The commentaries of C. Julius Cæsar of his warres in Gallia, and the civil warres betwixt him and Pompey / translated into English with many excellent and judicious observations thereupon ; as also The art of our modern training, or, Tactick practise, by Clement Edmonds Esquire, ... ; where unto is adjoyned the eighth commentary of the warres in Gallia, with some short observations upon it ; together with the life of Cæsar, and an account of his medalls ; revised, corrected, and enlarged.

The Second Commentarie of the Civile VVarres. (Book 2)

The Argument. (Book 2)

THis Commentarie hath three speciall parts. The first contain∣eth the siege of Marseilles: the strange works, and extreme endeavours to take and to keep the Town. The second ex∣presseth the vain labour which Varro, Pompey's Lieutenant, undertook, after that Afranius and Petreius were defeated, to keep the Province of Andaluzia out of Caesar's power and command. And the third part consisteth of the expedition Curio made into Africa; and endeth with his overthrow.

CHAP. I.

The preparations for the siege, as well within as without the Town.

WHilst these things were doing in Spain,* 1.1 C. Trebonius the Legate be∣ing left to besiege Marseilles, had begun in two places to raise Mounts, to make Mantelets and Towers a∣gainst the Town: One next unto the Port where the Ships lay; and the other in the way leading from Gallia and Spain into the town, just upon the creek of the sea, near unto the mouth of the Rhosne. For three parts of Marseilles are in a manner washed with the sea: and the fourth is that which giveth passage by land; whereof that part which belongeth to the Castle (by reason of the nature of the place, and fortified with a deep ditch) would require a long and dif∣ficult siege. For the perfecting of those works, Trebonius had commanded out of all the Pro∣vince, great store of horses for carriage, and a multitude of men; requiring them to bring rods to make Hurdles, and other materials for the work: which being prepared & brought together, he raised a Mount of fourscore foot high.

But such was the provision, which of ancient time they had stored up in the town, of all equi∣page and necessaries for the warre, with such pro∣vision of munition and engines, that no Hurdles made of rods or Osiers were able to bear out the force thereof. For out of their great Balistae, they shot beams of twelve foot long, pointed with Iron, with such force, as they would pierce through four courses of Hurdles, and stick in the earth. Whereby they were forced to roof their* 1.2 Gallery with timber of a foot square, and to bring matter that way by hand to make the* 1.3 Mount. A Testudo of sixty foot in length was alwayes carried before, for the levelling of the ground, made of mighty strong timber, co∣vered and armed with all things which might defend it from fire and stones, or what else should be cast upon it. But the greatnesse of the work, the height of the wall, and towers, together with the multitude of Engines, did retard and hinder the proceeding thereof.

Moreover, the Albici did make often sallies out of the town, setting fire to the mounts and to the turrets; which were kept by our souldiers with great facility and ease, forcing such as sal∣lied out to return with great losse.

OBSERVATIONS.

HAving described in the former Commenta∣ries these Engines and works here men∣tioned, the Reader may please (for his better satisfaction) to review those places; as also farther to note,* 1.4 that the word Artillery was brought down to these ages from the use of an∣cient Engines, which consisted of those two primitives, Arcus and Telum. And according as diversity of Art and wit found means to fit these to use and occasions, so had they severall and distinct names; whereof I find chiefly these, Balistae, Catapultae, Tolenones,

Scorpiones, Onagri. Of each of which there are divers and severall sorts; as first, of the Balistae, some were called Centenariae, others Talentariae, according to the weight of the bullet or weapon they shot. Of the rate and proportion whereof Vitruvius, and his learned interpreter Daniel Barbarus,* 1.5 have made accurate description. Again, some were made to shoot stones; as appeareth by that of Tacitus,* 1.6 Magnitudine eximia, quartae∣decimae legionis Balista ingentibus saxis hosti∣lem aciem proruebat; the Balista of the four∣teenth legion being an exceeding great one, beat down the army of the enemy with huge stones: and others, to shoot darts and piles of timber, headed with Iron; as it is manifested by this place. Moreover, the manner of bending of these En∣gines made a difference: some being drawn up with a wrinch or scrue, and some with a wheel; some having long armes, and others having short: but the strings were generally either all of si∣newes, or of womens hair, as strongest and surest of any other kind.* 1.7 Of these Vegetius preferreth the Balistae, and the Onagri, as unresistable when they were skilfully handled. The word Onagri, as Ammianus Marcellinus noteth, was of a later stamp, and imposed upon those Engines which former time called Scorpiones; and was taken from the nature of wilde Asses, that are said to cast stones backward with their feet at the Hunters, with such violence, that oftentimes they dashed out their brains.

In the time of Barbarisme, all these Engines were generally called Mangonella: as appeareth by Vigin••rius, in his Annotations upon Ono∣sander. Which is likewise shewed by that which Mr. Camden hath inserted in the description of Bedfordshire, concerning the siege of Bedford Castle, in the time of Henry the third, out of an Authour that was present;* 1.8 Ex parte orientali fuit una Petraria, & duo Mangonella, quae quotidie turrim infestabant; & ex parte occidentis duo Mangonella, quae turrim veterem contriverunt; & unum Mangonellum ex parte Australi, &c. On the East side was placed one Engine to cast stones, and two Mangonels, which continually plaid upon the tower; and on the West side two Mangonels, which beat down the old tower; and one Mangonel on the South side, &c. But our pow∣der having blown all these out of use, it were to no purpose to insist longer upon them.

CHAP. II.

The Marseillians prepare themselves for a Sea-fight.

IN the mean time,* 1.9 L. Nasidius being sent by Cn. Pompeius with a Navie of sixteen ships (amongst which, some few had their beak-head of Iron) to the succour and supply of L. Domitius and the Marseillians, he passed the straights of Sicilie,* 1.10 before Curio had intelligence thereof: and putting into Messana, by reason of the suddain terrour of the principall men, and the Senate that took themselves to flight, he sur∣prized one Ship in the road, and carried her a∣way, and so held on his course to Marseilles. And having sent a small Bark before, he certified Domitius and the rest of his coming; exhorting them by all means, that joyning their forces with his supplies, they would once again give fight to Brutus Navie.

The Marseillians since their former over∣throw, had taken the like number of ships out of their Arcenall, and new rigged and trimmed them, and with great industrie furnished and manned them for that service: for they wanted neither Oare-men, Mariners, Sailers, nor Pilots, fit for that purpose. To these they added certain Fisher-boats, and fenced them with coverings, that the Oare-men might be safe from casting weapons: and these he filled with Archers and Engines. The Navie being thus furnished and prepared, the Marseillians (incited and stirred up with the prayers and tears of old men, women and maids, to give help and defence to their Citie in time of extreme danger; and to fight with no lesse courage and confidence then formerly they had accustomed) went all aboard with great courage: as it cometh to passe through the common fault of Nature, whereby we put more confidence in things unseen and unknown, or otherwise are more troubled thereat: accord∣ing as it then happened. For the coming of Nasi∣dius had filled the City full of assured hope and courage: and thereupon, having a good wind, they left the Port,* 1.11 and came and found Nasidius at Taurenta (a Castle belonging to the Marseil∣lians) and there fitted themselves for a fight; in∣couraging each other again to a valiant car∣riage of that service, and consulting how it might be best performed.

The right squadron was given to the Marseil∣lians, and the left to Nasidius. And to the place repaired Brutus, having increased the number of his Ships: for those six which he took from the Marseillians, he had added unto the other which Caesar had caused to be made at Arelate,* 1.12 and had mended them since the last fight, and fitted them with all necessaries for men of war. And thereupon exhorting his souldiers to con∣temn the Enemy, as a vanquished partie, ha∣ving already foiled and overthrown them when they were in their strength, they set forward against them with great assurance and courage.

Out of the Camp of C. Trebonius, and from all those higher places they might easily per∣ceive and see in the City, how all the youth which remained in the town, and all the aged, with their wives and children, did from the publick

places of guard, and from the town walls, stretch out their hands towards heaven, or other∣wise run to their Churches and Temples, and there prostrating themselves before their Ima∣ges, did desire victorie of their Gods. Nei∣ther was there any of them all that did not think the event of all their fortunes to consist in that daies service: for the chiefest of all their able men, and the best of all sorts and degrees, were by name called out, and intreated to go aboard, to the end that if any disaster or mischance should happen, they might see nothing further to be endeavoured for their safety; and if they overcame, they might rest in hope to save their Citie, either by their own valour, or by forrain help.

OBSERVATIONS.

COmmuni fit vitio naturae, ut invisis, lati∣tantibus, atque incognitis rebus, magis confidamus, vehementiusque exterreamur, ut tum accidit; It cometh to pass through the com∣mon fault of nature, &c. In cases of hazard, things brought unto us by report do more abuse our judge∣ment, either in conceiving too great hopes, or yielding too much to distrust, then any matter pre∣sent can move or inforce: for these perturbations attending upon our will, are inlarged more ac∣cording to the qualitie of our desires, then as they are directed by discourse of reason; and so draw men either easily to believe what their wishes do require,* 1.13 or otherwise to reject all as ut∣terly lost.

The uncertainty whereof, and the disappoint∣ment ensuing those deceivable apprehensions, hath brought the hope of this life into very slight account, being reckoned but as the dream of him that is awake; and as Piafraus, or a charitable delusion, to support us through the hard chances of this world, and to keep mans heart from break∣ing: for every mans help is hope; which never af∣fordeth present relief, but asswageth the bitternesse of extremities, by

—Dabit Deus his quoque finem,* 1.14 God once will put an end to these things too.

CHAP. III.

The fight, and the Marseillians overthrow.

THe fight being begun,* 1.15 the Marseil∣lians were wanting in no point of valour: but bearing in mind such exhortations as a little before had been given them by their friends, they fought so resolutely, as though they meant not to fight again; or as if any one should chance to miscarry in that battell, he should make account that he did but anticipate, for a small moment of time, the fatall end of his fel∣low-Citizens, who (upon taking of the town,) were to undergo the same fortune of war. Our Ships putting on by little and little, were glad to give way to the nimbleness and mobility of their shipping, which by the skill of their Pilots were well managed. And if it happened that our men had found means to grapple with any of their ships, they presently came on all sides to their rescue. Neither did the Albici shew themselves backward when the matter came to hands, or were they inferiour to our men in courage or va∣lour. Moreover, out of the lesser Ships were cast infinite numbers of darts, and other weapons, wherewith our men busied in fight were suddain∣ly wounded.

In this conflict, two of their Triremes having spied Brutus ship (which by her flag might ••asi∣ly be discerned) came violently against him from two contrary parts: but the danger being foreseen, Brutus did so prevail through the swiftnesse of his Ship, that he a little out-stript them; whereby they coming with their full swinge, did so encounter one another, that they were both very much shaken with the blow: for the beak-head of one being broken off, the water was ready to come in on all sides. Which being observed by some of Brutus party that were near about, they set upon them (being thus distressed) and quickly sunk them both.

The ships that came with Nasidius were found of no use, and therefore quickly left the fight; for there was not offered there unto them either the sight of their Countrey, or the exhortations and prayers of their kinsfolks and allies, as motives to hazard their lives in that quarrell: so that of them there was none wanting. Of the Ships that came out from Marseilles, five were sunk, and four taken. One escaped with Nasidius fleet, which made towards the hither Spain. One of them that remained was sent before to Mar∣seilles; who coming as a messenger before the rest, and approching near unto the town, all the mul∣titude ran out to hear the news: which being once known, there was such a generall mourn∣ing and desolation, as though the town were in∣stantly to be taken by the Enemy. Notwithstand∣ing, they left not off to make ready such necessa∣ries as were requisite for defence of the same.

OBSERVATIONS.

THis was the second fight the Marseillians made, to keep the sea open for the aid and relief of the Town; being otherwise straight∣ly besieged by land, & yet that was not so tender∣ly cared for as their shutting up by sea; the free passage whereof brought in all their profit in time of peace, and their succours in times of war:

[illustration]

for which regard it was, that they commended to their gods the successe of that enterprise, with as much devotion, as tears, vowes and prayers could expresse••▪

The benefit a Town besieged receiveth from an open in-let by sea, cannot be better manifested, then by the siege of Ostend; for by that occasion specially, it indured the most famous siege that was in Christendome these many years. This L. Nasidius was rather a constant friend to the cause, then a fortunate Admirall: for afterwards, he refused not to take the like overthrow for Pompey the son,* 1.16 at Leucades, as he did now for the father. And surely it falleth out (whether it be through the uncertainty of sea-faring matters,* 1.17 or that men have fairer pretences at sea, to avoid oc∣casions of hazard, then are found at land, or that Pauca digna nascuntur in Mari,* 1.18 few things of value come from the Sea, according to the pro∣verb, or for what other cause, I know not) that there are few of those which sought honour in this kind, who have attained the least part of their de∣sires. And yet neverthelesse, some there are of fa∣mous memorie: as* 1.19 Barbarussa, a terrour of the Levant seas; Andreas Auria, of Genua, renown∣ed for his great exploits upon the Turk: together with divers of our own Nation; as namely, Sir Francis Drake, who for skill and fortune at sea, is held matchable with any other whatsoever; besides, Mr. Candish, for voyages to the South, and Sir Martin Frobisher, for discoveries to the North.

Howbeit, these later times have advantage without comparison of former ages, through the invention of the Sea-compass with the Needle; which was found out little more then three hundred years ago, by one Flavus, born in the kingdome of Naples; without which, no ship can shape a course in the Ocean, and to which nothing can be added, more then to find a perfect and rea∣dy direction for longitudes.

CHAP. IIII.

The works which the legionary Souldiers made against the Town.

IT was observed by the legionary soul∣diers,* 1.20 that had the charge of the right part of the work, that it would much advantage them against the often eruptions and sallies of the Enemy, if they built a tower of Brick un∣der the town wall, in stead of a Hold or Re∣ceptacle: which at first they made low and little, onely for the repelling of suddain as∣saults. Thither they usually retreated: and from thence, if they were over-charged, they made defence, either by beating back, or prose∣cuting an Enemy. This tower was thirty foot square, and the walls thereof five foot thick: but afterwards (as use and experience is the master of all things) it was found by insight and industrie of men, that this tower might be of great use, if it were raised to any height; which was accordingly performed in this fashion.

When it was raised to the height of a story, they so framed the floor, that the ends of the ••oysts did not ••itt••e out beyond the sides of the tower; least any thing might be thrust out, on which the fire which the enemy should cast might take hold: and then paved that floor, with as much brick as the Mantelets and Gabions would suffer to be laid. Upon this tarras thus made they laid crosse beams along the sides, as a foundation to an upper story, for the top and covering of the tower. And upon these beams they raised crosse timbers, thwarting each other for the sides of the tower, and coupled them at the top with side beams.

These crosse timbers were longer, and bare further out then the square of the tower; that there might be means to fasten coverings and defences, against the blows and darts of the E∣nemy, whilest the workmen were finishing the walls and sides of that building. The top or upper story of this tower they likewise paved with brick and clay, that no fire might fasten on it; and laid Matteresses on the top thereof, to the end the floor might not be broken with any weapons shot out of Engines, nor the pavement shivered in pieces with stones cast out of Catapults.

Moreover they made three nettings or mats of Hawsers, equall in length to the sides of the tower, and four foot in breadth. And upon those three sides which confronted the Enemie, they fastened them upon poles to hang before the tower: which kind of defence they had in other places tried to b•• of proof, and not to be pierced with any weapon or engine. And as one part of the tower came to be covered, finished, and forti∣fied, against any violence of the enemy, they car∣ried their Mantelets and defences to the rest unfinished. The top of which tower they framed upon the first story, and then raised it up with wrinches or scrues, as far as the close netting would serve them for a defence. And so covered with these shelters and safeguards, they built up the sides with brick; and then again scruing up the top higher, they fitted the place to build the sides higher: and as they came to the height of a story, they laid the joysts of the floor in such sort, as the ends thereof were hid and covered with the wall or sides that were of brick; and so from that story they proceeded to another, by scruing up the top, and raising their netting. By which means they built very safely six sto∣ries, without any wound or other danger at all; and left windows and loop-holes in the sides,

for the putting out of Engines in such places as they thought convenient. When by means of that tower, they were in hope to defend the works near about it, they then made a Musculum or mouse of sixty foot in length, and of two foot timber square, to conveigh them safely from this tower of Brick to another of the Enemies, and to the town wall: whereof this was the form. They cut two side groundsils of equall length, and made the space between them to contain four foot; upon them they erected little columns of five foot high, and joyned them together, putting braces of an easie sloping in such distances, as the rafters were to be placed to bear up the roof: and upon those braces they laid rafters of two foot square, fastning them both at the ridge, and at the ea∣vings, with plates and bolts of Iron. They lathed the roof with lath of four fingers broad: and so the building being made with a gable-ridge handsomly fashioned, the top was laid all over with clay, to keep the Mouse from burning; and then covered with tiles, which were fenced with leather, to the end they might not be washed away with pipes or gutters of water, which might be laid to fall upon them. And least those hides should be spoiled, either with fire or great stones, they laid Matteresses upon them.

This work being wholly finished near unto the tower, through the help and means of defensive mantelets & gabions; suddenly before the enemy was aware, with a ship-engine and rolers put un∣der it, they brought it so near a tower of the ene∣mies, that it joyned to the wall thereof. The townsmen being upon a suddain appalled there∣at, brought the greatest stones they could get, and with levers tumbled them down from the wall upon the mouse: but the strength of the work d••d not shrink at the blows, and whatsoever fell upon it, slided down the sloping of the roof. Which when they perceived, they altered their purpose, and got pots of Rosin and Pitch, and setting them on fire, threw them d••wn upon the Mouse; which tumbling down from the roof, were removed away with long hooks and poles. In the mean time, the souldiers that were within the Mouse, pulled out the lower stones that were in the foundation of the tower. This Mouse or Mantelet was defended by our men out of the brick tower, with weapons and engines: and by means thereof the Enemy was put from the wall & the turrets, so that they could not well defend the same. Many of the stones being sapped out of the foundation of the tower, part thereof sud∣denly fell, and the rest leaned as though it would not stand long after.

OBSERVATIONS.

FOrasmuch as it requireth the labour of an in∣dustrious pen to shadow out the effects of In∣dustrie; I will onely produce the evidence of these works, to shew the power it hath in humane actions, rather then by any maimed or shallow discourse, weaken the force of so great an Engine. Wherein first it may be noted, how in ••••ese and the like attempting endeavours, one thing draws on another, according as practise maketh overtu••e to maisteries: For our understanding growing by degrees, hath no intuitive faculty to discern perfe∣ction,* 1.21 but by little & little worketh out exactness; making every Morrow Yesterdaies scholar, as reason findeth means of discourse from causes to effects, or from effects to causes.

And so this Tower,* 1.22 made at first but for a re∣treat of defence, gave occasion to let them see the like or better use thereof in the offensive part, if it were raised to a height convenient for the same: which they performed with as much Art as the wit of man could use in such a work. For having made the first story, they then made the roof, for the shelter and safety of the souldier: and scruing it up by little and little, they built the sides, having fenced the open space with netting, for avoiding of danger; arming it with brick and clay against fire, and with Matteresses against stones and weights. And then again they proceeded to the making of that Mantelet or Musculum, which gave them passage to the wall; building it with strong, or rather strange timber, of two footsquare, framed so artificially with braces, and ridging rafters, and those so fitted, as neither fire, water, weapon, nor weight, could prevail against it. And thus they laboured to gain their own ends, and bought Fortune with immeasurabe indeavour.

CHAP. V.

The Marseillians get a truce of the Romans, and break it deceitfully.

THe Enemy being then much appalled at the suddain ruine and fall of the tower,* 1.23 and greatly perplexed at so unexpected a mischief; and withall struck with a fear of the wrath and indignation of the Gods, and of the sack and spoil of their City; they came all unarmed, thonging out of the gates, wearing holy attire upon their heads,* 1.24 and stretching out their s••b∣missive hands to the Legates and the Army. Upon which noveltie, all hostility ceased for the time, and the souldiers withdrawing themselves from the assault, were carried with a desire of hearing and understanding what would passe at that time.

When they came to the Legates and to the Ar∣my, they cast themselves all down at their feet, praying and beseeching that things might be suspended until Casar's arrivall. They saw plain∣ly that their town was already taken, their works were perfected, their own tower demolished; and therefore they desisted from making any further

defence: there could be no let to hinder them from present spoil and sacking, if upon Caesar's arrivall they should refuse to obey his Man∣dates. They shewed further, that if their tower were absolutely overthrown, the souldiers could not be kept from entering the town in hope of pil∣lage, and would thereby bring it to a finall de∣struction.

These and many the like things were uttered by them very movingly (as men learned and elo∣quent) with great lamentation and much weep∣ing, whereby the Legates (moved with commi∣seration) withdrew the souldiers from the forti∣fications, put off the assault, and left a small guard to keep the works. A kind of truce being through pitty and commiseration thus made and concluded, Caesar's coming was expected; no weapon was cast, either from the town-wall, or from our side: insomuch as every man left off his care and diligence, as though all had been ended. For Caesar had by Letters given straight charge to Trebonius, not to suffer the town to be taken by assault, least the souldiers (moved through their rebellion and contempt, together with the long travell they had sustained ••hould put all above fourteen years of age to the sword: which they threatned to do, and were then hardly kept from breaking into the town; taking the matter very grievously, that Trebonius seemed to hinder them from effecting their purposes. But the enemy, being people without faith, did onely watch for time and opportunity, to put in practice their fraud and deceit.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

IT is a saying of an ancient Writer,* 1.25 that As our attire doth cover the body, so it doth uncover the nakedness of the mind. Whereupon it is, that men have found means to sute themselves upon occasion, according to the disposition of their in∣ward affections, as they are either, dilated with joy, or contracted with sorrow, lifted up with weal, or humbled with affliction. And according∣ly these Marseillians, in token of their humili∣ty and submission, came out, wearing an attire here called Infula;* 1.26 which Servius describeth to be a kind of Coife, made after the form of a Dia∣deme, with two pendants on each side, called Vittae.

Those which the Romans used of this kind, were fashioned like a Pyramid: the point whereof did signifie the* 1.27 Elements, ascending upwards in such a pointed fashion; and by the two pendants or bands, were denoted the Water and the Earth. They were made wholly of wooll, as Festus wri∣teth, Infulae sunt filamenta lanea, quibus Sacer∣dotes, host••ae, & templa velabantur; Infulae are certain ornaments and tappets made of wool, wherewith the Priests use to be clad, the Sacrifices to be covered, and the Temples to be hanged: to shew humblenesse and simplicitie, whereof wool is a Hieroglyphick; for no kind of beasts have more need of aide and succour then Sheep: and thereupon it was, that all Supp••••ants were attired with tresses of wool. Or otherwise, as some will have it, that the habit of the Petitioner might call to remembrance the flexible disposition, which is well-beseeming those that have power and means to give help and relief: according to the use of Heathen ages,* 1.28 wherein their Images of then Idols had their feet tied with cords of wool; to shew the mildness and easiness which upon devote supplica∣tions was found in divine Powers, whereof wool was a Symbolum.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THe Marseillians being an ancient progeny of the Greeks, notwithstanding the long de∣scent of time, and alteration of air, did keep a touch of the naturall disposition of that Nation, as well in such strains of eloquence, as were familiar unto them above other people, as in* 1.29 subtiltie and duplicitie of dealing. Which passage of the Mar∣s••illians is observed by‖ 1.30 Tully, as a matter en∣forcing the due praises of Eloquence, and the use it hath upon all occasions to draw consent, with the sweetness of a well-tuned tongue, above that which may be attained either by Engines or a strong hand. Wherein, if we should go about to compare the† 1.31 force of Armes with the power of a grave Discourse, and set a souldier parallel to an Orator, there might hence be taken divers pro∣bable reasons to second that saying, which hath been thought to savour more of vain-glorie, then of true judgement,

Cedant armatogae, concedat laurea linguae; Let armes to gowns, the bay-leaf yield to th' tongue.

Or at least, to make a resemblance of Plutarch's two Wrastlers, of whom one being alwaies cast, did neverthelesse perswade the other that he cast him; and so, howsoever he became foiled, yet left the place with an opinion of victorie: And is al∣waies more easily effected, when it is attended with cunning and deceit, according to that of Valerius Maximus, Efficacissimae vires per fidiae, mentiri & fallere, The main strength of perfidiousness is lying and deceiving. But, as it is observed by Philip de Commines, The* 1.32 example of one sole accident, is sufficient to make many men wise: so this may serve to teach succeeding times, not to trust to words, whereof there is no hold; but to ratifie such compositions with irrevocable per∣formances.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

THirdly, we may note, how far the anger of a Roman Armie was extended, upon such pro∣vocations

as are here mentioned, viz. Ad inter∣ficiendos pucros, to the slaying of all the males above fourteen yeares of age: for, from that stage of life, they accounted all in the rank of men; ac∣cording to the institution of Tarquinius Priscus,* 1.33 who in his triumph of the Sabines, made a speciall Oration in the praise of his own sonne, that had assaulted and struck the Enemy in those warres, being then but fourteen yeares of age; and there∣upon gave him liberty to wear mans apparell, which was that Yoga praetexta (edged or faced with P••rple) whereof their histories make so of∣ten mention.

But to define precisely h••reof, were to mistake the fury of the souldier. For howsoever the rule is certain from the law of Natu••e, that no finite cause can be infinite in effect, or that a mortall hate should have a boundlesse revenge: yet occa∣sion made it variable, and as irregular as that of Alexander;* 1.34 who sometimes saved all, and at o∣ther times (as at the taking of Tyre) saved none at all, but such as had taken the protection of the Temple. The inhumane cruelty of the Turks exceedeth all former hostility in this kind: for they never save any out of commiseration, but for pri∣vate use; and do rather chuse to destroy man∣kind, then suffer it to live for any other pur∣pose then their own.

CHAP. VI.

The Marseillians taking advantage of the Truce, consu••e with fire all the Roman works: which are after∣wards re-edified.

AFter a few dayes,* 1.35 when our men were grown remisse and carelesse, sud∣denly about high noon, as some were gone one way some another, and o∣thers wearied with continuall la∣bour had given themselves to rest, the weapons being cased and laid up; they rushed out of their gates, and coming with the wind that then blew hard, they set our works on fire: which was so carried and dispersed with the wind, that the Mount, the Mantelets, the Testudo, the Tower and the Engines, were all on fire at once, and were burned down and consumed, before it could be known how it came.

Our men astonished at so suddain and un∣thought-of an accident, caught up such weapons as were next at hand; and others running speedi∣ly from the Camp, set upon the Enemy, but were hindered from following them as they fled, by Engines and Arrows from the town wall. They, on the other side, being retired under the prote∣ction of the wall, did at their ease burn down the Mouse and the brick-tower: and so many moneths labour was, through the perfidiousnesse of the Enemy, and the force of the tempest, con∣sumed and brought to nothing in a moment of time. The Marseillians attempted the like the next day after, having opportunity of the like tempest; and with greater confidence sallied out, and threw much fire upon the other mount and the tower. But as our men the day before (ex∣pecting nothing lesse then to be surprized in that sort) had neglected more then ordinary their u∣suall guards; so being now made wiser by that which had happened, they had made all things ready for defence: by which means, having slain a great number, they drave the rest back into the town, without effecting any thing.

Trebonius began again to re-edifie such works as were ruinated and consumed with fire, and that with greater ••alacritie of the souldier then before.* 1.36 For when they saw their great labours and endeavours sort to no better suc∣cesse, and the truce broke by the treachery of the Enemy, it was a great gall unto them to have their valour thus derided. And forasmuch as there was nothing left in all the Countrey for the raising of a Mount, all the trees being already cut down, and brought far and near to make the first Mount, they began a Mount of a strange and unheard-of fashion, raised with two side-walls of brick being six foot thick a piece,* 1.37 and joyned to∣gether with floors. The walls were of equall di∣stance, to the latitude of the former Mount, which was all of solid matter: and where the space between the walls, or the weaknesse of the work did require it, there were piles driven be∣tween, and beams and planks laid athwart for the strengthening thereof. The floors, made be∣tween those walls, were laid with Hurdles, and the Hurdles were covered with clay.

The souldiers being thus sheltered on both sides with a wall, and defended in front by Mantelets and Gab••ons, did safely, without danger, bring whatsoever was necessary for that building; whereby the work was carried on with great speed: and the losse of their former conti∣nuall labour was in a short time recovered again, through the admirable dexterity and valour of the souldier. To conclude, they left gates in the walls, in such places as were fittest for sal∣lies.

When the enemy perceived, that what they hoped could not be repaired again in a long time, was with a few daies labour re-edified and fi∣nished, whereby there was no place left to practise deceit, or to sallie out with advantage, neither was there any means left by which they could prevail, either by force of Armes to hurt our souldiers, or by fire to consume our works; and understanding likewise, that by the same man∣ner of fortification, all that part of the town which had passage and accesse from the firm land, might be encompassed with a wall and with towers, that their souldiers should not be able to stand upon their works; and perceiving withall,

that our Army had raised a counter-mure, a∣gainst the wall of their town, and that weapons might be cast by hand unto them; that the use of their Engines (wherein they much trusted) was by the nearness of space quite taken away; and lastly, that they were not able to confront our men (upon equall terms) from their walls, and from their turrets; they descended to the same Articles of rendry and submission, as were for∣merly agreed upon.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

HEnce we may observe, that a Generall cannot be too secure of an Enemie, that stands upon terms to render up a place. For the action being but voluntary by constraint, if haply the con∣straining force be removed, then that doth cease which is voluntary; and so it cometh by conse∣quent to a refusall. As appeareth by this passage of the Marseillians; who being brought into hard terms, as well by their two overthrows at Sea, (whence they expected no further succour,) as also by the siege laid so close by land, (where they were so violently assaulted, that their towers of defence made passage for the Romans to en∣ter upon them;) did neverthelesse (upon cessation of those inforcements) alter their purpose, and en∣tertained new hopes: which maketh good that saying;

—Tim••o Danaos & dona ferentes, I fear the Greeks, even when they bring their gifts.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

SEcondly,* 1.38 we may observe that a will, forward to undergo labour, doth never stick at any difficulty, nor is at all dismaied with the losse of any pains: but is rather redoubled in courage and industrie; especially being edged on with a desire of revenge.* 1.39 Which (if Homer may have credit) doth alwaies adde a third part to a mans strength; as appeared by Diomedes,* 1.40 being hurt in the shoulder with one of Pindarus arrows: for revenge whereof, he exceeded himself in a sesqui∣terce proportion of valour, and slew more Tro∣jans by a third part then otherwise he could.

Howsoever,* 1.41 as there is nothing so hard, but is subject to the endeavour of the mind: so there is nothing so easie, as to disposses our selves of that intent care which is requisite in these imploy∣ments. For these Romans, that through the greatness of their spirits had made such first and second works,* 1.42 as the memorie thereof will last with the world, were surprised when they lay in the Interim, as it were unbent, in as great re∣misness and neglect (howsoever drawn unto it by deceit) as if they had been able to do no such matter as is here reported. And therefore it be∣hoveth a Commander, to keep his Armie al∣waies seasoned with labour;* 1.43 forasmuch as Exer∣citus labore proficit, otio consenescit, An ar∣my thrives by employment, but grows old by idleness.

CHAP. VII.

Varro raiseth great troups to maintain Pompey's partie in Spain, but to no purpose.

MArcus Varro,* 1.44 in the further Province of Spain, having from the begin∣ning understood how things had passed in Italie, and distrusting how matters would succeed with Pompey, did oftentimes give out very friendly speeches of Casar: That Pompey had by way of pre∣vention gained him to his party, and honoured him with a Lieutenancie, whereby he was obli∣ged in dutie to him; howbeit, in his particular disposition he stood no less affected to Caesar: neither was he ignorant of the duty of a Legat, to whose trust and fidelity the government of the Province was left,* 1.45 as in deposito, upon condition to be rendred up at all times and seasons, as he that commanded in chief should require it: He likewise knew very well what his own forces were, and what was the affection and disposition of all the Countrey towards C••sar.

This was the subject of all his speeches, with∣out any shew of inclining either to the one or to the other. But afterwards, when he heard that Caesar was ingaged at Marscilles, that Petreius forces were joined with Afranius Armie, that great aides were come unto them, that every man was in great hope and expectation of good successe, and that all the hither Province had agreed together to undertake Pompey's cause; as also what had after happened concerning the want of victualls at Ile••da, (all which things were writ with advantage unto him by Afranius;) he then upon that alteration changed his mind according to the times, and levied souldiers in all parts of the Province: and having raised two compleat legions, he added unto them some thirty cohorts of the Countrey souldiers, to serve for wings to the Army, and gathered together great quantity of Corn, as well for the supplie of the Mars••illians, as for the provision of Petreius and Afranius.

Moreover, he commanded them of Gades to build and provide ten Gallies; and ordered further, that many other should be made at Hispa∣lis. He took all the money and the ornaments out of Hercules temple, and brought the same into the town of Gades, and in lieu thereof sent six Cohorts out of the Province to keep the temple. He made Caius Gallonius (a Roman Knight

and a familiar friend of Domitius, and sent by him thither to recover some matter of inheri∣tance) Governour of the town. All the Armies (as well private as publick) were brought into Gallonius house. He himself made many bitter invectives against Caesar; affirming in publick that Caesar had been severall times worsted, and that a great number of the souldiers were re∣volted from him, and were come to Afranius: which he knew to be true, by certain and appro∣ved Messengers.

The Roman Citizens residing in that Pro∣vince being much perplexed and affrighted thereat, were thereupon constrained to promise him 190 thousand Sesterces in ready money, for the service of the Common-weale, besides twenty thousand weight of silver, together with one hun∣dred and twenty thousand bushels of Wheat. Upon those Cities and States which favoured Caesar's partie, he laid greater impositions: for such as had let fallen speeches, or declared themselves against the Common-weale, he confiscated all their goods, and put a Garrison upon them: gi∣ving judgement himself upon private persons, and constraining all the Province to swear alle∣geance to him and to Pompey.

And being in the end advertised what had happened in the hither Province, he prepared for war, with a purpose to dispose thereof in this manner: His resolution was to keep two legions with him at Gades, with all the shipping and the Corn: for knowing that the whole Province did intirely affect Caesar's Cause, he thought it best and easiest for him (having made good provision of shipping and Corn) to keep the Iland.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

OBserve first, how dangerous it is for such as stand neutrall between two parties (bearing no affection but to their own ends) to declare themselves, upon such apparences as commonly happen in the flux and reflux of a war: for if their judgement fail, as Varro's did, they are then for∣ced to redeem their errour with more offices of partiality, then can afterwards be excused; and so run into a further degree ofenmitie, then the par∣ty for whom they suffer. And certainly, whether it be that neutrality refuseth to take part with the right, (which in matter of controversie must needs stand on one side,) or whether it favoureth of an ill nature, to shew no sympathising affections with such as otherwise have correspondence with them, or for what other cause I know not; but sure it is, that Neutrals, attending nothing but their own advantage, are of no better esteem then the bird whereof Leo Africus writeth; which when the King of Birds demanded tribute, would al∣waies rank himself amongst the Fish, and when the King of Fishes required his service, would al∣waies be with the Birds; or then the Weather-cock, whereof there is no other use, then indicare regnantem, to shew what wind rules.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THe Iland of Gades, was known to the Romans by the name of Tartesson:

Hic Gades urbs est dicta Tartessus prius.* 1.46 Here Gades stands, of old Tartessus call'd.

The Town of Gades was indowed, as Dion witnesseth,* 1.47 by Julius Caesar, with the liberties and priviledges of Rome. To which effect Plinie wri∣teth; Oppidum habet Civium Romanorum, quod appellatur Augusta urbs Julia Gaditana, This Iland hath a town of Roman Citizens, which is called Augusta Julia Gaditana. It was a town of great fame, as appeareth by that of Juba king of Mauritania, who made ambitious sute, to have the title of Duumviri, or Two-men of the town; as Festus noteth, in his Description of the Sea-coast.

At vis in illis tanta, vel tantum decus Aetate prisca, sub fide rerum fuit; Rex ut superbus, omniumque praepotens Quos gens habebat forte tum Maurusia, Octaviano principi acceptissimus, Et literarum semper in studio, Iuba, Interfluoque separatus aequore, Illustriorem semet urbis istius Duumviratu crederet—

Such was their power, such their grace Of old, while faith was yet in place; King Iuba, the most powerfull Prince The Moors had either then or since, In favour with Octavian, And every way a learned man, Divided from this place by S••n, Thought it would greater glory be To be Duum-vir of the town.

In this Iland stood Hercules Temple; to which as well Romans, as other noble Adven∣turers of all Nations, made often repair, to perform their vowes upon atchievements of deeds of Armes: which solemnitie was not o∣mitted by Hannibal, before his expedition into Italie.

Amongst other Altars in this Temple, there was one dedicated to Penurie and Art; signi∣fying that Art driveth away Penurie, as Hercu∣les put to flight and subdued Monsters. Those of Asia, and the Mediterrane parts, took this Iland to be the furthest end of navigation: for the Atlantick sea admitted no further passage, for want of a load-stone to direct them in that vastness. And therefore Pindarus saith, that it is not lawfull for wise men nor fools to know

what is beyond the streight of Gibraltar,* 1.48 the way in the Ocean being a thousand leagues abroad. In this town of Gades was born L. Cornelius Balbus, who at his death gave a le∣gacy to the Roman people, twenty five pence per Pole; together with Junius Brutus Columella, that writ so excellently De re Rustica.

Et mea quam generat Tartessi littore Gades. And which my Gades yields on Tartesse shoar.

It is now called Cales, and was sacked by our English, An. 1596.

Hispalis,* 1.49 surnamed Romulensis, from the Roman Colony that was planted there,* 1.50 is seated upon the River Baetis, in a very pleasant and fertile Countrey, and especially for oiles. The town is now the Staple for the West Indies, and a very Nursery of Merchants. Arias Mon∣tanus, that great Theologian, was born in this City.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

COncerning these hundred and ninety thou∣sand Sesterces, the learned cannot satisfie themselves with any congruent interpretation thereof. For if we take them in the Neuter, for seven pound ten shillings apiece, it amounteth to 1492000 pound, which is thought too much: if in the Masculine, it will rise not to above 1400 pound, which is deemed too little. And therefore the Criticks do mend the place, and read H-S centies nonagies, a hundred times ninety H-S. which bringeth out 142500 pound: and is thought agreeable to the mean∣ing of the Authour.

CHAP. VIII.

The Province and the legions revolt from Varro. Caesar settleth Spain, and returneth to Marseilles.

ALbeit Caesar was called back into Italy,* 1.51 for many great and impor∣tant causes, yet he was resolved to leave no spark or appearance of warre remaining behind him in Spain; for that he knew Pompey's deserts to be such, as had gained him many followers and dependants in the hither Province. And therefore having sent two legions into the fur∣ther Spain; under the conduct of Q. Cassius, Tribune of the people, he himself made for∣ward by great journeys, with six hundred horse; sending an Edict before him, to sum∣mon the Magistrates and chief men of the Ci∣ties and Towns, to appear before him by a day at Corduba. Upon publication of which Edict, there was no City in all that Province, that sent not some of their Senate by the day ap∣pointed to Corduba: neither was there any Roman Citizen of note, that presented not him∣self there at that time.

The Princes and States being assembled, of their own accord they shut the gates against Varro, set watch and ward upon the walls and in the towers, and retained with them two co∣horts, called by the name of Colonicae (which came thither by chance) for the safe keeping of the town. At the self-same time, the Inha∣bitants of Carmona (which is the strongest town of all the Province) cast out the three co∣horts that were by Varro put into their Citta∣dell, and shut them out of their town. Whereby Varro was the rather moved to make haste to Gades with his legions, lest he should be hin∣dered and cut off, either in the way, or in his passage over from the Continent: such and so favourable was the generall affection of the whole Province towards Caesar. And being somewhat advanced on his journey, he received Letters from Gades, That as soon as it was known there of the Edict which Caesar had pub∣lished, the chiefest of the Gaditans agreed with the Tribunes of the souldiers which were in Garrison, to expell Gallonius out of the town, and to keep the City and the Iland for Caesar. Which being resolved upon, they sent him word to leave the town of his own accord, while he might do it without danger; and if he re∣fused, they would then take such further or∣der as they should find expedient. Gallonius moved with fear dislodged himself, and went out of Gades.

These things being divulged abroad, one of the two legions, known by the name of Vernacu∣la, took up their Ensignes, went out of Var∣ro's Camp (he himself standing by and look∣ing on) and retired themselves to Hispalis; and there sat down in the Market-place, and in common porches, without hurting any man. Which the Roman Citizens of that Convent did so well like of, that every man was very desirous to entertain them in their houses. Whereat Var∣ro being much astonished, altered his journey towards Ilipa Italica,* 1.52 as he gave it out; but soon after was advertised by some of his friends, that the gates were shut against him. Whereup∣on, being circumvented and fore-closed from all other addresses, he sent to Caesar, to adver∣tise him that he was ready to deliver up the le∣gion, to whomsoever he should please to appoint. To which purpose he sent him Sex. Caesar, com∣manding the legion to be delivered to him.

Varro having given up his charge, came to Caesar at Corduba, & there gave him a true ac∣count of the carriage of his office. The moneys remaining in his hands he delivered up, & gave an Inventory of the Corn and shipping which were in any place provided. Caesar, by a pub∣lick

Oration made at Corduba, gave thanks generally to all men. As first to the Roman Citizens, for the endeavour they used to be Masters of the town. Secondly, to the Spa∣niards, for driving out the Garrisons. To them of Gades, that they traversed and prevented the projects of the adversaries, and had restored themselves to liberty. To the Tribunes of the souldiers, and Centurions, that were come thi∣ther to keep the town, for that by their valour and magnanimity the resolution of the towns∣men was assured and confirmed. He remit∣ted such levies of mony, as the Roman Citi∣zens had promised Varro for the publick ser∣vice. He restored the goods confiscated of such as had spoken more freely then was plea∣sing; and gave divers rewards, both publick and private: the rest he satisfied with hope of good time for the future. And having stated there two daies, he went to Gades: where he gave order that the monies and monuments, which were transferred from Hercules Temple to a private house, should be carried back again to the Temple. He made Q. Cassius Gover∣nour of the Province, and left with him four le∣gions. He himself in a few daies space, with those ships which M. Varro, and those of Gades (by his commandment) had made, came to Tarraco; for there the Embassadours of almost all the hither Province did attend his coming. And having received them with private and publick honour, in the same fashion as former∣ly he had used, he left Tarraco, and came by land to Narbone, and from thence to Marseil∣les: where he received first advertisement of the law made at Rome, for creating of a Di∣ctator; and that himself was named there∣unto, by M. Lepidus, Prator.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

IT is one of Caesar's peculiars, recorded by Suetonius, that he never left behind him any spark or suspicion of war, least it might be said he did not throughly conquer where he came. For he that doth a businesse to halves, hath as much more to do before it be done: and the re∣mainder in matter of war, groweth commonly to a greater head then that which first gave oc∣casion of Arms; like fire, which is smothered for a time, to break out afterwards with greater fury. And therefore that he might not be thought to provoke an Enemy rather then subdue him, he neglected all occasions how important soever, which might draw him into Italy; to the end he might settle Spain in a peace, answerable to an absolute victory. Which he easily effected, ha∣ving over-mastered the chiefest of the party, and turned their troups out of the Country, as men altogether mistaken in the matter. The fame whereof so prevailed with the rest, that rather then they would stand out, they forsook their Commanders. And having thus removed all oc∣casions of force, he then proceeded to take away all doubtfulnesse, which might accompany a new reconcilement, by shewing such respects as well beseemed ancient desert.

For first, he made a publick acknowledge∣ment of their generall love & affection towards him: and then taking notice of particular servi∣ces, engaged them further with honours and re∣wards; righted such as were oppressed by the ad∣verse party; remitted all levies and taxations (to shew the difference between his & the Enemies favour) and filled all men with hope of good times: as knowing that fair words, accompanied with large promises, are powerfull instruments to work out whatsoever is desired. And so he took a little more time to settle those Provinces without further trouble; as believing in the proverb, that What is well done, is twice done.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

M. Varro here mentioned, made more pro∣fession of knowledge and Arts, then any o∣ther of his Nation, being thereupon stiled by the name of Doctus or Learned; & yet in the judge∣ment of learned Philosophers, was fitter to per∣swade then to teach. Tully being deprived of publick offices, handled Philosophy a little in his own language: Pliny and Seneca, lesse then Varro or Tully. But what are these to Aristotle or Plato? Or rather, what hath learning to do with a Roman Generall? whose knowledge con∣sisted in their Military discipline, and in the pow∣erfull means of victorious endeavour. Wherein Varro was as ignorant, as was Don Raimun∣dus, the eleventh king of Arragon, in managing of Arms; who taking his sword in one hand, and his buckler in the other, held the horse bridle in his teeth.* 1.53 Howbeit, if Qui minus facit, minus peccat, he that does least, offends least, were a good excuse, it were fitting to make him blamelesse, that deserved so well of learning a∣bove all others of that Empire. But forasmuch as his actions appear so far inferiour to that which is conceived of his understanding, let that be ac∣knowledged which is true,* 1.54 that Confiderate age∣re pluris est, quam cogitare prudenter; consi∣derate action is more worth, then wise thinking.

This Ilipa Italica was the chief town of the Turdetani in Andaluzia; &* 1.55 is conjectured by the ruines yet remaining, to stand over against Sevill.* 1.56

Tarraco is that which is now called Tarragon;

a Colony of Scipio his planting, whereof the Province taketh appellation; which is exten∣ded (as Plinie witnesseth) from Catalonia to Navarre and Castile,* 1.57 along the Alpes. Bla••se de Vigenere reporteth, that in the year 516, there was a Councell held at Tarraco by ten Bishops; wherein it was decreed, that Sunday should alwayes begin presently after Evening prayer (or their Vespers) on the Saturday. From whence it is, that the Spaniards do not work at all after that time; and do eat upon Saturdayes at supper, the head, the feet, and the entralls of such flesh as is killed in the Shambles (together with other pretty bits which they call Morsillas) without prohibition or scruple of conscience. In this town of Tarraco was born Paulus Osorius, that noble Oratour.

Corduba,* 1.58 otherwise called Colonia Patricia, was held the next of worth and dignity to Se∣vill; but for excellent wits to be preferred above all the towns of Spain: for here first were born the two Senecas, the father, the Rhetorician, and the sonne, the Philosopher; together with their kinsman, Annaeus Lucanus, the divine Poet, of whom Martial writeth;

Duosque Senecas, unicumque Lucanum Facunda loquitur Corduba. One Lucan and two Senecas Brave Corduba doth shew.

Besides of later times, Avenzoar, Avicenna, and Averrois, as excellent a Philosopher, as the other was a Physician: of whose works

—Fama loquetur Anus. —Fame when she's old will speak.

And from hence come those Cordovan skins, so much in request.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

COncerning the office of a Dictator, where∣unto Caesar was named by the Praetor Lepidus, we are to observe, that the Dictator∣ship was the greatest place of dignity in their government,* 1.59 as Polybius noteth. The Con∣suls, saith he, having each of them but twelve Lictors apiece, that carried bundles of Rods before them, as ensignes of Magistracy, the Di∣ctator had alwayes twenty four; to shew that the sovereign power divided between the two Consuls, was then reduced to one sole com∣mand. The occasions of establishing a Dictator were divers; howbeit, it was commonly to take order in some great matter of consequence, which fell out to be extraordinary, and required the command of one man. And as it is in the Fastes or Records of the Capitoll, either Reipub. regend. causa, to govern the commonwealth, as was this first Dictatorship of Caesar: or o∣therwise, M. Fabius Ambustus Dict. seditio∣nis sedandae causa, M. Fab. Amb. was crea∣ted Dictator to quiet a sedition; and at another time, Cn. Quintius Varus Dictator, clavi fi∣gendi causa, to strike in the nail; which was one of the superstitions they used in time of pesti∣lence▪ and so divers the like. Of all which there is this form expressed by Tully;* 1.60 Si quando du∣ellum gravius, discordiaeve Civium crescunt, unus ne amplius sex menses, nisi senatus de∣creverit, idem juris quod duo Consules teneto, isque ave sinistra dictus Magister Populi esto: If at any time either a great quarrell hap∣pen, or discord arise amongst the Citizens, then let one man have the same power that the two Consuls have, for six moneths, and no longer, unlesse the senate shall otherwise decree; and let this man (in an ill hour) be termed the Master of the People.

But forasmuch as Magister Populi was a harsh and odious name to the people, they cal∣led him by a more modest name, Dictator: whereof Varro giveth this reason, Dictator quod à Consule dicebatur, cujus dicto audien∣tes omnes essent; He was called Dictator be∣cause he was named to that office by the Con∣sul, whose orders they were all to be obedient to. And as none could name a Dictator but the Consul, (for Caesar was named by the Prae∣tor in an extraordinary time;) so none could be named to that place, but such as were or had been Consuls:* 1.61 Consulares legere ita lex jube∣bat de Dictatore creando lata; the law for the creating a Dictator commands to chuse consu∣lar men only. To which may be added the cir∣cumstance of time, which was alwayes in the night; Nocte deinde silenti, ut mos est, Papi∣rium Dictatorem dixit, he named Papirius to the Dictatorship (as the custome is) in the dead of the night. The Dictator had sovereign power, but limited for time, which was commonly six Moneths; whereby they are specially distin∣guished from Monarchs: and thereupon Cice∣ro adjudgeth Sylla's Dictatorship to be a mere tyranny,* 1.62 and so doth Plutarch Caesar's; be∣cause both were prorogued beyond the time pre∣scribed by the law. Caesar held this Dictators place but eleven dayes, and then left it off: but afterwards had it for his life, and so came to be stiled Dictator perpetuus, perpetuall Dictator.

CHAP. IX.

The Marseillians give up the Town.

THe Marseillians being much op∣prest,* 1.63 and almost worn out with all sorts of inconveniences, brought to an extreme exigent of victuall, de∣feated & overthrown in two fights

at sea, broken and cut in pieces oftentimes in their sallies out, afflicted with a grievous pe∣stilence through long shutting up and alte∣ration of diet (for they lived of nothing but of old Panick and musty Barly,* 1.64 which was long before laid up in publick for this pur∣pose;) their tower being overthrown, and a great part of their wall down, out of hope of any succours from the Provinces, or of other Armies, which they knew were come into the hands and power of Caesar; they seriously de∣termined (without fraud) to give up the town. But a few dayes before, L. Domitius understanding their resolution, having got three ships (whereof two he assigned to his familiar friends, the third he took himself, and taking the opportunity of a troublesome storm) put to sea: which being perceived by the ships that by Brutus commandement did continually guard the mouth of the Ha∣ven, they weighed their Anchours, and made after them. Notwithstanding, that wherein Domitius was held on her course, and by the help of the foul weather got out of sight. The other two being afraid of our ships, retur∣ned back into the Haven.

The Marscillians, according as was com∣manded, brought their Arms and Engines out of the town, drew forth their shipping, both out of their Haven and their Arcenalls, and delivered up their publick treasure. Which things being accomplished and performed, Caesar willing to save them, rather for the name and antiquity of the town, then for any merit of theirs, left two legions there for a Garrison, and sent the rest into I∣taly. He himself took his way towards Rome.

OBSERVATIONS.

HEnce we may observe, that when men re∣fuse to be led by reason, as the best means to guide them to convenient ends, they are commonly constrained by the commanding warrant of Necessity,* 1.65 to undergo the same thing upon harder conditions. As it happen∣ed to the Marseillians, who not regarding the Army then present, and ready to take a strict account of their answers (which with good excuse doth command a neutrall State) chose rather to be shut up with a siege,* 1.66 that of all miseries is accounted the worst; and therein so carried themselves, as they left no stone un∣removed to make good their refusall: but for want of better helps,* 1.67 brought their Fraud to play a part, to their greater disadvantage. And if the Conquerour had not took all occa∣sions to shew his clemency, they might hap∣pily have paid dear for their contempt. But where either desert or other motives wanted, there nomen & vetustas, their name and an∣tiquity was sufficient to make Caesar constant to his own ends: which, as near as the course wherein he was ingaged would afford him, were alwayes levelled at the generall applause of his actions; taking that to be no little help to work himself into the sovereignty of the State:* 1.68 observing it the rather in cases of great and happy successe, which are ever more restrained then lesser fortunes.* 1.69 Howsoever, it cannot be denied but that Clemency is a property of excellent honour:* 1.70 which Caesar shewed in saving the town.* 1.71

CHAP. X.

Curio transporteth two legions into Africk.

ABout the same time,* 1.72 C. Curio set sail from Sicily to passe into A∣frick: and making no account at all of Actius Varus forces, he carried with him but two legions of the four which were delivered him by Cae∣sar, together with five hundred horse. And after he had been at Sea two dayes and three nights, he arrived at a place called Aqui∣laria, distant twenty two miles from Clu∣pea; where there is a very commodious Road for ships in Sommer, sheltered on each side with two large and eminent Promonto∣ries. L. Caesar, the son, attended his coming at Clupea with ten Gallies; which being ta∣ken from the Pirats in the late warres, and laid aground at Utica, were repaired and new trimmed by Varus: but being afraid of the great number of his ships, he forsook the sea, and ran his Gallie on shore; and leaving her there, fled by land on foot to A∣drumetum, a town kept by Considius Lon∣gus, having one legion onely in garrison.

The rest of Caesar's Navy, seeing their Admirall flie away, put into Adrumetum. M. Rufus the Treasurer pursued him with twelve ships, which Curio had brought with him out of Sicily, to waft the ships of bur∣then; and finding the Gallie left upon the sand, he towed her off, and returned to Cu∣rio with his Navy.* 1.73 Curio sent Marcus be∣fore with the ships to Utica; and he himself set forward thither by land with the Army, and in two dayes journey came to the River Bagrada;* 1.74 where he left C. Caninius Rebilus, the Legate, with the legions, and went himself before with the Cavalry, to view a place called Cornelius Camp, which was held very fit and convenient to incamp in, being a di∣rect ridge of a hill, shooting out into the Sea,

steep and broken on each side, and yet shelving by a little more gentle descent on that side which was next Utica, being distant from thence (if the nearest way were taken) a lit∣tle more then a mile. But in that shortest cut there rose a spring, in that part which was furthest off from the sea, and so made a marish or bogge; which whosoever would a∣void, must fetch a compass of six miles to go to the town.

A view being taken of this place, Curio be∣held afarre off Varus Camp, joyning to the town wall, at the gate called Bellica, mar∣vellously fortified through the strong situa∣tion of the place, having the town on the one side, and a Theatre which stood before the town on the other; and by reason of the great circuit of building which it contained, made a narrow and difficult passage to the Camp. He obser∣ved further, great store of carriages, which by reason of this suddain alarme, were brought out of the Countrey towards the town: for the intercepting whereof he sent the Cavalry. And at the same instant, Varus likewise had sent out of the town, 600 Numidian horse, and 400 foot, which King Juba (a few daies be∣fore) had sent to Utica, for the strengthening of that party. This Prince had acquaintance with Pompey, by reason that his father lodged with him, and bare a spleen to Curio, for the law which he preferred when he was Tribune of the people, for the confiscation of Juba his kingdome. The Cavalry on either side met toge∣ther, and the Numidians were not able to abide the charge of our men; but about an hundred and twenty being slain, the rest betook them∣selves back to the Camp at the town.

In the mean time, upon the arrivall of our Gallies, Curio commanded it to be proclaimed, that such Victuallers and ships of burthen as were in the Bay at Utica (being in number about two hundred) and would not presently come to the Cornelian Camp, should be held and taken for enemies. At which Proclama∣tion, upon an instant of time, they all weighed anchour, and came to the place whether they were commanded: whereby the Army abound∣ed with all necessary provisions. This being done, he returned to the Camp at Bagrada; and by the acclamation of the whole Army, was saluted by the name of Imperator.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THis Chapter beginneth with the third part of this book, containing Curio his passage in∣to Africk: concerning whom it is to be obser∣ved, that in the beginning of these broils, no man was more enemy to Caesar, nor made more bitter invectives to the people against him, then he did in his Tribuneship; but afterwards he fell off, and was gained by the voluptuous inticements of M. Antonie, together with a huge mass of money which Caesar sent him. Whereupon he plaied the turn-coat, and with might and main afflicted that Party; prevailing much with the Communaltie,* 1.75 by his eloquent and perswasive speeches; the lively force where∣of is able to stir up affection in stones. For which cause it is, that* 1.76 Velleius Paterculus no∣teth, That no man brought a more burning or dangerous fire-brand to the kindling of those Civile wars, then did Curio; being a man of an excellent discourse, audacious, prodigall of his own and of other mens, subtle, ingenious, ex∣treme vitious, and alwaies well-spoken, to the ruine of the publick weal. Which sweetnesse of words came unto him by inheritance,* 1.77 as Plinie witnesseth; Una familia Curionum, in qua tres continua serie oratores extiterunt; In the one family of the Curiones there were three no∣ted Oratours one after another.* 1.78 Of whose mon∣strous prodigality the same Authour hath made a very large account.* 1.79 And out of these over∣weening humours it was, that he became so un∣warie as to divide his Armie; neglecting the Enemy,* 1.80 and the variableness of war, which al∣tereth as the Moon, and keepeth no constant shape whereby it may be known. Concerning the dismembring of an Army lightly, and upon heedlesse rashness, Cyrus giveth grave advice, in the beginning of the sixth book of Xenophon. To which (for the present) I refer the Reader.

Clupea was a town in Africk, named by Plinie, Oppidum liberum, or a free Town, and sited upon the Promontorie of Mercury, in the territories of old Carthage. It was so called, be∣cause it carried the form of a Target retorted; and for the same cause it was called Aspis:

In Clypei speciem curvatis turribus Aspis.* 1.81 Aspis with turrets bowing like a shield.

This Promontorie, which Curio chose to in∣camp in, was famous for three things. First, it was reputed the place where Antaeus the Giant dwelt, which Hercules slew, by strangling him in his Armes, that he might not touch the Earth, from which it is said he received fresh strength. Secondly, P. Cornelius Scipio, that subdued A∣frick, made that place his chief Camp of strength: and so it came to be called Cornelius Camp. And lastly, for this expedition which Curio made, to lose two legions, and himself withall, as unwilling to see the morrow, after such a losse;* 1.82 for, Vitae est avidus, quisquis non vult, mundo secum pereunte, mori; He loves life indeed, that is not willing to dy when the world falls.

CHAP. XI.

Curio marcheth to Ʋtica. His Cavalry put to flight great troups coming from king Juba. His Army strangely possessed with an idle fear.

THe next day he brought his Army to Utica,* 1.83 and incamped himself near unto the town. But before the forti∣fication of his Camp was finished, the horsemen that stood Centinell gave notice of great forces of horse and foot, coming towards Utica, from king Juba: and at the same time, a great dust was seen rise in the aire, and pre∣sently the first troups began to come in sight. Curio astonished at the novelty of the thing, sent his horse before, to sustain the first shock, and to stay them: he himself, calling the le∣gions with all speed from their work, imbat∣telled his Army. The Cavalry encounte∣ring with the Enemy (before the legions could be well unfolded and put in order) did put to flight all the Kings forces, that came marching without fear or order; and slew a great number of the foot troups: but the horse, making hast, got almost all safe into the town, by the way of the sea-shore. The next night af∣ter, two Centurions of the Nation of the Marsi, fled from Curio, with twenty two of their soul∣diers, to Actius Varus.

These Centurions, whether it were to please Varus, or otherwise speaking as they thought (for what men wish, they easily believe; and what they think, they hope others do think the same;) did confidently affirm, that the minds of the whole Army were altogether alienated from Curio; and that it was very expedient that the Armies should come in sight, and find means to speak together. Varus being perswaded to that opinion, the next day, early in the morning, drew his legions out of the Camp: the like did Curio; either of them putting their forces in order, upon a small Valley which lay between both their Armies.

There was in Varus Army, one Sex. Quin∣tilius Varus, who (as it is formerly declared) was at Corfinium; and being let go by Caesar, went into Africk. It fortuned that Curio had carried over those legions, which Caesar had for∣merly taken at Corfinium: so that a few Cen∣turions being slain, the Companies and Mani∣ples remained the same. This occasion being so fitly offered, Quintilius (going about Curio his Army) began to beseech the souldiers, that they would not forget the first oath they had taken to Domitius, and to him their Trea∣surer; nor bear Arms against them, that had run the same fortune, and endured the same siege; nor fight for those, who (by way of re∣proach) had called them fugitives. To these he added some promises, to put them in hope of a good recompence, out of his own liberality, if they would follow him and Actius.

Having delivered this unto them, Curio his Army stood mute, and declared not them∣selves by any sign, either one way or other: and so either side drew back to their Camp. Not∣withstanding, Curio his Camp was afterwards possessed with a great fear, and suspicion: which was quickly augmented, by divers reports rai∣sed upon the same. For every man forged opi∣nions and conceits; and out of his own fear, ad∣ded something to that which he had heard of another. Which when it was spread from one authour to many, and one had received it from another, it seemed there were many authours of the same thing.* 1.84 For Civile war is alwaies compounded of such men, as hold it lawfull to do and follow what and whom they please.

Those legions which a little before were in the service of the Enemy, did willingly embrace what was offered them; for old acquaintance had made them forget what benefits Caesar had lately bestowed on them:* 1.85 being also of divers Countries and Nations, and not all of the Marsi or Peligni, as those the night before, which were their Cabin-mates, and fellow-souldiers: whereupon they took occasion, to publish abroad in worse tearms, that which others had vainly given out; and some things were coined by those that would seem most diligent in doing their duty.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

OBserve first, from the revolt of these Centu∣rions, that a fellow or two of rank and fa∣shion falling from a Party, do gain easy credit to their advertisements, by averring any thing which the Enemy desireth. Whence it is, that forasmuch as fugitives can little otherwise avail, (one man being but as no man,) they seek fa∣vour and reputation with the party they ••ly un∣to, by their advise and discovery, and conse∣quently, the remuneration of espiall; which ac∣cording to the president made by Fabius to the Spies of Clusine,* 1.86 is worth a mans labour.

And herein Revolters (specially those of judgement) are very dangerous instruments;

not only in weakening or making frustrate such designs as may be contrived against an Adver∣sary; but also in discovering the secrets of their own Party, and disclosing of that which is ab∣solute and well, untill it be made known. For there is no subsisting thing so perfect, but hath alwaies some part or other open, to give an easy passage to destruction: according to that of the Poet,

Omnia sunt hominum tenui pendentia filo. All humane things hang by a slender thread.

And therefore, it is no small means of preserving each thing in being, to make shew of strength, and conceal weaknesses,* 1.87 as the registers of assu∣red ruine. For which cause it is, that fidelity is commended, as the foundation of humane so∣ciety: and perfidious treachery, divulging the secret imperfections thereof, is the plague and bane of the same.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

AS there is nothing more dangerous in an Army then fear; so there is nothing sooner bred to disturb a multitude, then this passion, which metamorphoseth a troup of men into a heard of Deer. For hence it appeareth, that one Thersites is able to leaven a whole Army; and an idle conceit bred in the weak thoughts of some Tresantas,* 1.88 begetteth oftentimes a main cause of distrust throughout all the Party: which, as it spreadeth abroad, is so delivered from one to another,* 1.89 as the Reporter (not believing what he telleth) addeth alwaies somewhat to make the hearer believe what he could not himself. And so weak minds do multiply the vain ap∣prehension of idle humours, in such a fashion, as there is more hurt in fearing,* 1.90 then in the thing which is feared.

Epaminodas was more fortunate then all others in this kind: for* 1.91 while he led the The∣bans as their Commander, they were never taken with any sudden affrightment, nor pos∣sest with any Panick terrour, to bereave them of their senses, or falsify the truth of their understanding; being all (as it seemed) of the same mind with the Generall, who accounted▪ no death so honourable as that which came by war. Howbeit such is the frailty of humane nature,* 1.92 and so strange are the convulsions of the mind, that a Comman∣der must expect to meet with times, wherein his men will stand in danger of nothing so much as their own infirmity: being troubled rather with strong apprehensions,* 1.93 then for any danger of the thing feared.

CHAP. XII.

Curio disputeth the matter in a Councell of war.

FOr which causes a Councell of war being called,* 1.94 they began to deli∣berate what course was to be taken. I here were some opinions which thought, that it was very expedient to as∣sault and take Varus Camp for that there was nothing more dangerous then idlenesse, for the breeding and increase of such imaginati∣ons as the souldiers had conceived. Others said, It were better to try the fortune of a bat∣tel, and to free themselves by valourous en∣deavour, rather then to be forsaken and a∣bandoned of their own party, and left to under∣go most grievous and extreme torments. There were others which thought it fit, to return about the third watch of the night to Cornelius Camp; that by interposing some respite of time, the souldiers might be better settled, and confirmed in their opinions; and if any mischance further happened, they might (by reason of their store of shipping) with more ease and safety return back to Sicily.

Curio misliking both the one and the o∣ther, said, That there wanted as much good resolution in the one opinion, as abounded in the other: for these entered into a conside∣ration of a dishonourable & unbeseeming flight; and those were of an opinion to fight in an unequall and disadvantageous place. For with what hope (saith he) can we assault a Camp so fortified, both by Nature and Art? Or what have we gained, if with great losse and damage,* 1.95 we shall go away and give it over? As though things well and happily atchieved, did not get to the Commander great good will from the souldier; and things ill carried, as much hate. Concerning the removing of our Camp,* 1.96 what doth it inferre but a shamefull retreat, a despair in all men, and an alienation of the Army? For it is not fit, to give occasion to the prudent and well-advised, to imagine that they are dis∣trusted; nor on the other side, to the ill∣disposed, that they are redoubted or feared: and the rather, because fear in this kind will give them more liberty to do ill, and a∣bate the endeavour of good men in well de∣serving. And if (saith he) these things

are well known unto us already, that are spoken of the revolt and alienation of the Army (which, for mine own part, I think either to be altogether false, or at least, lesse then in opinion they are thought to be) is it not better to dissemble and hide them, then that they should be strengthened and confirmed by us? Ought we not, as we do hide the wounds of our bodies, to cover the inconveniences of an Army, least we should minister hope or courage to the Adversa∣rie? But some there are that advise to set forward at midnight; to the end (as I imagine) that such as are desirous to offend, may perform it with more scope and licenti∣ousnesse. For such disorders are repressed and reformed either with shame or fear; to both which the night is an enemy. And therefore, as I am not of that courage, to think without hope or means that the Ene∣mies Camp is to be assaulted; so on the o∣ther side, I am not so fearfull, as to be wan∣ting in that which is fitting: but am ra∣ther of opinion, that we try all things be∣fore we yield to that; and do assure my self, that for the most part, we are all of one mind concerning this point.

OBSERVATIONS.

AS in matter of Geometry, Rectum est In∣dex sui & obliqui, a straight line mani∣festeth both it self and a crooked line, being equall to all the parts of rectitude, and une∣quall to obliquity: so is it in reason and dis∣course. For a direct and well-grounded speech carrieth such a native equality with all its parts, as it doth not only approve it self to be levelled at that which is most fitting, but sheweth also what is indirect and crooked, concerning the same matter; and is of that consequence in the variety of projects and o∣pinions,* 1.97 and so hardly hit upon, in the lame discourse of common reason, that Plato thought it a piece of divine power, to direct a path free from the crookednesse of errour, which might lead the straight and ready way to happy ends.* 1.98 And the rather, forasmuch as in matter of de∣bate, there are no words so weighty, but do seem balanced with others of equall consi∣deration:* 1.99 as here it happened,* 1.100 from those that pointing at the cause of this distemperature,* 1.101 con∣victed Idlenesse for the Authour of their varia∣ble and unsettled minds; and, as* 1.102 Xenophon hath observed, very hard to be endured in one man, much worse in a whole family, but no way sufferable in an Army; which the Romans called Exercitus, ab exercitio from exercise. For remedy whereof, they propounded labour without hope of gain, and such service as could bring forth nothing but losse. Others, prefer∣ring security before all other courses (as be∣lieving with Livie,* 1.103 that Captains should never trust Fortune further then necessity constrained them) perswaded a retreat to a place of safety, but upon dishonourable tearms. Which une∣vennesse of opinions Curio made straight by an excellent Maxime in this kind; thinking it con∣venient to hold such a course, as might neither give honest men cause of distrust, nor wicked men to think they were feared. For so he should be sure (in good tearms of honour) neither to discourage the better sort, nor give occasion to the ill-affected to do worse. And thus winding himself out of the labyrinth of words (as know∣ing that to be true of Annius the Praetor, that* 1.104 it more importeth occasions to do then to say; be∣ing an easy matter to fit words to things unfol∣ded & resolved upon;) he brake up the Councell.

CHAP. XIII.

Curio calleth a generall assembly of the souldiers; and speaketh unto them, concerning their fear and re∣traction.

THe Councell being risen,* 1.105 he gave or∣der for a Convocation of the Army; and there called to remembrance what they had done for Caesar at Confinium: how by their favour and furthe∣rance, he had gained the greatest part of Italy to be on his side. For, by you (saith he) and by your endeavour, all the rest of the Municipal towns were drawn to follow Caesar: and there, fore not without just cause did he at that time repose great assurance in your affections towards him; and the adverse party conceived as great indignation & spight against you. For Pompey was not forced away by any battel; but being prejudiced by your act he quitted Italy. Caesar hath recommended me, whom he held near unto himself, together with the Provinces of Sicily and Africk (without which he cannot defend the City and Italy) to your trust and fidelity. There are some which solicite and perswade you to re∣volt from my command: for what can they wish or desire more, then to make it but one work, to bring us both to ruine and overthrow, and to in∣gage you in a most detestable wickednesse?* 1.106 Or what worse opinion can they conceive of you, then that you should betray those men, that professe themselves wholly yours; and that you might afterwards come into their

power,* 1.107 who take themselves to be undone by your means?

Have you not understood what Caesar hath done in Spain? two Armies beaten; two Gene∣ralls defeated; two Provinces taken; and all within forty daies, after he came in view of the Enemy? Those whose forces were not able to make resistance when they were whole and entire, how is it possible they should hold out being beaten and discomfited? You that fol∣lowed Caesar when the victory stood doubtfull; now Fortune hath adjudged the Cause, and determined of the issue of the War, will you fol∣low the vanquished Partie, when you are to re∣ceive the reward of your service? They gave out, that they were forsaken and betraied by you, and do remember you of the former oath you took. But did you forsake L. Domitius, or did he forsake you? Did not he thrust you out, and expose you to all extremity of for∣tune? Did he not seek to save himself by flight, without your knowledge or privity? Were you not preserved and kept alive by Caesar's cle∣mency, when you were abandoned and betraied by him?

How could he tie you with the oath of alle∣geance, when (having cast away his sheaf of Rods, and laid down his authority) he him∣self was made a private person, and became captivated to the command of another mans power? It were a strange and new religion, that you should neglect that oath, wherein you stand now ingaged; and respect the o∣ther, which was taken away by the rendry of your Generall, and the* 1.108 losse of your liberty. But I believe you think well of Caesar, and are offended at me, that am not to preach of my merits towards you; which as yet are less then my will, and unworthy your expectation: and yet souldiers have alwaies used to seek reward upon the shutting up of a war; which what event it will have, make you no doubt. And why should I omit the diligence which I have already used, and how the busi∣ness hath hitherto proceeded? Doth it offend you, that I transported the Army over in safety, without losse of any one ship? That at my coming, I beat and dispersed at the first onset the whole fleet of the Adversaries? That twice, in two daies, I overcame them onely with the Cavalry? That I drew two hundred Ships of burthen out of the Road and Port of the Enemy?* 1.109 and have brought them to that extremity, that they can be supplied by pro∣vision neither by sea nor by land? All this good fortune, and these Commanders re∣jected and forsaken, will you rather imbrace again the ignominie you received at Corfi∣nium, or your slight out of Italy, or the ren∣dering up of Spain, or the prejudiciall suc∣cesse of the war of Africk? Truly, for mine own part, I was desirous and content to be called Caesar's souldier: but you have stiled me with the title of Imperator. Which if it re∣pent you, I do willingly quit my self of your grace, and return it back unto you: and do you; in like manner, restore me to my name again, least you should seem to give me honour which might turn to my reproch.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

IN the handling of this accident, the diffe∣rence cometh to be observed between a Coun∣cell of war, and a Concio, or convocation of the souldiers. The first was more particular, con∣sisting of some choice men, and those the most eminent in the partie.* 1.110 Is qui non universum populum, sed partem aliquam adesse jubet, non comitia, sed concilium edicere debet; he that calls together only a part of the people, and not the whole, calls a Councell, not a generall assembly. Their convocation or preaching was more generall, the whole Army being con∣vented together, to be fitted by perswasion and discourse to follow the resolution taken by a Councell; and was properly called Adlocu∣t••o,* 1.111 and sometimes Conventus: Cicero per∣lectam Epistolam Caesaris in convent•• mili∣tum recitat; Cicero read the letter from Caesar in a conventus, or generall meeting of his soul∣diers. The parties called to a Councell, were ac∣cording as the Generall valued the occasion: for sometimes the Legates and Tribunes were onely consulted; and now and then the Cen∣turions of the first Orders, together with the Captains of horse, were called to their assi∣stance; and oftentimes, all the Centurions. But howsoever, Curio resolved out of his own judgement, as great Commanders commonly do; and is specially observed by Pierre Mat∣thieu,* 1.112 of the French King; who ever loveth to hear the opinion of his Captains, but alwaies finds his own the best.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

AMongst other strains of this discourse, it is acknowledged, that Rome could not stand without Sicilie; & the reason was, for the plenty of Corn which it brought forth: for Sicily was alwaies reputed as the Granary or Barn of Rome, & accordingly cared for by the Senate, as a place without which their Citie could not con∣tinue. The grain of that Iland is hard, like horn, and cannot well be broken or ground into Meal, untill it be wet with water, and then dried in the shade, rather then in the sunne: by means

whereof it yieldeth so exceedingly, that it is ac∣counted twenty in the hundred better then any Ponent Wheat; especially, for that it will keep long in their Vaults and Caves under the earth, & seldome or never take heat, being of it self so hard and dry.

The gluttonous use of flesh hath made men ignorant of the vertue and strength of Corn, which the Romans better understood; for their legions never sed on flesh, as long as they could get Corn.* 1.113 Pecora, quod secundum poterat esse inopiae subsidium, they fetched in cattel, as the second way to help their want, saith Caesar. And in another place;* 1.114 Ut complures dies mili∣tes frumento caruerint, Pecore è longinquio∣ribus vicis adacto extremam famem susten∣tarent; the souldiers having for many daies been without corn, they were fain to sustain their extreme hunger with cattell which they had fetched afar off. And in the same place, Quod minor erat frumenti copia, Pecus imperabat; because there was but little corn, he gave order for cattell. And again, Non illi hordeum cum daretur, non legumina recusbant. Pecus vero, cujus rei summa erat in Epiro copia, magno in honore habebant. They refused neither barley nor pulse when it was offered them; but cattell, whereof there was good store in Epirus, they prized at an high rate.

By which places it appeareth, that they never fell to flesh, but when they wanted Corn. Which is doubtlesse a firmer nutriment, lesse excremen∣tall, and of better strength, then any other food whatsoever; as containing the prime substance of Meat, and the spirit of Wine: for Aqua vi∣tae is as well made of Wheat, as of the lees of Wine. Flesh is good to make Wrastlers of a grosse and heavy constitution, as Plutarch no∣teth: but the Roman souldier stood in need of an effectuall and sinewy vigour, able to under∣go carriages,* 1.115 fitter for a Mule then a Man, toge∣ther with such works, as later ages do rather hear then believe; and was attained by feeding onely upon bread.

The Rabbines and Thalmudists do write, that the Giants of the old world first fell to the eating of flesh, making no difference between a man and a beast; but grew so execrable, that they made women cast their fruit before their time, to the end they might eat it with more tenderness and delicacy. Which is also said to be practised by the Canniballs, upon the first discovery of the Indies. Viginere reporteth, that he knew some great Men in France so friand, that they caused oftentimes Does ready to foan to be killed, and the young ones took out alive, to be made meat for monstrous appetites.* 1.116 But there is no indiffe∣rent Parallel to be drawn, between the sobriety of the ancient Roman souldier, and the gluttony of these times; far exceeding that of Agamem∣non,* 1.117 which Achilles noted with words of high reproach,* 1.118 calling him Hogs-head of Wines, eyes of a Dog, and hart of a Dear.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

THirdly, from this elaborate & well-couched speech, we may note, that Eloquence is a very beautifull ornament to Princes,* 1.119 and great Commanders; besides the use it hath to lead a multitude to such ends as is wished: for smooth words prevail where force booteth not.* 1.120 Accord∣ing to that of Cicero,* 1.121 Cum populum persuade∣ri posse diffidimus, cogi fas esse non arbitre∣mur: If the people will not be perswaded, let us not think it fit to go about to compell them.

CHAP. XIV.

Curio bringeth out his troups, and putteth Varus Army to flight.

THe souldiers moved with this O∣ration,* 1.122 did oftentimes interrupt him in his speech; signifying with what grief they did indure the suspicion of infidelity. And as he departed from the Assembly, every man ex∣horted him to be of a good courage, and not to doubt of giving battell, or to make triall of their fidelity and valour. By which means, the minds & disposition of all men being changed, Curio resolved (out of a generall consent) as soon as any occasion was offered, to give bat∣tell.

The next day, having brought out his forces, he made a stand, and imbattelled them in the same place where he stood in Armes the day before. And Varus likewise drew out his troups; whether it were to solicite the soul∣dier, or not to omit the opportunity of fighting, if it might be afforded in an indifferent place. There was a valley (as we have for∣merly declared) between the two Armies, of no very hard or difficult ascent; and either of them expected who should first come over it, to the end they might fight in a place of more advantage: when upon a suddain, all Varus Cavalry that stood in the left Cornet of the Army, together with the light-armed soul∣diers that stood mingled amongst them, were seen descending into the Valley. To them Cu∣rio sent his Cavalry, together with two cohorts of the Marrucini. The Enemies horsemen were not able to indure the first incounter of our men; but having lost their horses, fled back to their party. The light-armed men that came out with them, being left and forsaken, were all slain by our men, in the view and sight of

Varus whole Army. Then Rebilus, Caesar's Legate (whom Curio for his knowledge and experience in matter of war, had brought with him out of Sicily) said; Curio, thou seest the Enemy affrighted: why makest thou doubt to use the opportunity of time? Curio without ma∣king any other answer, then willing the soul∣diers to remember what they had assured unto him the day before, commanded them to follow him, and ran formost himself. The Valley was so cumber some and difficult, that in gaining the ascent of the hill, the formost could hardly get up, unlesse they were lifted up by their followers. Howbeit the Enemy was so possessed with fear, for the flight and slaughter of their fellows, that they did not so much as think of resisting; for they took themselves all to be already surprised by the Cavalry: so that before any weapon could be cast, or that our men could approch near unto them, all Varus Army turned their backs, and fled into their Camp.

In this flight, Fabius Pelignus (a certain souldier of one of the inferiour Companies of Curio his Army) having overtaken the first troup of them that fled, sought for Varus, cal∣ling after him with a loud voice; as though he had been one of his own souldiers, and would either advise him, or say some-thing else to him. And as he, being often called, looked back, and stood still (inquiring who he was, and what he would) he made at Varus shoulder (which was unarmed) with his sword, and was very near killing him: howbeit he avoided the danger, by receiving the blow upon his tar∣get. Fabius was instantly inclosed about by such souldiers as were near at hand, and slain.

In the mean time, the gates of the Camp were pestered and thronged with multitudes and troups of such as fled away, and the passage was so stopped, that more died in that place without blow or wound, then perished either in the battell or in the flight. Neither wanted they much of taking the Camp; for many left not running untill they came to the town. But the nature of the place and the fortification of the Camp, did hinder their accesse; and Curio his men coming out, prepared onely for a battell wanted such necessaries as were of use for the taking of the Camp. And therefore Curio car∣ried back his Army, with the losse of no one man but Fabius. Of the Adversaries were slain about six hundred; and many more wounded, who all upon Curio his departure, besides many other that feigned themselves hurt, left the Camp for fear, and went into the town. Which Varus perceiving, and knowing also the asto∣nishment of the Army, leaving a Trumpeter in the Camp, & a few Tents for shew, about the third watch, he carried his Army with silence out of the Camp into the town.

OBSERVATIONS.

IT is a part of wisdome,* 1.123 and oftentimes a main help to victorie, to attend the advantage of an Enemies rashness, and to see if his folly will not make way to his overthrow. Whereof Cu∣rio made good use: for he kept his Army in the upper ground, untill the Cavalry of the Adver∣sarie were loosely fallen into the Valley; and then set upon them, and cut them all in pieces. The sight whereof maskered the whole Army, and kept Curio in safety, upon the like disad∣vantage, in the cumbersome passage of the same Vale: by means whereof he put to flight the whole forces of the Enemy, and made a great slaughter in the party. Wherein I may not for∣get that trick of a Roman spirit, whereby the Authour becometh memorable to posterity, in calling after Varus by name, to make him the sa∣crifice for both the Hoasts. Whence we may observe, that when a battell is joyned pell-mell, no man can be assured in his own valour, nor share out his fortune by the length of his sword; but is oftentimes subject to weaknesses of con∣tempt, and vanquished by such as cannot be compared unto him but in scorn.

I have heard it reported, that at the battell of Eureux, Maturine (that known woman in France) took prisoner & disarmed a Cavalero of Spain: who being brought before the King, and by him demanded whose prisoner he was, or whether he knew the partie that had forced him; answered, no; but that he knew him to be a gallant man of Armes. Whereat the king smiled: and the Gentleman, understanding what fortune he had run, was as much dismaied as a man possibly could be, that considered, Quod ferrum aequat, in bello, robustioribus imbecilliores, The sword equalleth the weakest to the strongest.

CHAP. XV.

Curio leaveth Ʋtica to meet with King Juba. His Cavalrie overthroweth the forces led by Sabura; which leadeth him on to his overthrow.

THe next day Curio prepared to be∣siege Utica,* 1.124 inclosing it about with a ditch & a rampier. There were in the town a multitude of people unacquainted with war, through the long peace they had injoyed: and the inhabitants stood very affectionate to Caesar, for many benefits they had re∣ceived from him. The rest of the multitude consisted of divers sorts of men, much

terrified and affrighted by the former incoun∣ters: whereupon every man spake plainly of giving up the town, and dealt with Pub. Actius, that their fortunes and lives might not come in danger, through his pertinacie and wil∣fulness.

While these things were a doing, there came messengers from King Juba, signifying, the King was at hand with great forces, and willed them to keep and defend the town. Which news did much incourage and confirm the wave∣ring and affrighted minds of the Enemy. The same was also reported to Curio: whereunto for a while he gave no credit; such was his confidence in the successe of things. And now withall, came Letters and Messengers into A∣frick, of that which Caesar had so fortunately atchieved in Spain: so that being absolutely assured with all these things, he was perswaded the king durst attempt nothing against him. But when he found by assured discovery, that his forces were within twenty five miles of U∣tica, leaving his works already begun, he with∣drew himself into Cornelius Camp; and be∣gan there to fortifie his Camp, to get Corn and other provisions, and to furnish it with all necessaries materiall for a defence: and sent presently a dispatch into Sicily, that the two legions, and the rest of the Cavalry might be sent unto him.

The Camp wherein he lay was fitly accommo∣dated to hold out the war, as well by reason of the nature of the place, as the artificiall forti∣fying thereof, the nearness of the sea, and the plenty of water and salt; whereof there was great quantity brought thither, from the Salt-pits near adjoyning. No stuffe could be wanting, through the great store of wood which was about the place, nor yet any Corn, for the plenty that was to be found in the con∣fining fields: and thereupon, by the advice and approbation of all men, Curio resolved to attend his other forces, and to draw out the war in length.

These things being thus disposed by the con∣sent and liking of all men, he heard by some that lately came out of the town, that Juba was called back, by occasion of a war happened upon the confines, and that by reason of the controversies and dissentions of the Leptitani, he was detained at home in his kingdome; but that Sabura his Lieutenant was sent with some competent forces, and was not far from Utica. To which reports giving too light and easie cre∣dit, he altered his purpose,* 1.125 and resolved to put the matter to triall of battell: whereunto his youthfull heat, the greatness of his courage, the successe of former time, and his confidence in the managing of that war, did violently lead him. Being carried on with these induce∣ments, he sent the first night all the Caval∣ry to the River Bagrada, where the Enemy lay incamped under the command of Sabura: but the king followed after with all his forces, and lay continually within six miles, or there∣abouts.

The horsemen sent before, and making their journey in the night, set upon the Enemy at unawares, and not thinking of their ap∣proch: for the Numidians lodge, scattered here and there in a barbarous manner, without any government or order. And surprising them thus oppressed with sleep, and scattered upon the ground, they slew a great number of them: the rest, in great terror and amazement, esca∣ped by flight. Which service being thus exe∣cuted, the Cavalry returned to Curio, and brought the captives unto him. Curio was gone out about the fourth watch of the night with all his forces, having left five cohorts for a garrison to his Camp: and having marched six miles, he met with the Cavalry, understood what was done, and inquired of the captives, who was Generall of the Camp at Bagrada. They answered, Sabura. He omitted for haste of his way to inform himself of the rest: but turning himself to the next Ensignes, said, You see, souldiers, that the confession of the cap∣tives doth agree with that which was reported by the fugitives. For the king is not come; but hath sent some small forces, which cannot make their partie good with a few horsemen: and therefore hasten to take the spoil with honour and renown, that we may now at length begin to think of rewarding your me∣rits.

OBSERVATIONS.

IT is observed by Marcellinus,* 1.126 that when misfortune cometh upon a man, his spirit groweth so dull and benummed, as his senses seem to be dismissed of their charges. Which ap∣peared hear in Curio: who having taken a pro∣vident and sure course, such as was approved in every mans judgement, and beseemed well the wisdome of a Commander,* 1.127 did neverthelesse, contrary to all sense and discretion, forgo the same, and cast himself upon the hazard of that which fugitives had vainly reported.* 1.128 Concern∣ing which, as it is noted, that Incredulity is hurtfull onely to the unbeliever; so this passage proveth, that for a Commander to be too light of belief, is a danger to the whole Partie, and bringeth many to ruine, that had no part in that creed. Caesar, in the relation hereof, noteth three speciall things in Curio, that carried him head∣long to this disaster, and may serve as marks to avoid the like Syrtes.

The first was, Iuvenilis ardor, his youthfull

courage and heat: which is alwaies attended with strong affections, suting the qualitie and temperature of the body, being then in the prime height of strength, & accordingly led on with violent motions;* 1.129 whereas age goeth slowly and coldly forward, and is alwaies surer in under∣taking, then hot-spurre youth. And albeit no man in cold bloud could better advise then Cu∣rio, or fore-see with better providence; yet his youthfull boldnesse over-swaied his discourse,* 1.130 and drew all to a mischief, in despight of his wisedome.

The second was, Superioris temporis pro∣ventus, the happy issue of former proceedings: which of all other conditions is to be suspected,* 1.131 and needeth Gods assistance more then any o∣ther fortune; for that no man sooner erreth, or is more uncapable of order, then such as are in prosperity. And therefore Plato refused to make lawes for them of Cyrene;* 1.132 as a matter of great difficulty, to give ordinances to men that were in happinesse. And doubtless, such is the exorbi∣tancie of our nature, that nothing better infor∣meth it then crosses;* 1.133 which are as instructions and warnings, for the preventing of ruining calamities.* 1.134 Wherein Curio was not beholding to Fortune at all; that dandled him in her lap for a while, to cast him out at length headlong to his ruine. It had been much better, she had ex∣changed a frown with a favour, rather then to have given him much good together,* 1.135 and re∣serve an irrecoverable disgrace for the upshot.

The third was,* 1.136 Fiducia rei bene gerendae: which savoureth more of folly then any of the former; it being alwaies an argument of an im∣prudent man, to assure himself of good fortune. For Presumption,* 1.137 being ever accompanied with Negligence, is subject to as many casualties, as those that go unarmed upon extremity of dan∣ger.* 1.138 And these were the three things that mis∣carried Curio. Out of which we may observe with Xenophon, that Ingens & arduum opus est recte imperare, it is a weighty and difficult matter to command well.

CHAP. XVI.

Curio pursueth the Enemy, with more haste then good successe.

THat which the Cavalry had ex∣ploited,* 1.139 was certainly a matter of great service; especially the small number of them, being compared with the great multitude of the Numidians: and yet notwithstanding, they spake of these things with greater ostentation then the truth would bear; as men are willing to divulge their own praises. Besides, they shewed much spoil which they had taken; Cap∣tives and Horses were brought out; that what∣soever time was omitted, seemed to be a let and hinderance to the victory: by which means, the desires and endeavours of the Souldiers were no way short of the hope which Curio had con∣ceived. Who commanding the Cavalry to fol∣low him, marched forward with as much haste as he could; to the end he might find the Ene∣my distracted and astonished, at the flight and overthrow of their fellows. But the horsemen, having travelled all night, could by no means follow after. Whereby it happened, that some staied in one place, some in another: yet this did not hinder or discourage Curio in his hopes.

Juba being advertised by Sabura of the con∣flict in the night, sent instantly two thousand Spanish and French horse, which he kept about him for the safety of his Person, and such of the foot-troups as he most trusted, to succour and relieve him: he himself with the rest of the forces, and forty Elephants, followed softly after. Sabura, suspecting by the horsemen co∣ming before, that Curio himself was at hand, imbattelled all his forces; commanding them, that under a pretence of counterfeit fear, they should retreat by little and little; himself, when occasion served, would give them the signe of battell, with such other directions as should be expedient.

Curio was strengthened in his former hope, with the opinion of the present occasion. For supposing the Enemy had fled, he drew his forces from the upper ground into the Plain; wherein after he had marched a good space (the Army having travailed sixteen mile) he made a stand. Sabura gave the signe to his men of beginning the battell, led on his Army, went about his troups, to exhort and encourage his souldiers. Howbeit, he used his foot-men onely for a shew a farre off, and sent the Cavalry to give the charge. Curio was not wanting to his men; but wished them to set all their confidence in their valour. The souldiers, (howsoever harried and wearied,) and the horsemen (al∣though but a very few, and those spent with travell) yet wanted no courage or desire to fight. But these being but two hundred in number (for the rest staied by the way) what part of the Army soever they charged, they forced the Enemy to give way: but they could neither follow them far as they fled, nor put their horses to any round or long career.

At length, the Cavalry of the Enemy began from both the wings to circumvent our Ar∣my, and to mall them down behind: and as our Cohorts issued out from the battell towards them, the Numidians (through their nimble∣nesse) did easily avoid the shock; and again,

as they turned back to their ranks, inclosed them about, and cut them off from the battell: so that it neither seemed safe to keep their or∣der and place, nor to advance themselves out, and undergo the hazard of adventure.

OBSERVATIONS.

THe Principles and Maximes of War are alwaies to be held firm, when they are taken with their due circumstances: for every Rule hath a qualified state, and consisteth more in cautions and exceptions, then in authority of precept. It is true, that nothing doth more ad∣vantage a victorie, then the counsell of La∣machus, the third Duke of the Athenians; which was,* 1.140 to set upon an Enemy when he is affrighted and distracted: for so there is no∣thing to be expected on is behalf but despair and confusion. But either to be mistaken there∣in, or otherwise to make such haste to observe this rule of war (as Curio did) that the best part of the Army shall he by the way, and the rest that go on shall be so spent with labour, as they are altogether unfit for service, and yet (to make the matter worse) to bring them into a place of disadvantage, to incounter a strong and fresh Enemy, is to make the circumstances oversway the Rule, and by a Maxime of Warre, to be directed to an overthrow: neg∣lecting altogether that which is observed by Sextus Aurelius Victor, Satis celeriter fit, quicquid commode geritur, that which is well done, is done soon enough.

CHAP. XVII.

Curio defeated and slain. Some few of the Army get passage to S••cily: the rest yield themselves to Varus.

THe Enemy was oftentimes renfor∣ced by succours from the King.* 1.141 our men had spent their strength, and fainted through weariness: such as were wounded, could neither leave the battell, nor be conveighed into a place of safety. The whole Army being incompassed about with the Cavalry of the Enemy (whereby despairing of their safety, as men commonly do, when their life draws towards an end) they either lamented their own death, or recommended their friends to good fortune, if it were possible that any might escape out of that danger: all parts were filled with fear and lamentation.

Curio, when he perceived the souldiers to be so affrighted, that they gave care neither to his exhortations nor intreaties, he commanded them (as the last hope they had of safety) that they should all flie unto the next hills, and thi∣ther he commanded the Ensignes to be car∣ried. But the Cavalry sent by Sabura had also possessed that place before; whereby our men began to fall into utter despair, and partly were slain as they fled by the horsemen, or fell down without wounding. Cn. Domitius, Gene∣rall of the horse, standing with a few horse∣men about him, perswaded Curio to save him∣self by slight, and to get the Camp; promising not to leave or forsake him. But Curio confi∣dently replied, that he would never come in Caesar's sight, having lost the Army commit∣ted unto him; and thereupon fighting valiant∣ly was slain.

A few horsemen saved themselves from the furie of the battell; but such of the Rere∣ward, as staied by the way to refresh their horses, perceiving a far off the rout and flight of the whole Army, returned safe into the Camp. The footmen were all slain to a man. M. Rufus the Treasurer, being left by Curio in the Camp, exhorted his men not to be discou∣raged. They praied and besought him, they might be transported into Sicily. He promised them they should; and to that end gave order to the Masters of ships, that the next evening they should bring all the Skiffes to the shore. But such was the astonishment and terrour of all men, that some gave out, that Juba his forces were already come; others, that Varus was at hand with the legions, and that they saw the dust of the Army marching towards them; whereas there was no such matter at all: others suspected the Enemies Navie would speedily make to them; insomuch as every man shifted for himself: such as were already on ship-board made haste to be gone. Their de∣parture gave occasion to the ships of burthen to follow after.

A few small Barks were obedient to the command: but the shore being thronged with souldiers, such was the contention, which of all that multitude should get aboard, that some of the Barks were sunk with press of people, and the rest, for fear of the like casualtie, durst not come near them. Whereby it happen∣ed, that a few souldiers, and Masters of fa∣milies (that through favour or pitty pre∣vailed to be taken in, or could swim unto the ships) were carried back safe into Sicily. The rest of the forces, sending by night some of the Centurions as Embassadours to Varus, rendered themselves unto him.

The next day after, Juba seeing the Cohorts of these souldiers before the town, cried out presently, that they were part of his booty: and thereupon gave order that a great num∣ber of them should be slain, and selecting a few of the rest, sent them into his kingdome:

Varus complaining in the mean while, that his faith and promise was violated, and yet durst not resist it. The King rode into the town, at∣tended with many S••nationns, amongst 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was Ser. Sulpitius, and Licinius Damasippus: and remaining there a few daies, gave such order for things as he thought fit, and then returned to his kingdome, with all his forces.

OBSERVATIONS.

ANd this was the period which Divine power made,* 1.142 to the hopefull beginning of Curio's designe upon Africk; and happened so sud∣denly, as they were lost ere they were aware: Like a tempest at Sea, that swalloweth up vessels in the same place,* 1.143 where a little before they swam most proudly, and in the like irrecoverable man∣ner. For war is not capable of a second errour; one fault being enough to ruine an Army, and to disable Curio for ever doing the like: of whom Lucan hath left this memoriall;* 1.144

Haud alium tanta Civem tulit tudole Roma,* 1.145 Aut cui plus leges deberent recta sequenti. Perdita nunc primum nocuerunt secula, postquam Ambitus, & luxus, & opum metuenda fa∣cultas, Transverso, mentem dubiam torrente tule∣runt; Momentumque fuit mutatus Curio rerum, Gallorum captus spoliis & Caesaris Auro. So vertuous Citizen Rome never bred; Whilst right, the Laws a friend like him ne're had. But the bad times first took him from his hold: Ambition, Riot, and the force of Gold In a wrong stream soon drew his wavering mind, Of great concern which way so e're inclin'd, Fetcht off with Gallick spoils and Caesar's gifts.

His body lay unburied,* 1.146 as a witness of Numi∣dian hate (which is alwaies extreme, like the heat of the Countrey) and of Juba's particular revenge, for tendering an Edict to the people, to confiscate his kingdome.

To conclude this Commentary; The losse ei∣ther Partie sustained unto this stage of the War, was in these particulars: Pompey was driven out of Italy, lost Marseilles, and both the Provinces of Spain; Caesar received this losse in Africk, besides that in the Adriatick sea, where Antonius miscarried, whereof he maketh no mention in these Commentaries. And,* 1.147 as when Jupiter weighed the fortune of the Greeks and the Troians in a pa••re of Bal∣lance,* 1.148 it fell out the Greeks had more ill luck then the Troians; so the fortune of these Par∣ties being weighed, by the relation made there∣of, it falleth plainly out, that Pompey had the worse.

And thus endeth the second Commentarie.

Notes

• * 1.1

  C••sar.
• * 1.2

  Porticu••.
• * 1.3

  Agger. Testudo.
• * 1.4

  Artillery derived from Arcu•• and Telum.
• * 1.5

  lib. 10. c. 17.
• * 1.6

  lib. 3. Hist. Balistae Petrariae.
• * 1.7

  lib. 4. c. 29.
• * 1.8

  And of Mangonel∣lum, a bat∣terer or breaker, cometh our English word Mangle.
• * 1.9

  Caesar▪
• * 1.10

  Messin••▪
• * 1.11

  Tholose.
• * 1.12

  Arles.
• * 1.13

  Q••od maxi∣me volun••, id facile credunt.
• * 1.14

  Virgil. lib. 2 Aeneid.
• * 1.15

  Caesar.
• * 1.16

  Dio Cassius
• * 1.17

  Nihil tam capax for∣tuitorum quam Mare.
• * 1.18

  Tacit. 14, Annal.
• * 1.19

  King of Algiers in the time of Soliman.
• * 1.20

  Caesar.
• * 1.21

  Discipulus prioris posterior dies.
• * 1.22

  Aulus Gel∣lius.
• * 1.23

  C••sar.
• * 1.24

  I••er••es cum infulis.
• * 1.25

  Vestitus, ut t••git cor∣pus, it•• de∣••••git ani∣mum.
• * 1.26

  11 Aeneid.
• * 1.27

  The fire and the aire.
• * 1.28

  Macrob. lib. 1 Sa∣turnal. ca▪ 8.
• * 1.29

  Graeca side omnia 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• ‖ 1.30

  Oratio pro ••lacc••.
• † 1.31

  Aequalis est ut ••••∣rumque dignit••s, nisi prae••••ns ne∣cessitas u∣nius condi∣tionem no∣bi•••• rem effi••i••t. Tum enim is praefe∣rendus, quem ••rae∣sen••i•• magis exigun••, si••••t Va∣lent: & Va∣le••s statue∣••un•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 civilious 〈◊〉〈◊〉 C. de offic. Vicar. Ut in civilibus causis vica∣rii comiti∣bus milltum anteserren∣tur, in mili∣taribus ne∣gotiis co∣mites vica∣riis.
• * 1.32

  En los ca∣sos raros un solo exem∣plo, haze experiencia, A••to. Peres.
• * 1.33

  Macro. lib. 1. S••tur. cap. 6.
• * 1.34

  Quintus Cur. lib. 5.
• * 1.35

  Caesar.
• * 1.36

  Est ita na∣tu••a com∣para 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ut 〈…〉〈…〉, su∣p••a quam di••i possi••, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, si vide••nt ••••rum even∣tus virtuti non respon∣de••••.
• * 1.37

  Paus. in Messe.
• * 1.38

  Volu••tas ad laborem propensa, cuncta vin∣cere & su∣pera••e 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.39

  Polyaenus.
• * 1.40

  Iliad. 5.
• * 1.41

  Nihil tam arduum, quod animi fortitudine supera••i non possit.
• * 1.42

  Appi••n. de bello Hispanico.
• * 1.43

  Vegetius.
• * 1.44

  Caesar.
• * 1.45

  Qui 〈◊〉〈◊〉 o∣peram ob∣tinebat.
• * 1.46

  Festus A••∣nienus.
• * 1.47

  Lib. xli.
• * 1.48

  Josephus A▪ costa hath observed, that the sea hath no part above one thou∣sand leagues from the land.
• * 1.49

  Hispalis.
• * 1.50

  Sevill.
• * 1.51

  Caesar.
• * 1.52

  Ilipa Itali∣ca.
• * 1.53

  Iamb••••ch. cap. 4.
• * 1.54

  Cicero lib. 1. de officiis.
• * 1.55

  Ilipa Ita∣lica.
• * 1.56

  Tarraco. aliter Julia victrix.
• * 1.57

  Lib. 4. cap. 20.
• * 1.58

  Corduba.
• * 1.59

  Lib. 3.
• * 1.60

  De legibus.
• * 1.61

  Livie. lib. 2:
• * 1.62

  1. Philip.
• * 1.63

  Caesar.
• * 1.64

  Vetere Panico.
• * 1.65

  Ultimum & durissimum telum, ne∣cessitas.
• * 1.66

  Omnium maxime mi∣serabile, claudi ob∣sidione.
• * 1.67

  Egesippus.
• * 1.68

  In maxima fort••m, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 li∣centia est.
• * 1.69

  S••lust.
• * 1.70

  Servare propri••m est excellen∣tis fortunae.
• * 1.71

  Seneca de clement. lib. 1.
• * 1.72

  Caesar.
• * 1.73

  —qua se Bagrada•• lentus agit siccae sulca∣tor arenae.
• * 1.74

  Luc. lib. 4.
• * 1.75

  Eleganti oratione, capiunt••r auditores: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 enim oratio vel lapidem 〈◊〉〈◊〉 posset. Epict Ar••ian, lib. 3. ••••p. 23.
• * 1.76

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.77

  lib. 7. c. 41.
• * 1.78

  lib. 36. c. 15.
• * 1.79

  Nimis con∣fidens in∣ca••tus est.
• * 1.80

  Ioseph lib. 1 cap. 4. de bello Ju∣daico.
• * 1.81

  Sil. Ital.
• * 1.82

  Seneca Trag.
• * 1.83

  Caesar.
• * 1.84

  Nulla ••ides pietasque viris qui castra se∣qu••••ur, Venalesqu•• manus: ibi fas, ubi maxima me••ces.
• * 1.85

  Lucan.
• * 1.86

  Livie lib. 12.
• * 1.87

  Fides ••u••∣damentum societatis humanae: perfidia ve∣ro ejusdem pestis. Pla∣to, l. 5. de legibus.
• * 1.88

  The Spar∣tanes called all cowards Tresantas.
• * 1.89

  Plutarch.
• * 1.90

  Plus in me∣tuendo est mali, quam in illo ipso quod time∣tur. Cic. ad Torquatum.
• * 1.91

  Plutarch.
• * 1.92

  Turbant ho∣mines, non res: sed quas de re∣bus hibent opiniones.
• * 1.93

  Epict. En∣chirid.
• * 1.94

  Caesar.
• * 1.95

  Tam boni quam mali eventus causae vulgo in Impera∣tores re∣ferri solent.
• * 1.96

  Dio Hali∣••ar. lib. 8.
• * 1.97

  Confilium dare, eorum quae inter homines di∣vinissimum.
• * 1.98

  Omni ora∣tioni oratio aequalis op∣ponitur.
• * 1.99

  Se••••.
• * 1.100

  Philos.
• * 1.101

  Varian•• semper dan•• otia men∣t••m. Luc. lib. 4.
• * 1.102

  Lib. 1 Cyrop.
• * 1.103

  Duces nullo loco, nisi quantum necessitas cogit, se committere fortunae de∣bent. lib. 22.
• * 1.104

  Ad sum∣mam rerum pertinet, cogitare magis quid agendum quam quid loquendum; facil•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉, explicatis consiliis, ac∣commod••r•• rebus ver∣ba. Liv. 3••.
• * 1.105

  Caesar▪
• * 1.106

  Nemo iis ad mi••us esse potest, à quibus ma∣lum aliquod expectat.
• * 1.107

  Demost••.
• * 1.108

  Capitis diminu∣tione. Diminutus capite ap∣pellatur, qui civitate mutatus est, aut ex sam∣lia in aliam adoptatus: & qui liber alteri man∣cipio datus est: & qui in hostium po∣testate ve∣nit: & cui aqua igni∣que inte••∣dictum. Liv. In summo.
• * 1.109

  Imperatore quatuor hae virtutes in∣esse debe••t: scientia rei militaris, virtu••, au∣thori••as, fe∣licitas, Ci∣cero pro leg•• Manilia.
• * 1.110

  Aulus G••ll. lib. 15. c. 27.
• * 1.111

  Com. 5. bell, Gall.
• * 1.112

  Tom. 2. lib. 4.
• * 1.113

  Lib. 1. civil. bel.
• * 1.114

  Lib. 3.
• * 1.115

  Muli Ma∣riani.
• * 1.116

  Sobrietas, quasi sine ebrietate.
• * 1.117

  H••mer.
• * 1.118

  Iliad. 1.
• * 1.119

  Eloquentia princi••••bus maxime or∣namento est.
• * 1.120

  Cic. 4. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.121

  Lib. 1. famil. ••pist.
• * 1.122

  Caesar.
• * 1.123

  Loco sa∣pientiae est, alienam stu••titiam operiti.
• * 1.124

  Caesar.
• * 1.125

  Callicra∣tides cum Lacedae ••o∣niorum Dux fuisset b••llo Peloponne∣siaco, mult••∣que egregi•• fecisset, ver∣tit ad ex∣tremum omnia. Cleombro∣tus, temere cum Epami∣nonda co••∣••••igens, La∣ced aemonio∣rum opes ••orrueru••t.
• * 1.126

  Videmus ipsi quo••i∣die, manus inji••ienti∣bus fatis, hebeca••i sensus ho∣minum & obtundi.
• * 1.127

  Amm. Mar∣cellin.
• * 1.128

  Solis incre∣dulis noxia res incredu∣litas. Philo de vit. Mos••.
• * 1.129

  Hebe••iores quam acu∣tiores ut plurimum melius rem∣pub. admi••i∣strant.
• * 1.130

  Thucydides
• * 1.131

  Rebus se∣cu••dis maxime deus implo∣rand••s. lib. 1. Cyropaed.
• * 1.132

  Felicitatis & moderatio∣nis divi∣duum con∣tubernium.
• * 1.133

  Sen.
• * 1.134

  —quem blanda fu∣turis Deceptura malis, belli fortu••a rece••it.
• * 1.135

  Luc. lib. 4.
• * 1.136

  Impruden∣tium fiducia est, fortu∣nam sibi spondere.
• * 1.137

  Seneca de beneficiis.
• * 1.138

  Incauta semper ni∣mia prae∣samptio & sui negli∣gens. Eg••sip. lib. 1. de Instit. Cyri.
• * 1.139

  Caesar.
• * 1.140

  Thucyd. lib. 7.
• * 1.141

  Caesar.
• * 1.142

  —••aetis h••nc n••mine rebus Cies∣cendi po∣suere mo∣dum—Lucan.
• * 1.143

  Eodem ubi laserunt, navigia forbentur: Seneca E∣pist. 4.
• * 1.144

  Non est in b••llo bis pecca••e.
• * 1.145

  Plu••a••ch.
• * 1.146

  Nullo con∣tectus Curio busto. Luc.
• * 1.147

  Homer.
• * 1.148

  Iliad. 8.