The commentaries of C. Julius Cæsar of his warres in Gallia, and the civil warres betwixt him and Pompey / translated into English with many excellent and judicious observations thereupon ; as also The art of our modern training, or, Tactick practise, by Clement Edmonds Esquire, ... ; where unto is adjoyned the eighth commentary of the warres in Gallia, with some short observations upon it ; together with the life of Cæsar, and an account of his medalls ; revised, corrected, and enlarged.

The Third Commentarie of the Civile VVarres. (Book 3)

The Argument. (Book 3)

THe former Books contain the drifts and designes which these famous Chiefs attempted and prosecuted, while they were asunder. And now cometh their buckling at hand to be related; together with the judgement which the Warre gave of the Cause in question, on Caesar's behalf.

CHAP. I.

Caesar giveth order at Rome, for matter of Credit and Vsury, and other things.

CAesar the Dictator holding the as∣sembly for election of Magi∣strates,* 1.1 Julius Caesar and Pub. Servilius were created Consuls: for in that year he was capable by law to be chosen thereunto. These things being ended, forasmuch as he found that cre∣dit was very scant throughout all Italy, and that money sent upon trust was not paid; he gave order that Arbitratours should be ap∣pointed, to make an estimation of possessions and goods, according as they were valued before the war; and that the Creditours should take them at that rate for their moneys. For this course he thought to be fittest, and expedient, as well for the taking away of any fear of com∣position, or new assurances, for the quitting and abolishing of all debts (which do commonly fall out upon wars and civill broils,) as also for the keeping and preserving of the Debtors credit.

In like manner, he restored the ancient course of Appeal, made by the Praetors and Tribunes to the people; as also certain courses used in suing for Magistracy (which were taken away by a law made in Pompey's time, when he kept the legions about him in the Ci∣ty;) and likewise reformed such judgements in sutes and trialls of law, as were given in Cases, when the matter in controversie was heard by one Iudge, and the sentence pronoun∣ced the same day by another Iudge. Last of all, whereas divers stood condemned, for offering their service unto him in the beginning of the Civill war, if he should think it fit to ac∣cept thereof; and holding himself as much obliged unto them, as if he had used it: he thought it best expedient for them, to be ac∣quitted by the people, rather then by his commandement and authority; least he should either seem ungratefull, in not acknowled∣ging their deserts; or arrogant, in assuming to himself that which belonged to the people.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

CAesar, as he was Dictator, holding the assembly for the choice of Magistrates, him∣self with P. Servilius Isauricus were made Consuls, in the year of Rome 705. which was just ten years after his first Consulship; whereby he became capable thereof, by the law published by Sylla, wherein it was provided, That no man should be chosen to an office, within ten years after he had supplied the same. In this year happened all these things which are con∣tained in this third Commentarie; as Pater∣culus noteth in these words; C. Caesar and P. Servilius being Consuls, Pompey was misera∣bly maslacred, after three Consulships, and three Triumphs; and was slain, the day before his birth-day, being aged 58 years. The Choice day was regularly the first of Ianuary: and the Assembly was called Comitium Centuria∣tum.

Touching the difference of these Assem∣blies, the parties present thereat, the manner of the choice, and other circumstances apper∣taining, the Reader may receive information at

large by Rossius.* 1.2 Only it is to be remem∣bred, that Comitia Centuriata were never hol∣den without consent of the Senate. And foras∣much as the chief part of them were with Pom∣pey, Lucan taketh exception at this Creation.

—moerentia tecta Caesar habet,* 1.3 vacuasque domos legesque si∣lentes, Clausaque justitio tristi fora. Curia solos Illa videt Patres, plena quos urbe fugavit. Sad roofs and empty houses Caesar found. The laws were silenc'd, & the Courts shut up. No Fathers met in Senate, only they, Who when the town was full were forc'd away.

The persons that were suiters for the Consul∣ship, were called Candidati; who oftentimes used extraordinary means to attain the same. This moved Pompey to make a law,* 1.4 That no man should sue for publick offices by bribes, or other corrupt courses; and it was called Lex de Ambitu. which indeed was but renewed:* 1.5 for the same was set on foot,* 1.6 Anno Urb. 395. by Petilius, Tribune of the people; and renew∣ed again by Pub. Cornelius Cethegus, Anno 572; and within a while after made capitall, as farre as banishment concerned the party. Coponius was so condemned, having bought a voice with an* 1.7 Amphora of wine. The law which Pompey now made, was very strict, as * 1.8 Dio noteth: for it was ordained, That upon producing of witnesses, the Processe should end in a day giving the Accuser two houres to lay open the matter, and the Defender three to make answer; and the Judgement instantly fol∣lowed. The rigour of which law Caesar here re∣formed.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THe second thing I observe, is the difficulty of taking up money upon credit, in time of trouble or warres: which Caesar expresseth in these terms; Cum fides tota Italia es∣set angustior, in regard credit was very scant throughout all Italy. The word Fides hath e∣ver been taken for a reall performance of any promise or agreement,* 1.9 which Tully calleth the foundation of Justice, and the very prop of a Commonweal; taking the Etymon to grow, quia siat quod dictum, because that which was spoken is done. According to that of Nonius Marcellus; Fides nomen ipsum videtur habe∣re,* 1.10 cum sit quod dicitur, Fides seems to have its appellation, when that's done which was spoken. And for that men commonly are cove∣nant-keepers, not so much by the perfection of their nature, as out of strictnesse of law, it falleth out, that where there are no lawes, there is no performance; and consequently, little or no cre∣dit either given or kept in time of Warre, be∣cause Silent leges inter arma, Laws are si∣lenc'd in time of warre.

Caesar to provide for this inconvenience, ap∣pointed Commissioners to rate every mans lands and possessions,* 1.11 as they were valued be∣fore the warres, and to satisfie the Creditours with the same. Which Plutarch explaineth in this manner; That the Creditours should take yearly two parts of the revenue of their Deb∣tours, untill such time as they had paid them∣selves; & that the Debtours should have the other third to live withall. Whereof it seemed he had some light, by a president in the Consulship of Valerius Publicola, which is extant in Livie; Novi consules foenebrem quoque rem levare aggressi,* 1.12 solutionem aeris alieni in publicam curam verterant, quinque viris creatis, quos mensarios, ab dispensatione pecuniae appella∣runt: The new Consuls intending to ease the people in point of Usury, made the payment of debts a part of the publick care, and created five men to that purpose, who were called Mensa∣rii, from their disposall of those monies.

This generall acquittance for debts, the Ro∣mans called Novae Tabulae; in this respect, as Coelius Rhodiginus hath it,* 1.13 Quod cum pecu∣niae creditae obaeratis condonantur, novae mox cooriuntur Tabulae, quibus nomina continen∣tur nova; in regard that when the debt was re∣mitted to the debtour, new Tables were made, wherein new names were put; and is nothing else, but what is ordinary amongst our Bank∣rupts, compounding for so much in the pound with their Creditours, upon new assurance, and other security, which they called Novae Tabu∣lae; agreeing to that of Tully: Tabulae vero no∣vae quid habent argumenti,* 1.14 nisi ut emas mea pecunia fundum, eum tu habeas, ego non ha∣beam pecuniam? What else mean these new Tables, but that you shall buy a piece of ground with my money, and keep it to your self, whilst I go without my money?

Concerning matter of Usury, which was the ground of this mischief, Tacitus noteth it, as an old and deadly disease,* 1.15 and the cause of many seditions in that Empire; and is never better likened, then to the biting of a Serpent, called an Aspick, which, upon the infusion of her ve∣nom, putteth the Patient into a heavy slumber; and in a short time, bringeth all a mans sub∣stance to death and destruction.* 1.16 And thereupon it is called Foenus à foetu, from the fertile and ample increase of money. For, as Basil no∣teth, The Labourer loseth the seed, and contenteth himself with the fruit or increase: but the Usurer will have the fruit, and yet not loose the seed. Whereby there must needs grow great increase. The law of the twelve

Tables was, Ne quis unciario foenore ampli∣us exerceto, That no man for the future take upon Use one in the hundred.

The highest rate was Centesima Usura; when the hundredth part of the principall was paid every month to the Creditour, and was twelve per Cent. The next was Usura deunx, when the Debtour paid eleven in the hundred for a year. The third Dextans, which was 10 per Cent. Dodrans 9. Bes 8. Septunx usura, 7. Semis 6. Quincunx 5. Triens 4. Quadrans 3. Sextans 2. Unciaria, one in the hundred.* 1.17 Howbeit, Cato condemned all kind of usury: for, being demanded, Quid maxime in re familiari expediret? respon∣dit, bene pascere: quid secundum? satis be∣ne pascere: quid tertium? bene vestire: quid quartum? arare. Et cum ille qui quaesierat dixisset, Quid foenerari? Quid hominem inquit occidere? what was the most expedient thing in householdry; answered, good diet: what the second; enough good diet: what the third; good cloaths: what the fourth; ploughing. And when he that question'd him thus, said, What think you of taking use?* 1.18 he replyed, What is it to kill a man? Allowing (as it seemeth) no means of getting mony, but those which Aristotle took to be most agreeing to Nature: which is from the fruits of the earth, and the increase of our cattell; with such other courses as are answerable thereunto.

CHAP. II.

A particular view of Pompey's forces.

IN the accomplishing of these things,* 1.19 as also celebrating the Latine Ho∣ly-daies, and holding the Assem∣blies of the people, having spent e∣leven daies, he gave over his Dictatorship, left the City, and came to Brundusium. For he had commanded seven legions, and all his Ca∣valry to repair thither. Howbeit, he found no more shipping ready, then would hardly transport fifteen thousand legionary souldi∣ers, and five hundred horse; the want of shipping seeming to hinder him from bringing the war to a speedy end. Moreover, those forces which were shipped, were but weak; in re∣gard that many of them were lost in the wars of Gallia, and lessened likewise by their long journey out of Spain: besides that the un∣wholsome Autumn in Apulia, and about Brundusium, had made the whole Army ill disposed, being newly come out of the sweet air of Gallia and Spain.

Pompey having had a years space to pro∣vide himself of men and munition, and neither war nor enemy to trouble him, had got together a great Navy out of Asia, from the Cyclade Iles, Corcyra, Athens, Pontus, Bithynia, Sy∣ria, Cilicia, Phoenicia, and Egypt; and had caused another as great a fleet to be built in all places fit for that purpose; had raised great summs of mony out of Asia, and Syria, and of all the Kings, Dynastes, Tetrarchs, and free States of Achaia; and had likewise compelled the Corporations of those Provinces to contri∣bute the like summe. He had enrolled nine le∣gions of Roman Citizens: five which he had transported out of Italy; one old legion out of Sicily, which being compounded and made of two, he called the ••win;* 1.20 one out of Creet and Macedonia ••old souldiers, who being discharged by 〈…〉〈…〉 those Pro∣vinces; and 〈…〉〈…〉 of Asia▪ which Lentulus the Consul had caused to be enrolled. Besides, he had distributed amongst those legions, under the 〈…〉〈…〉 supply, a great number of Thessa∣ly, 〈…〉〈…〉, and Epirus.

Amongst these he had mingled Antonie's souldiers: and besides these, he expected to be brought by Scipio, out of Syria, two legions. Of Archers out of Crete, Lacedaemon, Pontus. and Syria, and the rest of the Cities, he had 3000; six cohorts of Slingers, two Mercenary, & 7000 horse. Whereof Deiotarus had brought 600 Galles; Ariobarzanes 500 out of Cappa∣docia; Cotus out of Thracia had sent the like number, under the leading of his son Sadalis. From Macedonia came 200, commanded by Rascipolis, a Captain of great fame and vertue. From Alexandria came 500, part Galles, and part Germans; which A. Gabinius had left there with King Ptolemy, to defend the Town. Pompey the son had brought with the Navy, 800 of his shepheards and servants. Tarcon∣darius, Castor, and Donilaus, had sent three hundred out of Gallograecia; of whom, one came himself, and the other sent his son. Two hun∣dred were sent out of Syria, by Comagenus of Antioch, whom Pompey had presented with great gifts: most of which were Arbalestriers on horseback.

To these were added Dardans, and Bessi, partly for pay and entertainment, and partly got by command or favour; besides Macedo∣nians, Thessalians, and of divers other Nations and Cities: insomuch as he filled up the number formerly spoken of. He provided great quantity of Corn out of Thessaly, Asia, Crete, Cyrene, and

the rest of those Regions. He determined to winter at Dyrrachium, Apollonia, and all the maritime towns, to keep Caesar from passing the Sea: and to that end, he had laid and dispo∣sed his Navie all along the Sea-coast. Pompey the son was Admirall of the Aegyptian ships; D. Laelius and C. Triarius, of those that came out of Asia. C. Cassius commanded them of Sy∣ria; and C. Marcellus, with C. Pomponius, the ships of Rhodes. Scribonius Libo and M. Octa∣vius had charge of the Liburnian and Achaian Navie. Howbeit M. Bibulus commanded in chief in all sea causes; and to him was left the superintendency of the Admiralty.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

COncerning these Latinae Feriae,* 1.21 it is to be noted, that the Romans had two sorts of Feriae, or Holy-daies; the one called Annales, which came alwaies to be kept on a certain day, and thereupon were called Anniversarii, or, yearly: the other, Conceptivae; which were arbi∣trary, and solemnized upon such daies, as the Magistrates and Priests thought most expedient, whereof these Latinae Feriae were chief; and were kept on Mount Albane, to Jupiter La∣tiar or Latialis, for the health and preservation of all the Latine people, in league and confede∣racy with the people of Rome, and were solem∣nized in remembrance of the truce between those two Nations: during which feast, the Ro∣mans held it unlawfull to make any war. The sacrifice was a white Bull, kill'd and offered by the Consuls, and the flesh distributed to the in∣habitants of Latium; according to an ancient Treaty of alliance between them, engraven for a perpetuall memory, in a Column of brasse. The particulars whereof are expressed at large by Dionysius Halicarnasseus.* 1.22

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THe second thing coming to be noted, is the view taken of Pompey's forces: which are nine compleat legions, besides the supplies here particularly mentioned, sent from such as bare affection to that Party; and, by indifferent cal∣culation, might amount in all, to near about threescore thousand men, together with the fa∣vour of the Countrey, where the triall was to be made by the stroke of War.

In which Muster were the souldiers of C. An∣tonius; whose misfortune these Commentaries have either willingly forgot, or some other chance hath wip't it clean out.* 1.23 Howbeit Florus hath it recorded, that Caesar having sent Dola∣bella and Antonius to seize upon the Streights, and entrance of the Adriatick sea, the one took hold of the coast of Sclavonia, and the other near unto Corfu: when upon a suddain came Octavius and Libo, Pompey's Lieutenants, and with great forces (they had aboard their ships) surprized both the one and the other; whereby Antonius was constrained to yield up fifteen Companies, which were these souldiers of Anto∣nius hear mentioned.

Rascipolis, or Rascupolis, was a Thracian of great fame, that followed Pompey; and his brother Rascus betook himself to Caesar, upon an appointment made between themselves. For finding in the Countrey where they dwelt,* 1.24 two great Factions in opposition, & doubting which Party to take, they divided themselves, as the best approved part of Neutrality: and held likewise the same course, in the war between Brutus and Octavius, continuing unto the battell of Philippi. Upon the issue whereof, Rascus demanded no other reward for his service, then the life of his brother: which was easily granted.

This Bibulus, Pompey's high Admirall, was fellow-Consul with Caesar, in the year of Rome 694. but Caesar so out-stript him in the mana∣ging of things, that he much suspected himself, as insufficient for the place: which made him keep his house all that year. Whereupon came this Distich;

Non Bibulo quicquam nuper, sed Caesare factum: Nam Bibulo fieri Consule nil memini. Caesar did all, nought Bibulus did do: Of Consul Bibulus no act I know.

CHAP. III.

Caesar passeth over into Greece, and returneth his shipping to Brundusium. Octavius besiegeth Salonae.

CAesar upon his arrivall at Brundu∣sium,* 1.25 called the souldiers together; and shewed them, that forasmuch as they were almost come to an end of all their labours and dangers, they would now be content to leave willingly behind them their servants and carriages in Italy, and go aboard clear of those incumber∣ments, to the end, the greater number of soul∣diers might be taken in; and that they should expect the supply of all these things from victory, and his liberality. Every man cried out, That he should command what he would, and they would willingly obey it.

The second of the Nones of January, he weighed Anchour, having (as is formerly shew∣ed) shipped seven legions. The next day he came to land at the Promontory of Ceraunium, having got a quiet road amongst the Rocks and

places of danger. For doubting how he might safely venture upon any of the known Ports of that Coast, (which he suspected to be kept by the Enemy) he made choice of that place which is called Pharsalus; and there arri∣ving in safety with all his ships, he landed his souldiers.

At the same time, Lucretius Vespillo and Minutius Rufus (by order from Laelius) were at Oricum, with eighteen ships of Asia: and M. Bibulus was likewise at Corfu, with one hundred and ten ships. But neither durst those come out of the Port, although Caesar had not in all above twelve ships of war, to wa••t him over; amongst which, he himself was im∣barked: neither could Bibulus come soon enough, his ships being unready, and his Mariners ashore; for that Caesar was descried near the Continent, before there was any bruit of his coming in all those Regions. The souldiers being landed, he sent back the same night the shipping to Brundusium; that the other legions, and the Cavalry might be brought over.

Fusius Calenus, the Legat, had the charge of this service, and was to use all celeritie in transporting over the legions: but setting out late, and omitting the opportunity of the night wind, they failed of their purpose in re∣turning back. For Bibulus being certified at Corsu of Caesar's arrivall, and hoping to meet with some of the ships of burthen, met with the empty ships going back to Brundusium: and having taken thirty of them, he wreaked his anger (conceived through grief and omis∣sion) and set them all on fire, consuming there∣in both the Masters, and the Mariners; ho∣ping by the rigour of that punishment, to ter∣rifie the rest.

This being done, he possest all the Coast, from Salonae to Oricum, with ships and men of war; appointing guards with more diligence then formerly had been used. He himself, in the depth of Winter, kept watch a ship-board, not refusing any labour or duty, nor expecting any succour, if he happened to meet with Cae∣sar. But after the departure of the Liburnian Gallies, M. Octavius, with such ships as he had with him, came from Illyricum to Salonae; and there having incited the Dalmatians, and other barbarous people, drew Hissa from Cae∣sar's party. And finding that he could not move them of Salonae, neither with promise nor threatnings, he resolved to besiege the Town. The place was strong by nature, through the advantage of a Hill; and the Roman Citizens (there inhabiting) had made towers of wood to ••ortifie it within: but finding them∣selves too weak to make resistance (being wearied out and spent with wounds) they fell at length to the last refuge of all; which was, to enfranchize all their bond-slaves, above the age of fourteen years; and cut∣ting their womens hair, they made Engines thereof.

Their resolution being known, Octavius in∣compassed the town about with five Camps: and at one instant of time began to force them by siege, and by assault. They being resolved to undergo all extremities, were much pressed through want of Corn; and thereupon sending Messengers to Caesar, sought help of him. O∣ther inconveniences they indured as they might.

And after a long time, when the conti∣nuance of the siege had made the Octavians remisse and negligent (taking the opportunity of the noon time, when the Enemy was retired aside, and placing their children and women on the wall, that nothing might seem omitted of that which was usuall) they themselves, to∣gether with such as they had lately infranchi∣zed, brake into the next Camp unto the Town. Which being taken, with the same violence they set upon another; and then upon the third, and so upon the fourth, and in the end, upon the fifth; driving the Enemy out of all the Camps: and having slain a great number, they forced Octavius, and the rest remaining, to betake them to their ships; and so the siege ended. For Octavius despairing to take the Town, the Winter approaching, and having recei∣ved such losses, retired to Pompey at Dyr∣rachium.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

IT hath been generally conceived, that there is little or no use of women in times of war, but that they are a burthen to such as seek honour by deeds of Armes; and do better sute the licen∣tio••snesse of peace, then the dangers of warfare. Whereof Andromache is made an instance;* 1.26 from that which Homer reporteth of her tears, sighs, and praiers, to withdraw Hector from those valorous exploits, which he undertook for the defence of Troy. And therefore they are by Ovid wished to handle the distaffe and the spindle, and leave the warres, as fitter for men, then the weaknesse of their Sex.

—columque I cape cum calathis,* 1.27 & stamina pollice torque: Bella relinque viris— Go take thy basket on thy head, And at the distaff twist thy thread. Leave warres to men—

Neverthelesse it cannot be denied, that how∣soever

soever the tendernesse of women doth require a passive course of life, under the shelter of a safe roof, rather then in the bleak storms of active endeavour; yet there have been some Vira∣goes, that have over-topped the pride of men in points of war:* 1.28 amongst whom, Semiramis may lead the rest;* 1.29 together with Tomyris, Cy∣rus Mistresse by conquest. As also Zen••bia, that subdued the Persians;* 1.30 and Helena, Queen of the Russes.

Besides other noble spirits, that could an∣swer such as told them news of the death of their sons in battell, That they had brought them into the world for that onely purpose. Which do prove, as well a reall, as a poten∣tiall aptness of that Sex, to the use and practice of Armes.

And if any man (as unwilling to affoord them so much worth) will know wherein they avail the fortune of a War,* 1.31 he may take notice, that even in expeditions (wherein they are most subject to exceptions) they alwaies give accep∣table assistances to their Husbands, both in their provisions, and otherwise; and are such Com∣panions,* 1.32 as can hardly be left at home, without danger of greater hazard.

But in places besieged, women do not onely affoord hair to make ropes, if need require (as it fell out in this siege) but are able to cast pieces of Mill-stones upon the Enemy,* 1.33 with better fortune sometimes then any other man: and have there∣by slain the Generall, to the raising of the siege, and saving of the Citie.

But to take instances of later times: It is not to be forgotten, that when the Arch-Duke Matthias (after the death of Count Mans∣field commanded the Christian Army, at the siege of Strigonium;* 1.34 while the Turks, within the Castle, were making works for a retreat, the women (in the mean time) made good the breaches; and there bestowed such store of Wild-fire, that the Italian Squadrons (com∣manded by Aldobrandine) being joyned pol∣dron to poldron, to presse into the breach, seemed all of a fire at once, and were forced to fall off with great terrour and confusion.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

A Town assaulted by a warlike Enemy, is not kept or freed with Charmes or Spells; or as the Inhabitants of Tomby, in the East Indies, drave away the Portugalls, with Hives of Bees, when they were possessed of the walls: but with such valour as may over∣master the Enemy, and extend it self to the ta∣king of five Camps, if need require; which was performed by these Inhabitants of Sa∣lonae.

CHAP. III.

Caesar sendeth to Pompey, touching a Peace; taketh in Oricum, Apollonia, and other places.

IT is before declared,* 1.35 that Vibullius Rufus (one of Pompey's Lieute∣nants) was twice taken by Caesar, and dismissed; once at Corfi∣num, and a second time in Spain. Him did Caesar deem (in regard of the fa∣vours which he had shewed him) to be a sit person, to be sent with a Message to Pompey; and the rather, for that he understood, that he was in good account and credit with him.

The summe of his Commission was,* 1.36 to tell him, That it beseemed them both to give an end to their wilfulnesse, to lay down their Armes, and not to tempt Fortune any longer; either side had been sufficiently afflicted with losse and dammages: which might serve for instruction and example to avoid other in∣conveniences. He for his part was driven out of Italy, with the losse of Sicily, Sardinia, and the two Provinces of Spain, as also of one hun∣dred and thirty cohorts of Roman Citizens in Spain and Italy. Himself was afflicted with the death of Curio, with the losse of the African Armie, and with the rendry of the souldiers at Corfu. And therefore they should have re∣gard of themselves, and of the Common∣wealth.

They had good experience by their own losses, what Fortune could do in war. This was the onely time to treat of peace, whilst either Party stood confident in his own strength, and seemed of equall might and power. But if For∣tune should chance to sway to one side, he that thought he had the better end of the staffe, would never hearken to any conditions of peace, nor content himself with a reasonable part, because his hope would give him all.

Concerning the Articles of Treaty, foras∣much as they could not agree thereof them∣selves, they ought to seek them from the Senate and people of Rome. In the meanwhile, it was fit that the Common-wealth and themselves should rest satisfied, if (without further delay) both of them did take an oath in the presence of their Armies, to dismisse their forces within three daies next following; to lay down Armes, and send away their Auxiliary troups, where∣in they so relied; and consequently, to depend upon the judgement and decree of the people of Rome. For assurance whereof on his behalf, he would presently discharge as well his forces in the field, as those in garrison.

Vibullius, having received these instructions

from Caesar (thinking it no lesse requisite to ad∣vertise Pompey of Caesar's arrivall, that he might consult of that, before he delivered what he had in charge) posted night and day, taking at every stage fresh horse; that he might cer∣tifie Pompey, that Caesar was at hand with all his forces.

Pompey was at that time in Candavia, and went out of Macedonia to Winter in Apollonia, and at Dy••rachium. But being troubled at the news, he made towards Apollonia by great journeys, least Caesar should possesse himself of the maritime Cities.

Caesar having landed his forces, went the next day to Oricum. Upon his approach, L. Tor∣quatus, who commanded the town under Pom∣pey, and had there a garrison of Parthians, shutting the gates, went about to defend the place, commanding the Graecians to take Armes, and make good the walls. But they re∣fusing to fight against the power and autho∣rity of the people of Rome, and the townsmen endeavouring of their own accord to receive Caesar in; he opened the gates, despairing of all other succours, gave up both himself and the town to Caesar, and was entertained by him in safety. Oricum being taken in by Caesar, without any further delay he went to Apollonia.

His coming being heard of, L. Straberius, the Governour, began to carrie water into the Citadell, to fortifie it, and to require pledges of the inhabitants. They, on the other side, de∣nied to give any, or to shut their gates against the Consul, or of themselves to take a resolu∣tion contrary to that which all Italy and the people of Rome had thought convenient. Their affections being known, he secretly conveighed himself away. The Apollonians sent Commis∣sioners to Caesar, and received him into the town. The Bellidenses followed their example, and the Amatini, together with the rest of the confining Cities. And to conclude, all Epirus sent unto Caesar, promising to do what he com∣manded. But Pompey understanding of these things, which were done at Oricum and Apol∣lonia, fearing Dyrrachium, posted thither night and day. Howbeit, upon the report of Caesar's approch, the Armie was so astonished, that for haste on their way, they left almost all their Ensignes in Epi••us and the confining Regions: and many of them (casting away their Armes) seemed rather to flie, then to march as souldiers.

As they came near to Dyrrachium, Pom∣pey made a stand, and caused the Camp to be intrenched; whenas yet the Army was so affrighted, that Labienus stood out first, and took a solemn oath, Never to forsake Pom∣pey, but to undergo what chance soever For∣tune had allotted him. The same oath took the Legates; being seconded by the Tribunes of the shouldiers, and Centurions, and by all the Army, that took the like oath.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

UNum est tempus (saith Caesar) de pa∣ce agendi, dum uterque sibi confi∣dit, & pares ambo videntur; The only time to treat of peace is, whilst either party is confident of his strength, and both seem of e∣quall might and power. Which may serve for an excellent Rule, to point out the fittest and seasonablest time for composition between two opposite Parties. For as in quantities, equality begetteth equality, and disparity a like uneven∣nesse of nature; so in other things, as namely in Treaties of Agreement, the conditions do commonly rise to either Partie, according as they stand ballanced in the scale of Equality; or otherwise, as the difference of their means shall allot them. For if that be true in the Ex∣tremity,* 1.37 which Curtius hath, That Lawes are given by Conquerours, and accepted upon all conditions, by them that are subdued; it doth consequently follow in the Mean, that men find dealing proportionable to their for∣tune.* 1.38 To which purpose is that of Plato, where he saith, That Peace and Quietness consist in equality; as Trouble and Motion are alwaies in inequality.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

IT appeareth here by the fright and astonish∣ment of Pompey's Army, that the course he took to abandon Italic, was out of no good advice or direction. For whereas he might with farre more honour, and no lesse hope of successe, have contested with Caesar, in the place where the warre brake out, and kept him to a task which should have held him from the conquest of Spain, or such other atchieve∣ments as he easily wrought in the absence of his Adversaries: it fell out, that his departure in∣to Greece sorted to no other end, then by time to abate the edge of the forwardest courages, and to suffer a numerous Armie to be daunted with noise and clamours of continuall victories, got∣ten upon a part of themselves; and then to give occasion to the Conquerour to come in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Fame, and take them disarmed of expectation, to their great amazement.

CHAP. V.

Caesar taketh up his lodging for Winter. Bibulus distressed at Sea for want of provisions, seemeth desi∣rous of a Treaty: which being carried on the other side with good caution, breaketh off again.

CAesar understanding that his pas∣sage to Dyrrachium was thus inter∣cepted,* 1.39 did forbear his haste, and incamped himself upon the River Apsus, in the confines of the Apol∣lonians; that by the means of his Guards and Forts, such Cities as had well deserved of him, might be in safety: and there de∣termined to winter, in Tents of skin, and to attend the coming of his other legions out of Italy. The like did Pompey, pitching his Camp on the other side of the River Apsus; and there assembled all his troups and for∣reign aids. Calenus having (according to Caesar's directions) imbarked the legions and Cavalry at Brundusium, and taken in as ma∣ny as his shipping would contain, he set sail: but being gone a little out of the Port, he re∣ceived Letters of advice from Caesar, that all the Havens and the Sea-coast was kept with the Enemies fleet. Whereupon he made again into the Haven, and called back all the ships: only one, holding on her course, without regard of the command, carrying no soul∣diers, but belonging to private men, arrived at Oricum, and there was taken by Bibulus; who spared neither bond nor free, of as many as were of age, but put all to the sword. Where∣by it happened, that in a moment of time, by great chance the whole Army was saved.

Bibulus, as is before declared, lay at Oricum with his Navy. And as he kept the Sea and the Ports from Caesar; so was he kept from landing in any of those Countries: for all the Sea-coast was kept by Guards and Watches set along the shore, that he could neither water, get wood, nor bring his ships to land upon any occasion: Insomuch as he was brought into great streightnesse and exigence, for want of all necessaries; and was constrained (besides all other provisions) to fetch his water and wood from Corfu. And one time amongst the rest it happened, that the weather being foul, they were forced to relieve themselves with the dew which in the night time fell upon the skins, that covered the Decks of the ships. All which extremities they patiently endured; and would by no means be brought to leave the Ports, or abandon the Sea-coast.

But as they were in these difficulties, and that Libo and Bibulus were come together, they both of them spake from a-shipboard to M. A∣cilius and Statius Murcus, Legates (of whom one was Governour of the Town, and the other had the charge of such Guards as were along the shore) signifying, that they would willingly talk with Caesar of matters of great consequence, if they might have leave. For a better shew and assurance where∣of, they intimated something concerning a Composition. In the mean time they earnest∣ly desired there might be a truce: for the thing they propounded imported matter of great weight, which they knew Caesar ex∣ceedingly affected; and it was thought that Bibulus was able to work somewhat to that purpose.

Caesar at that time was gone with one legion to take in some towns farther off, and to set a course for provision of Corn, which was brought sparingly unto him; and was then at Buthrotum, opposite to Corfu. Being certi∣fied there by Letters from Acilius and Murcus, of that which Libo and Bibulus had required, he left the legion, and returned himself to Oricum. At his arrivall thither, they were called out to treat. Libo came forth, and excu∣sed Bibulus, for that he was exceeding chole∣rick, and had besides conceived a great anger at Caesar, about the Aedility and Praetorship: and in regard of that, he did shun the Confe∣rence, lest a matter of that utility and impor∣tance should be disturbed by his intemperate carriage. Pompey, he said, alwaies was desirous that matters might be accorded, and that Arms might be laid aside: but they of them∣selves could do nothing therein; forasmuch as by the generall resolution of a Councell, the su∣perintendency of the warre, and the disposition of all things were referred to Pompey. How∣beit, when they understood what Caesar requi∣red, they would send instantly a dispatch unto Pompey, and be a means that he should ac∣complish all things with good satisfaction. In the mean time let there be a truce; and untill an answer might be returned from him, let neither Party offend one another. To this he added somewhat concerning the Cause in que∣stion, the forces and aids. To which Caesar did not think it fit at that time to make any an∣swer: nor do we think there is cause now to make mention thereof.

Caesar required, that it might be lawfull for him to send Embassadours to Pompey without danger; and that they would under∣take, that such as he sent, might be well in∣treated, or take them into their charge, and bring them safely to Pompey. Concerning the Truce, the course of the warre fell out to be so carried, that they, with their Navy, did keep his ships and succours from coming unto him; and he, on the other side, did prohibite them from,

landing, or taking in fresh water: and if they would have that granted unto them, let them cease guarding of the Coast; but if they would continue that, then would he continue the o∣ther. Notwithstanding, he thought the Trea∣ty of accord might go on, albeit these were not omitted; for he took them to be no impedi∣ment thereunto. They would neither receive Caesar's Embassadours, nor undertake for their safety; but referred the whole matter to Pompey: only they instanced, and very vehe∣mently urged for the Truce. But Caesar per∣ceiving that all this speech tended only to avoid the present danger, and to supply themselves of such wants wherewith they were streight∣ened, and that there was no condition of peace to be expected, he began to think of prosecu∣ting the warre.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

AS in contracting with a party,* 1.40 it is duely to be cared, that War be not shrowded un∣der the fair name of Peace; so a Truce deman∣ded by an Enemy, is to be handled sparingly and with suspicion:* 1.41 as a thing never common∣ly required, but when necesity doth move them thereunto; and not to be granted, but as it may inferre the like advantage. But to yield to a suspension of Arms, advantageous to an Enemy, and no way gainfull to them that con∣sent unto it, is neither allowable by reason, nor Caesar's example. And if occasion prove it requisite, it must be but for a little time: for a Prince armed in the field, that shall entertain a Truce for any long season, shall see his Army consumed both in courage, and in the parts thereof, which will fall asunder of themselves; and was the means, by which Lewis the ele∣venth put by Edward the fourth king of Eng∣land, from going on with a warre that might have given him the possession of the Crown of France. Whence it is, that such as seek a Peace, desire no more then a cessation of Arms, for some reasonable time, as an introduction inforcing the same.

Concerning leagues, we are to note that there are found three differences. The first is, a league of Peace:* 1.42 which by the Apostles rule, should extend to all men, Habete pacem cum omnibus, have peace with all men; and by ex∣ample of holy Patriarchs (Isaack with Abi∣melech, Jacob with Laban) may lawfully be made with Heathen Princes; being as the golden chain, that tieth all the Nations of the earth in peaceable community. The second is, a league of Entercourse,* 1.43 or Commerce; which is likewise by the same Patriarch, sending for Corn into Egypt, and Solomon's enter∣course with Hyram king of Tyre, together with divers other examples, allowable with In∣fidels. For Nature being rich in variety of commodities, doth therefore divide her works amongst the kingdomes of the earth, that there might be a mutuall entercourse of exchange be∣tween the parts of the same. The third is, a league of mutuall assistance;* 1.44 such as Jehosa∣phat made with Achab:* 1.45 and it is hardly safe with any Prince; but no way allowable with Infidels.

Touching the Persons to be offered in a Treaty, it is to be observed from Bibulus, that no man, whose presence may either give of∣fence, or whose intemperance may any way interrupt a course sorting to a happy issue, is fit for any such imployment.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THere were in Rome certain officers called Aediles, ab Aedibus, as having the care of houses and buildings, both publick and private, that they might be built and maintained in such manner as was agreeable to the ordinances of that State,* 1.46 together with other things whereof they had the charge. Nunc sum designatus Aedilis (saith Cicero) habeo rationem quod a Populo Romano acceperim, mihi ludos san∣ctissimos, maxima cum ceremonia, Cereri Li∣beroque faciendos: mihi Floram Matrem populo plebique Romanae, ludorum celebritate placandam: mihi ludos antiquissimos, qui primi Romani sunt nominati, maxima cum dignitate ac religione, Jovi, Junoni, Miner∣vaeque esse faciendos: mihi sacrarum Aedi∣um procurationem; mihi totam urbem tuen∣dam esse commissam: ob earum rerum labo∣rem & solicitudinem fructus illos datos, anti∣quiorem in senatu sententiae dicendae locum, togam praetextam, sellam curulem, jus ima∣ginis, admemoriam posteritatemque proden∣dam. Now that I am appointed to bear the office of Aedility, I recon with my self what charge I have received from the people of Rome: viz.* 1.47 to see to the solemnizing with highest ce∣remony of the most holy plaies consecrated to Ceres and Bacchus; to the pacifying of Flora towards the people with celebration of playes due to her; as likewise to the performing of those most ancient playes, in honour of Jupiter, Juno, and Pallas, with the greatest splendour and religion possible: to have a care of sacred houses, and in generall of the whole City, &c. Wherein it is to be noted, that these shews and Plaies, were alwayes made and set forth at the charge and costs of the Aediles: and thence it was, that the allowing or disallowing of all Play-books belonged unto them. Moreover,

they had the charge of all the publick buildings and works of the City,* 1.48 together with the provi∣sion of victuall and Corn. And for the missing of this office, was Bibulus angry with Caesar, and would not be regained upon any condi∣tion.* 1.49

CHAP. VI.

Bibulus dieth. Caesar useth means to procure a Treaty of peace; but prevaileth not.

BIbulus being kept from landing ma∣ny dayes together,* 1.50 and fallen into a grievous sicknesse, through cold and extreme labour (and having no means of help, nor yet willing to forgo his charge) could no longer with∣stand the violence of the disease. He being dead, there was none appointed to take the whole charge, but every man commanded his own fleet. The hurlyburly being quieted which Caesar's suddain arrivall had moved, Vioul∣lius with the assistance of Libo, together with L. Lucceius and Theophanes, to whom Pompey was wont to communicate matters of greatest importance, resolved to deliver what Caesar had recommended unto him: and entering in∣to the relation thereof, was interrupted by Pompey, forbidding him to speak any far∣ther of that matter. What use or need have I (saith he) either of my life, or of the City, when I shall be thought to enjoy it by Caesar's favour? neither can the opinion thereof be re∣moved, untill the warre be ended; that of my self I return back into Italy, from whence I am come.

Caesar understood this, from those that were present when he spake it: and yet notwithstan∣ding, he endeavoured by other means, to pro∣cure a Parlce of peace. For the two Camps of Pompey and Caesar were only separated by the River Apsus, that ran between them; where the souldiers had often Colloquies, and by agree∣ment amongst themselves, threw no weapon during the time of their treaty. Whereupon he sent P. Vatinius, a Legate, to the River bank, to utter such things as did chiefly concern a Peace; and to ask oftentimes with a loud voice, whether it were not lawfull for Citizens to send to Citizens, touching a treaty of peace; being a thing permitted to the Thieves of the Pyre∣neian Mountains: or at least, to move that Citizens should not in Arms contend with Ci∣tizens. And having spoken much very re∣spectfully, as well concerning his own well∣fare, as the safety of all the rest, he was heard with silence by the Souldiers on both sides.

At length, it was answered from the other Party, that A. Varro did offer himself for a conference the next day; so that the Commis∣sioners on both sides might come and go in safety, and deliver freely their opinions: for which a certain time was then appointed. The next day, great multitudes of either side presented themselves at the place assigned; and great was the expectation thereof, every man seeming to incline to peace. Out of which troup stept forth T. Labienus, and spake softly touching the peace: and at last, entered into altercation with Vatinius. In the middle of their speech were weapons suddainly cast from all parts: which he avoided, being co∣vered and defended with weapons. Notwith∣standing many were wounded; and amongst others, Cornelius Balbus, M. Plotius, L. Tibur∣tius, Centurions, besides many other souldiers. Then said Labienus, Leave off therefore to speak of any composition; for unlesse Caesar's head be brought, there can be no peace.

OBSERVATIONS.

THis small piece of the Story containeth di∣vers notable passages of extremity, in the carriage of Pompey, and others of his Party. As first (to take them as they lie) that of wilfulnesse in Bibulus: whom neither sicknesse, nor despair of help could move to intermit the task he had undertaken; but chose rather to suffer unto death, in approving his zeal to the Cause, then to give himself a breathing time for the saving of his life: and may serve to admonish any other Bi∣bulus, to value his life above that which a stiffe and wilfull opinion may lead him unto, beyond the measure of honourable endeavour, or what else may any way be justly expected; least in striving to do much, he happen to do nothing. For that cannot be understood to be well done in another mans behalf,* 1.51 that is not well done in his own.

The second is, Pompey's resolution; being so extreme, as no composition, or other thing what∣soever, could give him satisfaction, but only a victorious end of that warre. Our proverb saith, Better a lean agreement, then a fat remedy. And the casualties of warre may move an experienced Commander, to imbrace a safe and quiet peace; as knowing, that he that goeth about to vex another, shall have his turn of suffering the like miseases: and as war beginneth when one party listeth, so it endeth when the other side pleaseth.

—facilis descensus Averni: Sed revocare gradum,* 1.52 superasque evadere ad auras, Hoc opus, hic labor est— —The way to hell is easy: But to come back, and to recover life, This is a task indeed—

And therefore let no Commander, how great soever, refuse all peace, but that which

is bought by extremity of war; least the e∣vent (whereof there can be no assurance) fall out as it happened to Pompey: but rather with the use, let him learn the end of Arms; which is, to make straight that which is crooked, and out of discord and dissension, to draw means of a happy peace.

To which may be added that other of La∣bienus, as far in extremity as either of the for∣mer; whom nothing would satisfie but Cae∣sar's head. It cannot be denied, but that he strook at the root; for his head was the head of that war. But to say it, rather then to do it, was no argument of Labienus worthinesse. For as Polybius noteth,* 1.53 It is common to most men to magnify themselves, with words full of wind; yea and more then that, to follow their designes with impetuous violence: but to direct their undertakings to a successfull issue,* 1.54 and to remove by industry or providence, such hin∣derances as happen to traverse their hopes, is granted but to a few; and now denied to Labienus, notwithstanding this Bravado. And therefore, let such Commanders as are in good opinion and esteem with their Gene∣rall, be well wary of imbarking their party in any cause, farther then may beseem the wisdome and experience of judicious Leaders; as believing in that of Metellus to king Boc∣chus:* 1.55 Omne bellum sumi facile, caeterum acerrime desinere: non in ejusdem potestate initium ejus & finem esse: incipere cuivis etiam ignavo licere; deponi, cum victores ve∣lint. Every warre is easily begun, but hardly so soon ended: the beginning and the end of it are not in the same man's power: any poor∣spirited fellow may begin a warre; but it shall end when the Conquerour pleaseth, and not before.

CHAP. VII.

Coelius Rufus moveth sedition in Italy, and it slain.

AT the same time, M. Coelius Rufus the Praetor at Rome,* 1.56 undertaking the businesse of debts, in the begin∣ning of his Magistracy, placed his seat by the chair of C. Trebonius Praetor of the town; promising to be assisting to any man, that would appeal unto him, con∣cerning valuation and paiment to be perfor∣med by Arbitratours, according as Caesar had ordained. But it came to passe, as well through the equity and indifferency of the Decree, as through the lenity of Trebonius (who was of opinion, that those times required an easy and mild execution of justice) that none were found, from whom the beginning of the Appeal might grow: for to pretend poverty, or to com∣plain of particular misfortune▪ and of the ca∣lamity of those times, or otherwise to propound the difficulties of selling their goods by an out∣rope, was every mans practise; but for any man to acknowledge himself to be in debt, and yet to keep his possessions whole and untouched, was held to be a very strange impudency: so that there was no man found that would require it.

Moreover, Coelius carried a very hard hand to such as should have received benefit thereby. And having made this entrance (to the end he might not seem to have undertook a shamefull or dishonest cause) he published a law, That there should be no Interest paid for any Monies let out upon consideration, for thirty six dayes of the time agreed on. But when he perceived that Servilius the Consul, and the rest of the Magistrates did oppose themselves against him therein, and finding it not to sort with his expectation (to the end he might incite and stirre up the humours and spirits of men) he abrogated that law, and instead thereof made two others. The one, which cut off the yearly rents that Tenants were accu∣stomed to pay their Land-lords, for the houses they dwelt in: and the other, touching new assurances, and the abolishing of old debts. Whereupon the multitude ran violently upon C. Trebonius, and (having hurt divers that stood about him) pulled him out of his Chair.

Of these things Servilius the Consul made relation to the Senate: who thereupon decreed, that Coelius should be removed from his Prae∣torship. And by means of that decree, the Consul interdicted him the Senate, and also drew him from the* 1.57 Speaking-place, as he went about to make a speech to the people. Coe∣lius moved with shame and despight, made as though he would go to Caesar; but sent messen∣gers secretly to Milo, condemned to banishment for killing Clodius. And having recalled him into Italy, that by great gifts and rewards had gained to his party the remainder of the Com∣pany of Fencers, he joyned himself with him: and then sent him before to Thurin, to excite and stirre up the Shepheards to sedition; he himself going to Cassiline.

At the same instant, his Ensignes and Arms being stayed at Capua, besides his family sus∣pected at Naples, and their attempt against the town perceived; their other designes be∣ing discovered, and their Partizans shut out of Capua; fearing some danger, forasmuch as the inhabitants had took Arms, and held him as an Enemy, he let fall his former deter∣mination, and brake off his journey.

In the mean while, Milo, having sent Let∣ters to the Municipall Towns, that what he

did, was by the authority and command∣ment of Pompey, according as he received it from Bibulus, he applied himself to, and sol∣licited such as were in debt: with whom pre∣vailing nothing, he brake up divers prisons, and began to assault Cosa in Thurin: and there he was slain by Q. Pedius the Praetor, with a stone which he cast from the wall.

Coelius going on (as he gave out) towards Caesar, he came to Thury; where when he had moved divers of the Inhabitants, and promi∣sed mony to the French and Spanish Cavalry, which Caesar had put there for a Garrison, he was in the end slain by them. And so the be∣ginning of great Matters, which put all Italy in fear and trouble, by the indirect practises of the Magistrates, and the iniquity of the times, had a speedy and easy end.

OBSERVATIONS.

IT is to be noted, for the better understanding these Passages, that of those which were cho∣sen Praetors, the two chiefest remained at Rome. The one, to administer justice to the Citizens, which was called Praetor Urbanus; who in the absence of the Consul, had the superinten∣dency of the affairs of the State, assembled the Senate, received Packets, made Dispatches, and gave order in all things: which place was now supplied by Trebonius. The other was called Praetor Peregrtnus; whose office was, to order the causes and suits of forreigners and strangers: whereunto Coelius was chosen; and being of a turbulent and unquiet spirit, took occasion upon this rent in the State, to raise new gar∣boils, fit for his own purposes;* 1.58 as having learn∣ed what Aristotle teacheth, That all things which are already stirred are more easily moved, then other natures that are yet in quiet. And thereupon, having power by his office to decide causes of Controversy, he removed his Tribunal, and placed it hard by where Trebonius fate, to the end he might oppose the Decrees he made, for the prizing of goods to satisfie Creditours, and draw the people to appeal unto him; pub∣lishing withall certain dangerous Edicts, on the behalf of those that were in debt.

This Coelius was Cicero's scholar for Ora∣tory; and in the opinion of Quintilian, was thought worthy to have lived longer, if he had been of a staied and settled carriage: but now must stand for an example of a wilfull Magi∣strate.

Touching Rostra, which I have translated the Speaking-place, it was a part of their Fo∣rum, where the Consuls and other Magistrates spake unto the people: wherein was built a Chair or Pulpit,* 1.59 of the beak-heads of ships, which the Romans took from the Antiatii, and thereupon took the name of Rostra; memorable amongst other things, for that Antony set Tullie's head between his two hands,* 1.60 in the Chair, where he had often spoken most eloquently, and with as many good words, as were ever found in hu∣mane Oratory.

CHAP. VIII.

Libo taketh an Iland right over against the Haven of Brundusium; and is beaten off by a stratagem.

LIbo departing from Oricum,* 1.61 with his fleet of fifty ships, came to Brun∣dusium, and took an Iland, which lyeth over against the Haven, as a place of great importance, by which our Army must necessarily come forth; thereby shutting in all the Ports, and parts of that shore: as also surprising by his sudden coming, cer∣tain ships of burthen, he set all on fire, sa∣ving one laden with Corn, which he took a∣long with him. Whereby he put our men into a great fear; and landing certain soul∣diers and horsemen in the night-time, he dis∣lodged the Cavalry that were there in Gar∣rison: and so prevailed, through the advan∣tage of the Place, as he writ to Pompey, that he might draw the other shipping on shore, and new trim them; for he would undertake, with his fleet alone, to hinder those forces from coming to Caesar.

Antonius was then at Brundusium; who trusting to the valour of the souldiers, armed out threescore Skiffs belonging to great Ships, and fencing them with hurdles and planks, put certain choice souldiers in them, dispo∣sing them in severall places along the shore: and further commanded two Triremes (which he had caused to be made at Brundusium, for the exercise of the souldiers in rowing) to go out to the mouth of the Haven.

Libo perceiving these to come out some∣what loosely, and hoping to intercept them, sent out five Quadriremes to attach them: which were no sooner come near unto our ships, but the old souldiers that were aboard fled back into the Port.

The Enemy, carried on with a desire of ta∣king them, pressed after somewhat: rashly, and unadvisedly: when at length, upon

a signall given, the skiffs came suddenly out from all parts, set upon them, and at the first shock took one of the Quadriremes, with all the ••ar-men and souldiers in her; the rest they compelled to fly away shamefully. To which losse this was farther added, that they were kept from water, by the Cavalry which Anto∣nius had disposed along the Coast: through ne∣cessity whereof (as also by reason of the igno∣minie received) Libo departed from Brundu∣sium, and gave over the siege.

Many moneths were now past, and the Win∣ter came hardon, and yet neither the shipping nor the legions came from Brundusium, to Cae∣sar. And some opportunities seemed to be omit∣ted, for that the wind was good oftentimes; which Caesar thought they would have taken. And the longer they staied there, the streight∣er was all the Coast guarded and kept, by such as commanded the fleet; being now in great hope to hinder their passage. Which they did the ra∣ther endeavour, because they were oftentimes reproved by Letters from Pompey, for that they did not impeach Caesar's coming at first: which he did to make them the more carefull, to hinder those supplies. And in attending so from day to day an opportunity of passage, it would wax worse and worse, the winds grow∣ing more easy and gentle.

OBSERVATIONS.

BY how much easier it is to keep the out-let of one Port, then to guard the Coast of a large Countrey: by so much was Libo more likely to prevail, in seeking to shut up the Haven of B••undusium, to hinder these supplies from co∣ming unto Caesar; then the other, that went a∣bout to guard all the Maritime parts of Epirus, to keep them from landing, after they were at Sea.

But such is the uncertainty of enterprises of war,* 1.62 that albeit our course be rightly shapen, yet it doth often fail of leading us to that which is desired.* 1.63 For, howsoever he was possessed of this Iland, that lay thwait the mouth of the Haven, and had thrust out the guard of horsemen, and so became confident of blocking up the Port: yet there was means found by the adverse Party, to give him such an affront, as made him quit the place with more dishonour, then could be recompensed by any thing he got.

CHAP. IX.

Caesar's supplies passe over into Greece, and take landing.

CAesar troubled at these things,* 1.64 writ very sharply to them at Brundusi∣um, not to omit the opportunity of the next good wind, but to put to Sea, and to shape their course to Oricum, or to the Coast of Apollonia; because there they might run their ships on ground: and these places were freest from Guards, by reason they could not ride far from the Ports.

They, according to their accustomed cou∣rage and valour (Marcus Antonius and Fu∣sius Calenus directing the businesse, and the Souldiers themselves being forward thereun∣to, as refusing no danger for Caesar's sake) having got a South wind, weighed Anchour, and the next day passed by Apollonia and Dyr∣rachium: but being discovered from the Conti∣nent, Quintus Coponius, Admirall of the Rho∣dian Navy, lying at Dyrrachium, brought his ships out of the Haven. And as he had almost (upon a slack wind) overtaken our men, the same South wind began at length to blow stiff, by which means they escaped. Yet did not he desist from pursuing them; but was in hope, by the labour and industry of the Mariners, to o∣verweigh the force of the tempest, and followed them, notwithstanding they were past Dyrra∣chium, with a large wind. Our men using the favour of Fortune, were neverthelesse afraid of the Enemies Navy, if the wind should chance to slack: and having got the Port called Nymphaeum, three miles beyond Lissus, they put in with their ships.

This Port lay sheltered from the South-west wind; but was not safe from a South wind; howsoever, they accounted an ill road lesse dangerous then the Enemies fleet: and yet they were no sooner put in, but the wind (which had blown southerly for two dayes together) did now most happily come about to the South-west.

And here a man may see the suddain al∣teration of Fortune; for they which of late stood in fear of a dangerous Road, were now by that occasion, received into a safe harbour: and those which threatened danger to them, were forced to bethink themselves of their own safety. So that the time thus changing, the tempest saved our Party, and sunk theirs. Insomuch as sixteen of the Rhodian ships were all shaken in pieces, and perished with shipwrack; and of the great number of oar∣men and souldiers, part were dashed against the Rocks and slain, and part were taken up by our men: all which Caesar sent home in safety. Two of our ships coming short, and overtaken with the night, and not knowing where the rest had taken shore, stood at Anchour right over against Lissus. Them did Ot••ci∣lius Crassus, Governour of Lissus, go about to take with Skiffs, and other little ships, which he had prepared for that purpose; and with∣all, treated with them of yielding them∣selves, promising life and safety upon that condition.

One of the ships carried two hundred and twenty men, of the legion made of young soul∣diers; in the other were lesse then two hundred old Souldiers. And here a man may see, what assurance and safety consisteth in courage and valour of mind; for the new made souldiers, terrified with the multitude of ships that came against them, and spent with Sea-sicknesse, upon oath made not to receive any hurt, did yield themselves to Otacilius: who being brought all unto him, were contrary to his oath, most cruelly slain in his sight. But the souldiers of the old Legions (howso∣ever afflicted with the inconvenience of the tempest, and noisomnesse of the Pump) did not slack any thing of their ancient valour: for having drawn out the first part of the night in conditions of treaty, as though they meant to yield themselves, they compelled the Master to run his ship a-shore; and having got a convenient place, they there spent the rest of the night.

As soon as it was day, Otacilius sent four hundred horse, which had the guard of that part of the coast, with others of the garrison, to assault and take them: but they valiantly defending themselves, slew divers of them; and so got to our men in safety. Whereupon, the Roman Citizens residing in Lissus, (which town Caesar had formerly given them to be kept and guarded) received in Antonius, and assisted him with all things needfull. Otacilius, fearing himself, fled out of the town, and came to Pompey.

Antonius sent back the greatest part of the ships that had brought over his troups (which were three legions of old souldiers, one of new souldiers, and eight hundred horse) to trans∣port the rest of the souldiers and horse, that remained at Brundusium: leaving the Pon∣tones, which are a kind of French shipping, at Lissus; to this end, that if haply Pompey, think∣ing Italy to be empty and unfurnished, should carry over his Army thither, Caesar might have means to follow him: and withall sent Messengers speedily to Caesar, to let him know where the Army was landed, and what men he had brought over.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

DOlus an virtus quis in hoste requirat,* 1.65 It is no matter whether the enemy does his businesse by Valour, or subtilty; is not so justi∣fiable by the laws of true Vertue, as that of Achilles,* 1.66 who professed to hate that man more then the gates of hell,* 1.67 that promised one thing, and purposed another. Neither do the Jurists conclude otherwise; having, for the more appa∣rency of truth, drawn it to a Question, An perfidia in perfidum uti, Jus sit, whether it be lawfull to break faith with a faith-breaker;* 1.68 al∣ledging Labienus practise against Comius of Arras, together with that which admitteth no Answer, that their example standeth as a presi∣dent, to deal with them as they deal with others. But to falsifie religion, as Otacilius did, and to make an oath the Broaker of unworthy ends, is abhorred by God and Man, and accordingly succeedeth.

The most remarkable instance in this kind, is that (which is to be wished were forgotten) of Lewis King of Hungaria;* 1.69 who having conclu∣ded the honourablest peace, that ever Christian Prince had before that time made with any of the Turkish Sultans, and confirmed the same by an oath, taken upon the holy Evangelist; did neverthelesse, at the perswasion of Julian, a Cardinall (who took upon him, by power from the Pope, to disannull the league, and absolve him from the oath) break the peace, and gave battel to Amurath at Varna (where the Infi∣dell took occasion impiously to blaspheme, in calling for vengeance on such, as in their deeds had denied the Godhead of their most sacred & blessed Lord) and was there slain, to the utter ru∣ine of his kingdome, and the reproch of Christi∣an Name. Neither did the Cardinall escape the vengeance, which his treachery had drawn upon that royall Army: but being there wounded un∣to death, was found lying in the high way, by Gregory Sanose, ready to give up the ghost; and seemed but to stay to take with him the bitter cur∣ses of such as passed by, flying from the battel, as the due reward of his perfidious absolution.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

IN case of difficulty and hazard (as Caesar no∣teth) there is alwayes great help in a good courage.* 1.70 For, whether it be that good hap atten∣deth a valourous carriage, or that vertue be a∣ble to remove all opposition,* 1.71 or what other cause there is besides; but thus it falleth out, that such as entertain a noble resolution, are ever safest in extremity of perill; and instead of losse, get honour and renown.

Brasidas found a Mouse amongst dried figs,* 1.72 which bit him so that he let her go, & thereupon said to those that stood by, That there was no∣thing so little, that could not save it self, if it had a heart to defend it self against such as assaulted it.

And herein we may observe that to be true, which the Poet hath delivered;* 1.73 Seris venit u∣sus ab annis, Time and Practise do much avail to perfect this courage in the minds of Men of War; as knowing aforehand the weight of such labours, and having incountered the like dangers, even to the redeeming of them∣selves

from the jaws of death.* 1.74 Whence it is that the Comick saith, No man can possibly come so well furnished to any course of life, but that time and experience do alwaies teach him what he knew not before: whereas others that go rawly to work, are so daunted with the unu∣suall looks of war, as they (forgetting the pro∣fession of Arms) do run headlong into the danger they seek to avoid; being able to give no other account of their service,* 1.75 but that they marched many Bodies,* 1.76 and but a few Men.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.* 1.77

Plutarch, Valerius Maximus, Appian, Suetonius, & Lucan, do all write, that Cae∣sar, impatient of the slay of his forces at Brun∣du sium, imbarked himself in a small Frigat of twelve oares,* 1.78 disguised in the habit of a slave, and put to sea to fetch his Legions; not∣withstanding all the Coast swarmed with the Enemies shipping: but meeting with a con∣trary wind, which would not suffer him to get out of the River Anius, the Master com∣manded the Mariners to cast about, and get to shore. Whereupon Caesar discovering himself, incouraged him to go forward, for that he carried Caesar and his fortunes.

The Master forgetting all danger, made out again to get to sea; but was by force of the tempest driven to return, to Caesar's great grief. And albeit there is no mention made hereof in these Commentaries, yet the authority of so many grave Authours is not to be con∣temned.

CHAP. X.

Caesar hasteth to meet with Antonius, and pre∣venteth Pompey.

CAesar and Pompey had both intelli∣gence almost at one instant of time, of Antonius fleet;* 1.79 for they saw them passe by Apollonia and Dyrrachi∣um, and directed their journeys along the Coast after them: but they understood not for a while where they were landed. Howbeit having notice thereof, either of them took a contrary resolution. For Caesar purposed to joyn with Antonius, assoon as possibly he might: and Pompey resolved to hinder their meeting, and by ambushments (if he could) to set upon them at unawares.

The same day, either of them drew their Army out of their standing Camps, upon the River Apsus: Pompey secretly, and by night; Caesar openly, and by day: but Caesar had the greater circuit to fetch, and a longer journey to go up the River, to find a Foord. Pompey having a ready way, and no River to passe, made towards Antonius by great journeys: and when he understood that he came near unto him, chose a convenient place, and there bestowed his forces; keeping every man with∣in the Camp, and forbidding fires to be made, that his coming might be the more hidden. Whereof Antonius being presently adverti∣sed by the Greeks, he dispatched Messengers to Caesar, and kept himself one day within his Camp. The next day Caesar came unto him. Upon notice thereof, Pompey left that place, least he should be intrapped between two Ar∣mies, and came with all his forces to Aspa∣ragus (which appertained to them of Dyrra∣chium) and there, in a convenient place, pitch∣ed his Camp.

OBSERVATIONS.

VVHere two Armies are in a Country, and one of them hath succours coming to renforce them, each of those Parties are, by the example of these glorious Commanders (caeteris paribus) to make towards those suc∣cours: the one, to cut them off; and the o∣ther, to keep them standing. And to that end, as it suted Pompey's condition to go secretly; howsoever Caesar noteth it, as a touch to his va∣lour: so on the other side, it stood not only well enough with Caesar's party to go openly, but also was an argument of his courage and magnanimity, and might raise him estimation in the opinion of the Greeks. The disadvan∣tage which Pompey could take thereby, was the danger to be inclosed with Armies; which he foreseeing, avoided.

CHAP. XI.

Scipio's preparation in Asia, to come into Greece, to assist Pompey.

ABout this time Scipio,* 1.80 having su∣stained divers losses near the Mount Amanus,* 1.81 did neverthelesse call himself by the name of Impe∣rator; and thereupon commanded great summs of mony to be levied of the Cities and Poten∣tates of those quarters: taking from the gene∣rall Receivers of that Province, all the Monies that were in their hands for two years past and commanding them to disburse (by way of loan) the receit for the year to come; and required horsemen to be levied throughout all the Pro∣vince.

Having gathered these together, he left the Parthians, being near enemies unto him (who a little before had slain M. Crassus, the Generall, and besieged M. Bibulus) and drew the legions out of Syria; being sent spe∣cially thither to keep and settle that Province, much amuzed through fear of the Parthian warre.

At his departure, some speeches were gi∣ven out by the souldiers, that if they were led against an Enemy, they would go; but against a citizen and Consul they would not bear Armes. The Army being brought to Pergamus, and there garrisoned for that Winter in divers rich Cities, he distributed great largesses, and gifts; and for the better assuring of the souldier unto him, gave them certain Cities to ri••••e.

In the mean time, he made bitter and hea∣vy exactions of money throughout all the Pro∣vince: for he put a tribute upon slaves and free-men by pole, set impositions upon the pil∣lars and doors of houses,* 1.82 as also upon grain, oar-men, armes, Engines, and carria∣ges; and whatsoever had a name, was thought fit to yield mony by way of imposition; and that not only in Cities and Towns, but almost in every Village and Castle: where∣in he that carried himself most cruelly, was held both the worthiest man, and the best Citizen.

The province was at that time full of Offi∣cers and Commandements, pestered with Overseers and Exactors: who besides the mo∣ny levied by publick authority, made their particular profit by the like exactions. For they gave out, they were thrust out of their houses and their Country, and in want of all necessaries; to the end they might with such pretences, cover their wicked and hatefull courses. To this was added the hard and hea∣vy Usury, which oftentimes doth accompany warre, when all monies are drawn and exacted to the publick; wherein the forbearance of a day, was accounted a discharge for the whole. Whereby it happened that in those two yeares, the whole Province was overgrown with debts. And yet for all that, they stuck not to levy round sums of mony, not only from the Citizens of Rome, inhabiting in that Province; but also upon every Corporation, and particular Citie: which they gave out, was by way of loan, according to a Decree of Senate; commanding the receivers to advance the like ••um by way of loan, for the year to come.

Moreover Scipio gav•• order, that the mo∣nies which of old time had been treasured up in the Temple of Diana at Ephesus, should be taken out, with other Images of that Goddesse. But as he came into the temple (having cal∣led unto him many of the Senators that were there present) he received a Dispatch from Pompey, That Caesar had passed the Sea with his legions; and that, setting all things apart, he should hasten to him with his Army. These Letters being received, he dismissed such as he had called unto him, and began to dispose of his journey into Macedonia, setting for∣ward within a few dayes after: by which acci∣dent the Treasure at Ephesus was saved.

OBSERVATIONS.

IT is Seneca his conceit,* 1.83 that Iron, being of that excellent use in things pertaining to Mans life, and yet so much undervalued to Gold and Silver, will admit of no peace, as of∣ten as there is question of Mony; but raiseth continuall garboiles and extremities,* 1.84 as a re∣venge that the World doth misvalue••t: and fell out as true in those better Ages, as it doth in these dayes, that are of baser Metall. For what greater violences in the State of Rome, then those concerning Tributes and Impositions? A particular whereof may be made out of this Chapter.* 1.85 For first, we find a Tribute by pole, without respect of state or condition; which they called Capitatio.* 1.86 And then a second, as grievous as that, being a taxe laid up∣on every dore in a house, which they called Ostiaria:* 1.87 whereof Tully maketh mention, in the eighth Epistle of his third Book. And lastly, an other upon every pillar in a mans house, which they called Columnaria:* 1.88 mentioned likewise by cicero, columnarium vide ut nullum debea∣mus, See that we own no tax-mony for our pillars. Alciatus understandeth this to be that we read in Dionysius Halicarnasseus, That when Treasure failed at the siege of Modena, they laid an Imposition upon every tile that was found on the Senators houses in Rome; which gave the Trium-virate occasion, to make the tiles as heavy to the rest of the Roman Citizens: and this, saith he, was called colum∣naria.

Some Popes, out of their occasions, have gone far in this kind, and found means to lay Impo∣sitions upon all things pertaining to the use of man.* 1.89 Insomuch as Pasquill begged leave to dry his shirt in the Sun, before there were an Impo∣sition laid upon the Light. The rule is diversly given in this behalf,* 1.90 That the Fisk doth not swell above his proportion. Alexander is com∣mended for making his Subjects the keepers of his Treasure. And Claudianus giveth Honori∣us this Elogium;* 1.91

Nec tua privatis crescunt aeraria damnis. Thy chests fill not by losse of private men.

Basilius adviseth that mony thus raised,* 1.92 be

not at any time dipped either in the teares or in the bloud of the people. But Tully draweth it to a more certainty, by making Necessity the square of such commands.* 1.93 Da operam, (saith he) ut omnes intelligant, si salvi essent velint, necessitatie esse parendum; Do your endeavour to let all see, that they must obey necessity if they mean to be safe. And so the opening of private mens purses, is but to keep them shut and safe, from such enemies as would consume all; ac∣cording as Scipio once answered,* 1.94 when the Ro∣mans blamed him for spending their Treasure. Howsoever, Scipio knew well what he did, in getting into his hand such store of Treasure; for War cannot any way be maintained,* 1.95 but with plenty of Money: neither can any State continue, if the revenue which supporteth the Common-weal be abated; as Tacitus hath well observed, Dissolvitur imperium, si fru∣ctus quibus respub.* 1.96 sustinetur diminuantur.

CHAP. XII.

Caesar sendeth forces into Thessalia, Aetolia, and Macedonia. Scipio cometh into Greece.

CAesar being joyned with Antonius,* 1.97 drew that legion out of Oricum, which he had formerly lodged there to keep the Sea-coast; and thought it expedient to make tri∣all of the Province, and to advance further in∣to the Country. And whereas Embassadours came unto him out of Thessalia and Aetolia, as∣suring him, that if he would send forces to protect them, the Cities of those Provinces would readily obey what he commanded: he sent L. Cassius Longinus, with the legion of young souldiers, called the seven and twenti∣eth, and two hundred horse, into Thessalia; and C. Calvisius Sabinus, with five cohorts, and a few horse, into Aetolia; exhorting them specially, to take a course for provision of Corn in those two provinces, which lay near at hand.

He sent likewise Cn. Domitius Calvinus with two legions, the eleventh and the twelfth, and five hundred horse into Macedonia: of which Province (for that part thereof which is cal∣led Frank or Free) Menedemus,* 1.98 a principall man of that Countrey, being sent as an Em∣bassadour, had professed exceeding great for∣wardnesse on their behalf. Of these, Calvisius upon his coming was entertained with great affection of the Aetolians: and having cast the garrison of the enemy out of Caledon and* 1.99 Naupactum, became Master of all Aeto∣lia. Cassius arrived with the Legion in Thes∣salia; and finding there two Factions, was accordingly received with contrary affections.

Egesaretus, a man of ancient power and au∣thority, favoured Pompey's party: and Petrei∣us, a man of a most noble house, endeavoured by all means to deserve well of Caesar. At the same time also came Domitius into Macedo∣nia: and as Embassadours began to come thick unto him from divers States of that Pro∣vince, it was told him, that Scipio was at hand with the legions, and came with great fame and opinion of all men: which is oftentimes a fore-runner of novelties. He, making no stay in any part of Macedonia, marched di∣rectly with great fury towards Domitius; and when he came within twenty miles of him, turned his course suddenly to Cassius Longi∣nus, in Thessalia: which he did so speedily, that newes came together of his coming, and of his arrivall. For, to the end he might march with greater expedition, he left M. Favonius at the River Haliacmon (which divideth Ma∣cedonia from Thessalia) with eight cohorts,* 1.100 to keep the carriages of the legions: where he commanded them to build a Fort.

At the same time, the Cavalry of King Cottus, which was wont to keep in the Con∣fines of Thessalia, came flying suddenly to Cassius Campe. Whereat he being astonished (understanding of Scipio's coming, and seeing the horsemen whom he thought to be his) made towards the hills which inclose Thessalia, and from thence marched towards Ambracia. And as Scipio made hast to follow after, Letters overtook him, sent from Favonius, that Do∣mitius was at hand with the legions, and that he could not hold the place wherein he was left, without Scipio's help.

Upon the receipt of which letters, Scipio alter∣ed both his purpose and his journey; & lea∣ving Cassius, made hast to help Favonius: so that continuing his journey night and day, he came unto him in very good time. For as the dust of Domitius Army, approaching, was seen to rise, the fore-runners of Scipio his Army were likewise discovered. Whereby it happen∣ed, that as Domitius industry did help Cassius, so did Scipio his speed save Favonius.

OBSERVATIONS.

CAesar being now ready with his forces to proceed against Pompey, the first thing he did, was to make triall of the provinces of Greece, and to get their favour and assistance, for his better furtherance in contesting his Adversary. For as an Army standeth firm by two speciall means, first, in themselves, as they are able to resist any opposing force; and secondly, through the favour of the Countrey, wherein they are ingaged: so on the other side, their overthrow

either proceedeth from their own weaknesse; or otherwise, when the Provinces adjoyning do refuse such mutuall respects, as may relieve the wants of a consuming multitude. And there∣fore, having got all the forces together which he looked for, or could any way expect, he sent out to try the affection of the Countrey, and to alter that in a moment, which Pompey had been settling for a year together, and then resolved to attack him nearer.

And doubtlesse, if Scipio had not by chance interrupted their course, upon his coming out of Asia to aide Pompey, they had as easily got all Thessalia and Macedonia, as they did Aeto∣lia: and were neverthelesse so ordered and dispo∣sed, as they got more honour of Scipio, then he could win of them.

CHAP. XIII.

The Passages between Domitius and Scipio.

SCipio aboad two daies in his stand∣ing Camp,* 1.101 upon the River Haliac∣mon, which ran between him and Domitius Camp. The third day, as soon as it began to be light, he passed his Army over the River by a Foord, and incamped himself. The next day in the morning, he imbattelled his forces before the front of his Camp. Domitius in like manner, made no difficulty of bringing out his legions, resolving to fight. And whereas there lay a field of six miles between both the Camps, he led his troups imbattelled under Scipio's Camp; who neverthelesse refused to move any jot from his standing: yet for all that, Domi∣tius souldiers were hardly kept from giving battell; but specially a River, lying under Sci∣pio's Camp, with broken and uneasie banks, did hinder them at that time.

Scipio, understanding of their alacrity and desire to fight, suspecting it might happen, that the next day he should be forced to fight against his will, or with great dishonour keep himself within his Camp, having with great expectation in the beginning gone on rashly, and unadvisedly, was now dishonoured with a reproachfull end. For in the night-time he rose, without any noise or warning for the trussing up of the baggage, and passing the River, re∣turned the same way he came: and in an emi∣nent place, near unto the River, he pitched his Camp.

A few daies after, he laid an ambushment of horsemen in a place, where our men had formerly accustomed to forrage. And as Q. Varus, Generall of the horse in Domitius Ar∣my, came out according to his ordinary use, they set upon him at a suddain. But our men did valiantly sustain the onset; and every man betaking himself speedily to his rank, they all together of their own accord charged the Ene∣my: and having slain fourscore, they put the rest to flight, with the losse onely of two of their men.

OBSERVATIONS.

IT appeareth here, that to shew a readiness and resolution to fight, upon such grounds as are justifiable by the rules of War, is no small advantage to the prosperous carriage of the same. For albeit Scipio was great in his own strength, and as great in the opinion and ex∣pectation of men: yet when he found such an alacrity in the Enemy, to give and take blows, and a desire to entertain seriously all occasions of giving battell; he was so far from prosecu∣ting what he had pretended, as he rather chose the fortune of a safe retreat, and consequently, to turn the advantage which the world in opinion had given to his Army, to his own reproach and disadvantage. Whereas on the other side, to be found for the most part unwilling to hazard the triall of a Field, or indisposed to fight upon any occasion, doth invite an Enemy to attempt that, which otherwise he would not; and giveth them courage to beat him from all his purposes, as knowing the resolution of their Adversary, and the means they have, either to take or leave at their pleasure.

CHAP. XIV.

Domitius draweth Scipio to a losse, by an Ambushment. Young Pompey's attempt upon Oricum.

AFter these things,* 1.102 Domitius hoping that Scipio might he drawn to fight, he made as though he were in great want and scarcity of Corn: and thereupon, rising from the place wherein he was incamped, with the usuall cry of removing, according to the custome of War, and having marched three miles, he lodged all his Army, with the Ca∣valry, in a convenient and secret place.

Scipio being ready to follow after, sent his horsemen and a great part of his light-armed souldiers, to discover what way Domitius took: who marching forward, as the first troups came within the Ambushment (suspecting somewhat by the neighing of the horses) they fell back again. Those that followed after, seeing the former troups so suddainly to re∣tire, stood still.

Our men finding themselves discovered, and thinking it in vain to attend the rest, ha∣ving got two troups of horse within their reach, they contented themselves with them; amongst whom was M. Opimius, the Generall of the horse. The rest of those two troups they ei∣ther put to the sword, or took alive, and brought them to Domitius.

Caesar, as is before shewed, having with∣drawn the Garrisons from along all the Sea-coast, left onely three Cohorts at Oricum, for the defence of the Town: and to them he com∣mitted the custodic and safe keeping of the Gallies, which he had brought out of Ita∣ly; whereof Acilius the Legate had the charge, being left Governour of the town. He, for the better security of the shipping, had drawn all the fleet into a back angle, behind the town, and there fastened them to the shore: and in the mouth of the Haven had sunk a great ship, and set another by her, up∣on which he built a tower, to keep the en∣trance of the Port; and filled the same with souldiers, to defend the Haven from any sud∣dain attempt.

Upon notice whereof, Pompey's son, being Admirall of the Egyptian fleet, came to Ori∣cum, and with many haulsers and hooks weighed up the sunk ship; and assaulted the other ship, set by Acilius for the defence of the Haven, with ships wherein he had made towers, which stood by counterpoize, that he might sight with advantage of height, sup∣plying continually fresh men; and attempting also from the Land side, to take the town by scaling Ladders, as by Sea with his Navy, to the end he might distract and dismember the forces within.

In the end, with extreme labour and multi∣tude of weapons, he overcame our Partie, and took the ship, having cast out such as had the guard; who fled all away with Skiffs and Boats. At the same time, being likewise seized of a small height, on the other side of the town, in the nature of a Peninsula, he conveyed over four small* 1.103 Gallies, with Rollers and Levers, into the inner part of the Harbor, lying behind the town; insomuch, as setting on each side upon the Gallies tied unto the shore, empty and un∣furnished, he carried four of them away, and burned the rest.

This being done, he left D. Laelius, whom he had taken from the Egyptian fleet, to keep the passage, that no victualls, or other provisions, might be brought into the town, either from Bullis or Amantia: and he himself going to Lissus, found thirty ships of burthen, which Antonius had left within that Haven, and set them all on fire. And as he went about to take Lissus, the souldiers which Caesar had put there for a garrison to the Town, together with the Roman Citizens, and the townsmen there∣of, did so well defend the same, that after he had continued there three daies, and lost a few men in the siege, he left the place, without ef∣fecting any thing.

OBSERVATIONS.

AN Ambushment is easily at all times laid: but to do it so that it may not be suspected, and in such manner that the Enemy may fall into the danger thereof, is that which is to be armed at therein. And therefore, to give the better colour to such designes, the trick hath been to pretend fear (and so slight) or want of Corn, or somewhat else, to draw the Enemy to follow after with more boldnesse and resolu∣tion. And so to have it well done, there must be two deceits to assist each other; as in this of Domitius: to make shew of removing, through scarcity and want; and then to lie in wait for an advantage: According to that of the Spaniard,* 1.104 A un Traydor, dos Alevosos. For the prevention of such snares of deceit, the rule is generally given by Onosander, That the de∣parture or falling away of an Enemy, is alwaies to be suspected.

And for the more security therein, experien∣ced Commanders have been carefull before they stirred their Army, to make exact disco∣very, even to the place where they intended to lodge. For as in Physick, it is the greatest part of the cure, to know the disease: so in matter of war, the danger is almost over, when it is per∣ceived whence it may grow.

The manner observed in discoveries, hath u∣sually been to send the Parties out in three Companies or troups; The first, consisting of a small number, to beat the way at ease, and to range about from place to place, as shall be found convenient: the second Companie, being somewhat stronger, to second and relieve the first, if there be occasion: and the third, able to ingage a good number of the Enemy.

And after this manner Cyrus disposed of his fore-runners;* 1.105 as appeareth in Xenophon. But this being subject to the consideration of time and place, and other circumstances, may varie, as shall seem expedient to the wisedome of the Generall.

[illustration]

CHAP. XV.

Caesar marcheth towards Pompey; offereth him battel; and cutteth him off from Dyrrachium.

AFter Caesar understood that Pom∣pey was at Asparagus he marched thitherward with his Army:* 1.106 and taking by the way the town of the Parthinians, wherein Pompey had put a Garrison, the third day he came to Pompey in Macedonia, and lodged himself fast by him. The next day he drew out his for∣ces; and putting them in order, presented him battel. But when he found that he would not accept thereof, he drew back his Army into the Camp, and bethought himself of some o∣ther course. For the next day, taking a difficult and narrow way, he set forward with all his forces towards Dyrrachium: hoping either to draw Pompey to fight, or to force the town, or at least ••o cut him off from all Convoys and Munition, which was there stored up for the whole provision of the war; as afterwards it came to passe. For Pompey being ignorant at first of his purpose, inasmuch as he took a contrary way, thought he had been driven thence through scarcity and want of Corn. But being afterwards advertised by the disco∣verers what course he took, he rose the next day, in hope to meet him a nearer way. Which Caesar suspecting, exhorted the souldiers to en∣dure a little labour with patience. And resting a small part of the night, in the morning he came before Dyrrachium, even as the first troup of Pompey's Army was discovered afar off; and there incamped himself.

Pompey being cut off from Dyrrachium, when he could not accomplish his purposes, fell to a second resolution, and fortified his Camp in an eminent place,* 1.107 called Petra: from whence there was an indifferent passage to the ships, and sheltered likewise the Haven from cer∣tain winds. Thither he commanded part of the ships to be brought; together with Corn and provision of victuall from Asia, and such other Countries as were in his obedience.

Caesar, doubting that the war would prove long and tedious, and despairing of any suc∣cour of victualls from the Coast of Italy, for that all the shore was (with great diligence) kept by Pompey's partie, and that the shipping which in W••nter he had made in Sicilia, Gallia, and Italia, were staied and came not to him; he dispatched L. Canuleius a Legate into Epirus, to make provision of Corn.

And forasmuch as those Regions were far off, he appointed storehouses and Magazines in certain places, and imposed carriage of Corn upon the Countrey bordering about them. In like manner, he commanded what grain soever should be found at Lissus, Parthenia) or any other place, to be brought unto him: which was very little, forasmuch as the Countrey thereabout was rough and mountainous, and afforded no Corn, but that which was brought in from other places; as also, that Pompey had taken order in that behalf, and a little before had ransacked the Parthinians, and caused his horsemen to carry away all the Grain, which was found amongst them.

OBSERVATIONS.

THe first thing that Caesar did, after their ap∣proch near one unto another; was to offer battel; as the best Arbitrator of the Cause in question, and most fitting the usance of the an∣cient Romans.* 1.108 But, forasmuch as the endeavours of such as are in action, are alwaies ordered by him that is the Sufferer; and that Pompey re∣fused to accept thereof, knowing himself to be much stronger in forces, better accommodated, having a far greater party in the Countrey, and the Sea wholly at his command (which advan∣tages were like to end the business, without ha∣zard of a battel;) Caesar bethought himself of some other project, which might take away the scorn of that refusall, by undertaking such things as much imported the state of his Adver∣sarie. For in such cases, when an Enemy will not fight, somewhat must be done to cast disho∣nour, or greater inconveniences, upon him; or at least, to make overtures of new opportuni∣ties. And therefore he took a course, either to draw Pompey to fight, or to force the Town wherein all his provisions of war were stored up, or otherwise to cut him off from the same. The least of which was a sufficient acquittance of any disgrace, which the neglect of this offer might seem to inferre; having thereby occasion to use that of the Poet, Jam sumus ergo pares, now we are even.

CHAP. XVI.

Caesar goeth about to besiege Pompey.

CAesar being informed of these things,* 1.109 entered into a deliberation, which he first took from the very nature of the place wherein they were: for whereas Pompey's Camp was inclosed about with many high and steep Hills, he first took those Hills, and built Forts upon them; and then, as the con∣dition of each place would bear, he made

works of fortification from one Fort to another, and determined to inclose Pompey about with a Ditch and a Rampier. And especially up∣on these considerations; for that he was great∣ly straightened through want of Corn, and that Pompey being strong in horse, he might with lesse danger supply his Army from all parts with provision: as also to the end he might keep Pompey from forraging, and so make his Cavalry unserviceable in that kind: and further, that he might abate and weaken the exceeding great reputation, which Pom∣pey had attained unto amongst forreign Na∣tions, when it should be noised throughout the world, that he was besieged by Caesar, and durst not fight.

Pompey would by no means be drawn to leave the commodity of the Sea, and the town of Dyrrachium, having there laid up all his provision of war, Arms, Weapons, Engines of what sort soever; besides Corn, which was brought from thence to his Army by shipping. Neither could he hinder Caesar's fortifica∣tions, unlesse he would accept of battel, which for that time he was resolved not to do. Only it remained, as the last thing he could think of, to possesse himself of as many Hills as he might, and to keep as much of the Country as he could with good and strong guard; and by that means, to distract, as much as possi∣bly he might, Caesar's forces: as according∣ly it fell out. For having made twenty four Castles and Forts, he took in twenty five miles of the Country in circuit, and did for∣rage within that space, and there caused ma∣ny things to be set and planted by hand, which in the interim served as food for horses.

And as our men perceived their fortifi∣cations to be carried, and continued from one Castle to another, without intermission; they began to fear, least they had left some pla∣ces to sally out, and so would come upon them behind, before they were aware.

And the reason they made their works thus perfect, throughout the whole inward cir∣cuit, was, that our men might not enter in upon them, nor circumvent them behind. But they (abounding in number of Men) exceeded in their works, having also on the in∣side a lesse compasse to fortifie.

And as Caesar went about to take any place, albeit Pompey was resolved not to fight, or interrupt him with all his forces: never∣thelesse he sent out his Archers and Slingers, of which he had great numbers; by whom many of our men were wounded, and stood in great fear of the arrowes: and almost all the souldiers made them coats,* 1.110 either of quilt or stiffening, or of leather, to keep them from danger.

To conclude, either Party used all force and means to take places, and make fortifi∣cations: Caesar, to shut up and streighten Pom∣pey what he could; and Pompey, to inlarge himself, and possesse as many hills as conveni∣ently he might; which gave occasion of many skirmishes and encounters.

OBSERVATIONS.

VVE may here take notice of the strangest enterprize, that ever was undertaken by a judicious souldier. For where else may it be read or understood, that a weaker Party went about to besiege a strong adversary, and to inclose a whole Country by Castles and Towers, and perpetuall fortifications from hill to hill; to the end he might shut him up, as he lay incamped in the field? But herein appear the infinite and restlesse endeavours of a Roman spirit, and the works they wrought to atchieve their own ends: and yet not besides the limits of reason.* 1.111 For if that of Seneca have any af∣finity with truth, That a man is but a common, or rather contemptible thing, unlesse he raise himself above ordinary courses: it is more spe∣cially verified in a Souldier; whose honour, depending upon the superlative degree, must seek out projects beyond all equality: and the rather, upon such inducements as are here al∣ledged;* 1.112 which shew good reason he had to be so mad.

CHAP. XVII.

A Passage that happened between both Parties, about the taking of a Place.

AMongst these fights and encounters,* 1.113 it happened, as Caesar's ninth Legion had taken a certain Place, and there began to fortify, Pompey had pos∣••est himself of the Hill next adjoining there∣unto, and began to hinder our men from their work. And having from one side an easy access unto it, first with Archers and Slingers, & af∣terwards with great troups of light-armed men, and engines of Battery he began to disturb them in their businesse. Neither were our men able, at one and the same time, to defend themselves, and go on with their fortifications.

Caesar seeing his souldiers wounded and hurt from all parts, commanded them to fall off, and leave the Place. But forasmuch as they were to make their retreat down the Hill, they d••d the more urge and presse upon them; and would not suffer them to fall back, for that they seemed to forsake the Place for fear. It is re∣ported that Pompey should then, in a vain-glory, say to those that were about him, That he would be content to be taken for a Generall of no worth••, if Caesar's men could make any retreat from thence (where they were so rashly ingaged) without great losse.

Caesar fearing the retreat of his souldiers, caused Hurdles to be brought, and s••t against the Enemy, in the brimme of the Hill; and be∣hind them sunk a trench of an indifferent la∣titude, and incumbered the place as much as possibly he could. He lodged also Slingers in convenient places, to defend his men in their retreat.

These things being perfected, he caused the legions to be drawn back. But Pompey's party began with greater boldness and insolency to presse our people: and putting by the Hurdles, which were set there as a Barricado, they pas∣sed over the ditch. Which when Caesar percei∣ved, fearing least they should rather seem to be beaten off, then be brought back, whereby a greater scandall might consequently ensue, having almost from the mid-way incouraged his men by Antonius, who commanded that le∣gion, he willed that the signe of charging the Enemy should be given by a T••umpet, and gave order to assault them.

The souldiers of the ninth legion, putting themselves suddenly into order, threw their P••les: and running furiously from the lower ground, up the steep of the Hill, drave the E∣nemy headlong from them; who found the Hurdles, the long poles, and the ditches, to be a great hinderance unto them in their retreat. It contented our men to leave the place with∣out losse: so that having slain many of them, they came away very quietly, with the losse of sive of their fellows. And having staied about that place a while, they took other hills, and perfected the fortifications upon them.

OBSERVATIONS.

THis Chapter sheweth, that advantage of place, and some such industrious courses as may be fitted to the occasion, are of great con∣sequence in extremities of war: but above all, there is nothing more availeable to clear a danger, then valour. Valour is the Hercules that overcometh so many Monsters: and verifieth that saying, which cannot be too often re∣peated, Virtute faciendum est, qu••cquid in re∣bus bellicis est gerendum, What a man does in matter of war, must be done with valour. But of this I have already treated.

CHAP. XVIII.

The scarcity which either Parti•• endured in this siege.

THe carriage of that war was in a strange and unusuall manner,* 1.114 as well in respect of the great num∣ber of Forts and Castles, con∣taining such a circuit of ground within one continued fortification, as also in regard of the whole siege, and of other conse∣quents depending thereupon. For whosoever goeth about to besiege another, doth either take occasion from the weakness of the Enemy, daunted or stricken with fear, or overcome in battail, or otherwise being moved thereunto by some injurie offered; whereas now it hap∣pened that they were far the stronger, both in horse and foot. And generally, the cause of al∣most all sieges is, to keep an enemy from pro∣vision of Corn: but Caesar, being then far infe∣riour in number of souldiers, did neverthelesse besiege an Army of intire and untouched forces, especially at a time when they abounded with all necessary provisions; for every day came great store of shipping from all parts, bringing plenty of all things needfull: neither could there any wind blow, which was not good from some part or other.

On the other side, Caesar having spent all the Corn he could get, far or near, was in great want and scarcity: and yet notwithstanding, the souldiers did bear it with singular pa∣tience; for they remembred how they had suf∣fered the like the year before in Spain, and yet with patience and labour had ended a great and dangerous war. They remembred likewise the exceeding great want they indured at Ale∣sia, and much greater at Avaricum: and yet, for all that, they went away Conquerers of many great Nations. They refused neither Barlie nor Pease, when it was given them in stead of Wheat. And of Cattell (whereof they were fur∣nished with great store out of Epirus) they made great account.

There was also a kind of root, found out by them that were with Valerius, called Chara, which eaten with Milk did much relieve their want; and made withall a kind of bread, where∣of they had plenty. And when Pompey's Party happened in their Colloquies, to cast in their teeth their scarcity and misery; they would commonly throw this kind of bread at them, and scatter it in divers places, to discourage them in their hopes. And now Corn began to

be ripe, and hope it self did relieve their want, for that they trusted to have plenty within a short time. And oftentimes the souldiers, in their watches and conferences, were heard to let fall speeches, that they would rather eat the bark of trees, then suffer Pompey to escape out of their hands.

Besides, they understood by such as ran a∣way from the Enemy, that their horse of ser∣vice could scarce be kept alive, and that the rest of their Cattell were all dead, and that the souldiers themselves were in no good health, as well through the narrowness of the place wherein they were pent, as also by means of the ill savour and multitude of dead bodies, together with continuall labour, being unaccu∣stomed to travel and pains, but especially, through the extreme want of water; for all the Rivers and Brooks of that quarter, Caesar had either turned another way, or dammed up with great works. And as the places were moun∣tainous, with some intermission and distinction of Valleys, in the form and fashion of a Cave or Den; so he stopped the same with great piles beaten into the ground, and interlated with fagots and hurdles, and then strengthened with earth, to keep back the water: insomuch as they were constrained to seek low grounds, and Marish places, and there to sink Wells. Which labour they were glad to undertake, besides their daily works, albeit these Wells stood far distant from their Garrisons, and were quick∣ly dried up with heat.

But Caesar's Army was in exceeding good health, and had plenty of water, together with all kind of provisions, excepting Wheat; which the season of the year daily brought on, and gave them hope of store, Harvest being so near at hand.

In this new course of war, new policies and devices of warfare were invented and put in practice by either Partie. They, perceiving by the fires that our Cohorts in the night time kept watch at the works, came stealing out, and discharged all their Arrows upon them, and then presently retreated. Wherewith our men being warned, found out this remedy; that they made their fires in one place, and kept their watch in another.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

FOrasmuch as all matter of attempt doth much import the fortune of a war, we may not o∣mit to take notice of the reasons hear expressed by Caesar, which are the true motives of under∣taking a siege. The first is drawn either from the weakness of an Enemie, or as he is daunted with fear, or overcome in battel. For having thereupon no confidence in his own power, he resteth himself in the strength of the Place which he holdeth and possesseth: which giveth his adversaries occasion to lay siege unto his Hold; and either to force them, or shut them up like women.

The second is, when one State hath offered injurie to another (which alwaies importeth losse) beyond that which stood with the course of respect formerly held between them. For re∣venge whereof, the other side laieth siege to some of their Towns, to repair themselves by taking in the same.

And thirdly, the finall cause of all sieges is, to keep an Enemy from victuall, and other man∣ner of provisions; and so to take them by the belly, when they cannot take them by the ears; which is a part so violent, in requiring that which is due to Nature, as it hath made the Fa∣ther and the Son fall out for a Mouse: as it hap∣pened at Athens,* 1.115 besieged by Demetrius.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THe second thing worthy our consideration is, the patience and deportment of Caesar's souldiers, in their so great wants and necessi∣ties. As first, in helping themselves with this root called Chara,* 1.116 described by Dioscorides, to be a little seed, tasting somewhat like Anise-seed, good to help digestion, and having such a root as a Caret, which being boiled, is very good meat; and is the same which our Physicians call Caraway-seed:* 1.117 wherewith they served their turn with such contentment, as they seemed to have been trained up in the School of Frugality; a vertue worthy of all regard, and the onely means to make easie the difficulties of war,* 1.118 being as ne∣cessary for a souldier,* 1.119 as the use of Armes; and is that which was aimed at in the answer of Cyrus, to shew the services in a souldiers diet. Forbeing demanded,* 1.120 what he would have made ready for supper; Bread, saith he; for we will sup at the Fountain.

Neither hath it been thought fit, to give way to the naturall loosness of the stomacks appe∣tite, upon any occasion; but to use the like mo∣deration in the time of plenty. For Zeno took the answer of them, that would excuse their liberall expenses by their ability of means, for no better pa••ment, then they themselves would have taken the excuse of their Cooks, for putting too much salt on their meat, because they had salt e∣nough.

Caesar punished his Baker, for giving him better bread then his souldiers had. And Scipio cashiered a couple of Romans at the siege of Carthage, for feasting a friend in their Tent,

during an assault. Which austerity of life raised the Romans to that height of honour, and made them Masters of the world, from the East to the Western Ocean.

Secondly, as a consequent of this content∣ment, we may note their resolution to hold on their course of siege; purposing rather to eat the bark of trees,* 1.121 then to suffer Pompey to escape their hands. It is an excellent point in a Gene∣rall, to keep himself from irresolution; being a weakness of ill consequence, and not unlike the disease of the Staggers, variable, uncertain, and without bottom or bound: whereas constan∣cy to purposes, produceth noble and worthy ends.

An instance whereof is Fabius Maximus, who notwithstanding the reproach and scan∣dall cast upon him,* 1.122 continued firm in his deter∣mination, to the saving of his Country. And if it be so well beseeming a Leader, it is of much more regard in the souldier: especially consi∣dering that of Xenophon; Non facile in officio potest miles contineri ab eo, qui necessaria non subministrat; He cannot easily keep his soul∣diers in obedience, which does not provide them necessaries.* 1.123 For, as the same Author observeth in another place, Nullus est ad••o fortis aut validus, qui possit adversus famem aut fri∣gus pugnando militare; There is no man so stout and valorous, that can fight against cold and hunger.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

AMongst all the parts of the Roman disci∣pline, their Watch deserveth a particular de∣scription; supplying in the Army, the office of the naturall eye in the bodie, which is, to give notice of any approaching danger, for the pre∣venting of the same. Polybius hath left it to posterity in this manner; Of each sort of the Legionary foot, as namely the Hastati, Prin∣cipes, and Triarii, and likewise of the horse, there was chosen one out of the tenth and last Maniple, that was made free from watch and ward. This party, as the Sun began to decline, came daily to the Tent of the Tribune, and there had given him a little Tablet, wherein the watch-word was writ; which Tablet they cal∣led Tessera: and then returning to his Com∣pany, delivered it to the Centurion of the next Maniple, and that Centurion to the next, and so in order, untill it came to the first and chiefest Company, which was lodged next un∣to the Tribunes; and by the Centurion there∣of was returned to the Tribune before Sun-set∣ting.

And if all the Tablets were brought in, then did the Tribune know the word was given to all. If any wanted, they made inquirie, and by the notes of inscription finding which was missing, they punished the default as they saw cause. And this was their watch-word, by which their Party was distinguished from an Enemy; and in likelihood (for Polybius doth not af∣firm so much) was by the Centurion given to such of his Maniple as were to watch that night.

Their night-watches were thus ordered; A Maniple, or Company, was alwaies appoint∣ed to watch at the Generalls Pavilion. The Treasurer had three watches, and every Le∣gat two. A watch consisted of four men, ac∣cording to the generall division of their night into four parts: each of those four having his turn appointed him by lot, for the first, second, third, or fourth watch, and the rest sitting by. The Velites kept watch without the Camp, and the Decuries of horse at the gates. Be∣sides, every Maniple had private watch within it self.

Of those that were appointed to watch, a Lieutenant of each Maniple did bring to the Tribune in the evening, such as were to keep the first watch of the night: and to them were deli∣vered lesser Tablets, then were given out at first, called Tesserulae, appropriated to every particu∣lar watch; one for himself, and three other for his fellows.

The trust of giong the Round was commit∣ted to the horsemen: for it belonged to the first Commander of horse in each legion, to give order to his Lieutenant, to appoint before din∣ner four young men of his troup, to go the Round the next night; and in the evening, to acquaint the next Commander to appoint Rounders for the night following. These horse∣men being thus appointed, did cast lots for the first, second, third, and fourth watch, and then repaired to the Tribune; of whom they had order what, and how many watches to visit, having re∣ceived the watch-word before from their Com∣mander: and then all four went to attend at the Tent of the Primipile, or chiefest Centu∣rion of a Legion, who had the charge of distin∣guishing the four watches of the night by a Trumpet.

When time served for him that was to go the Round the first watch, he went out accompanied with some of his friends, and visited those watches which were assigned unto him. And if he found the watch-man waking, and in good order, he then took that Tablet from him which he had received of the Tribune, and departed. But if he found him sleeping, or out of his place, he took witnesse thereof, and departed. The same did the rest of the Roun∣ders, as their watches fell out in course. And as the day began to break, all the Rounders brought in the Tablets to the Tribunes. And

if all were brought in, there was no more to do: but if any wanted, it was found out by the Cha∣racter, what watch had failed; which being known, the Centurion was called, and com∣manded to bring those that were faulty. If the offence were in the watch-man, the Rounder was to prove it by witnesses: if not, it fell upon himself; and a Councell of war being presently called, the Tribune gave judgement to kill him with a club. And in this manner did the Romans keep watch in the Camp.

CHAP. XIX.

A relation of divers incounters,* 1.124 that happened between both Parties.

IN the mean time Pub. Sylla, whom Caesar (at his departure from the Camp) had left to command the Army,* 1.125 being certified thereof, came with two legions to succour the Cohort: at whose approach, Pompey's party was easily beaten off, being neither able to in∣dure the shock nor sight of our men. For the first being put off, the rest gave back, and left the place: but as our men pursued them, Sylla called them back, and would not suffer them to follow far after. Howbeit, many men think, that if he would have pressed hard upon them, the war had ended that day. But in my opinion, he is not to be blamed;* 1.126 for there is one charge and power peculiar to a Lieutenant, and ano∣ther to him that commandeth in Chief: the one doing nothing but by order and prescription, and the other disposing every thing as he shall think fit.

Sylla (in Caesar's absence) having freed h••s men, was content therewith, and would no fur∣ther ingage them in fight (which might happi∣ly prove subject to ill fortune) least he should seem to assume unto himself the place and au∣thority of a Generall. There were certain things that made the retreat of Pompey's men very difficult and hazardous. For having ascended from a bottome to a Hill, they now found themselves upon the top thereof. And as they were to make their retreat down again, they stood in fear of our men, pres∣sing on them from the higher ground; neither was it far from sunne-setting (for hoping to end it speedily, they drew out the business untill it was almost night) whereby Pompey was forced to take a resolution from the time, and to possesse himself of a Mount, no fur∣ther from the Fort then out of shot. There he made a stand, fortified the place, and kept his forces.

At the same time they fought in two other places: for Pompey, to separate and distract our troups, assaulted divers forts together, to the end they might not be succoured from the next Garrisons. In one place, Volcatius Tullus with three Cohorts sustained the assault of a Legion, and made them forsake the place. In another part, the Germans sallying out of our works, slew many of the Enemy, and return∣ed back to their fellows in safety. So that in one day there were six severall sights; three at Dyrrachium, and three at the fortifications: of all which an account being taken, there were found slain of Pompey's Party to the number of two thousand, with many Centurions, and other speciall men called out to that war.* 1.127 A∣mongst whom was Valerius Flaccus, the son of Lucius, who being Praetor had obtained the Province of Asia: besides, there were six En∣signes taken. Our Party lost not above twenty men in all those fights; howbeit in the fort there was not one man but was hurt.

Four Centurions of one Cohort lost their eyes; and for argument of their endeavour and great danger, they made report to Caesar, of thirty thousand arrows shot into the fort. There was also a Target of one Scaeva, a Cen∣turion, which was shewed unto him, being pier∣ced through in two hundred and thirty places; whom Caesar (as having well des••rved of him and the Common-wealth) rewarded with six hundred pound sterling;* 1.128 and advanced him from the Companies of the e••ghth rank, to be the chiefest Centurion,* 1.129 or Prin••ipile of the Legion: for it appeared, that by his means spe∣cially the fort was saved. For the Cohort, he doubled their pay, as well in Money, as in Corn and Apparrell; and rewarded them no∣bly with ornaments of Military honour.

Pompey having wrought all that night, to fortify his Trenches, the dayes following he built towers 15 foot high; which being finished, he added mantelets to that part of the Camp. And after five daies, having got a dark night (shutting all the Ports of his Camp, and ramming them up) in the beginning of the third watch, ••e drew out his Army in si∣lence, and betook himself to his old fortifica∣tions.

OBSERVATIONS.

THe breach of the Historie in this place, is like a blot in a fair Table, or as a gap in a daunce of Nymphs, and doth much blemish the beauty of this Discourse. But, forasmuch as it is a losse which cannot be repaired, we must rest contented with the use of that which re∣maineth.

Out of which we may observe the notice they took of well-deserving; according to the insti∣tution

of their discipline, supported especially by Praem••um and Poena, Reward and Punishment. The recognition whereof (according to the judgement of the gravest Law-givers) is the means to raise a State to the height of perfecti∣on.* 1.130 Eo enim impendi laborem & periculum, unde emolumentum & honos speratur, Men will then venture and take pains, when they know they shall get themselves honour and preferment by it. The R••mans, saith Polybius, crowned the valour of their souldiers with eter∣nall honours. Neither did any thing so much excite them to the atchievement of noble Acts, as their Triumphs, Garlands, and other En∣signs of publick ••enown: which Caesar spe∣cially observed above the rest. For besides this which he did to Cassius Scaeva (recorded by all the Writers of these wars) Plutarch relateth,* 1.131 that at his being in Britain, he could not contain from imbracing a souldiers, that carried himself valiantly in defence of divers Centurions. And whereas the poor man, fal∣ling down at his feet, asked nothing but par∣don for leaving his Target behind him; he re∣warded him with great gifts, and much honour. Howbeit, the difference which Salust hath made in this kind is too generally observed;* 1.132 that It more importeth a Commonweal to punish an ill member, then to reward a good act: for a vertuous desire is by neglect a little aba∣ted, but an ill man becomes unsufferable. And thence it is, that merit is never valued but upon necessity. It is fit that he will have the ho∣nour of wearing a Lions skin, should first kill the beast, as Hercules did: but to kill a Lion, and not to have the skin,* 1.133 is not so available as a meaner occupation. Anthony 〈◊〉〈◊〉giveth another rule, observed in that government, which is the true Idea of Perfection: En la ca∣sa de Dios jamas fuc, nies, ni sera, merito sin premio, ni colpa sin pena; In the house of God there never was, nor is, nor shall be, desert un∣rewarded, or fault unpunished.

CHAP. XX.

Caesar moveth Scipio to mediate a Peace.

AEtolia,* 1.134 Acarnania, and Amphilo∣chis being taken by Cassius Longi∣nus, and Calvisius Sabinus, as is before declared, Caesar thought it expedient to attempt and try Achaia, and to proceed farther in that course: whereupon he sent thither L. Calenus, and Q. Sabinus, and to them he added Cassius with his Cohorts. Their coming being bruited abroad, Rutilius Lupus, to whom Pompey had left the charge of Achaia, determined to fortify the Isthmus, to keep out Fusius. Calenus in the mean time, with the favour and assent of the States, took in Delphos, Thebes, and Orchomenus, be∣sides some other places which he took by force. The rest of the Cities he laboured to draw to Caesar's party, by Embassages sent a∣bout unto them: and therein was Fusius oc∣cupied for the present. Caesar every day fol∣lowing brought out his Army into an equall and indifferent place, to see if Pompey would accept of battel; insomuch as he led them un∣der Pompey's Camp▪ the vauward being within shot of the Rampier. Pompey, to hold the fame and opinion he had attained, drew out his forces, and so imbattelled them before his Camp, that their rereward did touch the Ram∣pier; and the whole Army was so disposed, that every man was under the protection of such weapons as might be shot from thence.

While these things were doing in Achaia and at Dy••rachium, it was certainly known that Scipio was come into Macedonia. Caesar not omitting his former purpose, sent Clodius unto him, a familiar friend to both of them, and one whom Scipio had formerly so commended to Caesar, that he had taken him in the number of his nearest favourites. ••o him he gave Let∣ters and Messages, to be delivered to Scipio; whereof this was the effect. That he had used all means for peace, and yet had prevailed no∣thing at all: which he took to be the fault of such as had the charge of the businesse, being fearfull to treat with Pompey thereof in an unseasonable time. But Scipio had that credit and respect, that he might not only deliver free∣ly what he thought fitting, but might also (in some sort) constrain him, and reform his er∣rour. For being Commander in chief over an Army, besides his credit, he had strength to compell him. Which if he did, every man would attribute the quiet of Italy, the peace of the Pro∣vinces, and the safety and preservation of the Empire to him only. All these things did Clo∣dius make known to Scipio: and for the first daies was well heard; but afterwards could not be admitted to speech; Favonius reprehen∣ding Scipio, for going so far with him, as af∣terwards we understood upon the ending of the war: whereby he was forced to return to Caesar, without effecting any thing.

Caesar that he might with greater facility keep in Pompey's Cavalry at Dyrrachium, and hinder them from forrage, fortified and shut up two passages (which, as we have before

declared, were very narrow) with great works, and there built Castles. Pompey understan∣ding that his horsemen did no good abroad, within a few daies, conveighed them within his fortification by shipping. Howbeit they were in extreme necessity for want of forrage; in∣somuch as having beaten off all the leaves of the trees, they fed their horses with young Reeds bruised,* 1.135 and beaten in pieces. For they had spent the Corn which was sowed within the works, and were forced to bring food for their Cattell from Corcyra and Aca••ania, by long and tedious navigation; and where it fell short, they made it up with Barley, and so kept life in their horses. But afterwards, whenas not only their Barley and other food was spent in all places, and the grasse and herbs dried up, but the fruit also wasted and consumed off the trees, their horses being so lean as they were not able to stand on their legs, Pompey thought it expedient to think of some course of breaking out.

OBSERVATIONS.

IT may seem a cunning trick of Caesar, and perhaps it was his end, to endeavour with fair pretenses to ingage Scipio so far in contri∣ving a Peace, as being Generall of an Army, he might assume unto himself a commanding authority; and thereupon breed such a jea∣lousy, as would keep Pompey and him asunder.

Neverthelesse, it is every way worth a mans labour, to make overtures of peace howsoever: especially considering, how it changeth the re∣lative in the condition of men, which in war is Homo homini Lupus, One man a Woolf to another; and in peace, Homo homini Deus, One man a God to another:* 1.136 and, proving good, will doubtlesse continue; if inconveni∣ent, the sooner broken, and so the case is but the same it was before.

Secondly,* 1.137 we may note, that there is nothing so difficult,* 1.138 but pertinacy and restlesse labour, directed with diligent and intent care, will in the end overcome it. For Caesar, that at the first seemed to undertake impossibilities, going about to besiege a great part of a Country, and to shut up a huge Army in an open place, did neverthelesse (by endeavour) bring them to such extremity of want,* 1.139 that if, as Democritus said, the body should have put the mind in sute, for reparation of losse, which her ambition and wilfull obstinacy had drawn upon it, she should never be able to pay damages.

Touching the Isthmus which Rutilius Ru∣fus went about to fortify, it is a neck of earth, joining an Iland unto the Continent. For as the In-let of the Sea, between two Lands, is cal∣led Porthmus (whereupon the town of Ports∣mouth in Hampshire hath that appellation, as sited upon the like In-let) so any small la••get or neck of earth, lying between two Seas, is called Isthmus. Whereof this of Achaia is of speciall note in Greece; being the same that joined Po∣loponnesus to the Continent, and was of speciall fame for the site of Corinth.

These necks of earth, called Isthmi, are of the nature of those things, as have been often threatned, and yet continue the same. For al∣beit the ambition of great Princes hath sought to alter the fashion of the earth in that behalf, yet I know not how their desires have sorted to no end.* 1.140 Perfodere nav••gabili alveo has an∣gustias tentavere Demetrius Rex, D••ctator Caesar, Caius Princeps, & Domitius Nero, infausto, ut omnium patuit ex••tu, incepto; King Demetrius, Caesar the Dictator, Cai••s the Prince, and Domitius Nero, all of them at∣tempted to draw through this neck of land with a navigable chanell, without any successe, as appears by the issue. In the time of King S••∣sostris, and since, in the Empire of the Otto∣mans, they went about to bring the Red Sea in∣to Nile; but fearing it would be a means to drown the Land, one Sea being lower then a∣nother, they gave over the enterprize. And it may be upon like consideration, or otherwise, fearing to correct the works of Nature, they for∣bare to make a passage between Nombre ac Di∣os and Panama, and so to join one sea to the other, as was said to be intended.

CHAP. XXI.

An accident which fell out by two Brethren of Savoy, in Caesar's Army.

THere were in Caesar's Camp two brethren of Savoy,* 1.141 Roscillus and Aegus, the sons of Adbucillus, who, for many years together, was accoun∣ted the principall and chief man of that State: these were men of singular worth, and had done Caesar very great service in all the wars of Gallia; and in that respect, Caesar had advan∣ced them to great & honourable Charges in their Country, and caused them (extraordinari∣ly) to be taken in the number of the Senators, and bestowed much of the Enemies lands upon them, besides great summs of ready mony, and of poor had made them rich.

These men were not only well respected by Caesar, but were in good account throughout all the Army. Howbeit, relying too much on Caesa••'s favour, and puffed up with foolish and

barbarous arrogancy, they disdained their own men deceiving the horsemen of their pay, and averting all pillage from publick distribution to their own particular. The horsemen pro∣voked with these injuries, came all to Caesar, and complained openly thereof: adding farther, that their troups were not full, nor answerable to the List or Muster-role, by which they re∣quired paiment.

Caesar thinking it no fit time of punishment and withall attributing much to the worth of the men, put off the whole matter, and chid them privately, for making a gain of their troups of horse; willing them to expect a sup∣ply of all their wants from his favour, accor∣ding as their service had well deserved. Ne∣verthelesse, the matter brought them into great scandall and contempt with all men: which they plainly perceived, both by the speeches of other men, as also by that they might judge themselves,* 1.142 their own consciences accusing them. With which reproach and shame they were so moved (and thinking peradventure that they were not quit thereof, but deferred untill some other time) that they resolved to leave the Army, to seek new fortunes, and make proof of other acquaintance. And ha∣ving imparted the matter to a few of their fol∣lowers, to whom they durst communicate so great a disloialty, first they went about to kill C. Volusenus, Generall of the horse (as after the war was ended was discovered) that they might come to Pompey upon some deserved service: but after they found it hard to ac∣complish, they took up as much mony as they could borrow, as though they meant to have paid their troups, what they formerly had de∣frauded them of; and having brought many horses, they went to Pompey, together with such as were acquainted with their purposes.

Pompey finding them Gentlemen of sort, liberally brought up, attended with a great re∣tinue, and many horses, and both of them very valiant, and in good account with Caesar, and withall, for that it was an unusuall and strange accident, he led them about the works, and shewed them all the fortifications: for before that time, no man, either souldier or horseman, had fled from Caesar to Pompey; whereas daily they came from Pompey to Caesar, espe∣cially such as were enrolled in Epirus and Aeto∣lia, which countries were at Caesar's devotion.

These two Brethren exactly understand∣ing all things in Caesar's Camp (as well con∣cerning such works as were perfect, as such others wherein men skilfull in war might find defect, together with the opportunity of time, and distances of places, as also the diligence of the Guards, with the nature and endeavour of every man that had a charge) related all parti∣cularly to Pompey.

OBSERVATIONS.

VVE may here observe the sincerity and direct carriage of inferiour Comman∣ders in the Roman Army by the scandall these two S••vo••ens ran into for making false Mu∣sters, and defrauding the souldiers of their due: A matter so ordinary in these our times, as custome seemeth to justify the Abuse. For what more common in the course of our modern wars, then to make gain of Companies, by mustering more then they have in pay, and by turning that which is due to the souldier to their own benefit? The first whereof, if it be duly weighed, is an offence of a high nature against the State; and the second, such an injury to the souldier, as can hardly be answered.

It is merrily (as I take it) aid by Columella, That, in foro concessun•• latrocinium, Robbe∣ry is lawfull in courses at Law. But for those, to whom is committed the safety of a kingdom, to betray the trust reposed in them, by raising their means with dead paies, and consequently, steading the Cause with dead service; as also, by disabling their Companions and fellow-souldiers from doing those duties which are re∣quisite, for want of due entertainment; is a thing deserving a heavy censure, and will doubt∣lesse fall out unto them, as it did to these two Brethren. The sequele whereof will appear by the story,* 1.143 and confirme that of Xenophon; Dii haud impunita relinquunt imp••a & ne∣faria hominum facta: The Gods do not suf∣fer the impieties and wickednesses of men to escape unpunished.

CHAP. XXII.

Pompey attempting to break out, putteth Caesar's Party to great losse.

POmpey being informed of these things,* 1.144 & having formerly resolved to break out, as is already declared, gave order to the souldiers to make them coverings for their Morions of Osiers, and to get some store of Bavins and Fagots. Which being prepared, he shipped a great num∣ber of the light-armed souldiers and Ar∣chers, together with those fagots, in Skiffs and Gallies. And about mid-night he drew threescore Cohorts out of the greater Camp,

and the places of Garrison, and sent them to that part of the ••ortification which was next unto the Sea, and farthest off from Caesar's greatest Camp. Thither also he sent the ships before-mentioned, filled with light-armed men and fagots, together with as many other Gal∣lies as were at Dyrrachium; and gave di∣rections how every man should imploy himself.

Caesar had left Lentulus Marcellinus, the Treasurer, with the Legion newly enrolled, to keep that fortification; who for that he was sickly, and of an ill disposition of body▪ had sub∣stituted Fulvius Posthumus as his coad••utor.

There was in that place a ••rench of fif∣teen foot deep, and a Rampier against the E∣nemy of ten foot in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and as much in breadth. And about six hundred foot from that place was raised another Rampier▪ with the front the contrary way, but somewhat low∣er then the ••ormer. For some few daies be∣fore, Caesar (fearing that place, least our men should be circumvented with their ships) had caused double fortifications to be made in that place; that if (peradventure) they should be put to their shifts, they might never∣thelesse make good resistance. But the great∣nesse of the works, and the continuall labour they daily endured, the fortifications being carried eighteen miles in circuit, would not suffer them to finish it. Whereby it happened, that he had not as yet made a Rampier along the Sea-shore, to joyn these two fortifications together, for the defence thereof: which was informed Pompey by these two Savoiens, and brought great damage and losse to our people. For as the Cohorts of the ninth Legion kept watch and guard upon the Sea, suddenly, by the break of day, came Pompey's Army: which seemed very strange unto our men: and in∣stantly thereupon, the souldiers from a ship∣board assaulted with their weapons the inner Rampier, & the rest began to fill up the Trench.

The legionary souldiers, appointed to keep the inner fortifications, having planted a great number of Ladders to the Rampier, did amuse the Enemy with weapons, & Engines of all sorts; & a great number of A••chers were thronged to∣gether on each side. But the coverings of Osiers which they ware on their head-pieces, did great∣ly defend them from the blowes of stones, which was the only weapon our men had for that pur∣pose. And as our men were overlaid with all these things, and did hardly make resistance, they found out the defect of the fortification, formerly mentioned: and landing their men between the two Rampiers, they charged our people in the rere, and so driving them from both the fortifications, made them turn their backs.

This Alarme being heard, Marcellinus sent certain Cohorts to succour our men: who see∣ing them fly, could neither re-assure them by their coming, nor withstand the fury of the E∣nemy themselves: insomuch as what relief soever was sent, was distracted by the fear and astonishment of them that fled away. Whereby the terrour and the danger was made much the greater, and their retreat was hindered through the multitude of people.

In that fight, the Eagle-bearer being grie∣vously wounded, and fainting for want of strength, looking towards the horsemen; This have I, said he, in my life time carefully and diligently defended for many years together, and now, dying, with the same fidelity do re∣store it unto Caesar: suffer not (I pray you) such a dishonour, the like whereof never hap∣pened in Caesar's Army, but return it unto him in safety. By which accident the Eagle was saved: all the Centurions of the first Cohort being slain, but the first of the Maniple of the Principes. And now the Enemy, with great slaughter of our men, approached near Marcel∣linus Camp.

The rest of the Cohorts being greatly asto∣nished, M. Antonius holding the next Garri∣son to that place, upon notice thereof, was seen to come down from the upper ground with twelve Cohorts. Ʋpon whose coming Pompey's Par∣ty was repressed and staied, and our men some∣what re-assured, giving them time to come a∣gain to themselves out of that astonishment. And not long after, Caesar having knowledge thereof by smoak made out of the Forts, accor∣ding to the use of former time, came thither also, bringing with him certain Cohorts out of the Garrisons.

OBSERVATIONS.

IT is an old saying,* 1.145 that Thieves handsell is al∣waies naught. But Traitors handsell is much worse: as appeareth by the falling away of these two Savoiens: who were the first that left Caesar in this war, and the first that brought Pompey good fortune: themselves standing culpable of as great an offence,* 1.146 as if they had aliena∣ted the whole Army.* 1.147 In the course whereof

we may see plainly that which I have formerly noted; that it is an excellent thing to be still at∣tempting upon an Enemy, so it be done upon good grounds and cautions: for while Pompey stood upon the defensive ward, the honour of the contention fell continually upon Caesar. And doubtlesse, he that observeth Caesar's pro∣ceedings in the carriage of all his warres, shall find his fortune to have specially grown from his active and attempting spirit.

In this Eagle-bearer,* 1.148 we may see verified that which Paterculus affirmeth of Mithridates, That a valiant spi••it is sometimes great by the favour of Fortune, but alwayes great in a good courage.

For these titles of degrees, as Princeps prior, and the rest here mentioned, having formerly discoursed at large of the parts of a legion, and the Hierarchie of their discipline, I will rather refer the Reader thereunto, then bumbast out a volume with distastefull repetitions.

CHAP. XXIII.

Caesar purposeth to alter the course of warre; and attempteth to cut off one of Pompey's Legions.

CAesar understanding of the losse,* 1.149 and perceiving that Pompey was got out of the fortifications, and was incamped upon the Sea, in such sort as he might freely go out to forrage, and have no lesse accesse to his ship∣ping then formerly he had; changing his course of warre, which had not succeeded to his ex∣pectation, he incamped himself fast by Pom∣pey. The works being perfected, it was obser∣ved by C••sar's Discoverers, that certain Co∣horts, to the number of a Legion, were brought behind a wood into the old Camp. The site of the Camp was after this manner. The dayes before, Caesar's ninth Legion opposing themselves against Pompey's forces, and working upon the fortifications (as is before declared) had their Camp in that place, ad∣joyning unto a wood, and not distant from the sea, above four hundred pases. Afterwards, Caesar changing his mind for some certain causes, transferred his lodging somewhat far∣ther off from that place. A few dayes after the same Camp was possest by Pompey. And forasmuch as he was to lodge more legions in that place, leaving the inner Rampier stand∣ing, he inlarged the fortification, so that the lesser Camp being included in the greater, served as a Castle or Cittadell to the same. Besides also, he drew a fortification from the right angle of the Camp, four hun∣dred pases out-right, to a River, to the end the souldiers might water freely, without dan∣ger. And he also changing his mind, for some causes not requisite to be mentioned, left the place too: so that the Camp stood empty for many dayes together, and all the fortificati∣ons were as perfect as at the first.

The Discoverers brought news to Caesar, that they had seen an Ensign of a Legion car∣ried thither. The same was likewise con∣firmed; from certain Forts which stood upon the higher grounds. The place was distant from Pompey's new Camp about five hundred pases. Caesar hoping to cut off this legion, and desirous to repair that dayes losse, left two co∣horts at work, to make a shew of fortifying, and he himself (by a contrary way, in as co∣vert a manner as he could) led the rest of the Cohorts, in number thirty three (amongst whom was the ninth legion, that had lost ma∣ny Centurions, and was very weak in souldiers) towards Pompey's legion, and the lesser camp, in a double battel. Neither did his opinion deceive him: for he came thither before Pompey could perceive it.

And albeit the fortifications of the Camp were great, yet assaulting it speedily with the left Cornet, wherein he himself was, he drave Pompey's souldiers from the Rampier. There stood a* 1.150 Turn-pike in the Gate, which gave occasion of resistance for a while: and as our men would have entered, they valiantly de∣fended the Camp; T. Pulcio, by whose means C. Antonius Army was betraied, as we have formerly declared, fighting there most vali∣antly. Yet neverthelesse our men overcame them by valour; and cutting up the Turn-pike, entered first into the greater Camp, and afterwards into the Castle, and slew many that resisted, of the legion that was forced thither.

But Fortune, that can do much in all things, and specially in warre, doth in a small mo∣ment of time bring great alterations; as it then happened. For the Cohorts of Caesar's right Cornet, ignorant of the place, followed the Rampier which went along from the Camp to the River, seeking after the Gate, and ta∣king it to be the Rampier of the Camp: but when they perceived that it joyned to the River, they presently got over it, no man resisting them; and all the cavalry followed after those cohorts.

OBSERVATIONS.

POmpey having cleared his Army of that siege, it booted not Caesar to prosecute his purpose any longer: for when the end is mis∣sed for which any course is undertaken, it were folly to seek it by that means. We must rather

chuse new wayes, that may lead us to the end of our hopes, then follow the old track, which sorted to no effect. And yet neverthelesse, the sufficiency of the Generall is no way disabled: for,* 1.151 albeit a wise man doth not alwayes keep one pase, yet still he holdeth one and the same way.

Secondly, that of Xerxes appeareth to be true, that great attempts are alwaies made with great difficulty and danger. Wherein the wisdome of the heathen world ascribed all to Fortune,* 1.152 as the sole cause of all remarkable e∣vents,* 1.153 and that which filled up both the pages of all the Books, wherein men noted the course of things. Clades in bello acceptae, non sem∣per ignaviae, sed aliquando Fortunae temeritati sunt imputandae, Losses received in war, are not alwayes to be imputed to slothfull carriage, but oftentimes to the temerity of Fortune, saith Ar∣chidamus; and is that which is aimed at by Caesar.

CHAP. XXIIII.

The ••ight continueth, and Caesar loseth.

IN the mean while Pompey,* 1.154 after so long a respite of time, having no∣tice thereof, took the first Legion from their works, and brought them to succour their fellows: and at the same time his Cavalry did approch near our horsemen, and our men that possessed the Camp, did discover an Army imbattelled co∣ming against them; and all things were sud∣denly changed. For Pompey's legion, assu∣red with a speedy hope of succour, began to make resistance at the Decumane gate, and voluntarily charged our men.

Caesar's Cavalry being got over the rampier into a narrow passage, fearing how they might retreat in safety, began to fly away. The right Cornet, secluded and cut off from the left, perceiving the terrour of the horsemen (least they might be indangered within the fortifications) betook themselves to the other side from whence they came: and most of them (least they should be surprised in the straights) cast themselves over works of ten foot high into the ditches: and such as first got over being troden under foot by such as followed after, the rest saved themselves in passing o∣ver their bodies.

The souldiers of the left Cornet perceiving from the Rampier that Pompey was at hand, and that their own side fled away, fearing lest they should be shut up in those straights, ha∣ving the Enemy both without and within them, thought it their best course to return back the same way they came. Whereby there happen∣ed nothing but tumult, fear, and flight: inso∣much as when Caesar caught hold with his hand of the Ensignes of them that sled, and commanded them to stand; some for fear left their Ensigns behind them, others forsa∣king their horses, kept on their course: nei∣ther was there any one of them that would stand. Notwithstanding, in this so great a ca∣lamity and mishap these helps fell out to re∣lieve us, when the whole army was in danger to be cut off; that Pompey fearing some trea∣chery (for that, as I think, it happened be∣yond his expectation, who a little before saw his men flie out of his camp) durst not for a good while approach near the fortifications; and our men possessing the narrow passages and the Ports, did hinder the horsemen from following after. And so a small matter fell out to be of great moment, in the carriage of that accident, on either side. For the Ram∣pier, which was carried from the Camp to the River (Pompey's Camp being already ta∣ken) was the only hinderance of Caesar's ex∣pedite and easy victory: and the same thing, hindering the speedy following of their horse∣men, was the onely safety and help of our men.

In those two fights, there were wanting of Caesar's men nine hundred and threescore; and horsemen of note, R. Felginas, Tuticanus Gallus, a Senatours sonne, C. Felginas of Placentia, Agravius of Puteolis, Sacrativirus of Capua, ten Tribunes of the souldiers, and thirty Centurions. But the greatest part of these perished in the Trenches, in the fortifi∣cations, and on the River banks, prest to death with the fear and ••light of their fellows, without any blow or wound given them. There were lost at that time thirty two mili∣tary Ensignes.

Pompey, upon that sight, was saluted by the name of Imperator; which title he then ob∣tained, and so suffered himself to be stiled afterward: howbeit he used it not in any of his Missives, nor yet wore any Laurell in the bun∣dle of Rods carried before him.

Labienus having begged all the Captives, caused them (for greater ostentation) to be brought out in publick; and to give the more assurance to such as were fled thither from Caesar's party, calling them by the name of fel∣low-souldiers, in great derision asked them whether old souldiers were wont to flie; and so caused them all to be slain.

Pompey's party took such an assurance and spirit upon these things, that they thought no farther of the course of war, but carried themselves as though they were already Vi∣ctors: not respecting (as the cause of all this) the paucity of our men, nor the disadvantage

of the place, and the streightnesse thereof, the Camp being possessed, and the doubtfull ter∣rour both within and without the works; not yet the Army divided into two parts, in such sort as neither of them were able to help or succour the other. Neither yet did they adde to this, that the fight was not made by any va∣liant incounter, or in form of battell; but that they received more hurt from the narrownesse of the place, and from their own disorder, then from the Enemy.

And to conclude, they did not remember the common chances and casualties of warre: wherein oftentimes very small causes, either of false suspicion, or of sudden fear, or out of scruple of Religion, do inferre great and hea∣vy losses; as often as either by the negligence of the Generall, or the fault of a Tribune, the Army is misordered. But as though they had overcome by true force of their prowesse, and that no alteration of things could after happen, they magnified that dayes victory, by Letters and report throughout the whole world.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

SOmetimes we may think to repair a losse, and thereby hazard a greater misfortune. For albeit the saying be common, that a man must seek his coat where he lost it, as Dicers do; yet there is alwayes more certainty in seek∣ing,* 1.155 then in finding. For the circle of humane affairs being carried round in a course, doth not suffer happinesse to continue with one Party. And thereupon it was, That Pit∣tacus dedicated a Ladder to the Temple of Mitylene, to put men in mind of their con∣dition;* 1.156 which is nothing else but going up and down. The life of a souldier is a mere Her∣maphrodite,* 1.157 and taketh part of either sex of Fortune; and is made by Nature to beget Hap∣pinesse of Adversity, and mischances of Good hap: as if the cause of all causes, by intermix∣ing sweet with sower, would lead us to his Pro∣vidence, and consequently to himself, the first Mover of all Motions.

The diversity of these events are so inchained together, as one seemeth to have relation to the other. For this task admitted not of veni, vi∣di, vici, I only came, and saw, and over∣came; nor went on with Alexander, march∣ing over the Plains of Asia, without rub or counterbuffe: but the businesse was disposed, here to receive a blow, and there to gain a vi∣ctory. And so this losse at Dyrraechium made the battel at Pharsalia the more glorious, and beautified the course of this warre with variety of chances. The best use of these Disasters, is that which C••oesus made of his crosse fortunes, Mei casus,* 1.158 et si ingrati, mihi tamen extitere disciplina; My mishaps, though they be unpleasing enough, yet they have still taught me something.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

AS the Mathemat••cks, by reason of their cer∣tainty, do admit demonstration, as well from the conclusion to the principles, as from the principles to the conclusion: so in the acti∣ons of mans life, it is not hard to assign the precedent causes by the sequele;* 1.159 the event being oftentimes an understanding Judge of things that are past. And although it do no where appear what was the cause of La∣bienus leaving Caesar; yet his insolent car∣riage towards these Captives, may make at least a probable conjecture, that his revolt proceeded from his own disposition, rather then from any cause on Caesar's behalf. For where a man hath once done an injury, he will never cease heaping one wrong af∣ter another, and all to justify his first er∣rour: whereas on the other side, a noble spi∣rit, free from all desert, will demean him∣self answerable to his first innocency.

CHAP. XXV.

Caesar speaketh to the souldiers concerning this mi••hap; and forsaketh the Place.

CAesar being driven from his former purposes,* 1.160 resolved to change the whole course of the warre; so that at one and the same time o∣mitting the siege, and withdraw∣ing the Garrisons, he brought all the Army in∣to one place, and there spake unto the soul∣diers: exhorting them not to think much at those things that had happened, nor to be amuzed therewith; but to counterpoise this losse (which was in a mediocrity) with many happy and fortunate battels they had gained.

Let them thank Fortune, that they had taken Italy without blow or wound; that they had quieted and put in peace both the Provinces of Spain, full of warlike men, and directed by skilfull and practised Com∣manders; that they also had subdued the fertile bordering Provinces; and likewise, that they should remember, with what facili∣ty they were all transported in safety through the midst of the Enemies fleets; not only the Havens and Ports, but all the coast being full of shipping.

If all things fell not out prosperously.* 1.161 Fortune was to be helped by their industry. The losse which was received, might be attributed to a∣ny man rather then unto him: for he had given them a secure place to fight in, had possest him∣self of the Enemies Camp, driven them out, and overcome them in fight. But whether it were their fear, or any other errour, or Fortune her∣self, that would interrupt a victory already gained every man was now to labour to repair the damage they had sustained, with their va∣lour: which if they did endeavour, he would turn their lesse into advantage, as it formerly fell out at Gergovia, where such as before were afraid to sight, did of their own accord offer themselves to battel.

Having ended his speech,* 1.162 he disgraced and displaced some Ensign bearers. The Army thereupon conceived such a grief of the blow that was given them, and such a desire they had to repair their dishonour, that no man need∣ed the command either of a Tribune or Centu∣rion: every man imposing upon himself as a punishment for his late fault, greater labours then usuall, and withall inflamed with an ear∣nest desire of fighting: insomuch as many of the higher Orders thought it requisite to continue in the place, and refer the cause to a battel. But contrariwise, Caesar was not assured of the terrified souldiers, and thought it expedient be∣sides, to interpose some time for the settling of their minds; fearing likewise least he should be straightned through scarcity of Corn, upon the leaving of his fortifications. And therefore without any farther delay, giving order for such as were wounded and sick, assoon as it was night, he conveighed all the carriages secretly out of the Camp, and sent them before towards Apollonia, forbidding them to rest untill they came to their lodging; and sent one legion with∣all to convoy them.

That being done, he retained two Legions within the Camp: and the rest, being led out at divers ports, about the fourth watch of the night he sent the same way. And after a little pause (for the observing of Military order, and to the end his speedy departure might not be dis∣covered) he commanded them to take up the cry of trussing up their baggage; and presently setting forward, overtook the former troup, & so went speedily out of the sight of the Camp.

Pompey having notice of his purpose, made no delay to follow after: but aiming at the same things, either to take them incumbered in their march, or astonished with fear, brought forth his Army, and sent his horsemen before to stay the Rereward. But Caesar went with so speedy a march, that he could not overtake them, un∣till he came to the River Genusus; where, by reason of the high and uneasy banks, the Caval∣ry overtook the tail of the Army, and ingaged them in fight. Amongst whom Caesar opposed his horsemen, and intermingled with them four hundred expedite souldiers, of them that had place before the Ensigns: who so much prevailed in the encounter, that they drave them all a∣way before them, slew many of them, and retur∣ned themselves in safety to their troups.

Caesar having made a just daies march, ac∣cording to his first determination, and brought his Army over the River Genusus, he lodged in his old Camp over against Asparagus; and kept all the souldiers within the Rampier, com∣manding the horse that went out to forrage, to be presently taken in by the Decumane Port.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

ALbeit that of Cato be true,* 1.163 that an Errour in ••ight is not capable of amendment: yet out o•• that which happeneth amisse, may alwaies be somewhat gathered to repair the disadvantage, and to dispose a Party to better carriage for the future. Accordingly we may note Caesar's notable temper and demeanour, after so great a losse; recalling the courage of his souldiers, and settling their minds in a course of good resoluti∣on, with as many valuable reasons as humane wisdome was able to afford him: without which, all their other advantages, either of va∣lour or experience and use of Arms, or their as∣surednesse after so many victories, or what other thing soever that made them excell all other Ar∣mies, had been utterly buried in this overthrow. For his better furtherance wherein, he thought it fit to use the help of time, before he brought them to the like triall. For that which is said of grief,* 1.164 If reason will not give an end unto it, time will, is to be understood of any other pas∣sion of the mind; which cannot possibly be so great, but time will consume it.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THe second thing which cometh to be hand∣led, is the manner of Caesar's retreat; be∣ing as exquisite a pattern in this kind, as is ex∣tant in any story: and is the rather to be con∣sidered, forasmuch as it is one of the principall points of Military Art, and worthiest the knowledge of a Generall, to be able, upon all

occasions, to make a safe and sure retreat. For those that can do nothing else, can easily put themselves into a war: but to return them home again in safety, is that which concerneth the ho∣nour of a Leader.

Many are the causes that may move a Com∣mander to dislodge himself, and to leave his Ad∣versarie for a time: but the means to do it safety depend specially upon these two points. The one is, To advance himself onward at first, as far as possibly he can, to the end he may get the start, before the enemy be ready to follow him: and is taught by Xenophon; who, after the death of Cyrus, in the battell against King Artaxerxes, brought back a thousand men into Greece, from an Army of two hundred thou∣sand horse, that pressed hard upon them, for five hundred leagues together. Which retreat is exactly storied by the said Author, in seven books, containing all the difficulties con∣cerning this point: amongst which, we find this passage.

It much imported us, saith he, to go as far at first as possible we could;* 1.165 to the end we might have some advantage of space before the Enemy, that pressed so near behind. For, if we once got before, and could out-strip them for a daies journey or two, it was not possible for them to overtake us; forasmuch as they durst not follow us with a small troup, and with great forces they could never reach us: besides the scarcity and want of victuall they fell into by following us, that consumed all before them.

Thus far goeth Xenophon. And according to this rule, Caesar ordered his retreat: for he got the start of Pompey so far the first day, by that eight miles he gained in the afternoon, as it followeth in the next Chapter, that he was never able to overtake him.

The second thing for the assuring of a retreat is, So to provide against the incumberances of an Enemy, that he may not find it easie to attack him that would be gone. Of all retreats which may any way be taken from example of Beasts, that of the Wolf is most commended: who never flies, but with his head turned back upon his ad∣versaries; and shews such teeth, as are not to be trusted.

After the Wolfs manner marched Caesar: for howsoever the body of his Army retreated one way, yet they turned so terrible a countenance towards the Enemy, as was not to be endured. And upon these two hinges, is turned the car∣riage of a skilfull retreat.

Howbeit, for the better furtherance hereof, it shall not be impertinent to adde hereunto some inventions, practised by great Commanders, which may serve to amuse an Enemy, while a Generall doth prepare himself to observe the former points.

King Philip of Macedon,* 1.166 desirous to leave the Roman Army, sent a Herauld to the Consul, to demand a cessation of Armes, while he bu∣ried his dead, which he purposed to perform the next day, with some care and solemnity. Which being obtained, he dislodged himself secretly that night, and was got far on his way before the Romans perceived it.

Hanniball,* 1.167 to clear his Army from that of the Romans, which was commanded by the Consul Nero, about midnight made many fires, in that part which stood next the Roman Camp: & lea∣ving certain Pavillions & Lodgings, with some few Numidians, to shew themselves upon the Rampier, he departed secretly towards Puteolis. As soon as it was day, the Romans (according to their custome) approaching the Counter∣scarp, the Numidians shewed themselves; and then suddainly made after their fellows, as fast as their horses could carry them. The Con∣sul, finding a great silence in the Camp, sent two Light-horsemen to discover the matter: who returning, told him of the Enemies de∣parture.

In like manner,* 1.168 Varus (as is formerly re∣lated) left a Trumpeter in the Camp near Utica, with certain Tents; and about midnight, carried his Army secretly into the Town.

Mithridates,* 1.169 willing to leave Pompey, that cut him off short, the better to cover his de∣parture, made shew of making greater provision of forrage then he was accustomed, appointed conferences the next day, made great store of fires in his Camp; and then in the night escaped away.

The Persians, in the voyage which Soly∣man the Turk made against them, in the year one thousand five hundred fifty four, being driven to a place where the Ottomans thought to have had a hand upon them, gathered every man a fagot; and making a great heap thereof, set them all on fire, in the passage of the Turks Army: which burned so furiously, as the Persian escaped before the Enemy could passe by the fire.

CHAP. XXVI.

Caesar goeth on in his retreat: Pompey ceaseth to follow him.

IN like manner,* 1.170 Pompey having that day marched a full journey, betook himself to his former lod∣ging at Asparagus. And, for that the souldiers were not troubled with fortifying their Camp, by reason all the works were whole & intire, many of them went

out far off to get wood, and to seek forrage: others, rising hastily, had left a great part of their luggage behind them; and induced by the nearness of the last nights lodging, left their Armes, and went back to fetch those things that were behind. Insomuch as Caesar, seeing them thus scattered (as before he had con∣ceived how it would fall out) about high noon gave warning to depart, and so led out his Ar∣my; and doubling that daies journey, he went from that place about eight mile: which Pom∣pey could not do, by reason of the absence of his souldiers.

The next day, Caesar having in like manner sent his carriages before, in the beginning of the night, set forward himself about the fourth watch; that if there were any suddain necessity of fighting, he might (at all occasions) be ready with the whole Army. The like he did the daies following. By which it happened, that in his passage over great Rivers, and by diffi∣cult and cumbersome waies, he received no de∣triment or losse at all. For Pompey being staied the first day, and afterwards striving in vain, making great journeys, and yet not overtaking us, the fourth day gave over following, and be∣took himself to another resolution.

Caesar, as well for the accommodating of his wounded men, as also for paying the Army, re∣assuring his Allies and Confederates, and lea∣ving Garrisons in the towns, was necessarily to go to Apollonia: but he gave no longer time for the dispatch of these things, then could be spa∣red by him that made haste. For fearing least Domitius should be ingaged by Pompey's arri∣vall, he desired to make towards him with all possible celerity: his whole purpose and resolu∣tion insisting upon these reasons; That if Pom∣pey did follow after him, he should by that means draw him from the Sea-side, and from such provisions of war as he had stored up at Dyrrachium; and so should compell him to un∣dertake the war upon equall conditions. If he went over into Italy, having joyned his Army with Domitius, he would go to succour Italy by the way of Illyricum. But if he should go about to besiege Apollonia, or Oricum, and so exclude him from all the Sea-coast, he would then be∣siege Scipio, and force Pompey to relieve him.

And therefore having writ and sent to Cn. Domitius, what he would have done (leaving four Cohorts to keep Apollonia, one at Lissus, and three at Oricum, and disposing such as were weak through their wounds in Epirus and Acarnania) he set forward.

OBSERVATIONS.

COnfecto justo itinere ejus dici, having marched a full daies march, or gone a just daies journey, saith the story. Which giveth oc∣casion to inquire, how far this just daies journey extended.* 1.171 Lipsius saith, it was twenty four miles, alleaging that of Vegetius; Militari gradu (saith he) viginti millia passuum horis quinque duntaxat aestivis conficienda:* 1.172 pleno autem gradu qui citatior est, totidem horis vi∣ginti quatuor; A souldiers march did usually rid 20 miles in five summer houres, and if they marched with speed, 24 miles in the same time: understanding justum iter, a just journey, to be so much as was measured militari gradu, by a souldiers march. But he that knows the march∣ing of an Army, shall easily perceive the impos∣sibility of marching ordinarily twenty four miles a day. Besides, this place doth plainly con∣fute it: for, first, he saith that he made a just daies journey; & then again, rising about noon, doubled that daies journey, and went eight miles. Which shews, that their Justum iter was about eight miles: and so suteth the slow con∣veiance of an Army, with more probability then that of Lipsius.

CHAP. XXVII.

Pompey hasteth to Scipio. Domitius heareth of the overthrow.

POmpey also conjecturing at Caesar's purpose,* 1.173 thought it requisite for him to hasten to Scipio, that he might succour him, if Caesar should chance to intend that way: but if it so fell out, that he would not depart from the Sea-shore and Corcyra, as expecting the le∣gions and Cavalry to come out of Italy, he would then attack Domitius. For these causes both of them made haste, as well to assist their Parties, as to surprize their enemies, if occa∣sion were offered. But Caesar had turned out of the way, to go to Apollonia; whereas Pompey had a ready way into Macedonia by Canda∣via. To which there happened another incon∣venience: that Domitius, who for many daies together had lodged hard by Scipio's Camp, was now departed from thence, to make provi∣sion of Corn, unto Heraclea Sentica, which is subject to Candavia; as though Fortune would have thrust him upon Pompey. This Caesar was at that time ignorant of. Moreover, Pom∣pey had writ to all the States and Provinces, of the overthrow at Dyrrachium, in far greater tearms then the thing it self was: and had noised it abroad, that Caesar was beaten, had lost all his forces, and fled away.

Which reports made the wales very hard and dangerous to our men, and drew many States from Caesar's party: whereby it hap∣pened,

that many Messengers being sent, both from Caesar to Domitius, and from Domitius to Caesar, were forced to turn back again, and could not passe. Howbeit, some of the followers of Roscillus and Aegus (who, as is before shewed, had fled unto Pompey) meeting on the way with Domitius Discoverers (whether it were out of their old acquaintance, having lived together in the wars of Gallia, or other∣wise out of vain-glorie) related all what had happened; not omitting Caesar's departure, or Pompey's coming. Whereof Domitius being in∣formed, and being but scarce four houres be∣fore him, did (by the help of the enemy) avoid a most imminent danger, and met with Cae∣sar at Aeginium, which is a town situate upon the frontiers of Thessalia.

OBSERVATIONS.

JOy is an opening and dilating motion, and oftentimes openeth the body so wide, as it let∣teth out the soul, which returneth not again. And in like manner, the causes of all such exsul∣tations do, for the most part, spread themselves further then is requisite.

Pompey having victory in hope,* 1.174 rather then in hand, boasted as though all were his: not con∣sidering, that the happinesse or disaster of hu∣mane actions, doth not depend upon the parti∣culars rising in the course thereof, which are va∣riable and divers, but according as the event shall censure it. Whereupon the Russes have a saying in such cases, that he that laughs after∣ward, laughs then too: as Caesar did.

CHAP. XXVIII.

Caesar sacketh Gomphi in Thessalia.

CAesar having joyned both Armies together,* 1.175 came to Gomphi, which is the first town of Thessalia by the way leading out of Epirus. These people, a few daies before, had of their own accord sent Embassadours to Caesar, offering all their means and abilities to be disposed at his pleasure; requiring also a Gar∣rison of souldiers from him. But now they had heard of the overthrow at Dyrrachiuml; which was made so great, and so prevailed with them, that Androsthenes, Praetor of Thessalia (chusing rather to be a partaker of Pompey's victory, then a companion with Caesar in adversity) had drawn all the multitude of servants and children out of the Country into the Town; and shutting up the Gates, dispatched Messengers to Scipio and Pompey, for succour to be sent unto him, in that he was not able to hold out a long siege. Scipio understanding of the depar∣ture of the Armies from Dyrrachium, had brought the legions to Larissa: and Pompey did not as yet approach near unto Thessalia.

Caesar having fortified his Camp, command∣ed Mantelets, Ladders, and Hurdles to be made ready for a surprize. Which being fitted and prepared, he exhorted the souldiers, and shewed them what need there was (for the re∣lieving of their wants, and supplying of all necessaries) to possesse themselves of an opu∣lent and full town; as also by their example, to terrifie the other Cities: and what they did, to do speedily, before it could be suc∣coured. Whereupon, by the singular in∣dustrie of the souldiers, the same day he came thither, giving the assault after the ninth houre (notwithstanding the exceeding height of the walls) he took the Town before sun-setting,* 1.176 and gave it to the souldiers to be rifled: and presently removing from thence, came to Metropolis, in such sort, as he outwent as well Messengers, as news of ta∣king the Town.

The Metropolitanes, induced with the same respects, at first shut up their gates, and filled their walls with armed men: but after∣wards, understanding by the Captives (whom Caesar caused to be brought forth) what had happened to them of Gomphi, they presently opened their gates; and by that means were all preserved in safety. Which happinesse of theirs being compared with the desolation of Gomphi, there was no one State of all Thessalia (excepting them of Larissa, which were kept in with great forces by Scipio) but yielded obe∣dience to Caesar, and did what he commanded. Caesar having now got a place plenteous of Corn, which was now almost ripe, he resolved to attend Pompey's coming, and there to prose∣cute the residue of that war.

OBSERVATIONS.

LIvie saith,* 1.177 that the siege of that Place which we would quickly take,* 1.178 must be prosecuted and urged hard. Which rule Caesar observed: for he followed it so hard, that he took the Town fortified with exceeding high walls, in four houres space, or thereabouts, after he be∣gan to assault it. Which Plutarch saith, was so plentifully stored of all necessary provision, that the souldiers found there a refection of all the miseries and wants they suffered at Dyr∣rachium: insomuch as they seemed to be new made, both in body and courage, by reason

of the wine, victuals, and riches of that place; which were all given unto them,* 1.179 according to that of Xenophon, Lex inter omnes homines perpetua est, quando belligerantium urbs ca∣pta fuerit, cuncta corum esse qui eam ceperint, & corpora ••orum qui in urbe sunt & bona;* 1.180 It is a generall Law amongst all men, that when an Enemies town is forcibly taken, all that is found in it, as well bodies as goods, is at their disposall who have taken it.

Appian saith, the Germans were so drunk, that they made all men laugh at them: and that if Pompey had surprized them in these disor∣ders, they might have paid dear for their enter∣tainment. He addeth moreover (to shew the stiffenesse of the inhabitants against Caesar) that there were found in a Surgeons Hall, twen∣ty two principall Personages, stiffe dead upon the ground, without appearance of any wound, having their goblets by them: and he that gave the poison, sitting upright in a Chair, as dead as the rest.* 1.181 And as Ph••lip, having taken Acrolisse in the Country of the ••••tirians, drew all the rest to his obedience, through the fear they conceived of their usage: so the consideration of the cala∣mity which befell Gomphi, and the good intreaty which the Metropolitans found by yielding unto Caesar, brought all the other Cities under his command.

CHAP. XXIX.

Pompey cometh into Thessalia: his Army conceiveth assured hope of victory.

POmpey a few dayes after came into Thessalia;* 1.182 and there calling all the Army together, first gave great thanks to his own men; and then exhorted Scipio's souldiers, that the victory being already obtained, they would be partakers of the booty and of the rewards: and taking all the legions into one Camp, he made Scipio partaker both of his honour and authority, commanding the Trumpets to attend his pleasure for matter of direction, and that he should use a Praetoriall Pavilion.

Pompey having strengthened himself with an addition of another great Army, every man was confirmed in his former opinion, and their hope of victory was increased: so that the longer they dela••ed the matter, the more they seemed to prolong their return into Italy. And albeit Pompey proceeded slowly and delibe∣rately in the business, yet it was but a daies work. But some there were that said, he was well pleased with authority and command, and to use men both of Consular dignity, and of the Praetorian order, as his vassals and ser∣vants.

And now they began to dispute openly, con∣cerning rewards and dignities of Priesthood; and pointed out those which from year to year were to be chosen Consuls. Others begged the houses and goods of such as were with Caesar. Besides a great controversie that further grew between them in open councell, whether L. Hirrus were not to be regarded at the next election of Praetors, being absent, and im∣ploied by Pompey against the Parthians. And as his friends urged Pompey with his promise given at his departure, requiring he might not now be deceived through his greatnesse and authority; the rest, running a course of as great danger and labour, saw no rea∣son (by way of contradiction) why one man should be respected before all others. And now Domitius, Scipio, and Spinther Lentulus, began to grow to high words in their daily meetings, concerning Caesar's Priesthood: Lentulus al∣l••aging, by way of ostentation, the honour that was due to his age and authority; Domi∣tius vaunting of the credit and favour he had at Rome; and Scipio trusting to Pompey's alliance. Moreover, Atius Rusus accused L. A∣franius to Pompey, for betraying the Army in Spain. L. Domitius gave out in councell, That after the war was ended, all such as were of the rank of Senatours, should be inquired upon by a triple Commission: and that those which were personally in the war; should be of the Commission to judge the rest; as well such as were at Rome, as those that did no service in this war. The first Commission should be, to clear such as had well-deserved, from all dan∣ger. The second, Penall: and the third, Capi∣tall. And to conclude, every man laboured, either to have a reward, or to be avenged of his Enemy. Neither did they think so much of the means how to overcome, as how to use the victory.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THe Tale which the Emperour Frederick re∣lated to the Commissioners of Lewis the ele∣venth,* 1.183 King of France (concerning the par∣ting between them of the Territories of Charles Duke of Burgundie) Not to sell the skin be∣fore they had killed the Bear; might well have ••itted these of Pompey's Partie, that contended for offices before they fell, and disposed of the skins e're they had took the Bears: not spa∣ring out of their impatiency to tax Pompey of spinning out the war, for the sweetnesse he found in authority and command; as Aga∣memnon did at Troy. Insomuch as Plutarch

reporteth, that one Favonius, imitating Ca∣to's severity and freeness of speech, went about throughout all the Camp, demanding, Whe∣ther it were not great pitty, that the ambitious humour of one man, should keep them that year from eating the figs and delicate fruit of Tusculum? And all men generally stood so affected, as Pompey could not withstand their inforcements. For, as Florus saith, Mili∣tes otium, socii moram, principes ambitum Ducis increpabant, The souldiers blamed the slouth, the confederates found fault with the de∣lay, & the chief commanders with the ambition of their Generall. Onely Cato thought it not fit to hazard themselves upon a desperate man, that had neither hope or help, but in Fortune. But, as in most things besides, so in this he stood alone, and could not prevail against a multitude.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

PLacere sibi ternas tabellas dari, ad indi∣candum iis, qui erant ordinis Senatorii, They agreed, that all such as were of the rank of Senatours, should be inquired upon by a triple Commission, saith the story. Tabellas, I have translated Commissions, as best suting our English phrase: but the meaning was as followeth.

It appeareth by history, that the Roman people, as well in election of Magistrates, as in causes criminall, did give their voices open∣ly and aloud, for six hundred years together; untill one Gabinius, a Tribune of the People, perceiving that the Commons, for fear of the great Ones, durst not dispose of their voices freely, and as they would, published an Edict, that the people should give their voices by Bal∣lating.* 1.184 Which law Tully commendeth; Grata est tabella quae frontes operit, hominum men∣tes tegit, datque cam libertatem quod ve∣lint faciant; It is an acceptable Law, which hides the faces and meanings of men, and gives all liberty to do what they please. And in another place, he calleth it Principium justissimae libertatis, the foundation of most just liberty. Upon an election of Magistrates, the balls were given according to the number of the Competitours; that every man might chuse as he pleased.

In criminall Causes, every man had three: one marked with A. signifying Absolution, and another with C. for Condemnation, and another with N. L. for Non liquet, which they called Ampliatio, desirous to be further in∣formed, which our Grand Juries do expresse by an Ignoramus. And in this manner would Domitius have had his fellow Senatours either quitted or condemned. The balls which were given upon the making of a law, were two: one marked with V. R. which signified Uti rogas, that it might go on: and the other with A. signifying Antiquo, rejecting it. For, as Festus noteth, Antiquare est in modum pristinum reducere, to Antiquate, is to make the thing be as it was before.

And in this manner they would have pro∣ceeded against Caesar's Par••izans,* 1.185 being alto∣gether mistaken in the assurance of their happi∣ness;* 1.186 the continuance whereof depended upon Vertue, and not upon Fortune.

CHAP. XXX.

Caesar finding the Enemy to offer battell in an indifferent Place, prepareth to undertake him.

PRovision of Corn being made,* 1.187 and the souldiers well resolved (to which end he had interposed a sufficient space of time, after the battell at Dyrrachium) Caesar thought it time now to try what purpose or will Pompey had to fight. And therefore, drawing the Army out of the Camp, he imbattelled his troups, first upon the place, and somewhat removed from Pompey's Camp: but every day following, he went further off his own tren∣ches, and brought his Army under the hills whereon the Enemy lay incamped. This made his Army daily the more bold and assured. He kept continually his former course with his horsemen; who because they were lesse in number by many degrees then those of Pom∣pey's party, he commanded certain lusty young men, chosen out of them that stood before the Ensignes, for their nimble and swift run∣ning, to fight amongst the horsemen; who by reason of their daily practise, had learned the use of that kind of fight. So that one thou∣sand of our Cavalry, in open and champain places, would, when need were, undergo the charge of seven thousand of theirs, and were not much terrified with the multitude of them. For at that time they made a fortu∣nate incounter, and slew one of the two Sa∣voiens, that had formerly fled to Pompey, with divers others.

Pompey having his Camp upon a hill, im∣battelled his Army at the lower foot thereof, to see if he could get Caesar to thrust himself into an unequall and disadvantageous place. Caesar thinking that Pompey would by no means be drawn to battell, thought it the fittest course for him to shift his Camp, and to be al∣waies in moving: hoping by often removes from place to place, he should be better accom∣modated

for provision of Corn; and withall, might upon a march find some occasion to fight; besides, he should weary Pompey's Ar∣my, not accustomed to travell, with daily and continuall journeys. And thereupon he gave the signe of dislodging.

But as the Tents were taken down, it was a little before observed, that Pompey's Army was advanced somewhat further from their Trenches, then ordinarily they were accustom∣ed; so that it seemed they might fight in an equall and indifferent place. Whereupon Cae∣sar, when his troups were already in the gates setting out, It behoveth us, saith he, to put off our removing for the present, and bethink our selves of fighting, as we have alwaies de∣sired; for we shall not easily hereafter find the like occasion: and presently drew out his for∣ces. Pompey also, as it was afterwards known, was resolved (at the instance of all that were about him) to give battell; for he had given out in councell some few daies before, that he would everthrow Caesar's Army, before the troups came to joyn battell.

And as many that stood by wondered at it; I know, saith he, that I promise almost an in∣credible matter: but take the ground where∣upon I speak it, that you may undergo the business with more assurance. I have per∣swaded the Cavalry, and they have promised to accomplish it, that when they come near to joyn,* 1.188 they shall attack Caesar's right Cornet on the open side; and so the Army being circum∣vented behind, shall be amused and routed, be∣fore our men can cast a weapon at them: where∣by we shall end the war without danger of the Legions, or almost without any wound recei∣ved.* 1.189 Which is not difficult or hard to do, for us that are so strong in horse. And withall, he gave order that they should be ready against the next day, forasmuch as the occasion was offered (according as they had often intended) not to deceive the opinion which other men had of their prowesse and valour.

Labienus seconding this speech, as contemn∣ing Caesar's forces, extolled Pompey's resolu∣tion to the skies. Do not think, Pompey, saith he, that this is the Army wherewith he conquered Gallia, or Germania: I was present my self at all those battells, and do not speak rashly what I am ••gnorant of. There is a very small piece of that Army remaining: a great part of them are dead, as it cannot otherwise be, in so many battells. The P••stilence (the last Au∣tumn) in Italy consumed many of them; many are gone home, and many are left in the Conti∣nent. Have ye not heard, that the Cohorts which are now at Brundusium, are made and raised of such as remained behind there to re∣cover their healths? These forces that ye see, were the last year gathered of the Musters made in the hither Gallia; and most of them, of the Colonies beyond the Po: and yet all the flower and strength of them was taken away in the last two overthrows at Dyrrachium.

When he had spoken these things, he took a solemn oath, not to return into the Camp but with victory, exhorting the rest to do the like. Pompey commending him, took the same oath: neither was there any man that refused it.

These things being thus carried in the coun∣cell, they rose up and departed, with great hope and joy of all men; as having already concei∣ved victory in their minds: and the rather, be∣cause they thought that nothing could be spoken vainly by so skilfull a Commander, in so weighty and important a Cause.

OBSERVATIONS.

COncerning the fashion of the Cavalry, in which either Party reposed so much confi∣dence, we are to note, that the Romans had two sorts of horsemen; the one compleatly armed (according to their manner) and incorporated in the body of their Legions, whose entertain∣ment was thrice as much as the footmen. Aeque impotens postulatum fuit (saith Livie) ut de stipendio equitum (merebant autem triplex ea tempestate) aera demerentur;* 1.190 It seemed as un∣reasonable a motion, that the horsemens pay, which at that time was triple, should be les∣sened. And the other were as light-horsemen, which they called Alarii.

The first sort were thus armed,* 1.191 as Josephus witnesseth;* 1.192 They wore a sword on their right side, somewhat longer then that of the foot∣men, and carried a long staffe or spear in their hand, a Target at their horse side, and three or more Darts in a quiver, with broad heads, and not much less then their staves; having such head pieces and corselets as the foot-men had.

The light-armed men, had either light Darts, or Bow and Arrows. And doubtlesse, their chiefest service was with their casting weapons. And accordingly Tully putteth his son in mind, of the praise he had got in Pompey's Army (where he commanded a wing of horse) Equi∣tando,* 1.193 jaculando, omni militari labore tole∣rando, in riding, casting darts, and undergoing all military duty.

And as their service consisted in breaking their Staves upon an Enemy, and in casting their Darts: so we exercise the practice of the former, in our triumphs at Tilt; and the Spa∣niards the later, in their Iocuo di cane.

Our modern horsemen are either Lanciers, Petronelliers, or Pistoliers. The Petronelliers do

[illustration]

discharge at distance, making their left hand, that holds the bridle, their rest: which is uncer∣tain, and to no great effect.

The Pistolier, that will do somewhat to pur∣pose, doth come up close to the other, & dis∣charge his Pistoll in his enemies neck, or under the corselet, about the flank or seat of a man; and commonly misseth not.

I have seen a device to use a Musket on horse-back, which if it prove as serviceable as is by some conceived, will be of great ad∣vantage.

CHAP. XXXI.

The manner of imbattelling their Armies.

AS Caesar approached near unto Pompey's Camp,* 1.194 he observed his Army to be imbattelled in this manner: There were in the left Cornet two legions, which, in the beginning of these broils, were by order and de∣cree of Senate taken from Caesar; whereof one was called the first, and the other the third: and with them stood Pompey. Scipio had the middle squadron, with the legions he brought out of Syria.

The Legion of Cilicia, joyned with the Spanish Cohorts, which Afranius brought with him, made the right Cornet. These Pompey held to be very strong. The rest of the troups were interlaced between the middle Squadron and the Cornets. All made one hundred and ten Cohorts, which amounted to fifty five thousand men: besides two thousand old soul∣diers, and men of note, whom he had called out to that war, and dispersed them over all the Army. The rest of the Cohorts, which were seven, he had left in the Camp, or disposed about the forts near adjoyning. The right Cor∣n••t was flanked with a River, that had high and cumbersome banks: and thereupon he put all his Cavalry, together with the Archers & Slingers, in the left Cornet.

Caesar, observing his former custome, placed the tenth legion in the right Cornet, and the ninth in the left; albeit they were very much weakened in the fights at Dyrrachium: but to this he so joyned the eighth, that he seemed al∣most to make one of two, and commanded them to succour each other. He had in all about eighty cohorts, which made twenty two thou∣sand men: two cohorts he left to keep the Camp. He gave the left Cornet to Antonius, the right to Pub. Sylla, and the middle Squadron to Cn. Domitius, and put him self opposite to Pompey. And withall having well observed these things (according as I have formerly declared) fear∣ing least the right Cornet should be inclosed about with the multitude of the Cavalry, he speedily drew six cohorts out of the third bat∣tell, and of them he made a fourth, to incounter the horsemen, and shewed them what he would have done; admonishing withall, that the victo∣ry of that day consisted in the valour of those cohorts: commanding the third battell, and likewise the whole Army, not to joyn battell without order from him; which when he thought fit, he would give them notice of by an Ensigne.

And going about to incourage them to fight, according to the use of war,* 1.195 he put them in mind of his favours, and his carriage towards them from time to time; and specially, that they themselves were witnesses, with what labour and means he had sought for peace,* 1.196 as well by treaty with Vatinius, as also by employing A. Clodius to Scipio: and likewise how he had endeavoured at Oricum with Libo, that Em∣bassadours might be sent to treat of these things. Neither was he willing at any time to misspend the souldiers blood, or to deprive the Common-wealth of either of those Ar∣mies.

This speech being delivered, the souldiers both requiring and longing with an ardent de∣sire to fight, he commanded the signe of battell to be given by a Trumpet.

OBSERVATIONS.

COncerning the order used in disposing these Armies, for the triall of this Cause, it appear∣eth by the storie, that Pompey set two Legions in his left Cornet, which are here named the first and the third. Howbeit Lucan saith, that those Legions were the first and the fourth.

—Cornus tibi cura sinistri, Lentule, cum prima, quae tum fuit optima bello, Et quarta legione datur.— —The left Cornets care, Which the first legion, (best in all that warre) And fourth made up, O Lentulus, was thine.

The middle squadron was led by Scipio, with the legions he brought out of Syria, which were also two; Exspectabat cum Scipione ex Syria legiones duas, he exspected Scipio out of Syria with two legions, as it is in the second chapter of this book.

In the right Cornet was the Cilician legion, with the Cohorts that Afranius brought out of Spain: which amounting to the number of a Legion, made that Cornet equall to the rest. And so of these six Legions, which were the strength and sinews of his Army, he fashioned his battell into a middle Squadron, and two

Cornets. His other forces, being young souldiers, he disposed in the distances, between the Cor∣nets and that middle Squadron.

Frontinus speaking of this point,* 1.197 saith; Le∣giones secundum virtutem, firm••ssimas in me∣dio, & in cornu locavit; spacia his interposita tyronibus supplevit: He disposed his legions according to their goodness & worth: the stout∣est he placed in the middle Squadron and the Cornets; filling up the spaces betwixt these with his young souldiers. His number of men, by our text, was fifty five thousand; but Plutarch ma∣keth them not above forty five thousand.

Caesar had not hall so many men, and yet made a triple battell; but not so thick or deep with Legions: for in the right Cornet he put the tenth Legion, and in the left the ninth and the eighth; being both weak and far spent, by the former overthrows. Of the other Legions he maketh no mention: but it seemeth they filled up the distances between the Cornets and the body of the Army; and were as flesh to those sinews and bones, which out of the prerogative of their valour, took the place of the Cornets, and the middle bulk of the battell. And fearing least his right Cornet should be encumvented by the multitude of their Cavalry, he drew six Cohorts out of his third or last battell, to make a fourth battell to oppose the Cavalry: which got him the victory. For howsoever the Text saith, Singulas cohortes detraxit:* 1.198 yet Plutarch saith plainly, that those Cohorts he thus took were six, and amounted to three thousand men; which riseth to the number of so many Cohorts. And Appian agreeing hereunto, saith, that his fourth battell consisted of three thousand men.* 1.199 Fronti∣nus likewise affirmeth, he took out six Conorts, & tenuit in subsidio, sed dextro latere con∣versas in obliquum; and kept them as a reserve, placing them off obliquely from the right cor∣net. Whereunto that of Lucan agreeth;

—Tenet obliquas post signa cohortes. He plac'd these troups oblique behind the battell.

Which is thus to be understood; that they turned their faces towards the left Cornet of Pompey's Army, that they might be the rea∣dier to receive the Cavalry coming on to in∣close Caesar's right wing; as being sure of the other side, which was fenced with a River and a Marish.

Touching Caesar's Speech to the souldiers, it seemed like that of Themistocles at the bat∣tell of Salamina: where Xerxes made a long Oration to encourage the Persians, and lost the day; Themistocles spake but a few words to the Greeks, and got the victory. Howsoever, one thing is not to be omitted, that Plutarch, and such others as have dipped their pens either in the sweat or in the blood of this battell, do all agree, that Caesar had not above twenty two thousand men.

CHAP. XXXII.

The Battell beginneth; and Caesar overcometh.

THere was one Crastinus in Caesar's Army,* 1.200 called out to this war, who the year before had led the first company of the tenth Legion, a man of singular valour; who up∣on the signe of battell given, Follow me, saith he, as many of you as were of my company; and do that endeavour to your Emperour, which you have alwaies been willing to perform. This is the onely battell remaining unfought: which being ended, he shall be restored to his dignity, and we to our liberty. And withall, looking to∣wards Caesar, I will, saith he, O Emperour, so carry my self this day, that thou shalt give me thanks, either aliver or dead. And when he had thus spoken, he was the first that ran out of the right Cornet: and about one hundred and twenty elected souldiers of the same Centurie followed voluntarily after him.

There was so much space left between both the battells, as might serve either Army to meet upon the charge. But Pompey had com∣manded his men to receive Caesar's assault, and to undergo the shock of his Army, without mo∣ving from the place wherein they stood (and that by the advice of C. Triarius) to the end that the first running out and violence of the souldiers being broken, and the battel distend∣ed, they that stood perfect in their Orders, might set upon them that were scattered and disper∣sed: hoping the piles would not fall so forcea∣bly upon the Army standing still, as when they advanced forward to meet them; and that it would fall out withall, that Caesar's souldiers, having twice as far to run, would by that means be out of breath, and spent with wea∣rinesse.

Which, in my opinion, was against all rea∣son: for there is a certain incitation and ala∣crity of spirit naturally planted in every man, which is inflamed with a desire to fight. Nei∣ther should any Commander represse or re∣strain the same, but rather increase it, and set it forward.

Nor was it in vain of ancient time ordained, that the Trumpets should every where sound, and every man take up a shout but that they thought these things did both terrifie the Ene∣my, and incite their own Party.

But our souldiers, upon the signe of Battell, running out with their Piles ready to be

thrown, and perceiving that Pompey's soul∣diers did not make out to meet them (as men taught with long use, and exercised in former fights) stopt their course of their own accord, and almost in the mid-way stood still; that they might not come to blows upon the spending of their strength: and after a little respite of time, running on again, threw: their piles, and presently drew their swords, as Caesar had commanded them. Neither were Pompey's souldiers wanting in this business; for they received the piles which were cast at them, took the shock of the Legions, kept their ranks, cast their piles, and betook them to their swords.

At the same time, the Cavalry, according as was commanded them, issued out from Pom∣pey's left Cornet, and the whole multitude of Archers thrust themselves out. Whose assault our horsemen were not able to endure, but fell back a little from the place wherein they stood: whereby Pompey's horsemen began to presse them with more eagerness, and to put them∣selves in squadrons, to inclose the Army about. Which Caesar perceiving, gave the signe of ad∣vancing forward to the fourth Battell, which he had made up of six Cohorts; who came with such a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon Pompey's horsemen, that none of them were able to stand before them, but turning their backs, did not onely give place, but fled all as fast as they could to the highest Hills: whereby the Archers and Slingers being left naked without succour, were all put to the sword. And with the same violence, those Cohorts incompassed about the left Cornet, not∣withstanding any resistance that could be made by Pompey's party, and charged them behind upon their backs.

At the same time Caesar commanded the third Battell, which as yet stood still, and were not removed, to advance forward: by means of which fresh and sound men, re∣lieving such as were faint and weary, as al∣so that others did charge them behind up∣on their backs, Pompey's party were able no longer to endure it, but all turned their backs and fled.

Neither was Caesar deceived in his opinion, that the beginning of the victory would grow from those Cohorts which he placed in the fourth Battell, against the horsemen: ac∣cording as he himself had openly spoken, in his incouragement to the souldiers. For by them first the Cavalry was beaten, by them the Archers and Slingers were slain, by them Pompey's Battell was circumvented on the left Cornet, and by their means they began to flie.

As soon as Pompey saw his Cavalry beaten, and perceived the part wherein he most trusted, to be amused and affrighted, and distrusting the rest, he forthwith left the Bat∣tell, and conveighed himself on horseback into the Camp. And speaking to the Centurions that had the watch at the Praetorian gate with a loud voice, as all the souldiers might hear, he said, Keep the Camp, & defend it diligently, to prevent any hard casualty that may hap∣pen. In the mean while, I will go about to the other Ports, to settle the Guards of the Camp.

And having thus said, he went into the Praetorium, distrusting the main point, and yet expecting the event.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

POmpey so carried himself in the course of this war, as he rather seemed a sufferer then a doer: never disposing his Army for any at∣tempt or on-set, but onely when he brake out of the place wherein he was besieged at Dyr∣rachium. And accordingly he gave order, that in the main action & point of triall, his souldiers should suffer and sustain the assault, rather then otherwise. But whether he did well or no, hath since been in question. Caesar utterly disliked it, as a thing contrary to reason.* 1.201 Est quaedam (saith he) animi incitatio atque alacritas, naturali∣ter innata omnibus, quae stud••o pugnae incen∣ditur; hanc non reprimere, sed augere Impe∣ratores debent. There is a certain incitation and alacrity of spirit naturally planted in every man, which is inflamed with a desire to fight. Neither should any Commander represse or restrain the same, but rather increase it, and set it forward.

Agreeable whereunto is that of Cato the Great; that in cases of battell, and Enemy is to be charged with all violence. And to that purpose it is requisite, to put the souldiers (at some reasonable distance) into a posture of vaunting and definance, with menaces and cries of terrour; and then to spring forward in such manner, as may make them fall upon their enemies with greater furie: As Champions or Wrastlers, before they buckle, stretch out their limbs, and make their flourishes as may best serve to assure themselves, and discourage their adversaries; according as we read of Her∣cules and Antaeus.

Ille Cleonaei projecit terga Leonis,* 1.202 Antaeus Liby••i: persud••t membra liquore Hospes, Olympiacae servato more Palaestrae. Ille parum ••idens pedibus contingere ma∣trem, Auxilium membris, calidas infudit arenas. The one throws by's Cleoncan Lion's skin, The other's Libyan; and ere they begin,

The one anoints himself from top to toe, As the Olympian Gamesters use to do. Not sure his foe would let his feet touch ground, Himself with sand Antaeus sprinkles round.

Howbeit, forasmuch as all men are not of one temper, but require severall fashions to tune their minds to the true note of a battel, we shall find severall Nations to have severall usances in this point. The Romans (as appeareth by this of Caesar) were of ancient time accustomed to sound Trumpets and Hoboies, in all parts of the Army, and to take up a great clamour and shout, whereby the souldiers (in their under∣standing) were incouraged, and the Enemy affrighted.* 1.203 Whereas, contrariwise, the Greeks went alwaies with a close and silent mouth,* 1.204 as having more to do then to say to their Enemies. And Thucydides, writing of the Lacedemoni∣ans, (the flower of Greece for matter of Arms) saith, that instead of Trumpets and Cornets to incite them, they used the sweet harmony of Flutes, to moderate and qualify their passions, least they should be transported with unbridled impetuesity.

It is reported, that Marshall Biron the Fa∣ther, seemed to dislike of our English march (hearing it beaten by the Drums) as too slow, and of no encouragement: and yet it so fitteth our Nation (as Sir Roger Williams then answe∣red) as we have divers times over-run all France with it. Howsoever, the event of this battel is sufficient to disprove Pompey's errour herein, and to make good what Caesar commanded.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THese six Cohorts, which made the fourth battel, did so encounter Pompey's Caval∣ry, that they were not able to withstand them. It is said, that Caesar gave them order not to sling their Piles, as commonly they did, but to hold them in their hands like a Pike or a Javelin, and make only at the faces of those Gallants, and men at Arms on horseback. For the holding of them in their hands, I do not understand it, and cannot conceive how they could reach more then the next ranks unto them in that manner. But for making at the faces of the Cavalry,* 1.205 Florus saith that Caesar, as he galloped up and down the ranks, was heard to let fall bloudy and bitter words, but very patheticall, and effectuall for a victory: as thus, Souldier, cast right at the face: whereas Pompey called to his men, to spare their fellow-Citizens.

Eutropius, in his Epitome of Suetonius, af∣firmeth the same thing, both of the one and of the other: and Lucan seemeth to averre the same, concerning that of Caesar;

Adversosque jubetferro contundere vultus.* 1.206 He bids them strike just at the Enemies face.

Frontinus hath it thus;* 1.207 C. Caesar, cum in partibus Pompeianis magna equitum Roma∣norum esset manus, eaque armorum scientia milites conficeret, ora oculosque eorum gladiis peti jussit, & sic adversam faciem cedere co∣egit: Pompey having in his army a great com∣pany of Roman Knights, who being well-skill'd at their weapons made an end of their enemies; Caesar commanded his men to make at their fa∣ces and eyes: and thereby compelled them to turn away their faces.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

AMongst these memorialls Crastinus may not be forgotten, being the first man that began the battel;* 1.208 whom Plutarch calleth C. Crassinius, and saith, that Caesar seeing him in the morning as he came out of his Tent, asked him what he thought of the successe of the battel. Crastinus, stretching out his right hand unto him, cried out aloud, O Caesar, thine is the vi∣ctory; and this day shalt thou commend me ei∣ther alive or dead. And accordingly, he brake afterwards out of the ranks; and running a∣mongst the midst of his Enemies, with many that followed him, made a great slaughter. At last one ran him into the mouth, that the swords point came out at his neck, and so slew him.

By him, and others of like courage and worth, was Caesar raised from the extremity of his wants, and the disgrace of his former los∣ses, to the chiefest height of earthly glory: and herein might well assume unto himself, that which was formerly said of the people, Mag∣na populi Romani fortuna, sed semper in ma∣lis major resurrexit; Great is the fortune of the people of Rome; but it still growes greater & increaseth by troubles: together with that of Plutarch,* 1.209 Res invicta Romanorum arma, The Roman Arms are things invincible. Lucan speaking of Scaeva formerly mentioned,* 1.210 saith,* 1.211 He shewed a great deal of valour to get Rome a Lord. But upon Crastinus he laieth a heavy doom.

D••i tibi non mortem, quae cunctis poena pa∣ratur, Sed sensum post fata tuae dent, Crastine, morti, Cujus torta manu commisit lancea bellum, Primaque Thessaliam Romano sanguine tinxit. Maist thou not only dy, which all men do; But dy, and have thy senses after too. A lance thrown by thy hand the fight began. When with brave Roman bloud Thessalia ran.

[illustration]

SABINVS AND COTTA

CHAP. XXXIII.

Caesar presseth hard after the Enemy, and taketh the Camp.

POmpey's souldiers being thus for∣ced to fly into their Camp,* 1.212 Caesar thinking it expedient to give them no time of respite, exhorted the Ar∣my to use the benefit of Fortune, and to assault the Camp: who notwithstanding the extreme heat (for the businesse was drawn out untill it was high noon) were willing to undergo any labour, and to yield obedience to his command∣ments. The Camp was industriously defended by the Cohorts that had the guard thereof; but much more stoutly by the Thracians, and other succours of Barbarous people. For such soul∣diers as were fled thither out of the battel, were so terrified in mind and spent with wearinesse, that most of them (having laid aside their Arms and Military Ensigns) did rather think how they might best escape, then to defend the Camp. Neither could they which stood upon the Rampter any longer endure the multi∣tude of weapons; but fainting with wounds, forsook the place, and presently fled into the high Mountains adjoining unto the Camp, be∣ing led thither by the Centurions and Tribunes of the souldiers.

In the Camp were found tables ready laid and prepared with linen, together with cup∣bords of plate furnished and set out, and their Tents strewed with fresh herbs and rushes; and that of Lentulus and divers others with Ivie, and many other superfluities, discovering their extreme luxury and assurance of victory. Whereby it was easily to be conceived, that they nothing feared the event of that day, being so carefull of such unnecessary delights. And yet for all this, they upbraided Caesar's pati∣ent and miserable Army, with riot and ex∣cesse: to whom there were alwaies wanting such requisites as were expedient for their necessary uses.

Pompey, whenas our men were come with∣in the Camp, having got a horse, and cast a∣way all Ensigns of Imperiall authority got out at the Decumane gate, and made towards Larissa as fast as his horse could carry him. Neither did he stay there; but with the same speed (having got a few followers that escaped by flight) posting night and day, came at length to the Sea side with a troup of thirty horse, and there went aboard a ship of burthen: com∣plaining that his opinion only deceived him; being as it were betraied by such as began first to fly, from whom he hoped chiefly to have had the victory.

OBSERVATIONS.

VVHereas it is said,* 1.213 That a dilatory course is very profitable and safe; we are to understand it as a chief and main point in the duty of an Embassadour, to temporize in things which are pressed hard upon him:* 1.214 as being accountable for words and time; but no way charged with expeditions of war; wherein Pro∣traction is oftentimes the interrupter of abso∣lute victory, and the only supplanter of that which is desired. Vincere scis Hannibal, sed victoria uti nescis, Thou knowest well enough how to get the victory,* 1.215 Hannibal, but thou knowest not how to use it; was a common by-word, and happened then well for the State of Rome. But now it fell out otherwise; ha∣ving met with one that knew how to con∣quer, and how to follow victory to purpose.

For notwithstanding the battel he had fought, and the advantage he had thereby got, might have seemed sufficient for one daies la∣bour;* 1.216 yet he would not let occasion passe, without taking the benefit that was then of∣fered: and never ceased untill he had for∣ced the Camp, and overtaken those that esca∣ped the battel: and so made victory sure unto him, by driving the nail home to the head. In regard whereof, he did not un••itly use for his word or Motto, (as they call it) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, BY DEFERRING NO∣THING.

CHAP. XXXIV.

Caesar besiegeth those that were escaped into the Hills.

CAesar having got the Camp,* 1.217 instant∣ly required the souldiers not to look after pillage and booty, and let slip the means of ending the rest of their businesse. Which after he had obtained, he began to inclose the Hill about with works of fortification. They of Pompey's party, dis∣trusting the place, for that the Hill had no water, left it at an instant. And all

those that were partakers of that fortune, made towards Larissa. Which Caesar observing, di∣vided his forces, and commanded part of the Legions to remain in Pompey's Camp, and part he sent back into his own: and leading four Legions along with him, he took a nearer way to meet with them; and having gone six miles, he imbattelled his forces. Which they percei∣ving, betook themselves unto a high Hill, un∣der which ran a River.

Caesar perswaded the souldiers, albeit they were spent with continuall labour all that day, and that night was now at hand, yet they would not think it much to cut off the River from the Hill by a fortification, to keep them from watering in the night. Which work being perfected, they began by Commissioners to treat of conditions of yielding themselves. Some few of the Senatours escaped in the night-time a∣way by flight.

Caesar, as soon as it was day, caused them all to come down from the Hill into the Plain, and there to cast away their Armes: which they performed without refusall; and casting them∣selves upon the earth, their hands spred abroad, with shedding of many tears, desired mercy. Caesar comforting them, commanded they should stand up: and having spoken somewhat touching his clemency, a little to case them of their fear, he gave them all their lives with safety; commanding the souldiers not to hurt any of them, nor that they should want any thing that was theirs.

These things being thus atchieved with di∣ligence, he caused other Legions to meet him from the Camp, sending those he had with him to rest themselves; and the same day came to Larissa. In that battell he lost not above two hundred souldiers; but of Centurions, valiant men, he lost thirty. And Crasti∣nus fighting valiantly was slain (of whom we formerly made mention) with a sword thrust into the face. Neither was that fals-which he said as he went to the battell: for Caesar was perswaded, that Cras••inus be∣haved himself admirably in that fight, and did deserve as well of him as a man possibly could.

There were slain of Pompey's Army about fifteen thousand:* 1.218 howbeit there were of them that yielded themselves above twenty four thousand. For such Cohorts as were in the Forts, did likewise yield themselves to Sylla: and many fled into the next Towns and Cities. Of military Ensignes there were brought out of the battell to Caesar one hundred and four∣score, with nine Eagles. L. Domitius flying out of the Camp into the Mount, sainting for want of strength, was slain by the horse∣men.

OBSERVATIONS.

ANd thus we see the issue of that battell, and the victory which Caesar obtained at as cheap a rate as could be imagined: for there were slain twenty three thousand of the enemy, and as many taken, by rendring themselves, with the losse of two hundred souldiers, and thirty Cen∣turions; amongst whom was Crastinus: whose death obliged Caesar to make this honourable mention of his valour. But as it is observed by Dionysius Halicarnasseus,* 1.219 Non Deus quis∣piam se ducibus, pro salute omnium qui cer∣tamen ineunt, sponsorem sistit: nec ea condi∣dione imperium accepimus, ut omnes homines devincamus, nullo ex nostris amisso. No God can promise a Generall the safety of all his men: neither do we take commands upon that condi∣tion, to conquer all our enemies without the loss of a man.

CHAP. XXXV.

Laelius attempteth to block in the Haven at Brundusium: and Cassius fireth Caesar's ships at Messina.

ABout the same time D. Laelius came with his Navy to Brundusium;* 1.220 and according as Libo formerly did, took the Iland in the mouth of the Port. And in like manner Vatinius, Governour of Brundusium, having furnished and sent out certain Skiffs, inticed out Laelius ships, and of them took a Galley, with two lesser ships, that were further shot out into the straights of the Port: and also had dispo∣sed his Cavalry along the shore, to keep the Mariners from fetching water. But Laelius having the time of the year more favourable and fitter for sayling, supplied his Army with water from Corfu and Dyrrachium: neither could he be beaten off his designe, nor be dri∣ven out of the Port, or from the Iland, either with the dishonour of the ships he lost, or with scarcity and want of all necessaries, untill he heard of the battell in Thessalia.

About the same time also Cassius came in∣to Sicilia, with the Navy of Syria, Phoenicia and Cilicia. And whereas Caesar's ships were divi∣ded into two parts; Pub-Sulpitius, Praetor, being Admirall of the one half, and lying at Vibone in the Straights, and M. Pomponius Admirall of the other half at Messana; Cassius came first to Messana, and was arrived before Pompo∣nius heard of his coming: by which means he surprised him, distracted, and much amused, without any order or guards. And finding a

[illustration]

CICERO BESIEGED

strong and favourable wind, filled the ships of burthen with Rosin, Pitch and ••ow, and like matter of firing; and sending them out to Pomponius Navy, he burned all the ships, being in number thirty five, amongst which there were twenty that had decks.* 1.221 By means whereof they conceived such a terrour, that al∣beit there was a legion in Garrison at Messa∣na, yet the Town was hardly kept. And, but that certain Messengers coming post, brought news at the same instant of Caesar's victory, most men thought the Town would have been lost: but the news coming so opportunely, the town was kept.

Cassius departed from thence, and went to Sulpitius fleet at Vibone; where our ships being brought to shore for fear of the like danger, he there did as he did before; for finding the wind good, he sent in forty ships of burthen, furnished with matter to burn the Navy. The fire having taken hold of both Cornets of the fleet, five of them were burned down to the water. And as the flame began to be further carried with the wind, the souldiers of the old legions which were left for the defense of the shipping, and were of the number of them that were sick, did not in∣dure the dishonour: but getting aboard of their own accord, put the ships from the shore; and set∣ting upon Cassius fleet, took two Gallies, in one of the which was Cassius himself: but he being ta∣ken out with a Skiff, fled away. And further∣more, they took two Triremes. Not long after certain news came of the battell in Thessalia, so that Pompey's party believed it: for before that time, it was thought to be but a thing given out by Caesar's Legates, and other of his friends. Whereupon Cassius departed with his Navy, and left those places.

OBSERVATIONS.

THe branches of a Tree do receive life from the stock, and the stock is maintained by the root, which being once cut asunder, there re∣maineth no life for stock or bough, leaf or branch. Accordingly it happened with this large-spred Party; the root whereof was then in Thessalia: and being broken asunder by the violence of Caesar's forces, it booted not what Laelius did at Brundusium, or Cassius either at Messana, or Vibone. For all the parts were over∣thrown with the body: and the fortune of the battell over-swaid other petty losses whatsoever; being so powerfull in the opinion of the world, Ut quo se fortuna, eodem etiam favor hominum inclinat,* 1.222 that what way soever fortune goes, the same way goes the favour of the people: Or, as Lucan saith,* 1.223

—Rapimur, quo cuncha feruntur, We're snatch'd that way that things are carried.

CHAP. XXXVI.

Caesar pursueth Pompey: who is slain in Egypt.

CAesar setting all other things apart,* 1.224 thought it expedient for him to pursue Pompey into what parts soever he should betake himself, least he should raise new forces, and renew the war again: and thereupon made forward every day, as far as his Caval∣ry was able to go; commanding one Legion to follow after by lesser journeys. There was a pu∣blication made in Pompey's name at Amphi∣polis, that all the youth of that Province, as well Greeks as Citizens of Rome, should come to be inrolled for the war. But it is not possible to discover, whether Pompey did it to take away all cause of suspicion, that he might the longer hide his purpose of flying away; or whether he went about by new levies to keep Macedonia, if no man pressed hard after him.

Howsoever, he himself lay at Anchour there one night. And calling unto him his ancient Hosts and Friends, he took so much money of them as would defray his necessary charges: and understanding of Caesar's coming, within a few daies he hoised sail and departed thence, arriving at Mitylene, where he was kept two daies with foul weather; and there renforcing his fleet with some Gallies he took to him, he went into Cilicia, and from thence to Cyprus. There he understood, that by the generall consent of the Antiochians, and such Citizens of Rome as were there residing, the Citadell was already taken to keep him out: and that Messengers were sent about, to those that were fled from his Party into the bordering Cities, forbidding them to come to Antioch; for if they did, they should hazard it with the danger of their heads. The like happened to L. Lentulus, who the year before was Consul, and to Pub. Lentu∣lus, of Consular dignity, and to some other at Rhodes. For as many as fled thither after Pompey, and came unto the Iland, were neither received into the Town nor into the Haven; but were commanded by Messengers sent un∣to them, to depart from thence, and forced to weigh anchour against their will. And now the fame of Caesar's coming was spred abroad throughout all the Cities.

Whereupon Pompey, leaving off his purpose of going into Syria, having taken what money he found in Bank, besides what he could borrow of his private friends, and putting abroad great store of Brasse for the use of war; with two thousand Armed men (which he had raised partly out of the towns, and partly had

forced up amongst the Merchants, and such others of his followers whom he thought fit for this business, he came to Pelusium. There by chance was king Ptolemy, a child within years, with great forces making war against his sister Cleopatra; whom a few Months before, by means of his Allies and Friends he had thrust out of his kingdome: And Cleopatra's Camp was not far distant from his.

Pompey sent unto him, that in regard of ancient hospitality, and the amity he had with his Father, he might be received into A∣lexandria: and that he would aid and support him with his wealth and means, being now fallen into misery and calamity. But they that were sent, having done their message, be∣gan to speak liberally to the Kings sould••ers, and to exhort them, that they would stand to Pompey, not despising the low ebbe of fortune he was brought to. Amongst them were ma∣ny that had been Pompey's souldiers, which Gabinius had received out of his army in Sy∣ria, and had brought them to Alexandria; and upon the ending of the war, had left them with Ptolemy, the father of this child. These things being known, such as had the procura∣tion of the kingdome in the minority of the Boy, whether they were induced through fear of gaining the Army, (as afterwards they confessed) whereby Pompey might easily seize upon Alexandria and Egypt; or whether despising his fortune (as for the most part, in time of misery a mans friends do become his enemies;) did give a good answer publickly to such as were sent, and willed him to come unto the King: but secretly plotting amongst themselves, sent Achillas, a chief Comman∣der, and a man of singular audacity, together with L. Septimius, Tribune of the souldiers, to kill Pompey. They giving him good words, and he himself also knowing Septimius to have led a Company under him in the war against the P••rats, went aboard a little Bark with a few of his souldiers: and there was slain by Achillas and Septimius. In like manner L. Lentulus was apprehended by command∣ment from the King, and killed in prison.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

IF it be now demanded, Where was Caesar's desire of Peace? and, Why pursued he not a treaty of Composition, at this time, when as his tale would have been heard with gladnesse, and any conditions of atonement very ac∣ceptable to the vanquished? the answer is already made in the beginning of this? Commentary; That there was but one time of making peace: & that was when both Parties were equall; which was now past, and Caesar too far gone, to look back upon any thing that might work a recon∣cilement. The one was crept so high, and the other cast down so low, that they seemed not compatible in any Medium, although it were to the saving of the Empire. Howbeit, it is not denied but that Pompey gave great oc∣casion of these wars.* 1.225 For Seneca saith; He had brought the Commonwealth to that passe, that it could not longer stand, but by the be∣nefit of servitude. And he that will look in∣to the reasons of this confusion, shall find all those Causae corrumpentes, or ruining causes, which are noted by Aristotle to threaten the wellfare of a State, in the excesse of Pompey's exorbitancy.* 1.226 For, having nothing in a Mean, he held all his fortunes by the tenure of Ni∣mium; and was overgrown, first, with too much honour, secondly, with too much wealth, thirdly, with too much power; whereby he exceeded the proportion of his fellow-Citi∣zens, and soblemished the beauty of that State, whose chiefest graces were in a suting equali∣ty.* 1.227 And adding to these the convulsions of fear, he made no difficulty to ingage Rome in a bloudy war; as having no other hope, but in the confusion of Arms.

It is said that at his arrivall at Mitylene, he had much conference with Cratippus, whom Tully mentioneth in his Offices: wherein, amongst other remonstrances, the Philosopher made it plain, that his course of government had brought a necessity of changing that State from the liberty of a Commonwealth, to the condition of a just Monarchy.* 1.228 And such it sell to Caesars fortune, if there were any er∣rous committed in the seizure, he may take the benefit of the generall pardon, exemplified by Trebellius Pollio, That no Nation can shew a Man that is altogether blamelesse.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

COncerning the State of Aegypt, we are to note, that Alexander the Great being cut off by death, his Captains laid hold upon such Provinces and kingdomes as were under their commands: amongst whom one Ptolemeus the son of Lagus, a Macedonian, seized upon Aegypt, where he reigned 40 years; and of him were all his successours called by the name of Ptolemy. This first Ptolemy possest him∣self of Egypt about the year of the world 3640: which was 275 years before Pom∣pey's overthrow. His son that succeeded by the name of Ptolemy Philadelphus, caused the Bible to be translated out of Hebrew into Greek by 70 Interpreters, which are called the Septu∣agint; and made the famous Library which was burned in these wars.

The Father of this young Ptolemy, was the ninth in succession from the first, and at his death, made the people of Rome Tutors to his children. His eldest son and Cleopatra his daughter reigned together six years; but in the end fell to strife and wars, and were deeply ingaged therein when Pompey arrived. But shortly after Caesar so ordered the differences, that he set the Crown upon Cleopatra's head; who held it peaceably, untill she came to play that tragicall part with Antony: which being ended, the kingdome was then reduced to a Pro∣vince, under the obedience of the Roman Empire.

Concerning this miserable end of Pompey, it is truly said of Seneca,* 1.229 that Death is alike to all: for although the waies are divers by which it happeneth, yet they all meet in the same end. And forasmuch as Plutarch hath described particularly the manner of this Catastrophe, it shall not be impertinent to insert his relation thereof.

When Pompey heard news that king Ptole∣my was in the City of Pelusium with his Army,* 1.230 making war against his sister, he went thither, and sent a Messenger before unto the king, to advertise him of his arrivall, and to intreat him to receive him. King Ptolemy was then but a young man, insomuch that one Photinus go∣verned all the whole Realm under him. He as∣sembled a Councell of the chiefest and wisest men of the Court, who had such credit and au∣thority as it pleased him to give them. They being assembled, he commanded every man in the Kings name to say his mind, touching the receiving of Pompey, whether the king should receive him or not. It was a miserable thing to see Photinus, an Eunuch of the Kings, and Theodotus of Chio, an hired Schoolmaster to teach the young king Rhetorick, and Achillas an Aegyptian, to consult among themselves what they should do with Pompey the Great. These were the chiefest Councellours of all his Eunuchs, and of those that had brought him up.

Now did Pompey ride at anchour upon the shore side, expecting the resolution of this Councell: in the which the opinions were di∣vers; for some would not have him received, o∣thers consented that he should be received. But the Rhetorician Theodotus, to shew his elo∣quence, perswaded them that neither the one nor the other was to be accepted. For, quoth he, if we receive him, we shall have Caesar our e∣nemy, and Pompey our Lord; and if we do deny him on the other side, Pompey will blame us for refusing him, and Caesar for not keeping of him: therefore this would be the best resolu∣tion, he told them, to send to kill him, for there∣by they should win the good will of the one, and not fear the displeasure of the other. And some say moreover that he added this mock withall, A dead man bites not. They being determined of this among themselves, gave A∣chillas commission to do it. He taking with him Septimius (who had charge aforetime un∣der Pompey) and Salvius, another Centurion also, with three or four souldiers besides, they made towards Pompey's Gallies, about whom were at that time the chiefest of his train, to see what would become of this matter. But when they saw the likelihood of their entertainment, and that it was not in Princely shew nor man∣ner, nor nothing answerable to the hope which Theophanes had put them in, seeing so few men come to them in a fisher-boat; they began then to mistrust the small account that was made of them, and counselled Pompey to return back, and to launch again into the sea, being out of the danger of the hurling of a Dart.

In the mean time the fisher-boat drew near, and Septimius rose, and saluted Pompey in the Roman tongue, by the name of Imperator, as much as sovereign Captain: and Achillas also spake to him in the Greek tongue, and bade him come into his boat; because that by the shore side there was a great deal of mud and sand banks, so that his Galley should have no wa∣ter to bring him in. At the very same time they saw afar off divers of the Kings Gallies, which were arming with all speed possible, and all the shore besides full of souldiers. Thus, though Pompey and his company would have altered their minds, they could not have told how to have escaped: and furthermore, shewing that they had mistrusted them, then they had given the murderer occasion to have executed his cru∣elty. So taking his leave of his wife Cornelia, who lamented his death before his end, he com∣manded two Centurions to go down before him into the Aegyptians boat, and Philip, one of his slaves infranchised, with another slaves, cal∣led Scynes. When Achillas reached out his hand to receive him into his boat, he turned him to his wife and son, and said these verses of So∣phocles unto them;

The man that into Court comes free, Must there in state of bondage be.

These were the last words he spake unto his peo∣ple, when he left his own Gally and went into the Aegyptians boat, the land being a great way off from his Gally. When he saw never a man in the boat speak friendly unto him, beholding Septimius, he said unto him; Me thinks, my friend, I should know thee, for that thou hast served with me heretofore. The other nodded with his head; that it was true, but gave him no answer, nor shewed him any courtesy.

Pompey seeing that no man spake to him, took a little book he had in his hand, in which he had written an Oration that he meant to make unto King Ptolemy, and began to read

it. When they came near to the shore, Cornelia with her servants and friends about her, stood up in her ship, in great fear, to see what should become of Pompey. So she hoped well, when she saw many of the Kings people on the shore, coming towards Pompey at his landing, as it were to receive and honour him. But even as Pompey took Philip his hand to arise more easi∣ly, Septimius came first behind him, and thrust him through with his sword: next unto him also Salvius and Achillas drew out their swords in like manner. Pompey then did no more but took up his gown with his hands, and hid his face, & manly abode the wounds they gave him, onely sighing a little. Thus, being 59 years old, he ended his life the next day after the day of his birth.

They that rode at anchour in their ships, when they saw him murthered, gave such a fearfull cry, that it was heard to the shore: then weighing up their anchours with speed, they hoised sail and departed their way, having wind at will that blew a lusty gale. As soon as they had gotten the main Sea, the Aegyptians which prepared to row after them, when they saw they were past their reach, and unpossible to be overtaken, they let them go. Then having stricken off Pompey's head, they threw his body over-board, for a miserable spectacle to all those that were desirous to see him.

Philip, his enfranchised bond-man, remained ever by it, untill such time as the Aegyptians had seen it their bellies full. Then, having washed his body with salt water, & wrapped it up in an old shirt of his, because he had no other shift to lay it in, he sought upon the sands, & found at length a piece of an old fishers boat, enough to serve to burn his naked body with, but not all fully out. As he was busie gathering the broken pieces of this boat together, thither came unto him an old Roman, who in his youth had served under Pompey, and said unto him; O friend, what art thou that preparest the funeralls of Pompey the Great? Philip answered that he was a bond∣man of his, infranchised. Well, said he, thou shalt not have all this honour alone: I pray thee yet let me accompany thee in so devout a deed, that I may not altogether repent me to have dwelt so long in a strange Country, where I have abid∣den such misery and trouble; but that to recom∣pence me withall, I may have this good hap, with mine own hands to touch Pompey's body, and to help to burie the onely and most famous Captain of the Romans.

The next day after, Lucius Lentulus (not knowing what had passed) coming out of Cy∣prus, sailed by the shore side, and perceived a fire made for funeralls, & Philip standing by it; whom he knew not at the first. So he asked him, What is he that is dead, and buried there? But straight fetching a great sigh, Alas, said he, per∣haps it is Pompey the Great. Then he landed a little, and was straight taken and slain. This was the end of Pompey the Great. Not long after Caesar also came into Aegypt, that was in great wars; where Pompey's head was presented unto him: but he turned his head aside and would not see it, and abhorred him that brought it as a detestable murtherer. Then taking his Ring wherewith he sealed his Letters, where∣upon was graven a Lyon holding a sword, he burst out a weeping. Achillas and Photinus he put to death. King Ptolemy himself also being overthrown in battell by the River of Nilus, vanished away, and was never heard of after. Theodotus the Rhetorician escaped Caesar's hands, and wandered up and down Aegypt in great misery, despised of every man. Afterwards Marcus Brutus (who slew Caesar) conquering Asia, met with him by chance, and putting him to all the torments he could possibly devise, at the length slew him. The ashes of Pompey's body were afterwards brought unto his wife Corne∣lia; who buried them in a town of hers, by the City of Alba.

And having in this manner paid the tribute which the law of Nature doth exact,* 1.231 the law of the Twelve Tables did free his Sepulchre from any further disturbance;* 1.232 Ubi corpus demortui hominis condas, sacer esto, Let that place be sa∣cred,* 1.233 where the body of a dead man is buried. Onely this may be added;* 1.234 That as Fabius was called Maximus, Scipio Magnus, and Pom∣pey Magnus, which titles they carried as marks of speciall Nobleness, to raise them above the common worth of men: so their ends made them even with the lowest of the State. According to that of Seneca; Intervallis distinguimur; exitu aquamur: Here we are distinguished by di∣stances, but death makes us all equall.

CHAP. XXXVII.

Prodigious Accidents happening upon the Battell in Pharsalia. Caesar cometh into Egypt.

CAesar coming into Asia,* 1.235 found T. Ampius going about to take the money out of the Temple of Diana at Ephesus: and for that cause to have called together all the Sena∣tours that were in the Province, that he might use them as witnesses in the matter. But being interrupted by Caesar's arrivall, he fled away. So that two severall times, the money was sa∣ved at Ephesus by Caesar's means. It was fur∣ther found very certain, that in the Temple of Minerva at Elis (a just calculation of the time being taken) the same day that Caesar over∣threw

Pompey, the Image of Victory, which stood before Minerva, and looked towards her pourtraiture, did turn it self towards the Por∣tall and the Temple-gate. And the same day likewise there was such a noise of an Army twice heard at Antioch in Syria, and such soun∣ding of Trumpets, that the City ran in Armes to keep the walls. The like happened at Ptole∣mais. And likewise at Pergamus, in the remote and hidden places of the Temple, which are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, into which it is not lawfull for any man to enter but the Priests, were bells heard to ring. Besides at Tralles, in the Temple of Victory (where they had set up a Statue to Caesar) there was shewed a Palm-tree, which in those daies was grown from between the joynts of the stones, out of the pavement.

Caesar staying a few daies in Asia, hearing that Pompey was seen at Cyprus, and con∣jecturing he went into Aegypt, for the amitie and correspondency he had with that King∣dome, besides other opportunities of the place; he came to Alexandria with two legions, one that he commanded to follow him out of Thessa∣ly, and another which he had called out of A∣chaia, from Fusius a Legate, together with eight hundred horse, ten Gallies of Rhodes, and a few ships of Asia. In these Legions were not above three thousand two hundred men; the rest were either wounded in the sights, or spent with travell, and the length of the journey. But Caesar trusting to the fame of his great ex∣ploits, did not doubt to go with these weak for∣ces, thinking every place would entertain him with safety.

At Alexandria he understood of Pompey's death:* 1.236 and as he was going out of the ship, he heard a clamour of the sould••ers, which the King had left to keep the town, and saw a con∣course of people gathered about him, because the bundle of Rods was carried before him; all the multitude crying out, that the Kings au∣thority was diminished. This tumult being ap∣peased, there were often uproares and commo∣tions of the people for every day after; and ma∣ny souldiers were slain in divers parts of the City. Whereupon Caesar gave order for other Legions to be brought him out of Asia, which he raised and inrolled of Pompey's souldiers. He himself was sta••ed by the winds called Ete∣siae, which are against them that sail from A∣lexandria.

In the mean time, forasmuch as he concei∣ved that if the controversie between the King and his sister did appertain to the people of Rome, then consequently to him, as Consul; and so much the rather it concerned his office, for that in his former Consulship, there was a league made by the decree of Senate with Pto∣lemey the Father: in regard hereof he signified that his pleasure was, that both the king and his sister Cleopatra should dismisse their Ar∣mies, and rather plead their Cause before him, then to decide it by Armes.

There was at that time one Photinus an Eu∣nuch, that had the administration of the king∣dome during the minority of the Child. He first began to complain among his friends, & to take it in scorn, that the King should be called out to plead his Cause: and afterwards having gotten some assistance of the Kings friends, he drew the Army secretly from Pelusium to A∣lexandria, and made Achillas (formerly men∣tioned) Generall of all the forces; inciting him forward as well by his own promises, as from the King, and instructing him by Letters and Messengers what he would have done.

Ptolemey the Father, by his last W••ll and Testament, had left for heirs the eldest of two sons, and likewise the eldest of two daughters: and for the confirmation thereof, had in the same Will charged and required the people of Rome by all the gods, & by the league he made at Rome, to see this accomplished. For which purpose he sent a copy of his Will to Rome, to be kept in the Treasury; which by reason of the publick occasions, that admitted no such business for the present, were left with Pom∣pey: and the Originall, signed and sealed up, was brought to Alexandria.

While Caesar was handling these things, being very desirous to end these controversies by arbitrement, it was told him on a suddain, that the Kings Army and all the Cavalry were come to Alexandria. Caesar's forces were not such that he durst trust upon them, to ha∣zard battell without the town; onely it re∣mained, that he kept himself in such places as were most fit and convenient for him within the town▪ and to learn what Achillas intended. Howsoever, he commanded all the souldiers to arme; and exhorted the King, that of those which were nearest unto him, and of greatest authority, he would send some to Achillas, to know his meaning.

Dioscorides & Serapion being deputed there∣unto, having been both Embassadours at Rome, and in great place about Ptolemey the Father, they came to Achillas: whom as soon as they were come into his presence, and before he would hear or understand what they would have, he commanded to be taken away and slain. Of whom, one having received a wound, was carried away by his own people for dead: the other was slain out-right. Where∣upon Caesar wrought to get the King into his own hands; thinking that his Name and Title would prevail much amongst his people: as also to make it appear, that this war was rather moved by the private practice of some sedi∣tious

thieves, then by order and command∣ment from the King.

OBSERVATIONS.

THe multiplicity of occasions and troubles which happen to such as have the ordering of any businesses of import, doth make that of Plinie often remembred;* 1.237 Veteribus negot••••s no∣va accr••scunt, nec tamen priora peraguntur; tot nexibus, tot quasi catenis, majus indies occupationum agmen extenditur: New busi∣nesses come in the neck of old, and yet the first are not dispatched: with so many tyes and chains as it were, is the troup of businesses every day made longer and longer. For albeit Pompey had now spent his malice, and was no more to appear in Armes against Caesar: yet his hap was by slying, to draw him (as it were by way of revenge) into a place, where he was necessari∣ly to be intangled in a dangerous war.

To th••se prodigies here mentioned, may be added that of Aulus Gellius,* 1.238 that The same day the battell happened, there fell out a strange wonder at 〈◊〉〈◊〉: where a certain Priest called Cornelius, of Noble race and Holy life, sud∣dainly fell into an extasie, and said, he saw a great battell afar••e off, Darts and Piles she thick in the aire, some slying, and some pursuing, great slaughter, accompanied with many lamen∣table groans and cries: and in the end cried out, that Caesar had got the victory. For which he was m••••ked for the present, but afterwards held in great admiration.

Plinie maketh the small increase of Nilus to be a fore-teller of Pompey's death;* 1.239 Minimum∣que Pharsalico bello: veluti necem Magni, prod••g•••• quodam, slumine aversante: The least increase of Nilus was at the time of the Phar∣salia•••• battell: the very river prodigiously shew∣ing (as it were) a detestation of the murther of the Great Pompey.

CHAP. XXXVIII.

Caesar landeth his forces, taketh Pharus, and causeth Photinus to be slain.

THe forces that were with Achillas were neither for their number, or fashion of men, or use and expe∣rience in war, to be contemned. For he had twenty two thousand men in Armes. These troups consisted of the Gabinian souldiers: which were now grown in∣to a custome of life and liberty of the Aegyp∣tians; and having forgot the name and disci∣pline of the people of Rome, had there married wives, and most of them had children. To these were added such as were gathered from the thieves and robbers of Syria, the Province of Cilicia, and other finitimate Regions: besides many banished men, and others condemned to die, that fled thither. And for all our fugitives, there was ever a sure and certain receipt at A∣lexandria, and a certain condition of life: for upon giving up of his name, he was presently inrolled a souldier. And if one chanced to be taken and apprehended by his Master, he was presently rescued by the concourse of souldiers; who being all in the same condition, did strive for him as for themselves. These required the Kings friends to be slain; these were accustom∣ed to rob rich men of their goods to better their pay, to besiege the Kings house, to expell some out of the kingdome, and to send for others home, according to an old custome and privi∣ledge of the Alexandrian Army.

There were besides two thousand horse, that had been of ancient continuance in many of the wars held at Alexandria, and had brought back Ptolemy the father, and restored him to his kingdome; had slain Bibulus two sons, and had made war with the Aegyptians: and this use and knowledge they had of war. Achillas trusting to these forces, and contemning the small number of Caesar's troups, did take and possesse Alexandria; and further, assaulting that part of the town which Caesar held with his men, did first of all endeavour to break into his house. But Caesar having disposed the cohorts in the streets and waies, did bear out the as∣sault. At the same time they sought likewise at the Port, and it came at length to a very for∣cible incounter: for having drawn out their troups, the fight began to be ••ot in divers streets and lanes; and the Enemy (in great troups) went about to possesse themselves of the Gallies, of which there were 50. found there, that were sent to serve Pompey, and returned home again after the battell in Thessalia. These were all Triremes and Quinqueremes, rigged, and ready to go to sea.

Besides these, there were twenty two, which were alwaies accustomed to be the best, for the defence of Alexandria, and were all furnished with decks: which if they had taken, together with Caesar's shipping, they would have had the Haven and the Sea at their command; and by that means, hindered Caesar from succours and provision of victuall. In regard whereof they fought hard on both sides; Achillas ex∣pecting victory, and our men for their safety. But Caesar obtained his purpose: and because he was not able to keep so many severall things with so small forces, he set them all on fire, toge∣ther with those that were in the Road, and pre∣sently landed some souldiers at Pharus; which is a tower in an Iland, of a great height, & built

with strange workmanship, taking that name from the Iland. This Iland lieth over against Alexandria, and so maketh it a Haven. But former Kings had inlarged it nine hundred paces in length, by raising great mounts in the Sea: and by that means had brought it so near to the town, that they joyned them both together with a bridge.

In this Iland dwelt divers Aegyptians, and made a Village of the bignesse of a Town: and what ships soever had fallen off their course, ei∣ther by tempest or errour, were there robbed by those Aegyptians. For by reason of the narrow entrance, no ships can come into the Haven, but by the favour and leave of them that hold Pharus. Caesar being afraid of this, while the Enemy was busie in fight, landed his souldiers, took the place, and there put a garrison. Where∣by he brought it to passe, that both corn and suc∣cours might safely come by sea to supply him: for he had sent to all the confining Regions for aide. In other places of the town they so fought, that they gave over at length upon equall con∣ditions: (which happened by reason of the narrowness of the passages) and a few of each side being slain, Caesar took in such places as were most convenient for him, & fortified them in the night. In this quarter of the Town was contained a little part of the Kings house (wherein he himself, at his first arrivall, was appointed to lodge) and a Theatre joyned to the house, which was in stead of a Castle, and had a passage to the Port, and to other parts of Road. The daies following he increased these fortifications, to the end he might have them as a wall against the enemy, and thereby need not fight against his will.

In the mean time, the younger daughter of King Ptolemey hoping to obtain the Crown now in question, found means to conveigh herself out of the Kings house to Achillas; and both joyntly together undertook the managing of that war. But presently there grew a contro∣versy between them, who should command in Chief; which was the cause of great largess and rewards to the souldiers, either of them being at great charges and expences to gain their good wills.

While the Enemy was busied in these things, Photinus, the Governour of the young King, & Superintendent of the kingdome on Caesar's par∣ty, sent Messengers to Achillas, exhorting him not to desist in the business, or to be discoura∣ged. Upon the discovering and apprehension of which Messengers, Caesar caused him to be slain. And these were the beginnings of the Alexandrian war.

OBSERVATIONS.

PHarus is a little Iland in the Sea over a∣gainst Alexandria; in the midst whereof, Ptolemy Philadelph built a tower of an excee∣ding height, all of white Marble. It contain∣ed many Stages, and had in the top many great Lanterns, to keep light in the night, for a mark to such as were at Sea. The Architector in∣graved thereupon this inscription; Sostrates G••••idius, the son of Dexiphanes, to the Gods Conservatours, for the safety of Naviga∣tours.

It was reckoned for one of the seven Won∣ders of the world. The first whereof was the Temple of Diana at Ephesus. The second was the Sepulchre which Artemisia, Queen of Ca∣ria, made for her Husband Mausolus, whose ashes she drank. The third was the Colossus of the Sunne at Rhodes. The fourth was the Walls of Babylon. The fifth was the Pyramides of Ae∣gypt. The sixth was the Image of Jupiter Olym∣pius at Elis, which was made by Phidias, and contained threescore cubites in height; and was all of Ivory, and pure Gold. And the seventh was this Pharus.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Caesar.
• * 1.2

  Lib. 6. de comitiis.
• * 1.3

  Lib. 5.
• * 1.4

  Anno 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 701.
• * 1.5

  Liv. lib. 7.
• * 1.6

  Liv. lib. 9.
• * 1.7

  Four gal∣lons and a half. Plin. l. 35. cap. 12.
• * 1.8

  Lib. 39.
• * 1.9

  Lib. 1. offic. Nec enim 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ve∣hementius rempub. conti••t quam sides.
• * 1.10

  Lib. 2. offic.
• * 1.11

  In the life of Julius Caesar.
• * 1.12

  Lib. 7.
• * 1.13

  Lib. 7.
• * 1.14

  2. Offic.
• * 1.15

  Vetus urbi foenebre malum, & seditionum discordia∣rumque cre∣be••rima causa.
• * 1.16

  Annal. 6:
• * 1.17

  Tull 2. offic.
• * 1.18

  Pecuniae qu••ren•••••• ratio natu∣rae consen∣tanea omni∣bus est, à fructibus & animali∣bus. de repub. lib. 1. cap. 10.
• * 1.19

  Caesar.
• * 1.20

  Gen
• * 1.21

  Latinae Fe∣riae.
• * 1.22

  Lib. 4 de Antiquit. Rom.
• * 1.23

  Lib. 4. cap. 2
• * 1.24

  Appian. lib. 4.
• * 1.25

  Caesar.
• * 1.26

  Iliad. 6.
• * 1.27

  12 Metam.
• * 1.28

  Iust. lib. 1.
• * 1.29

  Herodot. lib. 2.
• * 1.30

  Trebell. Pol Sigism. Ba••∣in Musc••••.
• * 1.31

  Quod Fone∣stias quam ••xo••i••m le∣vamentum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tac. l. 3. Annal.
• * 1.32

  Vix praesenti custedia manere illae∣sa conjugi••, ••odem.
• * 1.33

  Iudg. 9.
• * 1.34

  Anno 1595.
• * 1.35

  Caesar.
• * 1.36

  Qui sapiunt, bellum ab∣solvunt ce∣leriter; pace fru••ntur quam pos∣sant d••utissi∣me. Appian.
• * 1.37

  Leges à victoribus 〈…〉〈…〉 a victis. lib. 4.
• * 1.38

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 in aeq••abi ita∣te, mot••m in inaequa∣litate s••m∣per consti∣t••im••s. In Tim••o.
• * 1.39

  Caesar.
• * 1.40

  Timendum ne sub pacis nomine in∣volutum bellum.
• * 1.41

  Cicero, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 7.
• * 1.42

  Poedus Pacis.
• * 1.43

  Foedus Commercil.
• * 1.44

  Foedus mu∣tu•• Aux••lii.
• * 1.45

  1. Reg. 22.
• * 1.46

  In Ve••rem.
• * 1.47

  The publi∣cation of their se••u∣l••r Pla••es was cri••d in these words; Convenice ad Iudos sp••ctand••s, quos n••q••e spectavit quisquam, nec spect••∣tutus est. Sue••on. in Claudio.
• * 1.48

  Nolente•• amicum c••∣pere dif∣ficile.
• * 1.49

  Xenoph. de factis & dict. Socrat.
• * 1.50

  Caesar.
• * 1.51

  Frustra sa∣pit, qui sibi non sapit.
• * 1.52

  Aeneid. ••.
• * 1.53

  Lib. 16.
• * 1.54

  Successum fortuna, ex∣perientiam laus sequi∣tur. Va••r••, ex Gellio.
• * 1.55

  Salust.
• * 1.56

  Caesar.
• * 1.57

  Rostra.
• * 1.58

  Omnia 〈◊〉〈◊〉 facilias quam 〈…〉〈…〉 De Mechani••is.
• * 1.59

  Livie lib. 8.
• * 1.60

  Plutarch.
• * 1.61

  Caesar.
• * 1.62

  Incertae sunt res bel∣licae.
• * 1.63

  Thucyd.
• * 1.64

  Caesar.
• * 1.65

  Aeneid. 2.
• * 1.66

  Homer 9.
• * 1.67

  Iliad.
• * 1.68

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. 8. de bello Gallico.
• * 1.69

  Uladislaus.
• * 1.70

  Audaces fortuna iu∣vat. Virtus omnia po∣test.
• * 1.71

  Virtute fa∣ciendum est, quicquid in rebus belli∣cis est ge∣rendum.
• * 1.72

  Plutarch.
• * 1.73

  6 Metam••••.
• * 1.74

  Nunquam ita quil∣quam bene subducta ratione ad vitam fait quin res, ae∣tas, usus, sen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ali∣quid 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.75

  T••ren.
• * 1.76

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Multi ho∣mines, pau∣••i vi••i.
• * 1.77

  Herod. lib. 7.
• * 1.78

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 saith, that the Romans 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the siege of Ve••ente, being out of humane hope, tur∣ned their eies to Fate, and the hope they had in Destiny.
• * 1.79

  Caesar.
• * 1.80

  Caesar.
• * 1.81

  A hill, se∣parating Syria from Cilicia.
• * 1.82

  Columnaria Osti••••••.
• * 1.83

  Propter Aurum & Argentum nunquam pacem facit Ferrum. lib. 14. Epist. 93.
• * 1.84

  Ferrum omnis artis instrumen∣tum. Au∣rum & at∣gentum mortis mancipia.
• * 1.85

  Epictetus.
• * 1.86

  Capitatio.
• * 1.87

  Ostiaria.
• * 1.88

  Columnariae. 31 ad Atti∣cum. Epist. 1.
• * 1.89

  In the Pa••∣pacy of Sixt. Quin∣••us.
• * 1.90

  Fiscus rei∣pub. lien; quod eo c••escente, artus reliqui tabescunt.
• * 1.91

  Sext. Aure∣lius Victor
• * 1.92

  In Parae••et.
• * 1.93

  2 de Offic.
• * 1.94

  Plutarch.
• * 1.95

  Bella susten∣tantu•• pe∣cuni••rum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dion 〈…〉〈…〉. 6.
• * 1.96

  Ann. l. 13.
• * 1.97

  Caesar.
• * 1.98

  Quae libera appellaba∣tur.
• * 1.99

  Lep••nto.
• * 1.100

  In Macedo∣nia, quae ve∣lint sibi candida nasci, ad Ha∣lia••monem ducere; quae ••ugra & 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ad Axium.
• * 1.101

  Caesar.
• * 1.102

  Caesar.
• * 1.103

  Biremes.
• * 1.104

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 hostium discessiones semper suspectas habere. cap. 5.
• * 1.105

  5 Cyropaed.
• * 1.106

  Caesar.
• * 1.107

  〈…〉〈…〉 Petram. Lucan.
• * 1.108

  Actus acti∣vorum in patientis sunt disposi∣tione. Arist. Metaph.
• * 1.109

  Caesar.
• * 1.110

  ex sub••••actis & cen. conibus.
• * 1.111

  Contempra¦res est ho∣mo, nisi su∣pra humana se ••rexit.
• * 1.112

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 ratione i〈…〉〈…〉 i••••.
• * 1.113

  Caesar.
• * 1.114

  Caesar.
• * 1.115

  Pl••ta••ch.
• * 1.116

  Lib. 3. c. 59.
• * 1.117

  Labor mili∣tiae assidua fr••ga itatis con••••••tudi∣ne factlior est.
• * 1.118

  Iustin.
• * 1.119

  Cy••us con∣tented with bread and water.
• * 1.120

  Xenophon.
• * 1.121

  Aequalem oportet semper esse Imperatoris animum: m••∣tari enim pro terum varie••ati∣bus, mentis instabilis argumentum efficitur. A∣gap••tus.
• * 1.122

  Unus homo nobis cun∣ctando resti∣tute Rem. Enn.
• * 1.123

  Lib. 6. de Cyropaed.
• * 1.124

  There is a great part of the histo∣ry in this place omit∣ted.
• * 1.125

  Caesar.
• * 1.126

  Al••ae sunt Legati par∣••es, atque Imperatoris
• * 1.127

  ••vocati.
• * 1.128

  Millibus ducentis aeris.
• * 1.129

  Prin••ipilus.
• * 1.130

  Solon. Plat. ••. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Livi•• lib. 4. Lib. 6.
• * 1.131

  In vita Cae∣••••is.
• * 1.132

  In repub. multo prae∣stat benefi∣cii q••••m ma••••ficii immemorem esse: bonus, segnior ••it ubi negli∣gas; m••••as improbior.
• * 1.133

  Sal. Iug••r.
• * 1.134

  Caesar.
• * 1.135

  Et mor••u spoliare nemus, le∣thumq••e minantes, Vellere a•• ignotis du∣bias radici∣bus ••erbas.
• * 1.136

  Si bonam dederitis, fidam & perpetu••m; 〈…〉〈…〉 diu∣tur••••m.
• * 1.137

  Li••. lib. 8.
• * 1.138

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 est quod non exp••gnet pert••n••••x opera, & in∣tenta & di∣ligens cura.
• * 1.139

  Senec. lib. 6. Epist. 51.
• * 1.140

  Plin. lib. 4. cap. 4.
• * 1.141

  Caesar.
• * 1.142

  Poenam semper an••e oculos ver∣sari putent qui peccave∣runt. Cic. ••n ••rat. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Milone.
• * 1.143

  Lib. 5. Cy∣••op.
• * 1.144

  Caesar.
• * 1.145

  Arma alie∣nasse grave ••rim••n est, & ••a poe••a de••ertioni ex••quatur, utique si to∣ta alien••vit.
• * 1.146

  Lib. 14.
• * 1.147

  § de re mi∣litari.
• * 1.148

  Vir virtute ex mi••s, aliqu••ndo fortuna, semper••a i∣mo maxi∣mus.
• * 1.149

  Caesar.
• * 1.150

  E••itius.
• * 1.151

  Sapiens non semper it•• uno gradu, 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.152

  Herodot.
• * 1.153

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 omnia ex∣pensa, om∣nia feruntur accep••a•••• & in tota ra∣tiore mor∣talium, s••la utt••••que paginam fa∣cit. Plin. lib. 2. cap. 7.
• * 1.154

  Caesar.
• * 1.155

  Humana••um rerum ••••••∣culus est, qui ro••atus semper ••os∣dem fortu∣natos esse non sinit.
• * 1.156

  Herodot. lib. 1.
• * 1.157

  Habet has vices con∣ditio mor∣talium, ut adv••rsi ex secundis, secunda ex adversis nascantur. P••in. in Paneg.
• * 1.158

  Herodot. lib. 1.
• * 1.159

  L••••vento è spesso judi∣ce non im∣perito delle cose. Guic••. lib. 5.
• * 1.160

  Caesar.
• * 1.161

  The Philo∣soph•••• C••a∣tor was wont to say, that 〈…〉〈…〉 occasion of an ill 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ is a great comfort in any 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of adv••••si∣ty. Pla•• in c••ns. Apo.
• * 1.162

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.163

  Prae ••orum del••cta 〈◊〉〈◊〉 non ac∣••••piunt. Ve••••t. lib. 1. cap. 14.
• * 1.164

  Finem do∣lendi, qui consilio non fecerit, tempore in∣venit. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Epist. 64.
• * 1.165

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.166

  Livie. 31.
• * 1.167

  Livie. 27.
• * 1.168

  Lib. 2. de bello Ci∣vili.
• * 1.169

  Front. lib. 1. cap. 1.
• * 1.170

  Caesar.
• * 1.171

  Lib. 5. de Milit. Ro. cap. 14.
• * 1.172

  Lib. 1. cap. 1
• * 1.173

  Caesar.
• * 1.174

  Human••tum actionum fel•• itas in∣feli 〈…〉〈…〉 re∣rum parti∣culis, quae multae sunt & varie. sed ex eventis judi intu••. Dionys. Hal. lib. 9.
• * 1.175

  Caesar.
• * 1.176

  After three of the clock in the after∣noon.
• * 1.177

  Lib. 5.
• * 1.178

  Obsidio ejus urbis quam cito capere velis, & ut∣genda & premenda.
• * 1.179

  Lib. 6. de Instit. Cyri.
• * 1.180

  Bello lex acquirendi justissima. Dionys. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. in exper. legat.
• * 1.181

  Polyb. lib. 8
• * 1.182

  Caesar.
• * 1.183

  Comineus.
• * 1.184

  In orat. pro Pla••••o.
• * 1.185

  Virtus feli∣citatis men∣sura, non fo••tuna.
• * 1.186

  Dio. H••li∣carn. lib. 2.
• * 1.187

  Caesar.
• * 1.188

  Prima egre∣giorum du∣cum sapien∣tia victo∣riam si••e periculo comparare.
• * 1.189

  Polyae. lib. 1 stratag.
• * 1.190

  Lib. 7.
• * 1.191

  Lib. 3.
• * 1.192

  Excid.
• * 1.193

  2. Offic.
• * 1.194

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.195

  In manibus vestris quantus sit Caesar ha∣betis.
• * 1.196

  Lucan. lib. 7.
• * 1.197

  Lib. 2. cap. 3
• * 1.198

  Singulas cohortes detraxit.
• * 1.199

  Lib. 2. cap. 3.
• * 1.200

  Caesar.
• * 1.201

  Plutarch.
• * 1.202

  Lucan. lib. 4.
• * 1.203

  Homer.
• * 1.204

  Iliad. 3.
• * 1.205

  Lib. 4. cap. 2.
• * 1.206

  Lib. 7.
• * 1.207

  Lib. 4. cap. 7.
• * 1.208

  In the life of Pompey.
• * 1.209

  Florus.
• * 1.210

  Lib. 4.
• * 1.211

  Infelix▪ quanta Do∣minum vir∣tute para••••••
• * 1.212

  Caesar.
• * 1.213

  Utilis & tu∣ta res dila∣to. Dionys. Halicar. lib. 8.
• * 1.214

  Non com∣mitruntur reg••••is tri∣re••es, aut loca, aut le∣giones, aut arces; sed verba & tempora.
• * 1.215

  Demost. de falsa legati∣one.
• * 1.216

  1. Labor in n••gotio, 2. fortitudo in periculo, 3. indu••tria in agendo, 4. celeritas in consicien∣do, were Caesars pro∣perties.
• * 1.217

  Caesar.
• * 1.218

  Interd•••• majores co∣piae ster∣nuntur à minoribus. 〈…〉〈…〉 lib. 8.
• * 1.219

  Lib. 8.
• * 1.220

  Caesar.
• * 1.221

  Constratae.
• * 1.222

  Pompeius Trogus. lib. 6.
• * 1.223

  Lib. 8.
• * 1.224

  Caesar.
• * 1.225

  Pomp••ius 〈…〉〈…〉 esse non po••et, risi benefi∣cio servitu∣tis. 5. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 16, 5. Polit.
• * 1.226

  Nil nimium cupito, was writ in gol∣den letters at Delphos.
• * 1.227

  Justum bel∣lum esse iis, quibus nisi in armis spes nulla est. Machiav.
• * 1.228

  Nusquana g••ntium r••peritur, qui possit penibus ap∣probart.
• * 1.229

  Mors omni∣um par est per quae ve∣nit diversi sunt, id in quod defini••∣unam est. Epist 67.
• * 1.230

  Homines si∣cut pomi, a••t matura cadu••t aut 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Plut. in vi••a Rompeii.
• * 1.231

  Mors Na∣turae lex est.
• * 1.232

  Mors tribu∣••um offi∣ciumque mortalium.
• * 1.233

  Sene•••• natu∣ral. quaest. ••.
• * 1.234

  Fabius di∣ctus Maxi∣mus, Scipio magnus. Po∣lyaenus, lib. 8. Epist. 100.
• * 1.235

  This tha•••• f••lloweth, seemeth of another stile.
• * 1.236

  The Prie••ts of Egypt said, That whensoever the Axe and the bundle of Rods came into Alexandria, the power of their Kings should pre∣sently▪ case: according as it was writ∣ten in a Co∣lumne of gold, at Memphis.
• * 1.237

  Lib. 2. Ep. 8.
• * 1.238

  Lib. 15. cap. 18.
• * 1.239

  Lib. 5. cap. 9.