Basiliká the works of King Charles the martyr : with a collection of declarations, treaties, and other papers concerning the differences betwixt His said Majesty and his two houses of Parliament : with the history of his life : as also of his tryal and martyrdome.

THE APPENDIX.

His MAJESTIES Message from Evesham, of the 4^th of July, 1644.

To the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster.

CHARLES R.

[ I] WE being deeply sensible of the Miseries and Calamities of this Our King∣dom, and of the grievous Sufferings of Our poor Subjects, do most ear∣nestly desire that some Expedient may be found out which, by the bles∣sing of God, may prevent the further effusion of Blood, and restore the Nation to Peace; from the earnest and constant endeavouring of which, as no Discouragement given Us on the contrary part shall make Us cease, so no Success on Ours shall ever divert Us. For the effecting whereof We are most ready and willing to condescend to all that shall be for the good of Us and Our People, whether by way of Confirmation of what we have already granted, or of such further Concession as shall be requisite to the giving a full Assurance of the Performance of all our most real Professions, concerning the maintenance of the true Reformed Protestant Religion established in this Kingdom, with due regard to the ease of tender Consciences, the just Priviledges of Par∣liament, and the Liberty and Property of the Subject, according to the Laws of the Land; as also by granting a general Pardon, without or with Exceptions, as shall be thought fit. In order to which blessed Peace, We do desire and propound to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster, That they appoint such and so many Persons as they shall think fit, sufficiently authorized by them, to attend Us at Our Army, upon Safe-Conduct, to come and return, (which We do hereby grant) and conclude with Us how the Premisses, and all other things in question betwixt Us and them, may be fully settled; whereby all unhappy mistakings betwixt Us and Our People being removed, there may be a present Cessation of Arms, and, as soon as may be, a total Disbanding of all Armies, the Subject have his due, and We be restored to Our Rights. Wherein if this Our Offer shall be accepted, there shall be nothing wanting on Our part which may make Our People se∣cure and happy.

Given at Our Court at Evesham the 4th of July, 1644.

His MAJESTIES Message from Tavestock of the 8^th of September, 1644.

To the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster.

CHARLES R.

[ II] IT having pleased God in so eminent a manner lately to bless Our Armies in these parts with success, We do not so much joy in that Blessing for any other consideration, as for the hopes we have that it may be a means to make others lay to heart, as we do, the Miseries brought and continued upon our Kingdom by this unnatural War, and that it may open your Ears, and dispose your Minds to embrace those Offers of Peace and Reconciliation which have been so often and so earnestly made unto you by Us, and from the constant and fervent Endeavours of which We are resolved never to desist. In pursuance whereof We do, upon this Occasion, conjure you to take into consideration Our (too-long-neglect∣ed) Message of the Fourth of July from Evesham, which We again renew unto you; and that you will speedily send Us such an Answer thereunto, as may shew unto Our poor

Subjects some light of a Deliverance from their present Calamities by a happy Accommoda∣tion; toward which We do here engage the Word of a King, to make good all those things which We have therein promised, and really to endeavour a happy conclusion of this Trea∣ty. And so God direct you in the ways of Peace.

Given at Our Court at Tavestock the 8th of September, 1644.

The Bill for Abolishing Episcopacy.

[ III] VVHereas the Government of the Church of England by Arch-bishops, Bishops, their Chancellors and Commissaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Arch-deacons, and other Ecclesiastical Officers depending upon the Hierarchy, hath by long experience been found to be a great impediment to the perfect Reformation and growth of Religion, and very prejudicial to the Civil State and Government of the Kingdom; Be it therefore Enacted by the King's most Excellent Majesty, and the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled, and by the Authority of the same, That from and after the fifth day of November, in the year of our Lord One Thousand Six Hundred Forty and Three, there shall be no Arch-bishop, Bishop, Chancellor, or Commissary of any Arch-Bishop or Bishop, nor any Dean, Sub-dean, Dean and Chapter, or Arch deacon, nor any Chancel∣lor, Chaunter, Treasurer, Sub-treasurer, Succentor, or Sacrist, of any Cathedral or Colle∣giate Church, nor any Prebendary, Canon, Canon-Residentiary, Petty-Canon, Vicar-Choral, Choristers, old Vicars or new Vicars, of or within any Cathedral or Collegiate Church, or any other their Officers, within this Church of England, or Dominion of Wales; and that from and afrer the said fifth day of November, the Name, Title, Dignity, Jurisdiction, Office and Function of Arch bishops, Bishops, their Chancellors and Commis∣saries, Deans, Sub-deans, Deans and Chapters, Arch-deacons, Canons and Prebendaries, and all Chaunters, Chancellors, Treasurers, Sub-treasurers, Succentors, and Sacrists, and all Vicars-Choral, and Choristers, old Vicars and new Vicars, and every of them, and likewise the having, using, or exercising of any Power, Jurisdiction, Office or Authority, by reason or colour of any such Name, Title, Dignity, Office or Function, within this Realm of England, or Dominion of Wales, shall thenceforth cease, determine, and be∣come absolutely void, and shall be abolished out of this Realm and the Dominion of Wales, any Usage, Law or Statute to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. And that from and after the said fifth day of November, no Person or Persons whatsoever, by Virtue of any Letters-Patents, Commission, or other Authority derived from the King's Majesty, His Heirs or Successors, shall use or exercise any Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical within this Realm, or Dominion of Wales, but such, and in such manner as shall be appointed and established by Act of Parliament. And that all Counties Palatine, Mannors, Lordships, Castles, Granges, Messuages, Mills, Lands, Tenements, Meadows, Leasues, Pastures, Woods, Rents, Reversions, Services, Parks, Annuities, Franchises, Liberties, Priviledges, Immunities, Rights, Rights of Action and of Entry, Interests, Titles of Entry, Conditi∣ons, Commons, Courts-Leet and Courts-Baron, and all other Possessions and Heredita∣ments whatsoever, of what nature or quality soever they be, or wheresoever they lie or be, (other than Impropriations, Parsonages appropriate, Tithes, Oblations, Obventions, Pensi∣ons, Portions of Tithes, Parsonages, Vicarages, Churches, Chappels, Advowsons, Nomina∣tions, Collations, Rights of Patronage and Presentation,) which now are, or lately were, of or belonging unto any Arch-bishop, Bishop, Arch-bishoprick or Bishoprick, or any of them, or which they or any of them held or injoyed in right of their said Arch-bishoprick or Bishoprick respectively, shall by the Authority of Parliament be vested, adjudged and deemed to be, and shall be in the very real and actual possession and seisin of the King's Majesty, His Heirs and Successors; and He shall have, hold, possess and enjoy the same, to Him, His Heirs and Successors, without any Entry or other Act whatsoever: and that the King's Majesty, His Heirs and Successors, His and their Lessees, Farmers and Tenants, shall hold and enjoy the same discharged and acquitted of payment of Tithes, as freely, and in as large, ample and beneficial* 1.1 means to all intents and purposes, as any Arch-bishop or Bi∣shop at any time or times within the space of two years last past held or enjoyed, or of right ought to have held or enjoyed the same. Provided nevertheless, and be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That all Leases, Grants, Gifts, Letters-Patents, Conveyances, Assu∣rances, or Estates whatsoever, hereafter to be made by the King's Majesty, His Heirs or Suc∣cessors, of any the Mannors, Lands, Tenements, Hereditaments, which in or by this Act shall come, or be limited, or disposed of unto His Majesty, His Heirs or Successors,

(other than for the Term of One and Twenty years, or Three Lives, or some other Term of years determinable upon One, Two, or Three Lives, and not above, from the time as any such Lease or Grant shall be made or granted, whereupon the accustomed yearly Rent or more shall be reserved and payable yearly during the said Term) and whereof any former Lease is in being, not to be expired, surrendred or ended within three years after the making of any such new Lease, shall be utterly void and of none effect, to all intents, constructions and purposes, any clause or words of (non obstante) to be put in any such Patent, Grant, Conveyance or Assurance, and any Law, Usage, Cu∣stom, or any thing in this Act to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. And be it further Enacted and Ordained, That all Impropriations, Parsonages appropriate, Tithes, Oblations, Obventions, Portions of Tithes, Parsonages, Vicarages, Churches, Chappels, Advowsons, Nominations, Collations, Rights of Patronage and Presentation, which now are, or lately were belonging unto any Arch-bishop or Bishop, Arch-bishoprick or Bi∣shoprick, and all Mannors, Castles, Lordships, Granges, Messuages, Mills, Lands, Te∣nements, Meadows, Pastures, Woods, Rents, Reversions, Services, Parsonages appro∣priate, Tithes, Oblations, Obventions, Pensions, Portions of Tithes, Parsonages, Vica∣rages, Churches, Chappels, Advowsons, Nominations, Rights of Patronage and Presen∣tation, Parks, Annuities, Franchises, Liberties, Priviledges, Immunities, Rights, Rights of Action and of Entry, Interests, Titles of Entry, Conditions, Commons, Courts-Leet and Courts-Baron, and all other Possessions and Hereditaments whatsoever, of what na∣ture or quality soever they be, or wheresoever they lie or be, which now are, or late∣ly were, of or belonging to any Sub-dean, Dean, Dean and Chapter, Arch-deacon, Chaunter, Chancellor, Treasurer, Sub-treasurer, Succentor, Sacrist, Prebendary, Canon, Canon-Residentiary, Petty-Canon, Vicars Choral, Choristers, old Vicars and new Vi∣cars, or any of them, or any of the Officers of them, or any of them which they held or enjoyed in right of their said Dignities, Churches, Corporations, Offices or Places re∣spectively, shall by Authority of this present Parliament be vested, adjudged and deem∣ed to be, and shall be in the very real and actual possession and seisin of Sir VVilliam Ro∣berts Knight, Thomas Atkins, Sir John VVollaston, John VVarner, John Towes, Aldermen of the City of London, John Packer Esquire, Peter Malbourne Esquire; and they shall have, hold, possess and enjoy the same to them, their Heirs and Assigns, without any Entry or other Act whatsoever, and that for themselves, their Lessees, Farmers and Tenants, discharged and acquitted of payment of Tithes, as freely, and in as large, am∣ple and beneficial manner, to all intents and purposes, as any of the Persons or Corpo∣rations, whose Offices or Places are taken away by this Act, at any time or times with∣in the space of two years now last past held or enjoyed, or of right ought to have held or enjoyed the same. In trust and confidence nevertheless, and to the intent and purpose that they, the said Sir VVilliam Roberts Knight, Thomas Atkins, Sir John VVollaston, John VVarner, John Towes, Aldermen of the City of London, John Packer Esquire, Peter Malbourne Esquire, and the Survivors and Survivor of them, his and their Heirs and Assigns, shall satisfie and pay unto all and every Arch-bishop, Bishop, Dean, Sub-dean, Arch-deacon, Chaunter, Chancellor, Treasurer, Sub-treasurer, Succentor, Sacrist, Pre∣bendary, Canon, Canon-Residentiary, Petty-Canon, Vicars Choral, Choristers, old Vi∣cars and new Vicars, and other Officers and persons belonging unto, or now imployed in or about the said Cathedral or Collegiate Churches, such yearly Stipends and Pensions, for so long time and in such manner, as by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled shall be ordered, directed and appointed; and shall dispose of all and singular the afore∣said Mannors, Lands, Tithes, Appropriations, Advowsons, Tenements, Hereditaments, and other the Premisses, and of every part and parcel thereof, and of the Revenues, Rents, Issues and Profits thereof, to the uses, intents, and purposes above and hereafter expressed, (that is to say) for a competent maintenance for the support of such a number of Preaching Ministers for the service of every Cathedral and Collegiate Church, and His Majesties free Chappel of Windsor, as by the Lords and Commons shall be ordered and appointed, and likewise for the maintenance of Preaching Ministers throughout the Kingdom of England, Dominion of VVales, and Town of Barwick, in such places where such maintenance is wanting, and for a proportionable allowance for and towards the reparation of the said Cathedral and Collegiate Churches, in such manner and form, and to such persons, and for such other good uses, to the advancement of true Religion and the maintenance of Piety and Learning, as by this or any other Act or Acts of Parliament now or hereafter to be made shall be set down or declared. And be it fur∣ther Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That all Leases, Gifts, Grants, Conveyances, Assurances and Estates whatsoever hereafter to be made by the said Sir VVilliam Roberts,

Knight, Thomas Atkins, Sir John VVollaston, John VVarner, John Towes, Aldermen of the City of London, John Packer Esquire, Peter Mabourne Esquire, the Survivors and Survivor of them, or the greater part of them, his and their Heirs and Assigns, of any the Mannors, Lands, Tenements or Hereditaments which in or by this Act shall come, or be limited, or disposed of unto the said Sir VVilliam Roberts Knight, Thomas Atkins, Sir John VVollaston, John VVarner, John Towes, Aldermen of the City of London, John Pac∣ker Esquire, Peter Malbourne Esquire, (other than for the Term of One and Twenty years, or Three Lives, or some other Term of years determinable upon One, Two or Three Lives, and not above, from the time as any such Lease or Grant shall be made or granted, whereupon the accustomed yearly Rent or more shall be reserved and payable yearly during the said Term) whereof any former Lease is in being, and not to be expi∣red, surrendred or ended within Three years after the making of such Lease, shall be ut∣terly void and of none effect, to all intents, constructions and purposes, any thing in this Act to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Provided nevertheless, where no Lease hath been heretofore made, nor any such Rent hath been reserved or payable of any the Lands, Tenements or Hereditaments, in this Act limited, or disposed of unto the said Sir VVilli∣am Roberts Knight, Thomas Atkins, Sir John VVollaston, John VVarner, John Towes, Al∣dermen of the City of London, John Packer Esquire, Peter Malbourne Esquire, that in such case it shall be lawful for the said Sir William Roberts Knight, Thomas Atkins, Sir John Wollaston, John Warner, John Towes, Aldermen of the City of London, John Packer Es∣quire, Peter Malbourne Esquire, the Survivors and Survivor of them, or the greater part of them, his and their Heirs, to make any Lease or Estate for the Term of One and Twenty years, or Three Lives, or some other Term of years determinable upon One, Two, or Three Lives, and not above, taking such Fine as they in their Judgments shall con∣ceive indifferent, and reserving a reasonable Rent, not being under the Third part of the clear yearly value of the Lands, Tenements or Hereditaments contained in such Lease. And it is further Declared to be the true intent and meaning of this Act, That all and every the Lessees, Farmers and Tenants of all and every the said Persons and Corpora∣tions, whose Offices or Places are taken away by this Statute, now having, holding, or en∣joying any Estate, Term or Interest, in possession by himself, his under-Tenants or As∣signs, of or in any Mannors, Lands, Tenements, Appropriations, or other Hereditaments whatsoever, shall and may be preferred in the taking and renewing of any Estates, Leases or Grants of any such Mannors, Lands, Tenements or Hereditaments, before any other Person, the said Lessees, Farmers or Tenants, or other Parties interessed as aforesaid, desi∣ring the same, and giving such Fines, Rents and other considerations for the same as by the said Sir VVilliam Roberts Knight, Thomas Atkins, Sir John VVollaston, John VVarner, John Towes, Aldermen of the City of London, John Packer, Peter Malbourne Esquires, or the Survivors or Survivor of them, or the major part of them, his or their Heirs or Assigns, shall be thought and held just and reasonable. Provided also, and be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That all and singular Revenues, Rents, Issues, Fees, Profits, Sums of Money and Allowances whatsoever, as have heretofore been and now ought to be paid, disposed, or allowed unto, or for the maintenance of any Grammar-School or Scholars, or for or towards the Reparation of any Church, Chappel, High-way, Causey, Bridge, School∣house, Alms-house, or other charitable use, payable by any the Corporations or Persons whose Offices or Places are taken away by this Act, or which are chargeable upon, or ought to issue out of, or be paid for or in respect of the said Premisses, or any of them, shall be and continue to be paid, disposed and allowed, as they were and have been heretofore, any thing in this present Act to the contrary thereof notwithstanding. And to the in∣tent and purpose the Parliament may be certainly and clearly informed of the Premisses, to the end the same may be distributed, applied and imployed to and for such pious and godly uses and purposes as is intended and herein declared. Be it Ordained and Enacted, That the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England for the time being, shall, by virtue of this Act, have full Power and Authority, and is hereby required, to award and issue forth several Commissions under the Great Seal of England into all and every the Coun∣ties and Cities within the Kingdom of England and Dominion of VVales, to be directed unto such and so many persons as by the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled, shall be nominated, assigned and appointed, thereby authorizing and re∣quiring them, or any five or more of them, and giving them full Power and Au∣thority by the Oaths of good and lawful men, as by all other good and lawful ways and means, to enquire and find out what Mannors, Castles, Lordships, Granges, Mes∣suages, Lands, Tenements, Meadows, Leasues, Pastures, Woods, Rents, Reversions, Services, Parsonages appropriate, Tithes, Oblations, Obventions, Pensions, Portions

of Tithes, Vicarages, Churches, Chappels, Advowsons, Nominations, Presentations, Rights of Patronage, Parks, Annuities, and other Possessions and Hereditaments what∣soever, of what nature or quality soever they be, lying and being within every such County or City, not hereby limited, or disposed of unto His Majesty, do belong or appertain unto all, every, or any such Arch-bishop, Bishop, Dean, Sub-dean, Dean and Chapter, Arch-deacon, Chaunter, Chancellor, Treasurer, Sub-Treasurer, Succentor, Sacrist, Prebendary, Canon, Canon Residentiary, Petty-Canon, Vicar-Choral, Chori∣ster, old Vicar or new Vicar, in right of their said Dignities, Churches, Corporations, Offices or Places respectively, and what and how much of the same is in possession, and the true yearly Value thereof, and what and how much thereof is out in Lease, and for what Estate, and when and how determinable, and what Rents, Services and other Duties are reserved and payable during such Estate, and also the true yearly Va∣lue of the same as they are now worth in possession, as also what Rents, Pensions, or other Charges, or other Sums of Money are issuing, due or payable out of any the Man∣nors, Lands or Premisses, and to make an exact and particular Survey thereof, and to take and direct, and settle such course for the safe custody and keeping of all Charters, Evi∣dences, Court-Rolls and Writings whatsoever belonging unto all or any the Persons, Dig∣nities, Churches, Corporations, Offices and Places, or concerning any the Mannors, Lands, Tenements, Hereditaments, or other Premisses before mentioned, as in their dis∣cretion shall be thought meet and convenient; and of all and singular their doings and proceedings herein, fairly written, and ingross'd in Parchment, to make Return and Certificate into the Court of Chancery. And to this further intent and purpose, that speedy care and course may be taken for providing of a competent maintenance for sup∣ply and encouragement of Preaching Ministers in the several Parishes within the Kingdom of England and Dominion of VVales. Be it likewise Ordained and Enacted, That the same Commissioners and Persons, authorized as above-said, shall have full Power and Authority by the Oaths of good and lawful men, as by all other good ways and lawful means, to enquire and find out the true yearly Value of all Parsonages and Vicarages pre∣sentative, and all other Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Benefices and Livings unto which any Cure of Souls is annexed, lying and being within such Counties and Cities, and of all such particularly to enquire and certifie into the Court of Chancery what each of them are truly and really worth by the year, and who are the present Incumbents or Possessors of them, and what and how many Chappels belonging unto Parish-Churches are within the limits of such Counties and Cities within which they are directed and authorized to enquire, and how the several Churches and Chappels are supplied by Preaching Ministers, that so course may be taken for providing both for Preaching and of maintenance, where the same shall be found to be needful and necessary. Provided always that this Act, or any thing therein contained, shall not extend to any Colledge, Church, Corporation, Foundation, or House of Learning in either of the Vniversities within this Kingdom. And the said Sir VVilliam Roberts, Thomas At∣kins, Sir John VVollaston, John VVarner, John Towes, Aldermen of the City of London, John Packer, and Peter Malbourne, Esquires, and the Survivors and Survivor of them, or the greater part of them, his and their Heirs and Assigns, are hereby directed and authorized to give and allow unto such Officers as by them shall be thought fitting and necessary for keeping of Courts, collecting of Rents, Surveying of Lands, and all other necessary imployments in and about the Premisses, and unto the Commissioners authori∣zed by this Act, and such others as shall be necessarily imployed by them, all such rea∣sonable Fees, Stipends, Salaries and Sums of Money as in their discretion shall be thought just and convenient. And the said Sir VVilliam Roberts, Knight, Thomas Atkins, Sir John VVollaston, John VVarner, John Towes, Aldermen of the City of London, John Packer and Peter Malbourne, Esquires, the Survivors and Survivor of them, his and their Heirs and Assigns, of their several Receipts, Imployments, Actions and Proceedings shall give an accompt, and be accomptable unto the Lords and Commons in Parliament, or such Person or Persons as from time to time by both Houses of Parliament shall be nominated and appointed in such manner, and with such Power, Priviledge and Jurisdiction, to hear and determine all matters concerning such Accompts, as by both Houses of Parlia∣ment shall from time to time be thought necessary to be given them, and not elsewhere, nor otherwise: Saving to all and every Person and Persons, Bodies Politick and Cor∣porate, their Heirs and Successors, and the Heirs and Successors of them and every of them, (other than such Person or Persons, Bodies Politick and Corporate, whose Offices, Functions and Authorities are taken away and abolished by this Act, as to any Estate, Right, Title or Interest which they or any of them claim to have or

hold in right of their said Churches, Dignities, Functions, Offices or Places, and other then the Kings Majesty, His Heirs and Successors, as Patrons, Founders or Donors; and all and every other Person and Persons, Bodies Politick and Corporate, as may claim any thing as Patrons, Founders or Donors) all such Right, Title, Interest, Possession, Rents, Charge-Rent, Service, Annuities, Offices, Pensions, Portions, Commons, Fees, Profits, Claims and Demands, either in Law or Equity, whatsoever; and all and singular such Lea∣ses for Years, Life or Lives, as were before the twentieth day of January, in the year of our Lord One thousand six hundred forty two, made unto them or any of them by any the Persons or Corporations above named, acccording to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm, and warranted by the same, and all such Leases and Estates as having been here∣tofore made, have been established or settled by any Judgement or Decree in any of the Courts at Westminster, and have been accordingly enjoyed, and all Duties and Profits whatsoever which they or any of them have or may claim, or of right ought to have of, in, to, or out of any the said Mannors, Lands or Premisses whatsoever, or any part or parcel thereof, in such sort, manner, form and condition, to all intents, constructions and purpo∣ses, as if this Act had never been made.

MDCXLIII. IV. The Articles of the late Treaty, of the Date Edenburgh, the 29. of November. 1643.

Die Mercurii, 3. Januarii, 1643-44.

Articles of the Treaty agreed upon betwixt the Commissioners of both Houses of the Parliament of England, having Power and Commission from the said Honourable Houses, and the Commissioners of the Convention of the Estates of the Kingdom of Scotland, authorized by the Committee of the said Estates, concerning the solemn League and Covenant, and the Assistance demanded in pursuance of the Ends expressed in the same.

[ IV] WHereas the two Houses of the Parliament of England, out of a just and deep sense of the great and iminent Danger of the true Protestant Religion, in re∣gard of the great Forces of Papists, Prelates, Malignants and their Adherents, raised and imployed against the constant Professors thereof in England and Ireland, thought fit to send their Commissioners unto the Kingdom of Scotland, to Treat with the Convention of Estates and general Assembly there, concerning such things as might tend to the preservation of Religion, and the mutual good of both Nations; and to that end, to desire a more near and strict Union betwixt the Kingdoms, and the Assistance of the Kingdom of Scotland, by a considerable Strength to be raised and sent by them into the Kingdom of England; and whereas upon a Consultation held betwixt the Commissi∣oners of the Parliament of England, the Committees of the Convention of Estates, and General Assembly, no means was thought so expedient to accomplish and strengthen the Union, as for both Nations to enter into a solemn League and Covenant, and a form thereof drawn and presented to the two Houses of Parliament of England, the Conventi∣on of Estates, and General Assembly of Scotland, which hath accordingly been done, and received their respective Approbation; and whereas the particulars concerning the Assi∣stance desired by the two Houses of the Parliament of England from their Brethren of Scotland were delivered in by the English Commissioners, August the 19. to the Conven∣tion of Estates, who did thereupon give power to their Committee to consider and de∣bate further with the English Commissioners of what other Propositions might be added or concluded, whereby the Assistance desired might be made more effectual and benefi∣cial; and in pursuance thereof these Propositions following were considered of and deba∣ted by the Commitee and Commissioners aforesaid, to be certified with all convenient speed to the two Houses of the Parliament of England, and the Convention of Estates of Scotland, by their respective Committees and Commissioners, to be respectively taken into their consideration, and proceeded with as they should find cause; which being accord∣ingly done, and these ensuing Propositions approved, agreed and concluded of by the Houses of the Parliament of England and the Committee of the Estates of Scotland re∣spectively, and power by them given to their respective Committees and Commissioners formally to agree and conclude the same, as may appear by the Votes of both Houses dated the first of November, and the Order of the Committee bearing date the seventeenth of

November: We the said Commissioners and Committees, according to their Votes and Orders, do formally conclude and agree upon these Articles following, and in confirmation thereof do mutually subscribe the same.

1. It is agreed and concluded, that the Covenant represented to the Convention of E∣states and General Assembly of Scotland, and sent to both Houses of the Parliament of England in the same form as it is now returned from the two Houses of the Parliament of England to their Brethren of Scotland, and allowed by the Committee of Estates and Commissioners of the General Assembly, be sworn and subscribed by both Kingdoms, as a most near Tye and Conjunction between them, for their mutual defence against the Pa∣pists and Prelatical Faction and their Adherents in both Kingdoms, and for pursuance of the Ends expressed in the said Covenant.

2. That an Army to this purpose shall be levied forthwith, consisting of Eighteen thou∣sand Foot effectivè, and Two thousand Horse and One thousand Dragooners effectivè, with a suitable Train of Artillery, to be ready at some general Rendezvous near the Borders of England, to march into England for the purposes aforesaid with all convenient speed: the said Foot and Horse to be well and compleatly Armed, and provided with Victuals and Pay for forty days; and the said Train of Artillery to be fitted in all points ready to march.

3. That the Army be commanded by a General appointed by the Estates of Scotland, and subject to such Resolutions and Directions as are and shall be agreed and concluded on mutually between the two Kingdoms, or by Committees appointed by them in that be∣half, for pursuance of the Ends above-mentioned.

4. That the Charge of levying, arming, and bringing the said Forces together furnish∣ed, as also the fitting the Train of Artillery in readiness to march, be computed and set down according to the same Rates as if the Kingdom of Scotland were to raise the said Ar∣my for themselves and their own Affairs: All which for the present is to be done by the Kingdom of Scotland upon Accompt, and the Accompt to be delivered to the Commissio∣ners of the Kingdom of England; and when the Peace of the two Kingdoms is settled, the same to be repay'd or satisfied to the Kingdom of Scotland.

5. That this Army be likewise pay'd as if the Kingdom of Scotland were to imploy the same for their own occasions, and toward the defraying thereof (it not amounting to the full Months pay) shall be Monthly allowed and pay'd the sum of Thirty thousand Pounds sterling by the Parliament of England, out of the Estates and Revenues of the Papists, Prelates, Malignants and their Adherents, or otherwise; and in case the said Thirty thousand Pounds Monthly, or any part thereof, be not pay'd at the time when it shall become due and payable, the Kingdom of England shall give the Publick Faith for the paying of the remainder unpay'd, with all possible speed, allowing the rate of Eight Pounds per centum for the time of the performance thereof. And in case that notwithstand∣ing the said Monthly sum of Thirty thousand Pounds pay'd as aforesaid, the States and King∣dom of Scotland shall have just cause to demand further satisfaction of their Brethren of England when the Peace of both Kingdoms is settled, for the pains, hazard and charges they have undergone in the same, they shall by way of Brotherly assistance have due re∣compence made unto them by the Kingdom of England; and that out of such Lands and Estates of the Papists, Prelates, Malignants and their Adherents, as the two Houses of the Parliament of England shall think fit; and for the assurance thereof, the Publick Faith of the Kingdom of England shall be given them.

6. And to the end the said Army in manner aforesaid may be enabled and prepared to march, the Kingdom of England is to pay in ready Money to their Brethren of Scotland, or such as shall have power from the Estates of that Kingdom, the sum of One hundred thousand Pounds sterling, at Leith or Edenburgh, with all convenient speed, by way of advance, before-hand; which is to be discounted back again unto the Kingdom of Eng∣land by the Kingdom of Scotland, upon the first Monthly allowance which shall grow due to the Scotish Army, from the time they shall make their first entrance into the Kingdom of England.

7. That the Kingdom of Scotland, to manifest their willingness to their utmost ability to be helpful to their Brethren of England in this common Cause, will give the Publick Faith of the Kingdom of Scotland, to be joyntly made use of with the Publick Faith of the Kingdom of England, for the present taking up of Two hundred thousand Pounds sterling, in the Kingdom of England or elsewhere, for the speedy procuring of the said Hundred thousand Pounds sterling as aforesaid, as also a considerable sum, for the satisfy∣ing in good proportion the Arrears of the Scotish Army in Ireland.

8. That no Cessation, nor any Pacification or Agreement for Peace whatsoever, shall be made by either Kingdom, or the Armies of either Kingdom, without the mutual Ad∣vice

and Consent of both Kingdoms, or their Committees in that behalf appointed, who are to have full Power for the same, in case the Houses of the Parliament of England, or the Parliament or Convention of Estates of Scotland shall not sit.

9. That the Publick Faith of the Kingdom of Scotland shall be given to their Brethren of England, that neither their entrance into, nor their continuance in the Kingdom of England shall be made use of to any other ends then are expressed in the Covenant, and in the Articles of this Treaty; and that all matters of difference that shall happen to arise between the Subjects of the two Nations shall be resolved and determined by the mu∣tual Advice and Consent of both Kingdoms, or by such Committees as for this purpose shall be by them appointed, with the same Power as in the precedent Article.

10. That in the same manner and upon the same conditions as the Kingdom of Scot∣land is now willing to aid and assist their Brethren of England, the Kingdom of England doth oblige themselves to aid and assist the Kingdom of Scotland, in the same or like cases of streights and extremities.

11. Lastly, it is agreed and concluded, that during the time that the Scotish Army shall be imployed, as aforesaid, for the defence of the Kingdom of England, there shall be fitted out as Men of War eight Ships, whereof six shall be of Burthen betwixt One hun∣dred and Twenty and two hundred Tun, the other between three and four hundred Tun, whereof two shall be in lieu of the two Ships appointed by the Irish Treaty: all which shall be maintained at the charge of the Kingdom of England, to be imployed for the defence of the Coast of Scotland, under such Commanders as the Earl of Warwick for the time of his being Admiral shall nominate, with the approbation of the Committees of both Kingdoms; which Commanders shall receive from the said Earl general Instructions, that they do from time to time observe the Directions of the Committees of both Kingdoms.

The Ordinance for calling the Assembly of Divines.

An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons in Parliament, for the calling of an Assembly of Learned and Godly Divines and others, to be consulted with by the Parliament, for the set∣tling of the Government and Liturgy of the Church of England, and for vindicating and clearing of the Doctrine of the said Church from false Aspersions and Interpretations.

[ V] WHereas amongst the infinite Blessings of Almighty God upon this Nation, none is or can be more dear unto us than the purity of our Religion, and for that as yet many things remain in the Liturgy, Discipline and Government of the Church, which do necessarily require a further and more perfect Reformation than as yet hath been attained; and whereas it hath been declared and resolved by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, that the present Church-government by Arch-bishops, Bishops, their Chancellours, Commissaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Arch-deacons, and other Ecclesiastical Officers depending upon the Hierarchy, is evil and justly offensive and burthensom to the Kingdom; a great impediment to Reformation and growth of Reli∣gion, and very prejudicial to the State and Government of this Kingdom, and that there∣fore they are resolved that the same shall be taken away, and that such a Government shall be settled in the Church as may be most agreeable to Gods Holy Word, and most apt to procure and preserve the Peace of the Church at home, and nearer agreement with the Church of Scotland and other reformed Churches abroad: and for the better ef∣fecting hereof, and for the vindicating and clearing of the Doctrine of the Church of England from all false Calumnies and Aspersions, it is thought fit and necessary to call an Assembly of Learned, Godly and Judicious Divines, who, together with some Mem∣bers of both the Houses of Parliament, are to consult and advise of such matters and things touching the Premisses as shall be proposed unto them by both or either of the Houses of Parliament, and to give their Advice and Counsel therein to both or either of the said Houses, when and as often as they shall be thereunto required: Be it therefore ordained by the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled, That all and every the Persons hereafter in this present Ordinance named, that is to say, Algernon Earl of Northumberland, William Earl of Bedford, Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery, William Earl of Salisbury, Henry Earl of Holland, Edward Earl of Manchester, William Lord Viscount Say and Seal, Edward Lord Viscount Conway, Philip Lord VVharton, Ed∣ward Lord Howard of Escr. John Selden Esquire, Francis Rous Esquire, Edmund Prideaux

Esquire, Sir Henry Vane Knight senior, John Glyn Esquire Recorder of London, John VVhite Esquire, Bulstrode VVhitelock Esquire, Humphry Salway Esquire, Mr. Serjeant VVild, Oliver Saint-John Esquire, His Majesties Sollicitor, Sir Benjamin Rudyard Knight, John Pym Esquire, Sir John Clotworthy Knight, John Maynard Esquire, Sir Henry Vane Knight junior, VVilliam Pierrepont Esquire, William VVheeler Esquire, Sir Thomas Barrington Knight, VValter Young Esquire, Sir John Evelin Knight, Herbert Palmer of Ashwel Batche∣lor in Divinity, Oliver Bowles of Sutton Batchelor in Divinity, Henry VVilkinson of VVad∣desdon Batchelor in Divinity, Thomas Valentine of Chalfont-Giles Batchelor in Divinity, Doctor VVilliam Twisse of Newbury, VVilliam Raynor of Egham, Master Hannibal Gammon of Maugan, Mr. Jasper Hicks of Lawrick, D. Joshua Hoyle late of Dublin in Ireland, VVilliam Bridges of Yarmouth, Thomas VVincop of Ellesworth Doctor in Divinity, Thomas Goodwin of London Batchelor in Divinity, John Ley of Budworth in Cheshire, Thomas Case of Lon∣don, John Pyne of Bereferrers, Master VVhidden of Mooreton, D. Richard Love of Eking∣ton, D. VVilliam Gouge of Blackfriers London, D. Ralph Brownrigge Bishop of Exceter, D. Samuel Ward Master of Sidney Colledge, John White of Dorchester, Edward Peal of Comp∣ton, Stephen Marshall of Finchingfield Batchelor in Divinity, Obadiah Sedgewick of Cogshall Batchelor in Divinity, M. Carter, Peter Clark of Carnaby, William Mew of Estington Bat∣chelor in Divinity, Richard Capel of Pitchcomb, Theophilus Bathurst of Overton Watervile, Philip, Nye of Kimbolton, D. Brocket Smith of Barkway, D. Cornelius Burges of VVatford, John Green of Pencomb, Stanley Gower of Brampton-Bryan, Francis Taylor of Yalding, Tho. VVilson of Otham, Antho. Tuckney of Boston Batchelor in Divinity, Thomas Coleman of Bliton, Charles-Herle of VVinwick, Richard Herrick of Manchester, Richard Cleyton of Showel, George Gibbs of Ayleston, D. Calibut Downing of Hackney, Jeremy Boroughs of Stepney, Edmund Calamy Batchelor in Divinity, George VValker Batchelor in Divinity, Jo∣seph Caryll of Lincolns-Inn, Lazarus Seaman of London, D. John Harris Warden of VVin∣chester-Colledge, George Morley of Milden-hall, Edward Reynolds of Branston, Thomas Hill of Tichmarsh Batchelor in Divinity, D. Robert Saunderson of Boothby-Pannell, John Fox∣croft of Gotham, John Jackson of Marsk, VVilliam Carter of London, Thomas Thorough∣good of Massingham, John Arrowsmith of Lynne, Robert Harris of Hanwel Batchelor in Divinity, Robert Cross of Lincoln-Colledge Batchelor in Divinity, James Archbishop of Armagh, D. Matthias Styles of Saint George Eastcheap London, Samuel Gibson of Burley, Jeremiah VVhitaker of Stretton, D. Edmund Stanton of Kingston, D. Daniel Featly of Lambeth, Francis Coke of Yoxhal, John Lightfoot of Ashley, Edward Corbet of Merton Colledge Oxon, Samuel Hildersham of Felton, John Langley of VVestuderley, Christopher Tisdale of Vphusborn, Thomas Young of Stow-market, John Phillips of VVrentham, Humphrey Cham∣bers of Claverton Batchelor in Divinity, John Conant of Lymington Batchelor in Divinity, Henry Hall of Norwich Batchelor in Divinity, Henry Hutton, Henry Scuddir of Coling∣borne, Thomas Baylie of Manningford-Bruce, Benjamin Pickering of East-Hoateley, Henry Nye of Clapham, Arthur Sallaway of Seavernestoake, Sydrach Simpson of London, Anthony Burgess of Sutton-Coldfield, Richard Vines of Calcot, VVilliam Greenhill of Stepney, VVil∣liam Moreton of Newcastle, Richard Buckley, D. Thomas Temple of Battersey, Simeon Ashe of Saint Brides, M. Nicholson, Thomas Gataker of Rotherhithe Batchelor in Divinity, James VVeldy of Sylatten, D. Christopher Pashley of Hawarden, Henry Tozer Batchelor in Divini∣ty, VVilliam Spurstow of Hampden in Com. Bucks, Francis Cheynel of Oxon, Edward Ellis of Gilsfield Batchelor in Divinity, D. John Hacket of Saint Andrews Holborne, Samuel de la Place, John de la March, Matthew Newcomen of Dedham, William Lyford of Sherborn in Com. Dorset, M. Carter of Dynton in Com. Bucks, William Lance of Harrow in Mid∣dlesex, Thomas Hodges of Kensington in Com. Middlesex, Andreas Porne of VVilby in Com. Northampton, D. Thomas VVestfield of St. Bartholomew le great London Bishop of Bristol, D. Henry Hammond of Penshurst in Kent, Nicholas Prophet of Marlborough in Com. VVilts, Peter Sterry of London, John Erle of Bishopston in Com. Wilts, M. Gibbon of Waltham, Henry Painter of Exceter Batchelor in Divinity, M. Michelthwaite of Cherry-burton, D. John Wincop of St. Martins in the Fields, M. Price of Paul's Church in Covent-Garden, Henry Wilkinson junior Batchelor in Divinity, D. Richard Holdsworth Master of Emanuel Colledge in Cambridge, M. William Duning of Coldaston, and such other Person and Persons as shall be nominated and appointed by both Houses of Parliament, or so many of them as shall not be letted by sickness or other necessary impediment, shall meet and assemble, and are hereby required and enjoyned upon summons signed by the Clerks of both Houses of Parliament, left at their several respective dwellings, to meet and assemble themselves at Westminster, in the Chappel called King Henry the Seventh's Chappel, on the first day of July in the year of our Lord One thousand six hundred forty three; and after the first meet∣ting, being at least of the number of forty, shall from time to time sit and be removed from

place to place, and also that the said Assembly shall be dissolved in such manner, as by both Houses of Parliament shall be directed: and the said Persons, or so many of them as shall be so assembled or sit, shall have Power and Authority, and are hereby like∣wise enjoyned, from time to time during this present Parliament, or until further order be taken by both the said Houses, to confer and treat amongst themselves of such mat∣ters and things touching and concerning the Liturgy, Discipline and Government of the Church of England, or the vindicating and clearing of the Doctrine of the same from all false Aspersions and Misconstructions, as shall be proposed unto them by both or either of the said Houses of Parliament, and no other, and to deliver their Opinions and Ad∣vices of or touching the matters aforesaid, as shall be most agreeable to the Word of God, to both or either of the said Houses, from time to time, in such manner and sort as by both or either of the said Houses of Parliament shall be required, and the same not to di∣vulge by Printing, writing, or otherwise, without the consent of both or either House of Parliament. And be it further Ordained by the Authority aforesaid, that William Twisse, Doctor in Divinity, shall sit in the Chair as Prolocutor of the said Assembly: and if he hap∣pen to die, or be letted by sickness or other necessary impediment, then such other Per∣son to be appointed in his place as shall be agreed on by both the said Houses of Parlia∣ment. And in case any difference of Opinion shall happen among the said Persons so as∣sembled, touching any the matters that shall be proposed to them as aforesaid, that then they shall represent the same, together with the Reasons thereof, to both or either of the said Houses respectively, to the end such further direction may be given therein as shall be requisite in that behalf. And be it further Ordained by the Authority aforesaid, that for the charges and expences of the said Divines and every of them in attending the said service, there shall be allowed unto every of them that shall so attend, during the time of their said attendance, and for ten days before and ten days after, the sum of four Shillings for every day at the charges of the Commonwealth, at such time and in such manner as by both Houses of Parliament shall be appointed. And be it further Ordain∣ed, that all and every the said Divines, so as aforesaid required and enjoyned to meet and assemble, shall be freed and acquitted of and from every offence, forfeiture, penalty, loss or damage, which shall or may arise or grow by reason of any non-residence, or absence of them or any of them from his or their, or any of their Church, Churches or Cures, for or in respect of their said attendance upon the said Service, any Law or Statute of Non-residence, or other Law or Statute enjoyning their attendance upon their respective Ministers or Charges, to the contrary thereof notwithstanding. And if any of the Per∣sons before named shall happen to dye before the said Assembly shall be dissolved by Or∣der of both Houses of Parliament, then such other Person or Persons shall be nominated and placed in the room and stead of such Person and Persons so dying, as by both the said Houses shall be thought fit and agreed upon: and every such Person or Persons so to be named shall have the like Power and Authority, Freedom and acquital to all intents and purposes, and also all such Wages and Allowances for the said service, during the time of his or their Attendance, as to any other of the said Persons in this Ordinance is by this Ordinance limited and appointed. Provided always that this Ordinance, or any thing therein contained, shall not give unto the Persons aforesaid or any of them, nor shall they in this Assembly assume to exercise any Jurisdiction, Power or Autho∣rity Ecclesiastical whatsoever, or any other Power than is herein particularly ex∣pressed.

The Votes or Orders delivered with it.

Die Mercurii, 5. Julii, 1643.

[ VI] ORdered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, That it shall be pro∣pounded to the Assembly to morrow at their meeting, to take into their Consi∣deration the Ten first Articles of the 39. Articles of the Church of England, to free and vindicate the Doctrine of them from all Aspersions and false Interpretations.

Jovis, 6. Julii, 1643.

Some general Rules for the Assembly, directed by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled.

1. THat two Assessors be joyned to the Prolocutor, to supply his place in case of Ab∣sence or Infirmity.

2. Two Scribes to be appointed to set down all Proceedings, and these to be Di∣vines,

who are not Members of the Assembly, viz. Mr. Henry Robrough, and Mr. Ado∣niram Bifield.

3. Every Member at his first entrance into the Assembly shall make a serious and solemn Protestation, not to maintain any thing but what he believes to be Truth, and to embrace Truth in sincerity when discovered to him.

4. No Resolution to be given upon any Question on the same day wherein it is first Propounded.

5. What any Man undertakes to prove as necessary, he shall make good out of the Scriptures.

6. No Man to proceed in any dispute after the Prolocutor hath enjoyned him silence, unless the Assembly desire he may go on.

7. No Man to be denied to enter his Dissent from the Assembly, and his Reasons for it, in any point, after it hath first been debated in the Assembly; and thence (if the dis∣senting Party desire it) to be sent to the Houses of Parliament by the Assembly, (not by any particular Man or Men in a private way) when either House shall require it.

8. All things agreed on and prepared for the Parliament to be openly read and allowed in the Assembly, and then offered as the Judgement of the Assembly, if the major part assent: Provided that the Opinion of any Persons dissenting and the Reasons urged for it be annexed thereunto (if the Dissenters require it) together with the Solution (if any were) given in the Assembly to those Reasons.

Jovis, 6. Julii, 1643.

I A. B. do seriously and solemnly* 1.2 in the presence of Almighty God, that (in this As∣sembly whereof I am a Member) I will not maintain any thing in matters of Do∣ctrine, but what I think in my Conscience to be Truth, or in point of Discipline, but what I shall conceive to conduce most to the Glory of God, and the good and Peace of his Church.

Veneris, 15. Sept. 1643.

ORdered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, That it be referred to the Assembly of Divines, to set forth a Declaration of the Reasons and Grounds that have induced the Assembly to give their Opinions, that this Covenant may be taken in point of Conscience.

Eodem Die.

ORdered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, That it be referred to the Committee formerly appointed to Treat with the Scotch Commissioners, to Treat with them about the manner of taking the Covenant in both Kingdoms.

Mercurii, 22. August. 1643.

ORdered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, That it be propound∣ed to the Assembly of Divines, to consider of the Doctrine of the Nine next Ar∣ticles of the 39 Articles of the Church of England, to clear and vindicate the same from all Aspersions and false Interpretations.

The Articles of the sixth of August, 1642.

Articles of the Treaty, concerning the Reducing of the Kingdom of Ireland to the Obedi∣ence of the Kings Majesty and Crown of England, agreed upon between the Commissio∣ners for Scotland, authorized by his Majesty and the Parliament of that Kingdom, and the Commissioners for England, authorized by his Majesty and the Parliament of that King∣dom, at Westminster, the sixth day of August, 1642.

[ VII] FIrst, The Scotish Commissioners, out of the sense of that Duty which the Kingdom of Scotland owes to His Majesty, and the true Affection they bear towards the King∣dom of England, being willing to contribute their best assistance for the speedy re∣lief of those distressed parts in Ireland which lye nearest the Kingdom of Scotland, have in the name of that Kingdom made offer of ten thousand Men to be imployed in that Ser∣vice; and for a further Testimony of their Zeal to His Majesties Service, and Brotherly re∣spect to the Kingdom of England, have declared, that the Kingdom of Scotland will up∣on their own Charge levy and transport these Men.

Secondly, Because the Kingdom of Scotland are to send over with their Army the number of Six thousand Muskets and Four thousand Pikes, with such Cannon and Am∣munition as shall be fitting for the service, it is agreed, that Four thousand Muskets and Two thousand Pikes shall be presently sent by the Kingdom of England into the Kingdom of Scotland and delivered at Leith, as also that the residue of the said Ten thousand Arms and Ten thousand Swords and Belts shall be delivered there at the first of August next; and that as many Cannon and Field-Pieces of the same Bore, Weight and Metal, shall be carried into Scotland upon their demand, as they shall transport into Ireland for the service of that Kingdom: and that the said whole Arms and Ammunition shall remain in Scotland until the return of the Scotish Army from Ireland; at which time the same shall be restored to the Kingdom of England, the Kingdom of Scotland receiving satisfacti∣on for such of their Arms and Ammunition as shall be spent or lost in the service of Ireland. As also that there shall be presently sent over from England, and delivered to the Scotish Army in Ireland, for the defence of the Province of Vlster, six pieces of Demy-Cannon of the Ball of four and twenty pound weight, with their Equipage.

Thirdly, it is agreed, That there shall be two Ships of War presently sent by the King∣dom of England to Lochryan, Lamalach, Port-Patrick, or Air, to guard and waft over the Scotish Soldiers; and that the said Ships shall attend at the Ports in Ireland, for serving the Scotish Army in going and returning betwixt the Coasts, and keeping the Passages clear, as they shall receive Orders from the chief Commanders of the Scotish Army for the time being, according to Instructions received or to be received by the Master of these Ships from the Lord Admiral, or Commissioners of the Admiralty for the time being, to that purpose.

Fourthly, it is agreed, That there shall be levied and furnished by the Kingdom of England Ten Troops of sufficient and well armed Horse-men, consisting of sixty in a Troop besides the Officers; and that there shall be a Commissary General, a Serjeant-Major, and a Quarter-master appointed over them, which shall joyn and remain with the Body of the Scotish Foot, and shall receive and obey the Orders and Instructions of the Commanders of the Scotish Army; and that there shall be presently advanced the sum of Twelve hundred Pounds sterling, for the levying of a Troop of one hundred Horsemen in Scot∣land, besides the Officers, to be a Guard to the General of the Scotish Army.

Fifthly, it is agreed, That the Commanders and Soldiers of the Scotish Army shall have such Pay respectively as the Commanders and Soldiers of the English Army have, accord∣ing to a List presently agreed upon by the Commissioners of both Kingdoms, as also that the Officers of that Army shall have such allowance for their Wagons as is contained in the said List.

Sixthly, it is agreed, That the Towns and Castle of Carickfergus and Colrane shall be put into the hands of the Scotish Army, to be places for their Magazines and Garrisons, and to serve them for Retreat upon occasion; and that the Magistrates and Inhabitants thereof shall be ordained to carry themselves to the Commanders of the said Army as is fitting and ordinary in such Cases, and that the said Towns and Castle shall remain in the Scots hands until the War shall end, or that they shall be discharged of that service: Like as the Commissioners for the Kingdom of Scotland do promise in the Publick Faith of that Kingdom, to re-deliver the said Towns and Castle to any having Commission from the King and Parliament of England; as also the Commissioners for the Kingdom of Eng∣land do promise in the name and on the Publick Faith of that Kingdom, that Payment shall be made to the Kingdom of Scotland and their Army of all dues that shall arise upon this present Treaty, and that when the Scotish Army imployed in the service of Ireland shall be discharged, they shall be disbanded by Regiments, and no lesser proportions, and so many of them payed off as shall be disbanded, and the residue kept in pay till they be dis∣banded.

Seventhly, it is agreed, That the Towns of Carick fergus and Colrane shall by the Kingdom of England be with all expedition provided with Victuals necessary for Soldiers either in Garrisons or Expeditions, according to a List to be agreed on and subscribed by the Com∣missioners of both Kingdoms; and that such quantities thereof as the Scotish Army shall have occasion to use, shall be sold unto them and bought by them at the several Prices contained in the aforesaid List: and also that the said Towns of Carickfergus and Colrane shall be provided by the Kingdom of England with Powder, Ball, Match, and other Am∣munition for the service of the said Army, conform to the particular List to be condescended unto by both Commissioners; and that Carts and Waggons shall be provided by the King∣dom of England, for carrying of Ammunition for the use of the said Army in Marches; as also that there shall be Gun-Smiths, Carpenters, and one or two Enginers appointed to at∣tend the Army, and that hand-Mills shall be provided to serve the Companies in Marches.

Eighthly, it is agreed, That the Kingdom of England shall deposite two thousand Pounds English Money in the hands of any to be appointed by the Scotish Commissioners, to be disbursed upon accompt, by warrant of the General of their Army, upon Fortificati∣ons, Intelligences and other Incidents, so that there be not above the sum of two thousand Pounds in a year imprested upon these occasions, without particular and special Warrant from the Parliament of England; as also that there shall be deposited Two thousand and five hundred Pounds English, to be disbursed upon Accompt, for the providing of a thousand Horses for the Garriage of the Artillery, the Baggage and Victual of their Army, and for Dragooners upon occasion: and likewise that the Scotish Army, during the time of the War, shall have power to take up such Horses in the Country as be necessary for the uses aforesaid.

Ninthly, it is agreed, That the Inhabitants of the Towns and Villages in the Province of Vlster, and in any other Province of Ireland where the Scotish Army shall be by it self, for the time shall receive Orders from the Scotish Commanders, and shall bring in Victuals for Money in an orderly way, as shall be directed by them, with Provision of Oats, Hay and Straw, and such other Necessaries; and that the Countrey People shall rise and concur with the Scotish Troops when the Commanders thereof shall find it for the good of the Service, and shall receive Orders and Directions from the said Commanders of the Scotish Army.

Tenthly, it is agreed, That the said Ten thousand Men to be sent out of the Kingdom of Scotland shall go in the way and order of an Army under their own General and sub∣altern Officers; and the Province of Vlster is appointed unto them, wherein they shall first prosecute the War as in their Judgment they shall think most expedient for the Honour of the King and Crown of England; and that the Commanders of the said Army shall have power to give Conditions to Towns, Castles and Persons which shall render and submit themselves, as shall be most expedient for the Service according to the course of War. Provided no Toleration of the Popish Religion be granted, nor any condition made touch∣ing or concerning any of the Rebels Lands, and that the Commanders of the Scotish Army shall be answerable for their whole deportment and proceedings to His Majesty and the two Houses of the Parliament of England only, but shall from time to time give an accompt thereof to His Majesty, the two Houses of the Parliament of England, and to the chief Governour or Governours of Ireland for the time being. That such Towns and Places as shall be recovered from the Rebels by the Scotish Army, shall be at the diposing of the Commanders thereof during their abode for that Service in those parts where such Towns and Places are. And if it shall be found for the good of the Service that the Sco∣tish Army shall joyn with the Kings Lieutenant of Ireland and his Army, in that case the General of the Scotish Army shall only cede to the Kings Lieutenant of Ireland, and re∣ceive in a free and honourable way Instructions from him, or in his absence from the Lord Deputy or any other who shall have the chief Government of that Kingdom for the time by Authority derived from the Crown of England, and shall precede all others, and that he only shall give Orders to the Officers of his own Army; and that the Armies shall have the right and left hand, Van and Reare, Charge and Retreat, successively, and shall not mix in Quarterings nor Marchings; and when it shall be found fit to send Troops out of either Army, that the Persons to be sent out of the Scotish Army shall be commanded out by their own General, the Lieutenant of Ireland prescribing the number, which shall not exceed the fourth part of the whole Foot of the Scotish Army, nor of the Horse appointed to joyn therewith, whereunto they shall return when the Service is done. And that no Officer of the Scotish Army shall be commanded by one of his own Quality; and if the Comman∣ders of the Troops so sent out of either Army, be one of Quality, that they command the Party by turns. And it is nevertheless provided, that the whole Scotish Army may be cal∣led out of the Province of Vlster, and the Horses appointed to joyn with them, by His Majesties Lieutenant of Ireland, or other chief Governour or Governours of that Kingdom for the time being, if he or they shall think fit, before the Rebellion be totally suppressed therein.

Eleventhly, it is agreed, That the Scotish Army shall be entertained by the English for three Months, from the twentieth of June last, and so along after, until they be discharg∣ed; and that they shall have a Months Pay advanced when they are first mustered in Ire∣land, and thereafter shall be duely paid from Month to Month; and that there shall be one Muster-master appointed by the English Muster-master General, to make strict and frequent Musters of the Scotish Army; and that what Companies of Men shall be sent out of Scotland within the compass of the Ten thousand Men, shall be paid upon their Mu∣sters in Ireland, although they make not up compleat Regiments.

Twelfthly, it is agreed, That the Scotish Army shall receive their discharge from the King and Parliament of England, or from such Persons as shall be appointed and au∣thorized by His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament for that purpose; and that there shall be a Months warning before-hand of their disbanding; which said discharge and Months warning shall be made known by His Majesty and them to the Council of Scot∣land, or the Lord Chancellor, a Month before the discharging thereof; and that the Com∣mon Souldiers of the Scotish at their dismission shall be allowed fourteen days Pay for car∣rying of them home.

Thirteenthly, it is provided and agreed, That at any time after the Three Months now agreed upon, for the entertainment of the Scotish Army, shall be expired, and that the Two Houses of Parliament, or such persons as shall be authorized by them, shall give no∣tice to the Council of Scotland, or to the Lord Chancellor there, that after one Month from such notice given the said Two Houses of Parliament will not pay the said Scotish Ar∣my now in Ireland any longer, then the said Two Houses of Parliament shall not be obliged to pay the said Army any longer then during the said Month, any thing in this Treaty con∣tained to the contrary notwithstanding.

The Ordinances of the 9. of March, and 11. of April.

Die Sabbati, 9. Martii, 1643-44.

[ VIII] Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled,

THat he who doth or shall command in chief over the said Army by joynt Advice of both Kingdoms, shall also command the rest of the British Forces in Ireland; and for the further managing of that War, and prosecuting the Ends expressed in the Covenant, that the same be done by joynt Advice with the Committees of both Kingdoms.

Die Jovis, 11. April, 1644.

Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled,

THat the Earl of Leven, Lord General of the Scots Forces in Ireland, (being now by the Votes of both Houses agreed to be Commander in chief over all the Forces, as well British as Scots, according to the Fourth Article of the result of the Committees of both Kingdoms passed both Houses) be desired with all convenient speed, by the Advice of the said Committees, to appoint and nominate a Commander in chief under his Excellency over the said Forces, to reside with them upon the place.

Resolved, &c.

THat Committees be nominated and appointed by the joynt Advice of both King∣doms, of such Numbers and Qualities as shall be by them agreed on, to be sent with all convenient speed to reside with the said Forces, and enabled with all ample Instructions by the joynt Advice of both Kingdoms for the Regulating of the said Forces, and the better carrying on of that War.

The Letter of the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland to the Speaker of the House of Commons in England, 4. April, 1643. a Duplicate whereof (the Original being sent to VVestminster) was by them sent to Master Secretary Nicholas for His Ma∣jesty.

SIR,

[ IX] OUR very good Lord, the Lord Marquess of Ormond, having in his March in his last Expedition consulted several times with the Commanders and Officers of the Army in a Council of War, and so finding that subsistence could not be had abroad for the Men and Horses he had with him, or for any considerable part of them, it was resol∣ved by them, that his Lordship with those Forces should return hither, which he did on the six and twentieth of March.

In his return from Rosse (which, in the case our Forces stand, he found so difficult to be taken in, as although our Ordinance made a breach in their Walls, it was found necessary to desert the Siege) he was encountred by an Army of the Rebels, consisting of about six thousand Foot and six hundred and fifty Horse well armed and horsed; yet it pleased God so to disappoint their counsels and strength, as with those small Forces which the Lord Marquess had with him, being of fighting men about two thousand five hundred Foot, and five hundred Horse not well armed, and for the most part weakly horsed, (and those as well Men as Horses much weakned by lying in the Fields several Nights in much Cold and Rain, and by want of Mans-meat and Horse-meat) the Lord Marquess obtained a hap∣py and glorious deliverance and Victory against those Rebels, wherein were slain about three hundred of them, and many of their Commanders and others of Quality, and di∣vers taken Prisoners, and amongst those Prisoners Colonel Cullen, a Native of this City, who being a Colonel in France, departed from thence, and came hither to assist the Re∣bels, and was Lieutenant-General of their Army in the Province of Leimster; and the Rebels Army were totally routed and defeated, and their Baggage and Munition seized on by His Majesties Forces, who lodged that Night where they had gained the Victory, and on our side about twenty slain in the fight, and divers wounded.

We have great cause to praise God, for magnifying his Goodness and Mercy to His Maje∣sty and this His Kingdom so manifestly, and indeed wonderfully, in that Victory.

However, the Joy due from us upon so happy an occasion is, we confess, mingled with ve∣ry great Distraction here in the apprehension of our Unhappiness to be such, as although the Rebels are not able to overcome His Majesties Army, and devour His other good Subjects here as they desire, yet both His Army and good Subjects are in danger to be devoured by the wants of needful Supplies forth of England. For, as we formerly signified thither, those Forces were of necessity sent abroad to try what might be done for sustaining them in the Countrey, so as to keep them alive until Supplies should get to us; but that design now failing, those our hopes are converted into astonishment, to behold the unspeakable Miseries of the Officers and Soldiers for want of all things, and all those Wants made the more un∣supportable in the want of Food, whilst this City (being all the help we have) is now too apparently found to be unable to help us, as it hath hitherto done, and divers Commanders and Officers in the Army do now so far express their sense of their Sufferings, (which indeed are very great and grievous) as they declare that they have little hope to be supplied by the Parliament, and press with so great importunity to be permitted to depart the Kingdom, as it will be extream difficult to keep them here.

By our Letters of the three and twentieth of March, we signified thither the unsup∣portable burthen laid on this City, for Victualling those of the Army left here when the Lord Marquess with the Forces he took with him marched hence; which burthen is found every day more heavy than other, in regard of the many House-keepers thereby daily breaking up house, and scattering their Families, leaving still fewer to bear the burthen. We also by those Letters, and by our Letters of the five and twentieth of February, advertised thi∣ther the high danger this Kingdom would incur, if the Army so sent abroad should by any distress, or through want be forced back hither again before our relief of Victuals should ar∣rive forth of England.

When we found that those men were returning back hither, although we were (and are still) full of Distraction, considering the dismal consequences threatned thereby in respect of our Wants, yet we consulted what we could yet imagine feasible that we had not former∣ly done, to gain some Food for those men; and found, that to send them or others abroad into the Countrey, we cannot, in regard we are not able to advance Money for procuring the many Requisites incident to such an Expedition. In the end therefore we were enforced to fix on our former way, and so to see who had any thing yet left him untaken from him to help us: and although there are but few such, and some of them poor Merchants, whom we have now by the Law of Necessity utterly undone, and disabled from being hereafter helpful to us in bringing us in Victuals or other needful Commodities; yet were we forced to wrest their Commodities from them. And certainly there are few here of our selves or others, that have not felt their parts in the enforced Rigour of our proceedings towards preserving the Army; so as what with such hard dealing, no less grievous to us to do than it is heavy to others to suffer, and by our descending (against our hearts) far below the Ho∣nour and Dignity of that Power we represent here under His Royal Majesty, we have with unspeakable difficulty prevailed so as to be able to find Bread for the Soldiers for the space of one Month.

We are now expelling hence all Strangers, and must instantly send away for Eng∣land Thousands of poor despoiled English, whose very eating is now unsupportable to this place.

And now again and finally, we earnestly desire, (for our Confusions will not now admit the writing of many more Letters, if any) that His Majesty and the English Nation may not suffer so great, if not irrecoverable, Prejudice and Dishonour, as must unavoidably be the consequence of our not being relieved suddenly; but that yet (although it be even now at the point to be too late) supplies of Victuals and Munition in present be hastened hither, to keep life until the rest may follow, there being no Victual in the store, nor will there be a hundred Barrels of Powder left in the store when the out-Garrisons (as they must be in∣stantly) are supplied, and that remainder, according to the usual necessary expence, besides extraordinary accidents, will not last above a month. And the residue of our Provisions must also come speedily after, or otherwise England cannot hope to secure Ireland, or secure themselves against Ireland, but in the loss of it must look for such Enemies from hence as will perpetually disturb the Peace of His Majesty and His Kingdom of England, and annoy them by Sea and Land, as we often formerly represented thither: which mischiefs may yet be prevented, if we be yet forthwith enabled from thence with means to overcome this Re∣bellion.

We hope that a course is taken there for hastening hither the Provisions of Arms and Mu∣nition mentioned in the Docquet sent with our Letters of the twentieth of January, and the six hundred Horses which we then moved might be sent hither for Recruits, and that the seven thousand eight hundred fourscore and thirteen pounds three shillings for Arms to be provided in Holland (besides those we expect in London) hath been paid to Anthony Tierens in London, or to Daniel Wibrants in Amsterdam; and if that Sum had been paid as we at first desired, we might well have had those Provisions arrived here by the tenth of March, as we agreed: however we now desire that that Money, if it be not already pay'd, may be yet pay'd to Mr. Tierens in London, or Mr. Wibrants in Amsterdam, that so those Provisions may arrive here speedily, which (considering that Summer is now near at hand) will be very necessary, that when our Supplies of Victuals, Munition, Cloaths, Money, and other Provisions shall arrive, we may not in the publick Service here lose the benefit and advantage of that season.

And so we remain

from His Majesties Castle of Dublin, 4. April, 1643.

POSTSCRIPT.

As we were ready to sign this Dispatch, we received at this Board a Paper signed by sundry Officers of the Army, now here at Dublin, which is in such a Stile, and threatens so much Danger, as we hold necessary to send a Copy thereof here inclosed; whereby still appears the high Necessity of hastening away Money for them and the rest of the Officers, and Victuals for the Soldier, without which it will be impossible to contain them from breaking out into mutiny.

The Letter inclosed.

My Lords,

AT our first entrance into this unhappy Kingdom, we had no other Design than by our Swords to assert and vindicate the Right of His Majesty, which was here most highly abused, to redress the Wrongs of His poor Subjects, and to advance our own particulars in the prosecution of so honest undertakings. And for the first of these, we do believe they have since our coming over succeeded pretty well: but for the last, which con∣cerns our selves, that hath fallen out so contrary to our expectations, that instead of being rewarded, we have been prejudiced; instead of getting a Fortune, we have spent part of one; and though we behave our selves never so well abroad, and perform the actions of honest men, yet we have the reward of Rogues and Rebels, which is, Misery and Want, when we come home. Now (my Lords) although we be brought to so great an exi∣gence, that we are ready to rob and spoil one another; yet to prevent such outrages, we thought it better to try all honest means for our subsistence before we take such indirect courses. Therefore if your Lordships will be pleased to take us timely into your con∣siderations, before our urgent Wants make us desperate, we will, as we have done hitherto, serve your Lordships readily and saithfully: But if your Lordships will not find a way for our Preservations here, we humbly desire we may have leave to go where we may

have a better Being; and if your Lordships shall refuse to grant that, we must then take leave to have our recourse to that first and primary Law which God hath endued all men with, we mean the Law of Nature, which teacheth all men to preserve themselves.

The Letter of the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland to His MAJESTY, of the 11. of May, 1643.

May it please your most Excellent Majesty,

[ X] AS soon as we Your Majesties Justices entred into the charge of this Government, we took into our consideration at this Board the state of Your Army here, which we find suffering under unspeakable Extremities of Want of all things necessary to the support of their Persons or maintenance of the War; here being no Victuals, Cloaths, or other Provisions requisite towards their sustenance, no Money to provide them of any thing they want, no Arms in Your Majesties Stores to supply their many defective Arms, not above Forty Barrels of Powder in Your Stores, no strength of serviceable Horses being now left here, and those few that are, their Arms for the most part lost or unservice∣able, no Ships arrived here to guard the Coasts, and consequently no security rendred to any that might (on their private Adventures) bring in Provisions of Victuals, or other ne∣cessaries, towards our subsistence; and finally, no visible means by Sea or Land of being able to preserve for You this Your Kingdom, and to render deliverance from utter Destru∣ction to the remnant of Your good Subjects yet left here.

We find that Your Majesties late Justices and this Board have often and fully by very many Letters advertised the Parliament in England of the extremities of Affairs here, and besought Relief with all possible importunity, which also have been fully represent∣ed to Your Majesty, and to the Lord Lieutenant, and Mr. Secretary Nicholas, to be made known to Your Majesty: and although the Winds have of late for many days (and often formerly) stood very fair for Accessions of Supply forth of England hi∣ther, and that we have still with longing expectations hoped to find Provisions ar∣rive here in some degree answerable to the Necessities of Your Affairs; yet now (to our unexpressible grief) after full six months waiting, and much longer patience and long suffering, we find all our great Expectations answered in a mean and inconsidera∣ble quantity of Provisions, (viz.) threescore and fifteen Barrels of Butter, and fourteen Tun of Cheese, being but the fourth part of a small Vessels loading, which was sent from London, and arrived here on the fifth day of this month, which is not above seven or eight days Provision for that part of the Army which lies in Dublin and the out-Gar∣risons thereof; no Money or Victuals (other than that inconsiderable proportion of Vi∣ctual) having arrived in this place, as sent from the Parliament of England, or from any other forth of England, for the use of the Army, since the beginning of November last.

We have (by the Blessing of God) been hitherto prosperous and successful in Your Majesties Affairs here; and should be still hopeful, by the mercy of God, un∣der the Royal Directions of Your Sacred Majesty, to vindicate Your Majesties Ho∣nour, and recover Your Rights here, and take due Vengeance on these Traitors for the innocent Blood they have spilt, if we might be strengthened and supported therein by needful Supplies forth of England: but these Supplies having hitherto been expected to come from the Parliament of England, (on which if Your Majesty had not relied, we are assured You would in Your high Wisdom have found out some other means to preserve this Your Kingdom) and so great and apparent a failer having hapned therein, and all the former and late long continuing Easterly Winds bringing us no other Provisions than those few Cheeses and Butter, and no Adver∣tisements being brought us of any future Supply to be so much as in the way hither, whereby there might be any likelihood that considerable means of support for Your Majesties Army might arrive here in any reasonable time, before we be totally swallowed up by the Rebels, and Your Kingdom by them wrested from you; we find our selves so disappointed of our hopes from the Parliament, as must needs trench to the utter loss of the Kingdom, if Your Majesty in Your high Wisdom ordain not some present means of preservation for us.

And considering, that if now by occasion of that unhappy and unexpected failing of support from thence, we shall be less successful in Your Services here against the Rebels than hitherto (whilst we were enabled with some means to serve You) we have been, the shame and dishonour may, in common construction of those that know not the in∣wards of the cause, be imputed to us, and not to the failings that disabled Us; and considering principally and above all things the high and eminent trust of your Affairs here, deposited with us by Your Sacred Majesty, we may not forbear, in discharge of our Duty, thus freely and plainly to declare our humble apprehensions, to the end Your Majesty thus truly understanding the terribleness of our Condition, may find out some such means of support to preserve to Your Majesty and Your Royal Posterity this Your Ancient and Rightful Crown and Kingdom, and derive Deliverance and Safety to the Remnant of Your good Subjects yet left here, as in Your Excellent Judgment You shall find to be most for Your Honour and Advantage.

And so praying to the King of Kings to guide and direct You for the best in this high and important Cause, and in all other Your Counsels and Actions, we humbly remain,

from Your Majesties Castle of Dublin, the 11th Day of May, 1643.

Your Majesties most Loyal and most Faithful Subjects and Servants.

His MAJESTIES Answers to certain Papers delivered in to His Commissioners at Uxbridge upon the Close of the Treaty; one concerning the Militia, and two con∣cerning Ireland.* 1.3

To which (being long, and coming in so near the breaking up of the Treaty) no Answers could then be given.

HAving received an account of the Passages of the late Treaty from Our Com∣missioners, We caused a Narrative thereof to be made and published; wherein, besides the necessary Connexions, there is nothing set down but what passed in Writing: But because their last Paper upon the Subject of the Militia, and two last Pa∣pers concerning Ireland, were delivered upon the Close of that Treaty; although We conceive the Answers given in the Papers formerly delivered by Our Commissioners are abundantly sufficient to give satisfaction to those also; yet because there may be a want of memory in some, and of observation in others, who shall read that Narrative, to bring home and apply the former Answers of Our Commissioners to those Papers, and because they seem to expect Answers, which (the Treaty being determined) cannot be given by Our Commissioners, and to vindicate Our Self from many Passages scattered in those Papers, particularly reflecting upon Our Person and Royal Authority, We have thought fit, for the further satisfaction of all Our good People, to make these ensuing Answers.

And first to that* 1.4 Paper concerning the Militia.

WHosoever shall observe the passionate expressions in the close of this Paper, (wherein they do most earnestly desire Our Commissioners, as they tender the deplorable Estate of these bleeding Kingdoms, the settling Religion, Our Honour, and the composing these mise∣rable Distractions, to give full and clear Answers to the Demands concerning the Militia) might very well believe, that they who so importunately demanded, would as willingly have received an Answer. But when it shall be considered that this Paper was not delivered in till after two of the Clock in the morning upon the breaking off the Treaty, when they had denied any further time to treat, or to receive any Papers dated as within the time of the Treaty, (as formerly was mutually done, and this very Paper of theirs delivered in truth upon the 23. was received as dated the 22. of February) it will be most apparent they kept it as a Reserve to be purposely and by design delivered so as it should remain unan∣swered.

For the matter of that Paper; They say, they have by their Answers satisfied the several Questions proposed to them by Our Commissioners touching the Militia. It was necessary they should have done so, that it being proposed to Us to part with so great a Trust as the Pow∣er of the Sword, and to put it wholly out of Our own hands, We might know how, and to whom, and for what time, and upon what terms We parted with it. But We will look back upon some of their Answers, that it may appear what they are.

Our Commissioners desired to know,* 1.5 who the Commissioners should be in whose hands the Forces both by Sea and Land should be entrusted, and whether We might except against such Persons, and name others in their Places of known Affections to Religion and Peace. To that part of the Question, Whether We might except against the Persons, they made no Answer. To the other part, requiring who the Commissioners should be, they answered, That the Commissioners were to be named for England by the two Houses, and for Scotland by the Estates of the Parliament there:* 1.6 whereas the Question was not, Who should name those Commissioners; but, Who they were that should be named, a thing most necessary for Us to know, before We entrusted them with so great a Power.

Our Commissioners desired to know,* 1.7 Whether the Militia of London should be inde∣pendent,* 1.8 and not subordinate to those Commissioners. They answered, It appeared by the Propositions, the same was to be ordered in such manner as should be agreed on by both Houses. Which was no Answer to the Question, though likewise necessary to be known, the Militia of London being so great and of such importance.

Our Commissioners desired to know,* 1.9 What Authority the Commissioners, nominated by the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland, were to have in the Militia and settling of all Forces by Sea and Land in this Kingdom, and what influence the Advices and Orders from the Estates of that Parliament should have upon this Kingdom. They answered,* 1.10 That might be fully satisfied by the Propositions concerning the Militia. And though Our Commissioners desired it, they could get no other Answer from them in writing.

Our Commissioners desired to know,* 1.11 What Jurisdiction they intended the Commissi∣oners of both Kingdoms should have, by the power given to them to hear and determine all differences that might occasion the breach of the Articles of the Peace, and by what Law they should proceed to hear and determine the same. They answered, That the Commissioners were to proceed in such manner as was expressed in the Propositions.* 1.12 Where∣as the Propositions express no more than what is contained in the words of the Que∣stion.* 1.13 And being further pressed to an Answer, they answered, That the matter of the Jurisdiction of the Commissioners was expressed in the Propositions; and for the manner of exercising of it, and by what Law they should proceed, The same was to be settled by the two Houses of the Parliament of England, and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respe∣ctively. This being no Answer, and a full and direct Answer being required to these Questions,* 1.14 the Answer given was, That they referred themselves therein to their former Answers.

Our Commissioners desired to see the Act of the late Treaty for the settling of the Garrison of Barwick,* 1.15 of the 29. of November, 1643. (being made betwixt the two Houses and those of Scotland, without Our Privity) as relating to the business of the Militia: They answered,* 1.16 It was not then to be treated on, but was reserved to its proper time; and Our Com∣missioners could never see it.

Our Commissiones desired to know,* 1.17 Whether by the joynt Power mentioned in the Propositions to be given to the Commissioners for both Kingdoms, to preserve the Peace between the Kingdoms, and the King, and every one of them, they intended any other than Military Power for suppressing Forces only; which Question was asked, because in the Proposition there are two distinct Clauses, one whereby they have that Power to pre∣serve the Peace,* 1.18 the other whereby they have Power to suppress Forces. In answer to this they refer Our Commissioners to the Propositions.

That these Answers (though made to Questions arising upon the doubtful Expres∣sions in their Propositions) referring to the Propositions themselves, or to what was not then, but was after to be settled by the two Houses, are not satisfactory Answers to those Questions, is most evident. But we do not wonder they were unwilling We should see the clear drift of those Propositions, the ill consequence whereof (which hereaf∣ter appears) We are willing to believe most of those who agreed unto them did not at first apprehend.

They say, They marvel why it should be insisted on, that the Commissioners for the Militia should not be nominated by the two Houses only, and that we, who were to be equally secured, should name* 1.19 none, since this Power was not to be exercised till a Peace concluded upon the Treaty, and then We had been secured by the Laws of the Kingdom, and by the Duties and Affections of Our Subjects. We think it far more matter of wonder (since it is confessed that We, and such Our Loyal Subjects who have faithfully and constantly adhered to Us, were equally to be secured) that they would allow Us no security at all, but to put Our selves wholly upon them, who even afterwards in this Paper deny Our Just Power of the Militia, and of making Peace and War, and might with much more colour hereafter do so, if by Our Consent that Power should be once, though for a time only, put wholly into their Hands. It is true, the Laws of the Land and the Hearts of the People are the best security for a Prince, that He shall enjoy what belongs to Him: But it is as true, that the Laws of the Land and the Love of the Prince towards His People are like∣wise their best security, that they shall enjoy what belongeth to them. It is a mutual confidence each in other that secures both: but this is to be understood in calm and quiet times. The present Distempers have bred mutual Jealousies: and if they think it not at this time reasonable wholly to trust the Laws and Us concerning their security, but require the Power of the Militia, in which they have no right; much less is it rea∣sonable that We should wholly trust them concerning Our security, who avowedly bear Arms against Us: but if for the love of Peace We are content for a time to part with this great Power, which is Our Known Right, it is reasonable that We should have the nominating of some of those who should be trusted with it. Yet on Our part We were well content to repose Our selves in that security they mention, if the two Houses would likewise have relied upon the same security of the Laws and Affections of the People,* 1.20 to which they so much pretend: But though it was offered that We should return to Our two Houses, whereby all Armies being Disbanded, both they and We might have been restored to the Laws, and guarded by those Affections of the People; yet that was not admitted. They say, This Power of the Militia was not to be exercised till after a Peace; but they do not remember it is to be agreed on before a Peace, and proposed in order to a Peace: and We might with as much Reason (and far more Justice, in respect of Our undoubted Right over the Militia of this Kingdom) have insisted upon the sole nomination of the Commissioners, because their Power was not to be exercised till a Peace concluded, as they for that cause to have excluded Us from the nomination of an equal number, and assumed that Power wholly to them∣selves, not affording Us so much as the liberty to except against any of them. And whereas they say these Commissioners for the Militia have a Rule prescribed, and being removable and lyable for any miscarriage to a severe punishment, cannot do any thing to Our prejudice, contrary to the Trust reposed in them: If they had such a Rule (which yet by their Propositions and Papers We cannot find, having by general and indefinite terms an unlimited Power given to them) it proves they should not, not that they would not break it. He that hath Power (as these Commissioners would have the greatest that ever Subjects had) and Will to abuse that Power, may extend and interpret the Rule prescribed him as he shall please himself. And therefore since out of Our ardent desire of Peace, We were content to part with this Power, We had reason to require, that at least some of those who should execute it might be such whom We Our selves should nominate and could trust.

For that which is said, That if the Commissioners had been severally chosen, the memory of these unnatural Divisions must needs have been continued, and pro∣bably being severally named, they would have acted dividedly according to several Interests, and the War thereby might be more easily revived: It is apparent, the me∣mory of the War must as much continue where any Commissioners are named at all, as where they are named by either Party, since by putting that Power into their hands it is put out of the proper Chanel. But it is not the memory of a past War that is dangerous, but such a remembrance of it as is joyned with a desire or inclination to revive it. And if it were probable, as is alledged, that if the Commissioners were partly chosen by Us, and partly by them, that being severally named, they would have acted dividedly according to several Interests; it would be much more probable, that being wholly named by them, they would have acted only according to their Interest, and so on Our part, instead of an equal Security, We must have been contented with what Laws an Conditions they would have imposed. But We shall again remember, that the offer on Our part was to name such against whom there could be no just Exception,* 1.21

if the Persons were named equally betwixt us. It was likewise offered, That those Commissio∣ners should take an Oath for the true discharge of their Trust; that We Our selves were willing to take an Oath to observe the Articles of the Treaty; and that all Persons of any immediate Trust by Offices or attendance upon Vs, and all others whom they should nominate, should take the like Oath, and with such penalties, that whosoever should infringe the Agreement, should be accounted most pernicious Enemies to Vs and the Kingdoms. And if this way of mutual nomination were not approved, there was another proposed, that the Persons should be nominated between Our Commissioners and theirs, by whose mutual consent it might well have been hoped such Persons might have been named, in whom We and they might have confided. But to this no Answer hath been vouchsafed, nor could any thing satisfie concerning the Militia, unless without knowing who the Persons were who should be entrusted, We should with an implicite Faith in Persons whom We did not know put that Power into their hands.

They say,* 1.22 that though by their Propositions the Commissioners were to continue without any limitation of time, yet they have since proposed a time of seven years. We know not that they have, during the whole Treaty, in any one particular receded from insisting on their Demands as they are set down in their Propositions in terminis. And in this point though they seem to reduce the time, which in their Propositions was indefinite,* 1.23 to a certainty, to which yet the Scotish Commissioners have not absolutely agreed, the alteration is more in shew than in deed, and rather to the heightning than abating their Demands. For whereas they have limited the time to seven years, yet it is with an additional Clause, That after those seven years it was to be executed as We and they should agree, and not otherwise: so that though the Commissioners should have the Power but for seven years, yet We should not have it after those se∣ven years nor at any time, unless they and We could agree in it: so much would they have gained by this seeming compliance in point of limitation of this Power to a time, though not to that time of three years which We proposed. But they justi∣fie the Reasonableness of it:* 1.24 for whereas Our Commissioners in their Paper (to which this of theirs is applied as an Answer) tell them, that if the time for this Power be unlimited, We and Our Posterity shall for ever part with Our peculiar Regall Power of being able to resist Our Enemies or protect Our good Subjects, and with that un∣doubted and never-denied Right of the Crown to make War and Peace, or ever more to have Jurisdiction over Our own Navy and Fleet at Sea, (the Command thereof being al∣so a part of this great Power to be given to these Commissioners:* 1.25 ) they answer plainly, They cannot admit of this peculiar Regall Power, which Our Commissioners mention, to re∣side in Vs, concerning the Militia, and to make Peace and War, or that it is otherwise to be exercised then by Authority from Vs and both Houses of the Parliament of England and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively. We approve of their ingenuity, that now at the breaking off of the Treaty, they tell Us in plain terms what they mean: Though the Common-Law-books and Records of Parliament have mentioned, that the sole Power of protecting the Subjects belongs to the King, and that He alone hath Power to make Peace and War; though it hath been the language of former Par∣liaments, even of the last Parliament, and at the beginning of this Parliament, That the Power of Peace and War is in the King; but if He will have Money from His Subjects to maintain the Wars, He must have their Consents; and though the universal consent and com∣mon Opinion heretofore hath gone accordingly: yet they cannot admit thereof as to have been Our Right (for the Answer is made to the assertion concerning Our Right.) And not admitting it, it seems their Oaths of Allegeance and Supremacy, to defend Our Crown and Dignity, and to assist and defend all Jurisdictions, Priviledges and Authori∣ties belonging to Us, oblige them not. And as they do not admit this Power in Right to have been in Us alone for the time past, so neither will they admit it for the time to come, in Us or Our Successors, to be able to resist Our Enemies or protect Our Subjects, or to make Peace or War, but it must be by Authority from Vs and the two Houses, and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland, respectively. They are to be associated in these Regal Powers, and the Scepter and the Sword may in Pictures or Statues, but are not in deed to be in the Kings hand alone. Upon these grounds, We wonder not that they would have the Navy and Fleet at Sea to be put into the hands of their Commissioners for seven years, as the Militia for the Land, and after the seven years to be commanded in such manner as they and We should agree, and not otherwise; for the say, the Rea∣sons are the same for them as for the Militia by Land. It is a principal means, they say, of their security; and We cannot find they think themselves to have any security, if We and Our Successors have any Power: But if We will part with Our Power wholly

unto them, We and Our Posterity shall be fully secured by the Affections of Our Sub∣jects (that is, by the Lords and Commons now at VVestminster, who in their sense repre∣sent all the People) who by themselves during the Parliament, or, when they shall please to make any Recesses, by their Commissioners during the Intervals, will free Us from the burthen of the Militia and of Our Navy, and so of protecting Our Subjects, and will save Us the Charge of Our Navy, because it is to be principally maintained by the free gift of the Subject out of Tonnage and Poundage, and other Impositions upon Merchandise. And having taken this care for Our Security (suitable to all their Acti∣ons these three years last past) they say, that for security of those who have been with Vs in the War, an Act of Oblivion is desired to be passed, whereby all Our Subjects would have been put in one and the same condition and under the same protection, with some Excepti∣ons mentioned in the Propositions. We are not willing to mention those Exceptions, by which not only most of Our best Subjects (who have been with Us in the War ac∣cording to their Duties) by express or general terms are excepted, but all the Estates of some of them, and a great part of the Estates of the rest of them, for that very cause, because they were with Us in the War, are to be forfeited. As for securing them by an Act of Oblivion, they have less cause to desire it than they who propose it, as being more secured by the Conscience of doing their Duties, and the protection of the known Common Law of the Land, if it might take place, than any protection under the two Houses or their Commissioners for the Militia: yet we were not unwil∣ling, for the security of all Our Subjects, to have assented to an Act of Oblivion, be∣ing willing, as much as in Us lies, to have made up these Breaches, and buried the memory of these unhappy Divisions.

It was urged by Our Commissioners, that according to the literal sense of the Pro∣positions (in the Powers given to the Commissioners for the Militia) That Sheriffs and Justices of Peace, and other legal Ministers, could not raise the Posse Comitatus, or Forces to suppress Riots, without being liable to the interpretation of the Commissioners. To this they answer, That this is no part of the Militia to be exercised by the Commissioners, but in executing of Justice and legal Process; nor can be intended to be any disturbance, but for the preservation of the Peace. We shall admit that to be their meaning; but it being by the Propositions made Treason in any who shall levy any Forces without Autho∣rity or consent of the Commissioners, to the disturbance of the publick Peace, it is apparent that the Sheriffs or Justices of Peace, if they raise any Forces to suppress any tumul∣tuous Assembly, (which it is possible some of the Commissioners may countenance) or for executing of other legal Acts, may not only be liable to the interpretation of being disturbers of the Publick Peace, but feel the punishment of it. And whereas they say, That the Power (given by the Propositions to the Commissioners for the Militia of both Kingdoms as a joynt Committee) for the hearing and determining Civil Actions and Differences cannot be extended further than preservation of the Articles of the Peace to be made: We conceive that a Court being thereby allowed to them for the hearing and determining of Civil matters for the preservation of the Articles of the Peace, they may in order thereunto (upon pretence it is for the preservation of the Peace) enter∣tain and determine any Cause or Difference they please, especially their Power by the Propositions being, not only to preserve the Peace, but to prevent the violation of the Articles of the Peace; and having the power of the Sword in their hands, and being not tied up to any certain Law, whereby to judge, (for ought appears by their Answers to the Questions proposed by Our Commissioners) and the Common Law not being the Rule in such case (because part of them are to be of the Scotish Nation) they may with∣out controul exercise what Arbitrary Power they please.

And whereas it is insisted upon in this Paper, That an Answer be given to the fif∣teenth Proposition, which is, That the Subjects be appointed to be Armed, Trained, and Dis∣ciplined in such manner as both Houses shall think fit; which Our Commissioners thought fit to have deferred till after the Peace established, and then to be settled by Us and the two Houses: it is apparent, that Proposition concerned not (that which was desired as the end of their Propositions) the security for the observation of the Articles; and We conceive there is already sufficient Provision made by the Law in such cases; and if there were not, it were fit that that defect were supplied by Law, not to be left at large, as the two Houses should think fit, without expressing the manner of it, but to proceed by a Bill, wherein We might see before We consented to it, how Our Subjects should be charged, We being as much concerned and sensible of the burthen to be put upon Our Subjects as the two Houses can be, who, We are sure, since they took upon them the Au∣thority of imposing upon their fellow-Subjects without Us, have laid the heaviest Impositi∣ons that ever were.

And whereas they say, The scope of these their Propositions touching the Militia was to take away occasions of future Differences, to prevent the raising of Arms, and to settle a firm and durable Peace: If We look upon the whole frame of their Militia as they have proposed it to Us, We cannot but conclude those Propositions to be most destructive to those ends. For first, they have proposed it to Us (as they have settled it already by their Ordinance) That the whole Militia of Ireland, as well of Our English Subjects as Scotish, shall be Commanded by Lesley Earl of Leven, their Scotish General, and be managed by the joynt Advice of the Scotish and English Commissioners, and therein the Scotish as well as the English to have a Negative Voice, and so by consequence subject∣ing the whole Government of that Kingdom to the manage of Our Scotish Subjects. And (having thus ordered the Militia of Ireland, where they will be sure to keep Forces on Foot (for that is another part of the Propositions, That we shall assent to whatsoever Acts shall be proposed for Moneys for the VVar of Ireland) which Forces shall be ready upon all occasions to serve them) for the Militia and Navy of England, that is likewise to be ordered and Commanded by these Commissioners: and though We their Sovereign are denied to nominate any to be joynt-Commissioners, they are content to admit those of Scotland (who, though Our Subjects, yet are strangers to their Government) to a nomination of Scotish Commissioners to be joyned with them. These Scotish Commissioners in matters wherein both Kingdoms are joyntly con∣cerned (and they may easily call and make what they will to be of joynt concern∣ment) are to have a Negative Voice, so that the English can do nothing without them, not so much as to raise Force to suppress a Commotion or prevent an Invasi∣on, if the Scotish Commissioners, though not a third part of the number of the Eng∣lish, say it is of joynt concernment; and in matters solely concerning England, the Sco∣tish Commissioners (to a third part of the whole number of the Commissioners) are to reside in England, and to Vote as single Persons.

These Commissioners, as well Scotish as English, as they have the sole Power of the Forces by Sea and Land, so they must have a Court in a Civil way, to hear and determine whatsoever Civil action that shall tend to the preservation of the Peace, or whatsoever else is for the prevention of the violation of it; within which gene∣ral words, and in order thereunto, they may comprehend any cause or thing they please. And as these Commissioners, as well Scotish as English, are to name all Com∣manders and Officers in Our Forts and Ships; so in the Intervals of Paliament, lest there should be too much dependance upon Us, they are to name all the great Offi∣cers and Judges of both Our Kingdoms of England and Ireland.

To these so unreasonable Propositions, wherein the Parliament and Subjects of Scot∣land would have so great an Influence and Power over the Kingdoms of England and Ireland, if (as reflecting meerly upon Our selves, and not entertaining such thoughts of Our Scotish Subjects as perhaps some may by the danger of such a Power) We should have agreed, as hoping that the good Affections of Our Subjects in Scotland might in time have restored Us to that Power which the two Houses of England would take away; yet when We consider, that We are in Conscience obliged to maintain the Rights of Our Crown so far as to be able to protect Our Subjects, and what jealousies and heart-burnings it might probably produce betwixt Our Subjects of the two Kingdoms, what reluctancy all Our Subjects here may have when they shall see Our Power so shaken, and they must have so much dependency upon their fel∣low Subjects both English and Scotch, We conceive it so far from being a Remedy to the present Distempers (as they affirm in their Papers) that as at present it would alter the whole frame and constitution of the Government of this Kingdom, both Civil and Military, so in the conclusion it would occasion the Ruin and Desolation of all Our Kingdoms.

His MAJESTIES Answer to the two Papers concerning Ireland.

IT hath been one of the chiefest designs of the Authors of the present Distractions,* 1.26 to insinuate unto Our People, that We were either privy to the Rebellion in Ireland, or assenting to the continuance of it; and if it could not be personally fixed upon Our self, yet to perswade them into a belief that evil Counsellors, and others prevalent with Us, did encourage and assist it. By this means having a colour to raise Forces, and to levy Money for the supply of those Forces, they might so dispose of both, as un∣der

a pretence of suppressing the Rebels in Ireland, they might thereby also raise a War in England, for the effecting of their Ambitious and Covetous desires in both Kingdoms. And they so carried on this Design, that whereas out of Our earnest desire of the relief of Our poor Subjects in Ireland, and to shew the great sense We had of their Miseries, We had given way to several unusual Bills for raising of For∣ces, and likewise to the Bill for the 400000. l. for the Adventurers and others, for rai∣sing of Moneys, (which Moneys by those Acts were to be pay'd to particular Per∣sons, or otherwise out of the ordinary course, and not into Our Exchequer, as was usual in like cases, thence to be issued for publick use) those Supplies were diverted and imployed to feed and nourish a Rebellion in England, rather than to suppress that in Ireland. Thus 100000. l. of the Adventurers Money was imployed for the Earl of Essex his Army when he first march'd against Us; and that imployment of it, though contrary to the express words of the Act, which are, That no part of that Money shall be imployed to any other purpose than the reducing of those Rebels, was publickly justified by a Declaration made in the name of the House of Commons the sixth of September, not long before the Battel at Edge-hill: and at the same Bat∣tel, several Regiments of Horse and Foot raised for Ireland, under the Command of the Lord Wharton, Lord of Leny, Sir Faithful Fortescue and others, were imployed against Us at Edge-hill: the Moneys raised upon the Bill of 400000. l. and others have been wholly made use of against Us. And it was impossible, without thus work∣ing themselves (under the specious pretence of suppressing the Rebellion of Ireland) into the managery of that War, and misapplying the aids intended for Ireland, to have brought this Kingdom into the bleeding and desperate condition wherein it now languisheth.

The Propositions concerning Ireland, as they are insisted upon by these Commissi∣oners (though in charity We shall hope not so intended by all of them) are apparent∣ly in pursuance of that original design in begetting a suspicion of Our Integrity in that business of Ireland, and ingrossing the managing of that War and the Power of that Kingdom into their hands. They would have the Cessation (which We have avowed to be assented to by Us, and advised as most necessary for the preservation of that Kingdom) to tend to the utter Destruction of the Protestants there, and the continuance of the Cessation there, (though but during the War here) to be a countenancing of that bloody Rebellion; and We Our selves are charged to be pri∣vy, and to give directions for the seising of some Provisions made and sent for the supply of the Protestants in Ireland. In the next place, concerning the War there, they de∣mand that the prosecution of that War be settled in both Houses of Parliament, to be managed by the Advice of both Kingdoms of England and Scotland, (that is, a Commmittee of both Kingdoms, those of each Kingdom to have a Negative Voice) and all the Forces there to be under the Command of the Scotch General; the Lieutenant and other great Officers and Judges there to be nominated by both Houses; and that We should consent to pass all Acts to be proposed by them for the raising of Moneys and other things necessary for the prosecution of that War. And notwithstanding all the zealous and pathetical Epressions in those Papers, desiring the con∣tinuance of that War, and the execution of Justice upon those Rebels; it is not barely the prosecution of the War in zeal of Justice that is desired, that might be managed either by Us (whom God and the Law have entrusted solely with that Power, and whose Predecessors have alone, and without the concurrence of their Parliaments, other than by competent assistance with Moneys, suppressed great Rebel∣lions in that Kingdom) or by fit Ministers to be appointed, upon just occasion to be removed by Us: they have not made any the least Proposition or desire to that pur∣pose. But they insist upon such a prosecution of the War, wherein those who are in Arms against Us may have the sole managing of the War, and of Moneys to main∣tain that War, even while they are in Arms against Us. For the Cessation already made it is apparent it was the only visible means whereby the Kingdom was preserved, the poor Protestants there being in danger inevitably to have perished, either by Fa∣mine for want of Food, or by the Rebels for want of Ammunition, there being not above forty Barrels of Powder there, as appears by the Letters of the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland mentioned by Our Commissioners, and no supplies of Vi∣ctuals or Money sent in six Months time before those Letters (although Our Ships were then taken away from Us, and all the Forces at Sea belonging to this King∣dom were under their Command.) Neither could the not making void or declaring against that Cessation have hindered a Peace upon this Treaty, if it had been in∣tended

really on their part, it being to expire in March, and so before the Treaty could probably have been perfected, and there being no further Peace or Cessation made in Ireland. And therefore Our Commissioners did earnestly desire them to make such Pro∣positions as were fit to be consented to, for the growth of the Protestant Religion, and the good of that Kingdom.

But instead of such Propositions, they still except against the Cessation, and though expiring within a Month, they insist upon their demands of an Act of Parliament to make that Cessation void: to which if We should have consented, as We must have ren∣dered Our selves uncapable of being trusted at any time after, and odious abroad in breaking that Cessation, solemnly made by Our publick Ministers of State in Ireland, and after consented unto by Our selves; so We must have implicitely confessed, con∣trary to the truth, that which they alledge against the Cessation, that it was destructive to the Protestants there, and a countenancing of that bloody Rebellion, and thereby having lost the Plea of Our Innocency, have also lost the hearts of Our People, and rendered Our selves guilty of those Infamous Slanders which have been charged upon Us concerning the Irish Rebellion, and which some were so willing to fix upon Us, that even during this Treaty, when Mac-guire was impeached by them for this Rebelli∣on, for which he was by them after executed, (though they well knew Confessions of Men in his condition, in hopes of Pardon or Reprieves, are not to be credited,) he was strictly examined concerning Us (as We are credibly informed) whether or no We gave any Commission to the Rebels of Ireland, or any assistance to them; and if he had not absolutely denied it to his last, with more sense of Conscience in that parti∣cular than they who examined him expected, it is likely whatsoever Untruths reflect∣ing upon Us had been forced from him, had been (as others were) published to Our disgrace. And although they long questioned the credit and truth of those Letters of the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland, notwithstanding one of them being directed to the Speaker of the House of Commons was received and communica∣ted to the House, and Ours was but a Duplicate thereof, and Copies were delivered to them of both Letters, which two of their Commissioners compared with Our Origi∣nals, and saw the Names of all the Council-subscribers as well as the two Lords Justi∣ces, some of which Councellors were of principal estimation with themselves, and they might also have had Copies of their Names who subscribed, if they would have assured Our Commissioners, that such of them as should have come into their Quarters should not have been prejudiced by it; yet the extremity of Our poor English Subjects indu∣cing that Cessation being so notorious, and that attestation thereof undeniable, they fall at last to confess and avoid them: they say, That some who were of the Council when those Letters were written assure them, that those Letters were written only to press for Sup∣plies, without any intention of inducing a Cessation, neither do the Letters contain any men∣tion of a Cessation. It is true, those Letters do not, nor was it alledged they did men∣tion any Cessation; but they pressed for Supplies from hence, and laid open their Ne∣cessities to be such, that it was apparent to any Man (as We had also private advices from some of the Council there, and of credit with those at Westminster) that if Sup∣plies failed, there was no way for the preservation of Our good Subjects there but by a Cessation. And these bleeding Wants of Our Army and good Subjects there so earnestly calling for Relief, and (this Kingdom being then ingaged in the height of an unnatural War) Our selves unable to supply them, and no timely supply nor hopes of it coming from the two Houses, what course less dishonourable for Us, or more for the good and safety of the poor English there, could be taken, than to admit of a Treaty for a Cessation, which was managed by Our publick Ministers of State there, and that Cessation assen∣ted unto as best for that Kingdom by the chief Officers of the Army and the Lords Justi∣ces and Council of Ireland, before Our Approbation thereof?

They say, that those Necessities were made by a design of the Popish and Prelatical Par∣ty (the Prelatical Party must come in upon all turns, though none suffered more by the Irish Rebellion, nor were less advantaged by the Cessation, than those poor Prelates) and that at this very time when the Protestants were in such Extremity, Provisions sent thither by the Parliament for their Relief were disposed of and afforded to the Rebels. The Let∣ters of the Lords Justices and Council tell Us, that no Provisions at all were sent by the Parliament; and if they had not told it, yet this being barely affirmed, might as easily be denied, unless they had instanced in particular what Provisions were sent, and how, and when, and by whom, or to whom they were disposed. But they say, that at the same time the Officers of the Army and Garrisons, pressing for leave to march into the Ene∣mies Countrey to live upon them, and save their own stores; some could not obtain leave to

go, and those who were drawn forth, had great quantities of Provisions out with them, yet were not permitted to go into the Enemies Countrey, but kept near Dublin till their Provi∣sions were spent, and then commanded back again. They might remember, at that time (wherein they suppose this miscarriage) the chief manage of those Affairs was in the hands of such Ministers of State, whom they did and do still rely upon; but sure those Ministers are not to be blamed, if they durst not suffer the Soldier to march far, or stay long in the Enemies Countrey, when there was but forty Barrels of Powder in all the Store, or if they called them back in such case when the Enemy ap∣proached.

Let such as these, or what other pretences and excuses soever, be made for not relieving Ireland, We are sure the chief Impediment to it was their active promoting this Rebellion in England: And therefore, as they made use of the Supplies both of Men and Money, provided for that Kingdom, against Us at Edge-hill; so from the time of that Battel (some Supplies sent before (which else perhaps had been also coun∣termanded) arriving in Ireland about the time, or shortly after that Battel) they were so careful of recruiting and supplying their Armies here, that though they received much Moneys for Ireland, and had at their disposal great store of Our Ammunition, neither the one nor the other was ever after afforded to the English Army and Forces, or to the Protestants about Dublin, though the Cessation was not made till September fol∣lowing. As for those Protestants in Munster, Connaught, and Ulster, who, they say, opposed the Cessation, and did and do still subsist, they were most of them of Our Scotish Subjects; the rest (excepting some few wrought upon by private interest or particular solicitation) were such, who being under their Power, were forced for their relief to concur with them against it. These, indeed, as they did not suffer under so great Wants as the English at the time of the Cessation, as is well known, though it seem to be denied, more special Provisions being made for them and for their Garrisons than for the English, (as doth in great part appear even by the Articles of their Treaty of the sixth of August;) so they have since subsisted by Supplies sent from the two Houses, whereof none were suffered to partake but such as take their new Covenant, and doub∣ly break the Bonds of their Obedience and Duty, both by taking that dangerous en∣snaring Oath prohibited by God and their King, and opposing Our Ministers of State there, without whose Authority (a Cessation being concluded) during that Cessation they ought not to have continued a War in that Kingdom. We easily believe the Pro∣visions they mention are or may be sent for supply of those Forces, as being a means to keep up a Party against Us there, and to have a Reserve of an Army ready upon any accidents of War to be drawn hither against Us; and being also necessary for the satis∣faction of Our Scotish Subjects (whom they must please) who would not be so forward in their Service without some good assurance (such as is the having an Army of theirs kept on foot in Ireland at the charge of this Kingdom, and two of Our strongest Towns and Castles there delivered to them Cautionary Towns, as We may believe Berwick also is (being denied the sight of that Treaty) and by the Command of all the English For∣ces there by the General of the Scots) that they shall be well pay'd the Arrears to the Armies in both Kingdoms before they quit their Interest in Ireland. If We shall allow Provisions thus imployed to be for the preservation of the English Pro∣testants in Ireland, We may believe they have repay'd the 100000. l. taken up of the Ad∣venturers Money; and yet thus to re-satisfie this Money, admitting it be current satis∣faction for the Debt, can be no satisfaction or excuse for the former Diversion.

But since they cannot excuse themselves for this Diversion of the Adventurers Money, nor of the other Moneys raised for Ireland, nor of the imploying the Forces raised for that Kingdom under the Command of the Lord Wharton against Us at Edge-hill, which they deny not; they fall to recriminate Us.

They say, They have mentioned particulars of Provisions for Ireland, (besides those few Cloaths taken near Coventry, which being formerly answered by Our Commissioners, they do not again urge) asserted to be seised not without Our own knowledge and directions, as they were informed. This they had formerly alledged, and Our Commissioners had an∣swered (as We do now) that they have instanced no particulars at all of any such Pro∣visions seised. And whereas they say, that Our forbearance to seise some Provisions (which Our Commissioners alledged in Our greatest Wants We forbore to take, though they lay in Magazines within Our own Quarters, but took order to send away into Ireland,) was no excuse for seising others; they misapply that to be an excuse, which was alledged as an evi∣dence that We seised none, since We might in Our great Want have seised those, if We had been minded to have seised any.

They say again, the Service of that Kingdom was much prejudiced by denying the Lord Wharton's Commission, of which they have not received satisfaction. To this it hath been already answered, that those Forces were raised for him before any Commission de∣manded from Us, and that the Commission for him proposed to Us was, to have been independent of the Lieutenant of that Kingdom; Causes (though not satisfactory to them yet) sufficient in themselves to justifie Our refusal. But besides these, it is appa∣rent the Army which was brought down against Us was then raising, that the Lord Wharton was one of the most active in it; and We had cause to be confident (nor did he fail Us therein) that what Forces he should raise for Ireland he would imploy against Us in England: neither did that Service depend upon the Lord Wharton, other able Officers were appointed over those Forces, whom (if they had as much affected that Service as the Person of the Lord Wharton) they might have trusted with the Transport of them to Ireland, where others of more Experience and fitter for Conduct than the Lord Wharton might have taken the charge of them. They say further, That it was one end for which the Cessatian was made, that the Forces might be brought hither to Vs out of Ireland, and imployed against the two Houses. The bleeding Necessi∣ties of the poor English there (which have been mentioned, and whereof they cannot but be convinced) will best speak the cause of that Cessation; and the sight of those Soldiers half starved when they came over, having neither Cloaths to their Backs, nor so much as Shoes to their Feet, nor any Pay to provide either, will witness the Necessi∣ty of bringing them over, when there was no subsistance for them in Ireland, nor use for them there during the Cessation. And for making use of them here, how can they quarrel at Our imploying Our own English Soldiers, who should otherwise have disband∣ed, when they make use of an Army of Scots against Us?

They have been told that they brought over out of Ireland the Earl of Leven, their General, and divers Scotish Officers, (which they deny not;) and that before the English Forces brought over, they attempted the bringing once the Scotish For∣ces in Ireland, as likewise divers English Officers there, into this Kingdom: to which all the Answer given is, that the Scotish Forces which came over were not sent for. Which as it denies not what is objected, so neither can it excuse their not sending them back to the Service of Ireland, and imploying them here in an unnatural Rebellion against Us.

But whatsoever their own acts or failings have been in this business of Ireland, and though apparently the Necessities which caused the Cessation were occasioned by the two Houses, yet rather than they shall be guilty of the blame and neglect therein, Our People must be made to believe that either there were no such Necessities, or when that is so apparent, then that those Necessities were designed and contrived by a Popish and Prelatical Party prevalent with Us, and the Supplies denied and stopped by Our self, and so that it is reasonable for them to press and insist (as they do with much fervour in their last Paper concerning Ireland) upon their Demands for the settling of the prosecution of the War in themselves or the Scots, excluding Us, and that there shall be no further Ces∣sation or Peace made there, (though the War should continue here;) to have the no∣mination of the Lieutenant and all the great Officers there; and to have Us bound up to assent to whatsoever Acts they shall propose for Moneys or other necessaries for the prose∣cution of that War: and if We agree not to these Propositions, We are like to be charged with countenancing of that bloody Rebellion.

And therefore, though the unreasonableness of those Propositions hath been fully lay'd open by Our Commissioners in their Paper, yet because this of theirs is framed in An∣swer to those, and the fervency and fluency of their expressions may make impressions on those who do not warily weigh the matter, We shall examine what new inforcements they bring to make good those Demands.

The prosecution of the War there, though it be demanded (generally) in the 13. Proposition to be settled in both the Houses of the Parliament of England, to be managed by the joynt Advice of both Kingdoms; yet according to their seventeenth Proposition it is to be ordered according to the Ordinance of the 11. of April 1644. which is also proposed to be enacted. By that Ordinance the Scotish General Leven is to command all the Forces in Ireland, both English and Scotish, and that War is to be managed by a joynt Committee, to be named by the two Houses of England and the Estates of the Par∣liament of Scotland; and the Committees of each Kingdom is to have a Negative Voice. They insisting to have the prosecution of the War thus settled, Our Commissioners an∣swered▪ That this was in effect to deliver the Kingdom of Ireland into the hands of Our Sub∣jects of Scotland, and neither agreeable to the Rules of Honour or Prudence. That it was

unreasonable, if the War continued here, that We by Our consent to Act of Parliament for the managing of that War, and raising Moneys for that purpose, should put so great Power into their hands, who during these Troubles may turn that Power against Us. And lastly, that if the Distractions continued here, the Forces and Wealth of this Kingdom would be so imployed at home, that the prosecution of that War to the subduing of the Re∣bels was impossible, but probably might be destruction of the remainder of Our good Sub∣jects.

For the Power given to Our Scotish Subjects in that Kingdom, Our Commissioners ur∣ged, That General Leven being to Command all the Forces in Ireland, and the Committee of Scotland having a Negative Voice, upon difference of Opinion that War must ei∣ther stand still to the Ruine of Our Subjects there, or be carried as the Earl of Leven plea∣sed, whose Power was not bounded by any reference to Us or Our Lieutenant of Ireland, no nor to the Houses of England. And though it had been answered, that in cases of dis∣agreement betwixt the Committee, the two Houses might prosecute the War, observing the Treaty of the sixth of August, and the Ordinance of the 11th of April; yet by refer∣ring to that Ordinance, (which is desired to be Enacted) and by that Ordinance the Pow∣er being thereby put into the Earl of Leven and that Committee without mention of the two Houses, it was apparent the Earl of Leven would not be bound to observe the Directi∣ons of the Houses of England by themselves.

But they Reply in this last Paper of theirs, That as the Ordinance of the 11th of April, 1644. so the Treaty of the 6th of August, 1642. is desired to be confirmed, by which the Com∣mander of the Scotish Forces in Ireland was to be answerable to Vs, and the two Houses of the Parliament of England for his whole deportment. But this is apparently no Answer at all: for this Treaty of the 6th of August binds not the Committee who are to manage that War, and relates to the Scotish General as General of the Scots only; the other of April, 1644. being later in time, giving him Power also as Commander in chief over the English For∣ces in Ireland; and according to this latter he is to receive his Orders from the Committee, without reference to Us or the two Houses, neither can the two Houses be hereby brought in to have Command over this Scotish General or Committee more than Our selves, whom they intend wholly to exclude. Yet We cannot but observe even upon these Articles of the Treaty of the sixth of August, how little cause there is to expect this Scotish General will manage that War for the good of this Kingdom, who being by those Articles to be an∣swerable to Vs as well as to the two Houses (for then though the same Design was on foot, yet their outward pretences were somewhat more modest than now they are) did without di∣rections from Us leave his Charge in Ireland, to bring an Army into England against Us. Well, they say at last, they had (by the 13th Proposition) desired the prosecution of the War to be settled in the two Houses, and so taking all together, that the Earl of Leven cannot manage that War according to his own discretion: But VVe must remember them, the Proposition is not barely to settle the prosecution of the VVar in the two Houses, but to settle it in the two Houses to be managed by the joynt Advice of both Kingdoms, and that joynt Advice is by a joynt Committee, according to the Ordinance of the 11th of April, in which Committee they confess those of Scotland have a Negative Voice, and by the last part of the 17th Proposition, the War of Ireland is to be ordered according to that Ordinance.

But they say, The Scotish Commander is to receive Orders from the Lieutenant of Ireland, if a Lord Lieutenant shall be chosen by the two Houses (for a Lieutenant nominated by Us is not allowed by them to give Orders to the Scotish General.) This indeed (though not warranted by their Propositions, upon which nevertheless they insist) yet being admitted in this latitude, might seem to give some Power to the two Houses over the Scotch General in the manage of the VVar, as giving the Lieutenant such a Power, and by consequence the two Houses, who have power over this Lieutenant. But they say not generally, that he shall receive Instructions from the Lieutenant, but that he shall receive Instructions from the Lieutenant in such manner as they have set down in their Paper of the 20th of February; that is, when it shall be necessary for the good of that Service that he and the Commander in chief of the Scotish Army joyn: but how shall it be for the Service that he joyn with him, when he shall command no Forces with which he may joyn, the Scotch General being by the Ordinance of the 11th of April to command all the Forces whatsoever in Ireland? But admit them to have joyned; then the Scotch General is to receive Instructions from the Lieutenant, according to the Orders which shall be given by the Commissioners of both King∣doms, so, and no otherwise. Still the case is the same: The Scotish General is not bound to obey any Orders but such as shall come mediately or immediately from the Committee of both Kingdoms. And (whatsoever Evasions and Disguises are made to cover it from

Our People's Eyes) the Scotish Committee being an equal number, and having an equal share in the Counsels, and their General having the Command of all the For∣ces; it is apparent, the whole Power over that Kingdom is in effect to be transferred to them.

But should We admit that these Propositions did not give so great Power in Ireland to Our Subjects of Scotland, yet how should it be imagined that We should put the prosecuti∣on of this War in the two Houses in such manner as is insisted on by them, so long as they maintain a Rebellion against Us in this Kingdom? It is not denied but by their Authority divers Forces raised, and the Moneys levied for Ireland, were imployed against Us in Eng∣land; and upon the same Pretences that they made use of those aids (because (as they al∣ledge in their Declaration upon that Subject) that the subsistence of Ireland depended upon their welfare here) they may still make use of such Power as shall be given them for the ma∣nage of that VVar, and raising Moneys for that purpose, against Us in England. Neither if a Peace should be concluded here, could VVe assent that the prosecution of the VVar should be settled in the two Houses, excluding Our selves, as they intend it by those words, the King not to molest them therein. Queen Elizabeth managed the VVar in Ireland solely, when the two Houses were sitting, and excluded them. Though VVe insist not upon that Ex∣ample, VVe should be wanting to the Trust VVe have received from God, and that care of Our Subjects which lies upon Us (and of which VVe are to give Him an account) to exclude Our self. They themselves know, great Bodies are not so fit to carry on the VVar as a few; and therefore they have in a manner given up their Power in this unhappy VVar at home to their State-Committee, whose Resolutions are rather brought to them for Coun∣tenance and Execution, than for Debate and Deliberation.

They tell us, The Parliament of England is a faithful Council to Vs, and that We have trusted them with the prosecution of that War, and they faithfully discharged their parts in it. VVe wish, though VVe are willing to be silent in it, that yet the Ruins and Desolations of this Kingdom would not speak to Posterity what Counsellors those are who have devested Us of Our Revenue, Arms, Ships, Power, and even the security of Our Person, who have Armed Our Subjects here, who have brought in the Scots into this Kingdom, to the tearing up the bowels of it, who have infamously libelled against Us and Our Consort, who have threatned to depose us, and impeached Her of Treason; and who those are who have denied Peace to this miserable Kingdom, unless We would consent to their un∣reasonable destructive Propositions, overturning the whole frame of Government both in Church and State. They say, and it is true, We trusted them with the Prosecution of that War: and how faithfully they discharged it, VVe will not again repeat: but VVe never trusted them so as to exclude Our selves, as they now suppose; and if VVe had relied more on the Judgments and Advice of Our Privy Council, and less on theirs, neither that nor this Kingdom had been in the condition they now are. It was their Interposition and Ad∣vice which hindered the transportation of the Army of Irish Natives out of that Kingdom into Spain (even to Our dis-reputation abroad, who had agreed with the Spanish Ambas∣sador to send them over, and he, in confidence of Our performance, had disbursed Mo∣ney for their transport:) and had they been transported (their stay as it provoked them, so it emboldening and strengthening the other Irish) VVe are confident the flames of that Re∣bellion would never have broken forth at all, or at most have been so small as might sudden∣ly have been extinguished. It was their Advice that staid Our going over thither in Person, which probably might have stopped the rage of that VVar, and, by the Blessing of God, would have saved the Effusion of much Blood which was since shed in that Kingdom. It was their unseasonable Declarations at the beginning of the Rebellion (before the old Eng∣lish and other Papists had engaged themselves with the Rebels of Vlster) of making it a VVar of Religion, and against that connivence which had been used in that Kingdom ever since the Reformation, and tending to make it a National Quarrel, and to eradicate the whole stock of the Irish (which they now pursue by giving no Quarter to those few of that Nation in England who never were in that Rebellion, but according to their Duty as∣sist us their Sovereign) which made the Rebellion so genera; whereas otherwise the old English, as in former times (though Papists) would have joyned against those Rebels. VVhen VVe had offered in December 1641. that 10000. Voluntiers should be raised pre∣sently in England for the service of Ireland, if the House of Commons would declare they would pay them; instead thereof, in January following Propositions were made for the transporting the Scots into Ireland, and VVe were advised by the two Houses, to give the Command and keeping of the Town and Castle of Carick fergus to the Scotish, who were to be transported thither, and pay'd by this Kingdom: to which VVe returned Answer, That we did not approve the same, as prejudicial to the Crown of England, and the Service intend∣ed,

and implying too great trust for Auxiliary Forces; yet afterwards; because VVe perceived the insisting upon it would breed a great delay in the necessary supply of that Kingdom, VVe did admit of the Advice of the Parliament in that particular, (and since, by the Ar∣ticles of the sixth of August, 1642. (which though said to be made by Commissioners au∣thorized by Us and the Parliament of England, VVe never were made acquainted with them, till upon this Treaty almost three years after) both the Towns and Castles of Carick∣fergus and Colrane are left with them as Cautionary.) The consequence whereof was such, that though the Service of Ireland were little advanced, or the poor English Protestants relieved by it, and this Kingdom drained to pay those (whose great Arrears growing up∣on that Agreement, must be paid out of Lands in Ireland, where they have so good foot∣ing already, or of Our good Subjects in England, according to their other Propositions) by this means the Scotish having an Army there, under colour of supplying them, Our Arms and Ammunition were sent into Scotland for the supply of another Army to be brought in∣to England; and the countenance of that Army in Ireland, as it gave encouragement to some of Our Scotish Subjects, so it over-awed others, and was a means, without any the least provocation to those Our ungrateful Subjects, of bringing of another Army into this King∣dom, where they still remain, to the utter Ruine of many of Our good Subjects, and the probable Destruction of the whole Kingdom. And lastly, it was upon their Advice in Fe∣bruary 1641. (shortly after those Propositions tendred for transporting the Scots into Ireland) that We agreed, that the Rebels Lands should be shared amongst the Adventurers, and the Rebels to have no Pardons; though We then expresly declared, We did it meerly relying up∣on their Wisdom, without further examining, (what We in Our particular Judgment were perswaded) whether that course might not retard the reducing of that Kingdom, by exasperating the Rebels, and rendring them desperate of being received into grace if they should return to their Obedience. And it is most apparent that those Propositions, and the Act drawn upon them, wherein also a further Clause (not observed by Us, but passed, as conceiving that Act had wholly pursued the Propositions) was inserted, That every person who should make, enter in∣to, to take any Compact, Bond, Covenant, Oath, Promise or Agreement, to introduce or bring into the said Realm of Ireland the Authority of the See of Rome in any case whatsoever, or to maintain or defend the same, should forfeit his Lands and Goods, (as in case of Rebellion) were great causes not only of provoking, but increasing and encouraging the Rebels; who ha∣ving no pretence before for the horrid Rebellion, had now some colour to make it a matter of Religion, and so to make their application to Foreign Princes, and to negotiate with them for delivering that Kingdom into their hands. We profess Our aversion from their Religion and hatred to their Rebellion: but though We think them worse Christians because they are Rebels, We think them not worse Rebels because they are Papists: A Protestant Rebel in the same degree of Rebellion hath far more to answer, as having more light, and it being more expresly against the Religion he professeth, whereof it hath heretofore been a Maxim (though it be now taken for Apocryphal Doctrine) Not to take up Arms against their Prince upon any pretence whatsoever. And as We have endeavoured by Our Personal Example and otherwise, so We shall still continue by all good means to propagate the Protestant Religion: but We are far from that Mahometan Doctrine, that We ought to propagate Our Religion by the Sword. And though We shall be most willing to hearken to the Advice of Our People assembled in a free Parliament; yet We should be wanting to the Trust that God hath reposed in Us, and Our use of that Reason with which He hath endowed Us, if We should wholly give up that Kingdom to be managed solely by their Counsels, secluding Our selves from all Interest therein, especially when We consider that which Experience hath taught Us, if they have the sole Power of that War (by which all the Soldiers and Com∣manders being to be nominated and pay'd, removed and advanced by them, the necessary application (passing by Us) must be made to such as are powerful with them) how easie a matter it will be for a prevalent Faction (if they shall have a mind to demand other things hereafter not fit to be granted) again to bring over an Army raised and payed by them into this Kingdom, especially so much composed of Our Scotish Subjects. And whereas they desire further the nomination of the Lord Lieutenant and other great Officers and Judges in that Kingdom, (which they also desire in this of England) they cannot but know, that it must of necessity take away all dependency upon Us and application to Us, when the power to reward those who are worthy of publick Trust shall be transferred to others, and having nei∣ther force left Us to punish nor power to reward, We shall be in effect a titular contempti∣ble Prince. We shall leave all Our Ministers to the known Laws of the Land, to be tried and punished according to those Laws if they shall offend; but We cannot consent to put so great a Trust and Power out of Us: and VVe have just cause to conceive, that notwithstand∣ing all their specious pretences, this desire of nomination of those great Officers is but a cloak

to cover the Ambition of those who having been the Boutefeus of this Rebellion, desire to advance themselves and their own Faction. And to that which is said, that Our bad choice of Our Lieutenants of Ireland was the loss of many thousand Lives 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and almost of the whole Kingdom from Our Obedience: they cannot but witness who know that Kingdom, that during the Government there by Lieutenants of Our Choice, that Kingdom enjoyed more Plenty and Peace than it ever had since it was under subjection to the Crown of Eng∣land; Traffick by Sea and Trade by Land encreased, values of Land improved, Shipping multip••ied beyond belief; never was the Protestant Religion more advanced, nor the Prote∣stant protected in greater security against the Papists. And VVe must remember them, that that Rebellion was begun when there was no Lieutenant there, and when the Power and Go∣vernment which had been formerly used in that Kingdom was questioned and disgraced, when those in the Parliament there by whom that Rebellion was hatched were countenanced in their complaints and prosecution.

But they are not content to demand all the Power over Ireland, and the nomination of all Officers, but We must also engage Our self to pass such Acts as shall be presented to Vs for raising of Moneys and other necessaries for that War. Our former readiness to pass Acts for Ireland, because they were advised by the two Houses, (when they were apparently pre∣judicial to Our self, and contrary to Our own Judgment) might sufficiently satisfie them We would make no difficulty to consent to such Acts as should be for the good of that King∣dom: but they have been already told it was unreasonable to make a general engagement, before We saw the Acts whether reasonable or no, and whether those other necessaries may not in truth comprehend what is not only unnecessary, but very inconvenient. But the People, they say, who have trusted them with their Purse, will never begrudg what they make them lay out upon that occasion. The two Houses indeed were entrusted that Our Subjects should not be charged without them, but they never were solely trusted by Our Subjects with a Power to charge them; the care that no pressure in that or any other kind should be upon Our Sub∣jects is principally in Us, without whose Consent (notwithstanding the late contrary and unexampled practice) no such Charge can or ought to be levied, and We ought not to give that Consent but where it is visibly for the good of Our Kingdoms; which upon such an un∣bounded power of raising Moneys may fall out otherwise, especially in so unusual a case as this, where those who must have the sole manage of the VVar shall have the sole command of the Purse, without any check or controll upon them. But they say again, VVe have heretofore been possessed against the Parliament, for not giving away the Money of the Subject when VVe had desired it, but never yet did VVe restrain them from it. It is true, We had no great cause heretofore to restrain the two Houses from giving the Subjects Money to Us, having found more difficulty to obtain from them three or four Subsidies, than they have met with in raising so many Millions. But Our People cannot think themselves well dealt with by Us, if We shall consent to put an unlimited power of raising what Moneys they please in those Persons who have drained more wealth from them in four years, than We be∣lieve all the Supplies given to the Crown in 400. years before have amounted unto.

In the last place, We wish every man to consider how the Rebels in Ireland can be redu∣ced by War, whilst these unhappy Distractions continue here, whilst contrary Forces and Armies are raised in most parts of this Kingdom, and the blood of Our People is spilt like water upon the ground, whilst the Kingdom is wasted by Soldiers, and the People exhausted by maintaining them, and (as if this Kingdom were not sufficient to destroy it self) whilst an Army of Scots is brought into the bowels of this Kingdom, and maintained at the charge of it; whilst this Kingdom labours under such a War, how is it possible that a considerable supply of men or money can be sent into Ireland?

To this with much fervour of expression they say, It must not depend upon the condition of Our other Kingdoms to revenge God's Quarrel upon such perfidious Enemies to the Gospel of Christ, who have embrewed their hands in so much Protestant Blood; that the Cessation is for their Advantage, Arms and Ammunition, and all manner of Commodities may be brought to them; that it is not fit there be any Agreement of Peace or respite from Hostility with such crea∣tures as are not fit to live, more than with VVolves or Tigers, or any ravenous Beasts, destroyers of mankind.

VVe are most sensible of the blood and horror of that Rebellion, and would be glad that either a Peace in this Kingdom or any other Expedient might furnish Us with means and power to do Justice upon it. If this cannot be, We must not desperately expose Our good Subjects to their Butchery without means or possibility of protection. God will in His due time revenge His Own Quarrel: in the mean time His Gospel gives Us leave in case of War to sit down, and cast up the cost, and estimate Our Power to go through with it; and in such case where Prudence adviseth it is lawful to propose conditions of Peace, though the VVar

otherwise might justly be pursued. And surely, as a Cessation in Ireland may be some ad∣vantage to the Rebels, as all Cessations in their nature are to both parts, they having thereby time and liberty to procure Arms and Ammunition to be brought to them: so it is not only for the advantage, but necessary preservation of Our good Subjects there, whose bleeding Dangers call for Our bowels of Charity and Compassion, by suspending the rage of the Ad∣versary by this Cessation, till means may be found to turn their hearts, or to disable their Malice from pursuing their Cruelty, to the utter Ruin of that Remainder of Our good Sub∣jects there; it being more acceptable to God and Man to preserve a few good men from de∣struction, than to destroy a multitude, though in the way of Justice: and perhaps a Cessa∣tion may bring some of those Rebels to reflect upon their Offences, and to return to their Duty: all are not in the same degree of guilt, all were not Authors of nor consenting to the Cruelties committed; some were inforced to comply with, or not resist their proceedings; some were seduced upon a belief the Nation was designed to be eradicated, and the VVar not against the Rebellion only, but their Religion. The VVar destroys all alike without di∣stinction, (even innocent Children have suffered, not by the Rebels only) and all are not Ti∣gers or Wolves: there may be grounds of Mercy to some, though no severity be excessive towards others. However, We cannot desire the destruction even of the worst of those Irish Rebels, so much as We do the preservation of the poor English remaining there; but should make choice rather to save the Rebels for preserving the lives of those poor Pro∣testants, than destroy them to ruine the Rebels. And therefore exceeding strange it is to Us and We are sorry to find, that any English men (who have seen this their Native Coun∣try heretofore (even in Our time) flourishing beyond most of the Kingdoms and Churches in the world, and now most hideous and deformed, weltring in the blood of her own Chil∣dren, and, if this VVar continue, like to be a perpetual spectacle of Desolation,) should express that they desire War in Ireland as much as they do Peace here, no more valuing the sparing of English blood here, than they do the effusion of the blood of the Rebels in Ire∣land. They say, indeed, they are willing to lay out their Estates and Lives both for the War in Ireland and Peace in this Kingdom; but withal they say, they have made Propositions for both, if Our Commissioners would agree to them. These are the Conditions they offer, neither Peace is to be had here without agreeing to their Propositions, nor that VVar in Ireland to be ma∣naged but according to those Propositions, such Propositions as apparently tend to the ru∣ine of the Church, to the subversion of all Our Power, to the setting up a new frame of popular Government, to the destructioo of Our Loyal and true-hearted Subjects; Propo∣sitions which associate Our Subjects of Scotland in their Counsels and Power, and invest them in a great share of the Government and VVealth of this Kingdom, and render both the VVealth and Power of Ireland to be at their command. These Propositions they insist upon, and for the obtaining these, they are resolved to engage the Lives and Estates of Our poor People in this unnatural Rebellion. But VVe trust God Almighty will open the Eyes and the Hearts of Our People, not to assist them any longer against Us in the shedding in∣nocent blood in this VVar. And VVe cast Our selves on Him, waiting His good time for the restoring the Peace of Our Kingdoms, and Our deliverance from these Troubles, which at length VVe are assured He will give unto Us.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Manner.
• * 1.2

  protest.
• * 1.3

  See them in the Nar∣rative, num. 136, 177 & 178.
• * 1.4

  See it in the Narra∣tive, num. 136.
• * 1.5

  See the Narrative, n. 77.
• * 1.6

  num. 78.
• * 1.7

  num. 80.
• * 1.8

  num. 81.
• * 1.9

  num. 105. & 107.
• * 1.10

  num. 106, 107, 112.
• * 1.11

  num. 109.
• * 1.12

  num. 110.
• * 1.13

  num. 111.
• * 1.14

  num. 113. 115.
• * 1.15

  num. 116.
• * 1.16

  num. 117.
• * 1.17

  num. 118.
• * 1.18

  num. 119.
• * 1.19

  These are their words, but seem to be mi∣staken, for Our Com∣missioners always in∣sisted, We should name some of them.
• * 1.20

  See Our Commissi∣oners Pa∣per, touch∣ing Our Return to the two Hou∣ses, after Disbanding of Armies, num. 191.
• * 1.21

  num. 130.
• * 1.22

  Num. 131.
• * 1.23

  See num. 132.
• * 1.24

  Num. 130.
• * 1.25

  Num. 136.
• * 1.26

  See these in the Nar∣rative, nnm. 177, & 178.