificence, but the Vices of others did instruct Him to moderate Expences. For He had found the Treasury low, and the Debts great, in His beginnings: He was assaulted with two expensive Wars from the two great Potentates of Europe, and the Faction had obstructed the usual way of Supplies by Parliaments. Therefore He was to find a Mine in Vertue; and by spa∣ring from Vanities, make provisions for necessary and glorious Enterprises, which He did effect: for in that short time of Peace which He enjoyed He satisfied all the Pub∣lick Debts, so furnished and increased His Navy, that it was the most considerable in the whole World, supported His Confederate the King of Sweden, and by Money in∣abled him for the Victories of Germany, and so fill'd His own Treasury, that it was able of it self to bear the weight of the first Scotch Expedition without the Aids of the Subject, who were never more able to contribute to their own safety, nor ever had more reason, the swellings of that Nation breaking all the Banks and Fences of their Liberty and Happiness. But the King would let them see that as by His Government He had made them rich, He would also keep them so by His Frugality. But those Page  70 whose first care was to make Him necessitous, and the next odious, did brand it with the name of Covetousness, which was as False as Malicious; for He never spared when Just Designs call'd for Expences, and was magnificent in Noble Undertakings, as in the Repair of Paul's. He was always Grateful, although those men who measured their Services not by their Duties, or their Merits, but by their Expectations from His Fortune, thought Him not Liberal. He chose rather not to burthen His People by Subsidies, than load particular Servants with unequal Bounties. For Good Princes chuse to be loved rather for their Benefits to the Community than for those to private persons. And it may be Vanity and Ostentation, but not Liberality, when the gifts of the Prince are not proportioned to the Common Necessity. His sparings were like those of Indulgent Fa∣thers, that His Subjects as Children might have the more. He never, like subtle and rapacious Kings, made or pretended a Necessity for Taxes, but was troubled when He found it. The Contributions of Parliament He esteemed not the increase of His pecu∣liar Treasure, but the Provisions for the Common Safety, of which He would rather be accounted a Steward than a Lord. When Faction and Sedition so deluded the Peo∣ple that they could not see the preservation of the whole consisted in contributing some small part, He freely parted with His own Inheritance to preserve intire to them the price of their Sweat and Labour.

As He had these Moral Vertues,* which are both the signatures of Majesty and the Ornaments of a Royal Spirit, so He was no less compleat in the Intellectual. His Un∣derstanding was as Comprehensive as His Just Power, and He was Master of more sorts of Knowledge than He was of Nations. How much He knew of the Mysteries and Controversies of Divinity was evident in His Discourses and Papers with Hender∣son, and those at the Isle of Wight, where He singly Disputed for Episcopacy one whole day against Fifteen Commissioners and their Four Chaplains, (the most experienced and subtle members of all the Opposite Party) with so much Acuteness and Felicity that even His Opposers admired Him. He so dexterously managed His Discourse with the Ministers, that He made it evident they perswaded Him to that which they them∣selves judged unlawful, and had condemned as Sacriledge, when they pretended to sa∣tisfie the Scruples of His Conscience, and to assure Him He might safely alienate the Church-Lands. And the Commissioners sensible how unequal their Ministers were to discourse with Him, for ever after silenced them, and permitted no Disputes but by Papers. At that time He exceeded the opinion of His friends about Him. One of them said in astonishment, that Certainly God had inspired Him. Another, that His Majesty was to a Wonder improved by His Privacies and Afflictions. But a third, that had had the Honour of a nearer Service, assured them that the King was never less, only He had now the opportunity of appearing in His full Magnitude.

In the Law of the Land He was as knowing (as Himself said to the Parricides, yet was no boaster of His own Parts) as any Gentleman in England, who did not profess the Publick Practice of it: especially those Parts of it which concerned the Commerce between King and People. In that Art which is peculiar to Princes, Reason of State, He knew as much as the most prosperous Contemporary Kings or their most exercised Ministers, yet scorned to follow those Rules of it which lead from the Paths of Justice. The Reserves that other Princes used in their Leagues and Contracts, to colour the breaches of Faith, and those inglorious and dark Intrigues of subtle Politicians, He did perfectly abhor: but His Letters, Declarations, Speeches, Meditations, are full of that Political Wisdom which is consistent with Christianity. He had so quick an In∣sight into these Mysteries, and so early arrived to the Knowledge of it, that when He was young, and had just gotten out of the Court and Power of Spain, He censured the Weakness of that Mysterious Council. For He was no sooner on Shipboard, but the first words He spake were, I discovered two Errors in those great Masters of Policy; One that they would use Me so Ill, and another that after such Vsage they permitted Me to Depart.

As those former parts of Knowledge did enable Him to know Men,* and how to ma∣nage their different humours, and to temper them to a fitness for Society, and make them serviceable to the Glory of that God whose Minister He was: so His Soul was stored with a full Knowledge of the Nature of Things, and easily comprehended al∣most all kinds of Arts that either were for Delight or of a Publick Use; for He was ignorant of nothing but of what He thought it became Him to be negligent, (for many parts of Learning that are for the Ornament of a Private person are beneath the Cares of a Crowned Head.) He was well skilled in things of Antiquity, could judge of Meddals whether they had the Number of years they pretended unto; His Libra∣ries Page  71 and Cabinets were full of those things on which length of Time put the Value of Rarities. In Painting He had so excellent a Fancy, that He would supply the defect of Art in the Workman, and suddenly draw those Lines, give those Airs and Lights, which Experience and Practice had not taught the Painter. He could judge of Forti∣fications, and censure whether the Cannon were mounted to Execution or no. He had an excellent Skill in Guns, knew all that belonged to their making. The exactest arts of building Ships for the most necessary uses of strength or good sailing, together with all their furniture, were not unknown to Him. He understood and was pleas∣ed with the making of Clocks and Watches. He comprehended the Art of Printing. There was not any one Gentleman of all the three Kingdoms that could compare with Him in an Universality of Knowledge. He incouraged all the Parts of Learning, and He delighted to talk with all kind of Artists, and with so great a Facility did appre∣hend the Mysteries of their Professions, that He did sometime say, He thought He could get His Living, if Necessitated, by any Trade He knew of, but making of Hangings: although of these He understood much, and was greatly delighted in them; for He brought some of the most curious Workmen from Forein Parts to make them here in England.

His Writings shew what Notions He had gathered from the whole store of Learn∣ing,*which He cloathed with a Wonderful and most charming Eloquence. Which was unquestionably so great, that those who endeavoured to despoil Him of His Civil Do∣minions granted Him a deserved Empire among famous Writers. The Book of His Meditations is alone sufficient to make His Assassinates execrable to all that in any Age shall have a sense of Piety, or a love to Wisdom and Eloquence. For so great an affe∣ction in the Breasts of men do excellent Writings acquire for their Authors, that though they may be otherwise blameable, yet their Works render their Memories precious; and the violent Deaths of such increase their Glory, while they load their Murtherers with Ignominy. All men, especially among Posterity, deeming so great Wits could not be cut off but to the Publick Injury, and by Persons brutishly mad, or by some horrid sins debauched to an Enmity with mankind. So that all future times shall admire and applaud His Writings against them, and curse their Injustice to Him.

His Wisdom was not only Speculative in His Writings,* but also Practical in His Counsels. None found out better means for accomplishing a Design, provided safer expedients for the Ressorts of Difficulties, or more clearly foresaw the Event at a Di∣stance; nor were any Counsels so prosperous as His own, when they were vigorously prosecuted by those whom He intrusted with the Execution; and He seldom miscarri∣ed but when He inclined to follow the Advices of others; as He did in that inauspici∣ous Attempt to take Gloucester, wherein He forsook His own Reasons, which He ur∣ged with all possible Evidence of Success, to march towards London. He saw into the Intrigues of His Enemies; and had not the Treacheries (which being secret are above the Caution of Humane Nature) of some that followed Him opened to them His Designs, He had (by the Ordinary Course of Providence) covered them with the shame both of Imprudence and Overthrow. Those Miseries that the Faction af∣ter they got into Power brought upon the Nation, and the Events of their destructive Enterprises, were discovered and foretold by Him in the very beginnings to the delu∣ded World, who notwithstanding were Fatally blinded to chuse their own Ruine.

Whensoever His Secretaries had drawn up, by the Direction of the Council, Decla∣rations or any other Papers, and offered them to His perusal, though both they and the Council had done their parts, yet He would always with His own hand correct them both as to Matter and Form. He commonly using these words when He took the Pen in His hand, Come, I am a good Cobler: and the Corrections were acknowledg∣ed by them all to be both for the greater lustre and advantage of the Writings. His Instructions to His Ambassadors, Commissioners, Deputies, were so full of Wisdom, and such prudent provisions for all the Ressorts of those they were to treat with, that there was nothing to be supplied on their parts to make their Negotiations happy, but seasonable Applications, or a fortune to deal with reasonable men. It was the Obser∣vation of a Noble Person (who was dear to Him for his Wisdom and Faithfulness, and was of His Council in all His Troubles) that had the King been a Counsellor to any other Prince, He would have gained the Esteem of an Oracle, all His Proposals being ground∣ed upon the greatest Reason, and proper to the Business consulted about. Those that have been forward to interpret His Actions by the Success, and from thence have pro∣ceeded to the Censure of His Prudence, considered not the numerous Difficulties in forming any Resolution, nor the fallacious representations of Affairs to Him, but only Page  72 looked upon His unprosperous Resolves according to the Fate of unhappy Counsels, which is to have that condemned which was put in Execution, and that praised as best which was never tried.

Thus was He made for Empire as well as born unto it;* and had all those Excel∣lencies which, if we had been free to chuse, must have determined our Election of a Sovereign to Him alone, there being nothing wanting in Him that the severest Cen∣sors of Princes do number among the Requisites of a compleat Monarch. It was there∣fore the wonder of those who conceive every man to be the Artificer of His own For∣tune, how it came to pass that He had not that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an uninterrupted current of Success (which some men reckon among the constitutives of Happiness) in all His Enterprises. To Others that impute all our affairs here below to an inviolable Me∣thod of the Decrees of Heaven, which yet they acknowledge just, though dark, it seemed one of the Riddles of Providence, that a King of so great Vertues should yet be calamitous: for let Posterity judge how great and how good this Prince was, that could not be ruined even after a War (which usually imbitters the Spirits of those that are molested by it) and a total Overthrow (whose common Consequent is Contempt) but by so various and such wicked Arts; and was judged by all men, though He wanted, yet to deserve Prosperity (as to humane judgment,) which (as some think) is the truest Happiness.

To these Doubts there appears no Resolution so obvious as that into the Pleasure of the Divine Majesty, who provoked by our sins, which had profaned his Mercies, and abused the Peace and Plenty he gave us, would chastise us by the scourge of Ci∣vil War, the corrective of too much felicity, and taking away the best of Kings, leave us to the Pride and Violence of the basest of men. And that it was a wrath directed against us was apparent, because the misfortunes and fall of that Incomparable Prince opened upon us an avenue for all those miseries that a Community is obnoxious unto in the want of a lawful Government, while the Almighty secured the Glory of the King even in His Sufferings, provided for the Support and Honour of the Royal Fa∣mily in its lowest Estate, and miraculously preserved the Chief of it from innumera∣ble dangers, and made us to see afterwards in the Series of his Providences that he had not withdrawn his loving-kindness from the House of King CHARLES, by restoring it to its primitive Grandeur.

And this he was pleased to signifie to the King by a Passage that appeared little less than a Miracle.* For while He was at Oxford, and the Earl of Southampton, now Lord High-Treasurer of England, (a Person of unquestionable Honour and Veracity, of an eminent Integrity, above the Flattery of Princes, who doth attest this Occurrence) as Gentleman of the Bed-chamber lay one Night in the same Chamber with Him, the Wax-Mortar, which according to Custom the King always had in His Chamber, was in the night, as they both conceived and took notice of, fully extinguished. But my Lord rising in the Morning found it lighted, and said to the KING, Sir, this Mortar now burns very clearly: at which they both exceedingly wondred, as fully concluding it had been out in the Night, and they could not imagine how any of the Grooms or any other could possibly light it, the Door being locked with a Spring within. This bu∣sying the wonder of both for the present, the King afterwards when He saw the Ma∣lice of His Enemies press hard upon His Life and Ruine, reflecting upon this Occur∣rence, drew it into this Presage, That though God would permit His Light to be extin∣guished for a time, yet He would at last light it again; which was verified in the Event: for though God suffered the Faction to spill His blood, yet after many years of Trou∣bles, and when he had permitted those Monsters to bring us to the brinks of destru∣ction, he restored His Son to the Crown in as much Splendour and Greatness as any of His Predecessors.

As His Abilities for the Publick administration of Government were all apt to raise Admiration;* so His Recreations and Privacies gave a Delight to such as communica∣ted in the sight of them, and there needed no more to beget an Honour of Him than to behold Him in His Diversions, which were all serious, and there was no part of His time which either wanted benefit or deserved not Commendation. In His youn∣ger days, His pleasures were in Riding, and sometimes in breaking the great Horse; and He did it so gracefully, that He deserved that Statue of Brass which did represent Him on Horse-back. Besides this He delighted in Hunting, an active and stirring Exercise to accustom Him to toils, and harden that body whose mind abhorred the softness of Luxury and Ease, which Vicious Princes think a part of Power and the Rewards of Publick Cares: but He used this as the way whereby the Antient Heroes were ha∣bituated Page  73 to Labours, and by contending with some beasts in Strength, and others in Swiftness, first to rout, then to chase their flying Enemies. When the season of the year did not permit this sport, then Tennis, Gough, Bowls were the ways of His Di∣versions, and in all these He was wonderfully active and excellent.

His softer pleasures were Books, and of His time spent in these there were many Monuments. In His Library at StJames's there was kept a Collection of His, of the excellent Sayings of Authors, written with His own hand, and in his Youth, present∣ed to His Father King JAMES: and there is yet extant in the hands of a Worthy Person, His Extracts written with His own hand, out of My Lord of Canterbury's Book against Fisber, of all the Arguments against the Papists, digested into so excellent a Method, that He gave Light and Strength to them even while He did epitomise them into a sheet or two of Paper. The same Care and Pains He had bestowed in reading the most Judicious Hooker, and the learned Works of Bishop Andrews, out of all which He had gathered whatsoever was excellent in them, and fitted them for His ready use. When He was tired with Reading, then He applied Himself to Discourse, wherein He both benefited Himself and others; and He was good at the relation of a Story, or telling of an Occurrence. When these were tedious by continuance, He would either play at Chess, or please Himself with His Pictures, of which He had many choice Pieces of the best Masters, as Titian, Rafael, Tintoret and others, with which He had adorned His most frequented Palaces, as also with most antique Pieces of Sculpture; so that to those that had travelled it seemed that Italy was translated to His Court.

As His Spirit was thus accomplished,* so His Body had its Elegancies. His Stature was of a just height, rather decent than tall; His Body erect, and not enclining to a Corpulency, nor meager, till His Afflictions wrought too strongly upon it to a Lean∣ness; His Limbs exactly proportioned, His Face full of Majesty, and His Brow large and fair: His Eyes so quick and piercing, that they went farther than the Superficies of men, and searched their more Inward parts; for at the first sight He would pass a judgment upon the frame of a man's Spirit and Faculties, and He was not often mista∣ken, having a strange happiness in Physiognomy, and by reason of this He would re∣member any one He had seen but once many years after. His Complexion was en∣clining to a Paleness, His Hair a brown, which He wore of a moderate length, end∣ing in gentle and easie curles: upon His left side He indulged one Lock to a greater length in the youthful part of His Life. His Beard He wore picked, but after the Fa∣ction had passed those Votes of No Addresses, He permitted it to grow neglectedly and to cover more of His face. His Gestures had nothing of affectation, but full of Maje∣stick gravity. His motions were speedy, and His gate fast: which shewed the Alacrity and Vigour of His Mind, for His Affections were temperate. He was of a most healthful Constitution, and after the infirmities of His Childhood was never sick. Once He had the small Pox, but the Malignity of it was so small, that it altered not His Stomach, nor put Him to the abstinence of one Meal, neither did it detain Him above a fortnight under the Care of His Physicians.

He was Father of four Sons and five Daughters.*

1. Charles James, born at Greenwich on Wednesday, May 13th, 1628. but died al∣most as soon as born, having been first christned.

2. Charles Duke of Cornwall and Prince of Wales, born at St. James's, May 29th, 1630. whom, after a fellowship in the Sufferings of His Father, some brave, but un∣successful, attempts to recover the Rights of His Inheritance, and twelve years va∣rious fortune abroad, God was pleased by a wonderful Providence, without blood or ruine, to conduct to His Native Throne, and make Him the Restorer of Peace to a People wearied and wasted, almost to a Desolation, by several changes of Government and Variety of reproachful Usurpers, that they became the Scorn of Neighbouring Nations, and the miserable Example of a disquiet Community, so torn in pieces by Factions in the State, and Schisms in the Church; each party mutually armed to sup∣press its contrary, and destroy the publick, that it was impossible for them to re-unite or consent in common to seek the benefit of Society, until they had submitted to Him as to the common Soul, to be governed by Him in the paths of Justice. He is now (and long may He be so) our Dread Sovereign CHARLES II.

3. James, born in the same place, Octob. 13. An. 1633. entituled Duke of York by His Majesty's Command at His Birth, and afterwards so created. He was a Com∣panion of His Brother in Exile, spending His time abroad, both in the French and Spanish Camps with Glory, and returned with Him into England.

Page  74 4. Henry Duke of Gloucester, born in the same place, Jul. 8. An. 1639. who after the Death of His Father was by the Parricides permitted to go beyond Sea to His Mother, with the promise of an Annual Pension, which they never intended to pay: A very hopeful Prince, who resisted the strong practices of some in the Queen's Court to seduce Him to the Church of Rome, which His Brother hearing, sent for Him into Flanders; and He also attended Him to His Throne, but not long after died of the Small Pox, Sept. 13. An. 1660.

5. Mary born on Nov. 4. An. 1631. married to Count William of Nassau, Eldest Son to Henry Prince of Orange, by whom she was left a Widow, and a short time af∣ter the Mother of the now Prince of Orange; and coming over to visit her Brothers and the place of her Nativity, she died also of the Small Pox, Decem. 24. An. 1660.

6. Elizabeth, born Jan. 28. An. 1635. who survived her Father, but lived not to see the Restoring the Royal Family, dying at Carisbrook the place of her Father's Cap∣tivity, being removed thither by the Murtherers, that the place might raise a grief to end her Days.

7. Anne, born Mar. 17. An. 1637. died before her Father.

8. Katharine, who died almost as soon as born.

9. Henrietta, born at Exceter June 16. An. 1644. in the midst of the Wars, con∣veyed not long after by the Lady Dalkeith into France to her Mother, and is now married to the Duke of Anjou, only Brother to the King of France.

Having left this Issue He died in the forty ninth year of His Age, and 23. of His Reign, having lived Much rather than Long, and left so many great and difficult Examples as will busie Good Princes to imitate, and Bad ones to wonder at: A man in Office and Mind like to that Spiritual Being, which the more men understand, the more they Admire and Love; and that may be said of Him which was said of that Excellent Roman, who sought Glory by Vertue,

Homo Virtuti simillimus, & per omnia Ingenio Diis quàm Hominibus propior: Qui nun∣quam rectè fecit, ut rectè facere videretur; se dui a aliter facere non poterat: Cuique id solum visum est Rationem habere quod haberet Justitiam. Omnibus Humanis vitiis Immunis semper in Potestate suâ Fortunam habuit. Vell. Paterc. lib. 2.

Thus, Reader, thou hast a short account how this best of Princes Lived and Died; a Subject that was fit to be writ only with the point of a Scepter: none but a Royal Breast can have Sentiments equal to His Vertues, nor any but a Crowned Head can frame Expressions to represent His Worth. He that had nothing Common or Ordinary in His Life and Fortune is almost prophaned by a Vulgar Pen. The attempt, I con∣fess, admits no Apology but this, That it was fit that Posterity, when they read His Works (for they shall continue while these Islands are inhabited, to upbraid Time, and reproach Marble Monuments of weakness) should also be told that His Actions were as Heroick as His Writings, and His Life more elegant than His Style. Which not being undertaken by some Noble hand (that was happy in a near approach to Majesty, and so could have taken more exact measures of this Great Example for Mighty Kings, ren∣dred it in more full Proportions, and given it more lively Colours) I was by Importunity prevailed upon to imitate those affectionate Slaves, who would gather up the scattered Limbs of some great Person that had been their Lord, yet fell at the pleasure of his Enemies, burn them on some Plebeian Pyle, and entertain their ashes in an homely Urne, till future times could cover them with a Pyramid, or inclose them in a Temple; by making a Collection from Writers and Persons worthy of Credit, of all the Remains and Memoires (I could get) of this Incomparable Monarch: Whose Excellent Vertues, though they often tempted the Compiler to the Liberty of a Panegyrick, yet they still per∣swaded him to as strict an observance of Truth as is due to an History: For He prai∣ses this King best who writes His Life most faithfully, which was the Care and Endeavour of

Thine, Richard Perrinchiefe.

Page  75

THE PAPERS WHICH PASSED BETWIXT HIS SACRED MAJESTY AND Mr ALEXANDER HENDERSON CONCERNING THE CHANGE OF CHURCH-GOVERNMENT; AT NEW-CASTLE, MDCXLVI.

I. His MAJESTY's First Paper.

For Mr Alexander Henderson.

Mr Henderson,

I Know very well what a great disadvantage it is for Me, to main∣tain an Argument of Divinity with so able and learned a Man as your self, it being your, not My profession; which really was the cause that made Me desire to hear some learned man argue My Opinion with you, of whose Abilities I might be confident, that I should not be led into an Errour, for want of having all which could be said layed open unto Me. For indeed my humour is such, that I am still partial for that side which I imagine suffers for the weakness of those that maintain it; alwaies thinking that equal Champions would cast the balance on the other part. Yet since that you (thinking that it will save time) desire to go another way, I shall not contest with you in it, but treating you as my Physician, give you leave to take your own way of cure: only I thought fit to warn you, lest if you (not I) should be mistaken in this, you would be fain (in a manner) to begin anew.

Then know, that from my Infancy I was blest with the King my Fathers love, which I thank God, was an invaluable Happiness to me all his daies: and among all his cares for my Edu∣cation, his chief was, to settle Me right in Religion; in the true knowledge of which He made Himself so eminent to all the World, that I am sure none can call in question the bright∣ness of his Fame in that particular, without shewing their own ignorant base Malice. He it was who laid in Me the grounds of Christianity, which to this day I have been constant in. So that whether the Worthiness of my Instructor be considered, or the not few years that I have been setled in my Principles; it ought to be no strange thing, if it be found no easie work to make Me alter them: and the rather, that hitherto I have (according to Saint Paul's rule Rom. 14. 22.) been happy in Not condemning my self in that thing which I allow. Thus having shewed you How, it remains to tell you what I believe, in relation to these mi∣serable Distractions.

No one thing made Me more reverence the Reformation of My Mother, the Church of Eng∣land, than that it was done (according to the Apostles defence, Acts 24. 18.) neither with multitude, nor with tumult, but legally and orderly, and by those whom I conceive to have the Reforming power; which, with many other inducements, made Me alwaies confident that the work was very perfect as to Essentials; of which number Church-Government being un∣doubtedly one, I put no question, but that would have been likewise altered if there had been Page  76 cause. Which opinion of Mine was soon turned into more than a confidence, when I percei∣ved that in this particular (as I must say of all the rest) we retained nothing, but according as it was deduced from the Apostles to be the constant universal custom of the Primitive Church; and that it was of such consequence as by the alteration of it we should deprive our selves of a lawful Priesthood; and then, how the Sacraments can be duly administred, is easie to judge. These are the principal Reasons which make Me believe that Bishops are necessary for a Church, and, I think, sufficient for Me (if I had no more) not to give my consent for their expulsion out of England. But I have another obligation, that to My particular is a no less tie of Conscience, which is, my Coronation Oath. Now if (as S. Paul saith, Rom. 14. 23.) He that doubeth is damned if he eat, what can I expect, if I should not only give way knowingly to my Peoples sinning, but likewise be perjured My self?

Now consider, ought I not to keep My self from presumptuous sins? and you know who saies, What doth it profit a Man though he should gain the whole World, and lose his own Soul? Wherefore my constant maintenance of Episcopacy in England (where there was never any other Government since Christianity was in this Kingdom) methinks, should be rather commended than wondred at; my Conscience directing Me to maintain the Laws of the Land: which being only my endeavours at this time, I desire to know of you, what warrant there is in the Word of God, for Subjects to endeavour to force their King's Conscience, or to make him alter Laws against his will. If this be not My present case, I shall be glad to be mistaken; or if my Judgment in Religion hath been misled all this time, I shall be willing to be better directed: till when you must excuse Me, to be constant to the Grounds which the King my Father hath taught Me.

Newcastle, May 29. 1646.

C. R.

II. Mr Alexander Henderson's First Paper.

For His MAJESTY.

SIR,

IT is Your Majestie's Royal Goodness, and not my merit, that hath made Your Majesty to conceive any opinion of my Abilities; which (were they worthy of the smallest testimony from Your Majesty) ought in all duty to be improved for Your Majestie's satisfaction. And this I intended in my coming here at this time, by a free, yet modest, expression of the true motives and inducements which drew my mind to the dislike of Episcopal Government, wherein I was bred in my younger years in the University. Like as I did apprehend that it was not Your Majestie's purpose to have the Question disputed by Divines on both sides; which I would never (to the wrong∣ing of the Cause) have undertaken alone, and which seldom or never hath proved an effectual way for finding of Truth, or moving the minds of Men to relinquish their former Tenents, Dum res transit à judicio in affectum; witness the Polemicks between the Papists and us, and among our selves about the matter now in hand, these many years past.

1. SIR, when I consider Your Majestie's Education under the hand of such a Fa∣ther, the length of time wherein Your Majesty hath been setled in Your Principles of Church-Government, the Arguments which have continually in private and publick, especially of late at Oxford, filled Your Majestie's ears for the Divine Right thereof, Your Coronation Oath, and divers State reasons which Your Majesty doth not men∣tion; I do not wonder, nor think it any strange thing, that Your Majesty hath not at first given place to a contrary impression. I remember that the famous Joannes Picus Mirandula proveth by irrefragable Reasons (which no rational man will con∣tradict) That no man hath so much power over his own Vnderstanding, as to make himself believe what he will, or to think that to be true which his Reason telleth him is false; much less is it possible for any Man to have his Reason commanded by the will or at the pleasure of another.

2. It is a true saying of the School-men, Voluntas imperat intellectui quoad exercitium, non quoad specificationem; Mine own will or the will of another may command me to think upon a matter, but no will or command can constrain me to determine otherwise than my Reason teacheth me. Yet, Sir, I hope Your Majesty will acknowledge (for Your Paper professeth no less) that according to the saying of Ambrose, Non est pudor ad meliora transire, It is neither sin nor shame to change to the better. Symmachus in Page  77 one of his Epistles (I think to the Emperours Theodosius and Valentinian) alledgeth all those motives from Education, from Prescription of time, from worldly Prosperity, and the flourishing condition of the Roman Empire, and from the Laws of the Land, to perswade them to constancy in the ancient Pagan profession of the Romans, against the imbracing of the Christian Faith. The like reasons were used by the Jews for Moses against Christ; and may be used both for Popery and for the Papacy it self a∣gainst the Reformation of Religion and Church-Government; and therefore can have no more strength against the Change now than they had in former times.

3. But Your Majesty may perhaps say, That this is petitio principii, and nothing else but the begging of the Question: and I confess it were so, if there can be no Rea∣sons brought for a Reformation or Change. Your Majesty reverences the Reformati∣on of the Church of England, as being done legally and orderly, and by those who had the Reforming Power; and I do not deny but it were to be wish'd that Religion, where there is need, were alwaies Reformed in that manner, and by such power, and that it were not committed to the Prelates, who have greatest need to be refor∣med themselves, nor left to the multitude, whom God stirreth up when Princes are negligent. Thus did Jacob reform his own Family, Moses destroyed the golden Calf, the good Kings of Judah reformed the Church in their time: but that such Reforma∣tion hath been perfect, I cannot admit. Asa took away Idolatry, but his Reformati∣on was not perfect; for Jehosaphat removed the High places, yet was not his Refor∣mation perfect; for it was Hezekiah that brake the Brasen Serpent, and Josiah destroy∣ed the Idol-Temples, who therefore beareth this Elogie, That like unto him there was no King before him. It is too well known that the Reformation of K. Henry the VIII. was most imperfect in the Essentials of Doctrine, Worship and Government: And although it proceeded by some degrees afterward, yet the Government was never refor∣med; the Head was changed, Dominus, non Dominium, and the whole lims of the Anti∣christian Hierarchy retained, upon what Snares and Temptations of Avarice and Am∣bition, the great Enchanters of the Clergy, I need not express. It was a hard saying of Romanorum Malleus, Grosthed of Lincoln, That Reformation was not to be expected nisi in ore gladii cruentandi. Yet this I may say, that the Laodicean lukewarmness of Reformation here hath been matter of continued complaints to many of the Godly in this Kingdom; occasion of more Schism and Separation than ever was heard of in any other Church, and of unspeakable grief and sorrow to other Churches, which God did bless with greater purity of Reformation. The glory of this great work we hope is reserved for Your Majesty, that to Your comfort and everlasting Fame the praise of godly Josiah may be made Yours; which yet will be no dispraise to Your Royal Fa∣ther, or Edward the VI. or any other Religious Princes before You; none of them having so fair an opportunity as is now by the supreme Providence put into Your Royal hands. My soul trembleth to think and to foresee what may be the event, if this opportunity be neglected. I will neither use the words of Mordecai, Esth. 4. 14. nor what Savonarola told another Charles, because I hope better things from Your Majesty.

4. To the Argument brought by your Majesty (which I believe none of your Do∣ctors, had they been all about You, could more briefly, and yet so fully and strongly, have expressed) [That nothing was retained in this Church but according as it was deduced from the Apostles to the constant universal practice of the Primitive Church; and that it was of such consequence, as by the alteration of it we should deprive our selves of the lawfulness of Priesthood; (I think Your Majesty means a lawful Ministry) and then how the Sacra∣ments can be administred is easy to judge] I humbly offer these considerations. First, What was not in the times of the Apostles, cannot be deduced from them. We say in Scotland, It cannot be brought But, that is not the Ben: But (not to insist now on a Liturgy, and things of that kind) there was no such Hierarchy, no such difference betwixt a Bishop and a Presbyter in the times of the Apostles, and therefore it can∣not thence be deduced; for I conceive it to be as clear as if it were written with a Sun-beam, that Presbyter and Bishop are to the Apostles one and the same thing, no majority, no inequality, or difference of office, power or degree betwixt the one and the other, but a mere Identity in all. 2. That the Apostles intending to set down the Offices and Officers of the Church, and speaking so often of them, and of their gifts and duties, and that not upon occasion, but of set purpose, do neither express nor imply any such Pastor or Bishop as hath power over other Pastors; although it be true, that they have distinctly and particularly exprest the Office, Gifts and Du∣ties of the meanest Officers, such as Deacons. 3. That in the Ministery of the New Page  78 Testament there is a comely, beautiful, and Divine Order and subordination; one kind of Ministers both ordinary and extraordinary being placed in degree and dignity before ano∣ther, as the Apostles first, the Evangelists, Pastors, Doctors, &c. in their own ranks: but we cannot find in Offices of the same kind, that one hath majority of power, or priority of degree before another; no Apostle above other Apostles, (unless in moral respects) no Evangelist above other Evangelists, or Deacon above other Deacons; why then a Pa∣stor above other Pastors? In all other sorts of Ministers ordinary and extraordinary a Parity in their own kind, only in the office of Pastor an Inequality. 4. That the whole power and all the parts of the Ministry which are commonly called The pow∣er of Order and Jurisdiction, are by the Apostles declared to be common to the Pres∣byter and Bishop: and that, Matt. 15. 16, 17. the gradation in matter of Discipline or Church censures is from one to two or more; and if he shall neglect them, tell it to the Church: he saith not, tell it to the Bishop; there is no place left to a retrograda∣tion from more to one, were he never so eminent. If these considerations do not satisfie, Your Majesty may have more, or the same further cleared.

5. Secondly, I do humbly desire Your Majesty to take notice of the fallacy of that Argument, from the Practice of the Primitive Church and the universal Consent of the Fathers. It is the Argument of the Papists for such Traditions as no Orthodox Divine will admit. The Law and Testimony must be the Rule. We can have no cer∣tain knowledge of the Practice universal of the Church for many years; Eusebius the prime Historian confesseth so much: the learned Josephus Scaliger testifieth, that from the end of the Acts of the Apostles until a good time after, no certainty can be had from Ecclesiastical Authors about Church matters. It is true, Diotrephes sought the pre∣eminence in the Apostles times, and the Mystery of iniquity did then begin to work; and no doubt in after times some puffed up with Ambition, and others overtaken with Weakness, endeavoured alteration of Church-Government: but that all the Learned and Godly of those times consented to such a Change as is talked of after∣wards, will never be proved.

6. Thirdly, I will never think that Your Majesty will deny the lawfulness of a Ministery and the due administration of the Sacraments in the Reformed Churches which have no Diocesan Bishops, sith it is not only manifest by Scripture, but a great many of the strongest Champions for Episcopacy do confess, that Presbyters may or∣dain other Presbyters; and that Baptism administred by a private Person, wanting a publick Calling, or by a Midwife and by a Presbyter, although not ordained by a Bishop, are not one and the same thing.

7. Concerning the other Argument taken from Your Majesty's Coronation Oath, I confess that both in the taking and keeping of an Oath (so sacred a thing is it, and so high a point of Religion) much tenderness is required: and far be it from us, who de∣resi to observe our own Solemn Oath, to press Your Majesty with the violation of Yours. Yet, Sir I will crave Your leave, in all humbleness and sincerity to lay before Your Majesty's eyes this one thing, (which perhaps might require a larger discourse) That although no humane authority can dispense with an Oath, Quia Religio juramenti pertinet ad forum Divinum; yet in some cases it cannot be denied but the obligation of an Oath ceaseth: As when we swear homage and obedience to our Lord and Superi∣our, who afterwards ceaseth to be our Lord and Superiour; for then the formal cause of the Oath is taken away, and therefore the Obligation, Sublatâ Causâ tollitur Effectus, Sublato Relato tollitur Correlatum: or when any Oath hath a special reference to the be∣nefit of those to whom I make the promise, if we have their desire or consent, the obligation ceaseth; because all such Oaths from the nature of the thing do include a condition. When the Parliaments of both Kingdoms have covenanted for the abolish∣ing or altering of a Law, Your Majesty's Oath doth not bind You or Your Conscience to the observing of it; otherwise no Laws could be altered by the Legislative Power. This I conceive hath been the ground of removing Episcopal Government in Scotland, and of removing the Bishops out of the Parliament of England. And I assure my self that Your Majesty did not intend at the taking of Your Oath, that although both Houses of Parliament should find an alteration necessary, although (which God Almighty a∣vert) You should lose Your self and Your Posterity and Crown, that You would ne∣ver consent to the abolishing of such a Law. If Your Majesty still object, that the matter of the Oath is necessary and immutable; that doth not belong to this, but to the former Argument.

8. I have but one word more concerning Your Piety to Your Royal Father and Teacher of Happy Memory, with which Your Majesty does conclude. Your Majesty Page  79 knows that King James never admitted Episcopacy upon Divine Right; That His Maje∣sty did swear and subscribe to the Doctrine, Worship, and Discipline of the Church of Scotland; That in the Preface of the latter Edition of Basilicon Doron, His Majesty gives an honourable testimony to those that loved better the simplicity of the Gospel, than the pomp and Ceremonies of the Church of England, and that He conceived the Prelates to savour of the Popish Hierarchy; and that (could His Ghost now speak to Your Majesty) He would not advise Your Majesty to run such hazards for those men who will chuse rather to pull down Your Throne with their own ruine, than that they perish alone. The Lord give Your Majesty a wise and discerning Spirit to chuse that in time which is right.

June 3. 1646.

III. His MAJESTY's Second Paper.

For Mr Alexander Henderson: A Reply to his Answer to my first Paper. June 6. 1646.

Mr Henderson,

IF it had been the Honour of the Cause which I looked after, I would not have undertaken to put Pen to Paper, or singly to have maintained this Argument against you (whose An∣swer to my former Paper is sufficient, without further proofs, to justifie my opinion of your A∣bilities:) but it being merely (as you know) for my particular satisfaction, I assure you that a Disputation of well chosen Divines would be most effectual; and, I believe, you cannot but grant, that I must best know how My self may be best satisfied; for certainly My Tast can∣not be guided by another man's Palate: and indeed I will say, that when it comes (as it must) to Probations, I must have either Persons or Books to clear the Allegations, or it will be im∣possible to give Me satisfaction. The fore-seeing of which made Me at first (for the saving of time) desire that some of those Divines which I gave you in a List might be sent for.

2. Concerning your second Section, I were much to blame if I should not submit to that say∣ing of S. Ambrose which you mention, for I would be unwilling to be found less ingenuous than you shew your self to be in the former part of it: wherefore my Reply is, that as I shall not be ashamed to change for the better, so I must see that it is better before I change, otherwise Inconstancy in this were both Sin and Shame; and remember (what your self hath learnedly enforced) that no man's Reason can be commanded by another man's Will.

3. Your third begins, but I cannot say that it goes on, with that Ingenuity which the other did; for I do not understand how those Examples cited out of the Old Testament do any way prove that the way of Reformation which I commend hath not been the most perfect, or that any other is lawful, those having been all by the Regal Authority: and because Henry the Eighth's Reformation was not perfect, will it prove that of King Edward and Q. Eliza∣beth to be unperfect? I believe a new Mood and Figure must be found out to form a Syllogism whereby to prove that. But however you are mistaken; for no man who truly understands the English Reformation will derive it from Henry the Eighth, for he only gave the occasion; it was his Son who began, and Q. Elizabeth that perfected it. Nor did I ever aver that the beginning of any Humane Action was perfect, no more than you can prove that God hath ever given approbation to Multitudes to Reform the Negligence of Princes: For, you know, there is much Difference between Permission and Approbation. But all this time I find no Reasons (according to your promise) for a Reformation or change, (I mean since Q. Eli∣zabeth's time.) As for your Romanorum Malleus his saying, it is well you come off it with [yet this I may say;] for it seems to imply, as if you neither ought nor would justifie that bloudy ungodly saying: and for your comparing our Reformation here to the Laodicean lukewarmness, proved by Complaints, Grievings, &c. all that doth, and but unhandsome∣ly, petere Principium; nor can Generals satisfie Me; for you must first prove that those men had reason to complain, those Churches to be grieved, and how we were truly the Causers of this Schism and Separation. As for those words which you will not use, I will not answer.

4. Here indeed you truly repeat the first of my two main Arguments; but, by your favour, you take (as I conceive) a wrong way to convince Me: It is I must make good the Affirma∣tive, for I believe a Negative cannot be proved. In stead of which, if you had made appear Page  80 the practice of the Presbyterian Government in the Primitive times, you had done much; for I do aver that this Government was never practised before Calvin's time: the Affirma∣tive of which I leave you to prove; My task being to shew the lawfulness and succession of Episcopacy, and, as I believe, the necessity of it. For doing whereof I must have such Books as I shall call for; which possibly upon perusal may, one way or other, give Me satisfa∣ction: but I cannot absolutely promise it without the assistance of some Learned man, whom I can trust to find out all such Citations as I have use of: wherefore blame Me not if time be un∣necessarily lost.

5. Now for the fallaciousness of my Argument, (to my knowledge) it was never My practice, nor do I confess to have begun now. For if the Practice of the Primitive Church and the universal consent of the Fathers be not a convincing Argument, when the interpre∣tation of Scripture is doubtful, I know nothing: For if this be not, then of necessity the In∣terpretation of private Spirits must be admitted; the which contradicts St. Peter, 2 Pet. 1. 20. is the Mother of all Sects, and will (if not prevented) bring these Kingdoms into confusion. And to say that an Argument is ill, because the Papists use it, or that such a thing is good, because it is the Custom of some of the Reformed Churches; cannot weigh with Me, until you prove these to be infallible, or that to maintain no Truth. And how Diotrephes Ambition (who directly opposed the Apostle St John) can be an Argument against Episcopacy, I do not understand.

6. When I am made a Judge over the Reformed Churches, then, and not before, will I censure their Actions; as you must prove, before I confess it, that Presbyters without a Bishop may lawfully ordain other Presbyters. And as for the Administration of Bap∣tism, as I think none will say that a Woman can lawfully or duely administer it, though when done it be valid; so none ought to do it but a lawful Presbyter, whom you cannot deny but to be absolutely necessary for the Sacrament of the Eucharist.

7. You make a learned succinct discourse of Oaths in general, and their several Obligati∣ons, to which I fully agree; intending in the particular now in question to be guided by your own Rule, which is [when any Oath hath a special reference to the Benefit of those to whom I make the Promise, if we have their desire or consent, the Obligation ceaseth.] Now it must be known, to whom this Oath hath reference, and to whose benefit. The Answer is clear, Only to the Church of England, as by the Record will be plainly made ap∣pear. And you much mistake in alledging that the two Houses of Parliament (especially as they are now constituted) can have this Disobligatory power; for (besides that they are not named in it) I am confident to make it clearly appear to you, that this Church never did submit nor was subordinate to them, and that it was only the King and Clergy who made the Reformation, the Parliament merely serving to help to give the Civil Sanction. All this being proved (of which I make no question) it must necessarily follow, that it is only the Church of England (in whose favour I took this Oath) that can release Me from it: where∣fore when the Church of England (being lawfully assembled) shall declare that I am free, then, and not before, I shall esteem My self so.

8. To your last, concerning the King My Father, of Happy and Famous Memory both for his Piety and Learning, I must tell you, that I had the Happiness to know Him much bet∣ter than you; wherefore I desire you not to be too confident in the knowledge of His Opinions: for I dare say, should his Ghost now speak, He would tell you, that a bloody Reformation was never lawful, as not warranted by God's Word, and that Preces & lachrymae sunt Arma Ecclesiae.

9. To conclude, having replied to all your Paper, I cannot but observe to you, that you have given Me no Answer to my last Quaere. It may be you are (as Chaucer says) like the People of England, What they not like, they never understand: but in earnest, that question is so pertinent to the Purpose in hand, that it will much serve for My satisfaction, and besides, it may be useful for other things.

C. R.

Newcastle, June 6. 1646.

Page  81

IV. Mr. Alexander Henderson's Second Paper.

For His MAJESTY.

SIR,

THE smaller the encouragements be in relation to the success, (which how small they are Your Majesty well knows) the more apparent and, I hope, the more acceptable will my obedience be, in that which in all humility I now go about at Your Majesty's command: yet while I consider that the way of man is not in himself, nor is it in man that walketh to direct his own steps; and when I remember how many supplications, with strong crying and tears, have been openly and in secret offered up in Your Majesty's behalf unto God that heareth prayer, I have no reason to despair of a blessed success.

1. I have been averse from a disputation of Divines, 1. For saving of time; which the present exigence and extremity of affairs make more than ordinarily pretious. While Archimedes at Syracuse was drawing his figures and circlings in the sand, Mar∣cellus interrupted his Demonstration. 2. Because the common result of Disputes of this kind, answerable to the prejudicate opinions of the Parties, is rather Victory than Verity; while tanquam tentativi Dialectici, they study more to overcome their adverse Party, than to be overcome of Truth, although this be the most glorious Victory. 3. When I was commanded to come hither, no such thing was proposed to me nor expected by me: I never judged so meanly of the Cause, nor so highly of my self, as to venture it upon such weakness. Much more might be spoken to this purpose, but I forbear.

2. I will not further trouble Your Majesty with that which is contained in the se∣cond Section, hoping that Your Majesty will no more insist upon Education, Prescri∣ption of time, &c. which are sufficient to prevent Admiration, but (which Your Ma∣jesty acknowledges) must give place to Reason, and are no sure ground of resolution of our Faith in any point to be believed: although it be true that the most part of men make these and the like to be the ground and rule of their Faith; an Evidence that their Faith is not a Divine Faith, but an humane Credulity.

3. Concerning Reformation of Religion in the third Section; I had need have a Pre∣face to so thorny a Theme as your Majesty hath brought me upon. 1. For the Re∣forming power; it is conceived, when a General Defection, like a Deluge, hath covered the whole face of the Church, so that scarcely the tops of the Mountains do appear, a General Council is necessary: but because that can hardly be obtained, several King∣doms (which we see was done at the time of the Reformation) are to Reform them∣selves, and that by the Authority of their Prince and Magistrates: if the Prince or su∣preme Magistrate be unwilling, then may the inferior Magistrate and the People, be∣ing before rightly informed in the grounds of Religion, lawfully Reform within their own sphere; and if the light shine upon all, or the major part, they may, after all other means assayed, make a publick Reformation. This before this time I never wrote or spoke; yet the Maintainers of this Doctrine conceive that they are able to make it good. But, Sir, were I worthy to give advice to Your Majesty, or to the Kings and supreme Powers on Earth, my humble Opinion would be, that they should draw the Minds, Tongues and Pens of the Learned, to dispute about other matter than the Power or Prerogative of Kings and Princes; and in this kind Your Majesty hath suffered and lost more than will easily be restored to Your self or Your Posterity for a long time. It is not denied but the prime Reforming power is in Kings and Princes; quibus deficientibus, it comes to the inferior Magistrate; quibus deficientibus, it descendeth to the Body of the People; supposing that there is a necessity of Refor∣mation, and that by no means it can be obtained of their Superiors. It is true that such a Reformation is more imperfect in respect of the Instruments and manner of Procedure; yet for the most part more pure and perfect in relation to the effect and product. And for this end did I cite the Examples of old of Reformation by Regal Authority; of which none was perfect, in the second way of perfection, except that of Josiah. Concerning the saying of Grosthed, whom the Cardinals at Rome confest to be a more Godly man than any of themselves, it was his Complaint and Prediction of what was likely to ensue, not his desire or election, if Reformation could have been obtained in the ordinary way. I might bring two unpartial Witnesses, Juel and Bilson, both famous English Bishops, to prove that the Tumults and Troubles raised Page  82 in Scotland at the time of Reformation, were to be imputed to the Papists opposing of the Reformation both of Doctrine and Discipline as an Heretical Innovation; and not to be ascribed to the Nobility or People, who under God were the Instruments of it, intending and seeking nothing but the purging out of Errour, and setling of the Truth, 2. Concerning the Reformation of the Church of England, I conceive, whe∣ther it was begun or not in K. Henry the Eighth's time, it was not finished by Q. Eli∣zabeth: the Father stirred the Humors of the diseased Church; but neither the Son nor the Daughter (although we have great reason to bless God for both) did purge them out perfectly: This Perfection is yet reserved for Your Majesty. Where it is said, that all this time I bring no Reasons for a further Change; the fourth Section of my last Paper hath many hints of Reasons against Episcopal Government, with an offer of more, or clearing of those; which Your Majesty hath not thought fit to take notice of. And Learned men have observed many Defects in that Reformation; As, That the Government of the Church of England (for about this is the Question now) is not builded upon the foundation of Christ and the Apostles; which they at least cannot deny, who profess Church-Government to be mutable and ambulatory; and such were the greater part of Archbishops and Bishops in England, contenting themselves with the Constitutions of the Church, and the authority and munificence of Princes, till of late that some few have pleaded it to be Jure Divino: That the English Reformation hath not perfectly purged out the Roman Leaven; which is one of the reasons that have given ground to the comparing of this Church to the Church of Laodicea, as being neither hot nor cold, neither Popish nor Reformed, but of a lukewarm temper betwixt the two: That it hath depraved the Discipline of the Church, by conforming of it to the Civil Policy: That it hath added many Church-Offices, higher and lower, unto those insti∣tuted by the Son of God; which is as unlawful, as to take away Offices warranted by the Divine Institution: and other the like, which have moved some to apply this say∣ing to the Church of England, Multi ad perfectionem pervenirent, nisi jam se pervenisse crederent.

4. In my Answer to the first of Your Majesty's many Arguments, I brought a Bre∣viate of some Reasons to prove that a Bishop and Presbyter are one and the same in Scri∣pture: from which by necessary Consequence I did infer the negative, Therefore, no difference in Scripture between a Bishop and a Presbyter; the one name signifying In∣dustriam Curiae Pastoralis, the other Sapientiae Maturitatem, saith Beda. And whereas Your Majesty averrs, the Presbyterian Government was never practised before Calvin's time; Your Majesty knows the common Objection of the Papists against the Reformed Churches, Where was your Church, your Reformation, your Doctrine, before Luther's time? One part of the common Answer is, that it was from the beginning, and is to be found in Scripture. The same I affirm of Presbyterian Government. And for the proving of this, the Assembly of Divines at Westminster have made manifest, that the Primitive Christian Church at Jerusalem was governed by a Presbytery; while they shew, 1. That the Church of Jerusalem consisted of more Congregations than one, from the multitude of Believers, from the many Apostles and other Preachers in that Church, and from the diversity of Languages among the Believers. 2. That all these Congre∣gations were under one Presbyterial Government, because they were for Government one Church, Acts 11. 22, 26. and because that Church was governed by Elders, Acts 11. 30. which were Elders of that Church, and did meet together for acts of Govern∣ment: And the Apostles themselves, in that meeting Acts 15. acted not as Apostles, but as Elders, stating the Question, debating it in the ordinary way of disputation; and having by search of Scripture found the will of God, they conclude, It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and us: which, in the judgment of the learned, may be spoken by any Assembly upon like evidence of Scripture. The like Presbyterian Government had place in the Churches of Corinth, Ephesus, Thessalonica, &c. in the times of the Apostles; and after them, for many years, when one of the Presbytery was made Episcopus Praeses, even then, Communi Presbyterorum Consilio Ecclesiae gubernabantur, saith Jerome; and, Episcopos magis consuetudine quam Dispositionis Divinae veritate Presbyteris esse majores, & in commune debere Ecclesiam regere.

5. Far be it from me to think such a thought, as that Your Majesty did intend any Fallacy in Your other main Argument from Antiquity. As we are to distinguish be∣tween Intentio operantis and Conditio operis; so may we in this case consider the diffe∣rence between Intentio Argumentantis and Conditio Argumenti. And where Your Ma∣jesty argues, That, if Your opinion be not admitted, we will be forced to give place to the Interpretation of private spirits, which is contrary to the Doctrine of the Apostle Page  83Peter, and will prove to be of dangerous consequence; I humbly offer to be conside∣red by Your Majesty, what some of chief note among the Papists themselves have taught us, That the Interpretation of Scriptures, and the Spirits whence they proceed, may be called private in a threefold sense. 1. Ratione Personae, if the Interpreter be of a private condition. 2. Ratione Modi & Medii, when Persons, although not private, use not the publick means which are necessary for finding out the Truth, but follow their own Fancies. 3. Ratione Finis, when the Interpretation is not proposed as Au∣thentical to bind others, but is intended only for our own private satisfaction. The first is not to be despised; the second is to be exploded, and is condemned by the Apostle Peter; the third ought not to be censured: But that Interpretation which is Authentical, and of supreme Authority, which every mans conscience is bound to yield unto, is of an higher nature. And although the General Council should resolve it, and the Consent of the Fathers should be had unto it, yet there must always be place left to the judgment of Discretion, as Davenant, late Bishop of Salisbury, beside divers others, hath learnedly made appear in his Book De Judice Controversiarum; where also the Power of Kings in matter of Religion is solidly and unpartially deter∣mined. Two words only I add. One is, that notwithstanding all that is pretended from Antiquity, a Bishop having sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction, will ne∣ver be found in Prime Antiquity. The other is, that many of the Fathers did, unwit∣tingly, bring forth that Antichrist which was conceived in the times of the Apostles, and therefore are incompetent Judges in the Question of Hierarchy. And upon the other part, the Lights of the Christian Church at and since the beginning of the Reformation, have discovered many secrets concerning the Antichrist and his Hierar∣chy, which were not known to former Ages: And divers of the Learned in the Roman Church have not feared to pronounce, That whosoever denies the true and literal sense of many Texts of Scripture to have been found out in this last Age, is unthankful to God, who hath so plentifully poured forth his Spirit upon the Children of this Gene∣ration; and ungrateful towards those men who with so great pains, so happy success, and so much benefit to God's Church, have travailed therein. This might be instan∣ced in many places of Scripture. I wind together Diotrephes and the Mystery of iniqui∣ty: the one as an old example of Church-ambition, which was also too palpable in the Apostles themselves; and the other as a cover of Ambition, afterwards discovered: which two brought forth the great Mystery of the Papacy at last.

6. Although Your Majesty be not made a Judge of the Reformed Churches, yet You so far censure them and their actions, as without Bishops, in Your Judgment, they cannot have a lawful Ministery, nor a due Administration of the Sacraments. Against which dangerous and destructive Opinion I did alledge what I supposed Your Majesty would not have denied. 1. That Presbyters without a Bishop may ordain other Presbyters. 2. That Baptism administred by such a Presbyter, is another thing than Baptism administred by a private person or by a Midwife. Of the first Your Majesty calls for proof. I told before, that in Scripture it is manifest, 1 Tim. 4. 14. Neglect not the Gift that is in thee, which was given thee by the Prophecy, with the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery, so it is in the English Translation: And the word Presbytery, To often as it is used in the New Testament, always signifies the Persons, and not the Office. And although the Offices of Bishop and Presbyter were distinct; yet doth not the Presbyter derive his power of Order from the Bishop. The Evangelists were infe∣riour to the Apostles; yet had they their power not from the Apostles, but from Christ. The same I affirm of the Seventy Disciples, who had their power immediately from Christ, no less than the Apostles had theirs. It may upon better reason be averred that the Bishops have their power from the Pope, than that Presbyters have their power from the Prelats. It is true, Jerome saith, Quid facit, exceptâ ordinatione, Episcopus, quod non facit Presbyter? But in the same place he proves from Sccipture, that Episco∣pus and Presbyter are one and the same; and therefore when he appropriates Ordina∣tion to the Bishop, he speaketh of the degenerated custom of his time. Secondly, Con∣cerning Baptism, a private person may perform the external Action and Rites both of it and of the Eucharist; yet is neither of the two a Sacrament, or hath any efficacy, unless it be done by him that is lawfully called thereunto, or by a person made pub∣lick, and cloathed with Authority by Ordination. This Errour in the matter of Bap∣tism is begot by another Errour, of the Absolute Necessity of Baptism.

7. To that which hath been said concerning Your Majesties Oath, I shall add no∣thing; not being willing to enter upon the Question of the subordination of the Church to the Civil Power, whether the King or Parliament, or both, and to either of them Page  84 in their own place. Such an Headship as the Kings of England have claimed, and such a Supremacy as the Two Houses of Parliament crave, with the Appeals from the su∣preme Ecclesiastical Judicature to them as set over the Church in the same line of Sub∣ordination, I do utterly disclaim upon such Reasons as give my self satisfaction; al∣though no man shall be more willing to submit to Civil powers, each one in their own place, and more unwilling to make any trouble, than my self. Only concerning the application of the Generals of an Oath to the particular case now in hand; under fa∣vour, I conceive not how the Clergy of the Church of England is, or ought to be, prin∣cipally intended in Your Oath. For although they were esteemed to be the Represen∣tative Church; yet even that is for the benefit of the Church Collective, Salus Popu∣li being Suprema lex, and to be principally intended. Your Majesty knows it was so in the Church of Scotland, where the like alteration was made. And if nothing of this kind can be done without the consent of the Clergy, what Reformation can be ex∣pected in France or Spain, or Rome it self? It is not to be expected that the Pope or Pre∣lates will consent to their own ruine.

8. I will not presume upon any secret knowledge of the Opinions held by the King Your Majesty's Father of famous Memory, they being much better known to Your Majesty: I did only produce what was profest by Him before the world. And al∣though Prayers and Tears be the Arms of the Church; yet it is neither acceptable to God, nor conducible for Kings and Princes, to force the Church to put on these Arms. Nor could I ever hear a reason, why a necessary Defensive War against unjust Violence is unlawful, although it be joyned with Offence and Invasion which is intended for De∣fence, but so that Arms are laid down when the Offensive War ceaseth: by which it doth appear, that the War on the other side was, in the nature thereof, Defensive.

9. Concerning the forcing of Conscience, which I pretermitted in my other Paper, I am forced now, but without forcing of my conscience, to speak of it. Our Consci∣ence may be said to be forced either by our selves, or by others. By our selves, 1. When we stop the ear of our Conscience, and will not hearken, or give place to informati∣on, resolving obstinately, Ne si persuaseris, persuadebis; which is no less than a resist∣ing of the Holy Ghost, and the hardning of our hearts. 2. Or when we stop the mouth and suppress the clamours of our Conscience; resolving rather to suffer the worm to gnaw, and the fire to burn inwardly, than to make profession of that we are convinced to be Truth. 3. Or when we sear our Conscience as with an hot Iron, that it becometh sensless, which is the punishment of the former: unto which is op∣posed the truly tender Conscience, such as Josiah had, 2 King. 22. 19. Again, our Conscience is said to be forced by others, 1. when they obtrude upon us what is in it self evil and unlawful; which if we admit against our own Conscience, we sin two ways: one is, by doing that which is in it self evil and unlawful; the other is, by doing it against a dictate of Conscience, which is a contempt of God, whose Vicegerent it is. 2. Or when others urge us to do that which is in it self good, or may lawfully be done, but through error of Conscience we judge it to be evil and unlawful: in this case, if we do not that which is prest upon us, we sin, because the thing is good and lawful; and if we do it, we sin, because we do against our Conscience, which in this case bindeth, but obligeth not. And yet there is a way to escape out of this laby∣rinth, it being repugnant to the equity of the will of God to lay a necessity of sinning upon any man: The only way is, to lay aside such a Conscience, it being a part of the Old man, which we are commanded to put off; otherwise, we being sufficiently in∣formed, and yet cleaving to our old Error, we rather do violence to our Conscience our selves, than suffer violence from others. The application, for Answering the Quaere, I leave to Your Majesty.

Newcastle, June 17. 1646.

Page  85

V. His MAJESTY's Third Paper.

For Mr Alexander Henderson: In Reply to his second Paper. June 22. 1646.

1. IT were arrogance, besides loss of time, in Me to vie Preambles with you; for it is Truth I seek, and neither Praise nor Victory: wherefore I shall only insist upon those things which are merely necessary to my own satisfaction; in order to which I desired the assistance of some Divines; whereupon I will insist no further, save only to wish that you may not (as I have known many men do) lose time by being mistaken in the way to save it, wherein I have only sought to disburthen My self, but to lay no blame upon you, and so I leave it.

2. Nor will I say more of the second than this, that I am glad you have so well approved of what I have said concerning my Education and Reason; but then remember, that another Man's will is at least as weak a ground to build My Faith upon as my former Education.

3. In this there are two points; first, concerning the Reforming power, then anent the English Reformation. For the first, I confess you now speak clearly, which before you did but darkly mention, wherein I shall mainly differ with you, until you shall shew Me better Rea∣son. Yet thus far I will go along with you, that when a General Council cannot be had, se∣veral Kingdoms may Reform themselves, (which is learnedly and fully proved by the late Archbishop of Canterbury in his disputation against Fisher:) but that the inferior Magi∣strates or People (take it which way you will) have this power, I utterly deny; for which, by your favour, you have yet made no sufficient proof to my judgment. Indeed, if you could have brought, or can bring authority of Scripture for this Opinion, I would, and will yet, with all reverence submit: but as for your Examples out of the Old Testament, in My mind they rather make for than against Me, all those Reformations being made by Kings: and it is a good probable (though I will not say convincing) Argument, that if God would have appro∣ved of a Popular reforming way, there were Kings of Judah and Israel sufficiently negli∣gent and ill to have made such examples by; but on the contrary, the 16. Chap. of Numbers shews clearly how God disapproves of such courses. But I forget this Assertion is to be pro∣ved by you; yet I may put you in the way: wherefore let Me tell you that this pretended power in the People must (as all others) either be directly or else declaratorily by approbation given by God; which how soon you can do, I submit; otherwise you prove nothing. For the citing of private mens Opinions (more than as they concur with the general consent of the Church in their time) weighs little with Me, it being too well known, that Rebels never wanted Writers to maintain their unjust actions: and though I much reverence Bishop Juel's memory, I never thought him infallible. For Bilson, I remember well what opinion the King my Father had of him for those Opinions, and how He shewed him some favour in hope of his recantation, (as His good nature made Him do many things of that kind;) but whe∣ther he did or not, I cannot say. To conclude this point, untill you shall prove this position by the Word of God, (as I will Regal Authority) I shall think all popular Reformation little better than Rebellion; for I hold that no Authority is lawful but that which is ei∣ther directly given, or, at least, approved by god. Secondly, Concerning the English Reformation, the first reason you bring why Q. Elizabeth did not finish it is, because she took not away Episcopacy, the hints of reason against which government you say I take no notice of: now I thought it was sufficient notice, yea and answer too, when I told you, a Negative (as I conceived) could not be proved, and that it was for Me to prove the Affir∣mative; which I shall either do, or yield the Argument, as soon as I shall be assisted with Books, or such Men of My Opinion, who like you, have a Library in their brain. And so I must leave this particular, until I be furnished with means to put it to an issue; which had been sooner done, if I could have had my will. Indeed your second well proved is most sufficient, which is, That the English Church Government is not builded upon the foundation of Christ and the Apostles: but I conceive your probation of this doubly defective. For first, albeit our Archbishops and Bishops should have professed Church-Government to be muta∣ble and ambulatory, I conceive it not sufficient to prove your Assertion: and secondly, I am confident you cannot prove that most of them maintained this walking position, (for some par∣ticulars must not conclude the general) for which you must find much better Arguments than their being content with the Constitution of the Church, and the Authority and munifi∣cence of Princes, or you will fall extremely short. As for the retaining of the Roman leen, you must prove it as well as say it, else you say little. But that the conforming of the Page  86Church Discipline to the Civil Policy should be a depraving of it, I absolutely deny; for I aver, that without it the Church can neither flourish nor be happy. And for your last instance, you shall do well to shew the prohibition of our Saviour against addition of more Officers in the Church than he named: and yet in one sense I do not conceive that the Church of England hath added any; for an Archbishop is only a distinction for Order of Government, not a new Officer, and so of the rest; and of this kind I believe there are divers now in Scotland which you will not condemn, as the Moderators of Assemblies, and others.

4. Where you find a Bishop and Presbyter in Scripture to be one and the same (which I deny to be alwaies so) it is in the Apostles time; now I think to prove the Order of Bishops succeeded that of the Apostles, and that the name was chiefly altered in reverence to those who were immediately chosen by our Saviour, (albeit in their time they caused divers to be cal∣led so, as Barnabas and others) so that I believe this Argument makes little for you. As for your proof of the antiquity of Presbyterian Government, it is well that the Assembly of Divines at Westminster can do more than Eusebius could, and I shall believe when I see it: for your former Paper affirms, that those times were very dark for matter of fact, and will be so still for Me if there be no clearer Arguments to prove it than those you mention: for be∣cause there were divers Congregations in Jerusalem; Ergo, what? are there not divers Parishes in one Diocess? (your two first I answer but as one Argument) and be∣cause the Apostles met with those of the inferiour Orders for Acts of Government; what then? even so in these times do the Deans and Chapters, and many times those of the inferiour Clergy assist the Bishops. But I hope you will not pretend to say, that there was an equality between the Apostles and other Presbyters, which not being, doth (in My judg∣ment) quite invalidate these Arguments. And if you can say no more for the Churches of Corinth, Ephesus, Thessalonica, &c. than you have for Jerusalem, it will gain no ground on Me. As for Saint Jerome, it is well known that he was no great Friend to Bishops, as be∣ing none himself; yet take him altogether, and you will find that he makes a clear distinction between a Bishop and a Presbyter, as your self confesses: but the truth is, he was angry with those who maintained Deacons to be equal to Presbyters.

5. I am well satisfied with the explanation of your meaning concerning the word Fallacy, though I think to have had reason for saying what I did: but by your favour, I do not con∣ceive that you have answered the strength of my Argument; for when you and I differ upon the interpretation of Scripture, and I appeal to the practice of the Primitive Church, and the universal consent of the Fathers, to be Judge between us, Methinks you should either find a fitter, or submit to what I offer; neither of which (to My understanding) you have yet done; nor have you shewn how, waving those Judges I appeal unto, the mischief of the inter∣pretation by private Spirits can be prevented. Indeed, if I cannot prove by Antiquity that Ordination and Jurisdiction belong to Bishops, (thereby clearly distinguishing them from other Presbyters) I shall then begin to misdoubt many of my former Foundations; (as for Bishop Davenant, he is none of those to whom I have appealed, or will submit unto.) But for the exception you take to Fathers, I take it to be a begging of the Question; as likewise those great discoveries of secrets, not known to former Ages, I shall call new-invented fan∣cies, until particularly you shall prove the contrary: and for your Roman Authors, it is no great wonder for them to seek shifts whereby to maintain Novelties as well as the Puritans. As for Church-ambition, it doth not at all terminate in seeking to be Pope; for I take it to be no point of humility to indeavour to be independent of Kings, it being possible that Papacy in a multitude may be as dangerous as in one.

6. As I am no Judge over the Reformed Churches, so neither do I censure them; for many things may be avowable upon necessity, which otherwayes are unlawful: but know once for all, that I esteem nothing the better because it is done by such a particular Church (though it were by the Church of England, which I avow most to reverence;) but I esteem that Church most which comes nearest to the purity of the Primitive Doctrine and Discipline, as I believe this doth. Now concerning Ordination, I bad you prove that Presbyters without a Bishop might lawfully ordain; which yet I conceive you have not done: for, 2 Tim. 1. 6. it is evident that Saint Paul was at Timothie's ordination; and albeit that all the Seven∣ty had their power immediately from Christ, yet it is as evident that our Saviour made a clear distinction between the twelve Apostles and the rest of the Disciples, which is set down by three of the Evangelists, whereof Saint Mark calls it an Ordination, Mark 3. 15. and Saint Luke sayes, And of them he chose Twelve, &c. Luk. 6. 13. only Saint Matthew doth but barely enumerate them by their name of distinction, Mat. 10. 1. I suppose out of mo∣desty, himself being one, and the other two being none, are more particular. For the Admi∣nistration of Baptism, giving, but not granting, what you say, it makes more for Me than you: but I will not engage upon new Questions not necessary for My purpose.

Page  87 7. For my Oath, you do well not to enter upon those Questions you mention; and you had done as well to have omitted your instance; but out of discretion, I desire you to collect your Answer out of the last Section; and for your Argument, though the intention of my Oath be for the good of the Church collective, therefore can I be dispensed withal by others than the representative Body? certainly no more than the People can dispense with Me for any Oaths I took in their favours, without the two Houses of Parliament. As for future Refor∣mations, I will only tell you, that incommodum non solvit Argumentum.

8. For the King my Father's opinion, if it were not to spend time (as I believe) needlesly, I could prove by living and written testimonies all and more than I have said of Him, for His perswasion in these points which I now maintain: and for your defensive War, as I do acknowledge it a great sin for any King to oppress the Church, so I hold it ab∣solutely unlawful for Subjects (upon any pretence whatsoever) to make War (though de∣fensive) against their lawful Sovereign; against which no less proofs will make Me yield but God's Word: and let Me tell you, that upon such points as these, instances as well as comparisons are odious.

9. Lastly, You mistake the Quaere in My first Paper to which this pretends to answer; for my Question was not concerning force of Arguments (for I never doubted the lawful∣ness of it) but force f Arms, to which, I conceive, it says little or nothing, (unless af∣ter My example) you •••er Me to the former Section; that which it doth, is merely the asking of the question, after a fine discourse of the several ways of perswading rather than for∣cing of Conscience. I close up this Paper, desiring you to take notice, that there is none of these Sections but I could have inlarged to many more lines, some to whole pages; yet I chose to be thus brief, knowing you will understand more by a word than others by a long dis∣course; trusting likewise to your ingenuity, that Reason epitomized will weigh as much with you as if it were at large.

June 22. 1646.

C. R.

VI. Mr Alexander Henderson's Third Paper.

For His MAJESTY: Concerning the Authority of the Fathers, and Practice of the Church. July 2. 1646.

HAving in my former Papers pressed the steps of Your Majesty's Propositions, and finding by Your Majesty's last Paper, Controversies to be multiplied, (I believe) beyond Your Majesty's intentions in the beginning; as concerning The Re∣forming Power, The Reformation of the Church of England, The difference betwixt a Bi∣shop and a Presbyter, The warrants of Presbyterian Government, The Authority of Inter∣preting Scripture, The taking and keeping of Publick Oaths, The forcing of Conscience, and many other inferiour and subordinate Questions, which are Branches of those main Controversies; all which in a satisfactory manner to determine in few words I leave to more presuming Spirits, who either see no knots of Difficulties, or can find a way rather to cut them asunder than to unloose them: yet will I not use any Tergiversation, nor do I decline to offer my humble Opinion with the Reasons thereof, in their own time, concerning each of them: which in obedience to Your Majesty's Command I have begun to do already. Only, Sir, by Your Majesty's favourable permission, for the greater expedition, and that the present velitations may be brought to some Issue, I am bold to intreat that the Method may be a little altered, and I may have leave now to begin at a Principle, and that which should have been inter Praecognita, I mean, the Rule by which we are to proceed, and to determine the present Controversy of Church-Policy; without which we will be led into a labyrinth, and want a thred to wind us out again. In Your Majesty's First Paper, the universal Custom of the Primi∣tive Church is conceived to be the Rule; in the Second Paper, Section 5. the Practice of the Primitive Church, and the universal Consent of the Fathers is made a convincing Argument, when the Interpretation of Scripture is doubtful; in your Third Paper, Sect. 5. the Practice of the Primitive Church and the universal Consent of Fathers is made Judge: And I know that nothing is more ordinary in this Question than to alledge Antiquity, perpetual Succession, universal Consent of the Fathers, and the universal Practice of the Primitive Church, according to the Rule of Augustine, Quod universa tenet Ecclesia, nec Page  88 à Concilio institutum, sed semper retentum est, non nisi authoritate Apostolica traditum re∣ctissimè creditur. There is in this Argument at the first view so much appearance of Reason, that it may much work upon a modest mind; yet being well examined, and rightly weighed, it will be found to be of no great weight: for beside that the Mi∣nor will never be made good in the behalf of a Diocesan Bishop having sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction, there being a multitude of Fathers who maintain that Bishop and Presbyter are of one and the same Order; I shall humbly offer some few Con∣siderations about the Major, because it hath been an Inlet to many dangerous Errours, and hath proved a mighty hinderance and obstruction to Reformation of Reli∣gion.

1. I desire it may be considered, that whiles some make two Rules for defining Con∣troversies, the Word of God and Antiquity, (which they will have to be received with equal veneration) or, as the Papists call them, Canonical Authority, and Catholical Tradition; and others make Scripture to be the only Rule, and Antiquity the authen∣tick Interpreter; the latter of the two seems to me to be the greater Errour: be∣cause the first setteth up a parallel in the same degree with Scripture; but this would create a Superiour, in a higher degree above Scripture. For the interpretation of the Fathers shall be the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and accounted the very Cause and Reason for which we conceive and believe such a place of Scripture to have such a sense: and thus men shall have dominion over our Faith, against 2 Cor. 1. 24. Our faith shall stand in the wisdom of man, and not in the power of God, 1 Cor. 2. 5. and Scripture shall be of private interpretation; For the Prophecy came not of old by the will of man, 2 Pet. 1. 20, 22. Nisi homini Deus placuerit, Deus non erit; Homo jam Deo propitius esse debebit, saith Tertullian.

2. That Scripture cannot be Authentically interpreted but by Scripture, is manifest from Scripture. The Levites gave the sense of the Law by no other means but by Scripture it self. Neh. 8. 8. Our Saviour, for example to us, gave the true sense of Scripture against the depravations of Satan, by comparing Scripture with Scripture, and not by alledging any Testimonies out of the Rabbins, Matt. 4. And the Apo∣stles, in their Epistles, used no other help but the diligent comparing of Propheti∣cal writings: like as the Apostle Peter will have us to compare the clearer light of the Apostles with the more obscure light of the Prophets, 2 Pet. 1. 19. And when we betake our selves to the Fathers, we have need to take heed that, with the Pa∣pists, we accuse not the Scriptures of Obscurity or Imperfection.

3. The Fathers themselves (as they are cited by Protestant Writers) hold this Conclusion, That Scripture is not to be interpreted but by Scripture it self. To this purpose amongst many other Testimonies, they bring the saying of Tertullian, Surge, Veritas, ipsa Scripturas tuas interpretare, quam Consuetudo non novit; nam si nosset, non esset: if it knew Scripture it would be ashamed of it self, and cease to be any more.

4. That some Errours have been received and continued for a long time in the Church. The Errour of Free-will, beginning at Justin Martyr, continued till the time of Reformation, although it was rejected by Augustine, as the Divine Right of Episcopacy was opposed by others. The Errour about the Vision of God, That the Souls of the Saints departed see not the face of God till the Judgment of the Great Day, was held by universal Consent. The same may be said of the Errour of the Millena∣ries; and, which more nearly toucheth upon the present Question, the Ancients er∣red grosly about the Antichrist and Mystery of Iniquity, which did begin to work in the days of the Apostles. Many other Instances might be brought to prove such universal practice of the Church, as was not warranted by the Apostles; as in the Rites of Baptism and Prayer, and the forming up and drawing together of the Arti∣cles of that Creed that is called Symbolum Apostolicum, the observation of many Feasts and Fasts both Anniversary and weekly.

5. That it is not a matter so incredible or impossible as some would have it appear to be, for the Primitive Church to have made a sudden defection from the Aposto∣lical purity. The people of Israel, in the short time of Moses his absence on the mount, turned aside quickly, and fell into horrible Idolatry, Exod. 32. Soon after the death of Josuah, and the Elders that had seen the great works which the Lord had done for Israel, there arose another Generation after them, which did evil in the sight of the Lord, Judg. 2. Soon after the building of the Temple, and setling of Religion by David and Solomon, the worship of God was defiled with Idolatry: when Rehoboam had established the Kingdom, he forsook the Law of the Lord, and all Israel with Page  89 him, 2 Chron. 12. 1. And the Apostle says to the Galatians, Gal. 1. 6. I marvel that you are so soon removed unto another Gospel. Why then shall we think it strange, that in the matter of Discipline there should be a sudden defection, especially it being be∣gun in the time of the Apostles? I know it is a common Opinion, but I believe there be no strong reasons for it, that the Church which was nearest the times of the Apo∣stles was the most pure and perfect Church.

6. That it is impossible to come to the knowledge of the universal Consent and Pra∣ctice of the Primitive Church: for many of the Fathers wrote nothing at all, many of their writings are perished, (it may be that both of these have dissented from the rest) many of the Writings which we have under their names are supposititious and counterfeit, especially about Episcopacy, which was the foundation of Papal Primacy. The Rule of Augustine afore-mentioned doth too much favour Traditions, and is not to be admitted without cautions and exceptions.

Many the like Considerations may be added; but these may be sufficient to prove, that the unanimous Consent of the Fathers and the universal Practice of the Primitive Church is no sure ground of Authentical interpretation of Scripture. I remember of a grave Divine in Scotland, much honoured by K. James of Happy memory, who did often profess that he did learn more of one Page of John Calvin than of a whole Trea∣tise of Augustine. Nor can there be any good reason, (many there be against it) why the Ancients should be so far preferred to the Modern Doctors of the Reformed Chur∣ches, and the one in a manner Deified, and the other vilified. It is but a poor Rea∣son that some give, Fama miratrix senioris aevi, and is abundantly answered by the Apologist for Divine Providence. If Your Majesty be still unsatisfied concerning the Rule, I know not to what purpose I should proceed, or trouble Your Majesty any more.

Newcastle, July 2. 1646.

VII. His MAJESTIES Fourth Paper.

For Mr. Alexander Henderson. July 3. 1646.

I Shall very willingly follow the method you have begun in your third Paper; but I do not con∣ceive that my last Paper multiplies more Controversies than my first gave occasion for; ha∣ving been so far from augmenting the Heads of our Disputation, that I have omitted the an∣swering many things in both your Papers, expresly to avoid raising of new and needless Questi∣ons; desiring to have only so many debated as are simply necessary to shew, whether or not I may with a safe conscience give way to the alteration of Church-Government in England. And indeed I like very well, to begin with the setling of the Rule, by which we are to proceed, and determine the present Controversie: to which purpose (as I conceive) My third Paper shews you an excellent way; for there I offer you a Judge between us, or desire you to find out a better, which, to My judgment, you have not yet done, (though you have sought to invalidate Mine:) for, if you understand to have offered the Scripture, though no man shall pay more re∣verence, nor submit more humbly to it, than My self; yet we must find some Rule to judge be∣twixt us, when you and I differ upon the interpretation of the self-same Text, or it can never determine our Questions. As for example, I say you misapply that of 2 Cor. 1. 14. to Me (let others answer for themselves) for I know not how I make other men to have dominion over My Faith, when I make them only serve to approve my Reason. Nor do I conceive how 1 Cor. 2. 5. can be applied to this purpose: for there Saint Paul only shews the difference be∣tween Divine and Humane Eloquence, making no mention of any kind of interpretation throughout the whole Chapter, as indeed Saint Peter does, 2 Pet. 1. 20. which I conceive makes for Me: for, since that no Prophecy of Scripture is of any private interpretation, First, I infer, that Scripture is to be interpreted, for else the Apostle would have omitted the word Private; Secondly, that at least the consent of many learned Divines is necessary, and so, à fortiori, that of the Catholick Church ought to be an authentick Judge, when men differ. And is it a good Argument, because (Matth. 4. 4, 7, 10.) Scripture is best interpre∣ted by it self, therefore that all other interpretations are unlawful? certainful you cannot think it. Thus having shewed you that we differ about the meaning of the Scripture, and are like to do so; certainly there ought to be for this, as well as other things, a Rule or a Judge be∣tween us, to determine our differences, or, at least, to make our Probations and Arguments Relevant: therefore evading for this time to Answer your Six Considerations (not, I assure you, for the difficulty of them, but the starting of new Questions) I desire you only to shew Me a better than what I have offered unto you.

Newcastle, July 3. 1646.

C. R.

Page  90

VIII. His MAJESTY's Fifth Paper.

For Mr Alexander Henderson. A particular Answer to Mr Alexander Henderson's Third Paper. July 16. 1646.

UNtil you shall find out a fitter way to decide our Difference in Opinion concerning In∣terpretation of Scripture, than the Consent of the Fathers and the Universal Practice of the Primitive Church, I cannot but pass my Judgment anent those Six Consi∣derations which you offered to invalidate those Authorities that I so much reverence.

1. In the first you mention two Rules for defining of Controversies, and seek a most odd way to confute them, as I think; for you alledge, that there is more attributed to them than I believe you can prove by the Consent of most learned Men (there being no question, but there are always some flattering fools that can commend nothing but with hyperbolick ex∣pressions) and you know that supposito quolibet, sequitur quidlibet: besides, do you think, that albeit some ignorant Fellows should attribute more power to Presbyters than is really due unto them, that thereby their Just reverence and Authority is diminished? So I see no reason why I may not safely maintain that the Interpretation of Fathers is a most excellent strength∣ning to My Opinion, though others should attribute the Cause and Reason of their Faith unto it.

2. As there is no question but that Scripture is far the best Interpreter of it self, so I see nothing in this, negatively proved, to exclude any other, notwithstanding your positive affirmation.

3. Nor in the next; for I hope you will not be the first to condemn your self, Me, and innumerable others, who yet unblameably have not tied themselves to this Rule.

4. If this you only intend to prove, that Errours were always breeding in the Church, I shall not deny it; yet that makes little (as I conceive) to your purpose. But if your mean∣ing be, to accuse the Universal practice of the Church with Errour, I must say, it is a very bold undertaking, and (if you cannot justifie your self by clear places in Scripture) much to be blamed: wherein you must not alledge that to be universally received which was not; as I dare say that the Controversie about Free-will was never yet decided by Oecumenical or General Council: nor must you presume to call that an Errour, which really the Catholick Church maintained (as in Rites of Baptism, Forms of Prayer, Observation of Feasts, Fasts, &c.) except you can prove it so by the Word of God; and it is not enough to say that such a thing was not warranted by the Apostles, but you must prove by their Doctrine that such a thing was unlawful, or else the Practice of the Church is warrant enough for Me to follow and obey that Custom, whatsoever it be, and think it good; and I shall believe that the Apostles Creed was made by them, (such Reverence I bear to the Churches Tradition) un∣till other Authors be certainly found out.

5. I was taught that de posse ad esse was no good Argument; and indeed to Me it is in∣credible that any custom of the Catholick Church was erroneous, which was not contradict∣ed by Orthodox learned Men in the times of their first Practice, as is easily perceived that all those Defections were (some of them may be justly called Rebellions) which you mention.

6. I deny it is impossible (though I confess it difficult) to come to the knowledge of the Universal Consent and Practice of the Primitive Church; therefore I confess a man ought to be careful how to believe things of this nature; wherefore I conceive this to be only an Ar∣gument for Caution.

My conclusion is, that albeit I never esteemed any Authority equal to the Scriptures; yet I do think the Unanimous Consent of the Fathers, and the Universal Practice of the Pri∣mitive Church, to be the best and most Authentical Interpreters of God's Word, and consequently the fittest Judges between Me and you, when we differ, until you shall find Me better. For example, I think you for the present the best Preacher in Newcastle; yet I be∣lieve you may err, and possibly a better Preacher may come: but till then I must retain my Opi∣nion.

Newcastle, July 16. 1646.

C. R.

Page  91

His MAJESTY's Quaere concerning Easter, propounded to the Parliaments Commissioners at Holdenby, April 23. 1647.

I desire to be resolved of this Question, Why the new Reformers discharge the keeping of Easter.

The Reason for this Quaere is,

I Conceive the Celebration of this Feast was instituted by the same Authority which changed the Jewish Sabbath into the Lord's Day, or Sunday; for it will not be found in Scripture where Saturday is discharged to be kept, or turned into the Sunday: wherefore it must be the Churches Authority that changed the one, and instituted the other. Therefore My Opinion is, that those who will not keep this Feast, may as well return to the observation of Saturday, and refuse the weekly Sunday. When any body can shew Me that herein I am in an errour, I shall not be ashamed to con∣fess and amend it; till when you know my mind.

C. R.

His MAJESTY's First Paper concerning Episcopacy.

At the Treaty at NEWPORT, October 2. 1648.

CHARLES R.

I Conceive that Episcopal Government is most consonant to the Word of God, and of an Apostolical institution,* as it appears by the Scripture to have been practised by the Apostles themselves,* and by them committed and derived to particular persons as their Substitutes or Successors therein (as for ordaining Presbyters and Deacons,* gi∣ving Rules concerning Christian Discipline,* and exercising Censures over Presbyters and others) and hath ever since to these last times been exercised by Bishops in all the Churches of Christ:* and therefore I cannot in Conscience consent to abolish the said Government.* Notwithstanding this my perswasion,* I shall be glad to be informed, if our Saviour and the Apostles did so leave the Church at liberty,* as they might totally alter or change the Church-Government at their pleasure:* Which if you can make appear to Me,* then I will confess that one of my great Scruples is clean taken away: And then there only remains,*

That being by my Coronation-Oath obliged to maintain Episcopal Government as I found it setled to my hands; Whether I may consent to the abolishing thereof, un∣til the same shall be evidenced to Me to be contrary to the Word of God.

Newport, October 2. 1648.

Page  [unnumbered] Page  93

PRAYERS Used by His MAJESTY in the time of His Troubles and Restraint.

I. A Prayer used by His MAJESTY, at His entrance in state into the Cathedral Church of Excester after the defeat of the Earl of Essex in Cornwal.

O Most glorious Lord God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, I here humbly adore thy most Sacred Majesty; and I bless and magnifie thy Name, for that Thou hast been pleased so often and so strangely to deliver Me from the strivings of my People. Father, forgive them who have thus risen up against Me, and do Thou yet turn their hearts both unto Thee and to Me; that I being firmly established in the Throne Thou hast placed Me in, I may defend Thy Church committed to My care, and keep all this Thine and My People in Truth and Peace, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

II. A Prayer drawn by His MAJESTY's special direction and dictates, for a Blessing on the Treaty at Uxbridge.

O Most merciful Father, Lord God of Peace and Truth, we a People sorely af∣flicted by the scourge of an unnatural War, do here earnestly beseech Thee to command a Blessing from Heaven upon this present Treaty, begun for the establish∣ment of an happy Peace. Soften the most obdurate hearts with a true Christian de∣sire of saving those mens blood for whom Christ himself hath shed his. Or, if the guilt of our great Sins cause this Treaty to break off in vain, Lord, let the Truth clearly appear, who those men are, which under pretence of the Publick Good do pur∣sue their own private ends; that this People may be no longer so blindly miserable as not to see, at least in this their day, the things that belong unto their Peace. Grant this, gracious God, for His sake who is our Peace it self, even Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

III. A Prayer drawn by His MAJESTY's special directions, for a Blessing on the Treaty at Newport in the Isle of Wight.

O Most merciful Father, Lord God of Peace and Truth, we a People sorely af∣flicted by the scourge of an unnatural War, do here earnestly beseech Thee to command a Blessing from Heaven upon this Treaty brought about by Thy Providence, and the only visible remedy left for the establishment of an happy Peace. Soften the most obdurate hearts with a true Christian desire of saving those mens blood for whom Christ himself hath shed His. O Lord, let not the guilt of our Sins cause this Treaty to break off; but let the Truth of Thy Spirit so clearly shine in our minds, that all private ends laid aside, we may every one of us heartily and sincerely pursue the Pub∣lick Good; and that thy People may be no longer so blindly miserable as not to see, at least in this their day, the things that belong unto their Peace. Grant this, gracious God, for His sake who is our Peace it self, even Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

IV. A Prayer for Pardon of Sin.

ALmighty and most merciful Father, look down upon Me thy unworthy Servant, who here prostrate My self at the Footstool of thy Throne of Grace: but look upon Me, O Father, through the Mediation and in the Merits of Jesus Christ, in Page  94 whom Thou art only well pleased; for of My self I am not worthy to stand before Thee, or to speak with my unclean lips to Thee, most Holy and Eternal God. For as in sin I was conceived and born, so likewise I have broken all thy Commandments by my sinful Motions, unclean Thoughts, evil Words, and wicked Works; omit∣ting many Duties I ought to do, and committing many Vices which Thou hast forbid∣den under pain of thy heavy displeasure. As for my Sins, O Lord, they are innume∣rable; wherefore I stand here liable to all the Miseries in this life, and everlasting Tor∣ments in that to come, if Thou shouldst deal with Me according to My deserts. I confess, O Lord, that it is Thy Mercy (which endureth for ever) and Thy Com∣passion (which never fails) which is the cause that I have not been long ago consu∣med: But with Thee there is Mercy and plenteous Redemption. In the multitude therefore of thy Mercies, and by the Merits of Jesus Christ, I entreat thy Divine Ma∣jesty that Thou wouldst not enter into Judgement with thy Servant, nor be extream to mark what is done amiss, but be Thou merciful unto Me, and wash away all my Sins with that precious Blood that my Saviour shed for Me. And I beseech Thee, O Lord, not only to wash away all my Sins, but also to purge my Heart by thy Holy Spirit from the dross of my natural Corruption. And as Thou dost add days to my Life, so, Good Lord, I beseech Thee to add Repentance to my days; that when I have pass'd this mortal life, I may be partaker of thy everlasting Kingdom, through the merits of Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

V. A Prayer and Confession in and for the times of Affliction.

ALmighty and most merciful Father, as it is only Thy goodness that admits of our imperfect Prayers, and the knowledge that Thy Mercies are infinite which can give us any hope of Thy accepting or granting them; so it is our bounden and neces∣sary Duty to confess our Sins freely unto Thee. And of all men living I have most need, most reason so to do, no man living having been so much obliged by Thee; that degree of Knowledge which Thou hast given Me, adding likewise to the guilt of my Transgressions. For was it through Ignorance that I suffered innocent blood to be shed by a false pretended way of Justice? or that I permitted a wrong way of thy Worship to be set up in Scotland, and injured the Bishops in England? O no; but with shame and grief I confess, that I therein followed the perswasions of worldly Wisdom, forsaking the Dictates of a right-informed Conscience. Wherefore, O Lord, I have no excuse to make, no hope left, but in the multitude of Thy Mercies; for I know my Repentance weak, and my Prayers faulty. Grant therefore, merciful Fa∣ther, so to strengthen my Repentance and amend my Prayers, that Thou maist clear the way for thine own Mercies; to which O let thy Justice at last give place, putting a speedy end to my deserved Afflictions. In the mean time give Me Patience to en∣dure, Constancy against Temptations, and a discerning spirit to chuse what is best for Thy Church and People which Thou hast committed to My Charge. Grant this, O most merciful Father, for thy Son Jesus Christ's sake, our only Saviour. Amen.

VI. A Prayer in time of Captivity.

O Powerful and eternal God, to whom nothing is so great that it may resist, or so small that it is contemned; look upon My Misery with Thine Eye of Mer∣cy, and let thy infinite Power vouchsafe to limit out some proportion of deliverance unto Me, as to Thee shall seem most convenient. Let not injury, O Lord, triumph over Me, and let my faults by Thy Hand be corrected, and make not my unjust Ene∣mies the Ministers of thy Justice. But yet, my God, if in thy Wisdom this be the aptest chastisement for my unexcusable Transgressions, if this ungrateful bondage be fittest for my over-high desires, if the pride of my (not enough humble) Heart be thus to be broken; O Lord, I yield unto Thy Will, and chearfully embrace what sorrow Thou wilt have Me suffer. Only thus much let Me crave of Thee, (let my craving, O Lord, be accepted of, since it even proceeds from Thee,) that by thy Good∣ness, which is Thy self, Thou wilt suffer some beam of thy Majesty so to shine in my mind, that I, who acknowledge it my noblest Title to be Thy Creature, may still in my greatest Afflictions depend confidently on Thee. Let Calamity be the exercise, but not the overthrow of my Vertue: O let not their prevailing power be to My De∣struction. And if it be thy Will, that they more and more vex Me with punishment, yet, O Lord, never let their Wickedness have such a hand, but that I may still carry a Page  95 pure mind and stedfast resolution ever to serve Thee without Fear or Presumption, yet with that humble Confidence which may best please Thee: so that at the last I may come to thy eternal Kingdom, through the Merits of thy Son, our alone Savi∣our, Jesus Christ. Amen.

VII. A Prayer in time of imminent Danger.

O Most merciful Father, though my Sins are so many and grievous, that I may rather expect the effects of thy Anger than so great a deliverance, as to free Me from my present great Danger; yet, O Lord, since thy Mercies are over all thy Works, and Thou never failest to relieve all those who with humble and unfeigned Repentance come to Thee for succour, it were to multiply, not diminish my Trans∣gressions, to despair of thy heavenly favour: wherefore I humbly desire thy Divine Majesty, that Thou wilt not only pardon all my Sins, but also free Me out of the hands and protect Me from the Malice of my cruel Enemies. But if thy wrath against my hainous offences will not otherwise be satisfied, than by suffering Me to fall under my present Afflictions, thy Will be done: yet with humble importunity I do, and shall never leave to implore the assistance of thy Heavenly Spirit, that My Cause, as I am Thy Vicegerent, may not suffer through My weakness or want of Courage. O Lord, so strengthen and enlighten all the Faculties of my Mind, that with clearness I may shew forth thy Truth, and manfully endure this bloody Trial; that so my Suf∣ferings here may not only glorifie Thee, but likewise be a furtherance to My Salvati∣on hereafter. Grant this, O merciful Father, for His sake who suffered for Me, even Jesus Christ the Righteous. Amen.

Page  [unnumbered] Page  97

KING CHARLES HIS MESSAGES FOR PEACE.

I. From CANTERBURY, Jan. 20. MDCXLI. II.

For the Composing of all Differences.

HIS Majesty perceiving the manifold distractions which are now in this Kingdom, which cannot but bring great incon∣veniencies and mischief to this whole Government, in which as His Majesty is most chiefly interessed, so He holds Him∣self by many reasons most obliged to do what in Him lies for the preventing thereof; though He might justly expect (as most proper for the duty of Subjects) that Propositions for the remedies of these evils ought rather to come to Him than from Him; yet His Fatherly care of all His People being such, that He will rather lay by any particular respect of His Own Dignity, than that any time should be lost for prevention of these threatning evils, which cannot admit the delays of the ordinary proceedings in Parliament; doth think fit to make this ensuing Proposition to both Houses of Parliament, that they will with all speed fall into a serious consideration of all those particulars which they shall hold necessary, as well for the upholding and maintaining of His Majesty's Just and Regal Authority, and for the setling of His Revenue, as for the present and future establishment of their Priviledges, the free and quiet enjoying of their Estates and Fortunes, the Liberties of their Persons, the security of the true Religion now profes∣sed in the Church of England, and the setling of Ceremonies in such a manner as may take away all just offence. Which when they shall have digested and composed into one intire body, that so His Majesty and themselves may be able to make the more clear Judgment of them, it shall then appear by what His Majesty shall do, how far he hath been from intending or designing any of those things which the too great Fears and Jealousies of some persons seem to apprehend; and how ready He will be to equal and exceed the greatest examples of the most indulgent Princes, in their Acts of Grace and Favour to their People. So that if all the present Distractions (which so appa∣rently threaten the Ruine of this Kingdom) do not (by the blessing of Almighty God) end in an happy and blessed Accommodation; His Majesty will then be ready to call Heaven and Earth, God and Man to witness, that it hath not failed on His part.

From HUNTINGDON, March 15.

Upon His Removal to YORK. In pursuance of the Former.

HIS Majesty being now on His remove to His City of York, where He intends to make His Residence for some time, thinks fit to send this Message to both Houses of Parliament.

Page  98 That he doth very earnestly desire that they will use all possible industry in expedi∣ting the business of Ireland, in which they shall find so chearful a concurrence by His Majesty, that no inconvenience shall happen to that service by His absence, He having all that Passion for the reducing of that Kingdom which He hath expressed in His for∣mer Messages, and being unable by words to manifest more affection to it than He hath endeavoured to do by those Messages (having likewise done all such Acts as he hath been moved unto by His Parliament:) therefore if the misfortunes and calamities of His poor Protestant Subjects shall grow upon them (though His Majesty shall be deep∣ly concerned in and sensible of their sufferings) He shall wash His hands before all the World from the least imputation of slackness in that most necessary and pious work.

And that His Majesty may leave no way unattempted which may beget a good un∣derstanding between Him and His Parliament, He thinks it necessary to declare, That as He hath been so tender of the Priviledges of Parliament, that He hath been ready and forward to retract any Act of His own which He hath been informed hath trencht upon their Priviledges; so He expects an equal tenderness in them of His Majesty's known and unquestionable Priviledges (which are the Priviledges of the Kingdom) amongst which He is assured it is a Fundamental one, That His Subjects cannot be ob∣liged to obey any Act, Order, or Injunction, to which His Majesty hath not given His consent. And therefore He thinks it necessary to publish, That He expects, and here∣by requires, Obedience from all His loving Subjects to the Laws established, and that they presume not upon any pretence of Order or Ordinance (to which His Majesty is no party) concerning the Militia, or any other thing, to do or execute what is not warranted by those Laws, His Majesty being resolved to keep the Laws Himself, and to require Obedience to them from all His Subjects.

And His Majesty once more recommends to His Parliament the substance of His Message of the twentieth of January last, that they compose and digest with all speed such Acts as they shall think fit for the present and future establishment of their Privi∣ledges, the free and quiet enjoying their Estates and Fortunes, the Liberties of their Persons, the security of the true Religion now professed in the Church of England, the maintaining His Majesties Regal and Just Authority, and setling His Revenue: His Majesty being most desirous to take all fitting and just wayes which may beget a hap∣py understanding between Him and His Parliament, in which He conceives His grea∣test Power and Riches do consist.

III. From NOTTINGHAM, Aug. 25. MDCXLII. When He set up His Standard.

By the Earls of Southampton and Dorset, Sir John Culpepper Knight, Chancellour of the Exchequer, and Sir W. Wedale Knight.

WE have with unspeakable grief of heart long beheld the distractions of this our Kingdom; Our very Soul is full of anguish until We may find some remedy to prevent the Miseries which are ready to overwhelm this whole Nation by a Civil War: and tho' all Our endeavours tending to the composing of those unhappy Differen∣ces betwixt Us and our two Houses of Parliament (though pursued by us with all zeal and sincerity) have been hitherto without that success We hoped for; yet such is Our constant and earnest care to preserve the publick Peace, that we shall not be discou∣raged from using any expedient which by the blessing of the God of Mercy may lay a firm foundation of Peace and Happiness to all Our good Subjects. To this end ob∣serving that many mistakes have arisen by the Messages, Petitions, and Answers be∣twixt Us and Our two Houses of Parliament, which happily may be prevented by some other way of Treaty, wherein the matters in difference may be more clearly un∣derstood and more freely transacted; We have thought fit to propound to you, that some fit persons may be by you enabled to treat with the like Number to be authori∣zed by Us, in such a manner, and with such freedom of debate, as may best tend to that happy conclusion which all good men desire, The peace of the Kingdom: wherein as We promise in the word of a King all safety and encouragement to such as shall be sent unto Us, if you shall chuse the place where We are for the Treaty, which we wholly leave to you, presuming on the like care of the safety of those We shall imploy, Page  99 if you shall name another place; so We assure you and all Our good Subjects, that (to the best of Our Understanding) nothing shall be therein wanting on Our part which may advance the true Protestant Religion, oppose Popery and Superstition, secure the Law of the land (upon which is built as well Our just Prerogative as the Propriety and Liberty of the Subject) confirm all just Power and Priviledges of Parliament, and render Us and Our People truly happy by a good understanding betwixt Us and Our two Houses of Parliament. Bring with you as firm resolutions to do your Duty, and let all Our People joyn with Us in Our Prayers to Almighty God for his blessing upon this Work.

If this Proposition shall be rejected by you, We have done Our duty so amply, that God will absolve Us from the guilt of any of that Blood which must be spilt. And what opinion soever other men may have of Our Power, We assure you nothing but Our Christian and pious care to prevent the effusion of Blood hath begot this motion; Our provision of Men, Arms and Money being such as may secure Us from further Violence, till it please God to open the Eyes of Our People.

IV. From ...... Sept. 5. MDCXLII.

In pursuance of the former.

WE will not repeat what means We have used to prevent the dangerous and distracted Estate of the Kingdom, nor how these means have been interpre∣ted; because being desirous to avoid effusion of Blood, We are willing to decline all memory of former bitterness that might make Our offer of a Treaty less readily ac∣cepted.

We never did declare, nor ever intended to declare both Our Houses of Parliament Traytors, or set up Our Standard against them, and much less to put them and this Kingdom out of Our protection; We utterly profess against it before God and the World. And further, to remove all possible scruples which may hinder the Treaty so much desired by Us, We hereby promise, so that a day be appointed by you for the revoking of your Declarations against all Persons as Traytors or otherwise, for assisting Us, We shall with all chearfulness upon the same day recal Our Proclamati∣ons and Declarations, and take down Our Standard; in which Treaty We shall be rea∣dy to grant any thing that shall be really for the good of Our Subjects: Conjuring you to consider the bleeding condition of Ireland, and the dangerous condition of England, in as high a degree as by these Our offers We have declared Our Self to do: And as∣suring you that Our chief desire in this World is to beget a good Understanding and mutual Confidence betwixt Us and Our two Houses of Parliament.

V. From ...... Sept. 11. MDCXLII.

In Replie to the Answer of both Houses to the former.

WHO have taken most ways, used most endeavours, and made most real ex∣pressions to prevent the present Distractions and Dangers, let all the World judge, as well by former passages as Our two last Messages, which have been so fruit∣less, that (though We have descended to desire and press it) not so much as a Treaty can be obtained, unless We would denude Our self of all force to defend Us from a visible strength marching against Us, and admit those persons accounted as Traytors to Us, who according to their Duty, their Oaths of Allegiance and the Law, have ap∣peared in defence of Us their King and Liege Lord, (whom We are bound in Consci∣ence and Honour to preserve) though We disclaimed all Our Proclamations and De∣clarations, and the erecting of Our Standard as against Our Parliament. All We have now left in Our power is, to express the deep sense We have of the publick Misery of this Kingdom, in which is involved that of Our distressed Protestants of Ireland; and to apply Our self to Our necessary defence, wherein We wholly relie upon the Provi∣dence of God, the Justice of Our Cause, and the Affection of Our good People, so far We are from putting them out of Our Protection. When you shall desire a Treaty Page  100 of Us, We shall piously remember whose blood is to be spilt in this quarrel, and chear∣fully embrace it. And as no other reason induced Us to leave Our City of London, but that with Honour and Safety We could not stay there; nor to raise any force, but for the necessary defence of Our Person and the Law, against Levies in opposition to both: so We shall suddenly and most willingly return to the one, and disband the other, as soon as those causes shall be removed. The God of Heaven direct you, and in Mercy divert those Judgments which hang over this Nation; and so deal with Us and Our Posterity, as We desire the preservation and advancement of the true Prote∣stant Religion, and the Law and Liberty of the Subject, the just Rights of Parlia∣ment, and the Peace of the Kingdom.

VI. From BRAINFORD, Nov. 12. MDCXLII.

After the Defeat of the Parliament Forces at EDGE-HILL, and at BRAINFORD.

WHereas the last Night, being the eleventh of November, after the departure of the Committee of both Our Houses with Our gracious Answer to their Peti∣tion, We received certain information (having till then heard nothing of it, either from the Houses Committee or otherwise) that the L. of Essex had drawn his Forces out of London towards Us, which hath necessitated Our sudden resolution to march with Our Forces to Brainford; We have thought hereby fit to signifie to both Our Houses of Parliament, that we are no less desirous of the Peace of the Kingdom than We express in Our aforesaid Answer; the Propositions for which We shall willingly receive whereever We are, and desire (if it may be) to receive them at Brainford this Night, or early to Morrow Morning; that all possible speed may be made in so good a work, and all inconveniences otherwise likely to intervene may be avoided.

VII. From OXFORD, April 12. MDCXLIII. At the Close of the Treaty.

Concerning the Disbanding of all Forces, and His Return to the Houses.

TO shew to the whole World how earnestly His Majesty longs for Peace, and that no success shall make Him desire the continuance of His Army to any other end, or for any longer time than that, and until things may be so setled as that the Law may have a full, free and uninterrupted course, for the defence and preservation of the Rights of His Majesty, both Houses, and His good Subjects;

1. As soon as His Majesty is satisfied in His first Proposition concerning His own Revenue, Magazines, Ships and Forts, in which He desires nothing but that the Just, Known, Legal Rights of His Majesty (devolved to him from His Progenitors) and of the Persons trusted by Him, which have been violently taken from both, be restored unto Him and unto them, unless any just and legal exceptions against any of the persons trusted by Him (which are yet unknown to His Majesty) can be made ap∣pear to Him.

2. As soon as all the Members of both Houses shall be restored to the same capacity of sitting and Voting in Parliament as they had upon the first of January 1641. the same of right belonging unto them by their birth-rights and the free election of those that sent them, and having been voted from them for adhering to His Majesty in these Di∣stractions; His Majesty not intending that this should extend either to the Bishops, whose Votes have been taken away by Bill, or to such in whose places upon new Writs new Elections have been made:

3. As soon as His Majesty and both Houses may be secured from such tumultuous Assemblies, as to the great breach of the Priviledges and the high dishonour of Parlia∣ments have formerly assembled about both Houses, and awed the Members of the same, and occasioned two several complaints from the Lords House, and two several desires of that House to the House of Commons, to join in a Declaratien against them, the complying with which desire might have prevented all these miserable Distractions which have ensued; which security His Majesty conceives can be only setled by ad∣journing Page  101 the Parliament to some other place, at the least twenty Miles from London, the choice of which His Majesty leaves to both Houses:

His Majesty will most cheerfully and readily consent that both Armies be immedi∣ately disbanded, and give a present meeting to both His Houses of Parliament at the time and place at and to which the Parliament shall be agreed to be adjourned.

His Majesty being most confident that the Law will then recover the due credit and estimation, and that upon a free debate in a full and peaceable Convention of Parlia∣ment, such provisions will be made against seditious Preaching and Printing against His Majesty and the established Laws, which hath been one of the chief causes of the present Distractions, and such care will be taken concerning the legal and known Rights of His Majesty, and the Property and Liberty of His Subjects, that whatsoever hath been published or done in or by colour of any illegal Declaration, Ordinance or Order of one or both Houses, or any Committee of either of them, and particularly the power to raise Arms without His Majesty's consent, will be in such a manner recalled, disclaim∣ed, and provided against, that no seed will remain for the like to spring out of for the future, to disturb the Peace of the Kingdom, and to endanger the very Being of it.

And in such a Convention His Majesty is resolved, by His readiness to consent to whatsoever shall be proposed to Him by Bill for the real good of His Subjects, and particularly for the better discovery and speedier conviction of Recusants, for the E∣ducation of the Children of Papists by Protestants, in the Protestant Religion, for the prevention of the practices of Papists against the State, and the due execution of the Laws, and true levying of the penalties against them; to make known to all the world how causeless those Fears and Jealousies have been which have been raised a∣gainst Him, and by that so distracted this miserable Kingdom. And if this offer of His Majesty be not consented to, (in which He asks nothing for which there is not apparent Justice on His side, and in which He defers many things highly concerning both Himself and People, till a full and peaceable Convention of Parliament, which in Justice He might now require) His Majesty is confident that it will then appear to all the World, not only who is most desirous of Peace, and whose fault it is that both Armies are not now disbanded, but who have been the true and first cause that this Peace was ever interrupted, or these Armies raised; and the beginning or continuance of the War, and the destruction and desolation of this poor Kingdom (which is too likely to ensue) will not, by the most interessed, passionate or prejudicate person, be impu∣ted to His Majesty.

VIII. From OXFORD, May 19. MDCXLIII.

In pursuance of the former.

SInce His Majesty's Message of the twelfth of April, (in which He conceived He had made such an Overture for the immediate disbanding of all Armies, and composure of these present miserable Distractions, by a full and free Convention in Parliament, that a perfect and settled Peace would have ensued) hath in all this time (above a full month) procured no Answer from both Houses, His Majesty might well believe Himself absolved before God and man from the least possible charge of not having used His utmost endeavour for Peace: yet when he considers that the Scene of all this Calamity is in the Bowels of His own Kingdom, that all the bloud which is spilt, is of His own Subjects, and that what Victory soever it shall please God to give Him must be over those who ought not to have lifted up their hands against Him; when He considers That these desperate civil Dissentions may incourage and invite a foreign Enemy to make a prey of the whole Nation; That Ireland is in present dan∣ger to be totally lost; That the heavy Judgments of God, Plague, Pestilence and Fa∣mine, will be the inevitable attendants of this unnatural Contention, and That in a short time there will be so general a habit of Uncharitableness and Cruelty contracted throughout the Kingdom, that even Peace it self will not restore His People to their old temper and security; His Majesty cannot but again call for an Answer to that His Message, which gives so fair a rise to end these unnatural Distractions. And His Majesty doth this with the more earnestness, because He doubts not the condition of His Armies in several parts, His strength of Horse, Foot and Artillery, His plenty of Page  102 Ammunition (which some men lately might conceive He wanted) is so well known and understood, that it must be confessed, that nothing but the Tenderness and Love to His people, and those Christian Impressions which always have, and He hopes always shall dwell in His heart, could move Him once more to hazard a refusal. And he re∣quires them, as they will answer to God, to Himself, and all the World, that they will no longer suffer their fellow-Subjects to welter in each others bloud; that they will remember by whose Authority, and to what end they met in that Council, and send such an Answer to His Majesty, as may open a door to let in a firm Peace and Se∣curity to the whole Kingdom. If His Majesty shall again be disappointed of His intentions herein, the Bloud, Rapine and Distraction which must follow in England and Ireland, will be cast upon the account of those who are deaf to the motion of Peace and Accommodation.

IX. From OXFORD, Mar. 3. MDCXLIII, IV. For a Treaty.

To the Lords and Commons of Parliament Assembled at Westminster.

C. R.

OUT of Our most tender and pious sense of the sad and bleeding condition of this Our Kingdom, and Our unwearied desires to apply all remedies, which, by the blessing of Almighry God may recover it from an utter Ruine, by the Advice of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford, We do propound and desire, That a convenient number of fit Persons may be appointed and authorized by you to meet with all convenient speed, at such Place as you shall nominate, with an equal number of fit Persons whom We shall appoint and authorize, to Treat of the ways and means to settle the present Distractions of this Our Kingdom, and to procure a happy Peace: And particularly, how all the Members of both Houses may securely meet in a full and free Convention of Parliament, there to Treat, Consult and Agree upon such things as may conduce to the maintenance and defence of the true Reformed Protestant Religion, with due consideration to all just and reasonable ease of tender Consciences, to the settling and maintaining of Our just Rights and Priviledges, of the Rights and Priviledges of Parliament, the Laws of the Land, the Liberty and Property of the Subject, and all other Expedients that may con∣duce to that blessed end of a firm and lasting Peace, both in Church and State, and a perfect understanding betwixt Us and Our People; wherein no endeavour or concur∣rency of Ours shall be wanting. And God direct your hearts in the ways of Peace.

Given at Our Court at Oxford, the third day of March, 1643.

X. From EVESHOLME, July 4. MDCXLIV. After the Defeat of Waller at Cropredy Bridge.

To the Lords and Commons of Parliament Assembled at Westminster.

C. R.

WE being deeply sensible of the Miseries and Calamities of this Our Kingdom, and of the grievous Sufferings of Our poor Subjects, do most earnestly desire that some Expedient may be found out, which, by the blessing of God, may prevent the further effusion of blood, and restore the Nation to Peace: from the earnest and constant endeavouring of which, as no discouragement given Us on the Contrary part shall make Us cease, so no success on Ours shall ever divert Us. For the effecting whereof, We are most ready and willing to condescend to all that shall be for the good of Us and Our People, whether by way of confirmation of what We have already granted, or of such further concession as shall be requisite to the giving a full assurance of the performance of all Our most real professions, concerning the maintenance of the true Reformed Protestant Religion established in this Kingdom, with due regard Page  103 to the ease of tender Consciences, the just Priviledges of Parliament, and the Liberty and Propriety of the Subject, according to the Laws of the Land; as also by granting a general Pardon, without or with exceptions, as shall be thought fit. In order to which blessed Peace, We do desire and propound to the Lords and Commons of Par∣liament assembled at Westminster, That they appoint such and so many persons as they shall think fit, sufficiently authorized by them, to attend Us at Our Army, upon safe conduct to come and return, (which We do hereby grant) and conclude with Us how the Premisses and all other things in question betwixt Us and them may be fully settled: whereby all unhappy mistakings betwixt Us and Our People being removed, there may be a present Cessation of Arms, and as soon as may be a total disbanding of all Armies, the Subject have his due, and We be restored to Our Rights. Where∣in if this Our offer shall be accepted, there shall be nothing wanting on Our part which may make Our People secure and happy.

Given at our Court at Evesholm,the fourth of July, 1644.

XI. From TAVESTOCK, Sept. 8. MDCXLIV. After the Defeat of the Earl of ESSEX in Cornwal.

To the Lords and Commons of Parliament Assembled at Westminster.

CHARLES R.

IT having pleased God in so eminent a manner lately to bless Our Armies in these parts with success, We do not so much joy in that blessing for any other conside∣ration, as for the hopes We have that it may be a means to make others lay to heart, as We do, the miseries brought and continued upon Our Kingdom by this unnatural War, and that it may open your ears and dispose your minds to embrace those offers of Peace and Reconciliation which have been so often and so earnestly made unto you by Us, and from the constant and fervent endeavours of which We are resolved never to desist. In pursuance whereof, We do upon this occasion conjure you to take into consideration Our (too-long-neglected) Message of the fourth of July from Evesholm, which We again renew unto you; and that you will speedily send Us such an Answer thereunto, as may shew unto Our poor Subjects some light of a deliverance from their present Calamities by a happy Accommodation; toward which We do here engage the word of a King, to make good all those things which We have therein promised, and really to endeavour a happy conclusion of this Treaty. And so God direct you in the ways of Peace.

Given at our Court at Tavestock,the eighth of September, 1644.

From OXFORD, Dec. 13. MDCXLIV. For a Treaty by Commissioners.

By the Duke of Richmond and Earl of Southampton.

HIS Majesty hath seriously considered your Propositions, and finds it very diffi∣cult, in respect they import so great an alteration in Government, both in Church and State, to return a particular and positive Answer before a full debate, wherein those Propositions, and all necessary Explanations, and Reasons for assent∣ing, dissenting, or qualifying, and all inconveniences and mischiefs which may ensue, and cannot otherwise be so well foreseen, may be discussed and weighed. His Maje∣sty therefore proposeth and desireth as the best expedient for Peace, That you will ap∣point such a number of Persons as you shall think fit, to Treat with the like number of Persons to be appointed by His Majesty upon the said Propositions, and such other Page  104 things as shall be proposed by His Majesty, for the preservation and defence of the Protestant Religion (with due regard to the ease of tender Consciences, as His Maje∣sty hath often offered) the Rights of the Crown, the Liberty and Property of the Subject, and the Priviledges of Parliament: and upon the whole matter to conclude a happy and blessed Peace.

XIII. From OXFORD, Dec. 5. MDC XLV. For a safe Conduct for certain Persons of Honour, to be sent with Propositions of Peace.

For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore.

CHARLES R.

HIS Majesty being still deeply sensible of the continuation of this bloody and unnatural War, cannot think Himself discharg'd of the duty He ows to God, or the affection and regard He hath to the preservation of His People, without the constant application of His earnest endeavours to find some Expedient for the speedy ending of these unhappy Distractions, if that may be; doth therefore desire, That a safe Conduct may be forthwith sent for the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Southamp∣ton, John Ashburnham and Jeffry Palmer Esquires, and their attendants, with Coaches, Horses, and other accommodations for their journey to Westminster, during their stay there, and return when they shall think fit; whom His Majesty intends to send to the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster, and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland, furnished with such Propositions as His Majesty is confident will be the foundation of a happy and well-grounded Peace.

Given at our Court at Oxford, 5. December 1645.

XIV. From OXFORD, Dec. 15. MDCXLV. In pursuance of the former.

For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore.

CHARLES R.

HIS Majesty cannot but extremely wonder, that after so many expressions on your part of a deep and seeming sense of the Miseries of this afflicted King∣dom, and of the dangers incident to His Person during the continuance of this unna∣tural War, your many great and so often repeated Protestations, that the raising of these Arms hath been only for the necessary defence of God's true Religion, His Ma∣jesty's Honour, Safety and Prosperity, the Peace, Comfort and Security of His Peo∣ple, you should delay a safe Conduct to the persons mentioned in His Majesty's Mes∣sage of the fifth of this instant December, which are to be sent unto you with Propositi∣ons for a well-grounded Peace: A thing so far from having been denied at any time by His Majesty, whensoever you have desired the same, that He believes it hath been seldom (if ever) practised among the most avowed and professed Enemies, much less from Subjects to their King. But His Majesty is resolved that no discouragements whatsoever shall make Him fail on His part in doing His uttermost endeavours to put an end to these Calamities, which if not in time prevented, must prove the ruine of this unhappy Nation: and therefore doth once again desire, that a safe Conduct may be forthwith sent for those Persons expressed in His former Message; and doth there∣fore conjure you, as you will answer to Almighty God, in that day when He shall make inquisition for all the blood that hath and may yet be spilt in this unnatural War, as you tender the preservation and establishment of the true Religion, by all the bonds of Duty and Allegiance to your King, or compassion to your bleeding and unhappy Countrey, and of charity to your selves, that you dispose your hearts to a true sense, Page  105 and imploy all your faculties in a more serious endeavour, together with His Majesty, to set a speedy end to these wasting Divisions: and then He shall not doubt but that God will yet again give the blessing of Peace to this distracted Kingdom.

Given at our Court at Oxford,the 15. of Decemb. 1645.

XV. From OXFORD, Dec. 26. MDCXLV. For a Personal Treaty.

For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and to the Com∣missioners of the Parliament of Scotland.

CHARLES R.

NOtwithstanding the strange and unexpected delays (which can be precedented by no former times) to His Majesties two former Messages, His Majesty will lay aside all expostulations, as rather serving to lose time, than to contribute any re∣medy to the evils which (for the present) do afflict this distracted Kingdom: There∣fore, without further preamble, His Majesty thinks it most necessary to send these Propositions this way, which He intended to do by the Persons mentioned in His for∣mer Messages, though He well knows the great disadvantage which overtures of this kind have by the want of being accompanied by well-instructed Messengers.

His Majesty conceiving that the former Treaties have hitherto proved ineffectual chiefly for want of Power in those Persons that Treated, as likewise because those from whom their Power was derived (not possibly having the particular informations of every several debate) could not give so clear a Judgment as was requisite in so im∣portant a business; If therefore His Majesty may have the engagement of the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland, the Mayor, Aldermen, Common-Council and Militia of London, of the chief Com∣manders in Sir Thomas Fairfax his Army, as also those in the Scots Army, for His Majesties free and safe coming to and abode in London or Westminster, (with such of His Servants now attending Him, and their followers, not exceeding in all the num∣ber of three hundred) for the space of forty days, and after the said time for His free and safe repair to any of His Garrisons of Oxford, Worcester, or Newark, (which His Majesty shall nominate at any time before His going from London or Westminster) His Majesty propounds to have a Personal Treaty with the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland, upon all mat∣ters which may conduce to the restoring of Peace and happiness to these miserable distracted Kingdoms: and to begin with the three Heads which were Treated on at Vxbridge. And for the better clearing of His Majesties earnest and sincere inten∣tions of putting an end to these unnatural Distractions, (knowing that point of se∣curity may prove the greatest obstacle to this most blessed work) His Majesty there∣fore declares, That He is willing to commit the great trust of the Militia of this Kingdom for such time and with such powers as are exprest in the Paper delivered by His Majesties Commissioners at Vxbridge the sixth of February last, to these persons following, viz. the Lord Privy Seal, the Duke of Richmond, the Marquess of Hertford, the Marquess of Dorchester, the Earl of Dorset, Lord Chamberlain, the Earl of Northum∣berland, the Earl of Essex, Earl of Southampton, Earl of Pembroke, Earl of Salisbury, Earl of Manchester, Earl of Warwick, Earl of Denbigh, Earl of Chichester, Lord Say, Lord Sey∣mour, Lord Lucas, Lord Lexington, MrDenzil Hollis, MrPierrepont, MrHenry Bellasis, MrRichard Spencer, Sir Thomas Fairfax, MrJohn Ashburnham, Sir Gervas Clifton, Sir Henry Vane Junior, MrRobert Wallop, MrThomas Chicheley, MrOliver Cromwell, MrPhilip Skippon, supposing that these are persons against whom there can be no just ex∣ception: But if this doth not satisfie, then His Majesty offers to name the one half, and leaves the other to the election of the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, with the Powers and Limitations before mentioned.

Thus His Majesty calls God and the World to witness of His sincere intentions and real endeavours for the composing and setling of these miserable Distractions, which he doubts not but by the blessing of God will soon be put to a happy conclusion, if this His Majesties offer be accepted: Otherwise He leaves all the World to judge, who Page  106 are the continuers of this unnatural War. And therefore He once more conjures you by all the bonds of Duty you owe to God and your King, to have so great a compassi∣on onthe bleeding and miserable estate of your Country, that you joyn your most se∣rious and hearty endeavours with His Majesty, to puta happy and speedy end to these present Miseries.

Given at our Court at Oxford,the 26. of Decem. 1645.

XVI. From OXFORD, Dec. 29. MDCXLV. In pursuance of the former, for a Personal Treaty at Westminster.

For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland.

CHARLES R.

ALthough the Message sent by Sir Peter Killegrew may justly require an expostula∣tory Answer, yet His Majesty lays that aside, as not so proper for His present endeavours, leaving all the World to judge, whether His Proposition for a Personal Treaty, or the flat denial of a safe Conduct for Persons to begin a Treaty, be greater signs of a real intention to Peace; and shall now only insist upon His former Message of the 26. of this December; That upon His repair to Westminster, He doubts not but so to joyn His endeavours with His two Houses of Parliament, as to give just satisfaction, not only concerning the business of Ireland, but also for the setling of a way for the payment of the publick Debts, as well to the Scots and to the City of London as others. And as already He hath shewn a fair way for the setling of the Militia, so He shall care∣fully endeavour in all other particulars, that none shall have cause to complain for want of security, whereby just Jealousies may arise to hinder the continuance of the desired Peace. And certainly this Proposition of a Personal Treaty could never have entred into His Majesties thoughts, if He had not resolved to make apparent to all the World, that the publick good and Peace of this Kingdom is far dearer to Him than the respect of any particular Interest. Wherefore none can oppose this motion, with∣out a manifest demonstration that he particularly envies His Majesty should be the chief Author in so blessed a work, besides the declaring himself a direct opposer of the happy Peace of these Nations. To conclude, whosoever will not be ashamed that his fair and specious protestations should be brought to a true and publick test, and those who have a real sense, and do truly commiserate the miseries of their bleeding Coun∣try, let them speedily and chearfully embrace His Majesties Proposition for His Perso∣nal Treaty at Westminster, which, by the blessing of God, will undoubtedly to these now-distracted Kingdoms restore the happiness of a long-wisht-for and lasting Peace.

Given at Our Court at Oxford,the nine and twentieth day of December, 1645.

XVII. From OXFORD, January 15. MDCXLV. VI. In pursuance of the former. Containing His Majesty's Concessions and Offers.

For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland.

CHARLES R.

BUT that these are times wherein nothing is strange; it were a thing much to be marvelled at, what should cause this unparallel'd long detention of His Ma∣jesties Trumpeter, sent with His gracious Message of the 26. of December last; Peace being the only subject of it, and His Majesties Personal Treaty the means proposed for it. And it were almost as great a wonder that His Majesty should be so long from enquiring after it, if that the hourly expectation thereof had not in some measure sa∣tisfied His impatience. But lest His Majesty by His long silence should condemn Him∣self of Carelesness in that which so much concerns the good of all His People, He thinks it high time to enquire after His said Trumpeter: For since all men who pre∣tend Page  107 any goodness must desire Peace; and that all men know Treaties to be the best and most Christian way to procure it; and there being as little question, that His Majesties Personal presence in it is the likeliest way to bring it to an happy issue; He judges there must be some strange variety of accidents which causeth this most tedious delay. Wherefore His Majesty earnestly desires to have a speedy account of His former Message, the subject whereof is Peace, and the means His Personal presence at Westminster; where the Government of the Church being setled as it was in the times of the happy and glorious Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James, and full liberty for the ease of their Consciences who will not communicate in that Service established by Law, and likewise for the free and publick use of the Directory (prescribed, and by command of the two Houses of Parliament now practised in some parts of the City of London) to such as shall desire to use the same, and all Forces being agreed to be disbanded; His Majesty will then forthwith (as He hath in His Message of the 29. of December last already offered) joyn with His two Houses of Parliament, in setling some way for the payment of the publick Debts to His Scotch Subjects, the City of London, and others. And His Majesty having proposed a fair way for the setling of the Militia, which now by this long delay seems not to be thought sufficient security; His Majesty (to shew how really He will imploy Himself at His coming to Westmin∣ster for making this a lasting Peace, and taking away all Jealousies, how groundless soever) will endeavour upon debate with His two Houses so to dispose of it (as likewise of the business of Ireland) as may give to them and both Kingdoms just satisfaction: not doubting also but to give good contentment to His two Houses of Parliament in the choice of the Lord Admiral, the Officers of State, and others, if His two Houses by their ready inclinations to Peace shall give Him encouragement thereunto.

Thus His Majesty having taken occasion by His just impatience so to explain His in∣tentions, that no man can doubt of a happy issue to this succeeding Treaty; if now there shall be so much as a delay of the same, He calls God and the World to witness, who they are that not only hinder but reject this Kingdoms future Happiness, it be∣ing so much the stranger, that His Majesties coming to Westminster (which was first the greatest pretence for taking up Arms) should be so much as delayed, much less not accepted, or refused: but His Majesty hopes that God will no longer suffer the malice of Wicked men to hinder the Peace of this too much afflicted Kingdom.

Given at Our Court at Oxford, the fifteenth day of January, 1645.

XVIII. From OXFORD, Jan. 17. MDCXLV. VI. For an Answer to His former Messages.

For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland.

CHARLES R.

HIS Majesty thinks not fit now to answer those Aspersions which are returned as arguments for His not admittance to Westminster for a Personal Treaty, because it would enforce a style not suitable to His end, it being the Peace of these miserable Kingdoms: yet thus much He cannot but say to those who have sent Him this An∣swer, that if they had considered what they have done themselves in occasioning the shedding of so much innocent blood, by withdrawing themselves from their Duty to Him in a time when He had granted so much to His Subjects, and in violating the known Laws of the Kingdom to draw an exorbitant power to themselves over their fellow-Subjects, (to say no more, to do as they have done) they could not have given such a false character of His Majesties Actions. Wherefore His Majesty must now remember them, that having some hours before his receiving of their last Paper of the 13. of January, sent another Message to them of the 15, wherein by divers particulars He enlargeth Himself to shew the reality of His endeavors for Peace, by His desired Per∣sonal Treaty (which He still conceives to be the likeliest way to attain to that blessed End) He thinks fit by this Message to call for an Answer to that, and indeed to all the former. For certainly, no rational man can think their last Paper can be any Answer to His former demands, the scope of it being, That because there is a War, therefore there should be no Treaty for Peace. And is it possible to expect that the Propositions Page  108 mentioned should be the grounds of a lasting Peace, when the persons that send them will not endure to hear their own King speak? But whatever the success hath been of His Majesty's former Messages, or how small soever His hopes are of a better, consi∣dering the high strain of those who deal with His Majesty, yet He will neither want Fa∣therly Bowels to His Subjects in general, nor will He forget that God hath appointed Him for their King with whom He treats. Wherefore He now demands a speedy An∣swer to His last and former Messages.

Given at Our Court at Oxford,this 17 of January, 1645.

XIX. From OXFORD, Jan. 24. MDCXLV. VI. For Answer to His former Message, and concerning their Reasons against a Personal Treaty.

For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland.

CHARLES R.

THE procuring Peace to these Kingdoms by Treaty is so much desired by His Majesty, that no unjust Aspersions whatsoever or any other Discouragements shall make Him desist from doing His indeavour therein, until He shall see it altoge∣ther impossible; and He therefore hath thought fitting so far only to make reply to that Paper or Answer which He hath received of the 13 of this Instant January, as may take away those objections which are made against His Majesty's coming to West∣minster, expecting still an Answer to His Messages of the fifteenth and seventeenth, which He hopes by this time have begotten better thoughts and resolutions in the Members of both Houses.

And first therefore, whereas in the said last Paper it is objected as an impediment to His Majesty's Personal Treaty, that much innocent Blood hath been shed in this War by His Majesty's Commissions, &c. He will not now dispute, (it being apparent to all the World by whom this Blood hath been spilt) but rather presseth that there should be no more; and to that end only He hath desired this Personal Treaty, as judging it the most immediate means to abolish so many horrid Confusions in all His Kingdoms. And it is no Argument, to say that there shall be no such Personal Treaty because there have been Wars, it being a strong inducement to have such a Treaty to put an end to the War.

Secondly, That there should be no such Personal Treaty, because some of His Irish Subjects have repaired to His assistance in it, seems an argument altogether as strange as the other, as alwaies urging that there should be no Physick because the Party is sick. And in this particular it hath been often observed unto them, that those whom they call Irish, who have so expressed their Loyalty to their Soveraign, were indeed (for the most part) such English Protestants as had been formerly sent into Ireland by the two Houses, impossibilitated to stay there any longer by the neglect of those that sent them thither, who should there have better provided for them. And for any Fo∣reign Forces, it is too apparent that their Armies have swarmed with them, when His Majesty hath had very few or none.

And whereas, for a third Impediment, it is alledged that the Prince is in the head of an Army in the West, and that there are divers Garrisons still kept in His Majesty's obedience, and that there are Forces in Scotland; it must be as much confessed as that as yet there is no Peace: And therefore it is desired, that by such a Personal Treaty all these impediments may be removed. And it is not here amiss to put them in mind, how long since His Majesty did press a disbanding of all Forces on both sides, the refu∣sing whereof hath been the cause of this objection.

And whereas exception is taken, that there is a time limited in the Proposition for His Majesty's Personal Treaty, thereupon inferring, that He should again return to Hostility, His Majesty protesteth that He seeks this Treaty to void future Hostility, and to procure a lasting Peace; and if He can meet with like inclinations to Peace in those He desires to Treat with, He will bring such Affections and resolutions in Himself as shall end all these unhappy bloody Differences.

Page  109 As for those engagements which His Majesty hath desired for His security, who∣soever shall call to mind the particular occasions that enforced His Majesty to leave His City of London and Westminster, will judge His demand very reasonable and ne∣cessary for His Safety. But He no way conceiveth how the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, Common-Council and Militia of London, were either subject or subordinate to that Authority which is alledged, as knowing neither Law nor Practice for it: And if the two Armies be, He believes it is more than can be parallel'd by any former times in this Kingdom. Nor can His Majesty understand how His Majesty's seeking of a Personal security can be any breach of Priviledge: it being likely to be infringed by hindring His Majesty from coming freely to His two Houses.

As for the objection, that His Majesty omitted to mention the setling Religion, and securing the Peace of His Native Kingdom, His Majesty declares, that He con∣ceives that it was included in His former, and hath been particularly mentioned in His latter Message of the 15. present. But, for their better satisfaction, He again expres∣seth that it was, and ever shall be, both His meaning and endeavour in this Treaty desi∣red: and it seems to Him very clear, that there is no way for a final ending of such Distractions as afflict this Kingdom, but either by Treaty or Conquest, the latter of which His Majesty hopes none will have the Impudency or Impiety to wish for. And for the former, if his Personal assistance in it be not the most likely way, let any reasonable man judge: when by that means not only all unnecessary Delaies will be removed, but even the greatest Difficulties made easie. And therefore He doth now again earnestly insist upon that Proposition, expecting to have a better Answer upon mature consideration. And can it be imagined that any Propositions will be so effectual, being formed before a Personal Treaty, as such as are framed and propounded upon a full debate on both sides? Wherefore His Majesty, who is most concerned in the good of His People, and is most desirous to restore Peace and Happiness to His three King∣doms, doth again instantly desire an Answer to His said former Messages, to which He hath hitherto received none.

Given at our Court at Oxon, the twenty fourth day of January, 1645.

XX. From OXFORD January 29. MDCXLV. VI. Concerning the Negotiations in Ireland; with His Majesty's further Concessions, in order to a Personal Treaty.

To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland.

CHARLES R.

HIS Majesty having received information from the Lord Lieutenant and Coun∣cil in Ireland, that the Earl of Glamorgan hath, without his or their directions or privity, entred into a Treaty with some Commissioners on the Roman Catholick party there, and also drawn up and agreed unto certain Articles with the said Com∣missioners, highly derogatory to His Majesty's Honour and Royal Dignity, and most prejudicial unto the Protestant Religion and Church there in Ireland; whereupon the said Earl of Glamorgan is arrested upon suspicion of high Treason, and imprisoned by the said Lord Lieutenant and Council, at the instance and by the impeachment of the Lord Digby, who (by reason of his place and former imployment in these affairs) doth best know how contrary that proceeding of the said Earl hath been to His Majesty's intentions and directions, and what great prejudice it might bring to His Affairs, if those proceedings of the Earl of Glamorgan should be any waies understood to have been done by the directions, liking, or approbation of His Majesty.

His Majesty, having in His former Messages for a Personal Treaty offered to give contentment to his two Houses in the business of Ireland, hath now thought fitting, the better to shew His clear intentions, and to give satisfaction to His said Houses of Parliament, and the rest of His Subjects in all His Kingdoms, to send this Declarati∣on to His said Houses, containing the whole truth of the business; Which is,

That the Earl of Glamorgan having made offer unto Him to raise Forces in the Kingdom of Ireland, and to conduct them into England for His Majesty's Service, had a Commission to that purpose, and to that purpose only.

Page  110 That he had no Commission at all to treat of any thing else, without the privity and directions of the Lord Lieutenant, much less to capitulate any thing concerning Religion, or any propriety belonging either to Church or Laity.

That it clearly appears by the Lord Lieutenants Proceedings with the said Earl, that he had no notice at all of what the said Earlhad treated and pretended to have capi∣tulated with the Irish, until by accident it came to his knowledge.

And his Majesty doth protest, that until such time as He had advertisement that the person of the said Earl of Glamorgan was arrested and restrained, as is abovesaid, He never heard, nor had any kind of notice that the said Earl had entred into any kind of Treaty or Capitulation with those Irish Commissioners; much less that he had con∣cluded or signed those Articles so destructive both to Church and State, and so repug∣nant to His Majesty's publick professions and known resolutions.

And for the further vindication of His Majesties Honour and Integrity herein, He doth declare, That He is so far from considering any thing contained in those Papers or Writings framed by the said Earl, and those Commissioners with whom he treated, as He doth absolutely disavow him therein, and hath given commandment to the Lord Lieutenant and the Council there, to proceed against the said Earl as one who either out of Falseness, Presumption or Folly, hath so hazarded the blemishing of His Majesty's Reputation with His good Subjects, and so impertinently framed those Ar∣ticles of his own head, without the consent, privity, or directions of His Majesty, or the Lord Lieutenant, or any of His Majesties Council there. But true it is, that for the necessary preservation of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects in Ireland, whose case was daily represented unto Him to be so desperate, His Majesty had given Commission to the Lord Lieutenant to treat and conclude such a Peace there as might be for the safety of that Crown, the preservation of the Protestant Religion, and no way dero∣gatory to His Own Honour and publick professions.

But to the end that His Majesty's real intentions in this business of Ireland may be the more clearly understood, and to give more ample satisfaction to both Houses of Parlia∣ment, and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland, especially concerning His Majesties not being engaged in any Peace or Agreement there, He doth desire, if the two Houses shall admit of His Majesty's repair to London for a Personal Treaty, (as was formerly proposed) that speedy notice be given thereof to His Majesty, and a Pass or Safe-Conduct with a blank sent for a Messenger to be immediately dispatcht into Ireland, to prevent any accident that may happen to hinder His Majesty's resolution of leaving the managing of the business of Ireland wholly to the Houses, and to make no Peace there but with their consent; which, in case it shall please God to bless His en∣deavours in the Treaty with success, His Majesty doth hereby engage Himself to do.

And for a further explanation of His Majesty's intentions in His former Messages, He doth now declare, that if His Personal repair to London, as aforesaid, shall be ad∣mitted, and a Peace thereon shall ensue, He will then leave the nomination of the Persons to be intrusted with the Militia wholly to His two Houses, with such power and limitations as are expressed in the Paper delivered by His Majesty's Commissioners at Vxbridge the sixth of February, 1644. for the term of seven years, as hath been de∣sired, to be given immediately after the conclusion of the Peace, the disbanding of all Forces on both sides, and the dismantling of the Garrisons erected since these present Troubles, so as at the expiration of the time before mentioned the power of the Militia shall entirely revert and remain as before.

And for their further security, His Majesty (the Peace succeeding) will be content that, pro hac vice, the two Houses shall nominate the Admiral, Officers of State, and Judges, to hold their places during life, or quam diu se bene gesserint, which shall be best liked, to be accountable to none but the King and the two Houses of Parliament.

As for matter of Religion, His Majesty doth further declare, That by the Liberty offered in His Message of the 15 present, for the ease of their Consciences who will not communicate in the Service already established by Act of Parliament in this King∣dom, He intends that all other Protestants behaving themselves peaceably in and to∣wards the Civil Government, shall have the free exercise of their Religion according to their own way.

And for the total removing of all Fears and Jealousies, His Majesty is willing to agree, that upon the conclusion of Peace, there shall be a general Act of Oblivion and free Pardon past by Act of Parliament in both His Kingdoms respectively.

And lest it should be imagined, that in the making these Propositions His Majesty's Kingdom of Scotland and His Subjects there have been forgotten or neglected, His Ma∣jesty Page  111 declares, That what is here mentioned touching the Militia, and the naming of Officers of State, and Judges, shall likewise extend to His Kingdom of Scotland.

And now His Majesty having so fully and clearly expressed His intentions and de∣sires of making a happy and well-grounded Peace, if any person shall decline that Hap∣piness by opposing of so apparent a way of attaining it, he will sufficiently demon∣strate to all the World his intention and design can be no other, than the total subver∣sion and change of the ancient and happy Government of this Kingdom under which the English Nation hath so long flourished.

Given at Our Court at Oxon,the 29. of January, 1645.

XXI. From OXFORD, Feb. 26. MDCXLV. VI. For an Answer to the Former.

For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland.

CHARLES R.

HIS Majesty needs to make no excuse, though He sent no more Messages unto you; for He very well knows He ought not to do it, if He either stood upon punctilio's of Honour, or His Own private Interest; the one being already call'd in question by His often sending, and the other assuredly prejudg'd, if a Peace be conclu∣ded from that He hath already offered, He having therein departed with many His undoubted Rights. But nothing being equally dear unto Him to the preservation of His People, His Majesty passeth by many scruples, neglects and delayes, and once more desires you to give Him a speedy Answer to His last Message; for His Majesty believes it doth very well become Him (after this very long delay) at last to utter His Impatience, since the Goods and Blood of His Subjects crie so much for Peace.

Given at our Court at Oxford,the 26. day of February, 1645.

XXII. From OXFORD, Mar. 23. MDCXLV, VI. Concerning His Return to the Houses.

For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster.

CHARLES R.

NOtwithstanding the unexpected Silence in stead of Answer to His Majesty's ma∣ny and gracious Messages to both Houses, whereby it may appear, that they desire to obtain their ends by Force rather than by Treaty, which may justly discou∣rage His Majesty from any more overtures of that kind; yet His Majesty conceives He shall be much wanting in His duty to God, and in what He oweth to the safety of His people, if he should not intend to prevent the great inconveniences that may o∣therwise hinder a safe and well-grounded Peace. His Majesty therefore now propo∣seth, that so He may have the Faith of both Houses of Parliament for the preservati∣on of His Honour, Person and Estate; and that Liberty be given to all those who do and have adhered to His Majesty to go to their own Houses, and there to live peace∣ably enjoying their Estates; all Sequestrations being taken off, without being compelled to take any Oath not enjoyned by the undoubted Laws of the Kingdom, or being put to any other molestation whatsoever; He will immediately disband all His Forces, and dismantle all His Garrisons, and being accompanied with His Royal, not His Mar∣tial Attendance, return to His two Houses of Parliament, and there reside with them. And for the better security of all His Majesties Subjects, He proposeth that He with His said two Houses immediately upon His coming to Westminster will pass an Act of Oblivion and free Pardon, and where His Majesty will further do whatsoever they will advise Him for the good and Peace of this Kingdom.

And as for the Kingdom of Scotland, His Majesty hath made no mention of it here, in regard of the great loss of time which must now be spent in expecting an answer Page  112 from thence, but declares that immediately upon His coming to Westminster, He will apply himself to give them all satisfaction touching that Kingdom.

If His Majesty could possibly doubt the success of this offer, He could use many ar∣guments to perswade them to it; but shall only insist on that great One, of giving an instant Peace to these afflicted Kingdoms.

Given at our Court at Oxford,the 23. of March, 1645.

XXIII. From SOUTHWELL, May 18. MDCXLVI. With his further Concessions for the obtaining of Peace.

For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland.

CHARLES R.

HIS Majesty having understood from both His Houses of Parliament, that it was not safe for Him to come to London (whither He had purposed to repair, if so He might, by their advice to do whatsoever may be best for the good and Peace of these Kingdoms) until He shall first give His consent to such Propositions as were to be presented to Him from them; and being certainly informed that the Armies were marching so fast up to Oxford, as made that no fit place for Treating; did resolve to withdraw Himself hither, only to secure His Own Person, and with no intention to continue this War any longer, or to make any Division between His two Kingdoms, but to give such contentment to both, as, by the blessing of God, He might see a happy and well-grounded Peace, thereby to bring Prosperity to these Kingdoms an∣swerable to the best times of His Progenitors.

And since the setling of Religion ought to be the chiefest care of all Counsels, His Majesty most earnestly and heartily recommends to His two Houses of Parliament all the ways and means possible for speedy finishing this pious and necessary work; and particularly that they take the advice of the Divines of both Kingdoms assembled at Westminster.

Likewise concerning the Militia of England, for securing His People against all pre∣tensions of Danger, His Majesty is pleased to have it setled as was offered at the Treaty at Vxbridge, all the persons being to be named for the trust by the two Houses of the Parliament of England for the space of seven years; and after the expiring of that term, that it be regulated as shall be agreed upon by His Majesty and His two Hou∣ses of Parliament.

And the like for the Kingdom of Scotland.

Concerning the Wars in Ireland, His Majesty will do whatsoever is possible for Him to give full satisfaction therein.

And if these be not satisfactory, His Majesty then desires that all such of the Pro∣positions as are already agreed upon by both Kingdoms may be speedily sent unto Him; His Majesty being resolved to comply with His Parliament in every thing that shall be for the Happiness of His Subjects, and for the removing of all unhappy Differences which have produced so many sad effects.

His Majesty having made these offers, he will neither question the thankful accep∣tation of them, nor doth He doubt but that His two Kingdoms will be careful to maintain Him in His Honour, and in His just and lawful Rights, which is the only way to make a happy composure of these unnatural Divisions; and likewise will think upon a solid way of conserving the Peace between the two Kingdoms for the time to come; and will take a speedy course for easing and quieting His afflicted People, by satisfying the publick Debts, by disbanding of all Armies, and whatsoever else shall be judged conducible to that end: that so all hindrances being removed, He may return to His Parliament with mutual comfort.

Southwell, May 18. 1646.

POSTSCRIPT.

HIS Majesty being desirous to shun the further effusion of Blood, and to evidence His re∣al intentions to Peace, is willing that His Forces in and about Oxford be disbanded, and the Fortifications of the City dismantled, they receiving honorable Conditions. Which being granted to the Town and Forces there, His Majesty will give the like Order to the rest of the Garrisons.

Page  113

XXIV. From NEW CASTLE, Jun. 10. MDCXLVI. For Propositions for Peace, and a Personal Treaty.

For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland.

CHARLES R.

HIS Majesty looking with grief of heart upon the sad sufferings of His People in His three Kingdoms for some years past, and being afflicted with their distresses and unquiet conditions through the distractions about Religion, the keeping of Forces on foot in the Fields and Garrisons, the not satisfying of publick Debts, and the fears of the further effusion of blood by the continuance of an unnatural War in any of these Kingdoms, or by rending and dividing these Kingdoms so happily united; and ha∣ving sent a gracious Message unto both Houses of Parliament and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland, expressing the necessary causes of His coming from Oxford unto the Scotish Army, (without any intention to make a Division, where He is in freedom and right capacity to settle a true Peace) and containing such offers as He con∣ceived would have been accepted, with a general clause of complying with their de∣sires; and being impatient of delays, and not acquainted with the particulars which may give contentment to them; His Majesty doth earnestly desire, That the Proposi∣tions of Peace so often promised, and so much expected, may be speedily sent unto Him, that upon consideration of them, He may apply Himself to give such satisfacti∣on as may be the foundation of a firm Peace.

And for the better and more speedy attaining thereunto, His Majesty doth further propound, That He may come to London with Safety, Freedom and Honour, where He resolves to comply with His Houses of Parliament in every thing which may be most for the good of His Subjects, and perfect what remains for setling both Kingdoms and People in a happy condition: being likewise most confident that they, according to their reiterated Declarations and solemn Protestations, will be zealous in the main∣tenance of His Honour and just and lawful Rights. And as His Majesty desires the Houses of Parliament to disburthen the Kingdom of all Forces and Garrisons in their power, except such as before these unhappy times have been maintained for the neces∣sary defence and safety of this Kingdom: so He is willing forthwith to disband all His Forces and Garrisons within the same, as the inclosed Order herewith sent will evidence. And if upon these offers His Majesty shall have such satisfaction as He may be confident a firm Peace shall ensue thereon, His Majesty will then give order for His Son the Prince his present return.

Newcastle, the tenth of June, 1646.

To Our Trusty and Well-beloved Sir Thomas Glenham, Sir Thomas Tildesley, Col. H. Washington, Col. Thomas Blagge, Governours of Our Cities and Towns of Oxford, Lichfield, Worcester, and Wallingford; and all other Commanders of any Towns; Castles and Forts, in Our Kingdom of England.

CHARLES R.

HAving resolved to comply with the desires of Our Parliament in every thing which may be for the good of Our Subjects, and leave no means unassayed for removing all Diffe∣rences amongst us; therefore We have thought fit, the more to evidence the reality of Our intentions of setling a happy and firm Peace, to require you upon honourable terms to quit those Towns, Castles and Forts intrusted to you by Vs, and to disband all the Forces under your se∣veral Commands.

Newcastle, the tenth of June, 1646.

Page  114

XXV. From NEWCASTLE, Aug. 1. MDCXLVI. For a Personal Treaty upon the Propositions sent Him.

To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland.

CHARLES R.

THE Propositions tendered to His Majesty by the Commissioners from the Lords and Commons of the Parliament of England assembled at Westminster and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland, (to which the Houses of Parliament have taken twice so many months for deliberation as they have assigned days for His Maje∣sties Answer) do import so great alterations in Government both in Church and King∣dom, as it is very difficult to return a particular and positive Answer before a full De∣bate, wherein these Propositions, and the necessary explanations, true sense and rea∣sons thereof, may be rightly weighed and understood, and that His Majesty, upon a full view of the whole Propositions, may know what is left, as well as what is taken away and changed. In all which He finds (upon discourse with the said Commissio∣ners) that they are so bound up from any capacity either to give reasons for the de∣mands they bring, or to give ear to such desires as His Majesty is to propound, as it is impossible for Him to give such a present Judgment of and Answer to these Propositi∣ons, whereby He can answer to God, that a safe and well-grounded Peace will ensue (which is evident to all the world can never be, unless the just Power of the Crown, as well as the Freedom and Propriety of the Subject, with the just Liberty and Privi∣leges of the Parliament, be likewise setled.) To which end His Majesty desires and proposeth to come to London, or any of His Houses thereabouts, upon the publick Faith, and security of the two Houses of Parliament and the Scotch Commissioners, that He shall be there with Freedom, Honour and Safety; where by His Personal pre∣sence He may not only raise a mutual Confidence betwixt Him and His People, but also have these Doubts cleared, and these Difficulties explained unto Him, which He now conceives to be destructive to His just Regal Power, if He shall give a full consent to these Propositions as they now stand: as likewise, that He may make known to them such His reasonable demands, as He is most assured will be very much conduci∣ble to that Peace which all good men desire and pray for, by the setling of Religion, the just Privileges of Parliament, with the Freedom and Propriety of the Subject.

And His Majesty assures them, that as He can never condescend unto what is abso∣lutely destructive to that just Power which by the Laws of God and the Land He is born unto; so He will chearfully grant and give His assent unto all such Bills, at the desire of His two Houses, or reasonable demands for Scotland, which shall be really for the good and Peace of His People, not having regard to His own particular (much less any bodies else) in respect of the Happiness of these Kingdoms. Wherefore His Majesty conjures them as Christians, as Subjects, and as men who desire to leave a good name behind them, that they will so receive and make use of this Answer, that all issues of blood may be stopped, and these unhappy Distractions peaceably setled.

Newcastle August 1. 1646.

POSTSCRIPT.

UPon assurance of a happy Agreement, His Majesty will immediately send for the Prince His Son, absolutely expecting his perfect obedience to return into this Kingdom.

XXVI. From NEWCASTLE, December 20. MDCXLVI. For a Personal Treaty at or near LONDON.

To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland.

CHARLES R.

HIS Majesties thoughts being alwaies sincerely bent to the Peace of His Kingdoms, was and will be ever desirous to take all ways which might the most clearly make appear the candour of His intentions to His People; and to this end could find no better Page  115 way than to propose a Personal free debate with His two Houses of Parliament upon all the present Differences: Yet finding, very much against His expectations, that this offer was laid aside, His Majesty bent all His thoughts to make His intentions fully known by a particular Answer to the Propositions delivered to Him in the name of both Kingdoms the 24. of July last. But the more He endeavoured it, He more plain∣ly saw, that any answer He could make would be subject to mis-informations and mis∣constructions, which upon His own Paraphrases and Explanations He is most confident will give so good satisfaction, as would doubtless cause a happy and lasting Peace. Lest therefore that good intentions may produce ill effects, His Majesty again proposeth, and desires again to come to London, or any of His Houses thereabouts, upon the pub∣lick Faith and security of his two Houses of Parliament and the Scotch Commissioners, that He shall be there with Honour, Freedom and Safety: Where, by His Personal presence, He may not only raise a mutual Confidence betwixt Him and His People, but also have those Doubts cleared and those Difficulties explained to Him, without which He cannot (but with the aforesaid mischievous inconveniences) give a particu∣lar Answer to the Propositions; and with which He doubts not but so to manifest His real intentions for the setling of Religion, the just Privileges of Parliament, with the Freedom and Property of the Subject, that it shall not be in the power of wicked and malicious men to hinder the establishing of that firm Peace which all honest men de∣sire. Assuring them, as He will make no other Demands but such as He believes confi∣dently to be just, and much conducing to the tranquillity of the People; so He will be most willing to condescend to them in whatsoever shall be really for their good and happiness. Not doubting likewise but you will also have a due regard to maintain the just Power of the Crown, according to your many protestations and professions: For certainly, except King and People have reciprocal care each of other, neither can be happy.

To conclude, 'tis your King who desires to be heard, (the which if refused to a Subject by a King, he would be thought a Tyrant for it) and for that end which all men profess to desire. Wherefore His Majesty conjures you, as you desire to shew your selves really what you profess, even as you are good Christians and Subjects, that you will accept this His offer, which He is confident God will so bless, that it will be the readiest means by which these Kingdoms may again become a Comfort to their Friends, and a Terrour to their Enemies.

Newcastle, 20. December, 1646.

XXVII. From HOLDENBY, Feb. 17. MDCXLVI. VII. Desiring some of His Chaplains.

For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster.

SInce I have never dissembled nor hid My Conscience, and that I am not yet satis∣fied with the alteration of Religion, to which you desire My consent, I will not yet lose time in giving reasons, which are too obvious to every body, why it is fit for Me to be attended by some of My Chaplains, whose opinions, as Clergy-men, I esteem and reverence; not only for the exercise of My Conscience, but also for clearing of My Judgement concerning the present differences in Religion; as I have at full declared to MrMarshall and his fellow-Minister, having shewed them, that it is the best and likeliest means of giving Me satisfaction, which without it I cannot have in these times, whereby the Distractions of this Church may be the better settled. Where∣fore I desire, that at least two of these Reverend Divines whose Names I have here set down may have free liberty to wait upon Me, for their discharging of their Duty un∣to Me according to their Function.

Holdenby, 17. February, 1646.

CHARLES R.

  • B. London.
  • B. Salisbury.
  • B. Peterborough.
  • D. Shelden, Clark of My Closet.
  • D. Marsh, Dean of York.
  • D. Sanderson.
  • D. Baily.
  • D. Heywood.
  • D. Beal.
  • D. Fuller.
  • D. Hammond.
  • D. Taylor.
Page  116

XXVIII. From HOLDENBY, Mar. 6. MDCXLVI. VII. In pursuance of the former.

To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster.

IT being now seventeen days since I wrote to you from hence, and not yet receiv∣ing any Answer to what I then desired, I cannot but now again renew the same unto you. And indeed, concerning any thing but the necessary duty of a Christian, I would not thus at this time trouble you with any of My desires. But My being at∣tended with some of My Chaplains whom I esteem and reverence, is so necessary for Me, even considering My present condition, whether it be in relation to My Consci∣ence, or a happy settlement of the present Distractions in Religion, that I will slight divers kinds of censures, rather than not to obtain what I demand; nor shall I do you the wrong, as in this to doubt the obtaining of My wish, it being totally grounded upon Reason. For desiring you to consider (not thinking it needful to mention) the divers reasons, which no Christian can be ignorant of, for point of Conscience, I must assure you that I cannot, as I ought, take in consideration those alterations in Religion which have and will be offered unto Me, without such help as I desire; be∣cause I can never judge rightly of or be altered in any thing of my Opinion, so long as any ordinary way of finding out the truth is denied Me: but when this is granted Me, I promise you faithfully not to strive for Victory in Argument, but to seek and submit to Truth (according to that Judgement which God hath given Me) always holding it My best and greatest Conquest to give contentment to My two Houses of Parliament in all things which I conceive not to be against My Conscience or Honour; not doubting likewise but that you will be ready to satisfie Me in reasonable things, as I hope to find in this particular concerning the attendance of My Chaplains upon Me.

Holdenby, 6. of March, 1646.

CHARLES R.

XXIX. From HOLDENBY, May 12. MDCXLVII. In Answer to their Propositions.

To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and the Commissioners of the Par∣liament of Scotland.

CHARLES R.

AS the daily expectation of the coming of the Propositions, hath made His Maje∣sty this long time to forbear giving His Answer unto them; so the appearance of their sending being no more for any thing He can hear than it was at His first com∣ing hither, notwithstanding that the Earl of Lauderdale hath been at London above these ten days, (whose not coming was said to be the only stop) hath caused His Ma∣jesty thus to anticipate their coming to Him. And yet considering His condition, that His Servants are denied access to Him, all but very few, and those by appointment, not His own election, and that it is declared a crime for any but the Commissioners or such who are particularly permitted by them to converse with His Majesty, or that any Letters should be given to or received from Him, may He not truly say, that He is not in case fit to make Concessions or give Answers, since He is not master of these ordinary actions which are the undoubted rights of any free-born man, how mean so∣ever his birth be? And certainly He would still be silent as to this Subject, until His condition were much mended, did He not prefer such a right understanding betwixt Him and His Parliaments of both Kingdoms, which may make a firm and lasting Peace in all His Dominions, before any particular of His own, or any earthly blessing: and therefore His Majesty hath diligently imployed His utmost endeavours for divers months past, so to inform His understanding and satisfie His Conscience, that He might be able to give such Answers to the Propositions as would be most conformable to His Parlia∣ments; but He ingenuously professes, that notwithstanding all the pains that He hath taken therein, the nature of some of them appears such unto Him, that without dis∣claiming that Reason which God hath given Him to judge by, for the good of Him and His People, and without putting the greatest violence upon His own Conscience, Page  117 He cannot give His Consent to all of them. Yet His Majesty (that it may appear to all the world how desirous He is to give full satisfaction) hath thought fit hereby to express His readiness to grant what He may, and His willingness to receive from them, and that Personally, if His two Houses at Westminster shall approve thereof, such further information in the rest as may best convince His Judgement, and satisfie those doubts which are not yet clear unto Him: desiring them also to consider, that if His Majesty intended to wind Himself out of these Troubles by indirect means, were it not easie for Him now readily to consent to what hath or shall be proposed unto Him, and afterwards chuse His time to break all, alledging, that forced Concessions are not to be kept? surely He might, and not incur a hard censure from indifferent men. But Maxims in this kind are not the guides of His Majesty's Actions, for He freely and clearly avows, that He holds it unlawful for any man, and most base in a King, to recede from His Promises for having been obtained by force or under restraint. Where∣fore His Majesty not only rejecting those acts which He esteems unworthy of Him, but even passing by that which He might well insist upon, a point of Honour, in re∣spect of His present condition, thus answers the first Proposition:

That upon His Majesty's coming to London, He will heartily joyn in all that shall concern the Honour of His two Kingdoms, or the Assembly of the States of Scotland, or of the Commissioners or Deputies of either Kingdom, particularly in those things which are desired in that Proposition, upon confidence that all of them respectively with the same tenderness will look upon those things which concern His Majesty's Ho∣nour.

In answer to all the Propositions concerning Religion, His Majesty proposeth, That He will confirm the Presbyterial Government, the Assembly of Divines at Westmin∣ster and the Directory, for three years, being the time set down by the two Houses, so that His Majesty and His Houshold be not hindred from that form of God's Service which they formerly have had: And also that a free consultation and debate be had with the Divines at Westminster, (twenty of His Majesty's nomination being added unto them) whereby it may be determined by His Majesty and the two Houses, how the Church shall be governed after the said three years, or sooner, if differences may be agreed. Touching the Covenant, His Majesty is not yet therein satisfied, and de∣sires to respite His particular Answer thereunto until His coming to London, because it being a matter of Conscience, He cannot give a resolution therein till He may be assisted with the Advice of some of His own Chaplains (which hath hitherto been denied Him) and such other Divines as shall be most proper to inform Him therein; and then He will make clearly appear both His zeal to the Protestant Profession and the Union of these two Kingdoms, which He conceives to be the main drift of this Covenant.

To the seventh and eighth Propositions His Majesty will consent.

To the ninth His Majesty doubts not but to give good satisfaction, when he shall be particularly informed how the said penalties shall be levied and disposed of.

To the tenth His Majesty's Answer is, That He hath been always ready to prevent the practices of Papists, and therefore is content to pass an Act of Parliament for that purpose; and also that the Laws against them be duly executed.

His Majesty will give his consent to the Act for the due observation of the Lord's day, for the suppressing of Innovations, and those concerning the Preaching of God's Word, and touching Non-residence and Pluralities; and His Majesty will yield to such Act or Acts as shall be requisite to raise moneys for the payment and satisfying all publick Debts, expecting also that His will be therein included.

As to the Proposition touching the Militia, though His Majesty cannot consent un∣to it in terminis as it is proposed, because thereby He conceives He wholly parts with the power of the Sword, entrusted to Him by God and the Laws of the Land for the protection and government of His People, thereby at once devesting Himself and dis∣inheriting His Posterity of that right and Prerogative of the Crown which is abso∣lutely necessary to the Kingly Office, and so weakning Monarchy in this Kingdom, that little more than the name and shadow of it will remain: yet if it be only security for the preservation of the Peace of this Kingdom after the unhappy Troubles, and the due performance of all the agreements which are now to be concluded, which is desi∣red, (which His Majesty always understood to be the case, and hopes that herein He is not mistaken) His Majesty will give abundant satisfaction; to which end He is wil∣ling by Act of Parliament, That the whole power of the Militia both by Sea and Land for the space of ten years be in the hands of such persons as the two Houses shall Page  118 nominate, giving them power during the said term to change the said persons, and substitute others in their places at pleasure, and afterwards to return to the proper Chanel again, as it was in the times of Queen Elizabeth and King James of blessed memory. And now His Majesty conjures His two Houses of Parliament, as they are Englishmen and Lovers of Peace, by the duty they owe to His Majesty their King, and by the bowels of compassion they have to their fellow-Subjects, that they will ac∣cept of this His Majesty's offer, whereby the joyful news of Peace may be restored to this languishing Kingdom. His Majesty will grant the like to the Kingdom of Scot∣lund, if it be desired, and agree to all things that are propounded touching the con∣serving of Peace betwixt the two Kingdoms.

Touching Ireland (other things being agreed) His Majesty will give satisfaction therein. As to the mutual Declaration proposed to be established in both Kingdoms by Act of Parliament, and the Modifications, Qualifications, and branches which follow in the Propositions, His Majesty only professes, that He doth not sufficiently understand nor is able to reconcile many things contained in them: but this He well knoweth, that a general Act of Oblivion is the best Bond of Peace; and that after in∣testine Troubles, the wisdom of this and other Kingdoms hath usually and happily in all ages granted general Pardons, whereby the numerous discontentments of many persons and families othewise exposed to ruine might not become fuel to new disor∣ders, or seeds to future troubles. His Majesty therefore desires, that His two Houses of Parliament would seriously descend into these considerations, and likewise tenderly look upon His condition herein, and the perpetual dishonour that must cleave to Him, if He shall thus abandon so many persons of condition and fortune that have engaged themselves with and for Him out of a sense of Duty; and propounds as a very accepta∣ble testimony of their affection to Him, that a general Act of Oblivion and free Pardon be forthwith passed by Act of Parliament.

Touching the new great Seal, His Majesty is very willing to confirm both it and all the Acts done by virtue thereof until this present time, so that it be not thereby pressed to make void those Acts of His done by virtue of His great Seal, which in Honour and Justice He is obliged to maintain: and that the future government there∣of may be in His Majesty, according to the due course of Law.

Concerning the Officers mentioned in the 19th Article, His Majesty when He shall come to Westminster will gratifie His Parliament all that possibly He may, without destroying the alterations which are necessary for the Crown.

His Majesty will willingly consent to the Act for the confirmation of the privi∣ledges and customs of the City of London, and all that is mentioned in the Propositi∣ons for their particular advantage.

And now that His Majesty hath thus far endeavoured to comply with the desires of His two Houses of Parliament, to the end that this agreement may be firm and last∣ing, without the least face or question of restraint to blemish the same, His Majesty earnestly desires presently to be admitted to His Parliament at Westminster with that Honour which is due to their Sovereign, there solemnly to confirm the same, and legal∣ly to pass the Acts before mentioned, and to give and receive as well satisfaction in all the remaining particulars, as likewise such other pledges of mutual love, trust and con∣fidence as shall most concern the good of Him and His People; upon which happy A∣greement, His Majesty will dispatch His Directions to the Prince His Son, to return immediately to Him, and will undertake for His ready obedience thereunto.

Holdenby, May 12. 1647.

XXX. From HAMPTON-COURT, Sept. 9. MDCXLVII. In Answer to the Propositions presented to Him there.

For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and to the Commissioners of the Parlia∣ment of Scotland.

CHARLES R.

HIS Majesty cannot chuse but be passionately sensible (as He believes all His good Subjects are) of the late great Distractions, and still languishing and unsetled state of this Kingdom; and He calls God to witness, and is willing to give testimony to all the World of His readiness to contribute His uttermost endeavours for restoring it to a happy and flourishing condition. His Majesty having perused the Propositions Page  119 now brought to Him, finds them the same in effect which were offered to Him at New∣castle: To some of which as He could not then consent without violation of His Con∣science and Honour; so neither can He agree to others now, conceiving them in ma∣ny respects more disagreeable to the present condition of affairs than when they were formerly presented unto Him, as being destructive to the main principal Interests of the Army, and of all those whose affections concur with them. And His Majesty ha∣ving seen the Proposals of the Army to the Commissioners from His two Houses resi∣ding with them, and with them to be treated on, in order to the clearing and securing of the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom, and the setling of a Just and lasting Peace: to which Proposals as He conceives His two Houses not to be strangers; so He believes they will think with Him, that they much more conduce to the satisfacti∣on of all Interests, and may be a fitter foundation for a lasting Peace, than the Pro∣positions which at this time are tendered unto Him: He therefore propounds (as the best way in His judgment in order to a Peace) that His two Houses would instantly take into consideration those Proposals upon which there may be a Personal Treaty with His Majesty, and upon such other Propositions as His Majesty shall make; ho∣ping that the said Proposals may be so moderated in the said Treaty, as to render them the more capable of His Majesty's full Concession: Wherein He resolves to give full satisfaction to His People, for whatsoever shall concern the setling of the Protestant Profession, with liberty to tender Consciences, and the securing of the Laws, Liber∣ties and Properties of His Subjects, and all the just Privileges of Parliaments for the fu∣ture: And likewise by His present deportment in this Treaty, He will make the World clearly judge of His intentions in matters of future Government. In which Treaty His Majesty will be well pleased (if it be thought fit) that Commissioners from the Army (whose the Proposals are) may likewise be admitted. His Majesty therefore conjures His two Houses of Parliament by the duty they owe to God and His Majesty their King, and by the bowels of compassion they have to their fellow-Sub∣jects, both for the relief of their present Sufferings and to prevent future Miseries, that they will forthwith accept of this His Majesty's offer, whereby the joyful news of Peace may be restored to this distressed Kingdom. And for what concerns the King∣dom of Scotland mentioned in the Propositions, His Majesty will very willingly Treat upon those particulars with the Scotch Commissioners, and doubts not but to give reason∣able satisfaction to that His Kingdom.

At Hampton-Court,the ninth of September, 1647.

XXXI. From HAMPTON-COURT, Nov. 11. MDCXLVII. Left on the Table at His departure.

For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland.

CHARLES R.

LIberty being that which in all times hath been, but especially now is, the com∣mon theme and desire of all men; common reason shews that Kings less than any should endure Captivity. And yet I call God and the world to witness with what Patience I have endured a tedious Restraint; which so long as I had any hopes that this sort of My Suffering might conduce to the Peace of My Kingdoms, or the hin∣dring of more effusion of bloud, I did willingly undergo: but now finding by too certain proofs, that this my continued Patience would not only turn to my Personal Ruine, but likewise be of much more prejudice than furtherance to the publick good, I thought I was bound as well by natural as political obligations to seek My Safety, by retiring My self for some time from the publick view both of my Friends and E∣nemies. And I appeal to all indifferent men to judge, if I have not just cause to free My self from the hands of those who change their Principles with their condition, and who are not ashamed openly to intend the destruction of the Nobility, taking away their negative voice, and with whom the Levellers doctrine is rather countenanced than punished. And as for their intentions to my Person, their changing and putting more strict Guards upon Me, with the discharging most of all those servants of Mine whom formerly they willingly admitted to wait upon Me, does sufficiently declare. Nor would I have this Retirement mis-interpreted; for I shall earnestly and uncessantly Page  120 endeavour the setling of a safe and well-grounded Peace where-ever I am or shall be, and that (as much as may be) without the effusion of more Christian blood: for which how many times have I desired, prest to be heard? and yet no ear given to Me. And can any reasonable man think that (according to the ordinary course of affairs) there can be a setled Peace without it; or that God will bless those who refuse to hear their own King? Surely no. Nay I must further add, that (besides what concerns My self) unless all other chief Interests have not only a hearing, but likewise just satisfa∣ction given unto them, (to wit, the Presbyterians, Independents, Army, those who have adhered to Me, and even the Scots) I say, there cannot (I speak not of Miracles, it being, in My opinion, a sinful presumption in such cases to expect or trust to them) be a safe or lasting Peace.

Now as I cannot deny but that My Personal security is the urgent cause of this My Retirement; so I take God to witness that the publick Peace is no less before Mine eyes: and I can find no better way to express this My profession (I know not what a wiser may do) than by desiring and urging that all chief Interests may be heard, to the end each may have just satisfaction. As for Example, the Army (for the rest, though necessary, yet I suppose are not difficult to content) ought (in My Judgment) to enjoy the Liberty of their Consciences, have an Act of Oblivion or Indemnity (which should extend to all the rest of My Subjects) and that all their Arrears should be speedily and duly paid; which I will undertake to do, so I may be heard, and that I be not hindred from using such lawful and honest means as I shall chuse. To conclude, let Me be heard with Freedom, Honour and Safety, and I shall instantly break through this Cloud of Retirement, and shew My self really to be Pater Patriae.

Hampton Court, Novemb. 11. 1647.

XXXII. From the Isle of WIGHT, November 17. MDCXLVII. For a Personal Treaty, with His particular Concessions.

For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland.

CHARLES R.

HIS Majest is confident that before this time His two Houses of Parliament have received the Message which He left behind Him at Hampton-Court the eleventh of this month, by which they will have understood the reasons which enforced Him to go from thence, as likewise His constant endeavours for the setling of a safe and well-grounded Peace wheresoever He should be: And being now in a place where He conceives Himself to be at much more Freedom and Security than formerly, He thinks it necessary (not only for making good of His Own professions, but also for the speedy procuring of a Peace in these languishing and distressed Kingdoms) at this time to offer such grounds to His two Houses for that effect, which upon due examination of all Interests may best conduce thereunto.

And because Religion is the best and chiefest foundation of Peace, His Majesty will begin with that particular.

That for the abolishing Archbishops, Bishops, &c. His Majesty clearly professeth, that He cannot give His Consent thereunto, both in relation as He is a Christian, and a King. For the first, He avows that He is satisfied in His Judgment that this Order was placed in the Church by the Apostles themselves, and ever since their time hath continued in all Christian Churches throughout the world until this last Century of years; and in this Church in all times of Change and Reformation it hath been upheld by the wisdom of His Ancestors, as the great preserver of Doctrine, Discipline and Or∣der in the service of God. As a King at His Coronation, He hath not only taken a solemn Oath to maintain this Order, but His Majesty and His Predecessours in their confirmations of the Great Charter have inseparably woven the Right of the Church into the Liberties of the rest of the Subjects. And yet He is willing it be provided that the particular Bishops perform the several duties of their Callings, both by their personal Residence and frequent Preachings in their Dioceses, as also that they exercise no Act of Jurisdiction or Ordination without the consent of their Presbyters; and will consent that their powers in all things be so limited, that they be not grievous to ten∣der Consciences. Wherefore since His Majesty is willing to give ease to the Conscien∣ces of others, He sees no reason why He alone and those of His Judgment should be Page  121 pressed to a violation of theirs. Nor can His Majesty consent to the alienation of Church-Lands, because it cannot be denied to be a sin of the highest Sacrilege; as al∣so that it subverts the intentions of so many pious Donors, who have laid a heavy Curse upon all such profane violations, which His Majesty is very unwilling to under∣go: And besides the matter of Conscience, His Majesty believes it to be a prejudice to the publick good, many of His Subjects having the benefit of renewing Leases at much easier Rates than if those possessions were in the hands of private men: not omitting the discouragement which it will be to all Learning and industry when such eminent rewards shall be taken away, which now lye open to the Children of meanest persons.

Yet His Majesty considering the great present distempers concerning Church-disci∣pline, and that the Presbyterian Government is now in practice, His Majesty, to es∣chew Confusion as much as may be, and for the satisfaction of His two Houses, is con∣tent that the said Government be legally permitted to stand in the same condition it now is for three years: provided that His Majesty and those of His Judgment (or any other who cannot in Conscience submit thereunto) be not obliged to comply with the Pres∣byterian Government, but have free practice of their own profession, without recei∣ving any prejudice thereby; and that a free Consultation and Debate be had with the Divines at Westminster, (twenty of His Majesties nomination being added unto them) whereby it may be determined by His Majesty and the two Houses how the Church-government after the said time shall be setled, (or sooner, if differences may be agreed) as is most agreeable to the Word of God, with full liberty to all those who shall differ upon Conscientious grounds from that settlement. Always provided, that nothing aforesaid be understood to tolerate those of the Romish profession, nor exempting of any Popish Recusant from the penalties of the Laws, or to tolerate the publick profes∣sion of Atheism or Blasphemy, contrary to the Doctrine of the Apostles, Nicene and Athanasian Creeds, they having been received by and had in reverence of all the Chri∣stian Churches, and more particularly by this of England, ever since the Reformation.

Next, the Militia being that Right which is inseparably and undoubtedly inherent in the Crown by the Laws of this Nation, and that which former Parliaments, as like∣wise this, have acknowledged so to be, His Majesty cannot so much wrong that trust which the Laws of God and this Land have annexed to the Crown for the protection and security of His People, as to devest Himself and Successors of the power of the Sword: Yet to give an infallible evidence of His desire to secure the performance of such agreements as shall be made in order to a Peace, His Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament, that the whole power of the Militia both by Sea and Land, for and du∣ring His whole Reign, shall be ordered and disposed by His two Houses of Parliament, or by such persons as they shall appoint, with powers limited for suppressing of Forces within this Kingdom to the disturbance of the publick Peace, and against foreign in∣vasions; and that they shall have power during His said Reign to raise Monies for the purposes aforesaid; and that neither His Majesty that now is or any other (by any Authority derived only from Him) shall execute any of the said powers during His Majesties said Reign, but such as shall act by the consent and Approbation of the two Houses of Parliament. Nevertheless His Majesty intends that all Patents, Commis∣sions and other Acts concerning the Militia, be made and acted as formerly; and that after His Majesties Reign, all the power of the Militia shall return entirely to the Crown, as it was in the times of Queen Elizabeth and King James of blessed memory.

After this head of the Militia, the consideration of the Arrears due to the Army is not improper to follow; for the payment whereof, and the ease of His People, His Ma∣jesty is willing to concur in any thing that can be done without the violation of His Conscience and Honour. Wherefore if His two Houses shall consent to remit unto Him such benefit out of Sequestrations from Michaelmas last, and out of Compositions that shall be made before the concluding of the Peace, and the Arrears of such as have been already made, the assistance of the Clergy, and the Arrears of such Rents of His own Revenue as His two Houses shall not have received before the concluding of the Peace, His Majesty will undertake within the space of eighteen months the payment of four hundred thousand pounds for the satisfaction of the Army: and if those means shall not be sufficient, His Majesty intends to give way to the sale of Forest-Lands for that purpose, this being the publick Debt which in His Majesties Judgment is first to be satisfied. And for other publick Debts already contracted upon Church-Lands or any other Ingagements, His Majesty will give His Consent to such Act or Acts for raising of monies for payment thereof as both Houses shall hereafter agree upon, so as they be equally laid, whereby His People (already too heavily burthened by these Page  122 late Distempers) may have no more pressures upon them than this absolute necessity requires.

And for the further securing of all fears, His Majesty will consent, that an Act of Par∣liament be passed for the disposing of the great Offices of State and naming of Privy Councellors for the whole term of His Reign by the two Houses of Parliament, their Patents and Commissions being taken from His Majesty, and after to return to the Crown, as is expressed in the Article of the Militia.

For the Court of Wards and Liveries, His Majesty very well knows the consequence of taking that away, by turning of all Tenures into common Soccage, as well in point of Revenue to the Crown, as in the protection of many of His Subjects being Infants. Nevertheless if the continuance thereof seem grievous to His Subjects, rather than He will fail on His part in giving satisfaction, He will consent to an Act for taking of it away, so as a full recompence be setled upon His Majesty and His Successors in perpetuity, and that the Arrears now due be reserved unto Him towards the payment of the Arrears of the Army.

And that the memory of these late Distractions may be wholly wiped away, His Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament for the suppressing and making null of all Oaths, Declarations and Proclamations against both or either House of Parliament, and of all Indictments and other proceedings against any persons for adhering to them: And His Majesty proposeth, (as the best expedient to take away all seeds of future Differences) that there be an Act of Oblivion to extend to all His Subjects.

As for Ireland, the Cessation there is long since determined; but for the future (all other things being fully agreed) His Majesty will give full satisfaction to His two Houses concerning that Kingdom.

And although His Majesty cannot consent in Honour and Justice to avoid all His own Grants and Acts past under His great Seal since the two and twentieth of May 1642, or to the confirming of all the Acts and Grants passed under that made by the two Houses; yet His Majesty is confident, that upon perusal of particulars, He shall give full satisfaction to His two Houses as to what may reasonably be desired in that particular.

And now His Majesty conceives that by these His offers (which He is ready to make good upon the settlement of a Peace) He hath clearly manifested His intentions to give full security and satisfaction to all Interests, for what can justly be desired in or∣der to the future Happiness of His People: and for the perfecting of these Concessions, as also for such other things as may be proposed by the two Houses, and for such just and reasonable demands as His Majesty shall find necessary to propose on His part, He earnestly desires a Personal Treaty at London with His two Houses, in Honour, Free∣dom and Safety, it being in His Judgement the most proper, and indeed, only means to a firm and settled Peace, and impossible without it to reconcile former, or avoid fu∣ture Misunderstandings.

All these things being by Treaty perfected, His Majesty believes His Houses will think it reasonable, that the Proposals of the Army concerning the Succession of Par∣liaments and their due elections should be taken into consideration.

As for what concerns the Kingdom of Scotland, His Majesty will very readily apply Himself to give all reasonable satisfaction, when the desires of the two Houses of Par∣liament on their behalf, or of the Commissioners of that Kingdom, or of both joyned together, shall be made known unto Him.

CHARLES R.

From the Isle of Wight, November 17. 1647.

XXXIII. From CARISBROOK, Dec. 6. MDCXLVII. For an Answer to His last.

To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster, and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland.

CHARLES R.

HAD His Majesty thought it possible that His two Houses could be imployed in things of greater concernment than the Peace of this miserable distracted Kingdom, He would have expected with more patience their leisure in acknowledging the receipt of His Message of the 17. of November last. But since there is not in na∣ture Page  123 any consideration preceding to that of Peace, His Majesty's constant tenderness of the welfare of His Subjects hath such a prevalence with Him, that He cannot forbear the vehement prosecution of a Personal Treaty: which is only so much the more desi∣red by His Majesty, as it is superior to all other means of Peace. And truly, when His Majesty considers the several complaints He daily hears from all parts of this King∣dom, That Trade is so decayed, all commodites so dear, and Taxes so insupportable, that even natural subsistence will suddenly fail; His Majesty (to perform the Trust re∣posed in Him) must use His uttermost endeavours for Peace, though He were to have no share in the benefit of it. And hath not His Majesty done His part for it, by de∣vesting Himself of so much Power and Authority as by His last Message He hath pro∣mised to do, upon the concluding of the whole Peace? And hath He met with that ac∣knowledgement from His two Houses which this great Grace and Favour justly de∣serves? Surely the blame of this great retarding of Peace must fall somewhere else than on His Majesty.

To conclude, if ye will but consider in how little time this necessary good work will be done, if you the two Houses will wait on His Majesty with the same resolutions for Peace as He will meet you, He no way doubts but that ye will willingly agree to this His Majesty's earnest desire of a Personal Treaty, and speedily desire His presence amongst you: where all things agreed on being digested into Acts (till when it is most unreasonable for His Majesty or His two Houses to desire each of other the least concession) this Kingdom may at last enjoy the blessing of a long-wisht-for Peace.

Carisbrook-Castle, Decemb. 6. 1647.

XXXIV. From CARISBROOK, Dec. 28. MDCXLVII. In Answer to the Four Bills and Propositions, before the Votes of No address.

For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, to be communicated to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at Westminster, and the Commis∣sioners of the Parliament of Scotland.

CHARLES R.

THE necessity of complying with all engaged Interests in these great Distem∣pers for a perfect settlement of Peace, His Majesty finds to be none of the least difficulties He hath met with since the time of His Afflictions. Which is too visible, when at the same time that the two Houses of the English Parliament do present to His Majesty several Bills and Propositions for His Consent, the Commissioners for Scotland do openly protest against them. So that, were there nothing in the case but the consideration of that difference, His Majesty cannot imagine how to give such an Answer to what is now proposed, as thereby to promise Himself His great end, A per∣fect Peace. And when His Majesty further considers how impossible it is (in the con∣dition He now stands) to fulfil the desires of the two Houses, since the only ancient and known ways of passing Laws are either by His Majesty's personal assent in the House of Peers, or by Commission under His great Seal of England: He cannot but wonder at such failings in the manner of address which is now made unto Him; un∣less His two Houses intend that His Majesty shall allow of a great Seal made without His Authority, before there be any consideration had thereupon in a Treaty. Which as it may hereafter hazard the security it self, so for the present it seems very unrea∣sonable to His Majesty.

And though His Majesty is willing to believe that the intentions of very many in both Houses, in sending these Bills before a Treaty, was only to obtain a Trust from Him, and not to take any advantage by passing them to force other things from Him which are either against His Conscience or Honour: yet His Majesty believes it clear to all understandings, that these Bills contain (as they are now penned) not only the devesting Himself of all Soveraignty, and that without possibility of recovering it either to Him or His Successors (except by repeal of those Bills) but also the making His Concessions guilty of the greatest pressures that can be made upon the Subject, as in other particulars, so by giving an arbitrary and unlimited power to the two Houses for ever, to raise and levy Forces for Land or Sea service of what persons (without di∣stinction or quality) and to what numbers they please; and likewise for the payment of them, to levy what Moneys, in such sort and by such ways and means (and con∣sequently upon the Estates of whatsoever persons) as they shall think fit and appoint; which is utterly inconsistent with the Liberty and Property of the Subject, and His Page  124 Majesty's Trust in protecting them. So that if the major part of both Houses shall think it necessary to put the rest of the Propositions into Bills, His Majesty leaves all the World to judge how unsafe it would be for Him to consent thereunto: and if not, what a strange condition (after the passing of these four Bills) His Majesty and all His Subjects would be cast into. And here His Majesty thinks it not unfit to wish His two Houses to consider well the manner of their proceeding; that when His Majesty desires a personal Treaty with them for the settling of a Peace, they in answer propose the very subject matter of the most essential part thereof to be first granted. A thing which will be hardly credible to Posterity. Wherefore His Majesty declares,That neither the desire of being freed from this tedious and irksom condition of life His Ma∣jesty hath so long suffered, nor the apprehension of what may befal Him in case His two Houses shall not afford Him a Personal Treaty, shall make Him change His Re∣solution, of not consenting to any Act till the whole Peace be concluded. Yet then He intends not only to give just and reasonable satisfaction in the particulars presented to Him; but also to make good all other Concessions mentioned in His Message of the 16. of November last: which He thought would have produced better effects than what He finds in the Bills and Propositions now presented unto Him.

And yet His Majesty cannot give over, but now again earnestly presseth for a Perso∣nal Treaty (so passionately is He affected with the advantages which Peace will bring to His Majesty and all his Subjects) of which He will not at all despair, (there being no other visible way to obtain a well-grounded Peace.) However His Majesty is very much at ease within Himself, for having fulfilled the offices both of a Christian and of a King; and will patiently wait the good pleasure of Almighty God, to incline the hearts of His two Houses to consider their King, and to compassionate their fellow-Subjects miseries.

Given at Carisbrook-Castle in the Isle of Wight,December 28. 1647.

XXXV. From CARISBROOK, August 10. MDCXLVIII. In Answer to the Votes for a Treaty.

For the Speaker of the Lords House pro tempore, to be communicated to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at Westminster.

C. R.

IF the Peace of My Dominions were not much dearer to Me than any particular In∣terest whatsoever, I had too much reason to take notice of the several Votes which passed against Me, and the sad condition I have been in now above these seven months: But since you My two Houses of Parliament have opened (as it seems to He) a fair beginning to a happy Peace, I shall heartily apply My self thereunto; and to that end, I will as clearly and shortly as I may set you down those things which I conceive ne∣cessary to this blessed work, so that We together may remove all impediments that may hinder a happy conclusion of this Treaty, which with all chearfulness I do embrace.

And to this wished end your selves have laid most excellent grounds: For what can I reasonably expect more than to Treat with Honour, Freedom and Safety, upon such Propositions as you have or shall present unto He, and such as I shall make to you? But withal remember, that it is the definition, not names, of things which makes them rightly known; and that without means to perform, no Proposition can take effect: Aud truly My present condition is such, that I can no more treat than a blind man judge of colours, or one run a race who hath both his feet fast tied together; where∣fore My first necessary demand is,

That you will recall all such Votes and Orders by which people are frighted from coming, writing, or speaking freely to Me.

Next, That such men of all professions whom I shall send for, as of necessary use to Me in this Treaty, may be admitted to wait upon Me. In a word, that I may be in the same state of freedom I was in when I was last at Hampton-Court. And indeed less cannot in any reasonable measure make good those offers which you have made Me by your Votes. For how can I treat with Honour, so long as people are terrified with Votes and Orders against coming to speak or write to Me? And am I honourably treated, so long as there is none about Me (except a Barber who came now with the Commissioners) that ever I named to wait upon Me? Or with Freedom, until I may call such unto Me of whose services I shall have use in so great and difficult a work? And for Safety (I speak not of My Person, having no apprehension that way) how Page  125 can I judge to make a safe and well-grounded Peace, until I may know (without dis∣guise) the true present state of all My Dominions, and particularly of all those whose Interests are necessarily concerned in the Peace of these Kingdoms? Which leads Me naturally to the last necessary demand I shall make for the bringing of this Treaty to an happy end, which is,

That you alone, or you and I joyntly, do invite the Scots to send some persons au∣thorized by them to treat upon such Propositions as they shall make; for certainly the publick and necessary Interest they have in this great Settlement is so clearly plain to all the world, that I believe no body will deny the necessity of their concurrence in this Treaty in order to durable Peace. Wherefore I will only say, that as I am a King of both Nations, so I will yield to none in either Kingdom for being truly and zealously affected for the good and honour of both; My resolution being, never to be partial for either to the prejudice of the other.

Now as to the Place, (because I conceive it to be rather a circumstantial than real part of this Treaty, I shall not much insist upon it) I name Newport in this Isle: yet the fervent zeal I have that a speedy end be put to these unhappy Distractions, doth force Me earnestly to desire you to consider what a great loss of time it will be to treat so far from the body of My two Houses, when every small debate (of which doubt∣less there will be many) must be transmitted to Westminster before it be concluded. And really I think (though to some it may seem a Paradox) that peoples minds will be much more apt to settle, seeing Me treat in or near London, than in this Isle; be∣cause so long as I am here, it will never be believed by many that I am really so free as before this Treaty begins I expect to be. And so I leave and recommend this Point to your serious consideration.

And thus I have not only fully accepted of the Treaty which you have proposed to Me by your Votes of the third of this Month; but also given it all the furtherance that lies in Me, by demanding the necessary means for the effectual performance there∣of. All which are so necessarily implied by, though not particularly mentioned in, your Votes, as I can no ways doubt of your ready compliance with Me herein. I have now no more to say, but to conjure you by all that is dear to Christians, honest men or good Patriots, that ye will make all the expedition possible to begin this happy Work, by hastening down your Commissioners fully authorized and well instructed, and by enabling Me (as I have shewed you) to Treat; praying the God of Peace so to bless our endeavours, that all My Dominions may speedily enjoy a safe and well-grounded Peace.

CHARLES R.

XXXVI. From CARISBROOK, Aug. 28. MDCXLVIII. For some of His Council and others to attend Him at the Treaty.

For the Earl of Manchester, Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, and William Lenthall, Speaker of the House of Commons.

MY Lord, and Master Speaker, I have received your Letter of the twenty fifth of this Month, with the Votes that you sent Me: which though they are not so full as I could have wished for the perfecting of a Treaty; yet because I con∣ceive by what you have done, that I am in some measure fit to begin one, such is My uncessant and earnest desire to give a Peace to these My now-distracted Kingdoms, as I accept the Treaty; and therefore desire that such five Lords and ten Commons as My two Houses shall appoint, be speedily sent, fully authorized and instructed to Treat with Me, not doubting but what is now wanting, will, at our meeting, upon debate be fully supplied, not only to the furtherance of this Treaty, but also to the consummating of a safe and well-grounded Peace. So I rest,

Your good Friend CHARLES R.

Here is inclosed a List of the Names of such Persons as I desire.

GEntlemen of My Bedchamber, Duke Richmond, Marquess Hertford, Earl Lindsey, Earl Southampton.

Grooms of My Bedchamber, George Kirk, James Leviston, Henry Murry, John Ash∣burnham, William Leg.

Thomas Davise, Barber.

Pages of My back stairs, Hugh Henne, Humphrey Rogers, William Lever.

Rives, Yeoman of My Robes.

Page  126 Querries, with four or five of My Footmen, as they find fittest to wait, Sir Edward Sidenham, Robert Terwit, Jo. Housden.

Mrs. Wheeler Landress, with such Maids as she shall chuse.

Parsons, a Groom of the Presence.

Sir Fulk Grevil, Captain Titus, Captain John Burroughs, Mr. Cresset, . . . Hansted, Abraham Douset, Henry Firebrace, to wait as they did, or as I shall appoint them.

Bishop of London, B. of Sarum, Dr. Shelden, Dr. Hammond, Dr. Holdsworth, Dr. Sanderson, Dr. Turner, Dr. Heywood.

Lawyers, Sir Thomas Gardiner, Sir Orlando Bridgman, Sir Robert Holborn, Mr. Geffery Palmer, Mr. Thomas Cooke, Mr. James Vaughan.

Clarks and Writers, Sir Edward Walker, Mr. Philip Warwick, Nicholas Oudart, Charles Whittaker.

To make ready the House for Treaty, Peter Newton, Clem. Kinersley.

I desire in Order to one of your Votes, that you would send Me a free pass for Par∣sons, one of the Grooms of My Presence-Chamber, to go into Scotland, and that you would immediately send him to Me, to receive the dispatch thither.

XXXVII. From CARISBROOK, Sept. 7. MDCXLVIII. Concerning the time of the Treaty, and the sending some other Civil Lawyers and Divines.

For the Lord Hunsdon, Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore, and William Lenthall, Speaker of the House of Commons.

MY Lord, and Master Speaker, I have received your Letter of the second of this Month, containing the Names of those who are to Treat with Me; and though they do not come at the time appoint, I shall not wonder, at first judging it too short in respect of My two Houses, not of My self, so that I did not imagine it could be kept, (as I then commanded Sir Peter Killegrew to tell you by word of mouth:) and therefore it shall be far from Me to take exceptions for their having elapsed the ap∣pointed time, for God forbid that either My two Houses or I should carp at Circum∣stances to give the least impediment to this Treaty, much less to hinder the happy fi∣nishing of it. I say this the rather, because I know not how it is possible (in this I shall wish to be deceived) that in forty days Treaty the many Distractions of these Kingdoms can be setled; and if so, it were more than strange that time enough should not be given for the perfecting of this most great and good Work, which as I will not be∣lieve can be stuck on by the two Houses, so I am sure it shall never be by

Carisbrook, 7. Sept. 1648.

Your good Friend, CHARLES R.

I think fit to tell you, because I believe in this Treaty there will be need of Civil Lawyers, I have sent for my Advocate Rives and D. Duck.

[And afterward, in a Letter of one of the Commissioners for the two Houses He sent inclo∣sed this Note, Nov. 2.]

C. R.

The Bishop of Armagh, the Bishop of Excester, the Bishop of Rochester, the Bishop of Worcester, Dr. Ferne, Dr. Morley.

XXXVIII. From NEWPORT, Sept. 29. MDCXLVIII. Containing His Concessions.

HIS Majesty did use many earnest endeavours for a Personal Treaty, which He hoped might have been obtained at Westminster between Him and His two Hou∣ses of Parliament immediately; yet they having made choice of this way by you their Commissioners, His Majesty did gladly and chearfully accept thereof in this place, as a fit means to begin a Treaty for Peace, which might put an end to His own sad con∣dition, and the Miseries of His Kingdom: For an entrance whereunto, His Majesty hath already expressed His consent to the First Proposition. But finding you are li∣mited by Instructions which you have no warrant to communicate unto Him, and ha∣ving cause by your Paper of the twentieth of this present to believe that you have no power to omit or alter any thing; though He shall give you such reasons as may sa∣tisfie you so to do, without transmitting the Papers to the two Houses at a far distance, where His Majesties reasons, expressions, and offers upon debate cannot be fully re∣presented, and from whence their Answers cannot be returned without much waste of the time allotted for the Treaty here; and having lately received another Paper Page  127 concerning the Church, containing in it self many particulars of great importance, and referring to divers Ordinances, Articles of Religion, and other things (eleven or twelve in number) of great length, and some of them very new, and never before present∣ed to His Majesty, the due consideration whereof will take up much time, and re∣quire His Majesties presence with His two Houses before a full resolution can well be had in matters of so high consequence: To the end therefore that the good Work now in hand may (by God's blessing) proceed more speedily and effectually to an hap∣py conclusion, and that His two Houses of Parliament may at present have further se∣curity, and an earnest of future satisfaction, His Majesty, upon consideration had of yours, makes these Propositions following.

Concerning the Church, His Majesty will consent that the calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines at Westminster be confirmed for three years by Act of Parliament.

And will by Act of Parliament confirm for three years the Directory for the publick Worship of God in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, and Dominion of Wales.

And will likewise confirm for three years by Act of Parliament the Form of Church-Government which ye have presented to Him, to be used for the Churches of England and Ireland, and Dominion of Wales: Provided that His Majesty and those of His Judgment, or any others who cannot in Conscience submit thereunto, be not in the mean time obliged to comply with the same Government or Form of Worship, but have free practice of their own profession. And that a free consultation and debate be had with the Assembly of Divines at Westminster in the mean time (twenty of His Majesties nomination being added unto them) whereby it may be determined by His Majesty and His two Houses of Parliament, how the said Church-Government and Form of Publick Worship after the said time may be setled, or sooner, if Differences may be agreed: and how also Reformation of Religion may be setled within the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, and the Dominion of Wales. And the Articles of Christian Religion now delivered to Him may in like manner be then considered of and determined, and care taken for the ease of tender Consciences.

And concerning the Bishops Lands and Revenues, His Majesty considering that du∣ring these troublesom times divers of His Subjects have made contracts and purchaces, and divers have disbursed great summs of moneys upon security and engagement of those Lands; His Majesty, for their satisfaction, will consent to an Act or Acts of Parliament, whereby legal estates for lives or for years (at their choice,) not exceeding 99 years shall be made of those Lands towards the satisfaction of the said Purchasers, Contractors, and others to whom they are engaged, at the old Rents, or some other moderate Rent, whereby they may receive satisfaction.

And in case such Leases shall not satisfie, His Majesty will propound and consent to some other way for their further satisfaction.

Provided that the propriety and inheritance of those Lands may still remain and continue to the Church and Church-men respectively, according to the pious inten∣tions of the Donors and Founders thereof: and the rent that shall be reserved to be for their maintenance.

His Majesty will give his Royal assent for the better observation of the Lord's day, for suppressing of Innovations in Churches and Chappels in and about the Worship of God, and for the better advancement of the Preaching of God's Holy Word in all parts of this Kingdom; and to an Act against enjoying pluralities of Benefices by Spiritual persons, and Non-residency; and to an Act for regulating and Reforming both Uni∣versities, and the Colledges of Westminster, Winchester and Eaton.

His Majesty will consent to an Act for the better discovery and speedy conviction of Popish Recusants, as is desired in your Propositions; and also to an Act for the edu∣cation of the children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion.

As also to an Act for the true levying of the penalties against Papists, to be levied and disposed in such manner as both Houses shall agree on, and as is proposed on His Majesties behalf.

As also to an Act to prevent the practices of Papists against the State, and for putting the Laws in Execution; and for a stricter course to prevent hearing and saying of Mass.

But as to the Covenant, His Majesty is not yet therein satisfied, that He can either sign or swear it, or consent to impose it on the Consciences of others: nor doth He conceive it proper or useful at this time to be insisted on.

Touching the Militia, His Majesty conceives that your Proposition demands a far larger power over the persons and estates of His Subjects than hath ever hitherto been warranted by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm: Yet considering the present Page  128 Distractions require more, and trusting in His two Houses of Parliament that they will make no further use of the power therein mentioned, after the present Distempers set∣led, than shall be agreeable to the legal exercise thereof in times past, or just necessity shall require, His Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament,

That the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England now assembled, or hereafter to be assembled, or such as they shall appoint, during the space of ten years, shall arm, train and discipline, or cause to be armed, trained or disciplined, all the Forces of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland and Dominion of Wales, the Isles of Gernesey and Jersey, and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed, already raised both for Sea and Land service; and shall from time to time during the space of ten years raise, levy, arm, train, and discipline, or cause to be raised, levied, armed, trained and disciplined any other Forces for Land and Sea service in the Kingdoms, Dominions and places afore∣said, as in their judgments they shall from time to time during the said spaceof ten years think fit to appoint; and that neither the King, His Heirs or Successors, or any other but such as shall Act by the Authority or approbation of the said Lords and Commons, shall during the said space of ten years exercise any of the powers aforesaid:

That Monies be raised and levied for the maintenance and use of the said Forces for Land-service, and of the Navy and Forces for Sea-service, in such sort and by such ways and means as the said Lords and Commons shall from time to time during the said space of ten years think fit and appoint, and not otherwise:

That all the said Forces both for Land and Sea-service, so raised or levied, or to be raised or levied, and also the Admiralty and Navy, shall from time to time during the said space of ten years be imployed, managed, ordered and disposed by the Lords and Commons in such sort and by such ways and means as they shall think fit and ap∣point, and not otherwise.

And the said Lords and Commons, or such as they shall appoint, during the said space of ten years shall have power,

1. To suppress all Forces raised or to be raised without authority and consent of the said Lords and Commons, to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, Dominion of Wales, the Isles of Gernesey and Jersey, and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed, or any of them.

2. To suppress any foreign Forces who shall invade or indeavour to invade the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, Dominion of Wales, the Isles of Gernesey and Jersey, and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed, or any of them.

And after the expiration of the said ten years, neither the King, His Heirs or Suc∣cessors, or any person or persons by colour or pretence of any Commission, power, de∣putation, or authority to be derived from the King, His Heirs or Successors, or any of them, shall without the consent of the said Lords and Commons raise, arm, train, dis∣cipline, imploy, order, manage, disband, or dispose any the Forces by Sea or Land, of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, the Dominion of Wales, Isles of Gernesey and Jersey, and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed; nor exercise any of the said powers or authorities herein before-mentioned, and expressed to be during the space of ten years in the said Lords and Commons; nor do any act or any thing concerning the executi∣on of the said powers or authorities, or any of them, without the consent of the said Lords and Commons first had and obtained:

And with the same Provisoes for saving the ordinary legal power of Officers of Ju∣stice, not being Military Officers, as is set down in your Propositions:

and with a Declaration, That if any persons shall be gathered and assembled toge∣ther in a warlike manner or otherwise, to the number of thirty persons, and shall not forthwith disperse themselves, being required thereto by the said Lords and Commons, or command from them, or any by them especially authorized for that purpose, then such person or persons not so dispersing themselves shall be guilty, and incur the pains of high Treason, being first declared guilty of such offence by the said Lords and Com∣mons, any Commission under the Great Seal or other Warrant to the contrary not∣withstanding: and he or they that shall so offend herein to be uncapable of any par∣don from His Majesty, His Heirs or Successors.

And likewise that it be provided that the City of London shall have and enjoy all their Rights, Liberties, &c. in raising and imploying the Forces of that City in such sort as is mentioned in the said Proposition.

With these Provisoes following to be inserted in the said Act.

First, That none be compelled to serve in the War against their Wills, but in case of coming in of strange Enemies into this Kingdom.

Page  129 And that the powers above-mentioned as concerning the Land-Forces, other than for keeping up and maintenance of Forts and Garrisons, and the keeping up, main∣taining, and pay of this present Army so long as it shall be thought fit by both Houses of Parliament, be exercised to no other purposes than for the suppressing of Forces raised or to be raised without authority and consent of the said Lords and Commons as afore∣said, or for suppressing of any Foreign Forces which shall invade or endeavour to invade the Kingdoms, Dominions or places aforesaid.

And that the Monies be raised by general and equal Taxations, saving that Tunnage and Poundage, and such Imposts as have been applyed to the Navy, be raised as hath been usual.

And that all Patents, Commissions and other Acts concerning the premisses be made and acted in His Majesties name by Warrant, signified by the Lords and Commons, or such others as they shall authorize for that purpose.

If it shall be more satisfactory to His two Houses to have the Militia and powers thereupon depending during the whole time of His Majesty's Reign, rather than for the space of ten years, His Majesty gives them the election.

Touching Ireland, His Majesty having in the two preceding Propositions given His con∣sent concerning the Church and the Militia there in all things as in England; as to all other matters relating to that Kingdom, after advice with His two Houses, He will leave it to their determination, and give His consent accordingly, as is herein hereafter expressed.

Touching publick Debts, His Majesty will give His consent to such an Act for raising of Monies by general and equal Taxations, for the payment and satisfying the Arrears of the Army, publick Debts and engagements of the Kingdom, as shall be agreed on by both Houses of Parliament, and shall be audited and ascertained by them, or such persons as they shall appoint, within the space of twelve Months after the passing of an Act for the same.

His Majesty will consent to an Act, that during the said space of ten years the Lord Chancellour, or Lord Keeper, Commissioners of the Great Seal, or Treasury, Lord Warden of the Cinque-ports, Chancellour of the Exchequer and Dutchy, Secretaries of State, Master of the Rolls, Judges of both Benches, and Barons of the Exchequer of England, be nominated by both Houses of the Parliament of England, to continue quam diu se bene gesserint; and in the intervals of Parliament, by such others as they shall authorize for that purpose.

His Majesty will consent that the Militia of the City of London and Liberties thereof, during the space of ten years, may be in the ordering and Government of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons in the Common Council assembled, or such as they shall from time to time appoint (whereof the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs for the time being to be three) to be imployed and directed from time to time, during the said space of ten years, in such manner as shall be agreed upon and appointed by both Houses of Parliament; and that no Citizen of the City of London, nor any of the Officers of the said City, shall be drawn forth, or compelled to go out of the said City or Liberties thereof for Military service, without their own free consent.

That an Act be passed for granting and confirming the Charters, Customs, Liberties and Franchises of the City of London, notwithstanding any Non-user, Mis-user, or Abuser.

And that during the said ten years, the Tower of London may be in the government of the City of London, and the Chief Officer and Governour from time to time during the said space to be nominated, and removeable by the Common Council as are desired in your Propositions.

His Majesty having thus far expressed His consent for the present satisfaction and secu∣rity of His two Houses of Parliament, and those that have adhered unto them touching your four first Propositions, and other the particulars before specified; as to all the rest of your Propositions delivered to Him at Hampton-Court, (not referring to those heads) and to that of the Court of Wards since delivered, as also to the remaining Propositions concerning Ireland, His Majesty desires only, when He shall come to Westminster, personally to advise with His two Houses, and to deliver His Opinion and the reasons of it; which being done, He will leave the whole matter of those remaining Propositions to the determination of His two Houses, which shall prevail with Him for His consent accordingly.

And His Majesty doth (for His Own particular) only propose that He may have liberty to repair forthwith to Westminster, and be restored to a condition of absolute Freedom and Safety, (a thing which He shall never deny to any of His Subjects) and to the posses∣sion of His Lands and Revenues; and that an Act of Oblivion and Indemnity may pass, to extend to all persons for all matters relating to the late unhappy Differences: which be∣ing agreed by His two Houses of Parliament, His Majesty will be ready to make these His Concessions binding, by giving them the Force of Laws by His Royal assent.

Page  130

HIS MAJESTIES DECLARATIONS.

I. His MAJESTIES DECLARATION After the Votes of no further Address. Carisbrook, Jan. 18. MDCXLVII.

To all My People, of whatsoever Nation, Quality or Condition.

AM I thus laid aside? and must I not speak for My self? No: I will speak, and that to all My People, (which I would have rather done by the way of My two Houses of Parliament, but that there is a publick Order, neither to make Addresses to, or receive Messages from Me.) And who but you can be judge of the differences betwixt Me and My two Houses? I know none else: for I am sure you it is who will enjoy the Happiness, or feel the Misery of good or ill Government; and we all pretend who should run fastest to serve you, without having a regard (at least in the first place) to particular Interests. And there∣fore I desire you to consider the state I am and have been in this long time, and whe∣ther My Actions have more tended to the Publick or My own particular good. For who∣soever will look upon Me barely as I am a Man, without that liberty (which the mean∣est of My Subjects enjoys) of going whither and conversing with whom I will; as a Husband and Father, without the comfort of My Wife and Children; or lastly as a King, without the least shew of Authority or Power to protect My distressed Subjects; must conclude Me not onely void of all Natural Affection, but also to want common un∣derstanding, if I should not most cheerfully embrace the readiest way to the settlement of these distracted Kingdoms. As also on the other side, do but consider the form and draught of the Bills lately presented unto Me, and as they are the Conditions of a Treaty, ye will conclude, that the same Spirit which hath still been able to frustrate all My sincere and con∣stant endeavours for Peace, hath had a powerful influence on this Message: For though I was ready to grant the substance, and comply with what they seem to desire; yet as they had framed it, I could not agree thereunto, without deeply wounding My Consci∣ence and Honour, and betraying the Trust reposed in Me, by abandoning My People to the Arbitrary and Unlimited Power of the two Houses for ever, for the levying and main∣taining of Land or Sea Forces, without distinction of quality or limitation for Money-Taxes. And if I could have passed them in terms, how unheard-of a Condition were it for a Treaty to grant beforehand the most considerable part of the subject matter? How ineffectual were that Debate like to prove, wherein the most potent Party had nothing of moment left to ask, and the other nothing more to give? so, consequently, how hope∣less of mutual compliance? without which a settlement is impossible. Besides, if after My Concessions the two Houses should insist on those things from which I cannot de∣part, how desperate would the condition of these Kingdoms be, when the most proper and approved remedy should become ineffectual? Being therefore fully resolved that I could neither in Conscience, Honour or Prudence, pass those four Bills; I onely endea∣voured to make the Reasons and Justice of my Denial appear to all the World, as they do to me, intending to give as little dis-satisfaction to the two Houses of Parliament (with∣out betraying My own Cause) as the matter would bear: I was desirous to give My Answer of the 28th of December last to the Commissioners sealed, (as I had done others heretofore, and sometimes at the desire of the Commissioners) chiefly, because when My Messages or Answers were publickly known before they were read in the Houses, preju∣dicial interpretations were forced on them, much differing, and sometimes contrary to Page  131 My meaning. For example, My Answer from Hampton-Court was accused of dividing the two Nations, because I promised to give satisfaction to the Scots in all things concer∣ning that Kingdom: And this last suffers in a contrary sense, by making Me intend to interest Scotland in the Laws of this Kingdom (than which nothing was, nor is, further from my thoughts) because I took notice of the Scots Commissioners protesting against the Bills and Propositions, as contrary to the Interests and Engagements of the two King∣domes. Indeed, if I had not mentioned their dissent, an Objection, not without some probability, might have been made against Me, both in respect the Scots are much con∣cern'd in the Bill for the Militia, and in several other Propositions; and My silence might, with some Justice, have seemed to approve of it: But the Commissioners refusing to receive My Answer sealed, I (upon the engagement of their and the Governor's Ho∣nour, that no other use should be made or notice taken of it than as if it had not been seen) read and delivered it open unto them; whereupon what hath since passed, either by the Governour, in discharging most of My Servants, redoubling the Guards, and re∣straining Me of My former Liberty, (and all this, as himself confess'd, merely out of his own dislike of My Answer, notwithstanding his beforesaid Engagement) or afterwards by the two Houses, (as the Governour affirms) in confining Me within the Circuit of this Castle, I appeal to God and the World, whether My said Answer deserved the reply of such proceedings; besides the unlawfulness for Subjects to imprison their King. That by the permission of Almighty God I am reduced to this sad condition, as I no way re∣pine; so I am not without hope, but that the same God will in due time convert these Afflictions into My advantage. In the mean time, I am confident to bear these crosses with Patience, and a great Equality of Mind. But by what means or occasion I am come to this Relapse in My Affairs, I am utterly to seek; especially when I consider, that I have sacrificed to My two Houses of Parliament, for the Peace of the Kingdome, all but what is much more dear to Me than My life, My Conscience and Honour; desiring nothing more than to perform it in the most proper and natural way, a Personal Treaty. But that which makes Me most at a loss is, the remembring My signal compliance with the Army and their Interests: and of what importance My compliance was to them, and their often∣repeated Professions and Engagements for My just Rights in general, at Newmarket and S. Albans, and their particular explanation of those Generals by their voted, and re-voted Proposals, which I had reason to understand should be the utmost extremity would be expected from Me, and that in some things therein I should be eased; (herein appeal∣ing to the Consciences of some of the chiefest Officers in the Army, if what I have said be not punctually true) and how I have failed of their expectations, or My professions to them, I challenge them and the whole World to produce the least colour of Reason. And now I would know what it is that is desired. Is it Peace? I have shewed the way, (be∣ing both willing and desirous to perform My part in it) which is, a just compliance with all chief Interests. Is it Plenty and Happiness? They are the inseparable effects of Peace. Is it Security? I, who wish that all Men would forgive and forget like Me, have offered the Militia for My time. Is it Liberty of Conscience? He who wants it is most ready to give it. Is it the right administration of Justice? Officers of trust are committed to the choice of My two Houses of Parliament. Is it frequent Parliaments? I have legally, fully concurr'd therewith. Is it the Arrears of the Army? Upon a settlement they will certainly be payed with much ease, but before there will be found much difficulty, if not impossi∣bility, in it.

Thus all the World cannot but see my reall and unwearied endeavours for Peace, the which (by the grace of God) I shall neither repent Me of nor ever be slackned in, notwith∣standing My past, present, or future sufferings: but if I may not be heard, let every one judge who it is that obstructs the good I would or might do. What is it that Men are afraid to hear from Me? It cannot be Reason, (at least, none will declare themselves so unrea∣sonable as to confess it:) and it can less be impertinent or unreasonable Discourses; for thereby, peradventure, I might more justifie this My Restraint than the causers themselves can do: so that of all wonders yet this is the greatest to Me. But it may be easily gathe∣red how those men intend to govern who have used Me thus. And if it be My hard Fate to fall together with the Liberty of this Kingdom, I shall not blush for My self, but much lament the future Miseries of My People, the which I shall still pray to God to avert, whatever becomes of Me.

CHARLES R.

Page  132

II. An Answer to a Pamphlet entitled, A Declaration of the Commons of England in Par∣liament assembled, expressing their Reasons and Grounds of passing the late Resoluti∣ons touching no farther Address or Application to be made to the KING.

Published by His Majestie's appointment.

I Believe that it was never heard of until now, that heavy Imputations were laid on any man (I speak not now of Kings, which I confess makes the case yet more strange and unjust) and He not permitted to see, much less to answer them: but so it is now with the King; which does (though silently, yet) subject Him to as great an Imputati∣on as there is any in the said Declaration; for those who know no better, may think that He cannot, because He does not, answer it. Wherefore I hold it my Duty (knowing these things better than every ordinary man) to do my best that the King should not be injured by the Ignorance of His People: and albeit I (lying under Persecution for My Con∣science and love to Regal Authority) have not the means in every thing to make full Pro∣bations; yet I am confident in all the most material Points so to make the truth of the King's Innocency appear, that I shall satisfie any impartial judicious Reader.

What the Issue of former Addresses to the King hath been is most certainly known to all the World; but where the fault rests whereby Peace hath not ensued, bare Asseverati∣ons without Proofs cannot, I am sure, satisfie any judicious Reader. And indeed, it seems to me that the Penner of these seeks more to take the ears of the ignorant Multitude with big words and bold Assertions, than to satisfie Rational men with real proofs or true Argu∣ments. For at the very first he begs the Question, taking it for granted that the King could ease the Sighs and Groans, dry the Tears, and stanch the Blood of His distressed Subjects. Alas! Is it He that keeps Armies on foot when there is none to oppose? Is it He that will not lay down Excise, Taxations and Free-quarterings? But it is He indeed who was so far from Power, even at that time, (being far worse since) that in most things He wanted the Liberty of any free-born man: It is He who never refused to ease His People of their Grievances; witness more Acts of Grace passed in His Reign than (to speak within my compass) in any five Kings or Queens Times that ever were before Him: Moreover it is He who, to settle the present unhappy Distractions, and (as the best means to it) to obtain a Personal Treaty, hath offered so much, that (to say truth) during His own time He hath left Himself little more than the Title of a King; as it plainly appears by His Message from the Isle of Wight, concerning the Militia, and chusing the Officers of State and Privy-Coun∣sellours, besides other points of Compliance, which it is needless here to mention.

Good God! are these Offers unfit for them to receive? Have they tendred such Propositi∣ons, that might occasion the World to judge that they have yielded up not only their Wills and Af∣fections, but their Reasons also and Judgments, for obtaining a true Peace or good Accommodation? It is true, that if they can shew what reasonably they could have asked more, or wherein the King's Offers were deficient (either in Point of Security, or by with-holding from any His Subjects a jot of their just Priviledges) then they said somewhat to challenge Belief: But bare Asseverations, even against what a Man sees, will not get credit with any but such who abandon their Judgments to an implicite Faith: nor can the Determinations of all the Parliaments in the World make a thing Just or Necessary, if it be not so of it self. And can it be imagined, that any who were ever acquainted with the Passages at the Treaties of Oxford and Vxbridge will believe (though it be said) that the Propositions tendred at Newcastle were the same in effect which had been presented to the King before, in the midst of all His strength and Forces? Indeed methinks such gross slips as these should at least make a man be wary how to believe such things for which He sees no Proofs: And yet it should seem that a man must either take their words for good payment, or remain unsatisfied; for a little after it is said, that the Kings strange, unexpected and conditional Answers or Denials might justly have made them consider some other course for setling the Kingdom in Peace and Safe∣ty, without any farther Application; but never shewn wherein the strangeness of His An∣swers or Denials consists. And I should think that those Reasons upon which the laying by of a King's Authority is grounded (for it is no less) ought to be particularly mentioned for the Worlds satisfaction, and not involved in general big words: for it thereby seems that it is their force of Arms, more than that of Reason which they trust to, for procuring of obe∣dience to their Determinations, or belief to what they say: Otherways can it be imagined that their saying, that their last Propositions were so qualified, that (where it might stand with the publick Safety) the wonted Scruples and Objections were prevented or removed, can give satisfa∣ction to any rational man, who hath seen all their former Propositions? for it is most evi∣dent that their Demands have always encreased with their good Fortune.

And for their great Condescension to a Personal Treaty (which, under favour, can scarce∣ly Page  133 be called so; for the King, though He had granted what was desired, was not to come either to or near London, but to stay in the Isle of Wight, and there to Treat with Com∣missioners) upon signing the Four Bills; surely they incurred therein but little danger: for it is most evident that they contain the very substance of the most essential parts of their Demands; which being once granted, the King would neither have had power to deny, nor any thing left worth the refusing: for after He had confessed that He had ta∣ken up Arms to invade the Liberty of His People, (whereas it was only for the Defence of His own Rights) and had likewise condemned all those who had faithfully served Him, of Rebellion; and that He had totally devested Himself, His Heirs and Successors for ever, of the power of the Sword, whereby the Protection of His Subjects (which is one of the most essential and necessary Rights belonging to Regal Authority) is totally torn away from the Crown; and that by a silent Confession He had done Himself and Successors an irreparable prejudice concerning the great Seal (I speak not of the other two Bills, neither of which are of little importance) what was there more for Him to grant (worth the in∣sisting upon) after such Concessions? or, indeed, what power was left Him to deny any thing? So that the King's necessity of giving the Answer He did (for it was no absolute Refusal) is most evident; unless He had resolved to have lived in quiet without Honour, and to have given His People Peace without Safety, by abandoning them to an arbitrary and unlimited power of the two Houses for ever, concerning the levying of Land or Sea-Forces, without stinting of numbers or distinction of persons; and for Payments, to levy such summes of Monies, in such sort and by such ways and means, as they shall think fit and appoint. And now I cannot but ask, is this the Militia that the King contends for? or did ever any King of England pretend to or seek for such a Power? surely no; but this is a new Militia: and take heed lest this should prove like the Roman Praetorian Cohorts, that what they did in chusing and changing Emperours, these do not to this Government, by moulding and altering it according to their Fancies. Now my eagerness to clear this Point concerning the four Bills had almost made me forget a most material Question. I wonder much wherein the Danger consists of a Personal Treaty with the King ever since He was last at Newcastle. Surely He cannot bring Forces along with Him to awe His two Houses of Parliament; and it is as well known that He hath not Money to raise an Ar∣my; and truly there is as little fear that the Eloquence of His Tongue should work Mira∣cles: but on the contrary if He were so ill a man as you describe Him to be, whatsoever He shall say or write must more prejudice Him than You: for let Him never flatter Him∣self, it must be clear, not doubtful, Reason that can prevail against that great visible pre∣vailing Power which now opposes Him; nor do I say it will, but certainly less cannot do it. Where is then the Danger? Believe it, Reason will hardly maintain those who are afraid of her.

After this it is said, that they had cause enough to remember that the King sometimes denied to receive their humble Petitions: but they neither tell where nor when; which I am most confident they cannot: but I am certain that the King hath sent divers Messages of Peace to them, unto which He hath yet had no Answer; namely, His last from Oxford, of the 15. January 1645. and all the rest since. As for the Fight at Brainford, whosoever will read the Collection of the Declarations in print upon that subject, will clearly find that the King hath more reason to complain, that they under colour of Treaty sought to environ Him with their Forces, than they for what He then did: and His retreat was neither for Fear nor with Shame; for the appearing of the Enemy made Him retard, not hasten His orders for retiring, which divers hours before their appearing He had gi∣ven; which He did without any loss at all, but (on the contrary) retreated with more Arms, eleven Colours, and fifteen pieces of Ordnance (beside good store of Ammunition) than He had before. And for Cruelty, there was not a drop of Blood shed but in the heat of the Fight, for I saw above five hundred Prisoners who (only promising never after to bear Arms against the King) were freely released.

Again, they seem to have good Memories, saying, that the King once sent them a spe∣cious Message of renewing a Treaty, when at the same time His Messenger was instructed how to manage that bloody Massacre in London, which was then design'd by virtue of the King's Com∣mission since published. And hath the King sent but one Message for the renewing of a Treaty? Then what was that from Tavestock in August 1644. and* five others from Ox∣ford the next year? But indeed this that is here mentioned they knew not how to answer (for at that time they knew not the way of silence) but by this forged Accusation against the Messenger; who, I dare say, knew nothing of that which might have been (at that time) intended for the King's service by some who had more Zeal than Judgment. But that there was a Massacre intended, or that any Commission from the King should counte∣nance such a Design, is a most notorious Slander. As for the King's mentioned Letter to Page  134 the Queen, I am confident that any judicious Reader will find the Gloss made upon it very much wrested. And certainly after-Ages will think these Times very barbarous, wherein private Letters betwixt Man and Wife are published to open view: and in other Coun∣tries there is such respect carried to private Letters of Princes, that (to my knowledge) the last Emperour, in the greatest heat of the Bohemian War, having intercepted a Packet wherein were private Letters to King JAMES of blessed Memory (who was then known no great Friend to the Emperour) from His only Daughter, then avowedly the Empe∣rour's greatest Enemy; yet He sent them to the King, without the least offer of violence to the Seals.

And now I come to their Determination upon the whole matter, what Course they have resolved to take with the King: their words are, But notwithstanding this and other former Tenders, we have now received such a Denial, that we are in Despair of any good by Ad∣dresses to the King; neither must we be so injurious to the People in further delaying their Set∣tlement, as any more to press His Consent to these or any other Propositions. Besides, it is Re∣solv̄ed upon the Question, That they will receive no more any Message from the King; and do enjoyn, That no persons do presume to receive or bring any Message from the King to both or ei∣ther Houses of Parliament, or to any other person. Thus you see that the King is laid by: but that is not all; for He must neither justifie His Innocency against Calumny, nor is there any way left Him to mend any Errour that He may have committed. Is this a Just way of proceeding, when Truth, though offered, must not be heard, and that no way must be left to recant an Errour? And why all this Severity? Because (as I have already shewn you) the King will not injure His Conscience or Honour, nor suffer His People to be oppressed; to which they give the Term of such a Denial, though really it was none. But since they thus seek to hoodwink the People, it is no great Wonder that they forbid the King to repent Him of those Faults which He never committed: and I believe all In∣different men will easily judge of the King's Innocency even by their way of accusation: for those who will lay such high Crimes to His charge, as the breach of Oaths, Vows, Pro∣testations and Imprecations, would not spare to bring their Proofs if they had any. But on the contrary it is known to all the World, that He had not suffer'd as He has done, if He would have dispensed with that part of His Coronation-Oath which He made to the Clergy; which is no great sign that He makes slight of His Engagements: of which it is so univer∣sally known that He has been so Religiously careful, as I hold it a wrong to His Innocen∣cy, to seek to clear Him of such Slanders for which there are no Proofs alledged; for Malice being once detected, is best answered with Neglect and Silence. And was there ever greater or more apparent Malice, than to offer to put the horrid slander of Parricide upon Him, who was eminently known to be as obedient and loving a Son to His blessed Father as any History can make mention of? But indeed the loss of Rochel doth fitly fol∣low; to shew how Malice, when it is at the height, is ordinarily accompanied: for there are none but ignorant or forgetful men, who know not that it was merely the want of As∣sistance from the Two Houses of Parliament (contrary to their Publick General Engage∣ment) that lost Rochel; and there is nothing more clear (to any who hath known French Occurrences) than that real Assistance, which the King, to the uttermost of His Power, gave to those of the Religion at that time, made the Cardinal Richelieu an irreconcileable enemy to the King. Wherefore I cannot but say, that it is a strange forgetful Boldness to charge the King with that which was evidently other mens faults.

There are also other things that to any knowing man will rather seem Jeers than Accu∣sations; as the German Horse, and Spanish Fleet in the year 1639. But my Affection shall not so blind me, as to say that the King never erred; yet, as when a just Debt is paid, Bonds ought to be cancell'd; so Grievances, be they never so just, being once redressed, ought no more to be objected as Errours. And it is no Paradox to affirm, that Truths this way told are no better than Slanders: and such are the Catalogue of Grievances here enumerated; which when they are well examined, every one of them, will not be found such as here they are described to be.

Now as concerning those Discourses which mention the beginnings of these Troubles, (which are in Two several places of this Declaration) I will only say this, that what the King did upon those Occasions, was merely to defend the Rights of His Crown, which were and are evidently sought to be torn from Him. Nor can I acknowledge all those Relations to be true, such as Private Levies of men by Popish Agents, Arming of Papists in the North, Calling in of Danish Forces, and the like: And as for the stale Slander of calling up the Northern Army, now renewed, it is well known that the Two Houses (even at that time) were not so partial to the King, as to have conceal'd a Practice of that kind, if they could have got it sufficiently proved.

But if the Irish Rebellion can be justly charged upon the King, then I shall not blame any Page  135 for believing all the rest of the Allegations against Him: only I protest against all Rebels Testimony as good Proof; it being most certain by experience, that they who make no Con∣science of Rebelling, will make less of Lying when it is for their Advantage. And it is no little wonder that so grave an Assembly as the House of Commons should so slightly exa∣mine a Business of that Great Weight, as to alledg that the Scots Great Seal did counte∣nance the Irish Rebellion; when I know it can be proved by Witnesses without exception, that for many months before, until the now Lord Chancellor had the keeping of it, there was nothing at all Sealed by it. Nor concerning this great point will I only say, that the King is Innocent, and bid them prove (which to most Accusations is a sufficient Answer) but I can prove, that if the King had been obeyed in the Irish Affairs before He went last into Scotland, there had been no Irish Rebellion; and after it was begun, it had in few months been suppressed, if His Directions had been observed. For if the King had been suffered to have performed His Engagements to the Irish Agents, and had disposed of the discontented Irish Army beyond Sea (according to His Contracts with the French and Spanish Ambassa∣dours) there is nothing more clear, than that there could have been no Rebellion in Ireland; because they had wanted both Pretence and Means to have made one. Then, when it was broken forth, if those vigorous courses had been pursued which the King proposed, (first to the Scots, then to the English Parliament) doubtless that Rebellion had been soon suppressed. But what He proposed took so little effect, that in many months after there was nothing sent into Ireland but what the King Himself sent (assisted by the Duke of Richmond) before He came from Scotland, unto Sir Rob. Steward; which, though it were little, will be found to have done much service, as may be seen by the said Sir Robert's voluntary Testimony gi∣ven in writing to the Parliament Commissioners then attending the King at Stoak. And cer∣tainly a greater Evidence for Constancy in Religion there cannot be, than the King shewed in His Irish Treaty; for in the time that He most needed Assistance, it was in His Power to have made that Kingdom declare unanimously for Him, and have had the whole Forces thereof employed in His Service, if He would have granted their Demand in Points of Re∣ligion, they not insisting on any thing of Civil Government, which His Majesty might not have granted without prejudice to Regal Authority: and this can be clearly proved by the Marquess of Ormond's Treaties with the Irish, not without very good Evidence by some of the King's Letters to the Queen which were taken at Naseby, that are purposely concea∣led, lest they should too plainly discover the King's detestation of that Rebellion, and His rigid firmness to the Protestant Profession. Nor can I end this Point, without remarking with wonder, that Men should have so ill Memories as again to renew that old Slander of the King's giving Passes to divers Papists, and Persons of Quality who headed the Rebels; of which He so cleared Himself, that He demanded Reparation for it, but could not have it, albeit no shew of Proof could be produced for that Allegation: as is most plainly to be seen in the first book of the Collection of all Remonstrances, Declarations, &c. fol. 69, & 70.

Thus having given a particular Answer to the most material Points in this Declaration, the rest are such frivolous, malicious, and many of them groundless Calumnies, that Con∣tempt is the best Answer for them. Yet one thing more I must observe, that they not only endeavour to make Fables pass for currant Coyn, but likewise seek to blind mens Judge∣ments with false Inferences upon some Truths. For Example, it is true that the King hath said in some of His Speeches or Declarations, That He oweth an Accompt of His Actions to none but God alone; and that the Houses of Parliament joynt or separate have no Power either to make or declare any Law: But that this is a fit foundation for all Tyranny, I must utterly deny. In∣deed if it had been said, that the King without the Two Houses of Parliament could make or de∣clare Laws, then there might be some strength in the Argument: but before this Parliament it was never so much as pretended, that either or both Houses without the King could make or declare any Law; and certainly His Majesty is not the first (and I hope will not be the last) King of England, that hath not held Himself Accomptable to any Earthly Pow∣er. Besides, it will be found that this His Majesty's Position is most agreeable to all Divine and Humane Laws; so far it is from being Destructive to a Kingdom, or a Foundation for Tyranny.

To conclude, I appeal to God and the World, whether it can be parallel'd by Example, or warranted by Justice, that any man should be slander'd, yet denied the sight thereof, and so far from being permitted to answer, that if he have erred, there is no way left him to ac∣knowledge or mend it: and yet this is the King's present Condition; who is at this time laid aside, because He will not consent that the old Fundamental Laws of this Land be changed, Regal Power destroyed, nor His People submitted to a new Arbitrary Tyrannical Government.

Page  136

III. His Majesty's Declaration concerning the Treaty, and His dislike of the Armies Proceedings, Nov. 22. MDCXLVIII.

Delivered by His Majesty to one of His Servants at His departure from the Isle of Wight, and commanded to be published for satisfaction of all His Subjects.

WHen large pretences prove but the shadows of weak performance, then the great∣est labours produce the smallest effects; and when a period is put to a work of great concernment, all mens ears do (as it were) hunger till they are satisfied in their expe∣ctations. Hath not this distracted Nation groaned a long time under the burthen of Ty∣ranny and Oppression? and hath not all the blood that hath been spilt these seven years been cast upon My head, who am the greatest sufferer, though the least guilty? and was it not re∣quisite to endeavour the stopping of that flux, which, if not stopt, will bring an absolute destruction to this Nation? And what more speedy way was there to consummate those distractions than by a Personal Treaty, being agreed upon by My two Houses of Parliament, and condescended to by Me? And I might declare, that I conceive it had been the best Phy∣sick, had not the operation been hindred by the interposition of this imperious Army, who were so audacious as to style Me, in their unparallel'd Remonstrance, their capital Enemy. But let the World judge whether Mine endeavours have not been attended with reality in this late Treaty, and whether I was not as ready to grant as they were to ask; and yet all this is not satisfaction to them, that pursue their own ambitious ends more than the wel∣fare of a miserable Land. Were not the dying hearts of My poor distressed People much revived with the hopes of a happiness from this Treaty? and how suddenly are they frustra∣ted in their expectations? Have not I formerly been condemned for yielding too little to My two Houses of Parliament, and shall I now be condemned for yielding too much? Have I not formerly been imprisoned for making War, and shall I now be condemned for ma∣king Peace? Have I not formerly ruled like a King, and shall I now be ruled like a Slave? Have I not formerly enjoyed the society of My dear Wife and Children in peace and qui∣etness, and shall I now neither enjoy them, nor Peace? Have not My Subjects formerly obey∣ed Me, and shall I now be obedient to My Subjects? Have I not been condemned for Evil Counsellors, and shall I now be condemned for having no Counsel but God? These are un∣utterable miseries, that the more I endeavour for Peace, the less My endeavours are respect∣ed: And how shall I know hereafter what to grant, when your selves know not what to ask? I refer it to your Consciences, whether I have not satisfied your desires in every parti∣cular since this Treaty; if you find I have not, then let Me bear the burthen of the fault: but if I have given you ample satisfaction, (as I am sure I have) then you are bound to vindi∣cate Me from the fury of those whose thoughts are filled with blood: though they pre∣tend zeal, yet they are but Wolves in Sheeps cloathing.

I must further declare, that there is nothing can more obstruct the long-hoped-for Peace of this Nation, than the illegal proceedings of them that presume from Servants to become Masters, and labour to bring in Democracy, and to abolish Monarchy. Needs must the to∣tal alteration of Fundamentals be not only destructive to others, but in conclusion to them∣selves: for they that endeavour to rule by the Sword, shall at last fall by it; for Faction is the Mother of Ruine: and it is the humour of those who are of this Weather-cock-like dispo∣sition, to love nothing but mutabilities, neither will that please them, but only pro tempore; for the too much variety doth but confound the senses, and makes them still hate one folly, and fall in love with another.

Time is the best cure for Faction, for it will at length (like a spreading Leprosie) infect the whole body of the Kingdom, and make it so odious, that at last they will hate them∣selves for love of that, and, like the Fish, for love of the bait, be catch'd with the hook.

I once more declare to all My loving Subjects, and God knows whether or no this may be My last, that I have earnestly laboured for Peace, and that My thoughts were sincere and absolute, without any sinister ends, and there was nothing left undone by Me that My Con∣science would permit Me to do. And I call God to witness, that I do firmly conceive that the interposition of the Army (that cloud of Malice) hath altogether eclipsed the glory of that Peace which began again to shine in this Land: And let the World judg, whether it be expedient for an Army to contradict the Votes of a Kingdom, endeavouring, by pretending Laws and Liberties, to subvert both. Such Actions as these must produce strange consequen∣ces, and set open the floud-gates of ruine, to overflow this Kingdom in a moment. Had this Treaty been only Mine own seeking, then they might have had fairer pretences to have stopt the course of it; but I being importun'd by My two Houses, and they by most part of the Kingdom, could not but with a great deal of alacrity concur with them in their de∣sires, Page  137 for the performance of so commodious a work: and I hope by this time that the hearts and eyes of My People are opened so much, that they plainly discover who are the under∣miners of this Treaty.

For Mine own part, I here protest before the face of Heaven, that Mine own Afflictions (though they need no addition) afflict Me not so much as My Peoples sufferings; for I know what to trust to already, and they know not. God comfort both them and Me, and pro∣portion our Patience to our Sufferings.

And when the Malice of Mine Enemies is spun out to the smallest thread, let them know that I will, by the grace of God, be as contented to suffer, as they are active to advance My sufferings: and Mine own Soul tells Me, that the time will come, when the very clouds shall drop down vengeance upon the heads of those that barricado themselves against the Pro∣ceedings of Peace: for if God hath proclaimed a blessing to the Peace-makers, needs must the Peace-breakers draw down curses upon their heads.

I thank My God, I have armed My self against their fury: and now let the arrows of their Envy fly at Me, I have a breast to receive them, and a heart possest with patience to sustain them; for God is My Rock and My Shield, therefore I will not fear what man can do unto Me. I will expect the worst; and if any thing happen beyond My expectation, I will give God the glory, for vain is the help of man.

Queries propounded by His MAJESTY, when the Armies Remonstrance was read unto Him at NEWPORT, concerning the intended Tryal of His MAJESTY.

I. WHether this Remonstrance be agreeable to the former Declarations of the Army: and if not, whether the Parliament would make good their Votes, that after He had consented to what they desired, He should be in a capacity of Honour, Freedom, and Safety.

II. Whether His acknowledgment of the bloud that hath been spilt in the late Wars, (nothing being as yet absolutely concluded or binding) could be urged so far as to be made use of by way of Evidence against Him, or any of His Party.

III. Whether the Arguments that He hath used in a free and Personal Treaty, to lessen or extenuate, and avoid the exactness of any of the Conditions, though in manner and form only, might be charged against Him as an act of Obstinacy, or wilful persistance in what is alledged against Him, in that He goes on in a destructive course of enmity against the People and the Laws of the Land, when He hath declared, that His Consci∣ence was satisfied concerning divers particulars in the Propositions.

IV. Whereas by the letter of the Law all persons charged to offend against the Law ought to be tryed by their Peers or Equals, what the Law is, if the Person questioned is without a Peer. And if the Law (which of it self is but a dead letter) seems to con∣demn Him, by what power shall Judgement be given, and who shall give it? or from whence shall the administrators of such Judgement derive their power, which may (by the same Law) be deemed the supreme power, or authority of Magistracy in the King∣dom?

Page  138

HIS MAJESTY'S LETTERS.

I. To the House of Peers, about the Reprieve of the Earl of STRAFFORD: Sent by the PRINCE.

From White-Hall, May 11. MDCXLI.

My Lords,

I Did yesterday satisfie the Justice of the Kingdom, by passing the Bill of Attainder against the Earl of Strafford: But Mercy being as inherent and inseparable to a King as Justice, I desire at this time in some measure to shew that likewise, by suffering that unfortu∣nate man to fulfil the natural course of his life in a close Impri∣sonment; yet so, that if ever he make the least offer to escape, or offer directly or indirectly to meddle in any sort of publick bu∣siness, especially with Me, either by Message or Letter, it shall cost him his Life without further Process. This, if it may be done with∣out the discontentment of My People, will be an unspeakable con∣tentment to Me.

To which end, as in the first place I by this Letter do earnestly desire your approbation, and to endear it the more, have chosen Him to carry it that of all your House is most dear unto Me: So I desire, that by a Conference you will endeavour to give the House of Com∣mons contentment; likewise assuring you, that the exercise of Mercy is no more pleasing to Me, than to see both Houses of Parliament content for My sake, that I should moderate the severity of the Law in so important a case.

I will not say that your complying with Me in this My intended Mercy shall make Me more willing, but certainly it will make Me more chearful, in granting your just Grievan∣ces. But if no less than his Life can satisfie My People, I must say, Fiat Justitia.

Thus again recommending the consideration of My intentions to you, I rest,

Your unalterable and affectionate Friend, C. R

White-Hall May 11. 1641.

If he must die, it were charity to reprieve him till Saturday.

II. To the QUEEN.

OXFORD, January 23. MDCXLII. III.

Dear Heart,

SAturday and Sunday last I received two from Thee, of the 29. of December, 9. of January, both which gave Me such contentment, as Thou maist better judg than I describe: the which that Thou maist the better do, know, I was full three weeks, wanting but one day, without hearing from Thee; beside scurvy London news of Thy stay and lameness, which, though I did not believe, yet it vext Me so much the more, that I could not prove them ly∣ars. So now I conjure Thee by the affection Thou bearest Me, not only to judg, but likewise participate with Me in the contentment Thou hast given Me by assuring Me of Thy health and speedy return.

Concerning 45. 31. 7. 4. 132 300. I will answer Thee in Thy own words, Je be remette∣ray a vous respondre per bouche, being confident that way to give Thee contentment: In the mean time assure Thy self, that I neither have nor will lose any time in that business, and that I have not contented My self with generals.

And though I hope shortly to have the happiness of Thy company, yet I must tell Thee of some particulars in which I desire both Thy opinion and assistance. I am persecuted concerning Places, and all desire to be put upon Thee, for the which I cannot blame them; and yet Thou knowest I have no reason to do it. Newark desireth Savil's place, upon con∣dition to leave it when his Father dieth; Carenworth the same, being contented to pay for it, or give the profit to whom or how I please: Digby and Dunsmore for to be Captain of the Page  139 Pensioners; Hartford once looked after it, but now I believe he expects either to be Treasu∣rer, or of My Bed-chamber; I incline rather to the latter, if Thou like it, for I absolutely hold Cottington the fittest man for the other. There is one that doth not yet pretend, that doth deserve as well as any, I mean Capel; therefore I desire thy assistance to find somewhat for him before he ask. One place I must fill before I can have Thy opinion; it is the Master of the Wards. I have thought upon Nicholas, being confident that Thou wilt not mislike My choice: and if he cannot perform both, Ned Hyde must be Secretary, for indeed I can trust no other.

Now I have no more time to speak of more, but to desire Thee not to engage Thy self for any. So I rest, Eternally thine,

C. R.

Oxford, 2. Feb. 23. Jan.

III. To the QUEEN.

OXFORD, February 13. MDCXLIII.

Dear Heart,

I Never till now knew the good of Ignorance, for I did not know the danger that Thou wert in by the storm, before I had certain assurance of Thy happy escape; we having had a pleasing false report of Thy safe landing at Newcastle, which Thine of the 19. Jan. so confirmed us in, that we at least were not undeceived of that hope, till we knew certainly how great a danger Thou hast past, of which I shall not be out of apprehension, until I may have the happiness of Thy company; for indeed I think it not the least of My misfortunes, that for My sake Thou hast run so much hazard: In which Thou hast ex∣pressed so much love to Me, that I confess it is impossible to repay by any thing I can do, much less by words: but My heart being full of affection for Thee, admiration of Thee, and impatient passion of gratitude to Thee, I could not but say something, leaving the rest to be read by Thee out of Thine own noble heart.

The intercepting of Mine to Thee of the* 23. February has bred great discourse in seve∣ral persons, and of several kinds: as My saying I was persecuted for places, is applied to all and only those that I there name to be Suitors; whereas the truth is, I meant thereby the importunity of others whom at that time I had not time to name, as well as some there mentioned: for I confess 174. and 133. are not guilty of that fault. Some find fault with too much kindness to Thee (Thou maist easily vote from what Constellation that comes) but I assure such, that I want expression, not will, to do it ten times more to Thee on all occasions. Others press Me, as being brought upon the Stage: but I answer, that having profest to have Thy advice, it were a wrong to Thee to do any thing before I had it.

As for our Treaty (leaving the particulars to this inclosed) I am confident Thou wilt be content with it as concerning My part in it; for all the Souldiers are well pleased with what I have done: but expect no Cessation of Arms, for the lower House will have none without a disbanding, and I will not disband till all be agreed.

Lastly, for our Military affairs, I thank God that here and in the West they prosper well: as for the North I refer Thee to 226. 140. information.

So daily expecting and praying for good news from Thee—

Oxford 13. Feb. 1643.

Copy to My Wife, February 1643.

IV. To the QUEEN.

OXFORD, Mar. 2. 12. MDCXLII.

Dear Heart,

THough ever since Sunday last I had good hopes of Thy happy landing, yet I had not the certain news thereof before yesterday; when I likewise understood of Thy safe coming to York. I hope thou expectest not Welcome from Me in words; but when I shall be wanting in any other way (according to My wit and Power) of expressing My Love to Thee, then let all honest Men hate and eschew Me like a Monster: And yet when I shall have done My part, I confess that I shall come short of what Thou deservest of Me.

H. 3. 189. e. 3. 42. 17. 25. 27. 39. 21. 66. a. 1. 45. 31. 7. 4. 32. 18. 47. 46. 9. 3. d. 4. g. 4. 46. 35. 67. 48. 7. 40. 5. 43. 74. 3. 41. 7. 33. 62. 8. 63. 68. 50. 64. 34. 9. 51. 45. 69. 46. 37. deer. 45. 31. 7. 1. 33. 18. 49. 47. 19. 21. 10. 70. 13. 7. 45. 58. 8. 3. 41. 10. this a. 2. 324. in the mean time 46. 31. 7. 50. e. 3. 20. 3. 6. 8. 48. 75. 41. 9. 2. upon 60. 19. 50. 61. 27. 26. 7. 69. 12. 19. 47. 45. 8. 24.

Yesterday there were Articles of a Cessation brought Me from London, but so unreaso∣nable that I cannot grant them: Yet to undeceive the people by shewing it is not I, but those who have caused and fostered this Rebellion, that desire the continuance of this War and universal distraction; I am framing Articles fit for that purpose; both which, by My next, I mean to send Thee.

219. b. 3. 58. 51. 75. 46. 7. 3. 45. 37. 2. 189. 46. 38. 1. g. 1. 173.. 131. which I think fit to be done, a. 5. 4. 30. 3. n. 5. d. 3. 46. 31. 8. 10. 2. 32. 18. 64. 7. 3. 45. 31. 9. 66. 46. 32. 19. 41. 25. 48. k. 1. e. 4. 67. 69. 63. I am now confident that 173 is right for My Service.

Page  140 Since the taking of Cicester there is nothing of note done of either side; wherefore that little news that is, I leave to others. Only this I assure Thee, that the distractions of the Rebels are such that so many fine designs are laid open to us, we know not which first to undertake. But certainly My first and chiefest care is and shall be to secure Thee, and hasten our meeting.

So longing to hear from thee, I rest, eternally Thine,

C. R.

Oxford 2. 12. March 1642.

The last I received of Thine was dated the 16. 6. Feb. And I believe none of My four last are come to Thee. Their Dates are 13. 3. 23. 13. 25. 15. Feb. and 20. Feb. or Mar. 2.

V. The QUEEN to the KING.

YORK, March 30. MDCXLIII.

My Dear Heart,

I Need not tell You from whence this Bearer comes; only I will tell You that the Pro∣positions which he brings You are good, but 260. I believe that it is not yet time to put them into execution: therefore find some means to send them back, which may not discontent them, and do not tell who gave You this advice.

Sir Hugh Cholmely is come with a Troop of Horse to kiss My Hands; the rest of his people he left at Scarborough, with a Ship laden with Arms, which the Ships of the Par∣liament had taken and brought thither: so she is ours.

The Rebels have quitted Tadcaster upon our sending Forces to Wetherby, but they are returned with twelve hundred men: we send more forces to drive them out, though those we have already at Wetherby are sufficient: but we fear lest they have all their Forces there∣about, and lest they have some design; for they have quitted Selby and Cawood, the last of which they have burnt. Between this and to morrow night we shall know the issue of this business, and I will send You an express. I am the more careful to advertise You of what we do, that You and we may find means to have pass-ports, to send: And I wonder that upon the Cessation You have not demanded that You might send in safety. This shews My Love.

I understand to day from London, that they will have no Cessation, and that they treat at the beginning of the two first Articles, which is of the Forts, Ships, and Ammunition; and afterwards of the disbanding of the Army. Certainly, I wish a Peace more than any, and that with greater reason; but I would the disbanding of the perpetual Parliament first, and certainly the rest will be easily afterwards. I do not say this of My own head alone; for generally both those who are for You and against You in this Country-wish an end of it: And I am certain that if You demand it at the first, in case it be not granted, Hull is ours, and all Yorkshire, which is a thing to consider of. And for My particular, if You make a Peace, and disband Your Army before there is an end to this perpetual Parliament, I am absolutely resolved to go into France, not being willing to fall again into the hands of those People, being well assured, that if the power remain with them, it will not be well for Me in England. Remember what I have written to You in three precedent Letters, and be more careful of Me than You have been, or at least dissemble it, to the end that no notice be taken of it. Adieu. The Man hastens Me, so that I can say no more.

York,this 30. of March.

VI. The QUEEN to the KING.

YORK, Apr. 3. MDCXLIII.

THIS Letter should have gone by a man of MrDenedsdale, who is gone, and all the beginning of this Letter was upon this subject; and therefore by this Man it signifies nothing: But the end was so pleasing that I do not forbear to send it to You.

You now know by Elliot the issue of the business of Tadcaster: Since we had almost lost Scarborough; whilst Cholmely was here, Brown Bushell would have rendred it up to the Par∣liament; but Cholmely having had notice of it, is gone with our Forces, and hath re-taken it, and hath desired to have a Lieutenant and Forces of ours to put in it, for which we should take his. He hath also taken two Pinnaces from Hotham, which brought 44. men to put within Scarborough, 10 pieces of Cannon, 4 Barrels of Powder, 4 of Bullet. This is all our news. Our Army marches to morrow to put an end to Fairfax's Excellency. And I will make an end of this Letter, this third of April. I have had no news of You since Parsons.

30 March. 3 April.

Page  141

VII. The QUEEN to the KING.

NEWARK, June 27. MDCXLIII.

My Dear Heart,

I Received just now Your Letter by My Lord Savile, who found Me ready to go away, staying but for one thing for which You will well pardon two days stop; It is to have Hull and Lincoln. Young Hotham having been put in prison by Order of Parliament, is escaped, and hath sent to 260. that he would cast himself into His arms, and that Hull and Lincoln should be rendred. He is gone to his Father, and 260. writes for Your answer. So that I think I shall go hence Friday or Saturday, and shall go lye at Werton, and from thence to Ashby, where we will resolve what way to take; and I will stay there a day, because that the march of the day before will have been somewhat great, and also to know how the Enemy marches, all their Forces of Nottingham at present being gone to Leicester and Derby, which makes us believe that it is to intercept our passage. As soon as we have resolved, I will send you word. At this present I think it fit to let You know the state in which we march, and what I leave behind Me for the safety of Lincolnshire and Notting∣hamshire. I leave 2000 foot, and wherewithal to arm 500 more; 20 Companies of Horse: all this to be under Charles Cavendish, whom the Gentlemen of the Country have desired Me not to carry with Me against his will, for he desired extreamly not to go. The Enemies have left within Nottingham 1000. I carry with Me 3000 Foot, 30 Companies of Horse and Dragoons, 6 pieces of Cannon, and two Morters. Harry Jermyn commands the Forces which go with Me, as Colonel of My Guard, and Sir Alexander Lesley the Foot under Him, and Gerard the Horse, and Robin Legg the Artillery, and Her She-Majestie Generalissima, and extreamly diligent with 150 Waggons of Baggage to govern in case of a Battle. Have a care that no Troop of Essex's Army incommodate us, for I hope that for the rest we shall be strong enough, for at Nottingham we have had the experience, one of our Troops having beaten six of theirs, and made them fly.

I have received Your Proclamation or Declaration, which I wish had not been made, being extreamly disadvantagious for You; for You shew too much fear, and do not what You had resolved upon.

Farewell, My Dear Heart. 27. June 1643.

VIII. The QUEEN to the KING.

BATH, Apr. 21. MDCXLIV.

My Dear Heart,

FRed. Cornwallis will have told You all our voyage as far as Adbury, and the state of My health. Since My coming hither I find My self ill, as well in the ill rest that I have, as in the increase of My Rheum. I hope that this days rest will do Me good. I go to mor∣row to Bristol, to send You back the Carts; many of them are already returned.

My Lord Dillon told Me, not directly from You, though he says You approve it, that it was fit I should write a Letter to the Commissioners of Ireland to this effect, That they ought to desist from those things for the present which they had put in their Paper; and to assure them, that when You shall be in another condition than You are now, that You will give them contentment.

I thought it to be a matter of so great engagement, that I dare not do it without Your command: Therefore if it please You that I should do so, send Me what You would have Me write, that I may not do more than what You appoint; and also that it being Your com∣mand, You may hold to that which I promise: for I should be very much grieved to write any thing which I would not hold to; and when You have promised it Me, I will be con∣fident. I believe also, that to write to My Lord Muskery without the rest will be enough, for the Letter which I shall write to him shall be with My own hand; and if it be to all Your Commissioners, it shall be by the Secretary.

Farewel, My Dear Heart; I cannot write any more, but that I am absolutely Yours.

IX. To the Earl of ESSEX at LESTITHIEL.

LISKARD, August 6. MDCXLIV.

Essex,

I Have been very willing to believe, that whenever there should be such a conjuncture as to put it in your power to effect that happy settlement of this miserable Kingdom which all good men desire, you would lay hold of it. That season is now before you; you have it at this time in your power to redeem your Country and the Crown, and to oblige your King in the highest degree, (an Action certainly of the greatest Piety, Pru∣dence and Honour) such an opportunity as perhaps no Subject before you hath ever had, Page  142 or after you shall have. To which there is no more required but that you join with Me heartily and really in the setling of those things which we have both professed constantly to be our only aims. Let us do this: and if any shall be so foolishly unnatural as to oppose their King's, their Country's, and their own good, we will make them happy (by God's blessing) even against their wills.

The only impediment can be want of mutual confidence. I promise it you on My part, as I have endeavoured to prepare it on yours, by My Letter to Hertford from Evesholm. I hope this will perfect it, when (as here I do) I shall have engaged unto you the word of a King that you joyning with Me in that blessed work, I shall give both to you and your Army such eminent marks of My Confidence and value, as shall not leave room for the least di∣strust amongst you, either in relation to the Publick, or your self, unto whom I shall then be

Liskard, Aug. 6. 1644.

Your faithful Friend, C. R.

If you like of this, hearken to this Bearer, whom I have fully instructed in particulars: But this will admit of no delay.

X. To the Prince ELECTOR.

TAVESTOCK, September 17. MDCXLIV.

Nephew,

IT being a Natural curiosity in Me to know the reason of your Actions, I had never so much reason as now to desire it. As I wondred at, so as yet I never knew the reason of your journey from York to Holland: But your coming at this time into the Kingdom is in all respects much more strange unto Me; yet 'tis possible that the latter may interpret the former. And believe Me, the consideration of your Mother's Son is the chief, I may say the only, cause of My curiosity: For as to My Affairs, your being here in the way you are, is not of that importance as to make Me curious to inquire upon your Actions. But the great affection I bear My Sister, being a sufficient reason for Me to desire that all who appertain to Her should give a fair account of their Actions, makes Me now ask you, first upon what invitation you are come, then the design of your coming: wishing by your Answer I may have the same cause and comfort I have heretofore had to be

Tavestock, Sept. 17. 1644.

Your Loving Uncle and faithful Friend, C. R.

XI. To the Marquess of ORMOND.

OXFORD, December 15. MDCXLIV.

Ormond,

I Am sorry to find by Colonel Barry the sad condition of your particular fortune, for which I cannot find so good and speedy remedy as the Peace of Ireland, it being likewise most necessary to redress affairs here: wherefore I command you to dispatch it out of hand, for the doing of which I hope My publick Dispatch will give you sufficient Instruction and Power; yet I have thought it necessary, for your more encouragement in this necessary work, to make this addition with My own hand.

As for Poining's Act, I refer you to My other Letter: And for matter of Religion, though I have not found it fit to take publick notice of the Paper which Brown gave you, yet I must command you to give him, My L. Muskery and Plunket particular thanks for it, assuring them that without it there could have been no Peace; and that sticking to it, their Nation in general and they in particular shall have comfort in what they have done. And to shew that this is more than words, I do hereby promise them, (and command you to see it done) that the Penal Statutes against Roman Catholicks shall not be put in execution, the Peace being made, and they remaining in their due obedience: and further, that when the Irish give Me that assistance which they have promised for the suppression of this Rebel∣lion, and I shall be restored to My Rights, then I will consent to the Repeal of them by a Law; but all those against Appeals to Rome and Praemunire must stand.

All this in Cypher you must impart to none but those three already named, and that with injunction of strictest secrecy. So again recommending to your care the speedy dis∣patch of the Peace of Ireland, and my necessary supply from thence, as I wrote to you in My last private Letter, I rest.

XII. The QUEEN to the KING.

PARIS, January 6. December 27. MDCXLIV. V.

Paris, January,

I Have received one of Your Letters dated from Marleborow of an old date, having received many others more fresh, to which I have made answer. I will say nothing concerning this, but only concerning the affair of Gor. If it be not done, it is time, being very sea∣sonable at this time, which I did not believe before.

I understand that the Commissioners are arrived at London. I have nothing to say, but Page  143 that You have a care of Your Honour; and that if You have a Peace, it may be such as may hold; and if it fall out otherwise, that You do not abandon those who have served You, for fear they do forsake You in Your need. Also I do not see how You can be in safety with∣out a Regiment of Guard; for My self, I think I cannot be, seeing the malice which they have against Me and My Religion, of which I hope You will have a care of both. But in My opinion Religion should be the last thing upon which You should treat: for if You do agree upon strictness against the Catholicks, it would discourage them to serve You and if afterwards there should be no Peace, You could never expect succours either from Ire∣land or any other Catholick Prince, for they would believe, You would abandon them after You have served Your self.

I have dispatched an Express into Scotland to Montross, to know the condition he is in, and what there is to be done. This week I send to Mr of Lorrain, and into Holl. I lose no time. If I had more of Your news, all would go better.

Adieu, My Dear Heart.
My Wife, Dec. 27. Jan. 6. 1644. 5.

XIII. To the QUEEN.

OXFORD, Decemb. MDCXLIV.

Dear Heart,

I Know Thy affection to Me so truly grounded, that Thou wilt be in as much (if not more) trouble to find My Reputation, as My Life in danger: Therefore lest the false sound of My offering a Treaty to the Rebels upon base and unsafe terms should disturb Thy thoughts, I have thought it necessary (to assure Thy mind from such rumors) to tell Thee the ways I have used to come to a Treaty, and upon what grounds. I shall first shew Thee My grounds, to the end Thou maiest the better understand and approve of My ways.

Then know (as a certain truth) that all, even My party, are strangely impatient for Peace, which obliged Me so much the more (at all occasions) to shew My real intentions to Peace: And likewise I am put in very good hope (some hold it a certainty) that if I could come to a fair Treaty, the Ring-leading Rebels could not hinder Me from a good Peace; First, because their own party are most weary of the War, and likewise for the great di∣stractions which at this time most assuredly are amongst themselves, as Presbyterians a∣gainst Independents in Religion, and General against General in point of Command.

Upon these grounds a Treaty being most desirable (not without hope of good success) the most probable means to procure it was to be used, which might stand with Honour and Safety. Amongst the rest (for I will omit all those which are unquestionably counce∣lable) the sound of My return to London was thought to have so much force of popular Rhetorick in it, that upon it a Treaty would be had, or if refused, it would bring much prejudice to them, and be advantageous to Me. Yet lest foolish and malicious people should interpret this as to proceed from fear or folly, I have joyned Conditions with the Proposi∣tion (without which this sound will signifie nothing) which Thou wilt find to be most of the chief ingredients of an honourable and safe Peace. Then observe, If a Treaty at London with Commissioners for both sides may be had without it, it is not to be used; nor in case they will treat with no body but My self: so that the Conditions save any aspersion of dishonour, and the treating at London the malignity which our factious spirits here may infuse into this Treaty upon this subject.

This I hope will secure Thee from the trouble which otherwise may be caused by ma∣licious rumours: and though I judge My self secure in Thy thoughts from suspecting Me guilty of any baseness; yet I held this account necessary, to the end Thou maiest make others know as well as Thy self this certain truth, That no danger of death or misery (which I think much worse) shall make Me do any thing unworthy of Thy Love.

For the state of My present affairs, I refer Thee to 92. concluding (as I did in My last to Thee) by conjuring Thee, as Thou lovest Me, that no appearance of Peace (and I now add) nor hopeful condition of Mine, make Thee neglect to haste succour for Him who is eternally Thine.

Copy to My Wife, Decemb. 1644. by Tom. Elliot.

XIV. To the QUEEN.

OXFORD, Jan. 1. MDCXLIV. V.

Dear Heart,

I Receive it as a good Augury thus to begin this New year, having newly received Thine of the 30. Decemb. which I cannot stay to decypher, for not losing this opportunity, it likewise being a just excuse for this short account. This day I have dispatched Digby's Sec. fully relating the state of our affairs; therefore I shall only now tell Thee, That the Rebels are engaged into an equal Treaty, without any of those disadvantages which might have been apprehended when Tom. Elliot went hence; and that the distractions of London were never so great, or so likely to bring good effect, as now; lastly, that assistance was never more needful, never so likely as now to do good to Him who is eternally Thine.

Copy to My Wife, 1. Jan. 1644. by P. A.
Page  144

XV. To the QUEEN.

OXFORD, 2. Jan. MDCXLIV. V.

Dear Heart,

HAving decyphered Thine which I received yesterday, I was much surprized to find Thee blame Me for neglecting to write to Thee, for indeed I have often complai∣ned for want, never mist any occasion of sending to Thee; and I assure Thee, never any Dispatch went from either of My Secretaries without one from Me, when I knew of it.

As for My calling those at London a Parliament, I shall refer Thee to Digby for particu∣lar satisfaction: this in general, If there had been but two (besides My self) of My opi∣nion, I had not done it; and the Argument that prevailed with Me was, that the calling did no ways acknowledge them to be a Parliament; upon which condition and constructi∣on I did it, and no otherways, and accordingly it is registred in the Council-Books, with the Councils unanimous approbation. But Thou wilt find that it was by misfortune, not neglect, that Thou hast been no sooner advertised of it.

As for the Conclusion of Thy Letter, it would much trouble Me, if Thou didst not know Thy desire granted before it was asked; yet I wonder not at it, since that which may bear a bad construction hath been presented to Thee in the ugliest form, not having received the true reason and meaning of it. The fear of some such mischance made Me the more careful to give Thee a full account by Tom Elliot of the reasons of the D. of R. and E. of S. journey to London, which if it come soon enough, I am confident will free Thee from much trouble: But if Thou hast not the patience to forbear judging harshly of My Actions before Thou hearest the reasons of them from Me, thou maiest be often subject to be dou∣bly vext, first with slanders, then with having given too much ear unto them. To con∣clude, esteem Me as Thou findest Me constant to those grounds Thou leftest Me withal.

And so farewel, Dear Heart.
21. 13.
Copy to my Wife, 2. Jan. 1645. by P. A.

XVI. Copy to the D. of R.

Richmond,

I Thank you for the accompt you sent Me by this Bearer, and have nothing of new to direct you in, but only to remember you, that My going to Westm. is not to be men∣tioned but upon probable hopes of procuring a Treaty with Com. there or thereabouts, and that you mention the security I ask with My coming to Westm. And I hope I need not remember you to cajole well the Independents and Scots. This Bearer will tell you how well our Western and Northern Associations go on; to whom I refer you for other things. I rest.

XVII. To the Marquess of Ormond.

OXFORD, 7. Jan. MDCXLIV. V.

Ormond,

UPON the great rumors and expectations which are now of Peace, I think it neces∣sary to tell you the true state of it, lest mistaken reports from hence might trouble My affairs there.

The Rebels here have agreed to Treat; and most assuredly one of the first and chief Ar∣ticles they will insist on will be, to continue the Irish War; which is a point not Popular for Me to break on: of which you are to make a double use. First, to hasten (with all pos∣sible diligence) the Peace there, the timely conclusion of which will take off that incon∣venience which otherwise I may be subject to by refusal of that Article, upon any other reason: Secondly, by dextrous conveying to the Irish the danger there may be of their to∣tal and perpetual exclusion from those favours I intend them, in case the Rebels here clap up a Peace with Me upon reasonable terms, and only exclude them; which possibly were not counselable for Me to refuse, if the Irish Peace should be the only difference betwixt us, before it were perfected there. These I hope are sufficient grounds for you to perswade the Irish diligently to dispatch a Peace upon reasonable terms, assuring them, that you having once fully engaged to them My word, (in the Conclusion of a Peace) all the Earth shall not make Me break it.

But not doubting of a Peace, I must again remember you to press the Irish for their spee∣dy assistance to Me here, and their friends in Scotland; My intention being to draw from thence into Wales (the Peace once concluded) as many as I can of My Armed Protestant Subjects, and desire that the Irish would send as great a Body as they can to land about Cumberland, which will put those Northern Countries in a brave condition. Wherefore you must take speedy order to provide all the Shipping you may, as well Dunkirk as Irish Bot∣toms; and remember that after March it will be most difficult to transport men from Ire∣land to England, the Rebels being Masters of the Seas: So expecting a diligent and parti∣cular account in answer to this Letter, I rest,

Your most assured constant Friend, C. R.

Page  145

XVIII. To the QUEEN.

OXFORD, January 9. MDCXLIV. V.

Dear Heart,

SInce My last, which was by Talbot, the Scots Commissioners have sent to desire Me to send a Commission to the General Assembly in Edinburgh, which I am resolved not to do; but to the end of making some use of this occasion, by sending an honest man to London, and that I may have the more time for the making an handsome negative, I have demanded a Passeport for Philip Warwick, by whom to return My answer.

I forgot in My former to tell Thee, that Lenthall the Speaker brags that Cardinal Ma∣zarin keeps a strict intelligence with him. Though I will not swear that Lenthall says true, I am sure it is fit for Thee to know.

As for Sabrian, I am confident that either he or his instructions are not right for Him who is eternally Thine.

Even now I am advertised from London, that there are three or four Lords and eight Commons (besides four Scotch Commissioners) appointed to treat, and they have na∣med Vxbridge for the place, though not yet the particular persons.

I am likewise newly advertised, that General Goring prospers well where he is, and since Monday last hath taken 80 of the Rebels Horse: and upon his advance they have quitted Peterfield and Coudry.

POSTSCRIPT.

The setling of Religion and the Militia are the first to be treated on: And be confident that I will neither quit Episcopacy, nor that Sword which God hath given into My hands.

Copy to My Wife, 9. 19. January, 1644. 5. by P. A.

XIX. The QUEEN to the KING.

PARIS January 17. 27. MDCXLIV. V.

Paris, January 17. 27.

MY Dear Heart, Tom Elliot two days since hath brought Me much joy and sorrow: the first, to know the good estate in which You are; the other, the fear I have that You go to London. I cannot conceive where the wit was of those who gave You this Counsel, unless it be to hazard Your Person to save theirs. But thanks be to God, to day I received one of Yours by the Ambassadour of Portugal, dated in January, which comforted Me much, to see that the Treaty shall be at Vxbridge. For the Honour of God trust not Your self in the hands of these people: And if ever You go to London before the Parliament be ended, or without a good Army, You are lost. I understand that the Propositions for the Peace must begin by disbanding the Army. If You consent to this You shall be lost, they having the whole power of the Militia, they have done and will do whatsoever they will.

I received yesterday Letters from the Duke of Lorrain, who sends Me word, if his ser∣vice be agreeable to You, he will bring You ten thousand men. Dr. Goffe, whom I have sent into Holland, shall treat with him in his passage upon this business; and I hope very spee∣dily to send good news of this, as also of the Money. Assure Your self, I will be wanting in nothing You shall desire, and that I will hazard My Life, that is, to die by famine, ra∣ther than not to send to You. Send Me word always by whom You receive My Letters, for I write both by the Ambassadour of Portugal and the Resident of France. Above all, have a care not to abandon those who have served You, as well the Bishops, as the poor Catho∣licks. Adieu. You will pardon Me if I make use of another to write, not being able to do it; yet My self in Cyphers shew to My Nephew Rupert, that I intreat You to impart all that I write to You, to the end that he may know the reason why I write not to him. I know not how to send great Packets.

My Wife, 17. 27. Jan. 1644. 5.

XX. To My Wife, 14. January MDCXLIV. V. by CHOQUEN.

Dear Heart,

POoly came the 12. 22. Jan. to whose great Dispatch though for some dayes I cannot give a full answer, I cannot but at this opportunity reply to something in Thy Let∣ter, not without relating to something of his discourse.

As I confess it a misfortune (but deny it a fault) Thy not hearing oftner from Me, so ex∣cuse Me to deny that it can be of so ill consequence as Thou mentionest, if their affections were so real as they make shew to Thee; for the difficulty of sending is known to all, and the numbers of each Letter will shew My diligence; and certainly there goes no great wit to find out waies of sending: wherefore if any be neglected more, then our wits are faulty. But to imagine that it can enter into the thought of any flesh living, that any body here Page  146 should hide from Thee what is desired that every one should know, (Excuse Me to say it) is such a folly, that I shall not believe that any can think it, though he say it. And for My affection to Thee, it will not be the miscarrying of a Letter or two that will call it in que∣stion. But take heed that these discourses be not rather the effect of their weariness of thy company, than the true image of their thoughts: and of this is not the proposal of thy journey to Ireland a pretty instance? for seriously of it self, I hold it one of the most extra∣vagant proposition that I have heard; Thy giving ear to it being most assuredly only to express Thy love to Me, and not Thy judgment in My Affairs. As for the business it self, (I mean the Peace of Ireland) to shew Thee the care I have had of it, and the fruits I hope to receive from it, I have sent Thee the last Dispatches I have sent concerning it, earnestly desiring Thee to keep them to Thy self: only Thou mayest in general let the Queen Re∣gent and Ministers there understand, that I have offered My Irish Subjects so good satis∣faction, that a Peace will shortly ensue, which I really believe. But for God's sake let none know the particulars of My Dispatches.

I cannot but tell Thee, that I am much beholding to the Portugal Agent (and little to the French) it being by his means that I have sent Thee all My Letters (besides Expresses) since I came hither, though I expected most from Sabran.

I will not trouble Thee with repetitions of News, Digby's dispatch, which I have seen, be∣ing so full. Yet I cannot but paraphrase a little upon that which he calls his superstitious observation: It is this; Nothing can be more evident than that Strafford's innocent blood hath been one of the great causes of God's just Judgments upon this Nation by a furious civil War, both sides hitherto being almost equally punished, as being in a manner equally guilty; but now this last crying blood being totally theirs, I believe it is no presumption hereafter to hope that his hand of Justice must be heavier upon them, and lighter upon us, looking now upon our Cause, having passed by our Faults.

XXI. The QUEEN to the KING.

PARIS, March 13. MDCXLIV. V.

Paris this 13. of March.

MY Dear Heart, since My last I have received one of Your Letters marked 16. by which You signifie the receipt of My Letters by Pooly, which hath a little surpri∣zed Me, seeming to Me that You write as if I had in My Letter something which had dis∣pleased You. If that hath been, I am very innocent in My intention; I only did believe that it was necessary You should know all.

There is one other thing in Your Letter which troubles Me much, where You would have Me keep to My self Your Dispatches, as if you believe that I should be capable to shew them to any, only to Lord Jer. to uncypher them, My Head not suffering Me to do it My self; but if it please You I will do it, and none in the world shall see them. Be kind to Me, or You kill Me; I have already affliction enough to bear, which without You I could not do, but Your service surmounts all. Farewel, My Dear Heart: Behold the mark which You de∣sire to have, to know when I desire any thing in earnest. And I pray begin to remember what I spake to You concerning Jack Barkly for Master of the Wards. I am not engaged, nor will not, for the places of L. Per. and others: Do You accordingly.

13. March 1644.

XXII. To the QUEEN.

OXFORD, Jan. 22. MDCXLIV. V.

Dear Heart,

SInce My last by Choquen I have had no means of writing, and as little new matter. That which is now, is the progress of the Treaty, of which these enclosed Papers will give Thee a full accompt; but if Thou have them sooner from London than Me, Thou hast no reason to wonder, considering the length and uncertainty of the way I am forced to send by, in respect of the other. For the business it self, I believe Thou wilt approve of My choice of Treaters, and for My Propositions, they differ nothing in substance (very little in words) from those which were last; wherefore I need to say nothing of them: and for My Instructions, they are not yet made, but by the next I hope to send them.

Now upon the whole matter, I desire Thee to shew the Queen and Ministers there the improbability that this present Treaty should produce a Peace, considering the great strange difference (if not contrariety) of grounds that are betwixt the Rebels Propositions and Mine, and that I cannot alter Mine, nor will they ever theirs, until they be out of hope to prevail by force, which a little assistance by Thy means will soon make them be; for I am confi∣dent, if ever I could put them to a defensive (which a reasonable sum of money would do) they would be easily brought to reason.

Concerning our interferings here at Oxford, I desire Thee to suspend Thy Judgement, (for I believe few but partial relations will come to Thee) until I shall send some whom I Page  147 may trust by word of mouth; it being too much trouble to Us both to set them down in paper.

Copy to My Wife, 22. Jan. 1644.

XXIII. To the QUEEN.

OXFORD, Jan. 30. MDCXLIV. V.

Dear Heart,

SUnday last I received three Letters from Thee, one a Duplicate of the 30. Decemb. ano∣ther of the 6. Jan. and the last of the 14. Jan. and even now one Petit is come with a Duplicate of the last: wherein as I infinitely joy in the expressions of Thy confident love of Me, so I must extreamly wonder that any who pretend to be a friend to Our Cause (for I believe Thou wouldst not mention any information from the other side) can invent such lyes, that Thou hast had ill offices done to Me by any, or that Thy care for My assistance hath been the least suspected; it being so far from truth, that the just contrary is true. For I protest to God I never heard Thee spoken of, but with the greatest expressions of estimati∣on for Thy love to Me, and particularly for Thy diligent care for My assistance: But I am confident that it is a branch of that root of knavery which I am now digging at; and of this I have more than a bare suspicion. And indeed if I were to find fault with Thee, it should be for not taking so much care of Thine Own health as of My assistance, at least not giving Me so often account of it as I desire; these three last making no mention of Thy self.

Now as for the Treaty (which begins this day) I desire Thee to be confident, that I shall never make a Peace by abandoning My Friends, nor such a one as will not stand with My Honour and Safety: Of which I will say no more, because, knowing Thy Love, I am sure Thou must believe Me, and make others likewise confident of Me.

I send Thee herewith My Directions to My Commissioners: But how I came to them My self, without any others, Digby will tell Thee, with all the News as well concerning Mi∣litary as Cabalistical matters. At this time I will say no more, but that I shall in all things (only not answering for words) truly shew My self to be eternally Thine.

The Portugal Agent hath made Me two Propositions: first, concerning the release of his Master's Brother, for which I shall have 50000 l. if I can procure his liberty from the King of Spain; the other is for a Marriage betwixt My Son Charles and his Master's Eldest Daughter. For the first, I have freely undertaken to do what I can; and for the other, I will give such an Answer as shall signifie nothing.

I desire Thee not to give too much credit to Sabran's Relations, nor much countenance to the Irish Agents in Paris; the particular reasons Thou shalt have by Pooly (whom I intend for My next Messenger.)

In the last place I recommend to Thee the care of Jersey and Gernsey, it being impossible for us here to do much, though we were rich, being weak at Sea.

To My Wife, 30. Jan. 1644. 5. by Legge.

Directions for My Uxbridge Commissioners.

First, concerning Religion.

In this, the Government of the Church (as I suppose) will be the chief question: where∣in two things are to be considered, Conscience, and Policy.

For the first, I must declare unto you, that I cannot yield to the change of the Govern∣ment by Bishops: not only as I fully concur with the most general opinion of Christians in all Ages, as being the best; but likewise I hold My self particularly bound by the Oath I took at My Coronation, not to alter the Government of this Church from what I found it. And as for the Churches Patrimony, I cannot suffer any diminution or alienation of it, it being without peradventure Sacriledge, and likewise contrary to My Coronation Oath. But what∣soever shall be offered for rectifying of abuses, if any have crept in, or yet for the ease of ten∣der Consciences (so that it endamage not the foundation) I am content to hear, and will be ready to give a gracious Answer thereunto.

For the second, As the King's duty is to protect the Church, so it is the Churches to assist the King in the maintenance of His just Authority. Wherefore My Predecessors have been always careful (and especially since the Reformation) to keep the dependency of the Clergy entirely upon the Crown; without which it will scarcely sit fast upon the King's Head. Therefore you must do nothing to change or lessen this necessary dependency.

Next, concerning the Militia.

After Conscience, this is certainly the fittest subject for a King's Quarrel, for without it the Kingly Power is but a shadow; and therefore upon no means to be quitted, but to be maintained according to the ancient known Laws of the Land. Yet because (to attain to this so much wished Peace by all good men) it is in a manner necessary, that sufficient and Page  148 real security be given for the performance of what shall be agreed upon, I permit you, ei∣ther by leaving strong Towns or other Military force in the Rebels possession (until Articles be performed) to give such assurance for performance of Conditions as you shall judge ne∣cessary for to conclude a Peace: Provided always, that ye take (at least) as great care, by suffi∣cient security, that Conditions be performed to Me; and to make sure that, the Peace once setled, all things shall return into their ancient Chanels.

Thirdly, for Ireland.

I confess, they have very specious popular Arguments to press this point, the gaining of no Article more conducing to their ends than this; and I have as much reason, both in Ho∣nour and Policy, to take care how to answer this as any. All the world knows the eminent inevitable necessity which caused Me to make the Irish Cessation, and there remain yet as strong reasons for the concluding of that Peace: Wherefore ye must consent to nothing to hinder Me therein, until a clear way be shewn Me, how My Protestant Subjects there may probably (at least) defend themselves; and that I shall have no more need to defend My Conscience and Crown from the injuries of this Rebellion.

Oxford, Feb. 1644. Memorials for Secretary Nicholas concerning the Treaty at Uxbridge.

I. For Religion and Church-Government, I will not go one jot further than what is of∣fered by you already.

II. And so for the Militia, more than what ye have allowed by Me: but even in that you must observe, that I must have free nomination of the full half; as if the total number, Scots and all, be thirty, I will name fifteen. Yet if they (I mean the English Rebels) will be so base as to admit of ten Scots to twenty English, I am contented to name five Scots and ten Eng∣lish; and so proportionably to any number that shall be agreed upon.

III. As for gaining of particular persons, besides security, I give you power to promise them rewards for performed services, not sparing to engage for places, so they be not of great trust, or be taken away from honest men in possession, but as much profit as you will. With this last you are only to acquaint Richmond, Southampton, Culpepper and Hide.

XXIV. To the QUEEN.

OXFORD, Feb. 15. 25. MDCXLIV. V.

Dear Heart,

20.

THE expectation of an Express from Thee (as I find by Thine of the 4. Febr.) is very good news to Me, as likewise that Thou art now well satisfied with My diligence in Writing.

As for our Treaty, there is every day less hopes than other that it will produce a Peace: But I will absolutely promise Thee, that if we have one, it shall be such as shall invite Thy return, for I avow that without thy company I can neither have peace nor comfort with∣in My self. The limited days for treating are now almost expired without the least agree∣ment upon any one Article: wherefore I have sent for enlargement of days, that the whole Treaty may be laid open to the world. And I assure Thee, that Thou needest not doubt the issue of this Treaty, for My Commissioners are so well chosen (though I say it) that they will neither be threatned nor disputed from the grounds I have given them; which (upon My word) is according to the little Note Thou so well remembrest: And in this not only their obedience, but their judgments concur.

I confess in some respects Thou hast reason to bid Me beware of going too soon to London; for indeed some amongst us had a greater mind that way than was fit: of which perswa∣sion Percy is one of the chief, who is shortly like to see Thee; of whom having said this, is enough to shew Thee how he is to be trusted, or believed by Thee concerning our pro∣ceedings here.

In short, there is little or no appearance but that this Summer will be the hottest for War of any that hath been yet. And be confident, that in making Peace I shall ever shew My constancy in adhering to Bishops and all our Friends, and not forget to put a short pe∣riod to this perpetual Parliament. But as Thou lovest Me, let none perswade Thee to slacken Thine assistance for Him who is eternally Thine

C. R.

Oxford, 15. 25. Feb. 1644. 5.

3. 20.
To My Wife, 15. Feb. 1645. by P. A.

XXV. To the Marquess of ORMOND.

OXFORD, 16 Feb. MDCXLIV.

Ormond,

I Should wrong My own service, and this Gentleman Sir Timothy Fetherston, if I did not re∣commend him and his business to you; for the particulars of which I refer you to Digby.

Page  149 And now again I cannot but mention to you the necessity of hastening of the Irish Peace, for which I hope you are already furnished by Me with materials sufficient: But in case (against all expectation and reason) Peace cannot be had upon those terms, you must not by any means fall to a new rupture with them, but continue the Cessation (according to a Postscript in a Letter by Jack Barry, a Copy of which Dispatch I herewith send you.) So I rest.

POSTSCRIPT.

In case upon particular mens fancies the Irish Peace should not be procured upon powers I have already given you, I have thought good to give you this further Order (which I hope will prove needless) to seek to renew the Cessation for a year; for which you shall promise the Irish (if you can have it no cheaper) to joyn with them against the Scots and Inchequin: for I hope by that time My condition may be such, as the Irish may be glad to accept less, or I be able to grant more.

XXVI. To the QUEEN.

OXFORD, 19. Feb. MDCXLIV. V.

21.

Oxford, 19. Feb.Old style.

DEAR Heart, I cannot yet send Thee any certain word concerning the issue of our Treaty; only the unreasonable stubbornness of the Rebels gives daily less and less hopes of any accommodation this way: wherefore I hope no rumours shall hinder Thee from hastning all Thou mayest all possible assistance to Me, and particularly that of the D. of Lorrain's, concerning which I received yesterday good news from DrGoffe, that the P. of Orange will furnish Shipping for his Transportation; and that the rest of his Negotiation goes hopefully on: by which, and many other ways, I find Thy affection so accompanied with dexterity, as I know not whether (in their several kinds) to esteem most. But I will say no more of this, lest Thou mayest think that I pretend to do this way what is but possible to be done by the continued actions of My Life.

Though I leave news to others, yet I cannot but tell Thee that even now I have receiv∣ed certain intelligence of a great defeat given to Argyle by Montross, who upon surprize totally routed those Rebels, killed 1500 upon the place.

Yesterday I received Thine of 27. Jan. by the Portugal Agent, the only way (but Ex∣presses) I am confident on, either to receive Letters from Thee, or to send them to Thee. Indeed Sabrian sent Me word yesterday, besides some Complements, of the Imbargo of the Rebels Ships in France (which I likewise put upon Thy score of kindness) but is well enough content that the Portugal should be charged with Thy Dispatches.

As for trusting the Rebels, either by going to London, or disbanding My Army before a Peace, do no ways fear my hazarding so cheaply or foolishly; for I esteem the interest Thou hast in Me at a far dearer rate, and pretend to have a little more wit (at least by the Sympathy that is betwixt Us) than to put My self into the reverence of perfidious Rebels. So impatiently expecting the Express Thou hast promised Me, I rest eternally Thine.

I can now assure Thee that Hertogen the Irish Agent is an arrant knave, which shall be made manifest to Thee by the first opportunity of sending Pacquets.

11. 21.
To My Wife, 19 Feb. 1645. by P. A.

XXVII. To the Marquess of ORMOND.

OXFORD, Feb. 27. MDCXLIV. V.

Ormond,

THE impossibility of preserving My Protestant Subjects in Ireland by a continuation of the War, having moved Me to give you those powers and directions which I have formerly done for the concluding of a Peace there, and the same growing daily much more evident, that alone were reason enough for Me to enlarge your powers, and to make My commands in the point more positive. But besides these considerations, it being now ma∣nifest that the English Rebels have (as far as in them lies) given the command of Ireland to the Scots, that their aim is a total subversion of Religion and Regal Power, and that nothing less will content them, or purchase Peace here; I think My self bound in Consci∣ence not to let slip the means of setling that Kingdom (if it may be) fully under My obe∣dience, nor to lose that assistance which I may hope from My Irish Subjects, for such scru∣ples as in a less pressing condition might reasonably be stuck at by Me. For their satisfa∣ction, I do therefore command you to conclude a Peace with the Irish whatever it cost, so that My Protestant Subjects there may be secured, and my Regal Authority preserved. But for all this, you are to make Me the best bargain you can, and not discover your in∣largement Page  150 of power till you needs must. And though I leave the managing of this great and necessary work entirely to you; yet I cannot but tell you, that if the suspension of Poining's Act for such Bills as shall be agreed upon between you there, and the present ta∣king away of the Penal Laws against Papists by a Law, will do it, I shall not think it a hard bargain; so that freely and vigorously they engage themselves in My assistance against My Rebels of England and Scotland, for which no conditions can be too hard, not being against Conscience or Honour.

Copie to Ormond,27. February 1644. 5.

XXVIII. To the QUEEN.

OXFORD, Mar. 5. MDCXLIV. V.

Dear Heart,

NOW is come to pass what I foresaw, the fruitless end (as to a present Peace of this Treaty; but I am still confident that I shall find very good effects of it: For besides that My Commissioners have offered, to say no more, full-measured reason, and the Rebels have stucken rigidly their demands, which I dare say had been too much, though they had taken Me Prisoner, so that assuredly the breach will light foully upon them; We have like∣wise at this time discovered, and shall make it evidently appear to the world, that the En∣glish Rebels (whether basely or ignorantly will be no very great difference) have, as much as in them lies, transmitted the Command of Ireland from the Crown of England to the Scots, which (besides the reflection it will have upon these Rebels) will clearly shew, that Reformation of the Church is not the chief, much less the only end of the Scotch Rebellion.

But it being presumption, and no piety, so to trust to a good Cause, as not to use all law∣ful means to maintain it, I have thought of one means more to furnish Thee with for My assistance than hitherto Thou hast had. It is, that I give Thee power to promise in My Name (to whom thou thinkest most fit) that I will take away all the Penal Laws against the Roman Catholicks in England, as soon as God shall make Me able to do it; so as by their means, or in their favours, I may have so powerful assistance as may deserve so great a favour, and enable Me to do it. But if Thou ask what I call that assistance, I answer, that when Thou knowest what may be done for it, it will be easily seen if it deserve to be so esteemed. I need not tell Thee what secrecy this business requires; yet this I will say, that this is the greatest point of confidence I can express to Thee: for it is no thanks to Me to trust Thee in any thing else but in this, which is the only thing of difference in opinion betwixt Us. And yet I know Thou wilt make as good a bargain for Me, even in this; I trusting thee (though it concern Religion) as if Thou wert a Protestant, the visi∣ble good of My Affairs so much depending on it.

I have so fully instructed this Bearer Pooly, that I will not say more to Thee now, but that herewith I send Thee a new Cypher, assuring Thee that none hath or shall have any Copy of it but My self, to the end Thou mayest use it when Thou shalt find fit to write any thing which Thou wilt judge worthy of Thy pains to put in Cypher, and to be decy∣phered by none but Me; and so likewise from Him to Thee, who is eternally Thine.

20. 23.
To My Wife, the 5. March, 1644. 5. by Pooly.

XXIX. To the QUEEN.

OXFORD, 13 March, Old style.

Dear Heart,

WHAT I told thee last Week concerning a good parting with our Lords and Com∣mons here, was on Monday last handsomly performed: and now if I do any thing unhandsom or disadvantageous to My self or Friends in order to a Treaty, it will be meer∣ly My own Fault. For I confess, when I wrote last, I was in fear to have been pressed to make some mean overtures to renew the Treaty, (knowing that there were great labou∣rings to that purpose: but now I promise Thee, if it be renewed, (which I believe will not, without some eminent good success on My side) it shall be to My honour and advan∣tage, I being now as well freed from the place of base and mutinous motions (that is to say, our Mungrel Parliament here) as of the chief causers, for whom I may justly expect to be chidden by Thee, for having suffered Thee to be vexed by them, Wilmot being al∣ready there, Percy on his way, and Sussex within few daies taking his journey to Thee; but that I know thou carest not for a little trouble to free Me from great inconveniences. Yet I must tell Thee, that if I knew not the perfect stediness of Thy love to Me, I might reasonably apprehend that their repair to Thee would rather prove a change than an end of their Villanies; and I cannot deny but My confidence in Thee was some cause of this permissive trouble to Thee.

Page  151 I have received Thine of the third of March, by which Thou puttest Me in hope of assistance of men and money; and it is no little expression of Thy love to Me, that (be∣cause of My business) Festivals are troublesome to Thee: but I see that Assemblies in no Countries are very agreeable to Thee, and it may be done a purpose to make Thee weary of their companies: and excuse Me to tell Thee in earnest, that it is no wonder that mere Statesmen should desire to be rid of Thee. Therefore I desire Thee to think whether it would not advantage Thee much to make a personal Friendship with the Queen Regent (without shewing any distrust of Her Ministers; though not wholly trusting to them) and to shew Her, that when Her Regency comes out (and possibly before) She may have need of Her Friends; so that She shall but serve Her self by helping of Thee: and to say no more, but certainly, if this Rebellion had not begun to oppress Me when it did, a late great Queen had ended more glorious than She did.

In the last place, I desire Thee to give Me a weekly account of Thy health, for I fear lest in that alone Thou takest not care enough to express Thy kindness to Him who is eternally Thine.

The Northern news is rather better than what we first heard; for what by Sir Marma∣duke Langdale's and Montross's Victories Carlisle and the rest of our Northern Garrisons are relieved, and we hope for this year secured: and besides all this, the Northern Horse are already returned and joyned with My Nephew Rupert.

To My Wife, 13. March 1644. 5. by P. A.

XXX. To the QUEEN.

OXFORD, Thursday, 20. March.

Dear Heart,

UPON Saturday last I wrote to Thee by Sabran (but this, I believe, may come as soon to Thee) and I have received Thine of the seventh upon Monday last, which gave Me great contentment both in present and expectation, (the quick passage being likewise a welcome circumstance:) and yet I cannot but find a fault of omission in most of Thy lat∣ter Dispatches, there being nothing in them concerning Thy health: for though I confess that in this no news is good news, yet I am not so satisfied without a more perfect assu∣rance; and I hope Thou wilt by satisfying Me confess the justness of this My exception.

I am now full fraught with expectation, (I pray God send Me a good unlading) for I look dayly for some blow of importance to be given about Taunton or Shrewsbury: And I am confidently assured of a considerable and sudden supply of men from Ireland. Likewise the Refractary Horse (as the London Rebels call them) may be reckoned in, for yet it is not known what fomenters they have, or whether they have none; if the latter, there is the more hope of gaining them to Me: howsoever I doubt not but, if they stand out (as it is probable) good use may be made of them. Of this I believe to give Thee a perfecter account next Week, having sent to try their pulses.

Petit came yesterday, but he having at London thrust his Dispatches into the States Am∣bassadours Pacquets, I have not yet received them; and I would not stay to lengthen this in answer of them, nor give Thee half hopes of good Western news, knowing of an op∣portunity for writing to Thee within these three or four days: Only I congratulate with Thee for the safe arrival of Thy Tinne-adventure at Calis. And so farewel, Sweet heart.

Thine of the 10. I have newly received, whereby I find that Thou much mistakest Me concerning Ir. for I desire nothing more than a Peace there, and never forbad Thy, commerce there: Only I gave Thee warning of some Irish in France, whom I then thought, and now know to be Knaves.

To My Wife, 20. of March, 1644. 5. by P. A.

XXXI. To the QUEEN.

OXFORD, Thursday, 27. March.

Dear Heart,

I Wrote to Thee yesterday by Sakefield, the subject of it was only kindness to Thee, which, I assure Thee, shall ever be visible in all My actions. And now I come to Jermin's account, given Me by Thy command, which is very clear, hopeful in most par∣ticulars, and absolutely satisfactory as concerning Thy care and industry. As for the main impediment in the D. of Lorrain's business (which is his passage) why mayest not Thou procure him passage through France? (if that of Holland be stuck at.) It will much faci∣licate the Sea transportation in respect of landing on the Western Coast, which I believe will be found the best, there being not so many places to chuse on any where else. But this is an Opinion, not a Direction.

The general face of My Affairs Me thinks begins to mend, the dissensions at London ra∣ther increasing than ceasing, Montross dayly prospering, My Western business mending Page  152 apace, and hopeful in all the rest: So that if I had reasonable supplies of Money and Pow∣der (not to exclude any other) I am confident to be in a better condition this year than I have been since this Rebellion began, and possibly I may put fair for the whole, and so enjoy Thy company again, without which nothing can be a contentment unto Me. And so Farewel, Dear Heart.

I intend (if Thou like it) to bestow Percy's place upon the M. of Newcastle, to whom yet I am no ways engaged, nor will be before I have Thy answer. As for Jack Barclay, I do not remember that I gave Thee any hopes of making him Master of the Wards; for Cot∣tington had it long ago before Thou wentest hence, and I intended it to Secr. Nich. if he then would have received it: and I am deceived if I did not tell Thee of it.

I desire Thee to command Lo. Jer. to read to Thee the D Letter which goes herewith, and in it to mark well that part concerning the transportation of the D. of Lorrain's Army.

23. 30.
To My Wife, 27. Mar. 1645. by P. A.

XXXII. To the QUEEN.

31.

Oxford, Sunday, 30. March.

DEAR Heart, Since My last (which was but 3. days ago) there are no alterations happened of moment, preparations rather than actions being yet our chiefest busi∣ness; in which we hope that we proceed faster than the Rebels, whose Levies both of men and money (for certain) go on very slowly; and I believe they are much weaker than is thought even here at Oxford. For instance; A very honest Servant of Mine, and no fool, shewed Me a Proposition from one of the most considerable London Rebels, who will not let his name be known until he have hope that his Proposition will take effect: It is this, That since the Treaty is so broken off, that neither the Rebels nor I can resume it without at least a seeming total yielding to the other, the Treaty should be renewed upon Thy mo∣tion, with a pre-assurance that the Rebels will submit to reason. The answer that I per∣mitted My Servant to give was, That Thou art much the fittest person to be the means of so happy and glorious a work as is the Peace of this Kingdom: but that upon no terms Thy name was to be prophaned, therefore he was to be satisfied of the Rebels willingness to yield to reason, before he would consent that any such intimation should be made to Thee; and particularly concerning Religion and the Militia, that nothing must be insisted upon, but according to My former offers. This I believe will come to nothing, yet I can∣not but advertise Thee of any thing that comes to My knowledge of this consequence.

I must again tell Thee, that most assuredly France will be the best way for transporta∣tion of the D. of Lorrain's Army, there being divers fit and safe places of landing for them upon the Western coasts, besides the Ports under My Obedience, as Shelsey near Chichester, and others, of which I will advertise Thee when the time comes.

By My next I think to tell Thee when I shall march into the Field, for which Money is now His greatest want (I need say no more) who is eternally Thine.

18. 31.
To My Wife, 30. March, 1645. by Petit.

XXXIII. To the QUEEN. The little that is here in Cypher is in that which I sent to Thee by Pooly.

33.

OXFORD, Wednesday, 9. April, MDCXLV.

Dear Heart,

THough it be an uncomfortable thing to write by a slow Messenger, yet all occasions of this (which is now the only) way of conversing with Thee is so welcome to Me, as I shall be loth to lose any; but expect nether news nor publick business from Me by this way of conveyance: yet judging Thee by My self, even these nothings will not be unwel∣come to Thee, though I should chide Thee, which if I could I would do, for Thy too sud∣den taking Alarms. I pray thee consider, since I love Thee above all earthly things, and that My contentment is unseparably conjoyned with Thine, must not all My actions tend to serve and please Thee? If Thou knewest what a life I lead (I speak not in respect of the common distractions) even in point of conversation, which, in My mind, is the chief joy or vexation of ones life, I dare say Thou wouldest pity Me; for some are too wise, others too foolish, some too busie, others too reserved, many fantastick. In a word, when I know none better (I speak not now in relation to business) than 359. 8. 270. 55. 5. 7. 67. 18. 294. 35. 69. 16. 54. 6. 38. 1. 67. 68. 9. 66. Thou maiest easily judge how My conver∣sation Page  153 pleaseth Me. I confess Thy company hath perhaps made Me in this hard to be pleased, but not less to be pitied by Thee, who art the only cure for this disease.

The end of all is this, to desire Thee to comfort Me as often as Thou canst with Thy Letters: and dost not Thou think, that to know particulars of Thy health, and how Thou spendest the time, are pleasing subjects to Me, though Thou hast no other business to write of? Believe Me, Sweet Heart, Thy kindness is as necessary to comfort My heart, as Thy assistance is for My Affairs.

To My Wife, 9. April, 1645. by Binion.

XXXIV. To the Lord JERMIN.

Oxford, Thursday, 24. April.

HArry, Lest My Wife should not yet be fit for any business, I write this to you, not to excuse My pains, but ease Hers: and that She may know, but not be troubled with My kindness, I refer to your discretion how far to impart My Letter to Her, or any other business, that so Her health in the first place be cared for, then My affairs. And now I must tell you, that undoubtedly if you had not trusted to Digby's sanguine complection (not to be rebated from sending good news) you would not have found fault with him for send∣ing mistaken intelligence; for if he should strictly tie himself to certain truths in this kind, you must have nothing from him but My Proclamations, or Ordinances from the preten∣ded Houses. But tell Me, can you not distinguish between what we send you upon cer∣tainty, and what upon uncertain reports, without making an oath the mark of distincti∣on? And are you obliged to publish all the news we send you? Seriously I think news may be sometimes too good to be told in the French Court; and certainly there is as much dexterity in publishing of news, as in matters which at first sight may seem of greater difficulty: for as I would not have them think that all assistance bestowed upon Me were in vain; so I would not have them believe that I needed no help, lest they should under∣hand assist any Rebels, to keep the balance of dissention amongst us equal.

For matter of News and present state of My affairs I refer you to Digby; only this in general, that if it please God to assist us this year but half so miraculously as He did the last (My present state compared with what it was this time twelve-month) I am very hopeful to see a joyful harvest before next Winter. Nor do I think this in any humane probability possible, except My Wife can procure Me considerable assistance both of men and money; of which I conceive little reason to despair, your last giving Me good hope concerning Lorrain: and though I say not that for the other I have so good an Author as 196. yet I hope you will not much blame My confidence, when 149. in hers the 10. of March says, J'ay une Affaire assurée, que vous donnerez 40000. Pistoles, que Je vous eusse en∣voyé si J'eusse veu mon navire revenu avec l'estain.

In the last place I will impose that upon you that is not reasonable to expect from My Wife, which is, to give Me a continual account what Letters She receives from Me, and what miscarry or come slowly; to which end take notice, that all My Letters to Her are numerarily marked on the top, as this with 37. and likewise I now begin the same with you. So farewel.

In your next let Me know particularly how My Wife is: which though it be not as I would have it, yet the perfect knowledge will hinder Me to imagine her worse than She is; if well, then every word will please Me.

I have commanded Digby to write to you freely concerning Will. Murry, which I hold to be necessary as concerning Montross's business.

To the L. Jermin,24. April, 1645. concerning France.

XXXV. To the QUEEN.

39.

Oxford, Sunday, 4. May.

DEAR Heart, The Rebels new brutish General hath refused to meddle with forein Passes, so as yet I cannot dispatch Adrian May to Thee by the way of London; which if I cannot very shortly, I will send him by the West.

And now, it I could be assured of Thy recovery, I would have but few melancholy thoughts, for I thank God My Affairs begin to smile upon Me again; Wales being well swept of the Rebels, Farrington having relieved it self, and now being secured by Goring's coming, My Nephews likewise having brought Me a strong party of Horse and Foot, these quarters are so free, that I hope to be marching within three or four daies, and am still confident to have the start of the Rebels this year. I am likewise very hopeful that My Son will shortly be in the head of a good Army; for this I have the chearful assurance of Culpepper and Hyde.

Page  154 Of late I have been much pressed to make Southampton Master of My Horse, not more for good will to him, as out of fear that Hamilton might return to a capacity of re-cozening Me; wherein if I had done nothing, both jealousie and discontents were like to arise: wherefore I thought fit to put My Nephew Rupert in that place, which will both save Me charge, and stop other mens grumbings.

I have now no more to say, but praying for, and impatiently expecting of good news from Thee, I rest, eternally Thine.

39.
To My Wife, 4. May, 1645. by Malin S. Ravy.

XXXVI. To the QUEEN.

Droitwich, Wednesday, 14. May.

DEAR Heart; Marching takes away the conveniency of sending My Letters so safe and quick to Thee as when I was at Oxford, however I shall not fail to do what I can to send often to Thee. There is so little news for the present, as I will leave that sub∣ject for others; only upon Saturday last I received a Dispatch from Montross, which assures Me his condition to be so good, that he bids Me be confident that his Country-men shall do Me no great harm this year; and if I could lend him but 500. Horse, he would under∣take to bring Me 20000. men before the end of this Summer.

For the general state of My affairs, we all here think it to be very hopeful; this Army being of a good strength, well ordered, and increasing; My Sons such, that Fairfax will not be refused to be fought with, of which I hope Thou wilt receive good satisfaction from himself. It's true that I cannot brag of store of money, but a sharp sword alwaies hinders starving at least; and I believe the Rebels Coffers are not very full (and certainly we shall make as good shift with empty purses as they) or they must have some greater defect, else their Levies could not be so backward as they are; for I assure Thee that I have at this in∣stant many more men in the Field than they. I am not very confident what their Northern Forces are, but except they are much stronger than I am made believe, I may likewise include them.

Now I must make a complaint to Thee of My Son Charles, which troubles Me the more, that Thou maiest suspect I seek by equivocation to hide the breach of My word, which I hate above all things, especially to Thee. It is this, He hath sent to desire Me, that Sir John Greenvil may be sworn Gentleman of his Bed-chamber, but is already so publickly ingaged in it, that the refusal would be a great disgrace both to my Son and the young Gentleman, to whom it is not fit to give a just distaste, especially now, considering his Fa∣ther's merits, his own hopefulness, besides the great power that Family has in the West. Yet I have refused the admitting of him until I shall hear from Thee. Wherefore I desire Thee, first to chide My Son for ingaging himself without one of Our consents; then, not to refuse Thy own consent; and lastly, to believe that directly or indirectly I never knew of this while yesterday at the delivery of My Son's Letter. So farewel, Sweet Heart, and God send Me good news from Thee.

To My Wife, May 14. 1645.

XXXVII. To the QUEEN.

Daintry, Sunday, 9. June.

DEAR Heart, Oxford being free, I hope this will come sooner to Thee than other∣wise I could have expected, which makes Me believe that My good news will not be very stale, which in short is this: Since the taking of Leicester, My marching down hither to relieve Oxford made the Rebels raise their siege before I could come near them, ha∣ving had their Quarters once or twice beaten up by that Garrison, and lost four hundred men at an assault before Bostol-House. At first I thought they would have fought with Me, being marched as far as Brackly, but they are since gone aside to Brickhill, so as I believe they are weaker than they are thought to be; whether by their distractions, (which are certainly very great, Fairfax and Brown having been at Cudgels, and his men and Crom∣well's likewise at blows together, where a Captain was slain) or wasting their men, I will not say. Besides Goring hath given a great defeat to the Western Rebels, but I do not yet know the particulars. Wherefore I may (without being too much sanguine) affirm, that (since this Rebellion) My Affairs were never in so fair and hopeful a way; though among our selves we want not our own follies, which is needless, and I am sure tedious, to tell Thee, but such as I am confident shall do no harm, nor much trouble Me. Yet I must tell Thee, that it is Thy Letter by Fitz-Williams, assuring Me of Thy perfect recovery, with Thy wonted kindness, which makes Me capable of taking contentment in these good suc∣cesses: Page  155 For as divers men propose several recompences to themselves for their pains and ha∣zard in this Rebellion, so Thy Company is the only reward I expect and wish for.

To My Wife, 9. June, 1645.

XXXVIII. To Prince RUPERT.

CAERDIFFE, Aug. 3. MDCXLV.

C. R.

NEphew, This is occasioned by a Letter of yours which the Duke of Richmond shew∣ed Me yesterday. And first I assure you, I have been (and ever will be) very careful to advertise you of My resolutions so soon as they were taken; and if I enjoyned silence to that which was no secret, it was not My fault, for I thought it one, and I am sure it ought to have been so.

Now as for your opinion of My Business, and your Counsel thereupon, If I had any other quarrel but the defence of My Religion, Crown and Friends, you had full reason for your advice: For I confess that speaking either as a meer Souldier or Statesman, I must say there is no probability but of My Ruine; yet as a Christian I must tell you, that God will not suf∣fer Rebels and Traitors to prosper, nor this Cause to be overthrown. And whatsoever per∣sonal punishment it shall please Him to inflict upon Me, must not make Me repine, much less give over this quarrel: and there is as little question, that a composition with them at this time is nothing else but a submission, which by the grace of God I am resolved against, whatsoever it cost Me; for I know My obligation to be, both in Conscience and Honour, neither to abandon God's Cause, injure My Successors, nor forsake My Friends. Indeed I cannot flatter My self with expectation of good success more than this, to end My days with Honour and a good Conscience, which obligeth Me to continue My endeavours, in not despairing that God may yet in due time avenge His own Cause; though I must aver to all My Friends, that he that will stay with Me at this time, must expect and resolve either to die for a good Cause, or (which is worse) to live as miserable in maintaining it as the violence of insulting Rebels can make him.

Having thus truly and impartially stated My Case unto you, and plainly told you My resolutions, which by the grace of God I will not alter, they being neither lightly nor sud∣denly grounded, I earnestly desire you not in any wise to hearken now after Treaties, assu∣ring you, that as low as I am, I will do no more than was offered in My Name at Vxbridge; confessing that it were as great a miracle that they should agree to so much reason, as that I should be within a month in the same condition that I was immediately before the Bat∣tel at Naseby. Therefore for God's sake let us not flatter our selves with these conceits. And believe Me, your very imagination that you are desirous of a Treaty will but lose Me so much the sooner: wherefore as you love Me, whatsoever you have already done, apply your discourse hereafter according to My resolution and judgement.

As for the Irish, I assure you they shall not cheat Me; but it is possible they may cozen themselves: for be assured, what I have refused to the English, I will not grant to the Irish Rebels, never trusting to that kind of people (of what Nation soever) more than I see by their Actions. And I am sending to Ormond such a Dispatch, as I am sure will please you and all honest men; a Copy whereof by the next opportunity you shall have.

Lastly, be confident I would not have put you nor My self to the trouble of this long Letter, had I not a great estimation of you, and a full confidence of your Friendship too.

Caerdiffe, August 3. 1645.

C. R.

XXXIX. To Secretary NICHOLAS.

CAERDIFFE, Aug. 4. MDCXLV.

Nicholas,

HAving commanded your fellow-Secretary to give you a full account as well of our proceedings here as resolutions, I will neither trouble you nor My self with repeti∣tions, Only for My self, I must desire you to let every one know, that no distresses of For∣tune whatsoever shall make Me, by the grace of God, in any thing recede from those grounds I laid down to you who were My Commissioners at Vxbridge, and which (I thank them) the Rebels have published in print. And though I could have wished their pains had been spared, yet I will neither deny that those things are Mine which they have set out in My Name (only some words here and there are mistaken, and some Comma's misplaced, but not much material) nor, as a good Protestant or honest man, blush for any of those Papers. Indeed as a discreet man I will not justifie My self; and yet I would fain know him who would be willing that the freedom of all his private Letters were publickly seen, as Mine have now been. However, so that one clause be rightly understood, I care not much though the rest take their fortune: It is concerning the Mungrel Parliament. The truth is, that Sus∣sex's factiousness at that time put Me somewhat out of patience, which made Me freely Page  156 vent My displeasure against those of his party to My Wife; and the intention of that phrase was, that his Faction did what they could to make it come to that, by their raising and fomenting of base Propositions. This is clearly evidenced by My following excuse to Her, for suffering those people to trouble Her, the reason being, to eschew those greater inconve∣niences which they had, and were more likely to cause here than there. I am now going to supper, and so I rest,

Your most assured Friend, C. R.

XL. For My Son the PRINCE.

Charles,

THis is rather to tell you where I am, and that I am well, than at this time to direct you any thing, I having wrote fully to your Mother what I would have you to do; whom I command you to obey in every thing, except in Religion, concerning which I am confident She will not trouble you; and see that you go not any whither without Her or My particular directions. Let Me hear often from you; and so God bless you.

Your loving Father, CHARLES R.

Newcastle, June 2. 1646.

If Jack Ashburnham come where you are, command him to wait upon you as he was wont, until I shall send for him, if your Mother and you be together; if not, he must wait on Her.

XLI. To the Duke of YORK.

CAVERSHAM, July 4. MDCXLVII.

C. R.

JAmes, I am in hope that you may be permitted, with your Brother and Sister, to come to some place betwixt this and London, where I may see you. To this end therefore I command you to ask leave of the two Houses, to make a journey (if it may be) for a night or two. But rather than not to see you, I will be content that ye come to some convenient place to dine, and go back at night.

And foreseeing the fear of your being brought within the power of the Army, as I am, may be objected to hinder this My desire; I have full assurance from Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Chief Officers, that there will be no interruption or impediment made by them for your return, how and when you please. So God bless you.

Your loving Father, CHARLES R.

Casam, July 4. 1647.

POSTSCRIPT.

Send Me word as soon as you can, of the time and place where I shall have the con∣tentment of seeing you, your Brother and Sister.

XLII. To Colonel WHALEY.

HAMPTON-COURT, Nov. 11. MDCXLVII.

COlonel Whaley, I have been so civilly used by you and Major Huntington, that I can∣not but by this parting farewell acknowledge it under My Hand; as also to desire the continuance of your courtesie, by your protecting of My Houshold-stuff and Move∣ables of all sorts which I leave behind Me in this House, that they be neither spoiled nor imbezeled. Only there are three Pictures here which are not Mine, that I desire you to restore: to wit, my Wife's Picture in blew, sitting in a Chair, you must send to Mrs Kirke; My Eldest Daughters Picture copied by Belcam, to the Countess of Anglesey; and My Lady Stanhop's Picture to Carey Raleigh. There is a fourth which I had almost forgot, it is the original of My Eldest Daughter (it hangs in this Chamber over the Board next the Chimney) which you must send to My Lady Aubigney.

So being confident that you wish My preservation and restitution, I rest,

Your Friend, CHARLES R.

I assure you it was not the Letter you shewed Me yesterday that made Me take this re∣solution, nor any advertisement of that kind: But I confess that I am loth to be made a close Prisoner, under pretence of securing My life.

I had almost forgot to desire you to send the black Grew-Bitch to the D. of Richmond.

XLIII. To the Lord MOUNTAGUE,

HAMPTON-COURT, Nov. 11. MDCXLVII.

Montague,

FIRST, I do hereby give you and the rest of your fellows thanks for the civilities and good conversation that I have had from you. Next I command you to send this My Message (which you will find upon this Table) to the two Houses of Parliament, and likewise to give a Copy of it to Colonel Whaley to be sent to the General. Likewise I de∣sire you to send all My Saddle-Horses to My Son the Duke of York.

Page  157 As for what concerns the resolution that I have taken, My Declaratory Message saies so much, that I refer you to it; and so I rest,

Your assured Friend, CHARLES R.

XLIV. For Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX General.

C. R.

HAving left order at Our remove from Hampton-Court, that a Copy should be given you of what We had then written to both Houses of Parliament touching the cau∣ses of Our withdrawing, and the continuance of Our resolutions to improve every occasion of the satisfaction of all chief Interests, that so a happy Peace may be setled in Our Do∣minions; in pursuance whereof We have lately sent a Message to both Houses from this place, and a Copy of it to you; and being desirous, in order to that blessed work, to give you Our present sense upon the condition of affairs as they now stand: We have thought fit to appoint Sir John Barkley to repair unto you, and to communicate the same to you: And We shall be glad by him to receive a mutual communication of your sense also upon this subject; not doubting but you easily perceive by the late disorders, into what a depth of confusion the Army and the Nation will fall, if timely and effectual preventions be not used. And therefore We have now again proposed (as the only expedient) a Personal Treaty, for the composing of all differences, and fulfilling the desires of all Interests. To which if you will employ your credit, as you cannot but expect the blessings of God upon your endeavours therein; so may you justly look for the best return that ever Our conditi∣on shall be able to make you.

Given at Carisbrook-Castle,Novemb. 26. 1647.

XLV. For Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX, General.

C. R.

THE free liberty which you willingly afforded Us to have the use of Our Chaplains, makes us at this time not only to acknowledge your former Civilities, but likewise now to acquaint you that three of Our Chaplains, to wit, DrSheldon, DrHoldsworth and DrHaywood are newly landed in this Isle, not doubting but they shall have the same pro∣tection that formerly they had; which still will shew the continuation of your good respect unto Us, which we upon all fitting occasions shall not be backward to acknowledge. So We bid you heartily farewel.

Given at Carisbrook-Castle,Novemb. 27. 1647.

XLVI. To the Lords, Gentlemen, and Committee of the Scotch Parliament, together with the Officers of the Army.

CARISBROOK, July 31. MDCXLVIII.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

IT is no small comfort to Me, that My Native Country hath so true a sense of My pre∣sent condition, as I find expressed by your Letter of the eighth of this Month, and your Declaration, both which I received upon Friday last. And the very same reason which makes you discreetly and generously at this time forbear to press any thing to Me, hinders Me likewise to make any particular professions unto you, lest it may be imagined that de∣sire of Liberty should now be the only Secretary to My thoughts. Yet thus much I cannot but say, that as in all humane reason nothing but a free Personal Treaty with me can set∣tle the unhappy distractions of these distressed Kingdoms; so, if that could once be had, I would not doubt but that (by the grace of God) a happy Peace would soon follow: Such force (I believe) true reason has in the hearts of all men, when it may be clearly and calmly heard; and I am not ashamed at all times to profess that it hath, and shall be alwaies want of Understanding, not of will, if I do not yield to reason, whensoever and from whomsoever I hear it: and it were a strange thing, if reason should be less esteemed because it comes from Me; which (truly) I do not expect from you, your Declaration seeming to Me (and I hope your Actions will prove that I am not deceived) to be so well grounded upon Ho∣nour and Justice, that albeit, by way of opinion, I cannot give a Placet to every Clause in it, yet I am confident upon a calm and friendly debate we shall very well agree.

To conclude, I cannot (for the present) better shew My thankfulness to you for the ge∣nerous and loyal expressions of your Affections to Me, than by giving you My honest and sincere advice; which is, really and constantly, without seeking private ends, to pursue the publick professions in your Declaration, as sincere Christians and good Subjects ought to do, always remembring, that as the best foundation of Loyalty is Christianity, so true Christianity teaches perfect Loyalty; for without this reciprocation neither is truly what Page  158 they pretend to be. But I am both confident that needs not to you, as likewise, that you will rightly understand this which is affectionately intended by your assured Friend,

Carisbrook, Monday, 31. July, 1648.

C. R.

XLVII. To the PRINCE.

NEWPORT, Nov. 29. MDCXLVIII.

SON,

BY what hath been said, you may see how long We have laboured in the search of Peace: Do not you be discouraged to tread those ways in all worthy means to re∣store your self to your Right, but prefer the way of Peace. Shew the greatness of your Mind, rather to conquer your Enemies by pardoning, than by punishing. If you saw how unmanly and unchristianly this implacable disposition is in our ill-willers, you would a∣void that spirit. Censure Us not for having parted with too much of Our Own Right; the price was great, the commodity was, Security to Us, Peace to Our People: And We are confident another Parliament would remember how useful a King's Power is to a Peoples Liberty; of how much We have devested Our self, that We and they might meet again in a due Parliamentary way, to agree the bounds for Prince and People. And in this give belief to Our experience, never to affect more Greatness or Prerogative than what is really and in∣trinsecally for the good of your Subjects, (not satisfaction of Favourites.) And if you thus use it, you will never want means to be a Father to all, and a bountiful Prince to any you would be extraordinarily gracious unto. You may perceive all men trust their treasure where it returns them interest: And if Princes, like the Sea, receive and repay all the fresh streams and rivers trust them with, they will not grudge, but pride themselves to make them up an Ocean. These considerations may make you a great Prince, as your Father is now a low one: and your state may be so much the more established, as Mine hath been shaken. For Subjects have learnt (We dare say) that Victories over their Princes are but triumphs over themselves, and so will be more unwilling to hearken to changes hereafter. The Eng∣lish Nation are a sober People, however at present under some infatuation. We know not but this may be the last time We may speak to you or the world publickly: We are sensible into what hand We are fallen; and yet We bless God We have those inward re∣freshments that the malice of Our Enemies cannot perturb. We have learnt to own Our self by retiring into Our self, and therefore can the better digest what befalls Us, not doubting but God can restrain Our Enemies Malice, and turn their fierceness unto His Praise.

To conclude, If God give you success, use it humbly, and far from revenge: If he restore you to your Right upon hard conditions, whatever you promise, keep. Those men which have forced Laws which they were bound to observe, will find their triumphs full of troubles. Do not think any thing in this world worth obtaining by foul and unjust means. You are the Son of Our love; and as We direct you to what We have recom∣mended to you, so We assure You, We do not more affectionately pray for you, (to whom We are a natural Parent) than We do that the ancient glory and renown of this Nation be not buried in irreligion and fanatick humour; and that all Our Subjects (to whom We are a Politick Parent) may have such sober thoughts, as to seek their Peace in the Orthodox Profession of the Christian Religion as it was established since the Reformation in this Kingdom, and not in new Revelations; and that the ancient Laws, with the interpretati∣on according to the known practices, may once again be an Hedge about them, that you may in due time govern, and they be governed, as in the fear of the Lord.

C. R.

The Commissioners are gone, the Corn is now in the Ground, We expect the harvest: if the fruit be Peace, We hope the God of Peace will in time reduce all to Truth and Or∣der again: which that he may do, is he Prayer of

C. R.

XLVIII. For the KING.

SIR,

HAving no means to come to the knowledge of Your Majesties present condition but such as I receive from the Prints; or (which is as uncertain) Report, I have sent this Bearer Seamour to wait upon Your Majesty, and to bring me an account of it; that I may withal assure Your Majesty, I do not only pray for Your Majesty, according to my Duty, but shall alwaies be ready to do all which shall be in my power, to deserve that Blessing which I now humbly beg of Your Majesty upon,

Sir,

Your Majesties most humble and most obedient Son and Servant, CHARLES.

Hague, January 23. 1648.

Page  159

HIS MAJESTY'S SPEECHES.

I. To the Lords and Commons, at the opening of His First Parliament, at WESTMINSTER, June 18. MDCXXV.

I Thank God that the business to be treated on at this time is of such a nature, that it needs no Eloquence to set it forth; for I am neither able to do it, neither doth it stand with My Nature to spend much time in words. It is no new business, being already happily begun by My Father of blessed memory, who is with God; therefore it needeth no Narrative: I hope in God you will go on to maintain it as freely as you advised My Father to it.

It is true, He may seem to some to have been slack to begin so just and so glorious a Work; but it was His Wisdom that made Him loth to begin a work, until He might find means to main∣tain it: But after that He saw how much He was abused in the confidence He had with other States, and was confirmed by your advice to run the course we are in, with your En∣gagement to maintain it, I need not press to prove how willingly He took your Advice; for the Preparations that are made are better able to declare it than I to speak it: The assist∣ance of those in Germany, the Fleet that is ready for action, with the rest of the Preparations which I have only followed My Father in, do sufficiently prove that He entred into this Action.

My Lords and Gentlemen, I hope that you do remember that you were pleased to im∣ploy Me to advise My Father to break off those two Treaties that were on foot; so that I cannot say I came hither a free unengaged man. It's true, I came into this business willingly and freely, like a young man, and consequently rashly; but it was by your interest, your en∣gagement: So that though it were done like a young man, yet I cannot repent Me of it; and I think none can blame Me for it, knowing the love and fidelity you have born to your King, having My self likewise some little experience of your affections.

I pray you remember that this being My first Action, and begun by your advice and entreaty, what a great dishonour it were to you and Me, if this Action so begun should fail for that assistance you are able to give Me. Yet knowing the constancy of your love both to Me and this Business, I needed not to have said this, but only to shew what care and sense I have of your Honours and Mine own. I must entreat you likewise to consider of the Times we are in, how that I must adventure your lives (which I should be loth to do) should I con∣tinue you here long; and you must venture the Business, if you be slow in your resolutions. Wherefore I hope you will take such grave Counsel, as you will expedite what you have in hand to do; which will do Me and your selves an infinite deal of Honour: You, in shew∣ing your love to Me; and Me, that I may perfect that Work which My Father hath so happi∣ly begun.

Last of all, because some malicious men may, and, as I hear, have given out, that I am not so true a Keeper and Maintainer of the true Religion that I profess; I assure you that I may with StPaul say, that I have been trained up at Gamaliel's feet: and although I shall never be so arrogant as to assume unto My self the rest, I shall so far shew the end of it, that all the World may see that none hath been, nor ever shall be, more desirous to maintain the Religi∣on I profess than I shall be.

Now because I am unfit for much speaking. I mean to bring up the fashion of My Pre∣decessors, to have My Lord Keeper speak for Me in most things: Therefore I have command∣ed him to speak something unto you at this time, which is more for formality, than any great matter he hath to say unto you.

II. To the Lords and Commons, in the Hall at CHRISTS-CHURCH in OXFORD, Aug. 4. MDCXXV.

MY Lords, and you of the Commons, We all remember that from your Desires and Advice, My Father, now with God, brake off those two Treaties with Spain that Page  160 were then in hand. Well you then foresaw, that as well for regaining My dispossessed Bro∣thers Inheritance, as Home defence, a War was likely to succeed; and that as your Coun∣sels had let My Father into it, so your assistance in a Parliamentary way to pursue it should not be wanting. That Aid you gave Him by Advice was for succour of His Allies, the guarding of Ireland and the home part, supplie of Munition, preparing and setting forth of His Navy. A Councel you thought of, and appointed for the War, and Treasu∣rers for issuing of the Moneys. And to begin this Work of your Advice, you gave three Subsidies, and as many Fifteens, which with speed were levied, and by direction of that Councel of War (in which the preparation of this Navy was not the least) disbursed.

It pleased God at the entrance of this Preparation (by your Advice begun) to call My Father to His Mercy, whereby I entred as well to the care of your Design as His Crown. I did not then, as Princes do, of Custom and Formality re-assemble you, but that by your further Advice and Aid I might be able to proceed in that which by your Counsels My Fa∣ther was ingaged in. Your love to Me and forwardness to further those Affairs you expres∣sed by a grant of two Subsidies yet ungathered; although I must assure you, by My self and others upon credit taken up, and aforehand disbursed, and far short as yet to set forth that Navy now preparing; as I have lately the estimate of those of care, and who are still employed about it, whose particular of all expences about this Preparation shall be given you when you please to take an accompt of it.

Another contracted Copy of the two foregoing Speeches.

Other Copies having contracted the substance of both these Speeches foregoing into one, supposed to be spoken at Westminster, at the Opening of the Parliament, it was thought fit to represent both Copies, leaving it to the Memory of such as were then present to decide which is the true.

MY Lords and Gentlemen, You are not ignorant that at your earnest entreaty, the twenty third of March sixteen hundred twenty three, My Father (of Happy Me∣mory) first took up arms for the recovery of the Palatinate; for which purpose, by your as∣sistance, He began to form a considerable Army, and to prepare a goodly Armado and Na∣vy Royal. But Death intervening between Him and the atchievement, the War, with the Crown, is devolved upon Me. To the prosecution whereof as I am obliged both in Nature and Honour; so I question not but, the same necessity continuing, you will cherish the Action with the like affection, and further it with a ready Contribution.

True it is, You furnished My Father with affectionate Supplies; but they held no sym∣metrie or proportion with the charge of so great an Enterprise: for those your Donatives are all disburst to a peny; and I am inforced to summon you hither, to tell you, that nei∣ther can the Army advance nor the Fleet set forth without farther Aid.

Consider, I pray you, the eyes of all Europe are defixt upon Me; to whom I shall ap∣pear ridiculous, as though I were unable to outgo Muster and Ostentation, if you now de∣sert Me. Consider, it is My first attempt; wherein if I sustain a foil, it will blemish all My future Honour.

If Mine cannot, let your own Reputation move you: Deliver and expedite Me fairly out of this War wherewith you have incumbred (let it never be said, whereinto you have betrayed) Me.

I desire therefore your speedy Supplie: Speedy I call it, for else it will prove no Supply. The Sun, you know, is entring into his declining point; so it will be soon too late to set forth, when it will be rather not too soon to return. Again, I must mind you of the Mor∣tality now regnant in this City, which should it (as so it may, and no breach of Priviledge neither) arrest any one Member of either House, it soon would put a period both to Consul∣tation and Session: so that your own Periclitation necessitates an early Resolution.

In summ, Three of the best Rhetoricians, Honour, Opportunity, and Safety, are all of a Plot, and plead, you see, for Expedition.

Perhaps it may be expected I should say something in way of account of My Religion, as also of the temper and tenor of My future Government: But as I hope I have not been guilty of any thing which may justly start the least question in either; so I desire you would repose in this assurance, that I will in neither vary from those Principles wherein I have been instituted at the feet of that eminent Gamaliel, My late Father.

III. To the Speaker of the House of Commons of His Second Parliament, MDCXXV. VI.

MAster Speaker, The Answer of the Commons delivered by you I like well of, and do take it for a full & satisfactory Answer, and I thank them for it; and I hope you will with all expedition take a course for performance thereof, the which will turn to your own good as well as Mine. But for your Clause therein of presenting of Grievances, I take that but for a Parenthesis in your Speech, and not a Condition; and yet, for answer to that Page  161 part, I will tell you, I will be as willing to hear your Grievances as My Predecessors have been, so that you will apply your selves to redress Grievances, and not to inquire after Grievances.

I must let you know, that I will not allow any of My Servants to be questioned among you; much less such as are of eminent place and near unto Me. The old question was, What shall be done to the man whom the King will honour? but now it hath been the labour of some, to seek what may be done against him whom the King thinks fit to honour. I see you specially aim at the Duke of Buckingham: I wonder what hath so altered your affecti∣ons toward him. I do well remember that in the last Parliament in My Father's time, when he was an Instrument to break the Treaties, all of you (and yet I cannot say all, for I know some of you are changed, but yet the House of Commons is always the same) did so much honour and respect him, that all the honour conferred on him was too little: and what he hath done since to alter or change your minds I wote not; but can assure you, he hath not medled or done any thing concerning the Publick or Commonwealth but by special directions and appointment, and as My Servant; and is so far from gaining or improving his Estate thereby, that I verily think he hath rather impaired the same.

I would you would hasten for My Supply, or else it will be worse for your selves; for if any ill happen, I think I shall be the last shall feel it.

IV. To the Lords and Commons, at WHITE-HALL, Mar. 29. MDCXXVI.

MY Lords and Gentlemen, I have called you hither to day, I mean both Houses of Parliament; but it is for several and distinct reasons.

My Lords, you of the Upper House, to give you thanks for your Care of the state of the Kingdom now; and not only for the care of your own Proceedings, but for inciting your Fellow-House of the Commons to take that into their consideration. Therefore, My Lords, I must not only give you thanks, but I must also avow, that if this Parliament do not redound to the good of this Kingdom, which I pray God it may, it is not your faults.

And you, Gentlemen of the House of Commons, I am sorry that I may not justly give the same thanks to you; but I must tell you, that I am come here to shew you your Er∣rors, and, as I may call it, Unparliamentary Proceedings in this Parliament. But I do not despair, because you shall see your faults so clearly by the Lord Keeper, that you may so amend your Proceeding, that this Parliament shall end comfortably and happily, though at the beginning it hath had some rubs.

After the Lord Keeper had declared His MAJESTY's pleasure to them, Himself added,

I must withal put you in mind a little of times past. You may remember that in the time of My Blessed Father you did with your Counsel and perswasion prevail with My Father and Me to break off the Treaties. I confess I was your Instrument for two Rea∣sons: One was, the fitness of the time; the other, because I was seconded by so great and worthy a Body as the whole Body of Parliament. Then there was no body in so great fa∣vour with you as this man whom you seem now to touch, but indeed, My Father's Go∣vernment and Mine. Now that you have all things according to your wishes, and that I am so far ingaged that you think there is no retreat, now you begin to set the Dice, and make your own Game. But I pray you be not deceived; it is not a Parliamentary way, nor is it a way to deal with a King.

Master Coke told you, It was better to dye by a foreign Enemy than to be destroyed at home. Indeed I think it is more Honour for a King to be invaded and almost destroyed by a fo∣reign Enemy, than to be despised by His Own Subjects.

Remember that Parliaments are altogether in My Power for their Calling, Sitting, and Dissolution; therefore as I find the fruits of them good or evil, they are to continue, or not to be. And remember that if in this time instead of mending your Errors, by delay you persist in your Errors, you make them greater and irreconcileable: whereas, on the other side, if you do go on chearfully to mend them, and look to the distressed state of Christen∣dom, and the Affairs of the Kingdom as it lyeth now by this great Engagement, you will do your selves honour, you shall incourage Me to go on with Parliaments, and I hope all Christendom shall feel the good of it.

V. To the House of Lords, at WESTMINSTER, May 11. MDCXXVI.

MY Lords, The Cause and only Cause of My coming to you this day is, to express the sense I have of all your Honours; for he that toucheth any of you, toucheth Me in a very great measure.

I have thought fit to take order for the punishing some insolent Speeches lately spoken: I have been too remiss heretofore in punishing such Speeches as concern My self. Not that I was greedy of their Monies, but that Buckingham through his importunity would not Page  162 suffer Me to take notice of them, lest he might be thought to have set Me on, and that he might come the forwarder to his Trial. And to approve his Innocency as touching the mat∣ters against him, I My self can be a Witness to clear him in every one of them.

I speak not this to take any thing out of your hands, but to shew the reason why I have not hitherto punished those insolent Speeches against My self. And now I hope you will be as tender of My Honour, when time shall serve, as I have been sensible of yours.

VI. To the French Servants of the QUEEN, at Somerset-House, July 1. MDCXXVI.

GEntlemen and Ladies, I am driven to that extremity, as I am personally come to acquaint you that I very earnestly desire your return into France.

True it is, the deportment of some amongst you hath been very inoffensive to Me: But others again have so dallied with My Patience, and so highly affronted Me, as I cannot, I will no longer endure it.

VII. To the Lords and Commons, at the opening of His Third Parliament, at WESTMINSTER, Mar. 17. MDCXXVII. VIII.

MY Lords and Gentlemen, The Times are now for Action: for Action, I say, not for Words; therefore I shall use but a few: And (as Kings are said to be exemplary to Their Subjects, so) I wish you would imitate Me in this, and use as few, falling upon speedy Consultation.

No man is, I conceive, such a Stranger to the Common Necessity as to expostulate the cause of this Meeting, and not to think Supply to be the end of it. And as this Necessity is the product and consequent of your Advice; so the true Religion, the Laws and Liberties of this State, and just Defence of our Friends and Allies, being so considerably concerned, will be, I hope, arguments enough to perswade Supply: For if it be, as most true it is, both My Duty and yours to preserve this Church and Common-wealth, this Exigency certainly requires it.

In this time of Common danger I have taken the most antient speedy and best way for Supply, by calling you together. If (which God forbid) in not contributing what may an∣swer the quality of My occasions you do not your duties, it shall suffice I have done Mine; in the Conscience whereof I shall rest content, and take some other course, for which God hath impowered Me, to save that which the folly of particular men might hazard to lose.

Take not this as a Menace, (for I scorn to threaten any but My Equals,) but as an Ad∣monition from Him who is tied both by Nature and Duty to provide for your preservati∣ons. And I hppe, though I thus speak, your Demeanours will be such as shall not only make Me approve your former Counsels, but oblige Me in thankfulness to meet you oft∣ner; than which nothing can be more pleasing to Me.

I will only add one thing more, and then leave My Lord Keeper to make a short Pa∣raphrase upon the Text I have delivered you; which is, to Remember a thing to the end we may forget it. Remembring the Distractions of our last Meeting, you may suppose I have no Confidence of good success at this time. But be assured, I shall freely forget and forgive what is past, hoping you will follow that sacred advice lately inculcated, to main∣tain the unity of the Spirit in the bond of Peace.

VIII. To the Lords and Commons, at WHITE-HALL, April 4. MDCXXVIII.

MY Lords and Gentlemen, I do very well approve the Methods of your Proceedings in this Parliament, A Jove Principium, hoping that the rest of your Consultations will succeed the happier: And I like the Preamble of My Lord Keeper, otherwise I should a little have suspected that you thought Me not so careful of Religion as I have and ever shall be, wherein I am as forward as you can desire.

As for your Petition, I answer first in general, that I like that well; and will use these as well as all other means for the maintenance and propagation of that Religion wherein I have lived, and do resolve to die. But for the particulars, you shall receive more full Answer hereafter.

And now I will only add this, That as we pray to God to help us, so we must help our selves; for we can have no assurance of his assistance, if we do lie in a Bed and only pray, without using other means: And therefore I must remember you, that if we do not make provision speedily, we shall not be able to put a Ship to Sea this year. Verbum sat sapienti est.

Page  163

IX. To the Speaker and House of Commons, April 14. MDCXXVIII.

MAster Speaker, and you Gentlemen, When I sent to you My last Message, I did not expect to Reply; for I intended to hasten you, not to find fault with you. I told you, at your first meeting, that this time was not to be spent in Words; and I am sure it is less fit for Disputes: which if I had a desire to entertain, Master Speaker's Preamble might have given Me ground enough.

The Question is not now, What Liberty you have in disposing of matters handled in the House; but rather, at this time what is fit to be done. Therefore I hope you will follow My example in eschewing Disputations, and fall to your important business.

You make a Protestation of your affection and zeal to My Prerogative, grounded upon so good and just reasons, that I must believe you: But I look that you use Me with the like charity, to believe what I have declared more than once since your meeting, which is, that I am as forward as you for the preservation of your true Liberties. Let us not spend so much time in this that may hazard both My Prerogative and your Liberties to our Enemies.

To be short, Go on speedily with your business, without any fear or more Apologies, for time calls fast upon you, which will neither stay for you nor Me: Wherefore it is My Duty to press you to hasten, as knowing the necessity of it; and yours to give credit to what I shall say, as to Him that sits at the Helm.

For what concerns your Petition, I shall answer it in a convenient time.

X. To the Lords and Commons, in Answer to their Petition of Right, June 11. MDCXXVIII.

GEntlemen, I am come hither to perform My Duty; and I think no man can think it long, since I have not taken so many daies in answering of the Petition as you have spent weeks in framing it: And I am come hither to shew you, that as well in for∣mal things as in essential I desire to give you as much content as in Me lieth.

The Lord Keeper having added somewhat in explanation and pursuance of the former, the Petition was read, and the King's Answer.

The King willeth that Right be done according to the Laws and Customs of the Land, and that the Statutes be put in due execution, that the Subjects may have no cause to complain of any wrong or oppression, contrary to their just Rights and Liberties, to the preservation whereof He holdeth Himself obliged as well as of His Prerogative.

XI. To the Lords and Commons; His second Answer to their Petition, in the House of Lords, June 7. MDCXXVIII.

MY Lords and Gentlemen, The Answer I have already given you was made with so good deliberation, and approved by the judgments of so many wise men, that I could not have imagined but that it should have given you full satisfaction: But to avoid all ambiguous interpretations, and to shew you that there is no doubleness in My mean∣ing, I am willing to please you in words as well as in substance.

Read your Petition, and you shall have an Answer that I am sure will please you.

The Petition being read by the Clerk of the Crown, the Clerk of the Parliament read the King's Answer;

LE DROICT SOIT FAIT COMME IL EST DESIRE. C. R.

Which done, His Majesty added,

This I am sure is full, yet no more than I granted you in My first Answer: for the meaning of that was, to confirm all your Liberties; knowing, according to your own Protestations, that you neither meant nor can hurt My Prerogative: And I assure you, My Maxime is, The Peoples Liberty strengthens the King's Prerogative, and that the King's Prerogative is to defend the Peoples Liberties.

You see now how ready I have shewed My self to satisfie your Demands; so that I have done My part: Wherefore if this Parliament have not an happy Conclusion, the sin is yours, I am free of it.

XII. To the House of Commons, at the reading of their Remonstrance, in the Banquetting-House at WHITE-HALL, June, 11. MDCXXVIII.

GEntlemen, Upon My Answer to your Petition of Right I expected no such Declara∣tion from you, which containeth divers points of State touching the Church and Common-wealth; and I do conceive, you do believe I understand them better than your Page  164 selves. But since the Reading thereof, I perceive you understand these things less than I imagined: Notwithstanding I will take them into My Consideration as they deserve.

XIII. To the Lords and Commons at the Prorogation of His Third Parliament, June 26. MDCXXVIII.

MY Lords and Gentlemen, It may seem strange that I come so suddenly to end this Session; therefore before I give My Assent to the Bills, I will tell you the cause; though I must avow, I ow an account of My Actions to none but God alone.

It is known to every one, that a while ago the House of Commons gave Me a Remon∣strance, how acceptable every man may judge; and for the merit of it I will not call that in question, for I am sure no wise man can justifie it.

Now since I am certainly informed that a second Remonstrance is preparing for Me, to take away My profit of Tonnage and Poundage, (one of the chief Maintenances of the Crown) by alledging, that I have given away My Right thereof by My Answer to your Petition: This is so prejudicial unto Me, that I am forced to end this Session some few hours before I meant it; being not willing to receive any more Remonstrances, to which I must give a harsh Answer.

And since I see that even the House of Commons begins already to make false constru∣ctions of what I granted in your Petition, lest it be worse interpreted in the Countrey, I will now make a Declaration concerning the true intent thereof.

The Profession of both Houses in the time of hammering this Petition was, no waies to trench upon My Prerogative, saying, they had neither intention, nor power to hurt it.

Therefore it must needs be conceived that I have granted no New, but only confirmed the Antient Liberties of My Subjects.

Yet to shew the clearness of My intentions, that I neither repent nor mean to recede from any thing I have promised you, I do here declare that those things which have been done, whereby men had some cause to suspect the Liberty of the Subject to be intrench'd upon (which indeed was the first and true ground of the Petition) shall not hereafter be drawn into example to your prejudice: and in time to come, in the word of a King, you shall not have the like cause to complain.

But as for Tonnage and Poundage, it is a thing I cannot want, and was never intended by you to ask, never meant (I am sure) by Me to grant.

To conclude, I command you all that are here to take notice of what I have spoken at this time, to be the true intent and meaning of what I granted you in your Petition: but especially you, My Lords the Judges; for to you only, under Me, belongs the inter∣pretation of the Laws: For none of the Houses of Parliament, joynt or separate, (what new Doctrine soever may be raised) have any power either to make or declare a Law, without My Consent.

XIV. To the Lords and Commons, in the Banquetting-House at WHITE-HALL, January 24. MDCXXVIII. IX.

MY Lords and Gentlemen, The care I have to remove all Obstacles that may hinder the good correspondencie between Me and this Parliament, is the cause I have cal∣led you hither at this time; the particular occasion being a complaint lately made in the Lower-House. And for you, My Lords, I am glad to take this and all other occasions whereby you may clearly understand both My Words and Actions: for as you are nearest in degree, so are you the fittest Witnesses for Kings.

The Complaint I speak of is, for staying mens Goods that denied Tonnage and Poun∣dage: And this may have an easy and short Conclusion, if My Words and Actions be rightly understood. For by passing the Bill, as Mine Ancestors have had it, My by-past Actions will be included, and My future Actions authorized: Which certainly would not have been stuck upon, if men had not imagined that I had taken this duty as appertaining to My Hereditary Prerogative: In which they are much deceived; for it ever was, and still is My meaning, by the gift of My People to enjoy it; and My intent in My Speech at the end of the last Session was, not to challenge Tonnage and Poundage as of Right, but de bene esse, shewing you the Necessity, not the Right, by which I was to take it, until I had it granted unto Me, assuring My self (according to your general professions) that you wanted time, not will, to grant it unto Me.

Wherefore now having opportunity, I expect that without loss of time you make good your professions, and so by passing the Bill, put an end to all Questions arising from this subject; especially since I have cleared all scruples that may trouble you in this business.

Page  165 To conclude, Let us not be jealous of one anothers Actions; for if I had been easily moved at every occasion, the Order made on Wednesday last might have made Me startle, there being some shew to suspect that you had given your selves the liberty to be Inquirers after Complaints, the words of your Order being somewhat largely penned: but looking into your Actions, I find you here only Complainers, not seeking Complaints; for I am certain you neither intend nor desire the liberty to be Inquisitors after mens Actions before particular Complaints be made.

This I have spoken, to shew how slow I am to believe harshly of your Proceedings: likewise to assure you, that the Houses Resolution, not particular mens speeches, shall make Me judge well or ill: Not doubting but, according to mine example, you will be deaf to ill reports concerning Me, until My Words and Actions speak for themselves; but, this Session beginning with Confidence one towards the other, it may end with a perfect good understanding between us; which God grant.

XV. To the Lords and Commons, in Answer to their Petition for a Publick Fast, January 31. MDCXXVIII. IX.

MY Lords and Gentlemen, the chiefest motive of your Fast being the deplorable estate of the Reformed Churches abroad, is too true; and our duties are (so much as in us possibly lyeth) to give them help: But certainly Fighting will do them more good than Fasting. Though I do not wholly disallow the latter, yet I must tell you, that this Custom of Fasts every Sessions is but lately begun, and I confess I am not so fully satisfi∣ed with the necessity of it at this time. Yet to shew you how smoothly I desire our busi∣ness to go on, eschewing (as much as I can) Questions and Jealousies, I do willingly grant your request herein. But with this note, that I expect that this shall not hereafter be brought into Precedent for frequent Fasts, except upon great occasions.

As for the Form and Time, I will advise with My Lords the Bishops, and then send you a particular to both Houses.

XVI. To the House of Commons, in Answer to their Declaration concerning Tonnage and Poundage, Feb. 3. MDCXXVIII. IX.

YOur Declaration being somewhat long, may by reason require some time to reply unto it, since (as most of you cannot but judge) that this giveth Me no satisfaction. Therefore I shall give you some short Notes upon it.

I cannot think that, whereas you alledge that the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage was brought in against the Priviledge of your House, that you will offer to take so much Pri∣viledge from any one of your Members, as not to allow them the liberty to bring in any Bill whatsoever; though it be in your power when it is brought in, to do with it what you think good. And I cannot imagine how, coming hither only by My Power, and to treat of things I propound unto you, you can deny Me that Prerogative to recommend or offer any Bill unto you. Though in this particular I must profess, that this Bill was not to have been offered you in My Name, as that Member of your House can bear Me witness.

As for the cause of delay of My business being Religion, there is none of you shall have a greater care for the true preservation of it than My self; which since it is confessed by your Answer, ye must either think I want Power, (which cannot be) or that I am very ill-counselled, if it be in such danger as you affirm. Though I may say much of this point, I will say no more, but that for all this I shall not stop My Ears unto you upon this sub∣ject, so that in form and matter you transgress not your limits.

As for Tonnage and Poundage, I do not desire it out of greediness (being perswaded you will make no stop in it when you take it in hand) as out of a desire to put an end to all Questions that daily arise between Me and some of My Subjects; thinking it a strange thing, if you should give ear unto those Complaints, and not take the sure and speedy way to decide them.

Besides, I must think it strange, that this business of Religion should be only a hinde∣rer of My Affairs, whereas I am certainly informed, that all other things go on according to their ordinary course. Therefore I must still be instant with you, that you proceed with this business of Tonnage and Poundage with diligence; not looking to be denied in so just a desire. And you must not think it much, if finding you slack, I shall give you such further quickening as I find cause.

Page  166

XVII. To the House of Lords, at the Dissolving of His Third Parliament, at WESTMINSTER, Mar. 10. MDCXXVIII. IX.

MY Lords, I never came here upon so unpleasing an occasion, it being the Dissolution of a Parliament. Therefore men may have some cause to wonder, why I should not rather chuse to do this by Commission, it being a general Maxime of Kings, to leave harsh Commands to their Ministers, Themselves only executing pleasing things. Yet considering that Justice as well consists in reward and praise of Vertue as punishing of Vice, I thought it necessary to come here to day, to declare to you, My Lords, and all the world, that it was merely the undutiful and seditious carriage of the Lower House that hath caused the Dissolution of this Parliament; and that You, My Lords, are so far from being causes of it, that I take as much Comfort in your dutiful demeanours as I am justly distasted with their Proceedings.

Yet to avoid mistakings, let Me tell you, that it is so far from Me to adjudge all that House guilty, that I know there are many there as dutiful Subjects as any in the world; it being but some few Vipers among them that cast this Mist of undutifulness over most of their Eyes. Yet to say truth, there was a good number there that would not be infected with this Contagion: insomuch that some did express their duties in speaking, which was the general fault of the House the last day.

To conclude, As these Vipers must look for their reward of punishment; so you, My Lords, may justly expect from Me that Favour and Protection that a Good King oweth to His loving and dutiful Nobility.

And now, My Lord Keeper, do what I have commanded you.

XVIII. To the Speaker of the House of Commons, April, MDCXL.

MAster Speaker, I will only say one word to you; Now that you are the Speaker, I command you to do the office of a Speaker, which is faithfully to report the great Cause of the Meeting, that My Lord Keeper in My Name did represent unto you the last day: with this assurance, That you giving Me your timely help in this great Affair, I shall give a willing ear to all your just Grievances.

XIX. To the House of Lords at WESTMINSTER, April 24. MDCXL.

His Majesty said,

THAT the cause of His coming was to put them in mind of what had been delivered by the Lord Keeper, in His Name, unto both Houses the first day of the Parliament, and after at White-Hall.

How, contrary to His expectation, the House of Commons having held Consultation of matter of Religion, Property of Goods, and Liberty of Parliament, and voted some things concerning those three Heads, had therefore given them the precedence before the matter of His Supply. That His Necessities were such, they could not bear delay. That whatsoever He had by the Lord Keeper promised, He would perform, if the House of Commons would trust Him.

For Religion, that His Heart and Conscience went together with the Religion established in the Church of England; and He would give Order to His Arch-Bishops and Bishops, that no Inno∣vation in matter of Religion should creep in.

For the Ship-money, that He never made or intended to make any profit to Himself of it, but only to preserve the Dominion of the Seas; which was so necessary, that without it the Kingdom could not subsist: But for the way and means, by Ship-money, or otherwise, He left it to them.

For Property of Goods, and Liberty of Parliament, He ever intended His People should injoy them, holding no King so Great as he that was King of a rich and free People; and if they had not Property of Goods and Liberty of Persons, they could be neither rich nor free.

That if the House of Commons would not first trust Him, all His Affairs would be disordered, and His business lost. That though they trusted Him in part at first, yet before the Parliament ended He must totally trust them; and in conclusion, they must, for execution of all things, wholly trust Him. Therefore since the matter was no more than who should be first trusted, and that the trust of Him first was but a trust in part; He desired the Lords to take into their consideration His and their own Honour, the Safety and Welfare of this Kingdom, with the great Danger it was in, and that they would by their Advice dispose the House of Commons to give His Supply the precedence before the Grievances.

Page  167

XX. To the Lords and Commons, at the Dissolving of His Fourth Parliament, at WESTMINSTER, May 5. MDCXL.

MY Lords, There can no occasion of My coming to this House be so unpleasing to Me as this is at this time. The fear of doing that which I am to do at this day made Me not long agoe come to this House, where I expressed as well My fears, as the remedies I thought necessary for the eschewing of it. Unto which I must confess and ac∣knowledge that you, My Lords of the Higher House, did give me so willing an ear, and with such affection did shew your selves thereafter, that certainly I may say, if there had been any means to have given an happy end to this Parliament, you took it: So that it was neither your Lordships fault nor Mine, that it is not so. Therefore in the first place I must give your Lordships thanks for your good endeavours.

I hope you remember what My Lord Keeper said to you the first day of the Parlia∣ment, in My Name; what likewise he said in the Banquetting-House in White-Hall; and what I lately said to you in this place My self. I name all this unto you, not in doubt that you do not well remember it, but to shew, that I never said any thing in way of favour to My People, but that, by the Grace of God, I will really and punctually per∣form it.

I know that they have insisted very much on Grievances, and I will not say but that there may be some; though I will confidently affirm, that there are not by many degrees so many as the publick voice doth make them. Wherefore I desire you to take notice, now especially at this time, that out of Parliament I shall be as ready (if not more willing) to hear and redress any just Grievances as in Parliament.

There is one thing which is much spoken of, though not so much insisted on as others, and that is Religion: Concerning which albeit I expressed My self fully the last day in this place to your Lordships, yet I think it fit again on this occasion to tell you, that as I am most concerned, so I shall be most careful to preserve that purity of Religion which, I thank God, is so well established in the Church of England; and that as well out as in Parliament.

My Lords, I shall not trouble you long with words, it being not My fashion: wherefore to conclude, What I offered the last day to the House of Commons I think is well known to you all, as likewise how they accepted it; which I desire not to remember, but wish that they had remembred, how at first they were told, in My Name, by My Lord Keeper, That Delay was the worst kind of Denial. Yet I will not lay this fault on the whole House, for I will not judge so uncharitably of those whom for the most part I take to be Loyal and well-affected Subjects; but that it hath been the malicious cunning of some few seditiously-af∣fected men that hath been the cause of this Misunderstanding.

I shall now end as I began, in giving your Lordships thanks for your affection shewed to Me at this time; desiring you to go on to assist Me in the maintaining of that Regal Pow∣er that is truly Mine. And as for the Liberty of the People, that they now so much seem to startle at, know, My Lords, that no King in the World shall be more careful to maintain them in the Property of their Goods, Liberty of their Persons, and true Religion, than I shall be.

And now, My Lord Keeper, do what I have commanded you.

XXI. To the Great Council of Lords at YORK, September 24. MDCXL.

MY Lords, Upon sudden Invasions, where the dangers are near and instant, it hath been the custom of My Predecessors to assemble the Great Council of the Peers, by their Advice and Assistance to give a timely remedy to such evils as cannot admit a de∣lay, so long as must of necessity be allowed for the assembling the Parliament. This be∣ing our condition at this time, and an Army of Rebels lodged within the Kingdom, I thought it most fit to conform My self to the practice of My Predecessors in like cases, that with your advice and assistance we might joyntly proceed to the chastisement of their In∣solencies, and securing of Our good Subjects.

In the first place I must let you know, that I desire nothing more than to be rightly un∣derstood of My People; and to that end I have of My self resolved to call a Parliament, having already given order to My Lord Keeper to issue out the Writs instantly, so that the Parliament may be assembled by the third of November next: Whither if My Sub∣jects bring the like good affections as I do, it shall not fail on My part to make it a happy Meeting.

In the mean time there are two points to be considered, wherein I shall desire your Ad∣vice, which indeed is the chief cause of your Meeting.

Page  168 First, What Answer to give to the Petition of the Rebels, and in what manner to treat with them. Of which that you may give a sure judgement, I have ordered that your Lordships shall be clearly and truly informed of the state of the whole business; and upon what reasons the Advices that My Privy Counsel unanimously gave Me were grounded.

Secondly, How My Army shall be kept on foot and maintained till the supplies of a Parliament may be had. For so long as the Scots Army remains in England, I think no man will counsel Me to disband Mine: for that would be an unspeakable loss to all this part of the Kingdom, by subjecting them to the greedy appetite of the Rebels; beside the unspeakable dishonour that would thereby fall upon this Nation.

XXII. To the Lords and Commons, at the Opening of His Fifth Parliament, at WESTMINSTER, November 3. MDCXL.

MY Lords, The knowledge that I had of the Designs of My Scotish Subjects was the cause of My calling the last Assembly of Parliament; wherein had I been be∣lieved, I sincerely think that things had not fallen out as now we see. But it is no won∣der that men are so slow to believe that so great a Sedition should be raised on so little ground.

But now, My Lords and Gentlemen, the Honour and Safety of this Kingdom lying so nearly at stake, I am resolved to put My self freely and clearly on the love and affections of My English Subjects, as those of My Lords that did wait on Me at York very well re∣member I there declared. Therefore, My Lords, I shall not mention Mine own Interest, or that Support I might justly expect from you, till the Common Safety be secured: Though I must tell you, I am not ashamed to say, those charges I have been at have been meerly for the securing and good of this Kingdom, though the success hath not been an∣swerable to My desires.

Therefore I shall only desire you to consider the best way both for the safety and secu∣rity of this Kingdom; wherein are two things chiefly considerable: First, the chasing out of the Rebels; and secondly, that other in satisfying your just Grievances; wherein I shall promise you to concur so heartily and clearly with you, that all the world may see, My intentions have ever been, and shall be, to make this a glorious and flourishing Kingdom.

There are only Two things more that I shall mention to you.

The one is, to tell you, that the lone of Money which I lately had from the City of London, wherein the Lords that waited on Me at York assisted Me, will only maintain My Army for two months, from the beginning of that time it was granted. Now, My Lords and Gentlemen, I leave it to your considerations, what dishonour and mischief it might be, in case for want of Money My Army be disbanded before the Rebels be put out of this Kingdom.

Secondly, the securing the Calamities the Northern People endure at this time, and so long as the Treaty is on foot: And in this I may say, not only they, but all this Kingdom will suffer the harm. Therefore I leave this also to your Consideration.

For the ordering of these Great Affairs whereof you are to treat at this time, I am so confident of your love to Me, and that your care is such for the Honour and Safety of the Kingdom, that I shall freely and willingly leave to you where to begin: Only this, that you may the better know the state of all the Affairs, I have commanded My Lord Keeper to give you a short and free account of those things that have happened in this in∣terim; with this Protestation, that if his account be not satisfactory as it ought to be, I shall, whensoever you desire it, give you a full and perfect account of every particular.

One thing more I desire of you, as one of the greatest means to make this an happy Parliament, That you on your parts, as I on Mine, lay aside all suspicion one of ano∣ther. As I promised My Lords at York, it shall not be My fault, if this be not a happy and good Parliament.

XXIII. To the House of Lords, at WESTMINSTER, Nov. 5. MDCXL.

MY Lords, I do expect that you will hastily make Relation to the House of Com∣mons of those Great Affairs for which I have called you hither at this time, and of the trust I have reposed in them, and how freely I put My self on their love and affe∣ctions at this time: And that you may know the better how to do so, I shall explain My self concerning one thing I spake the last day.

I told you, the Rebels must be put out of this Kingdom. 'Tis true, I must needs call them so, so long as they have an Army that does invade us, although I am under Treaty with them, and under My Great Seal do call them Subjects; and so they are too.

Page  169 But the state of My Affairs in short is this: It's true, I did expect, when I did will My Lords and Great ones to be at York, to have given a gracious Answer to all their Grievan∣ces; for I was in good hope by their Wisdoms and Assistances to have made an end of that business: but I must tell you that My Subjects of Scotland did so delay them, that it was not possible to end there. Therefore I can no ways blame My Lords that were at Rippon, that the Treaty was not ended; but must thank them for their pains and industry. And certain∣ly, had they as much power as affections, I should by this time have brought these distem∣pers to a happy period. So that now the Treaty is transported from Rippon to London; where I shall conclude nothing without your knowledge, and I doubt not but by your ap∣probation: for I do not desire to have this great Work done in a corner; for I shall lay open all the steps of this Misunderstanding, and the causes of the great Differences between Me and My Subjects of Scotland. And I doubt not but by your assistance to make them know their Duty, and also by your assistance to make them return whether they will or no.

XXIV. To the Lords and Commons, at the Banquetting-House in WHITE-HALL, Jan. 25. MDCXL. XLI.

MY Lords, and you the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, The principal cause of My coming here at this time is by reason of the slow proceedings in Parliament, touching which is a great deal of inconvenience: Therefore I think it very necessary to lay before you the state of My Affairs as they now stand, thereby to hasten, not to inter∣rupt, your proceedings.

First, I must remember you that there are two Armies in the Kingdom, in a manner maintained by you; the very naming of which doth more clearly shew the inconveni∣ence thereof than a better tongue than Mine can express. Therefore in the first place I shall commend unto you the quick dispatch of that business.

In the next place, I must recommend unto you the state of My Navy and Forts; the condition of both which is so well known unto you, that I need not tell you the particu∣lars: Only thus much, they are the walls and defence of this Kingdom, which if out of order, all men may easily judge what encouragement it will be to our Enemies, and what disheartning to our Friends.

Last of all, and not the least to be considered, I must lay before you the Distractions that are at this present occasioned through the connivence of Parliament: for there are some men that, more maliciously than ignorantly, will put no difference between Refor∣mation and Alteration of Government. Hence it cometh that Divine Service is irreve∣rently interrupted; and Petitions in an ill way given in, neither disputed nor denied.

But I will enter into no more particulars, but shew you a way of Remedy, by shewing you My clear intentions, and some Rocks that may hinder this Good Work.

I shall willingly and chearfully concur with you for the Reformation of all Innovations both in Church and Commonwealth; and consequently, that all Courts of Justice may be reformed according to Law. For My intention is clearly to reduce all things to the best and purest times, as they were in the time of Queen Elizabeth.

Moreover, whatsoever part of My Revenue shall be found illegal or heavy to My Sub∣jects, I shall be willing to lay down, trusting in their Affections.

Having thus clearly and shortly set down My intentions, I will shew you some Rubs; and must needs take notice of some very strange (I know not what term to give them) Petitions, given in in the names of divers Counties against the present established Govern∣ment of the Church, and of the great threatnings against the Bishops, that they will make them to be but Cyphers, or at least their Voices to be taken away.

Now I must tell you, that I make a great difference between Reformation and Altera∣tion of Government: Though I am for the first, I cannot give way to the latter.

If some of them have overstretched their power, and incroached too much upon the Temporalty, if it be so, I shall not be unwilling these things should be redressed and re∣formed, as all other Abuses, according to the wisdom of former times: So far I shall go with you. Nay further, if upon serious debate you shall shew Me that Bishops have some Temporal Authority inconvenient to the State, and not so necessary for the Govern∣ment of the Church and upholding Episcopal Jurisdiction, I shall not be unwilling to de∣sire them to lay it down. But this must not be understood, that I shall any way consent that their Voices in Parliament should be taken away: For in all the times of My Prede∣cessors, since the Conquest and before, they have enjoyed it; and I am bound to main∣tain them in it, as one of the Fundamental Constitutions of this Kingdom.

There is another Rock you are on, not in Substance, but in Form; yet the Form is so es∣sential, that unless it be reformed, it will marr the Substance.

Page  170 There is a Bill lately put in concerning Parliaments. The thing I like well, to have frequent Parliaments: But to give power to Sheriffs and Constables, and I know not whom, to use My Authority, that I cannot yield unto. But to shew you that I am de∣sirous to give you contentment n Forms which destroy not the Substance, you shall have a Bill for this purpose, so that it trench neither against My Honour, nor against the an∣cient Prerogative of the Crown concerning Parliaments. To which purpose I have com∣manded My Learned Counsel to wait on you, My Lords, with such Propositions as I hope will give you content. For I ingenuously confess that frequent Parliaments are the best means to keep a right understanding between Me and My People, which I so much desire.

To conclude, I have now shewed you the state of My Affairs, My Own clear intenti∣ons, and the Rocks I wish you to eschew: in all which you may perceive the desire I have to give you content; as you shall find also by those Ministers I have or shall have about Me, for the effecting of these My good intentions, which I doubt not will bring peace and happiness to My Subjects, and contentment to you All.

Concerning the Conference, you shall have a direct Answer on Monday, which shall give you satisfaction.

XXV. To the Lords and Commons, in Answer to their Remonstrance about Papists, Feb. 3. MDCXL. XLI.

HAving taken into My serious Consideration the late Remonstrance of the Houses of Parliament, I give you this Answer:

That I take in good part your care of the true Religion established in this Kingdom, from which I will never depart; as also your tenderness of My Safety, and the Security of this State and Government. It is against My mind that Popery or Superstition should any way increase within this Kingdom; I will restrain the same by causing the Laws to be put in execution.

I am resolved to provide against the Jesuits and Papists, by setting forth a Proclamation with all speed, commanding them to depart the Kingdom within one Month: of which if they fail, or shall return, then they shall be proceeded against according to the Laws.

Concerning Rosetti, I give you to understand that the Queen hath always assured Me, that to Her knowledge he hath no Commission, but only to retain a Personal Correspon∣dence between Her and the Pope in things requisite for the exercise of Her Religion, which is warranted to Her by the Articles of Marriage, which gave Her a full liberty of Consci∣ence. Yet I have perswaded Her, that since the misunderstanding of that Persons condi∣tion gives offence, She will within a convenient time remove him.

Moreover, I will take a special care to restrain My Subjects from resorting to Mass at Denmark-House, Saint James's, and the Chappels of Ambassadors.

Lastly, concerning John Goodman the Priest, I will let you know the reason why I re∣prieved him, that as I am informed, neither Queen Elizabeth nor My Father did ever a∣vow, that any Priest in their times was executed merely for Religion, which to Me seems to be this particular Case. Yet seeing that I am pressed by both Houses to give way to this, because I will avoid the inconvenience of giving so great discontent to My People as I conceive this Mercy may produce, therefore I do remit this particular case to both the Houses. But I desire them to take into their Considerations the inconveniences (as I con∣ceive) that may upon this occasion fall upon My Subjects and other Protestants abroad, especially since it may seem to other States to be a severity. Which having thus repre∣sented, I think My self discharged from all ill consequences that may ensue upon the Exe∣cution of this person.

XXVI. To the House of Lords, at WESTMINSTER, Feb. 10. MDCXL. XLI.

MY Lords, That freedom and confidence which I expressed at the beginning of this Parliament to have of your love and fidelity towards My Person and Estate, hath made Me at this time come hither to acquaint you with that Alliance and Confederacy which I intend to make with the Prince of Orange and the States; which before this time I did not think expedient to do, because that part I do desire your Advice and Assistance upon was not ready to be treated on.

I will not trouble you with a long digression, by shewing the steps of this Treaty, but leave you to be satisfied in that by those who under Me do manage that Affair. Only I shall shew you the reasons which have induced Me to it, and in what I expect your Assi∣stance and Counsel.

The Considerations that have induced Me to it are these.

First, the matter of Religion: Here needs no Dispensation; no fear that My Daugh∣ter's Conscience may be any way perverted.

Page  171 Secondly, I do esteem that a strict Alliance and Confederacy with the States will be as useful to this Kingdom as that with any of My Neighbou••; especially considering their Affinity, Neighbourhood, and way of their Strength.

And lastly, (which I must never forget in these occasions) the use I may make of this Alliance towards the establishing of My Sister and Nephews.

Now to shew you in what I desire your Assistance, You must know that the Articles of Marriage are in a manner concluded, but not to be totally ratified until that of Alli∣ance be ended and agreed; which before I demanded your assistance, I did not think fit to enter upon. And that I may not leave you too much at large how to begin that Coun∣sel, I present you here the Propositions which are offered by Me to the States Ambassa∣dours for that intent.

And so, My Lords, I shall only desire you to make as much expedition in your Counsels, as so great a business shall require, and shall leave your Lordships to your own free debate.

XXVII. To the Lords and Commons, at His Passing the Bill for Triennial Parliaments, at WESTMINSTER, Feb. 15. MDCXL. XLI.

MY Lords, and you the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons: You may remember, when both Houses were with Me at the Banquetting-House at White-Hall, I did declare unto you two Rocks I wished you to eschew: This is one of them, and of that consequence, that I think never Bill passed here in this House of more favour to the Subject than this is. And if the other Rock be as happily passed over as this shall be at this time, I do not know what you can ask, for ought I can see, at this time, that I can make any question to yield unto.

Therefore I mention this, to shew unto you the sense that I have of this Bill, and the Obligation, as I may say, that you have to Me for it. For hitherto, to speak freely, I had no great incouragement to do it; if I should look to the outward face of your Actions or Proceedings, and not to the inward Intentions of your hearts, I might make question of doing it.

Hitherto you have gone on in that which concerns your selves to amend, and not in those things that nearly concern the strength of this Kingdom, neither for the State, nor My Own particular.

This I mention, not to reproach you, but to shew you the state of things as they are. You have taken the Government all in pieces, and I may say it is almost off the Hinges: A skilful Watch-maker, to make clean his Watch, will take it asunder, and when it is put together it will go the better; so that he leave not out one pin of it.

Now as I have done all this on My part, you know what to do on yours: And I hope you shall see clearly, that I have performed really what I expressed to you at the begin∣ning of this Parliament, of the great trust I have of your affections to Me. And this is the great expression of trust, that before you do any thing for Me, I do put such a Confi∣dence in you.

XXVIII. To the Lords and Commons, about Disbanding the Armies in Ireland and England at the Banquetting-House in WHITE-HALL, April 28. MDCXLI.

MY Lords and Gentlemen, For Answer to your Desires, I say, First, Concerning the removal of Papists from Court, I am sure you all know what legal trust the Crown hath in this particular: and therefore I need not say any thing to give you assurance that I shall use it so that there shall be no just cause of Scandal.

Secondly, For disarming of Papists, I am very well content it shall be done according to Law.

Thirdly, For the Irish Army, you must understand, I am already upon Consultation how to disband it; but I find many difficulties in it: therefore I hold it not only fit to wish it, but to shew the way how it may be conveniently done.

This is not all I desire; but since you have mentioned the disbanding of Armies, it is My Duty to My Country, to wish for disbanding of all Armies, and to restore the same Peace to all My three Kigndoms that the King My Father did leave them in: And I con∣jure you, as you will answer the same to God and to your Country, to join with Me hear∣tily and speedily for the disbanding of the two Armies in England.

This is a very good time to speak of it; and there are but two waies to do it. One is, to answer their Petitions: and the second is, to provide Monies. You are Masters of the one, and, with Me, you are Judges of the other. And you shall not be readier (nor so ready) to bring this to a happy Conclusion, than I My self shall be.

Page  172

XXIX. To the House of Lords, concerning the Bill of Attainder of the Earl of STRAFFORD, at WESTMINSTER, May 1. MDCXLI.

MY Lords, I had no intention to have spoken to you of this business this day, which is the great business concerning My Lord of Strafford, because I would do nothing that might serve to hinder your occasions. But now it comes so to pass, that seeing of ne∣cessity I must have part in the Judgment, I think it most necessary for Me to declare My Conscience therein.

I am sure you all know, I have been present at the hearing of this great Case from the one end to the other: And I must tell you, that in My Conscience I cannot condemn him of High Treason.

It is not fit for Me to argue this business; I am sure you will not expect that: A Po∣sitive Doctrine best becomes the Mouth of a Prince. Yet I must tell you three Truths, which I am sure no man can tell so well as My self.

First, That I had never any intention of bringing over the Irish Army into England, nor ever was advised by any body so to do.

Secondly, That there was never any debate before Me, either in Publick Counsel or Private Committee, of the disloyalty of my English Subjects, nor ever had I any suspi∣cion of them.

Thirdly, That I never was counselled by any to alter the least of any of the Laws of England, much less to alter all the Laws. Nay, I tell you this, I think no body durst ever be so impudent as to move Me to it: For if they had, I should have made them such an Example, and put such a mark upon them, that all Posterity should know My inten∣tions by it; for My intention was ever to govern by the Law, and no otherwise.

I desire to be rightly understood: for though I tell you in My Conscience I cannot con∣demn him of High Treason, yet I cannot say I can clear him of Misdemeanours. There∣fore I hope you may find out a way to satisfie Justice and your own fears, and not oppress My Conscience.

My Lords, I hope you know what a tender thing Conscience is; and I must declare unto you, that to satisfie the People I would do great matters: but in this of Conscience, nei∣ther Fear nor any other respect whatsoever shall ever make Me go against it.

Certainly I have not deserved so ill of this Parliament at this time, that they should press Me in this tender; therefore I cannot suspect you will go about it. Nay, for Misdeamea∣nours I am so clear in them, that, though I will not chalk out the way, yet I will shew you, that I think My Lord of Strafford is not fit hereafter to serve Me or the Common∣wealth in any place of Trust, no not so much as a Constable. Therefore I leave it to you, My Lords, to find out some such way as to bring Me out of this Streight, and keep your selves and the Kingdom from such inconveniences.

XXX. To the Lords and Commons, at His passing the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage, Jun. 22. MDCXLI.

I Do very willingly accept your offer made at this time as a testimony of your Love and beginning of your dutiful affections to Me; and I no waies doubt but that you will perform that which you have intimated unto Me, and that in due time you will perform the rest, when you have leisure.

I do not doubt likewise, but that in passing this Bill you will see a testimony of the trust and confidence I have in your affections; as also that I omit no occasion whereby I may shew that affection to My People that I desire My People would shew to Me: as in this Pa