Basiliká the works of King Charles the martyr : with a collection of declarations, treaties, and other papers concerning the differences betwixt His said Majesty and his two houses of Parliament : with the history of his life : as also of his tryal and martyrdome.

IV. Mr. Alexander Henderson's Second Paper.

For His MAJESTY.

SIR,

THE smaller the encouragements be in relation to the success, (which how small they are Your Majesty well knows) the more apparent and, I hope, the more acceptable will my obedience be, in that which in all humility I now go about at Your Majesty's command: yet while I consider that the way of man is not in himself, nor is it in man that walketh to direct his own steps; and when I remember how many supplications, with strong crying and tears, have been openly and in secret offered up in Your Majesty's behalf unto God that heareth prayer, I have no reason to despair of a blessed success.

1. I have been averse from a disputation of Divines, 1. For saving of time; which the present exigence and extremity of affairs make more than ordinarily pretious. While Archimedes at Syracuse was drawing his figures and circlings in the sand, Mar∣cellus interrupted his Demonstration. 2. Because the common result of Disputes of this kind, answerable to the prejudicate opinions of the Parties, is rather Victory than Verity; while tanquam tentativi Dialectici, they study more to overcome their adverse Party, than to be overcome of Truth, although this be the most glorious Victory. 3. When I was commanded to come hither, no such thing was proposed to me nor expected by me: I never judged so meanly of the Cause, nor so highly of my self, as to venture it upon such weakness. Much more might be spoken to this purpose, but I forbear.

2. I will not further trouble Your Majesty with that which is contained in the se∣cond Section, hoping that Your Majesty will no more insist upon Education, Prescri∣ption of time, &c. which are sufficient to prevent Admiration, but (which Your Ma∣jesty acknowledges) must give place to Reason, and are no sure ground of resolution of our Faith in any point to be believed: although it be true that the most part of men make these and the like to be the ground and rule of their Faith; an Evidence that their Faith is not a Divine Faith, but an humane Credulity.

3. Concerning Reformation of Religion in the third Section; I had need have a Pre∣face to so thorny a Theme as your Majesty hath brought me upon. 1. For the Re∣forming power; it is conceived, when a General Defection, like a Deluge, hath covered the whole face of the Church, so that scarcely the tops of the Mountains do appear, a General Council is necessary: but because that can hardly be obtained, several King∣doms (which we see was done at the time of the Reformation) are to Reform them∣selves, and that by the Authority of their Prince and Magistrates: if the Prince or su∣preme Magistrate be unwilling, then may the inferior Magistrate and the People, be∣ing before rightly informed in the grounds of Religion, lawfully Reform within their own sphere; and if the light shine upon all, or the major part, they may, after all other means assayed, make a publick Reformation. This before this time I never wrote or spoke; yet the Maintainers of this Doctrine conceive that they are able to make it good. But, Sir, were I worthy to give advice to Your Majesty, or to the Kings and supreme Powers on Earth, my humble Opinion would be, that they should draw the Minds, Tongues and Pens of the Learned, to dispute about other matter than the Power or Prerogative of Kings and Princes; and in this kind Your Majesty hath suffered and lost more than will easily be restored to Your self or Your Posterity for a long time. It is not denied but the prime Reforming power is in Kings and Princes; quibus deficientibus, it comes to the inferior Magistrate; quibus deficientibus, it descendeth to the Body of the People; supposing that there is a necessity of Refor∣mation, and that by no means it can be obtained of their Superiors. It is true that such a Reformation is more imperfect in respect of the Instruments and manner of Procedure; yet for the most part more pure and perfect in relation to the effect and product. And for this end did I cite the Examples of old of Reformation by Regal Authority; of which none was perfect, in the second way of perfection, except that of Josiah. Concerning the saying of Grosthed, whom the Cardinals at Rome confest to be a more Godly man than any of themselves, it was his Complaint and Prediction of what was likely to ensue, not his desire or election, if Reformation could have been obtained in the ordinary way. I might bring two unpartial Witnesses, Juel and Bilson, both famous English Bishops, to prove that the Tumults and Troubles raised

in Scotland at the time of Reformation, were to be imputed to the Papists opposing of the Reformation both of Doctrine and Discipline as an Heretical Innovation; and not to be ascribed to the Nobility or People, who under God were the Instruments of it, intending and seeking nothing but the purging out of Errour, and setling of the Truth, 2. Concerning the Reformation of the Church of England, I conceive, whe∣ther it was begun or not in K. Henry the Eighth's time, it was not finished by Q. Eli∣zabeth: the Father stirred the Humors of the diseased Church; but neither the Son nor the Daughter (although we have great reason to bless God for both) did purge them out perfectly: This Perfection is yet reserved for Your Majesty. Where it is said, that all this time I bring no Reasons for a further Change; the fourth Section of my last Paper hath many hints of Reasons against Episcopal Government, with an offer of more, or clearing of those; which Your Majesty hath not thought fit to take notice of. And Learned men have observed many Defects in that Reformation; As, That the Government of the Church of England (for about this is the Question now) is not builded upon the foundation of Christ and the Apostles; which they at least cannot deny, who profess Church-Government to be mutable and ambulatory; and such were the greater part of Archbishops and Bishops in England, contenting themselves with the Constitutions of the Church, and the authority and munificence of Princes, till of late that some few have pleaded it to be Jure Divino: That the English Reformation hath not perfectly purged out the Roman Leaven; which is one of the reasons that have given ground to the comparing of this Church to the Church of Laodicea, as being neither hot nor cold, neither Popish nor Reformed, but of a lukewarm temper betwixt the two: That it hath depraved the Discipline of the Church, by conforming of it to the Civil Policy: That it hath added many Church-Offices, higher and lower, unto those insti∣tuted by the Son of God; which is as unlawful, as to take away Offices warranted by the Divine Institution: and other the like, which have moved some to apply this say∣ing to the Church of England, Multi ad perfectionem pervenirent, nisi jam se pervenisse crederent.

4. In my Answer to the first of Your Majesty's many Arguments, I brought a Bre∣viate of some Reasons to prove that a Bishop and Presbyter are one and the same in Scri∣pture: from which by necessary Consequence I did infer the negative, Therefore, no difference in Scripture between a Bishop and a Presbyter; the one name signifying In∣dustriam Curiae Pastoralis, the other Sapientiae Maturitatem, saith Beda. And whereas Your Majesty averrs, the Presbyterian Government was never practised before Calvin's time; Your Majesty knows the common Objection of the Papists against the Reformed Churches, Where was your Church, your Reformation, your Doctrine, before Luther's time? One part of the common Answer is, that it was from the beginning, and is to be found in Scripture. The same I affirm of Presbyterian Government. And for the proving of this, the Assembly of Divines at Westminster have made manifest, that the Primitive Christian Church at Jerusalem was governed by a Presbytery; while they shew, 1. That the Church of Jerusalem consisted of more Congregations than one, from the multitude of Believers, from the many Apostles and other Preachers in that Church, and from the diversity of Languages among the Believers. 2. That all these Congre∣gations were under one Presbyterial Government, because they were for Government one Church, Acts 11. 22, 26. and because that Church was governed by Elders, Acts 11. 30. which were Elders of that Church, and did meet together for acts of Govern∣ment: And the Apostles themselves, in that meeting Acts 15. acted not as Apostles, but as Elders, stating the Question, debating it in the ordinary way of disputation; and having by search of Scripture found the will of God, they conclude, It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and us: which, in the judgment of the learned, may be spoken by any Assembly upon like evidence of Scripture. The like Presbyterian Government had place in the Churches of Corinth, Ephesus, Thessalonica, &c. in the times of the Apostles; and after them, for many years, when one of the Presbytery was made Episcopus Praeses, even then, Communi Presbyterorum Consilio Ecclesiae gubernabantur, saith Jerome; and, Episcopos magis consuetudine quam Dispositionis Divinae veritate Presbyteris esse majores, & in commune debere Ecclesiam regere.

5. Far be it from me to think such a thought, as that Your Majesty did intend any Fallacy in Your other main Argument from Antiquity. As we are to distinguish be∣tween Intentio operantis and Conditio operis; so may we in this case consider the diffe∣rence between Intentio Argumentantis and Conditio Argumenti. And where Your Ma∣jesty argues, That, if Your opinion be not admitted, we will be forced to give place to the Interpretation of private spirits, which is contrary to the Doctrine of the Apostle

Peter, and will prove to be of dangerous consequence; I humbly offer to be conside∣red by Your Majesty, what some of chief note among the Papists themselves have taught us, That the Interpretation of Scriptures, and the Spirits whence they proceed, may be called private in a threefold sense. 1. Ratione Personae, if the Interpreter be of a private condition. 2. Ratione Modi & Medii, when Persons, although not private, use not the publick means which are necessary for finding out the Truth, but follow their own Fancies. 3. Ratione Finis, when the Interpretation is not proposed as Au∣thentical to bind others, but is intended only for our own private satisfaction. The first is not to be despised; the second is to be exploded, and is condemned by the Apostle Peter; the third ought not to be censured: But that Interpretation which is Authentical, and of supreme Authority, which every mans conscience is bound to yield unto, is of an higher nature. And although the General Council should resolve it, and the Consent of the Fathers should be had unto it, yet there must always be place left to the judgment of Discretion, as Davenant, late Bishop of Salisbury, beside divers others, hath learnedly made appear in his Book De Judice Controversiarum; where also the Power of Kings in matter of Religion is solidly and unpartially deter∣mined. Two words only I add. One is, that notwithstanding all that is pretended from Antiquity, a Bishop having sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction, will ne∣ver be found in Prime Antiquity. The other is, that many of the Fathers did, unwit∣tingly, bring forth that Antichrist which was conceived in the times of the Apostles, and therefore are incompetent Judges in the Question of Hierarchy. And upon the other part, the Lights of the Christian Church at and since the beginning of the Reformation, have discovered many secrets concerning the Antichrist and his Hierar∣chy, which were not known to former Ages: And divers of the Learned in the Roman Church have not feared to pronounce, That whosoever denies the true and literal sense of many Texts of Scripture to have been found out in this last Age, is unthankful to God, who hath so plentifully poured forth his Spirit upon the Children of this Gene∣ration; and ungrateful towards those men who with so great pains, so happy success, and so much benefit to God's Church, have travailed therein. This might be instan∣ced in many places of Scripture. I wind together Diotrephes and the Mystery of iniqui∣ty: the one as an old example of Church-ambition, which was also too palpable in the Apostles themselves; and the other as a cover of Ambition, afterwards discovered: which two brought forth the great Mystery of the Papacy at last.

6. Although Your Majesty be not made a Judge of the Reformed Churches, yet You so far censure them and their actions, as without Bishops, in Your Judgment, they cannot have a lawful Ministery, nor a due Administration of the Sacraments. Against which dangerous and destructive Opinion I did alledge what I supposed Your Majesty would not have denied. 1. That Presbyters without a Bishop may ordain other Presbyters. 2. That Baptism administred by such a Presbyter, is another thing than Baptism administred by a private person or by a Midwife. Of the first Your Majesty calls for proof. I told before, that in Scripture it is manifest, 1 Tim. 4. 14. Neglect not the Gift that is in thee, which was given thee by the Prophecy, with the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery, so it is in the English Translation: And the word Presbytery, To often as it is used in the New Testament, always signifies the Persons, and not the Office. And although the Offices of Bishop and Presbyter were distinct; yet doth not the Presbyter derive his power of Order from the Bishop. The Evangelists were infe∣riour to the Apostles; yet had they their power not from the Apostles, but from Christ. The same I affirm of the Seventy Disciples, who had their power immediately from Christ, no less than the Apostles had theirs. It may upon better reason be averred that the Bishops have their power from the Pope, than that Presbyters have their power from the Prelats. It is true, Jerome saith, Quid facit, exceptâ ordinatione, Episcopus, quod non facit Presbyter? But in the same place he proves from Sccipture, that Episco∣pus and Presbyter are one and the same; and therefore when he appropriates Ordina∣tion to the Bishop, he speaketh of the degenerated custom of his time. Secondly, Con∣cerning Baptism, a private person may perform the external Action and Rites both of it and of the Eucharist; yet is neither of the two a Sacrament, or hath any efficacy, unless it be done by him that is lawfully called thereunto, or by a person made pub∣lick, and cloathed with Authority by Ordination. This Errour in the matter of Bap∣tism is begot by another Errour, of the Absolute Necessity of Baptism.

7. To that which hath been said concerning Your Majesties Oath, I shall add no∣thing; not being willing to enter upon the Question of the subordination of the Church to the Civil Power, whether the King or Parliament, or both, and to either of them

in their own place. Such an Headship as the Kings of England have claimed, and such a Supremacy as the Two Houses of Parliament crave, with the Appeals from the su∣preme Ecclesiastical Judicature to them as set over the Church in the same line of Sub∣ordination, I do utterly disclaim upon such Reasons as give my self satisfaction; al∣though no man shall be more willing to submit to Civil powers, each one in their own place, and more unwilling to make any trouble, than my self. Only concerning the application of the Generals of an Oath to the particular case now in hand; under fa∣vour, I conceive not how the Clergy of the Church of England is, or ought to be, prin∣cipally intended in Your Oath. For although they were esteemed to be the Represen∣tative Church; yet even that is for the benefit of the Church Collective, Salus Popu∣li being Suprema lex, and to be principally intended. Your Majesty knows it was so in the Church of Scotland, where the like alteration was made. And if nothing of this kind can be done without the consent of the Clergy, what Reformation can be ex∣pected in France or Spain, or Rome it self? It is not to be expected that the Pope or Pre∣lates will consent to their own ruine.

8. I will not presume upon any secret knowledge of the Opinions held by the King Your Majesty's Father of famous Memory, they being much better known to Your Majesty: I did only produce what was profest by Him before the world. And al∣though Prayers and Tears be the Arms of the Church; yet it is neither acceptable to God, nor conducible for Kings and Princes, to force the Church to put on these Arms. Nor could I ever hear a reason, why a necessary Defensive War against unjust Violence is unlawful, although it be joyned with Offence and Invasion which is intended for De∣fence, but so that Arms are laid down when the Offensive War ceaseth: by which it doth appear, that the War on the other side was, in the nature thereof, Defensive.

9. Concerning the forcing of Conscience, which I pretermitted in my other Paper, I am forced now, but without forcing of my conscience, to speak of it. Our Consci∣ence may be said to be forced either by our selves, or by others. By our selves, 1. When we stop the ear of our Conscience, and will not hearken, or give place to informati∣on, resolving obstinately, Ne si persuaseris, persuadebis; which is no less than a resist∣ing of the Holy Ghost, and the hardning of our hearts. 2. Or when we stop the mouth and suppress the clamours of our Conscience; resolving rather to suffer the worm to gnaw, and the fire to burn inwardly, than to make profession of that we are convinced to be Truth. 3. Or when we sear our Conscience as with an hot Iron, that it becometh sensless, which is the punishment of the former: unto which is op∣posed the truly tender Conscience, such as Josiah had, 2 King. 22. 19. Again, our Conscience is said to be forced by others, 1. when they obtrude upon us what is in it self evil and unlawful; which if we admit against our own Conscience, we sin two ways: one is, by doing that which is in it self evil and unlawful; the other is, by doing it against a dictate of Conscience, which is a contempt of God, whose Vicegerent it is. 2. Or when others urge us to do that which is in it self good, or may lawfully be done, but through error of Conscience we judge it to be evil and unlawful: in this case, if we do not that which is prest upon us, we sin, because the thing is good and lawful; and if we do it, we sin, because we do against our Conscience, which in this case bindeth, but obligeth not. And yet there is a way to escape out of this laby∣rinth, it being repugnant to the equity of the will of God to lay a necessity of sinning upon any man: The only way is, to lay aside such a Conscience, it being a part of the Old man, which we are commanded to put off; otherwise, we being sufficiently in∣formed, and yet cleaving to our old Error, we rather do violence to our Conscience our selves, than suffer violence from others. The application, for Answering the Quaere, I leave to Your Majesty.

Newcastle, June 17. 1646.