Basiliká the works of King Charles the martyr : with a collection of declarations, treaties, and other papers concerning the differences betwixt His said Majesty and his two houses of Parliament : with the history of his life : as also of his tryal and martyrdome.

His MAJESTIES Answer to the two Papers concerning Ireland.

IT hath been one of the chiefest designs of the Authors of the present Distractions,* 1.1 to insinuate unto Our People, that We were either privy to the Rebellion in Ireland, or assenting to the continuance of it; and if it could not be personally fixed upon Our self, yet to perswade them into a belief that evil Counsellors, and others prevalent with Us, did encourage and assist it. By this means having a colour to raise Forces, and to levy Money for the supply of those Forces, they might so dispose of both, as un∣der

a pretence of suppressing the Rebels in Ireland, they might thereby also raise a War in England, for the effecting of their Ambitious and Covetous desires in both Kingdoms. And they so carried on this Design, that whereas out of Our earnest desire of the relief of Our poor Subjects in Ireland, and to shew the great sense We had of their Miseries, We had given way to several unusual Bills for raising of For∣ces, and likewise to the Bill for the 400000. l. for the Adventurers and others, for rai∣sing of Moneys, (which Moneys by those Acts were to be pay'd to particular Per∣sons, or otherwise out of the ordinary course, and not into Our Exchequer, as was usual in like cases, thence to be issued for publick use) those Supplies were diverted and imployed to feed and nourish a Rebellion in England, rather than to suppress that in Ireland. Thus 100000. l. of the Adventurers Money was imployed for the Earl of Essex his Army when he first march'd against Us; and that imployment of it, though contrary to the express words of the Act, which are, That no part of that Money shall be imployed to any other purpose than the reducing of those Rebels, was publickly justified by a Declaration made in the name of the House of Commons the sixth of September, not long before the Battel at Edge-hill: and at the same Bat∣tel, several Regiments of Horse and Foot raised for Ireland, under the Command of the Lord Wharton, Lord of Leny, Sir Faithful Fortescue and others, were imployed against Us at Edge-hill: the Moneys raised upon the Bill of 400000. l. and others have been wholly made use of against Us. And it was impossible, without thus work∣ing themselves (under the specious pretence of suppressing the Rebellion of Ireland) into the managery of that War, and misapplying the aids intended for Ireland, to have brought this Kingdom into the bleeding and desperate condition wherein it now languisheth.

The Propositions concerning Ireland, as they are insisted upon by these Commissi∣oners (though in charity We shall hope not so intended by all of them) are apparent∣ly in pursuance of that original design in begetting a suspicion of Our Integrity in that business of Ireland, and ingrossing the managing of that War and the Power of that Kingdom into their hands. They would have the Cessation (which We have avowed to be assented to by Us, and advised as most necessary for the preservation of that Kingdom) to tend to the utter Destruction of the Protestants there, and the continuance of the Cessation there, (though but during the War here) to be a countenancing of that bloody Rebellion; and We Our selves are charged to be pri∣vy, and to give directions for the seising of some Provisions made and sent for the supply of the Protestants in Ireland. In the next place, concerning the War there, they de∣mand that the prosecution of that War be settled in both Houses of Parliament, to be managed by the Advice of both Kingdoms of England and Scotland, (that is, a Commmittee of both Kingdoms, those of each Kingdom to have a Negative Voice) and all the Forces there to be under the Command of the Scotch General; the Lieutenant and other great Officers and Judges there to be nominated by both Houses; and that We should consent to pass all Acts to be proposed by them for the raising of Moneys and other things necessary for the prosecution of that War. And notwithstanding all the zealous and pathetical Epressions in those Papers, desiring the con∣tinuance of that War, and the execution of Justice upon those Rebels; it is not barely the prosecution of the War in zeal of Justice that is desired, that might be managed either by Us (whom God and the Law have entrusted solely with that Power, and whose Predecessors have alone, and without the concurrence of their Parliaments, other than by competent assistance with Moneys, suppressed great Rebel∣lions in that Kingdom) or by fit Ministers to be appointed, upon just occasion to be removed by Us: they have not made any the least Proposition or desire to that pur∣pose. But they insist upon such a prosecution of the War, wherein those who are in Arms against Us may have the sole managing of the War, and of Moneys to main∣tain that War, even while they are in Arms against Us. For the Cessation already made it is apparent it was the only visible means whereby the Kingdom was preserved, the poor Protestants there being in danger inevitably to have perished, either by Fa∣mine for want of Food, or by the Rebels for want of Ammunition, there being not above forty Barrels of Powder there, as appears by the Letters of the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland mentioned by Our Commissioners, and no supplies of Vi∣ctuals or Money sent in six Months time before those Letters (although Our Ships were then taken away from Us, and all the Forces at Sea belonging to this King∣dom were under their Command.) Neither could the not making void or declaring against that Cessation have hindered a Peace upon this Treaty, if it had been in∣tended

really on their part, it being to expire in March, and so before the Treaty could probably have been perfected, and there being no further Peace or Cessation made in Ireland. And therefore Our Commissioners did earnestly desire them to make such Pro∣positions as were fit to be consented to, for the growth of the Protestant Religion, and the good of that Kingdom.

But instead of such Propositions, they still except against the Cessation, and though expiring within a Month, they insist upon their demands of an Act of Parliament to make that Cessation void: to which if We should have consented, as We must have ren∣dered Our selves uncapable of being trusted at any time after, and odious abroad in breaking that Cessation, solemnly made by Our publick Ministers of State in Ireland, and after consented unto by Our selves; so We must have implicitely confessed, con∣trary to the truth, that which they alledge against the Cessation, that it was destructive to the Protestants there, and a countenancing of that bloody Rebellion, and thereby having lost the Plea of Our Innocency, have also lost the hearts of Our People, and rendered Our selves guilty of those Infamous Slanders which have been charged upon Us concerning the Irish Rebellion, and which some were so willing to fix upon Us, that even during this Treaty, when Mac-guire was impeached by them for this Rebelli∣on, for which he was by them after executed, (though they well knew Confessions of Men in his condition, in hopes of Pardon or Reprieves, are not to be credited,) he was strictly examined concerning Us (as We are credibly informed) whether or no We gave any Commission to the Rebels of Ireland, or any assistance to them; and if he had not absolutely denied it to his last, with more sense of Conscience in that parti∣cular than they who examined him expected, it is likely whatsoever Untruths reflect∣ing upon Us had been forced from him, had been (as others were) published to Our disgrace. And although they long questioned the credit and truth of those Letters of the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland, notwithstanding one of them being directed to the Speaker of the House of Commons was received and communica∣ted to the House, and Ours was but a Duplicate thereof, and Copies were delivered to them of both Letters, which two of their Commissioners compared with Our Origi∣nals, and saw the Names of all the Council-subscribers as well as the two Lords Justi∣ces, some of which Councellors were of principal estimation with themselves, and they might also have had Copies of their Names who subscribed, if they would have assured Our Commissioners, that such of them as should have come into their Quarters should not have been prejudiced by it; yet the extremity of Our poor English Subjects indu∣cing that Cessation being so notorious, and that attestation thereof undeniable, they fall at last to confess and avoid them: they say, That some who were of the Council when those Letters were written assure them, that those Letters were written only to press for Sup∣plies, without any intention of inducing a Cessation, neither do the Letters contain any men∣tion of a Cessation. It is true, those Letters do not, nor was it alledged they did men∣tion any Cessation; but they pressed for Supplies from hence, and laid open their Ne∣cessities to be such, that it was apparent to any Man (as We had also private advices from some of the Council there, and of credit with those at Westminster) that if Sup∣plies failed, there was no way for the preservation of Our good Subjects there but by a Cessation. And these bleeding Wants of Our Army and good Subjects there so earnestly calling for Relief, and (this Kingdom being then ingaged in the height of an unnatural War) Our selves unable to supply them, and no timely supply nor hopes of it coming from the two Houses, what course less dishonourable for Us, or more for the good and safety of the poor English there, could be taken, than to admit of a Treaty for a Cessation, which was managed by Our publick Ministers of State there, and that Cessation assen∣ted unto as best for that Kingdom by the chief Officers of the Army and the Lords Justi∣ces and Council of Ireland, before Our Approbation thereof?

They say, that those Necessities were made by a design of the Popish and Prelatical Par∣ty (the Prelatical Party must come in upon all turns, though none suffered more by the Irish Rebellion, nor were less advantaged by the Cessation, than those poor Prelates) and that at this very time when the Protestants were in such Extremity, Provisions sent thither by the Parliament for their Relief were disposed of and afforded to the Rebels. The Let∣ters of the Lords Justices and Council tell Us, that no Provisions at all were sent by the Parliament; and if they had not told it, yet this being barely affirmed, might as easily be denied, unless they had instanced in particular what Provisions were sent, and how, and when, and by whom, or to whom they were disposed. But they say, that at the same time the Officers of the Army and Garrisons, pressing for leave to march into the Ene∣mies Countrey to live upon them, and save their own stores; some could not obtain leave to

go, and those who were drawn forth, had great quantities of Provisions out with them, yet were not permitted to go into the Enemies Countrey, but kept near Dublin till their Provi∣sions were spent, and then commanded back again. They might remember, at that time (wherein they suppose this miscarriage) the chief manage of those Affairs was in the hands of such Ministers of State, whom they did and do still rely upon; but sure those Ministers are not to be blamed, if they durst not suffer the Soldier to march far, or stay long in the Enemies Countrey, when there was but forty Barrels of Powder in all the Store, or if they called them back in such case when the Enemy ap∣proached.

Let such as these, or what other pretences and excuses soever, be made for not relieving Ireland, We are sure the chief Impediment to it was their active promoting this Rebellion in England: And therefore, as they made use of the Supplies both of Men and Money, provided for that Kingdom, against Us at Edge-hill; so from the time of that Battel (some Supplies sent before (which else perhaps had been also coun∣termanded) arriving in Ireland about the time, or shortly after that Battel) they were so careful of recruiting and supplying their Armies here, that though they received much Moneys for Ireland, and had at their disposal great store of Our Ammunition, neither the one nor the other was ever after afforded to the English Army and Forces, or to the Protestants about Dublin, though the Cessation was not made till September fol∣lowing. As for those Protestants in Munster, Connaught, and Ulster, who, they say, opposed the Cessation, and did and do still subsist, they were most of them of Our Scotish Subjects; the rest (excepting some few wrought upon by private interest or particular solicitation) were such, who being under their Power, were forced for their relief to concur with them against it. These, indeed, as they did not suffer under so great Wants as the English at the time of the Cessation, as is well known, though it seem to be denied, more special Provisions being made for them and for their Garrisons than for the English, (as doth in great part appear even by the Articles of their Treaty of the sixth of August;) so they have since subsisted by Supplies sent from the two Houses, whereof none were suffered to partake but such as take their new Covenant, and doub∣ly break the Bonds of their Obedience and Duty, both by taking that dangerous en∣snaring Oath prohibited by God and their King, and opposing Our Ministers of State there, without whose Authority (a Cessation being concluded) during that Cessation they ought not to have continued a War in that Kingdom. We easily believe the Pro∣visions they mention are or may be sent for supply of those Forces, as being a means to keep up a Party against Us there, and to have a Reserve of an Army ready upon any accidents of War to be drawn hither against Us; and being also necessary for the satis∣faction of Our Scotish Subjects (whom they must please) who would not be so forward in their Service without some good assurance (such as is the having an Army of theirs kept on foot in Ireland at the charge of this Kingdom, and two of Our strongest Towns and Castles there delivered to them Cautionary Towns, as We may believe Berwick also is (being denied the sight of that Treaty) and by the Command of all the English For∣ces there by the General of the Scots) that they shall be well pay'd the Arrears to the Armies in both Kingdoms before they quit their Interest in Ireland. If We shall allow Provisions thus imployed to be for the preservation of the English Pro∣testants in Ireland, We may believe they have repay'd the 100000. l. taken up of the Ad∣venturers Money; and yet thus to re-satisfie this Money, admitting it be current satis∣faction for the Debt, can be no satisfaction or excuse for the former Diversion.

But since they cannot excuse themselves for this Diversion of the Adventurers Money, nor of the other Moneys raised for Ireland, nor of the imploying the Forces raised for that Kingdom under the Command of the Lord Wharton against Us at Edge-hill, which they deny not; they fall to recriminate Us.

They say, They have mentioned particulars of Provisions for Ireland, (besides those few Cloaths taken near Coventry, which being formerly answered by Our Commissioners, they do not again urge) asserted to be seised not without Our own knowledge and directions, as they were informed. This they had formerly alledged, and Our Commissioners had an∣swered (as We do now) that they have instanced no particulars at all of any such Pro∣visions seised. And whereas they say, that Our forbearance to seise some Provisions (which Our Commissioners alledged in Our greatest Wants We forbore to take, though they lay in Magazines within Our own Quarters, but took order to send away into Ireland,) was no excuse for seising others; they misapply that to be an excuse, which was alledged as an evi∣dence that We seised none, since We might in Our great Want have seised those, if We had been minded to have seised any.

They say again, the Service of that Kingdom was much prejudiced by denying the Lord Wharton's Commission, of which they have not received satisfaction. To this it hath been already answered, that those Forces were raised for him before any Commission de∣manded from Us, and that the Commission for him proposed to Us was, to have been independent of the Lieutenant of that Kingdom; Causes (though not satisfactory to them yet) sufficient in themselves to justifie Our refusal. But besides these, it is appa∣rent the Army which was brought down against Us was then raising, that the Lord Wharton was one of the most active in it; and We had cause to be confident (nor did he fail Us therein) that what Forces he should raise for Ireland he would imploy against Us in England: neither did that Service depend upon the Lord Wharton, other able Officers were appointed over those Forces, whom (if they had as much affected that Service as the Person of the Lord Wharton) they might have trusted with the Transport of them to Ireland, where others of more Experience and fitter for Conduct than the Lord Wharton might have taken the charge of them. They say further, That it was one end for which the Cessatian was made, that the Forces might be brought hither to Vs out of Ireland, and imployed against the two Houses. The bleeding Necessi∣ties of the poor English there (which have been mentioned, and whereof they cannot but be convinced) will best speak the cause of that Cessation; and the sight of those Soldiers half starved when they came over, having neither Cloaths to their Backs, nor so much as Shoes to their Feet, nor any Pay to provide either, will witness the Necessi∣ty of bringing them over, when there was no subsistance for them in Ireland, nor use for them there during the Cessation. And for making use of them here, how can they quarrel at Our imploying Our own English Soldiers, who should otherwise have disband∣ed, when they make use of an Army of Scots against Us?

They have been told that they brought over out of Ireland the Earl of Leven, their General, and divers Scotish Officers, (which they deny not;) and that before the English Forces brought over, they attempted the bringing once the Scotish For∣ces in Ireland, as likewise divers English Officers there, into this Kingdom: to which all the Answer given is, that the Scotish Forces which came over were not sent for. Which as it denies not what is objected, so neither can it excuse their not sending them back to the Service of Ireland, and imploying them here in an unnatural Rebellion against Us.

But whatsoever their own acts or failings have been in this business of Ireland, and though apparently the Necessities which caused the Cessation were occasioned by the two Houses, yet rather than they shall be guilty of the blame and neglect therein, Our People must be made to believe that either there were no such Necessities, or when that is so apparent, then that those Necessities were designed and contrived by a Popish and Prelatical Party prevalent with Us, and the Supplies denied and stopped by Our self, and so that it is reasonable for them to press and insist (as they do with much fervour in their last Paper concerning Ireland) upon their Demands for the settling of the prosecution of the War in themselves or the Scots, excluding Us, and that there shall be no further Ces∣sation or Peace made there, (though the War should continue here;) to have the no∣mination of the Lieutenant and all the great Officers there; and to have Us bound up to assent to whatsoever Acts they shall propose for Moneys or other necessaries for the prose∣cution of that War: and if We agree not to these Propositions, We are like to be charged with countenancing of that bloody Rebellion.

And therefore, though the unreasonableness of those Propositions hath been fully lay'd open by Our Commissioners in their Paper, yet because this of theirs is framed in An∣swer to those, and the fervency and fluency of their expressions may make impressions on those who do not warily weigh the matter, We shall examine what new inforcements they bring to make good those Demands.

The prosecution of the War there, though it be demanded (generally) in the 13. Proposition to be settled in both the Houses of the Parliament of England, to be managed by the joynt Advice of both Kingdoms; yet according to their seventeenth Proposition it is to be ordered according to the Ordinance of the 11. of April 1644. which is also proposed to be enacted. By that Ordinance the Scotish General Leven is to command all the Forces in Ireland, both English and Scotish, and that War is to be managed by a joynt Committee, to be named by the two Houses of England and the Estates of the Par∣liament of Scotland; and the Committees of each Kingdom is to have a Negative Voice. They insisting to have the prosecution of the War thus settled, Our Commissioners an∣swered▪ That this was in effect to deliver the Kingdom of Ireland into the hands of Our Sub∣jects of Scotland, and neither agreeable to the Rules of Honour or Prudence. That it was

unreasonable, if the War continued here, that We by Our consent to Act of Parliament for the managing of that War, and raising Moneys for that purpose, should put so great Power into their hands, who during these Troubles may turn that Power against Us. And lastly, that if the Distractions continued here, the Forces and Wealth of this Kingdom would be so imployed at home, that the prosecution of that War to the subduing of the Re∣bels was impossible, but probably might be destruction of the remainder of Our good Sub∣jects.

For the Power given to Our Scotish Subjects in that Kingdom, Our Commissioners ur∣ged, That General Leven being to Command all the Forces in Ireland, and the Committee of Scotland having a Negative Voice, upon difference of Opinion that War must ei∣ther stand still to the Ruine of Our Subjects there, or be carried as the Earl of Leven plea∣sed, whose Power was not bounded by any reference to Us or Our Lieutenant of Ireland, no nor to the Houses of England. And though it had been answered, that in cases of dis∣agreement betwixt the Committee, the two Houses might prosecute the War, observing the Treaty of the sixth of August, and the Ordinance of the 11th of April; yet by refer∣ring to that Ordinance, (which is desired to be Enacted) and by that Ordinance the Pow∣er being thereby put into the Earl of Leven and that Committee without mention of the two Houses, it was apparent the Earl of Leven would not be bound to observe the Directi∣ons of the Houses of England by themselves.

But they Reply in this last Paper of theirs, That as the Ordinance of the 11th of April, 1644. so the Treaty of the 6th of August, 1642. is desired to be confirmed, by which the Com∣mander of the Scotish Forces in Ireland was to be answerable to Vs, and the two Houses of the Parliament of England for his whole deportment. But this is apparently no Answer at all: for this Treaty of the 6th of August binds not the Committee who are to manage that War, and relates to the Scotish General as General of the Scots only; the other of April, 1644. being later in time, giving him Power also as Commander in chief over the English For∣ces in Ireland; and according to this latter he is to receive his Orders from the Committee, without reference to Us or the two Houses, neither can the two Houses be hereby brought in to have Command over this Scotish General or Committee more than Our selves, whom they intend wholly to exclude. Yet We cannot but observe even upon these Articles of the Treaty of the sixth of August, how little cause there is to expect this Scotish General will manage that War for the good of this Kingdom, who being by those Articles to be an∣swerable to Vs as well as to the two Houses (for then though the same Design was on foot, yet their outward pretences were somewhat more modest than now they are) did without di∣rections from Us leave his Charge in Ireland, to bring an Army into England against Us. Well, they say at last, they had (by the 13th Proposition) desired the prosecution of the War to be settled in the two Houses, and so taking all together, that the Earl of Leven cannot manage that War according to his own discretion: But VVe must remember them, the Proposition is not barely to settle the prosecution of the VVar in the two Houses, but to settle it in the two Houses to be managed by the joynt Advice of both Kingdoms, and that joynt Advice is by a joynt Committee, according to the Ordinance of the 11th of April, in which Committee they confess those of Scotland have a Negative Voice, and by the last part of the 17th Proposition, the War of Ireland is to be ordered according to that Ordinance.

But they say, The Scotish Commander is to receive Orders from the Lieutenant of Ireland, if a Lord Lieutenant shall be chosen by the two Houses (for a Lieutenant nominated by Us is not allowed by them to give Orders to the Scotish General.) This indeed (though not warranted by their Propositions, upon which nevertheless they insist) yet being admitted in this latitude, might seem to give some Power to the two Houses over the Scotch General in the manage of the VVar, as giving the Lieutenant such a Power, and by consequence the two Houses, who have power over this Lieutenant. But they say not generally, that he shall receive Instructions from the Lieutenant, but that he shall receive Instructions from the Lieutenant in such manner as they have set down in their Paper of the 20th of February; that is, when it shall be necessary for the good of that Service that he and the Commander in chief of the Scotish Army joyn: but how shall it be for the Service that he joyn with him, when he shall command no Forces with which he may joyn, the Scotch General being by the Ordinance of the 11th of April to command all the Forces whatsoever in Ireland? But admit them to have joyned; then the Scotch General is to receive Instructions from the Lieutenant, according to the Orders which shall be given by the Commissioners of both King∣doms, so, and no otherwise. Still the case is the same: The Scotish General is not bound to obey any Orders but such as shall come mediately or immediately from the Committee of both Kingdoms. And (whatsoever Evasions and Disguises are made to cover it from

Our People's Eyes) the Scotish Committee being an equal number, and having an equal share in the Counsels, and their General having the Command of all the For∣ces; it is apparent, the whole Power over that Kingdom is in effect to be transferred to them.

But should We admit that these Propositions did not give so great Power in Ireland to Our Subjects of Scotland, yet how should it be imagined that We should put the prosecuti∣on of this War in the two Houses in such manner as is insisted on by them, so long as they maintain a Rebellion against Us in this Kingdom? It is not denied but by their Authority divers Forces raised, and the Moneys levied for Ireland, were imployed against Us in Eng∣land; and upon the same Pretences that they made use of those aids (because (as they al∣ledge in their Declaration upon that Subject) that the subsistence of Ireland depended upon their welfare here) they may still make use of such Power as shall be given them for the ma∣nage of that VVar, and raising Moneys for that purpose, against Us in England. Neither if a Peace should be concluded here, could VVe assent that the prosecution of the VVar should be settled in the two Houses, excluding Our selves, as they intend it by those words, the King not to molest them therein. Queen Elizabeth managed the VVar in Ireland solely, when the two Houses were sitting, and excluded them. Though VVe insist not upon that Ex∣ample, VVe should be wanting to the Trust VVe have received from God, and that care of Our Subjects which lies upon Us (and of which VVe are to give Him an account) to exclude Our self. They themselves know, great Bodies are not so fit to carry on the VVar as a few; and therefore they have in a manner given up their Power in this unhappy VVar at home to their State-Committee, whose Resolutions are rather brought to them for Coun∣tenance and Execution, than for Debate and Deliberation.

They tell us, The Parliament of England is a faithful Council to Vs, and that We have trusted them with the prosecution of that War, and they faithfully discharged their parts in it. VVe wish, though VVe are willing to be silent in it, that yet the Ruins and Desolations of this Kingdom would not speak to Posterity what Counsellors those are who have devested Us of Our Revenue, Arms, Ships, Power, and even the security of Our Person, who have Armed Our Subjects here, who have brought in the Scots into this Kingdom, to the tearing up the bowels of it, who have infamously libelled against Us and Our Consort, who have threatned to depose us, and impeached Her of Treason; and who those are who have denied Peace to this miserable Kingdom, unless We would consent to their un∣reasonable destructive Propositions, overturning the whole frame of Government both in Church and State. They say, and it is true, We trusted them with the Prosecution of that War: and how faithfully they discharged it, VVe will not again repeat: but VVe never trusted them so as to exclude Our selves, as they now suppose; and if VVe had relied more on the Judgments and Advice of Our Privy Council, and less on theirs, neither that nor this Kingdom had been in the condition they now are. It was their Interposition and Ad∣vice which hindered the transportation of the Army of Irish Natives out of that Kingdom into Spain (even to Our dis-reputation abroad, who had agreed with the Spanish Ambas∣sador to send them over, and he, in confidence of Our performance, had disbursed Mo∣ney for their transport:) and had they been transported (their stay as it provoked them, so it emboldening and strengthening the other Irish) VVe are confident the flames of that Re∣bellion would never have broken forth at all, or at most have been so small as might sudden∣ly have been extinguished. It was their Advice that staid Our going over thither in Person, which probably might have stopped the rage of that VVar, and, by the Blessing of God, would have saved the Effusion of much Blood which was since shed in that Kingdom. It was their unseasonable Declarations at the beginning of the Rebellion (before the old Eng∣lish and other Papists had engaged themselves with the Rebels of Vlster) of making it a VVar of Religion, and against that connivence which had been used in that Kingdom ever since the Reformation, and tending to make it a National Quarrel, and to eradicate the whole stock of the Irish (which they now pursue by giving no Quarter to those few of that Nation in England who never were in that Rebellion, but according to their Duty as∣sist us their Sovereign) which made the Rebellion so genera; whereas otherwise the old English, as in former times (though Papists) would have joyned against those Rebels. VVhen VVe had offered in December 1641. that 10000. Voluntiers should be raised pre∣sently in England for the service of Ireland, if the House of Commons would declare they would pay them; instead thereof, in January following Propositions were made for the transporting the Scots into Ireland, and VVe were advised by the two Houses, to give the Command and keeping of the Town and Castle of Carick fergus to the Scotish, who were to be transported thither, and pay'd by this Kingdom: to which VVe returned Answer, That we did not approve the same, as prejudicial to the Crown of England, and the Service intend∣ed,

and implying too great trust for Auxiliary Forces; yet afterwards; because VVe perceived the insisting upon it would breed a great delay in the necessary supply of that Kingdom, VVe did admit of the Advice of the Parliament in that particular, (and since, by the Ar∣ticles of the sixth of August, 1642. (which though said to be made by Commissioners au∣thorized by Us and the Parliament of England, VVe never were made acquainted with them, till upon this Treaty almost three years after) both the Towns and Castles of Carick∣fergus and Colrane are left with them as Cautionary.) The consequence whereof was such, that though the Service of Ireland were little advanced, or the poor English Protestants relieved by it, and this Kingdom drained to pay those (whose great Arrears growing up∣on that Agreement, must be paid out of Lands in Ireland, where they have so good foot∣ing already, or of Our good Subjects in England, according to their other Propositions) by this means the Scotish having an Army there, under colour of supplying them, Our Arms and Ammunition were sent into Scotland for the supply of another Army to be brought in∣to England; and the countenance of that Army in Ireland, as it gave encouragement to some of Our Scotish Subjects, so it over-awed others, and was a means, without any the least provocation to those Our ungrateful Subjects, of bringing of another Army into this King∣dom, where they still remain, to the utter Ruine of many of Our good Subjects, and the probable Destruction of the whole Kingdom. And lastly, it was upon their Advice in Fe∣bruary 1641. (shortly after those Propositions tendred for transporting the Scots into Ireland) that We agreed, that the Rebels Lands should be shared amongst the Adventurers, and the Rebels to have no Pardons; though We then expresly declared, We did it meerly relying up∣on their Wisdom, without further examining, (what We in Our particular Judgment were perswaded) whether that course might not retard the reducing of that Kingdom, by exasperating the Rebels, and rendring them desperate of being received into grace if they should return to their Obedience. And it is most apparent that those Propositions, and the Act drawn upon them, wherein also a further Clause (not observed by Us, but passed, as conceiving that Act had wholly pursued the Propositions) was inserted, That every person who should make, enter in∣to, to take any Compact, Bond, Covenant, Oath, Promise or Agreement, to introduce or bring into the said Realm of Ireland the Authority of the See of Rome in any case whatsoever, or to maintain or defend the same, should forfeit his Lands and Goods, (as in case of Rebellion) were great causes not only of provoking, but increasing and encouraging the Rebels; who ha∣ving no pretence before for the horrid Rebellion, had now some colour to make it a matter of Religion, and so to make their application to Foreign Princes, and to negotiate with them for delivering that Kingdom into their hands. We profess Our aversion from their Religion and hatred to their Rebellion: but though We think them worse Christians because they are Rebels, We think them not worse Rebels because they are Papists: A Protestant Rebel in the same degree of Rebellion hath far more to answer, as having more light, and it being more expresly against the Religion he professeth, whereof it hath heretofore been a Maxim (though it be now taken for Apocryphal Doctrine) Not to take up Arms against their Prince upon any pretence whatsoever. And as We have endeavoured by Our Personal Example and otherwise, so We shall still continue by all good means to propagate the Protestant Religion: but We are far from that Mahometan Doctrine, that We ought to propagate Our Religion by the Sword. And though We shall be most willing to hearken to the Advice of Our People assembled in a free Parliament; yet We should be wanting to the Trust that God hath reposed in Us, and Our use of that Reason with which He hath endowed Us, if We should wholly give up that Kingdom to be managed solely by their Counsels, secluding Our selves from all Interest therein, especially when We consider that which Experience hath taught Us, if they have the sole Power of that War (by which all the Soldiers and Com∣manders being to be nominated and pay'd, removed and advanced by them, the necessary application (passing by Us) must be made to such as are powerful with them) how easie a matter it will be for a prevalent Faction (if they shall have a mind to demand other things hereafter not fit to be granted) again to bring over an Army raised and payed by them into this Kingdom, especially so much composed of Our Scotish Subjects. And whereas they desire further the nomination of the Lord Lieutenant and other great Officers and Judges in that Kingdom, (which they also desire in this of England) they cannot but know, that it must of necessity take away all dependency upon Us and application to Us, when the power to reward those who are worthy of publick Trust shall be transferred to others, and having nei∣ther force left Us to punish nor power to reward, We shall be in effect a titular contempti∣ble Prince. We shall leave all Our Ministers to the known Laws of the Land, to be tried and punished according to those Laws if they shall offend; but We cannot consent to put so great a Trust and Power out of Us: and VVe have just cause to conceive, that notwithstand∣ing all their specious pretences, this desire of nomination of those great Officers is but a cloak

to cover the Ambition of those who having been the Boutefeus of this Rebellion, desire to advance themselves and their own Faction. And to that which is said, that Our bad choice of Our Lieutenants of Ireland was the loss of many thousand Lives 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and almost of the whole Kingdom from Our Obedience: they cannot but witness who know that Kingdom, that during the Government there by Lieutenants of Our Choice, that Kingdom enjoyed more Plenty and Peace than it ever had since it was under subjection to the Crown of Eng∣land; Traffick by Sea and Trade by Land encreased, values of Land improved, Shipping multip••ied beyond belief; never was the Protestant Religion more advanced, nor the Prote∣stant protected in greater security against the Papists. And VVe must remember them, that that Rebellion was begun when there was no Lieutenant there, and when the Power and Go∣vernment which had been formerly used in that Kingdom was questioned and disgraced, when those in the Parliament there by whom that Rebellion was hatched were countenanced in their complaints and prosecution.

But they are not content to demand all the Power over Ireland, and the nomination of all Officers, but We must also engage Our self to pass such Acts as shall be presented to Vs for raising of Moneys and other necessaries for that War. Our former readiness to pass Acts for Ireland, because they were advised by the two Houses, (when they were apparently pre∣judicial to Our self, and contrary to Our own Judgment) might sufficiently satisfie them We would make no difficulty to consent to such Acts as should be for the good of that King∣dom: but they have been already told it was unreasonable to make a general engagement, before We saw the Acts whether reasonable or no, and whether those other necessaries may not in truth comprehend what is not only unnecessary, but very inconvenient. But the People, they say, who have trusted them with their Purse, will never begrudg what they make them lay out upon that occasion. The two Houses indeed were entrusted that Our Subjects should not be charged without them, but they never were solely trusted by Our Subjects with a Power to charge them; the care that no pressure in that or any other kind should be upon Our Sub∣jects is principally in Us, without whose Consent (notwithstanding the late contrary and unexampled practice) no such Charge can or ought to be levied, and We ought not to give that Consent but where it is visibly for the good of Our Kingdoms; which upon such an un∣bounded power of raising Moneys may fall out otherwise, especially in so unusual a case as this, where those who must have the sole manage of the VVar shall have the sole command of the Purse, without any check or controll upon them. But they say again, VVe have heretofore been possessed against the Parliament, for not giving away the Money of the Subject when VVe had desired it, but never yet did VVe restrain them from it. It is true, We had no great cause heretofore to restrain the two Houses from giving the Subjects Money to Us, having found more difficulty to obtain from them three or four Subsidies, than they have met with in raising so many Millions. But Our People cannot think themselves well dealt with by Us, if We shall consent to put an unlimited power of raising what Moneys they please in those Persons who have drained more wealth from them in four years, than We be∣lieve all the Supplies given to the Crown in 400. years before have amounted unto.

In the last place, We wish every man to consider how the Rebels in Ireland can be redu∣ced by War, whilst these unhappy Distractions continue here, whilst contrary Forces and Armies are raised in most parts of this Kingdom, and the blood of Our People is spilt like water upon the ground, whilst the Kingdom is wasted by Soldiers, and the People exhausted by maintaining them, and (as if this Kingdom were not sufficient to destroy it self) whilst an Army of Scots is brought into the bowels of this Kingdom, and maintained at the charge of it; whilst this Kingdom labours under such a War, how is it possible that a considerable supply of men or money can be sent into Ireland?

To this with much fervour of expression they say, It must not depend upon the condition of Our other Kingdoms to revenge God's Quarrel upon such perfidious Enemies to the Gospel of Christ, who have embrewed their hands in so much Protestant Blood; that the Cessation is for their Advantage, Arms and Ammunition, and all manner of Commodities may be brought to them; that it is not fit there be any Agreement of Peace or respite from Hostility with such crea∣tures as are not fit to live, more than with VVolves or Tigers, or any ravenous Beasts, destroyers of mankind.

VVe are most sensible of the blood and horror of that Rebellion, and would be glad that either a Peace in this Kingdom or any other Expedient might furnish Us with means and power to do Justice upon it. If this cannot be, We must not desperately expose Our good Subjects to their Butchery without means or possibility of protection. God will in His due time revenge His Own Quarrel: in the mean time His Gospel gives Us leave in case of War to sit down, and cast up the cost, and estimate Our Power to go through with it; and in such case where Prudence adviseth it is lawful to propose conditions of Peace, though the VVar

otherwise might justly be pursued. And surely, as a Cessation in Ireland may be some ad∣vantage to the Rebels, as all Cessations in their nature are to both parts, they having thereby time and liberty to procure Arms and Ammunition to be brought to them: so it is not only for the advantage, but necessary preservation of Our good Subjects there, whose bleeding Dangers call for Our bowels of Charity and Compassion, by suspending the rage of the Ad∣versary by this Cessation, till means may be found to turn their hearts, or to disable their Malice from pursuing their Cruelty, to the utter Ruin of that Remainder of Our good Sub∣jects there; it being more acceptable to God and Man to preserve a few good men from de∣struction, than to destroy a multitude, though in the way of Justice: and perhaps a Cessa∣tion may bring some of those Rebels to reflect upon their Offences, and to return to their Duty: all are not in the same degree of guilt, all were not Authors of nor consenting to the Cruelties committed; some were inforced to comply with, or not resist their proceedings; some were seduced upon a belief the Nation was designed to be eradicated, and the VVar not against the Rebellion only, but their Religion. The VVar destroys all alike without di∣stinction, (even innocent Children have suffered, not by the Rebels only) and all are not Ti∣gers or Wolves: there may be grounds of Mercy to some, though no severity be excessive towards others. However, We cannot desire the destruction even of the worst of those Irish Rebels, so much as We do the preservation of the poor English remaining there; but should make choice rather to save the Rebels for preserving the lives of those poor Pro∣testants, than destroy them to ruine the Rebels. And therefore exceeding strange it is to Us and We are sorry to find, that any English men (who have seen this their Native Coun∣try heretofore (even in Our time) flourishing beyond most of the Kingdoms and Churches in the world, and now most hideous and deformed, weltring in the blood of her own Chil∣dren, and, if this VVar continue, like to be a perpetual spectacle of Desolation,) should express that they desire War in Ireland as much as they do Peace here, no more valuing the sparing of English blood here, than they do the effusion of the blood of the Rebels in Ire∣land. They say, indeed, they are willing to lay out their Estates and Lives both for the War in Ireland and Peace in this Kingdom; but withal they say, they have made Propositions for both, if Our Commissioners would agree to them. These are the Conditions they offer, neither Peace is to be had here without agreeing to their Propositions, nor that VVar in Ireland to be ma∣naged but according to those Propositions, such Propositions as apparently tend to the ru∣ine of the Church, to the subversion of all Our Power, to the setting up a new frame of popular Government, to the destructioo of Our Loyal and true-hearted Subjects; Propo∣sitions which associate Our Subjects of Scotland in their Counsels and Power, and invest them in a great share of the Government and VVealth of this Kingdom, and render both the VVealth and Power of Ireland to be at their command. These Propositions they insist upon, and for the obtaining these, they are resolved to engage the Lives and Estates of Our poor People in this unnatural Rebellion. But VVe trust God Almighty will open the Eyes and the Hearts of Our People, not to assist them any longer against Us in the shedding in∣nocent blood in this VVar. And VVe cast Our selves on Him, waiting His good time for the restoring the Peace of Our Kingdoms, and Our deliverance from these Troubles, which at length VVe are assured He will give unto Us.

Notes

• * 1.1

  See these in the Nar∣rative, nnm. 177, & 178.