The commentaries of C. Julius Cæsar of his warres in Gallia, and the civil warres betwixt him and Pompey / translated into English with many excellent and judicious observations thereupon ; as also The art of our modern training, or, Tactick practise, by Clement Edmonds Esquire, ... ; where unto is adjoyned the eighth commentary of the warres in Gallia, with some short observations upon it ; together with the life of Cæsar, and an account of his medalls ; revised, corrected, and enlarged.

The first Commentarie of the Civile VVarres. (Book 1)

The Argument. (Book 1)

THis Commentary containeth the Motions and Contentions at Rome, concerning Caesar's giving up his government: The rent in the State, upon the disagreement of the Senate: How either side bestirred themselves, to seize upon the Provinces. Pompey got the East, and Caesar the West part of the Empire; and defeated A∣franius and Petreius in Spain.

CHAP. I.

The Senates affection on Caesar's behalf.

LEtters being delivered by Fabius to the Consuls from C. Caesar,* 1.1 it was hardly obtained by the extreme im∣portunitie of the Tribunes, to get them read in the Senate: but to con∣sult thereof, or to bring the Contents in question, would not be granted. The Consuls propounded businesses concerning the state of the City. L. Lentulus, Consul, protested his assistance should not be wanting, neither to the Senate nor to the Commonweal, if they would speak their minds freely and boldly: but if they respected Caesar, and had an eye to his favour (as in former times they usually had) he would then take a course for himself, and not regard the authori∣ty of the Senate; neither wanted he means of entrance into Caesar's friendship and good ac∣ceptance. To the same effect spake Scipio; That Pompey was resolved to be aiding to the Com∣monweal, if the Senate would stand to him: but if they temporized, and dealth coldly, in vain hereafter should they seek aid from him, albeit they instantly desired it. This speech of Scipio's seemed to come from Pompey's own mouth, he himself being present, and the Senate kept with∣in the Citie. Some others spake more tempe∣rately. As first M. Marcellus, who thought it not convenient that the Senate should bring these things in question, untill they had made a levie of souldiers throughout all Italie, and inrolled an Army; by whose protection, they might safe∣ly and freely determine what they thought fit. At also M. Calidius, who thought it requisite, that Pompey should go to his Provinces and Go∣vernments, to remove all occasions of taking Arms: For Caesar having two Legions newly taken from him, feared that Pompey kept them near about the citie to his prejudice. And like∣wise M. Rufus, varying some few words, decla∣red himself of Calidius opinion. All these were bitterly reproved by L. Lentulus the Consul; who utterly denied to publish what Calidius had sentenced. Marcellus feared with these mena∣ces, retracted his opinion. And so, what with the clamor of the Consul, the terrour of the present Army, and the threatning used by Pom∣pey's faction, most of the Senators were com∣pelled against their will, to allow that which Sci∣pio thought fit: which was, that by a certain day Caesar should dissolve and dismisse his Ar∣my; which if he did refuse to do, that then he openly shewed himself an Enemy to the Common∣weal. M. Antonius and L. Cassius, Tribunes of the people, did oppose this decree. Their op∣position was instantly spoken unto; and many sharp and hard censures were given upon the same: for according as any one spake most bit∣terly and cruelly, so they were most highly com∣mended by Caesar's Enemies.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

AS the former Commentaries do carry in their front the ensignes of honour, displaying the military valour of the Roman people in the Con∣tinent of Gallia, and other Kingdomes of war∣like Nations: so are these Relations branded in the forehead with a note of Infamy, and titled with the direfull name of Civile war. An odi∣ous and decried cause, ill befitting the integrity

of that State, or the excellency of the Actours, which are chief in this Tragedy; who neglecting all that might either enlarge the Empire, or re∣pair Romes honour for the losse of Crassus, chose rather to imbrew their ambitious swords in the bloud of their own Countrey,a 1.2 Eagle against Eagle, and Pile against Pile, in a war which could challenge no Triumph. If it be now de∣manded, as formerly it was,

Quis furor, o Cives? quae tanta licentia ferri? What fury's this? what these licentious arms?

Was it Pompey's Ambition, or Caesar's high Thoughts, that bereft the State of liberty, with the losse of so many Romans? It were besides the scope of these discourses, to lay an imputation upon either of those Worthies; the one being chief Assistant to the Empire, when she put off her Consulary Government, and the other sit∣ting sole at the helm, directing a course to fetch in many Caesars. Only this I may truly say with Tacitus;b 1.3 That Civile wars were never set on foot by justifiable courses. Yet for the Readers better direction, and for opening the truth of this story (c 1.4 which is more to be regarded then either Socrates or Plato's friendship) it shall not be impertinent to fetch the causes of this war a little higher in a word then these Commen∣taries do afford them.

The histories of that age do all intimate, that when Rome had ennobled Pompey with her ser∣vice, and stiled him by imployments with the ti∣tle of Greatnesse, as a satisfaction for the injuries done unto his father; he (forgetting the rights of a State, which challengeth the renown of o∣ther mens labours, and suffereth no subject to be co-partner therein, further then by approbation of service and obedience) assumed to himself the honour due to the Commonweal, and became proud of that which was none of his: in which conceit, the ambition of his spirit kept no mea∣sure, but over-valued his merits so far, that he thought himself rather a Sovereign then a servant. So easily are men bewitched, when the favour of a State hath once made them absolute, and put it self under the awe of private command. In this height of greatnesse and authority, he made way for Caesar, his father in law; who had a spirit as subject to ambition, and as capable of publick dignities, as any one amongst all the Patrician Families: and upon the ending of his first Con∣sulship, in the year of Rome 695, obtained the government of Gallia Transalpina, and like∣wise of that other Gallia which they called Cis∣alpina, containing the Countries that lie be∣tween the Alpes and thed 1.5 little River Rubicon, together with Sclavon••a, and four legions of souldiers, for the term of five years. At the ex∣piration whereof, his charge was continued, by the like favour and meditation ofe 1.6 Pompey, and the assistance of Crassus, for five years longer, with a redoubling of his forces. But after that Crassus was slain in the Parthian war, and that Julia, Cae∣sars daughter, whom Pompey had married, was de∣ceased (whereby Caesar stood single, without any tie of alliance, or othera 1.7 counterpoise of a third party, to hold them ballanced at the same weight as they stood while Crassus lived) Pompey, jealous of those victories and passages of Arms which Cae∣sar had atchieved by his valour, and impatient of anyb 1.8 partner in point of Lordship; found means first to draw two legions from him, under colour of the Parthian war; and afterwards got a Decree of Senate, to send him a successour be∣fore his time was expired; and withall, to re∣turn as a private person to Rome, to render an account of his Actions during his imployment. Which Caesar taking as an assurance of his down∣fall, gavec 1.9 huge sums of mony to gain Paulus Ae∣milius, one of the Consuls, and C. Curio, a Tribune of the people, to resist this Decree. How∣beit, the succeeding Consuls being both his ene∣mies, having no farther hope of repealing the same, he intreated in the end, that he might hold only Gallia Cisalpina and Illyricum with two legions, untill he should obtain the Consulship; which was the effect of these Letters delivered by Fabius. And being denied by Pompey's facti∣on, in these partiall and tumultuous assemblies of the Senate, caused him to forfeit his loyalty to the State, verifying the old saying,d 1.10 That oftentimes an injury maketh way to a greater fortune.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

COncerning the opposition of the Tribunes,* 1.11 it is to be understood, that the people eaten up with usurie and other grievous exactions, forsook both the City and the Camp, when the State had war with the Volsci and the Aequi; and taking themselves to a Mountain near unto Rome, would not return from thence, untill the Senate had gi∣ven order for their grievances. In which trans∣action it was agreed, that there should be Ma∣gistrates chosen out of the body of the people, to counterpoise the power of the Senate, and to re∣strain the boundlesse authority of the Consuls: which office was reckoned in the number of their holiest things, never to be violated either in word or deed, but the offender should redeem it with the losse of his life. Their whole power con∣sisted in letting and hindering. As when ei∣ther the Senate, or any one Senatour, went about a matter which might be prejudiciall to the people in generall, or to any one of the commonalty in particular; then did the Tribunes interpose their authority, to frustrate and avert the same: which was availeable, albeit the matter was gain-said but by one Tribune only. By which intervention they kept the Senate in awfull moderation, and were alwayes profitable to the State, but when they

happened upon factious and turbulent persons; howbeit, their power was bounded with the walls of Rome, and extended no further then the gates of the City. Their doors were never shut, but stood open night and day, for a refuge to such as should fly to them for succour: neither was it lawfull for them to be absent from Rome a whole day together. The robes of their Magistracy were of Purple; as Cicero intimateth in his ora∣tion Pro Cluentio. This Tribunitian power began about the year of Rome 260; was supprest by Sylla; restored by Pompey; and utterly ta∣ken away by the Emperour Constantine.

If it be demanded what kind of Common∣wealth this Roman government was;* 1.12 it is to be understood, that upon the expulsion of their Kings, the sovereignty rested in their Consuls. For, asa 1.13 Livie saith, there was nothing dimini∣shed of kingly government, save only for the better establishing of liberty, that the Consular dignity was made Annuall. But that held not long, for Publicola imparted this sovereignty to the Communalty, making it lawfull to appeale from the Consuls to the people. Wherebyb 1.14 the Consular sovereignty was dissolved, and the peo∣ple took occasion to oppose themselves against the Fathers. Hence grew the reciprocall in∣vectives between the Senate and the Tribunes; and when the Consul sent ac 1.15 Serjeant to the Tri∣bune, the Tribune would send ad 1.16 Pursevant to the Consul. And so the Commonwealth halted between an Aristocracy and a Democracy, untill at length the vogue of the Communalty drew it to a perfect Democracy, and made their Acts of Senate of no value, unlesse they were ra∣tified by the people. Howbeit, the Senate af∣forded alwayes many famous and eminent men, such as having inlarged the bounds of their Em∣pire, and kept on foot their ancient valour, and were the flower of that people,* 1.17 which Cyneas called a town of kings, were consequently so en∣gaged in the businesses of the State, that matters were for the most part carried as they stood af∣fected; as appeareth by this passage of Caesar.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

THirdly,* 1.18 we may observe, that violence and partiality are the bane of all consultations: especially, when the common good is shadowed with private respects. And albeit the gravity of the Roman Senate far exceeded all that can be spoken of other Councels of State, rectifying the inordinate affections of any Catiline that would lift up his head higher then his fellowes: yet here it suffered equity and indifferency to be suppressed with faction, giving way to violence,e 1.19 which go∣verneth all things untowardly, and with cords of private hate oftentimes draweth the Common∣wealth into utter desolation. For prevention whereof, the Athenians swore their Senatours to make the common good the chiefest scope of all their counsels:* 1.20 Implying thereby, that private respects are alwayes offensive to publick ends; and the State ever suffereth, when favour prevail∣eth against the common profit.

Tully going about to direct a Councellour in this behalf, only wisheth a man to deliver sin∣cerely what he thinketh of any matter,* 1.21 although he happen to stand alone in his own conceit: for the issue of a businesse doth not so much con∣cern a Councellour, as to speak truely his opinion thereof. And to that end, the custome of the Ro∣man Senate was, that the youngest, and such as came last in place should declare themselves first; that they might not be forestalled in their opini∣ons, nor put besides that they would have spo∣ken; together with the equality which it made of their voices: for things first spoken, do alwayes stick fastest in our apprehensions. And for that cause,* 1.22 Theodorus (a Greek Tragedian) would never shew himself on the stage after any other Actour; as holding the first passages to affect most the Spectatours. Notwithstanding which custome,* 1.23 it is reported that Caesar, in favour of Pompey, after their new-made alliance, would take his voice first, thereby to anticipate the opini∣on of others that should follow.

The Emperours (as it seemeth) took what place they pleased:* 1.24 for Tiberius, in Marcellus cause, said, that he would sentence openly, and upon oath, that other men might do the like. Whereunto Cn: Piso replied; What place wilt thou take to declare thy self, Caesar? for if thou speak first, I know how to follow; if last, I am affraid I shall dissent from thy opinion. But that which is most blameable in matter of counsell is, when they come to the Senate house as to a prize of flattery.* 1.25 Wherein L. Piso is deservedly com∣mended, for that he never willingly shewed him∣self of a servile opinion; but when necessity for∣ced him, he tempered it with wisdome. Neither is it the least mischief, that the condition of sove∣reignty is such as will hardly endure reproof, but must be disguised,* 1.26 as Apollonius corrected Lions, by bearing Doggs before them.

CHAP. II.

The Senate proceed against Caesar with all eager∣nesse.

THe Senate rising a little before night,* 1.27 were all sent for to Pompey. He commended the forward for what they had done, and confirmed them for after resolutions; repre∣hended such as shewed themselves indifferent, and stirred them up to more forwardnesse. Many which were of Pompey's former Armies were sent for, upon of reward and advance∣ment: Many of the two legions which lately came from Caesar, were commanded to attend;

insomuch as the City swarmed with souldiers against the election of new Magistrates. C. Cu••io called out the Tribunes of the people. All the Consuls friends, the kinsfolks and allies of Pompey, and such others as had any former en∣mity with Caesar, were compelled into the Senate. By the presence and votes of these men the weak∣est were terrified, the doubtfull confirmed, and the most part were cut off from giving absolute and free voices. L. Piso the Censor, and L. Ro••cius the Praetor, offered themselves to go to Caesar, to advise him of these things; requiring but six dayes space to return an answer. Others thought it fit, that Embassadours should be sent to Caesar, to give him notice of the pleasure of the Senate. To all these was opposed what the Consul, Scipio, and Cato thought fit. Cato was incited through former enmity, and specially by the repulse of the Praetorship. Lentulus, out of a consideration of his great debts, hoping to com∣mand an Army, to govern Provinces, and to receive the liberall acknowledgements of Kings, whom he should thereby procure to be stiled with the Title of friends to the people of Rome; inso∣much as he would not stick to boast in private, that he was like to prove a second Sylla, on whom the sovereign command of the Empire would be conferred. Scipio was drawn on by the same hope of having the government of a Province, or the command of an Army, which by reason of his alliance he thought to share with Pompey; being otherwise afraid to be called into justice; as also through flattery and ostentation, both of himself, and other great friends, which were able to sway much, as well in the course of ju∣stice, as in the commonwealth.

Pompey in his particular was much provoked by Caesar's enemies,* 1.28 and specially for that he could endare no man to be his equall. He was alienated altogether from Caesar's friendship, and had reconciled himself to their common Enemies; the greatest part of whom were by his means gained to Caesar, in the time of their alliance. He was also moved by the dishonour which he had gotten by taking those two legions from their journey towards Asia and Syria, and using them for the advancement of his own particular. Which things moved him to draw the matter to Arms. For these respects all things were car∣ried ••mp••tuously and confusedly; neither was 〈…〉〈…〉 sure given to Caesar's friends to adver∣tise him thereof; nor yet to the Tribunes, to a∣void the danger which was falling upon them, or to use their right of opposition which L. Sylla left unto them: but within seven dayes after they were entred into their office, they were for∣ced to shift for their safety; notwithstanding that the most turbulent and seditions Tribunes of former times, were never put to look into their affairs, or to g••ve account of their actions, be∣fore the eighth Moneth. In the end, they betook themselves to that extreme and last Act of Se∣nate, which was never thought upon, but when the city was upon the point of burning, or in the most desperate estate of the Commonweal: That the Consuls, Praetors, Tribunes of the people, and such as had been Consuls, and were resident near about the city, should endeavour that the Commonweal might not be indangered.* 1.29 This Act was made the seventh of the Ides of January: so that the five first dayes, in which the Senate might sit, after that Lentulus was entred into the Consulship (excepting only two dayes for the generall assembly of the people) most heavy and cruell Decrees were made a∣gainst the authority of Caesar, and against the Tribunes of the people, famous and worthy men; who thereupon fled presently out of the ci∣ty, and came to Caesar: who being then at Ra∣venna, attended an answer to his easie and mo∣dest demands, if by any reasonable course mat∣ters might be drawn to a peaceable end.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

IT is the condition of humane nature, to make good that which once it hath avouched, al∣though the matter be of small consequence in particular, and tendeth rather to infamy then to profit; neither will it easily be reclaimed by mo∣tives of reason, but is rather incited thereby (per Antiperistasin) to persist in wilfulnesse, then to hearken to that which is more convenient;* 1.30 espe∣cially, when either jealousie or revenge do imply an advantage: for then partiality keepeth no measure; but to justifie an errour, runnes head∣long into all extremities, and ••••eth to the last re∣fuge of desperate and deplored cases, to make disordered passions seem good discretion. Which evidently appears by Pompey's faction, in resol∣ving of that desperate Act of Senate, which was never thought of but in most eminent danger. For as in foul weather at sea, when a ship rideth in a dangerous road, and through the violence of the tempest, is upon the point of shipwrack, the Mariners are wont to cast out a sheet-Anchor as their last refuge:* 1.31 so had Rome anciently recourse to this Decree, at such times as the Common∣wealth was in imminent and extreme calamity; whether it were by enemies abroad, or by ser∣pents in their bosome at home.* 1.32 Livie speaking of the warre of the Aequi, saith; The Senatours were so affrighted, that following the form of the Decree which was alwayes reserved for cases of extremitie, they ordained that Post humius (one of the Consuls) should take care that the Commonwealth might not be endangered. The like was used in civile and intestine seditions: as when Manlius Capitolinus aspired to a Tyran∣ny;* 1.33 and as likewise in the tumults of the Grac∣chi, the conspiracy of Catiline, and other times of like danger. For albeit the Consuls had all

sovereign authority, as well in warre as in peace: yet neverthelesse there were certain reserved cases wherein they had no power, without expresse order from the Senate,* 1.34 and assent from the people; as, to levie an Army to make warre, to take mo∣ney out of the Treasury: whereas upon such a Decree, they were enabled to dispose of all bu∣sinesses of State, without further moving of the Senate or people, which Tully noteth in his Ora∣tions against Antonie. I think it fit (saith he) that the whole state of the Commonweal be left unto the Consuls, and that they be suffered to defend the same; and to take care that the Commonweal be not indangered.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

I May not omit (for the better understanding of this noble History) to say somewhat of the Persons here mentioned. And first of Fabius,* 1.35 as descended of the noblest and most ancient Family of the Patrician Order; being able of themselves to maintain warre a long time against the Veij, a strong and warlike town, untill at length they were all unfortunately slain by an ambushment:* 1.36 which Ovid mentioneth, where he saith;

Haec fuit illa dies, in qua, Veientibus arvis, Tercentum Fab••iter cecidere duo. This was that black day, when in Veian field Three hundred and six Fabi•• were kill'd.

Onely there remained of that house a child then kept at Rome; which in tract of time multiplied into six great Families, all which had their turn in the highest charges and dignities of the Com∣monweal: amongst whom, he that supplanted Hannibal by temporizing, and got thereby the surname of Maximus,* 1.37 was most famous, as En∣nius witnesseth;

Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem: Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem. Ergo postque magis{que} viri nunc gloria claret. One man by wise delay hath sav'd our State; Who rumours after publick safety set.

For which his fame grows every day more great. But C. Fabius, here mentioned, never attained to any place of Magistracy, other then such com∣mands as he held in the warres under Caesar.

Lentulus* 1.38 the Consul was of the house of the Cornelii, from whom are said to come sixteen Consuls. He was from the begi••ning a mor∣tall enemy to Caesar, and so continued to his death, which fell unto him in Egypt, by comman∣dement of King Ptolemy, after Pompey was slain.

Scipio was father in law to Pompey, after the death of Julia, Caesar's daughter;* 1.39 and by that means obtained the government of Asia. In the beginning of the Civile warre, he brought good succours to assist his sonne in law, as it follows in the third Commentary: and upon the over∣throw at Pharsalia he fled into Africk, where he renewed the warre, and became chief Com∣mander of the remaining party against Caesar; but being in the end defeated, he made towards Spain: and fearing by the way lest he should fall into his enemies hands, he slew himself.

Marcellus was of the ancient Family of the Claudii,* 1.40 which came originally from the Sa∣bines: On his behalf there is an Oration extant of Tullies, intituled, Pro Marcello. He was af∣terwards slain by one Chilo.

M. Antonius is famous in all the Roman hi∣stories,* 1.41 for attaining in a small time to so great a height in that government. For in all the warres of Gallia, he was but a Treasurer under Caesar, which was the least of all publick places of charge. In the beginning of the civile war••es he was made Tribune of the people; and within lesse then eight yeares after, came to be fellow-partner with Octavius Caesar in the govern∣ment of the Empire. And if Cleopatra's beau∣tie had not blinded him, he might have easily through the favour of the souldiers supplanted his Competitor, and seized upon the Monarchie.

The name of Cassius was ominous for trouble to the state of Rome,* 1.42 and their ends were as un∣fortunate. This L. Cassius, for his part, after the great troubles he had stirred up in Spain, was drowned in the mouth of the River Eber.

Piso was made Censor in the Consulship of L. Paulus and Claudius Marcellus,* 1.43 having himself been Consul eight yeares before, in the year of Rome 695, succeeding Caesar and Bibu∣lus; and was the man against whom Tullie penned that Oration which is extant in Pisonem. Touching the office of Censor, it is to be under∣stood, that about the year of Rome 310, the Con∣suls being distracted with multiplicity of forreign businesse, omitted the Censure or assessment of the City for some years together: whereupon it was afterwards thought fit, that there should be a pe∣culiar officer appointed for that service, and to be called Censor; forasmuch as every man was to be taxed, rankt and valued, according to his opi∣nion and censure. The first part of their office consisted in an account or valuation of the num∣ber, age, order, dignity, and possession of the Roman citizens: for it was very material for the State to know the number of their people,* 1.44 to the end they might be informed of their own strength, and so shape their course accordingly, either in undertaking warres, transplanting Colonies, or in making provision of victuals in time of peace. It was also as requisite to know every mans age,* 1.45 whereby they grew capable of honour and offices,* 1.46 according to that of Ovid;

—finitaque certis Legibus est aetas, unde petatur honos. —In certain laws

Age is defin'd,* 1.47 and thence is honour had. M. Antonius commanded that the names of the

Roman children should be brought into the Trea∣sury within thirty dayes after they were born;* 1.48 ac∣cording to which custome,* 1.49 Francis the French king published an Edict, Anno 1539, that every parish should keep a Register of Burials and Christenings: which since that time is used in England.

The distinction of conditions and states,* 1.50 ran∣ging every man in his proper order, is as necessa∣ry in the Commonweal,* 1.51 and as worthy of the Censors notice, as any thing besides. Neither may the assessment of mens abilities be omitted: which was ordained, that every man might bear a part in the service of the State. In which respect* 1.52 Ser∣vius Tullus is commended, for rating men ac∣cording to their wealth; whereas before that time every man paid alike: for men are taken to be interessed in the Commonweal according to their means. The last and basest sort of Citizens were named Capitecensi,* 1.53 and were set in the Subsidie at three hundred seventy five pieces of money. Such as were not assessed, had no voice in the Commonweal.

The second and chiefest part of this office was in reforming manners,* 1.54 as the ground-plot and foundation of every Commonwealth; to which end they had power to enquire into every mans life. If any one had plaid the ill husband, and neglected his Farm, or left his Vine untrimmed, the Censors took notice of it. If a Roman knight kept his horse lean, it was a matter for them to look into. They deposed, or brought in, new Senators. They reviewed all degrees and conditions of men: advanced this man from a mean Tribe to a more honourable, and pulled an∣other down. They had the care of buildings, repairing of high wayes, with other publick works; and were reputed of the best rank of Magistrates in Rome.* 1.55 L. Roscius had formerly been one of Caesar's Legates in Gallia: as ap∣peareth in the fifth Commentary; Tertiam in Es∣suos, L. Roscio; the third legion amongst the Essui, under L. Roscius. The Prator was Judge in causes of controversy, and differences between party and party; and was as the Caddy amongst the Turks.

CHAP. III.

The Senate prepareth for warre.

THe next day after the Senate assem∣bled out of the City:* 1.56 where Pompey (according to such instructions as he had formerly given to Scipio) extolled their constancy and magnanimity; acquainted them with his forces, consisting of ten legions in Arms; and further assured them, he knew of a certain that Caesar's souldiers were alienated from him, and would not be drawn either to defend or follow him. And upon the assurance of these remonstrances, other motions were entertained. As first, that a lev••e should be made throughout all Italy.* 1.57 That Faustus Sulla should forthwith be sent as Propraetor into Mauritania. That money should be delivered out of the Treasury to Pompey. That king Juba might have the title of friend and confederate to the people of Rome.* 1.58 which Marcellus contradi∣cting, stopt the passage thereof for that time. Philippus, Tribune of the people, countermanded Faustus commission. Other matters were passed by Act.* 1.59 The two Consular, and the other Prae∣torian Provinces, were given to private men that had no office of Magistracy. Syria fell to Scipio, and Gallia to L. Domitius. Philippus and Marcellus were purposely omitted,* 1.60 and no lots cast for their imployment. Into the other Provinces were sent Praetors, without any con∣sent or approbation of the people, as formerly had been accustomed:* 1.61 who having performed their ordinary vowes, put on their Military garments, and so took their journey. The Con∣suls (which before that time was never seen) went out of the City, and had their Serjeants privately within the City, and in the Capitoll, against all order and ancient custome. A lev••e was made over all Italy: Arms and furniture was commanded: Money was required from Municipall towns, and taken out of Temples and religious places. All divine and humane Rights were confounded.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THe neglect of Ceremonies and forms in mat∣ter of State,* 1.62 is the ruine and abolishment of a Commonweal. For if it hold generally true which Philosophers say,* 1.63 That the form giveth be∣ing to whatsoever subsisteth, and that every thing hath his name from his fashion and making: then it must necessarily follow, that the life and perfection of a State dependeth wholly of the form; which cannot be neglected but with haz∣zard of confusion. For complements and so∣lemnities are neither Nimia nor Minima (as some have imagined,)* 1.64 either superfluities, which may be spared, or trifles of small consequence. But as the flesh covereth the hollow deformity of the bones, and beautifieth the body with naturall graces: so are ceremonies, which ancient cu∣stome hath made reverent, the perfection and life of any Commonweal; and do cover the naked∣nesse of publick actions, which otherwise would not be distinguished from private businesses. And therefore the neglect of such ceremonies, as were usually observed to ennoble their actions,* 1.65 was as injurious to the safety of the Empire, and as evi∣dent a demonstration of faction and disloyalty; as the allotment of Provinces to private persons, or whatsoever else they broached,* 1.66 contrary to the fundamentall rights of the publick Weal.

Concerning which it is to be understood,* 1.67 that no man was capable of those governments, but such as had born the chiefest offices and places of charge. For their manner was, that com∣monly upon the expiration of their offices, the Consuls and Praetors did either cast lots for the Provinces,* 1.68 which they called Sortiri provincias; or did otherwise agree amongst themselves how they should be disposed, and that they termed Comparare Provincias, L••vie toucheth both the one and the other; Principio insequentis anni cum Consules novi de Provinciis retulis∣sent, primo quoque tempore, aut comparare in∣ter eos Italiam & Macedoniam, aut sortiri pla∣cu••t: in the entrance of the next year, when the new Consuls had proposed the businesse of the Provinces; it was forthwith embraced, that they should either divide by agreement Italy and Macedonia betwixt them, or take them as their lots fell. Howbeit sometimes the people (whose assent was alwayes necessary) interposed their authority, and disposed the same as they thought expedient. But such as had never born office of charge in the State, were no way capable of those dignities, nor thought fit to command a∣broad, having never shewed their sufficiency at home.

For the maner of their setting forward out of Rome,* 1.69 after they were assigned to imployments, it appeareth by infinite examples of histories, that they first went into the Capitoll, and there made publick sacrifices and solemn vows, either to build a Temple, or to do some other work worthy good fortune, if their designs were hap∣pily atchieved;* 1.70 which they called Vota nuncu∣parc, the solemn making of vows. And he that had made such a vow,* 1.71 stood voti reus, tyed by vow, untill his businesse sorted to an issue: and after he had attained his desire,* 1.72 he was voti damnatus, bound to perform his vow, untill he had acquitted himself of his promise.

Touching their habite expressed in this phrase, Paludati exeunt,* 1.73 it appeareth, as well by anci∣ent Sculptures, as Medalls, that Paludamentum was a cloak used and worn by men of war, whe∣ther they commanded in chief, or as Lieutenants and Centurions; and was tyed with a knot upon their left shoulder. Festus calleth all military garments,* 1.74 Paludamenta. And Varro giving a reason of that name, saith; Paluda à Paluda∣mentis, sunt haec insignia & ornamenta Mili∣taria. Ideo ad bellum cum exit Imperator, ac Lictores mutant vestem, & signa incinuerunt, Paludatus dicitur proficisci: quae, propterea quod conspiciuntur qui ea habent, & Palam siunt, Paludamenta dicta. Paludamenta are military ornaments. So when the Emperour re∣moves, and the Serjeants change their garment, he is then said to march Paludatus. which gar∣ments, in regard they are conspicuous which wear them, and so are taken notice of, are called thence Paludamenta. The colour of this cloak was either purple or white. And therefore it was held a presage of ill fortune,* 1.75 when at Carrae, a City in Mesopotamia, one gave Crassus a black cloak in stead of a white, as he went to lose the battel to the Parthians.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THe Romans not contented with the spacious circuit of the sunne,* 1.76 bounding their Empire with the East and the West, but for want of Re∣gions and Countreys searching the vastnesse and depth of the seas, did seldome acknowledge any other sovereignty, or leave a party worthy their amity, in any remote angle of the then-known world. But if any Prince had been so fortunate, as to gain the favour and estimation of a friend or a confederate to the State, it was upon speciall and deserved respects, or at the instance of their Generals abroad, informing the worthinesse of such Potentates, and the advantage they might bring to the service of the Empire. Which ap∣peareth by that of Livie concerning Vermina, king Syphax son; that* 1.77 no man was at any time acknowledged either a king or a friend by the Senate and people of Rome, unlesse first he had right well deserved of the Common∣weal.

The manner of this acknowledgement is like∣wise particularly expressed by Livie in another place,* 1.78 speaking of Scipio. The day following (saith he) to put king Massinissa out of his grief and melancholy, he ascended up to his Tribunall, and having called an assembly of the souldiers, presented him before them: where he first ho∣noured him with the appellation of king, accom∣panied with many fair praises; and then gave him a crown of gold, a cup of gold, a chair of State,* 1.79 a scepter of Ivory, and a long robe of Pur∣ple. To which agreeth that of Caesar: That Ariovistus was by the Senate stiled by the name of King and Friend, and presented with great and rich gifts; which happened but to few, and was only given by the Romans to men of great desert. Howbeit, such as had governments and imployments abroad did oftentimes make profit of giving this honour:* 1.80 whereof Caesar taxeth Lentulus in the former chapter. And in this sense was king Juba brought in question, to be called by the Senate a Friend and Associate to the State of Rome.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

TOuching the franchises and liberties of the towns of Italy, and others in the dominions of the Roman Empire, called Municipia; it is to be noted,* 1.81 that according to Gellius, those were called Municipes, that being governed by their own laws, and their own Magistrates, were ne∣verthelesse

endowed with the freedome of Rome. And therefore Adrianus marvelled, that the Ita∣licenses and Uticenses did rather desire to be Co∣loni, and so tied to the obedience of forreign and strange laws, then to live in a Municipall State under their own Rights and Customes;* 1.82 and as Festus addeth, with the use of their peculiar rites for matter of Religion, such as they anciently used, before they were priviledged with the immu∣nities of Rome.

For the better understanding whereof, we are to observe, that there were degrees and differen∣ces of Municipall towns:* 1.83 for some had voices with the Roman people in all their elections and sus••rages; and some others had none at all. For Gellius in the same place saith, that the Cerites obtained the freedome of the City, for preserving the holy things of Rome in the time of the war with the Galles,* 1.84 but without voice in elections. And thence grew the name of Cerites Tabulae, wherein the Censors inrolled such as were by them for some just cause deprived of their voices. And the Tusculani, being at first received into the liberties of the City according to the admission of the Cerites, were afterward, by the free grace of the people, made capable of giving voices.

The means of obtaining this freedome was first and specially by Birth:* 1.85 wherein it was re∣quired (as may be gathered by Appius Oration) that both the Parents, as well the mother as the father, should be free themselves. Howbeit Ul∣pian writeth, that the son may challenge the freedome of the State, wherein his father lived and was free. So that the father being of Cam∣pania, and the mother of Puteolis, he judgeth the son to belong to Campania: According to that of Canuleius,* 1.86 That the children inherite the con∣dition of the father, as the head of the Family, and the better rule to direct in this behalf. Ne∣verthelesse Adrianus made an Act of Senate in favour of issue; That if the wife were a citizen of Rome, and the husband a Latine, the children should be Roman Citizens. And the Emperour Justinian caused it likewise to be decreed, that the mother being a free-woman, and the father a bond-man, the son should be free. Such as were thus born free were called Cives origi∣narii.* 1.87

The second means of obtaining this freedome was by Manumission, or setting bond-men at liberty: for in Rome, all men freed from bon∣dage were taken for Citizens; and yet rankt in the last and meanest order of the people.

The third means was by gift, or cooptation: and so Romulus at first inlarged and augmented Rome; Theseus, Athens; Alexander Mag∣nus,* 1.88 Alexandria, sited at the out-lets of Nilus; and Richard the first,* 1.89 London; by taking all such strangers into the freedome of the City, as had inhabited there for ten years together. The Emperours were profuse in giving this honour. Cicero slouts Caesar, for taking whole nations in∣to the freedome of the City;* 1.90 and Antony gave it to all that lived in the Roman Empire. Where∣upon, as Ulpian witnesseth, Rome was called Communis Patria. Popular States were more sparing in this kind; as may be deemed by the answer of one of the Corinthian Embassadours to Alexander:* 1.91 We never gave the freedome of our City (saith he) to any man but to thy self and Hercules.* 1.92 And untill Herodotus time, the Lacedemonians had never admitted any, but only Tisamenus and his brother.

The priviledges of this freedome were great;* 1.93 for the Citizens of Rome were held to be Ma∣jestate plenos. Is the best man of Gallia (saith Tully) to be compared with the meanest Citizen of Rome? And hence came that law, requiring, that the life of a Citizen should not be brought in question, but by the generall assembly of the peo∣ple.* 1.94 Venres having condemned one Cossanus, a Roman Citizen in Sicilia, Tully urgeth it as a matter unsufferable: Facinus est (inquit) vinciri Civem Romanum, scelus verberari, prope parricid••um necari, quid dicam in cru∣cem agi? It is a great crime to bind a Roman Citizen, an hainous wickednesse to beat him, lit∣tle lesse then parricide to kill him; what then shall I call the hanging of him? with many the like examples▪ besides the possibility they were in, if their sufficiency were answerable according∣ly, to become great in the State; and conse∣quently, Commanders of the Empire.

CHAP. IV.

Caesar tasteth the affection of the Souldiers.

CAesar understanding of these things,* 1.95 called the souldiers together, and ac∣quainted them with all the injuries which his Enemies from time to time had done unto him; complaining that Pompey was by their practice and means alie∣nated from him, and drawn through envy of his good fortune to partialize against him; notwithstanding that he had alwaies affected his honour,* 1.96 and endeavoured the advancement of his renown and dignity: Lamenting likewise the precedent which this time had brought into the State, that the Tribunes authority should be opposed and suppressed by Arms, which former ages had by force of Arms re-established. For Sylla having stript the Tribuneship naked of all rights and prerogatives, yet left it the freedome of opposition: But Pompey, who would seem to restore it to the dignity from which it was fal∣len, did take away that power which was only left unto it. The Senate never resolved of that Act, That the Magistrates should take a course for the safety of the Commonweal, whereby the people were necessarily summoned to Armes,

but in times of pernicious laws,* 1.97 upon the vio∣lence of the Tribunes, or the mutinie and se∣cession of the people, when the Temples and high places of the City were taken and held against the State: which disloyalties of former ages were exp••ated and purged by the fortune and dis∣aster of Saturmnus and the Gracchi. But at this present, there was no such matter attempted, so much as in thought; no law published; no pra∣ctice with the people; no tumult; no departure out of the City. And therefore he adhorted them, that forasmuch as under his leading and com∣mand, for nine yeares together they had most happily carried the government, fought many prosperous and victorious battels, settled all Gallia and Germany in peace; they would now in the end take his honour into their protection,* 1.98 and defend it against the malice of his adversa∣ries. The souldiers of the thirteenth legion which were present (for them only had he called out in the beginning of the troubles, and the other legions were not as yet come) cried out instantly, That they were ready to undertake his defence against such wrongs, and to keep the Tribunes of the people from injurie.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

AS Publick-weals and Societies are chiefly sup∣ported and maintained by justice:* 1.99 so like∣wise, such as live in the civile community of the same, and enjoy the benefit of a well-qualified government, do take themselves interessed in the maintenance of justice, and cannot endure the tyranny of wrongs;* 1.100 unlesse happily (as every man is partiall in his own cause) they be the authours thereof themselves. The first dutie of justice,* 1.101 which is, Ne cui quis noceat, That no man hurt another, did Caesar make the theam of his Oration to his souldiers;* 1.102 aggravating his particular injuries, by opening and enforcing the malice of his Adversaries: and making the State a party in his sufferings,* 1.103 through the oppression and defacing of the Tribuneship; which in times of liberty and just proceeding, was sacred and in∣violable.

These remonstrances were apprehended by the souldiers, as matters specially concerning their duty;* 1.104 holding themselves either bound to redresse them, or other wise to be guilty of betraying their parents, countrey, companions and friends. Some report, that one ••••elius, a Primipile of Caesar's Army, making answer to this speech, gave assu∣rance of the souldiers good affection; which the rest approved with a generall acclamation. How∣beit the argument lay couched in a Sophisme, pretending Caesar's right, but concluding the ru∣ine of the State.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

SEcondly,* 1.105 we may observe, that as discord and dissension, ••ending asunder the bonds of ci∣vile community, are the bane of slourishing and opulent Cities, and make the greatest Empires examples of Mortality: so by the same rule of dis∣course, it is also true, that the mutuall respects of well-qualified friendship,* 1.106 are as expedient, both for the fastening of the joynts of a publick State,* 1.107 and for keeping the particular parts in due temper and proportion, as either treasure, or Armies, or any other thing required thereunto. Hence it is that* 1.108 Cicero saith, that we have as much use of friendship, as of fire and water: and that he that should go about to take it from among men, did endeavour (as it were) to take the sun out of the heaven; which by heat, light, and influence, gi∣veth life unto the world.* 1.109 And as men are emi∣nent in place and authority, and have use of ma∣ny wheels for the motion of their severall occasi∣ons; so have they the more need of amity and correspondency, to second the multiplicity of their desires, and to put on their businesses to their wished ends.* 1.110

CHAP. V.

Caesar taketh Ariminum; receiveth and answereth messages from Pompey.

CAesar having sounded the minds of the souldiers, went directly with that legion to Ariminum,* 1.111 & there met with the Tribunes of the people that were fled unto him; sent for the rest of the legions from their wintering Camps, and gave order they should follow him. Thither came young L. Caesar,* 1.112 whose father was a Legate in Caesar's camp. And after some speech of the occasion of his coming, acquainted Caesar, that Pompey had given him a message in charge to be delivered unto him: which was, that he de∣sired to clear himself to Caesar, lest he might peradventure take those things to be done in scorn of him, which were commanded only for the service of the State; the good whereof he alwayes preferred before any private respect: and that Caesar likewise was tied in honour to lay aside his indignation and affection for the Commonwealths sake; and not to be so transpor∣ted with anger and disdain of his Adversaries, as he seemed to be, lest in hoping to be avenged of them, he should hurt the publick weal of his Countrey. He added somewhat more of the same subject, together with excuses on Pom∣pey's behalf. Almost the self-same discourse, and of the self-same things, Roscius the Praetor dealt with Caesar, and said that he had received them in charge from Pompey. Which although they seemed no way to satisfie or remove the injuries and wrongs complained of; yet having got fit men, by whom that which he wished might be imparted to Pompey, he prayed them both, for that they had brought unto him what Pompey required, they would not think it much to re∣turn

his desires to Pompey; if happily with so little labour they might accord so great diffe∣rences, and free all Italy from fear and danger. That he had ever held the dignity of the com∣monweal in high regard, and dearer then his own life. He grieved much that a benefit given him by the people of Rome, should be spightfully wrested from him by his adversaries; that six moneths of his government were to be cut off, and so he to be called home to the City: not∣withstanding the people had commanded at the last creation of Magistrates, that there should regard be had of him, although absent. Never∣thelesse, for the Commonwealths sake he could be content to undergo the losse of that honour. And having writ to the Senate that all men might quit their Armies, he was so farre from gaining the same, that contrariwise a levie was thereupon made throughout all Italy; and the two legions which were drawn from him un∣der a pretence of the Parthian warre, were still retained about the City, which was likewise in Arms. And to what tended all this, but his destruction? And yet notwithstanding he was content to condescend to all things, and to endure all inconveniences for the cause of the Publick weal. Let Pompey go to his government and Provinces; let both the Armies be discharged; let all men in Italy lay down their Arms; let the city be freed of fear; let the assemblies of the people be left to their ancient liberty; and the whole government of the State remitted to the Senate and people of Rome. For the better accomplishment whereof, under well-advised and secure conditions, let an oath be taken for due keeping of the same: or otherwise, let Pom∣pey approch nearer unto him, or suffer Caesar to come nearer to him, that these controversies might happily receive an end by conference.

Roscius having this message,* 1.113 went to Capua, accompanied with L. Caesar; where finding the Consuls and Pompey, he delivered unto them Caesar's propositions. They having consulted of the matter, made an answer in writing, and re∣turned it by them to Caesar, whereof this was the effect; That he should return into Gal∣lia, quit Ariminum, and dismisse his Army: which if he did, Pompey would then go into Spain: In the mean time, untill assurance were given that Caesar would perform as much as he promised, the Consuls and Pompey would not forbear to levy souldiers. The condition was too unequall, to require Caesar to leave Arimi∣num, and to return into his Province; and Pom∣pey to hold Provinces and legions belonging to other men: to have Caesar dismisse his Army, and he to raise new troups: to promise simply to go to his government, but to assigne no day for his departure: insomuch, that if he had not gone untill Caesar's time of government had ex∣pired, he could not have been blamed for falsi∣fying his promise. But forasmuch as they ap∣pointed no time for a conference, nor made any shew of coming nearer, there could no hope be conceived of peace.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

CAesar lying at Ravenna, within his govern∣ment of Gallia, and understanding how matters past at Rome,* 1.114 according as Plutarch re∣porteth, commanded divers of his Centurions to go before to Ariminum, without any other ar∣mour then their swords; and to possesse themselves thereof with as little tumult as they could. And then leaving the troups about him to be comman∣ded by Hortensius, he continued a whole day to∣gether in publick sight of all men, to behold the fencing of the Sword-players. At night he ba∣thed his body, and then kept company with such as he had bidden to supper; and after a while rose from the table, wishing every man to keep his place, for he would instantly come again. How∣beit, having secretly commanded some of his followers to attend him, in such manner as might give least suspicion, he himself took a Coach which he had hired;* 1.115 and making shew of going a contrary way, turned suddenly towards Arimi∣num. When he came to the little river Rubicon, which divided his government from the rest of Italy, he stood confounded through remose of his desperate design, and wist not whether it were better to return or go on: but in the end, laying aside all doubtfull cogitations, he resolved upon a desperate Adage,* 1.116 importing as much as Fall back, fall edge: and passing over the River, never stayed running with his Coach, untill he came within the City of Ariminum;* 1.117 where he met Curio and Antonius, Tribunes of the peo∣ple, and shewed them to the souldiers, as they were driven to fly out of Rome, disguised like slaves in a Carriers cart.

It is said, that the night before he passed over this River, he dreamed that he lay with his Mo∣ther in an unnaturall sense. but of that he himself maketh no mention. This City of Ariminum is now called R••mini, and standeth in Romania, upon the Adriat••ck sea, in the Popes dominion. The River Rub••con was anciently the bounds of Gallia; over which Augustus caused a fair bridge to be built with this inscription:

JUSSU. MANDATU-VE. P. R. COS. IMP. MILI. TIRO. COMMILITO. MANIPULA∣RIS-VE. CENT. TURMAE-VE. LEGIO∣NARI-VE. ARMAT. QUISQUIS. ES. HIC. SISTITO. VEXILLUM. SINITO. NEC. CI∣TRA. HUNC. AMNEM. RUBICONEM. DUCTUM. COMMEATUM. EXERCITUM-VE. TRADUCITO. SI. QUIS. HUJUSCE. JUSSIONIS. ERGO. ADVERSUS. FECIT. FECERIT-VE. ADJUDICATUS. ESTO.

HOSTIS. P. R. AC. SI. CONTRA. PATRI∣AM. ARMA. TULERIT. SACROSQUE. PENATES. E. PENETRALIBUS. ASPOR∣TAVERIT. SANCIO. PLEBISCI. SENA∣TUS-VE. CONSULT. ULTRA. HOS. FI∣NES. ARMA. PROFERRE. LICEAT. NE∣MINI. S. P. Q. R.

The substance whereof is; That it should be unlawfull for any man to come over the said Ri∣ver armed, under penalty of being adjudged an enemy to the Commonwealth, and an invader of his own Countrey.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

IF this manner of proceeding be brought into dispute, and the reason required why Caesar kept not himself in the province of Gallia, where he might have held his government according to his own desire, or otherwise have drawn his ad∣versaries to buckle with the strength of those con∣quering Legions, and so brought the businesse to a short end, with as great probability of good suc∣cesse, as by any hazard of undertaking: It is to be understood, that in cases of this nature, which seldome admit any treaty of accord, he that stri∣keth first, and hath the advantage of the forehand, is well entred into the way of victory. For the rule is of old,* 1.118 That if an enemy hath a design in hand, it is farre more safe to begin first, and by way of prevention to give the onset on him, ra∣ther then to shew a readinesse of resisting his as∣saults. For if blows (of necessity) must be way-makers to peace, it were a mistaking to be either wanting or behind-hand therein; besides the gain which attendeth this advantage.* 1.119 For he that stands affected to deny what is just,* 1.120 and of right due, doth neverthelesse grant all things which the sword requireth; and will not stick to supply all unjust refusals, with as great an over-plus of what may be demanded.* 1.121 For which cause, Caesar staid not the coming of his whole Army, but began with those forces which were ready at hand: and so preventing all intendments, he put his adversa∣ries to such a streight, that they quitted Italy for fear, and left Rome (with whatsoever was sacred or precious therein) to the mercy of them whom they had adjudged enemies to their Countrey.

CHAP. VI.

Caesar taketh divers Municipall Towns.

FOr which regard,* 1.122 he sent M. Anto∣nius with five cohorts to Aretium:* 1.123 but he himself stayed at Ariminum with two legions, and there intended to in∣roll new troups;* 1.124 and with severall cohorts took Pisaurum, Fanum, and Ancona. In the mean while, being advertised that Thermus the Praetor did hold Tignium with five cohorts, and fortified the place, and that all the inhabi∣tants were well inclined towards him; he sent Curio thither with three cohorts, which he had at Pisaurum and Ariminum. Upon notice of whose coming, Thermus (doubting of the affection of the town) drew his cohorts forth of the City, and fled. The souldiers by the way went from him, and repaired homeward. Curio was there received with the great contentment and satisfaction of all men. Upon notice where∣of, Caesar conceiving hope of the favourable af∣fections of the Municipall towns, brought the cohorts of the thirteenth legion out of their gar∣risons,* 1.125 and marched towards Auximum; a town held by Actius, with certain cohorts which he had brought thither with him, who having sent out divers Senatours,* 1.126 made a levie of men throughout all the Countrey of Picenum.

Caesar's coming being known, the Decuriones of Auximum repaired to Actius Varus, accom∣panied with great troups of people: and told him that the matter concerned not him at all; for neither themselves, nor the rest of the Muni∣cipall towns, would shut their gates against such a Commander as Caesar was, that by great and worthy service had so well deserved of the Com∣monwealth: and therefore advised him to consi∣der what might ensue thereof, and the danger which might befall him in particular. Varus being throughly wakened at this warning, drew out the garrison which he had brought in, and so fled away: and being overtaken by a few of Caesar's first troups, was compelled to make a stand; and there giving battel, was forsaken of his men. Some of the souldiers went home, and the rest came to Caesar.* 1.127 Amongst them was taken L. Pupius, Centurion of a Primipile order, which place he had formerly held in Pompey's Army. Caesar commended Actius souldiers; sent Pupius away; gave thanks to them of Auxi∣mum; and assured them of a mindfull acknow∣ledgement on his behalf for this service.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

AMongst other things which serve to inable our judgements, and do make men wise to good fortune, that which is gathered from simili∣tude or likenesse of quality, is not the unsurest ground of our discourse; but oftentimes giveth more light to guide our passage through the doubt∣fulnesse of great enterprises, then any other help of reason. For he that will attend an overture from every particular, and tarry for circumstan∣ces to accomplish all his purposes, and make no use of instances to better his advantage, shall never wade farre in businesses of moment, nor atchieve that which he desireth, Which Caesar well observed: for upon the accidentall disco∣very of the disposition of one town, he there∣by took occasion to make triall how the rest

stood affected; and either found them or made them answerable to his hopes.

Concerning these places taken by Caesar,* 1.128 it is to be understood, that Pisaurum is sited on the Adriatick sea, and belongeth to the Dutchie of Urbine: a town famous of old, by reason of the prodigious opening of the earth, and swal∣lowing up the inhabitants before the battell of Actium, some few yeares after it was thus taken by Caesar.

Fanum was so called of a fair Temple which was there built to Fortune.* 1.129 Tacit. Annal. 10. Exercitus Vespasiani ad Fanum Fortunae iter sistit; The Army of Vespasian made a halt at the Temple of Fortune. It is a small town on the same sea, and belongeth to the Pope.

Ancona is a famous town upon the Adriatick sea,* 1.130 sited upon a bow-like promontorie, which taketh in the sea between two fore-lands; and so maketh one of the fairest Havens of all Italy, as well for largenesse as for safety. From whence riseth that common saying, expressing the rare∣nesse and singularity of three things; Unus Petrus in Roma, One Peter in Rome; noting the beauty of Saint Peter's Church: Una Turris in Cremo∣na, One tower in Cremona; the excellent work∣manship of a Steeple there: And unus Portus in Ancona, One Haven in Ancona; which is this Haven. The Emperour Trajan, to give it more shelter, and keep it from the fury of the wind, raised the top of the Promontorie in fashion of a half moon, with a mount made of great Marble stones; and made it Theatre-wise, with descents and degrees to go to the sea; together with an Ark triumphall in memory thereof. The town is now under the Pope.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THis word Decurio hath a double understan∣ding:* 1.131 for Romulus having 3000 foot and 300 horse, divided them into three Tribes, and every Tribe into ten Curies, containing a hun∣dred footmen and ten horsemen. Whereby Mar∣cellinus concludeth, that Decuriones & Centu∣riones à numero cui in Militia praeerant d••ce∣bantur; they were called Decurions and Centu∣rions from the number they commanded in the warres.* 1.132 But Vegetius is more particular in this point. A Company of footmen (saith he) was called a Century or Maniple: and a Troup of horse was called Turma, of Ter-denos, contain∣ing thirty men, whereof the Captain was named Decurio.* 1.133 In which sense Caesar speaketh; Ea res per fugitivos L. Aemili•• Decurionis equi∣tum Gallorum hostibus nunciatur: This busi∣nesse was bewrayed to the enemy by the fugi∣tives of L. Aemilius a Decurion of the French horse. But in this place it hath another significa∣tion: for the Romans, when they sent any Citi∣zens to people and inhabite a place, chose out every tenth man; such as were found most able, and of best sufficiency to make and establish a publick Councell; whom they called Decuriones; according as Pomponius and other Civilians un∣derstand it. So that these Decuriones were the Senate of that place.

CHAP. VII.

Lentulus flieth in great fear out of Rome. Caesar cometh to Co••finium.

THese things being reported at Rome,* 1.134 the City was suddenly struck into such a terrour, that when Lentulus the Consul came to open the Treasu∣ry, to deliver out money to Pompey according to the Act of Senate, he fled out of the City,* 1.135 and left the inner chamber of the Trea∣sury open. For, it was reported (although un∣truly) that Caesar was near approching, and that his Cavalrie was hard at hand. Marcellus, the other Consul, together with most of the other Magistrates, followed after. Pompey depart∣ing the day before, was gone to those legi∣ons which he had taken from Caesar, and had left in Apulia to winter. In the mean while the inrollment of souldiers ceased within the City. No place seemed secure between that & Capua.* 1.136 There they began first ot assemble and assure themselves; impresting for souldiers such as by Julius law were sent thither to inhabit.* 1.137 And the Fencers which were there trained and exer∣cised by Caesar, for the entertainment of the people of Rome, were by Lentulus brought out, set at liberty, mounted upon horses, and com∣manded to follow him. But afterwards, upon advice of his friends (every mans judgement disallowing thereof) he dispersed them here and there throughout Campania, for their better safety and keeping.

Caesar dislodging from Auximum, marched throughout all the countrey of Picenum,* 1.138 and was most willingly received by all the Praefe∣ctures of those Regions, and relieved with all necessaries which his souldiers stood in need of. Insomuch as Commissioners were sent unto him from Cingulum,* 1.139 a town which Labienus had founded, and built from the ground at his own charges, promising to obey whatsoever he com∣manded whereupon he required souldiers, and they sent them accordingly. In the mean time the twelfth legion overtook Caesar; and with these two he marched directly to Asculum,* 1.140 a town which Lentulus Spinther held with ten Co∣horts: who understanding of Caesar's approch, left the place; and labouring to carry the troups with him, was forsaken by the greatest part of the souldiers: and so marching with a few, hap∣pened by chance upon Vibullius Rufus, sent of purpose by Pompey into the Countrey of Picenum, to confirm and settle the people. Vibullius being

advertised how matters went there, took the soul∣diers, and so dismissed him of his charge: ga∣thering likewise from the confining Regions, what cohorts he could get from Pompey's former inrollments; and amongst others, entertained Ulcilles Hirus,* 1.141 flying with six cohorts out of Camerinum,* 1.142 whereof he had the keeping. These being all put together, made thirteen cohorts; with which by long marches he made towards Domitius Ae••obarous,* 1.143 who was at Corfinium,* 1.144 tel∣ling him that Caesar was at hand with two legi∣ons. Domitius had raised twenty cohorts, out of Albania, Marsia,* 1.145 and Pelignia,* 1.146 adjacent Coun∣tries. Asculum being taken in, and Lentulus dri∣ven out, Caesar made inquiry after the souldiers that had left Lentulus, and commanded them to be inrolled for him. And after one daies aboad for the provision of Corn, he marched towards Corfinium. Upon his approach thither, Domitius sent five cohorts out of the town,* 1.147 to break down the bridge of the River, which was about three miles off. The vauntgard of Caesar's Army incountering with Domitius souldiers, drave them from the bridge, and forced them to re∣treat into the town: whereby Caesar past over his legions, made a stand before the town, and incamped himself under the walls.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

IT is well observed by Guicciardine,* 1.148 That In∣solency and Timidity are never found asunder, but do alwayes accompany one another in the same subject: For the mind being the centre of all such motions, doth according to every mans nature, give the like scope to passions of contra∣riety, and extend them both to an equidistant circumference: as, if Courage shall happen to dilate it self to Insolency, then is Doubtfulnesse in like manner inlarged to Cowardice; and will imbase mens thoughts as low, as they did rise in height by insulting. For which cause it is advised by such as treat of Morality, that men be well warie in admitting dilatation of passions, or in suffering them to flie out beyond the compasse of Reason, which containeth the measure of Ae∣quability,* 1.149 commended by Cicero, to be observed throughout the whole course of mans life. Len∣tulus the Consul may be an instance of this weaknesse, and learn others moderation by shunning his intemperancy. For in question of qualifying the rage of these broiles, and sor∣ting of things to a peaceable end, his arrogancy was incompatible with terms of agreement, and overswaid the Senate with heedlesse impetuosity. And again, when his authority and Consular gravity should have settled the distracted Com∣mons, and made good his first resolution, his o∣ver-hasty flying out of the City did rather induce the people to believe, that there was no safety within those walls, not for so small a time as might serve to have shut the Treasury at his heels; and so he became as abject, as before he shewed himself insolent.

Concerning these words (Aperto sanctiore Aerario,* 1.150 rendred, the inner chamber of the Trea∣sury left open) it is to be noted, that Aerarium was their publick Treasury; and by the ap∣pointment of Valerius Publicola,* 1.151 was made within the Temple of Saturn: whereof divers men make divers conjectures. Macrobius saith, that as long as Saturn continued in Italy, there was no theft committed in all the country: and therefore his Temple was thought the safest place to keep money in. Plutarch thinketh rather, that the making of the Treasury in that place, did allude to the integrity of the time wherein Saturn reigned; for avarice and deceit was not then known amongst them. S. Cyprian is of an o∣pinion, that Saturn first taught Italy the use and coinage of money; and therefore they gave the keeping thereof to his Deity. Howsoever, it is manifest, that not only the publick Treasure was there kept, but also their Records, Charts, Ordinances and Edicts: together with such books as were,* 1.152 for their immeasurable greatnesse, called Libri Elephantini; containing all their Acts of Senate, and deeds of Arms atchieved by the Commanders abroad, as also their military Ensigns which they fetched alwayes from thence when they went into the field:* 1.153 and there like∣wise did such Embassadours as came to Rome enregister their names, as Plutarch affirmeth.

It was called Aerarium of Aes, signifying Brasse; for that the first money used by the Ro∣mans was of that metall, untill the year of Rome 485, as Pliny witnesseth;* 1.154 when they began first to coin pieces of silver marked with the letter X. whereof the ytook the appellation of Denarium, as valuing ten asses of brasse, which before they used for their coin; and every of the said asses weighed 12 ounces. Touching their order obser∣ved in their Treasury, for their disposing and lay∣ing up of their moneys, we must understand, that as bodies politick require necessary and ordinary treasure to be imploied in such manner, as may best concurre with the publick honour and weal of the same; so there must be speciall care to provide against unusuall and extraordinary casu∣alties, which are not removed but by speedy and effectuall remedies. According to which provi∣dence the Romans disposed of their treasure, and took the twentieth part of their receit, which they called Aurum vicesimarium,* 1.155 and reserved it apart in an inner chamber; where it lay so pri∣viledged, that it was a capitall crime to touch it, but in extream and desperate necessity: as in time of war with the Galles, or in a sedition and tumult of the people. Livie affirmeth as much, where he saith,* 1.156 Caetera expedientibus quae ad bellum opus erant consulibus, aurum vicesimarium, quod in sanctiore Aerario adultimos casus ser∣vatur,

promi placuit: prompta ad quatuor millia pondo Auri. The Consuls furnishing all other things needfull for the war, it was re∣solved that the vicessimary gold should be brought forth and employed: which said gold was reserved in the inner Treasury, till such time as affairs happened to be in a desperate condition. Accordingly, there was 4000 pound of gold ta∣ken out.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

SUch as affect offices and dignities in a State, must ever have means to court Sovereignty, ac∣cording as may best sute with her Politia, either as she is espoused to a Monarch, or left in trust to a Multitude. Hence it was that the Romans, to gain the favour of the people, and to make way for their own ends, were very sumptuous in set∣ting forth shews and spectacles, of divers sorts and fashions; and specially of Gladiators or Fencers, as best fitting a Roman disposition, and more pleasing then others of any kind.* 1.157 Equi∣dem (saith Tully) existimo, nullum tempus esse frequentioris populi, quam illud Gladiatorum, neque concionis ullius, neque vero ullorum Co∣mitiorum; I verily believe that there is at no time a greater concourse of people, then is at the fence∣ing-playes; neither at an Oration, nor at an Assembly of the State. And in another place; Id autem spectaculi genus erat, quodomni fre∣quentia, atque omni hominum genere celebra∣tur, quo multitudo maxime delectatur; That is a kind of shew, which is celebrated with the flocking together of all sorts of people; it being a thing the multitude are extremely delighted with.

Their manner was to keep great numbers of these Fencers, in some convenient and healthfull towns of Italy, as at Ravenna, and Capua (which were as Seminaries of these people) and there to train them up in the feat of fencing, untill they had occasion to use them in their shews,* 1.158 ei∣ther at their triumphall entries into the City upon their victories, or at the funerall solemnity of some personage of memory, or otherwise at their feasts and jollities.

Quinetiam exhilarare viris convivia caede Mos olim,* 1.159 & miscere epulis spectacula dira. The death of men made mirth at feasts of old, And banquets then were grac'd with fencers bold.

They fought commonly man to man, at all ad∣vantage, and were seldome excused, untill one of the two lay dead upon the place. Neither was he then quitted that had slain his companion, but stood liable to undertake another, and so a third, untill he had foiled six or seven Combatants. And if his hap were to prevail so often, he was then honoured with a Garland wound about with ribands of wool,* 1.160 which they called Lemnisci, and received of the Praetor a great knotted staffe,* 1.161 called Rudis; which he afterward carried about with him as an ensign of liberty. These bloudy spectacles continued unto the time of Constantine the great, and were by him prohibited, as like∣wise also by Arcadius and Honorius; and ut∣terly abolished after the reign of Theodorick, king of the Gothes. Let him that would look further into the fashion of these shews, read what Lipsius hath written concerning the same. That which I observe herein is,* 1.162 the use which the State made hereof: for howsoever these sights and so∣lemnities were set forth for the compassing of pri∣vate ends; yet neverthelesse the Commonweal drew benefit from the same. For a multitude be∣ing of a fickle and mutable nature, are no way so well settled with contentment of the time, or kept from novelties and innovations, as with publick shews and entertainments; which are as staies to their affections, that they swerve not from the government by which they live in civile consoci∣ation. So we read how the Grecians instituted, as popular entertainments, their Olympian, Ne∣mean, Isthmian, and Pythian Games; The Romans, their Apollinary, Secular, Gladiatory, and Hunting shews, with Traged••es and Come∣dies: and all for the satisfaction of the people. Wherein, howsoever the Grecians seem more judicious, for inventing such Games as might both exercise and entertain the people; yet the Romans sailed not of the end aimed at in these spectacles, which was, to inure them to bloud and slaughter, and to make them dreadlesse in cases of horrour.

But to leave all shews of this nature, as either too little for earnest, or too much for pass-time; it shall suffice to note, that these publick enter∣tainments are so far expedient as they consist of pleasure and comelinesse: for as their chiefest end is to pleasure and content the people; so their manner must be directed by lawfulnesse and ho∣nesty. In which respect, a Tragedy is more commendable then a Comedy; forasmuch as few comicall arguments do sympathize with ho∣nesty.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

TO be great and of a large proportion, doth not take away casualties of inconvenience; nor can it give a priviledge, to free things from distemperature: Tall men are as subject to Fe∣vers, as others of lesser stature; and great Em∣pires as easily disturbed, as the States of petty Princes.

O faciles dare summa Deos,* 1.163 eademque tueri, Difficiles!* 1.164— O Gods easy to grant, but to preserve Your gifts as hard!—

It is easier to attain the end of high desires, then to keep it being got: and better is the assurance

of seeking, then of possessing. The Roman peo∣ple that had over-awed the world with Armes, and left no kingdome unfoiled with the fear of then legions, were as much dismaied at a subjects disloyalty, as was possible for a mean State to be amuzed upon an alarme of any danger. And that City which suffered no enemy to approach near her confines, but in the condition of a Cap∣tive, was not trusted as able to give her own peo∣ple safety.

—sic turba per Urbem Praecipiti lymphata gradu, velut unicarebus Spes foret affl••ctis patrios excedere muros, Inconsultaru••••.— —So through the streets With headlong madnesse ran the multitude, As if their case no other hope had left Of safety, then to quit their native walls.

The advantage is, that kingdoms of great com∣mand have great helps in cases of disturbance; but are otherwise as subject to apprehensions of distrust, as those of lesser power to resist.

CHAP. VIII.

C••sar goeth on with the siege of Corfinium, and ta∣keth it.

DOmitius being thus ingaged,* 1.165 sent out skilfull men of the Country, with promise of great reward, to carry Letters to Pompey, intreating and praying, that he would come and re∣lieve him; for Caesar, by reason of the streight∣nesse of the passages, might with two Armies be easily shut up: which opportunity if he neglect∣ed,* 1.166 himself, with above 30 cohorts of souldiers, besides a great number of Senatours and Ro∣man Knights, were in danger of running a hard fortune. In the mean time, he exhorted his men to courage and resolution; placed his* 1.167 Ar∣tillery on the walls; assigned every man his quarter to be made good; promised in publick assembly of the souldiers, four acres apiece to each man out of his own lands and possessions, and the like rateable parts to the Centurions and Evocati. Mean-while it was told C••sar, that the inhab••tants of Sulmo, a town distant seven miles from Corfinium,* 1.168 were desirous to re∣ceive his commands, but that they were re∣strained by Q. Lucretius a Senatour, and Actius Pelignus, that kept the town with a garrison of seven cohorts. Whereupon he sent thither M. Antonius with sive cohorts of the seventh legi∣on: whose Ensigns were no sooner discovered by those of the town, but the gates were opened, and the inhabitants and souldiers came all out, to gratulate and welcome Antonius. Lucretius and Actius conveighed themselves over the wall. Actius being taken and brought to Antony, de∣sired to be sent to Caesar. Antonius returning the same day, brought Actius and the souldiers that were found in Sulmo, to Caesar; whom he took to his Army, and sent Actius away in safety.

Caesar, the three first daies, made great works to fortify his Camp; caused store of corn to be brought from the towns next about him; and there determined to stay the coming of the rest of his forces. Within the space of those three daies the eighth legion came unto him, with 22 cohorts newly enrolled in Gallia, toge∣ther with three hundred horse, which the King of Noricum had sent unto him. Upon the arr••∣vall of which forces, he made a second Camp on the other side of the town, and appointed Curio to command it. The rest of the time was spent in compassing the town with a Ramp••er and with Castles. The greatest part of which work be∣ing finished, it chanced at the same time, that such as were sent to Pompey returned. The Letters being read, Domitius dissembling the truth,* 1.169 gave out in the councell of war, that Pompey would come speedily to succour them: and therefore wished that no man should be dis∣ma••ed, but to prepare such things as were of use for the defence of the town. but he himself con∣ferring secretly with some of his familiar friends, consulted how he might escape away. But forasmuch as his looks agreed not with his words, and that his carriage seemed more trou∣bled and timorous then usuall, and likewise his secret conferences with his friends were more then ordinary, as also by his avoiding of publick counsels and assemblies as much as he could, the matter could be no longer dissembled. For Pompey had writ back, that he would not haz∣zard the cause, by drawing it into such terms of extremity: neither was Domitius, ingaged in the keeping of Co••finium by his advice or con∣sent: and therefore, if by any means he could, he should quit the place, and bring the forces unto him. But the siege was so streight, and the works did so begird the town, that there was no hope of effecting it. Domitius purpose being known abroad, the souldiers within the town, about the beginning of the evening forsook their stations, and drew themselves apart; and there∣upon had conference with the Tribunes of the souldiers and Centurions to this effect: That they were besieged by Caesar, whose works and fortifications were almost finished; their Ge∣nerall Domitius (in hope and confidence of whom they were engaged in that place) setting aside all matters whatsoever, was bethinking himself how he might escape and fly away: and in re∣gard thereof, they were not to neglect their own safety. The Marsi at first began to differ from the rest upon that point, & possest themselves of that part of the town which seemed to be strongest: and such a dissension thereby grew amongst them. that they had almost gone to blowes. Howbeit, understanding a while after (by messengers

which past to and fro between them) of Domitius purpose to fl••e away, whereof formerly they were ignorant; they agreed together, and with one consent brought Domitius out into open publick; and sent some to Caesar, to let him know, they were ready to open the gates, to receive his com∣mandements, and to deliver Domitius alive into his hands. Upon advertisement whereof (albeit Caesar found it a matter of great consequence, to gain the town with as much speed as he could, and to take the souldiers into his Camp, lest ei∣ther by large promises and gifts, or by enter∣taining other purposes, or otherwise through false bru••ts or dev••sed messages, their minds might happily be altered, as oftentimes in the course of warre, great and eminent chances and alterations do happen in a small moment of time; yet for that he feared lest the night-time might give occasion to the souldiers upon their entrance to sack and pilfer the town) he com∣mending those that came unto him, sent them back again, and willed that the gates and the walles should be kept with a good guard. He himself disposed the souldiers upon the work, which he had begun; not by certain spaces and distances, as he had accustomed in former times, but by continuall watches and stations, one touching another round about all the fortifi∣cations. Moreover, he sent the Tribunes and Captains of the horse about, and willed them to have a care that there might be no eruptions or sallies, and that they should look to the private slippings out of particular men. Neither was there any man so heavy or dull, that suffered his eyes to be shut that night: for so great was the expectation of what would ensue, that no man thought of any other thing, then of what would happen to the Corfinians, to Domitius, to Lentulus and the rest. About the fourth watch of the night,* 1.170 Lentulus Spinther spake from the wall to our souldiers that had the watch, and signified that he would willingly have leave to come to Caesar. Which being granted, he was sent out of the town, attended with some of Do∣mitius his souldiers, who left him not untill he came in sight of Caesar. With him he dealt concerning his life, and pra••ed him to pardon him; put him in mind of their former fami∣liarity; acknowledged the favours received from Caesar, which were very great; namely, that by his means,* 1.171 he was chosen into the Col∣ledge of Priests, that upon the going out of his Praetorsh••p, he obtained the province of Spain, and in his suit to be Consul, he was much assi∣sted by him.

Caesar, interrupting his speech, told him, that he came not from his government to hurt any man; but to defend himself from the injuries of his adversaries; to restore the Tribunes of the people to their dignitie, that were thrust out and expelled the City; and to put himself and the people of Rome into liberty, which were opprest with the partialities of a few factious persons. Lentulus, being reassured upon this answer, prayed leave to return into the town; and the rather, that this which he had obtained touching his own safety, might give hope to the rest: amongst whom some were so affrighted, that be doubted they would fall into some desperate course. And having obtained leave, he departed. Caesar, as soon as it was day, commanded all the Senators and Senators children, together with the Tribunes of the souldiers, and the Roman Knights, to be brought out unto him. Of Senatours there were L. Do∣mitus, P. Lentulus Spinther, Vibullius Rufus, Sex. Quintilius Varus, the Treasurer, L. Ru∣brius; besides Domitius his sonne, and many other young men; with a great number of Ro∣man Knights and Decurions, whom Domitius had called out of the Municipall Towns. These being all brought forth unto him, were protected from the insolencies and injuries of the souldi∣ers. Moreover, he spake a few words unto them, concerning the ill requitall on their be∣half, for the great benefits he had done unto them: and so sent them all away in peace.

The sixty Sestertia of gold which Domitius had laid up in the publick Treasury, being brought unto him by the two chief Magistrates or Ba••lifs of Corfinium,* 1.172 he redelivered to Do∣mitius; lest he should seem more continent in taking away mens lives, then their moneys: although he knew that this money was part of the publick treasure, and delivered out by Pom∣pey to pay souldiers. He commanded Domitius his party to be sworn his souldiers. And that day removing his Camp, went a full dayes march (after a stay of seven dayes about Corfi∣nium) through the confines of the Marrucini, Frentani, and Larinates, and came into Apulia.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

AS it is true,* 1.173 that a friend is not solely tied to the respects of right, but doth give more ad∣vantage by offices of good endeavour, then by that which duty requireth: so is it dangerous for a man to put his ••ickle further into a harvest, then haply may deserve thanks of the owner.* 1.174 Neither can it be cleared from imputation of folly, to care another mans businesse, with hazard and perill of our own fortune. Howbeit, the current and drift of things doth oftentimes so ingage both our per∣sons and affections,* 1.175 either in the main action it self, or in some circumstances of the same, that we cannot avoid the hazard of rebuke, if our en∣deavours do not sort with his liking that is to ap∣prove them. Whereof Domitius may be an in∣stance; who, taking Corfinium on the behalf of the State, was neverthelesse disavowed in his me∣rit, and consequently brought into extremity of

danger, for his over-forwardnesse in the service of his Countrey. Such liberty hath sovereignty, either to take or leave, when the event shall not rise answerable to a good meaning.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

VVHen a party is fallen into an exigence, it hath no better remedy for relief then that of the Comick, Redimas te captum quam queas minimo; redeem your self at as cheap a rate as you can. Which is not understood, that we should clear the head, and leave the rest of the members to misfortune: for that were to draw a double mischief on the whole body. But the head is to escape with as little prejudice to the other parts, as by wisdome and vertue may be gained: and so much the rather, lest in seeking to purchase safety with hazard of the other members, it draw the whole destruction upon it self; as it fell out with Domitius: who going about to fly out of the town, and to leave such forces as by his means were imbarked in that cause, was justly made the sacrifice of their peace. Sulla deserved better to be followed by men of adventure: for, being moved to escape himself away by night, and to leave his troups to such fortune as Jugurth upon advantage should put upon them;* 1.176 he answered, Etiamsi certa pestis adesset, mansurum potius, quam proditis quos duccbat, turpi fuga, incertae, ac for sitan paulo post morbo interiturae vitae parceret: Although the plague were never so near and certain to befall him, yet he would stay by it, rather then by a base slight betray those un∣der his command, thereby to save his fickle life for a time, which it may be some disease or other would immediately after deprive him of. And therefore, if a Commander shall at any time goe about to betray his forces, with hope of his own safety, the issue will bring out either his disho∣nour, or his confusion.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

SUch as undertake great designs, do likewise project the means of atchieving the same, and do propound unto themselves such principles to be observed, as they take to be special way-makers to the fortune they reach at; from which grounds they seldome or never swerve. As appeareth by this of Caesar: who aiming at the sovereignty of that Empire, and knowing no way so direct to lead him thereunto, as to climbe up by the steps of Mildnesse, and to make his Adversaries debtors to his Clemency, he left aside his Maximes of warre, to hold firm that principle; and did forbear to gain a town of great importance, with that speed which occasion and opportunity did afford him, and to take the troups into his Camp, for the pre∣vention of such chances and changes, as do hap∣pen in a small moment of time, lest his souldiers entring into the town, after the shutting of the evening, might take leave of the night-time to make forfeiture of his mercy.

It shall therefore be well beseeming the wise∣dome of a Leader, to have alwayes respect to the principles of his Means, and to distinguish be∣tween that which is fit and that which is more fit, in the native carriage of his businesse.

THE FOURTH OBSERVATION.

COncerning this Coll••gium Pontisicum,* 1.177 the Colledge of Priests, we are to note, that Nu∣ma, the founder of the Roman Commonweal, for the preventing of partialities and factions in that State, which at that time consisted of two Nations or Tribes, did break the whole body into many small parts and fractions,* 1.178 making his division by Arts and Occupations; whereby he ordained, that all Minstrels or Trumpeters should be incor∣porated into one Brotherhood; and that in like manner, Goldsmiths, Carpenters, Diers, Shoo∣makers, Coriers, Tanners, Bel-founders, Pot∣ters, and all other trades and Sciences, should have their peculiar body or Fraternity; appointing them feasts, assemblies, and services, according to the worthinesse of each mystery, as Plutarch hath observed in the life of Numa.

Valerius Maximus maketh mention of the Colledge of Pipers or Minstrels.* 1.179 And Plinte, in like manner,* 1.180 mentioneth the Colledge of Copper∣smiths.* 1.181 Cicero taketh notice of the colledge or company of Merchants,* 1.182 which he calleth Colle∣gium Mercurialium; for that of old time, the nimble-tongued Mercury was believed in, as the Guider and Protector of Merchants. The pri∣viledges and customes wherewith these Fraterni∣ties were endowed,* 1.183 are set down by Caius the Civilian. There are certain Colledges at Rome, saith he, incorporated by Act of Senate, and established with good ordinances and constitu∣tions, having certain things in common, in imi∣tation of the publick weal:* 1.184 and as Scevola fur∣ther noteth, with power to make laws, for the better government of such Colledges and Socie∣ties; so the same be not contrary to the fundamen∣tall laws of the State. After the same manner, the Priests had their peculiar Colledge or corporation; and at the first institution were but four in num∣ber, and all of Patrician families, unto the year of Rome 454; at what time there were four of the Commons chosen, and added to the former number;* 1.185 whom Sulla increased to fifteen, as Dio witnesseth. And these were called Collegium Pontisicum, whereof this Pontifex Maximus was president: one of the absolutest dignities of Rome, as being for term of life, and of greatest and divine authority. Which generall distribu∣tion of the Romans into trad••s and mysteries, doth not unfitly bring into remembrance, that which is usuall amongst the Turks, who by their

law are all bound to be of an occupation; not ex∣cepting the Grand Signior himself. For he that now upholds the Ottoman familie, by the name of Sultan Acm••t,* 1.186 is a professed maker of Rings, which the Turks do wear on their thumb when they shoot,* 1.187 to let the string go easily without hurting them: and his father Mahomet was a Fletcher, and made arrows. In like manner, all his Courtiers are of trades and occupations; and every man is called by the title of his Art:* 1.188 as, he that was lately Visier Bassa to the present Sultan, was called by the name of Natcash Basha, the Visier Painter, being indeed the Sultans Painter. Neither are they ashamed to acknowledge as much: for, opening Letters which were sent into Turky out of Christendome, that were limmed about the Margin, he said, he could paint as well as that himself.

THE FIFTH OBSERVATION.

THe fifth thing which I observe out of these passages at Corfinium, is, the restoring back of such moneys to Domitius, as were brought unto Caesar by the Officers of the town, and which he knew to be of the publick treasure of the State. Which howsoever it may seem admira∣ble to the hearers of these times, wherein there is but this one rule for matter of money, Unde habeas quaerit nemo, sed oportet habere, No body asks how you come by it, but it must be had: Yet such as will lay a sure foundation of honour, and thrive in the courses which they follow, must not be ignorant,* 1.189 that there is nothing more requisite to gain opinion and reputation in the carriage of any publick businesse, then to be clear of the least sus∣picion of covetousnesse. Neither is there any means that will sooner win a multitude, to believe in those things which are set abroach by publick Authority, then those two virgin vertues, Absti∣nence and Continencie: especially when they are found in Princes and chief Commanders, that can otherwise justifie their actions with sovereign∣ty and uncontrollment.* 1.190 Nor, on the other side, did ever Apollo give out truer Oracle then that, which said, That there was no means to ruine Sparta but by Avarice.

In which sense,a 1.191 C. Pontius the Samnite wish∣ed, that the Gods had reserved him to times where∣in the Romans would have been corrupted with gifts: for then he would soon have seen an end of their Commonweal. And certainly that Em∣pire could never have towred so high, nor conti∣nued firm so many ages, had not her foundation been laid by men of admirable temper in this kind: Such as was Paulus Aemilius; who having sacked Macedonia, and brought as much wealth into the publick Treasury as gave an end to Tri∣butes and Subsidies, was no way the richer (but in honour) for all that he had taken. And such also was Scipio Africanus; that of all the wealth of Carthage, brought nothing into his private house, but a high and triumphant Name, as a me∣rit of his vertues and deeds of Arms: leaving behind him this Oracle, as a document to follow∣ing times;* 1.192 That covetous Captains are good to none but to the Enemy. And to conclude, such was M. Curius; who having triumphed of the Samnites, the Sabines, and Pyrrhus, re∣fused a great masse of Gold,* 1.193 which was offered him by the Samnites: esteeming it more honou∣rable to command them that had Gold, then to have Gold of his own. Howbeit, such is the frailty of humane nature, that for the most part, men have alwayes suffered their desire of money to increase with their wealth, although it were to their ruine and destruction. Which Cae∣sar well discerned, as appeareth by that which he writ to Oppius, touching this accident: Haec no∣va sit vincendi ratio, ut misericordia & libera∣litate nos muniamus; It is a new way of con∣quering, to strengthen our selves by mercifulnesse and liberality.

THE SIXTH OBSERVATION.

UPon occasion of Caesar's calling unto him, out of the town, Senatores, senatorumque fi∣lios, Equitesque Romanos, the Senators, sons of Senators, and Roman Knights, it shall not seem impertinent, to note the degrees and conditions of state whereof the Roman people consisted. For the better clearing whereof, it is to be understood, that by that notable transaction at Comitium, between Romulus and Tatius, it was agreed, That both those Nations should dwell together at Romulus town, which after his name, should be called Rome; and that the inhabitants thereof should be named Quirites, after the name of Ta∣tius City. Howbeit, specially they were divided into three Tribes, whereof they which were of Romulus party,* 1.194 were called after his name, Rham∣nenses; those that came with Tatius, Tatienses; and the third Tribe Lucerences, of Lucus, a Grove: forasmuch as they being neither of Ro∣mulus retinue, nor yet of the Sabines, were ne∣verthelesse met together at that place, from divers parts, as at a Grove, where commonly assemblies were made to offer sacrifice, and to perform their heathenish solemnities.

Each of these Tribes were divided by Romulus into ten Curiae; and so made the number of thirty Curiae. And out of each of these Curiae he chose three persons, such as by their presence and sufficiency seemed fittest, and most worthy; which amounted to ninety. To whom, out of every Tribe he further added three, and one more of his own choosing, to make the number up a hundred; whom he established as his Coun∣cel or Senate:* 1.195 by whose advice he resolved of all matters of consequence, either concerning peace or warre, as Dionysius Halicarnasseus no∣teth.

Howbeit Plutarch saith,* 1.196 they were sel∣dome assembled but to understand the Kings plea∣sure; and had no other preeminence in the Com∣monweal, saving they were the first that did know what was purposed. Howsoever, they were stiled by the name of Senatores, quasi se∣niores, as thereby qualified to be admitted to Counsell: and in the same sense they were called Patres.

The Senate being thus established, Romulus selected out of every of those Curiae ten young men, and so made up the number of three hun∣dred, for a guard to his person; who for their rea∣dinesse and numblenesse were called Celeres,* 1.197 all mounted on horseback: whence grew their Ordo Equestris, or band of Roman knights, which were the mean between the Senate and the people, and as a Seminary to supply the Senate; for out of them were the Senatours taken. The rest, that were not of these two Orders,* 1.198 were compre∣hended under the name of the Commons, or Popu∣lacy. Whereby it appeareth that Rome consisted of three estates, Senatours, Knights, and the Com∣mons, according to that of Ausonius;

Martia Roma triplex; Equitatu, Plebe, Se∣natu. Of three sorts Rome consists, Knights, Com∣mons, Senate.

Touching the number of Senatours, it is further to be noted, that Tarquinius Priscus, to gain the favour of the people, took a hundred of the Com∣mons, and added them to the Senate, who were called Senatores minorum Gentium.* 1.199 And Bru∣tus having reduced it to a Commonweal, made them up three hundred out of the band of Knights; and from that time they were called Patres con∣scripti.* 1.200 Neither were they at all times limited in that number: for the seditious Gracchi added three hundred more unto them; and Julius Caesar admitted unto the Senate all manner of persons. In which regard Augustus (as Suetonius saith) Senatorum affluentem numerum deformi & incondita turba (erant enim super mille,* 1.201 & quidam ind••gnissimi) ad modum pristinum & splendorem redegit: Reduced the excessive num∣ber of Senatours, which was become a deformed and shapelesse company (for they were above a thousand, and divers of them unworthy fellows) to their ancient way and splendour.

Concerning a competency of wealth, to make a man capable of the place of a Senatour, we may observe, that in the reign of Servius the King, he that was worth a thousand asses (which are a∣bout three hundred pound sterling) was eligible. But the riches of the Empire increasing, a Sena∣tours wealth was rated at nine thousand pound, according to Suetonius; Senatorum censum ampliavit,* 1.202 ac pro octing••ntorum millium sum∣ma duodecies H••S taxavit, supplevitque non habentibus. The wealth of a Roman Knight was rated at three hundred threescore, or thereabouts.

This Corfinium was the chief town of the Pe∣lignians,* 1.203 and stood in the centre of Italy,* 1.204 where all the confederate people assembled when they consulted of warre against the Romans, for their right of Burgeship, or freedome of the City, which was then denied them: which warre was called Bellum sociale Marsicum, and Italicum. There is now nothing remain∣ing of that town but the ruines, as a mark of the place where it anciently stood, upon a Plain, commonly called Pentina, or Sant Pe∣ligno.

CHAP. IX.

Pompey goeth to Brundusium: Caesar maketh means to treat with h••m.

POmpey understanding of these things which had past at Corfinium,* 1.205 depart∣ed from Luceria, and went to Canusi∣um,* 1.206 and from thence to Brundusium; causing all the power he could to be raised by new musters and inrollments, arming shepheards and slaves, and mounting them on horseback; of whom he made some three hundred horse. In the mean time L. Manlius, the Praetor, fled from Alba with six cohorts; and Rutilius Lu∣pus, Praetor, fled from Tarracina with three co∣horts: who descrying afarre off the Cavalry of Caesar, commanded by Bivius Curius, for∣saking the Praetor, turned their Ensignes to∣wards Curius, and joyned with him. In like manner the dayes following, divers other co∣horts came in as they marched, some to the foot troups, and some to the horse. Cn. Magius of Cremona, master of the works and of the munition in Pompey's Army; was taken on the way, and brought back to Caesar: whom he sent back again to Pompey, with commission to treat with him to this effect: Forasmuch as there had yet happened no opportunity of meeting or con∣ference, he was now determined to seek him at Brundusium; for it much imported the Com∣monweal, and every mans safety in particular, that they two might conferre together. Nei∣ther could things be so well handled upon so great a distance of way, where the articles of treaty must be carried to and fro by a third par∣ty, as when they met face to face to conclude of the conditions.

This message being first given, he came to Brundusium with six legions; four legions of old souldiers, and the other raised by new inrollments, or made up as he came along the Countrey: for he had presently dispatched Domitius his cohorts from Corfinium into Sicily. At his coming, he found the Consuls gone over to Dyrrachium with the greatest part of the Army, and Pompey remaining at Brundusium with twenty co∣horts. Neither could he certainly be informed, whether he remained at Brundusium to make

good the town, whereby he might the easier be master of the Adriatick sea, and command both the utter parts of Italy, and the Regions of Greece, and so to keep the warre on foot on the one side and on the other; or whether he staied there for want of shipping. Howso∣ever, he would not endure that Pompey should think he could not be forced to quit Italy; and therefore resolved to stop up the mouth of the Haven, and to take away the use thereof: which he went about in this manner. Where the mouth of the Haven was narrow∣est,* 1.207 he raised great mounts of earth on ei∣ther side near unto the shore; for there the Sea was shallow: but going further into the deep, where no such mounts could be raised, he placed double slottes of wood, right against the same mounts, of thirty foot square; and at the corners cast out four Anchors to fasten them, that they might not be tossed up and down by the waves. These flottes being thus placed, he then added other flottes of the same scantling, and covered them with bavin and earth, to the end men might come readily upon them to defend them. He armed them in front and on each side with hurdies and gabions; and on every fourth flotte made a tower of two stories high, the better to defend them from vio∣lence of shipping, and from burning.

Against this work Pompey sent out great ships of burthen, which he found in the Haven, armed with towers of three stories high, full of muni∣tion, and all sort of weapons, to hinder and di∣sturb the same. So that every day they fought a∣farre off each with other, with slings, arrows, and other casting weapons. Which businesse Caesar so carried, as being willing not to let fall the con∣ditions of peace, if happily it might be effected. And albeit he greatly wondered that Magius, whom he had sent to Pompey, did not return a∣gain: and that this Treatie so often attempted, did hinder much his designes: yet he thought it fit by all means to persevere therein: and there∣fore sent Caninius Rebilus, one of his Legates, an inward friend of,* 1.208 and near allied to Scribo∣nius Libo, to speak with him: commanding him to perswade Libo to mediate a reconcilia∣tion, and that Caesar himself might speak with Pompey. It might be, that thereupon both of them would yield to lay down their Arms upon equall conditions: the greatest part of which honour would redound to Li∣bo, if by his intercession the warre might take an end.

Libo having heard Caninius, went streight to Pompey; and within a while returning, told him, That forasmuch as the Consuls were ab∣sent, there could be nothing done touching an agreement. Whereupon Caesar resolved to let fall the matter of▪ Treaty, which he had so often attempted, and to prepare for warre.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THis accident of taking Cn. Magius, hath made known an officer of great place and use in the Roman Army,* 1.209 of whom otherwise their Histories make little mention. For, howso∣ever there is found in these Commentaries many particular descriptions of admirable and incredi∣ble works, such as may seem to be made rather by Giants and Cyclopes, then any labour of man; yet there is no mention of any Praefectus fabrûm, or Master of the works in any of Caesar's Armies. Howbeit Vegetius,* 1.210 expressing their singular care to have in abundance all manner of provisions requi∣site for an Army, saith; That to every legion did belong Carpenters, Bricklayers, Smiths, Painters, and other Artizans, skilfull and fit to build lodg∣ings for their wintering Camps; to make En∣gines and devices for warre; such as were their portative, or ambulatory towers, targets, morions, corslets, bows, arrows, darts, and piles, or what∣soever else might serve, either for offence or de∣fence. Which Artificers were all known by the name of Fabri; and he that was Chief, and had the command of them, was called Praefe∣ctus Fabrûm.* 1.211 And in like manner Plutarch sheweth, that there was such an officer; as also that the place was given by the Generall; where he saith, that Vibius a Sicilian refused to lodge Cicero, as he passed to exile through Luca∣nia; although that in his Consulship he had bestowed upon him the place of Praefectus Fabrûm. And albeit Caesar maketh no menti∣on of any such officer; yet Catullus doth it for him, in such biting Trimetres as will not be forgotten:

Quis hoc potest videre, quis potest pati, Nisi impudicus, & vorax & Helluo, Mamurram habere, quod Comata Gallia Habebat & ultima Britannia? Who can this endure to see, But must a wanton glutton be, That Mamurra should have all Fetch'd from Britan and from Gall?

Of which Mamurra Plinie thus writeth;* 1.212 Cor∣nelius Nepos, saith he, writeth that Mamurra, a Roman knight, born at Formia, and Ma∣ster of the works under Caesar in Gallia, was the first that covered all the walles of his house, which he built in Mount Coelius, with leaves of Marble. Neither let any man disdain the Authour as a mean person; for this is that Mamurra, whom Catullus doth note in his verses; whose house was farre more stately then Catullus did expresse, by saying he had gotten all the wealth of Gallia Comata. For the said Cornelius affirmeth, that he was the first in Rome that made the pillars of his house of solid Marble, even hewen out of the quar∣ries of Caristus, or Luna. Thus farre go∣eth

[illustration]

Pliny. Out of which may be noted, that ex∣orbitancy in gaining doth produce the like course in spending; and howsoever such comings in may be close and secret,* 1.213 yet the issuings out will proclaim it in profuse and lavishing manner: and therefore such as command in these places, and have such means to inrich themselves, had need to be clean-fingered. Caesar writing to Oppius, mentioneth the taking of this man, as a thing of some note. Cn. Magium, Pompeii Praefectum deprehendi scilicet, meo instituto usus sum, & eum statim missum feci: jam duo Praefecti fabriûm in meam potestatem venerunt, & à me missi sunt: When I had ta∣ken Cn. Magius, a master of the works to Pompey, according to my usuall manner, I let him go. So that there have two Masters of the works fallen into my hands, and I have let them both freely go. Concerning the use of these manuall Arts, and the prerogative they have in well-ordered States; it is to be no∣ted, that without these, no City can conveni∣ently be built, fortified, or furnished with Arms. And thereupon such Artizans have alwaies challenged a place of chief regard in the Com∣monweal. Whence it was, that Ulysses scorn∣ed not se fabrum profiteri, to professe himself such an Artizan.* 1.214

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THe Maxime proprium, or most proper part of warre is opposition; and that universall, rather then any other kind of repugnancy: for there is no sympathizing condition between two enemy Armies, otherwise then by▪ mutuall exchange of velle & nolle, throughout the whole course of their intendments; as may be here observed upon Caesar's arrivall at Brun∣dusium. For finding Pompey to remain there after the departure of the Consuls, and not certainly informed of the reason of his stay; lest he should think he could not be forced to quit Italy, Caesar went about to thrust him out headlong: or otherwise, if his purpose were to follow after the Consuls to Dyrrachium, Caesar's design then was to shut him in, and so to have followed the rule of contradicti∣on, by which souldiers are directed in their at∣chievements.

Concerning the site of Brundusium, which hath ever been famous for the commodiousnesse of the Haven, and the usuall port where the Ro∣mans took shipping for Greece, being but a hundred Italian miles distant from Apollo∣nia in Epirus;* 1.215 we are to note, that the town standeth upon a Langet of earth, extended into the Haven Peninsule-like from the main land, resembling the neck and head of a Stagge, and in that regard is called Brundusium, of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifieth a Stagge: which Langet hath many crooked guts, or inlets of the Sea, capa∣ble of great shipping; besides the two main Ports on either side of the town, which with the rest of the Haven, make the safest and fairest road of that part of the world. The mouth of the Haven where Caesar made his flottes, is ve∣ry streight; and opposite thereunto, some three miles distant into the Sea, standeth a small I∣land, to abate the violence and rage of the waves. Now to besiege Brundusium, it was requisite to take away the use and benefit of the Haven: which Caesar attempted with such rare and artificiall works (of mounts where the Sea was shallow, and of flottes where the water was deep; and those made firm with earth, and fenced with hurdles and turrets, that the Reader may discern it, by the descripti∣on, to be a Master-piece of excellent inven∣tion.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

IT is truly said of old, That peace is not dear at any rate. Which Antiochus well under∣stood, when he bought it of the Romans for twelve thousand Attick talents,* 1.216 and 540000 bushels of wheat: Esteeming it as the sove∣reign happinesse of mans fortune, and an ex∣traordinary effect of those intelligent spirits, which guide the motions of the celestiall spheres, to keep the elements in a disagreeing concord, and the feet of men in the paths of tranquil∣litie. Hence it is, that such as are instru∣ments of so great a good, and shall thereby happen to redeem a Nation from horror and confusion, have in all ages been crowned with honour and renown, as the due reward of a Mediatour of Peace. And therefore Caesar, perswading Libo to negotiate a cessation of Arms, and to work in Pompey a disposition to an agreement, propounded the honour which attended this service, and the merit of that en∣deavour which brought back peace into the Empire.

CHAP. X.

Pompey leaveth Brundusium, and shippeth himself for Greece.

THe work being half perfected,* 1.217 and nine dayes labour bestowed upon it; the ships that had transported the Consuls and the other part of the Army, returned from Dyrrachium to Brundusium: and thereupon Pompey began to fit himself for a departure; being induced thereunto either by the works which Caesar had begun, or by a resolution formerly ta∣ken to quit Italy. And the better to retard Caesar's prosecution (lest upon his issuing out, the souldiers should enter the town) he mured

up the gates, and stopt the entrances of the streets and passages, sunk ditches and trenches crosse the waies, & therein stuck sharp piles and stakes, and covering the same with slight hurdles, le∣velled it with thin and light earth: leaving onely two waies free, which went unto the Haven, which he hedged in with a strong Palisado of huge sharp Piles.

These things being thus prepared, he com∣manded the souldiers to get a shipboard, with∣out noise or tumult; and left upon the walles and in the towers, here and there, some of the readiest Slingers and Archers, to be called away upon a warning-signe, when the rest of the souldiers were all shipped; appointing Gallies to take them in at an easie and safe place. The inhabi∣tants of Brundusium, oppressed with the injuries and contumelies of Pompey and his souldiers, did favour Caesar's partie; and understanding of this departure, whilst they were running up and down, and busied about getting abroad, gave notice thereof from the tops of their houses. Which being perceived, Caesar (not to omit any opportunitie of atchieving his purpose) com∣manded ladders to be prepared, and the souldiers to take Arms. Pompey a little before night weighed Anchour: and the souldiers keeping guard on the wall, upon the watch-word given, were all called from their stations, and by known passages repaired to the ships. Caesar's souldiers with Ladders got upon the wall: but being ad∣monished by them of Brundusium to take heed of the blind d••tch,* 1.218 they stood still. At last, they were brought a great compasse about, and so came to the Haven; and with skiffes and boates, seized two ships with souldiers, which stuck by chance upon the Mounts which Caesar had made.

OBSERVATIONS.

FOrasmuch as this manner of Pompey's depar∣ture from Brundusium,* 1.219 and the sleight he used to imbark himself and his Armie without danger of Caesar's entering the town, is commended for one of the best stratagems of warre that ever he used; let us a little consider the parts thereof, which present themselves of two sorts: the one consisting of the works he made, to hinder and retard Cae∣sar's entrance, if happily he should have know∣ledge of his departure; and the other, in the clean∣ly conveighance of his men aboard, without noise or tumult, and the semblance he made of keeping the town, by continuing watch upon the walls, to the end there might be no knowledge taken thereof. The works were of three sorts. For first he ••ured and stopped up the ends and entrances of streets and lanes, which might give accesse to a pursuing enemy. And to that end also, he sunk ditches, or trenches, crosse the waies and passages: which he stuck full of sharp stakes and galthrops, and covered them with light and thin hurdles, that the Enemie might not espy them. And thirdly, hedged in the waies leading to the Port, with a strong Palisado of huge sharp piles. And so used both the Lions and the Foxes skin, to avoid the danger which might have fallen upon him, if Cae∣sar happily had found means to attach them, as they were incumbered in getting to their ships, and disposing themselves to flie away. Which being an occasion that might have given him great ad∣vantage, was in this manner carefully prevented by Pompey. Howbeit, this his quitting Brundu∣sium is censured but for a faultie resolution hand∣somely carried: for Cicero doth much blame him for abandoning Italie;* 1.220 calling it a Themisto∣clean policie, to perswade his partie to forsake their Countrey, and to leave the best of their pleasures, and the weakest of each sexe, to such miserie and desolation, as moved pittie in those that considered but the condition of the dogges and brute beasts; as it fell out at Athens, when Themistocles per∣swaded the Athenians to leave their town and Countrey, and betake themselves wholly to sea, to fight against Xerxes.

CHAP. XI.

Caesar dispatcheth forces into Sardinia and Sicilie. Cato's endeavour to keep Sicily for Pompey.

ALbeit Caesar well knew,* 1.221 that it much imported a speedy end of the business, to get ships and passe the Seas after Pompey, before he could joyn him∣self with the forces of the transma∣rine parts; yet doubting the lets, and the long time before it could be effected, for that Pompey had taken with him all the shipping he could get, and thereby left him for the present no means to follow after: it remained that he attended ship∣ping to be brought from remote parts, as out of Gallia, from Ancona and the Streights; which at that time of the year, would require a long and troublesome passage. In the mean time, he thought it no way fit that Pompey's old Army, and the two Provinces of Spain should be settled and assured; (one of them being deeply ingaged to Pompey for many great and ample benefits:) or that they should have time to raise new troups, especially of horse; or that Gallia or Italie should be solicited or wrought from him in his absence. And therefore for the present, he re∣solved to desist from making any further pur∣sute after Pompey,* 1.222 and to go into Spain; giving order to the Duumviri of all the Municipall towns, to provide shipping, and send it to Brundu∣sium. He sent Valerius, a Legate, into Sardinia with one legion; and Curio, the Propraetor, into Sicily with three legions; commanding him, after he had possessed Sicily, to transport his Army in∣to Africa. Marcus Cotta governed Sardinia, and M. Cato Sicily. Tubero should by lot have held Africa.

The Caralitani understanding that Valerius was to be sent unto them, before he had left Italy, of their own accord thrust Cotta out of the town. Cotta amused thereat, and perceiving withall that the whole Province gave consent unto it, fled presently out of Sardinia into Africa. Cato prepared and new trimmed the Gallies in Sicily, giving order to the towns to build new, and prosecuted his direction with great diligence. Moreover, by his Legats, he mustered and in∣rolled Citizens of Rome in Lucania and Brutia, requiring rateable numbers of horse and foot from the towns in Sicilie. Which things being al∣most accomplished, understanding of Curio his coming, he complained in publick how he was abandoned and betraied by Pompey; who, without any providence or preparation, had ingaged him∣self in an unnecessary warre: and yet being de∣manded by himself and the rest in the Senate, answered confidently, that he was provided of all necessaries fit for warre. And after he had thus publickly complained, he fled out of the Pro∣vince. By which means, Valerius found Sardinia, and Curio Sicily, void of government, and thither brought their Armies.

Tubero arriving in Africa, found Actius Va∣rus commanding the Province: who (as we have formerly shewed) having lost his cohorts at Auxi∣mum, fled forthwith into Africa, and of his own authority possessed himself of the Province, which he found without a Governour. He got together by new inrolements two compleat legions, which he raised by his knowledge and experience of the people of that Country, by reason he had govern∣ed that Province as Praetor some few years be∣fore. Tubero arriving with his fleet at Utica, was by Varus kept out of the town and the Haven; neither would he suffer him to set his son ashore, which was sick, but compelled him to weigh Anchour and depart.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THis Chapter maketh the first period of this Warre,* 1.223 as it is taken from the beginning of these Civill Broiles, unto Pompey's forsaking Italie, which was begun and ended in the space of 60 daies: and also openeth the gate to second resolutions, which are prosecuted, as the sequele of the Historie will manifest: Containing likewise the reasons, why Caesar made not present pursute after Pompey, as the hinges of the succeeding War, and the true causes of the consequents of the same. In the consideration whereof, albeit Caesar understood the advantage of him that prosecuteth a receding enemie, and the hopes which might be thereby conceived of a speedy end of that warre; yet having no ready means to accomplish his de∣sire, he thought it better to prevent such inconve∣niences as might happily have fallen out upon the same: and so to keep his partie in a progresse of their active thoughts, by clearing and assuring that Western part of the Empire, which Pompey had left unto him by his departure; rather then to leave an enemie on his back, or to admit a cooling and languishment of their resolutions, through expectation of shipping, to follow that course which otherwise had been without exception.

In the carriage whereof we may observe, that as upon the first breaking out of these troubles, they scambled for the towns of Italie, and sought to strengthen their parties by such as had no voice in the grand Chapter of the Senate,* 1.224 but onely in∣jo••ed the benefit of Municipall rights; so now being parted asunder, and the contagion of this intestine evill spread abroad, and grown to more ripeness, they made like haste to fasten upon the remoter Provinces, wherein Caesar had the better portion. For in his share were contained Italia, Gallia, Britannia, Hispania, Sicilia; which being the prime Countreys of Europe, were consequent∣ly the flour of that Empire, for that Europe hath ever been taken for the principall and chiefest part of the world.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

SEcondly, we may observe in Cato, the effects of a Stoicall or formall spirit, which are more va∣luable in the easiness of peace, then in the diffi∣culties of warre. For, howsoever he made shew of bestirring himself, in rigging and trimming up the Gallies of his Province, commanding more to be built, raising new troups of horse and foot, and prosecuting his commands with purpose of an ex∣act account: yet in the end, understanding of Curio his coming, he spent his furie in complain∣ing of his friends, and laying the cause of those garboiles upon him, whom by election and con∣sent he had formerly set up, to make head against such, as otherwise may be supposed would have contained themselves in a better measure of mode∣ration.

CHAP. XII.

Caesar goeth to Rome; and, calling a Senate, complaineth of the injuries done unto him.

THese things being ended,* 1.225 that the souldiers might for the residue of the time be a little eased and re∣freshed, Caesar brought them back into the next Municipall towns; he himself went directly to the Cittie: and having called a Senate, he laieth open the injuries and wrongs offered unto him by his Adversaries; sheweth them, that he never sought honour in the State by extraordinary means, onely he looked to have enjoyed the full time of his Consulship, and therewith to have been contented: which was no more then any Citizen might stand for. The Tribunes of the people had required, that

consideration might be had of him in his absence, notwithstanding the opposition of his enemies, and Cato his bitter resistance, spending the time, after his old manner, with long and tedious speeches: which if Pompey (being Consul) had disliked, why did he suffer that to passe which was enacted? But if then he did allow and like of it, what reason had he to hinder him from en∣joying a benefit which the people of Rome had be∣stowed upon him? From that, he fell to speak of his patience: which appeared, in that of his own accord he moved that either party might quit their forces; which might have been very pr••••∣diciall to his honour and dignitie: Declared what had been the malice and bitterness of his Ad∣versaries, who refused to do that themselves, which they required of another man; choosing rather to imbroile and confound the whole State, then to forgo the command of an Armie: Spake at large as well of the wrong done unto him, by taking the two legions from him, as also for their hard and insolent dealing, in putting the Tribunes of the people by their place and autho∣rity.

He forgot not likewise to relate the conditions which he propounded; the conference which he desired, and would not be granted. In regard whereof, he prayed and required, that they would take the charge of the Common-weale, and give a helping hand to him for the government there∣of. But if they should upon any doubt or mistrust refuse to joyn with him, he would not much im∣portune them, but would take it into his own hands▪ and in the mean time, let Commissioners be sent to Pompey to treat of peace. Neither did he respect what Pompey a little before had said in the Senate, That to whom soever Embassadours were sent, to such seemed to be ascribed Autho∣rity and Preeminence; as, on the contrary part, such as sent them, manifested an apprehension of fear; for these were arguments of pusillani∣mitie. For his part, as he had gone beyond him in deeds of Armes and noble acts; so would he in like manner, endeavour to excell him in justice and equitie.

The Senators were well pleased that Embassa∣dours should be sent: but there was no man found that would go; every man refusing in particular, for fear of Pompey; who, upon his departure from Rome, had said in the Senate, That he would hold him that stayed at Rome, in the same con∣dition with them that were in Caesar's Camp. So that three daies were spent in debate and excuses; L. Metellus,* 1.226 Tribune of the people, being drawn by Caesar's adversaries, to protract the time; and to hinder any matter which Caesar should propound unto them.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

FIrst, we may observe, how irksome it is to hu∣mane nature, for him that hath tasted the sweetnesse of authority, to forgo the reins of com∣mand, and again to inrolle his name in the list of common dutie; descending from the throne of soveraigntie, to the condition of obedience, and to lose his eminencie in respectless equalitie: espe∣cially,* 1.227 if the honour be Militarie, and of Martiall nature. For that fasteneth on us with a stronger hold, then any other power; being lesse capable of moderation, and waited on with the eyes and expectation of present and future ages. Whereby men grow desperatly jealous of the opinion of the world, and cannot indure to quit themselves of that care, although they have attained to the full time of their deliverance: but to be supplanted in the midst of so glorious a race, or to be pulled out of the seat of Magistracie by an abortive miscarriage, is able to inrage an ambitious spirit so farre beyond the bounds of modestie, that it will not spare any en∣deavour to confound the greatest Empire, with irre∣coverable calamities.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

SEcondly, we may observe the disposition of those Senators, that by their staying at Rome, became neutrall in that Faction; and thereupon refused either to take Caesar's commands, or to pre∣sent themselves to Pompey, as Mediatours of peace. Plutarch hath two reasons, why the Sena∣tours would undertake no such matter of Commis∣sion as was required by Caesar. The first is this which is here expressed;* 1.228 every man fearing the displeasure of Pompey, who at his departure from Rome, had protested to hold them for enemies that went not along with him: whereas Caesar cen∣sured their forbearance with better advantage to himself, and took their neutralitie as an argument of becoming his followers. The other reason which Plutarch avoucheth, is the opinion which the Senatours had of Caesar's double dealing; as not carrying his heart in his mouth, but pretending that which he never meant. For they could not be perswaded that his end was a cessation of Armes, or such a peace with Pompey as should have kept on foot their ancient liberty; but sought rather pretexts of good meaning, to colour his designe of making Rome his servant. Howsoever, we may not omit what is reported to have happened be∣tween him and Metellus, more then he himself speaketh of. For, going about to take Money out of the Treasurie, he was there stoutly resisted by this Metellus, of whom he complaineth; alleadg∣ing the Lawes and Acts of the State, forbidding any man to touch that Money, but in such times of extremitie as were therein expressed.

To which Caesar answered; That those Lawes were onely made for time of peace: but now, Armes and warre required another course of proceeding. Neverthelesse Metellus* 1.229 would not suffer him to break open the doors, untill Caesar advised him to be gone if he loved his life; for it

was easier for him to dispatch him then to speak it: and so entered and carried away the Treasure. Whereupon groweth that of Florus, Censum & patrimonium populi Romani ante rapuit quam Imperium; He carried away the treasure and pa∣trimony of the people of Rome, before he got the Empire.

And Appian, deriding the scrupulositie of the ancient Romans, that would not touch that Trea∣sure but in extremitie of warre against the Celiae or Galles, saith that Caesar might lawfully take it, for that he had vanquished and subdued the Galles; whereby the Romans had no further cause to fear them.

CHAP. XIII.

Caesar leaveth the Citie, goeth into Gallia, and treateth with the Marseillians.

CAesar perceiving their resolution,* 1.230 after he had spent there in vain some few daies (that he might not lose any more time, and leave those things undone which he purposely intended) he left the Citie, and went into the further Gallia. Upon his arrivall there, he under∣stood that Pompey had sent into Spain Vibullius Rufus, whom Caesar had a little before taken at Corfinium and d••smissed him: and that Domi∣tius likewise was gone to take Marseilles, with eight Gallies, which he set out from Sicilia and Sardinia, and manned them with slaves, men in∣franchised, and his own husbandmen: sending as messengers before, certain young noble-men of Marseilles, with whom Pompey upon his depar∣ture from the City had earnestly dealt, that Caesar's new favours might not put out of their remembrance the old benefits which he had done unto them. Those of Marseilles having received this message, shut their gates against Caesar, called into the Citie the Albicans, barbarous and mountainous people (who of ancient time had held amitie with them, and dwelt upon the hills above Marseilles,) brought Corn from all the adjacent Regions and castles into the town, set up offices and forges to make Armes, repaired both their walls, their navie, and their gates.

Caesar called out unto him some fifteen of the chiefest men of Marseilles, & treated with them, that the beginning of the warre might not grow from that town; who should rather follow the example of all Italie, then apply themselves to the will of any one man: not omitting such other per∣swasions as he thought pertinent to a sound reso∣lution. These men reported at Marseilles what Caesar had delivered, and by the common consent of the town returned this answer; That they understood, that the people of Rome was divided into two parts; neither was it in them to judge, or could they discern which of the two was in the right. The Leaders of these two factions were Pompey and Caesar, both speciall Patrons and Benefactours to their Citie: of whom, one had augmented the publick revenues of the State, and endowed it with the lands and territories of the Volcae Arec••mici, and the Helvij; the other, having conquered and subdued* 1.231 Gallias, gave it unto them, whereby their tributarie In-comes were much augmented▪ and therefore, as they were equally bound to both for their favours, so would they carrie to both an equall respect, not ayding either of them against the other, or recei∣ving them within their gates.

Whilest these things were in handling, Do∣mitius arrived at Marseilles with his shipping; and being received in, was made Governour of the City, and had the whole direction of the warre committed unto him. By his appointment the ••leet was sent out into all Coasts; and such ships of burthen as they found, they brought in: the nails, timber, and tackling whereof, they took to mend and rigge out other ships. What Corn soever was found in the City, was brought in publick keeping; reserving the surplus of victuall and provision for a siege, as occasion should require.

Ca••sar, provoked with these injuries, brought three legions to Marseilles, determined to make towers and mantelets ready for an assault, and to build twelve new Gallies at Arles; which were armed, rigged, finished, and brought to Mar∣seilles, within thirty dayes after the timber was cut down. Of these he made D. Brutus Admirall, and left C. Trebonius to follow the siege.

OBSERVATIONS.

FRom the Marseillians we may learn, that it is farre easier to say well then to do well: for howsoever they were able to discern the truth, and to give an answer to Caesar, well-beseeming the fame and opinion of their literature and knowledge,* 1.232 (being an Academie little inferiour to the best, and in later times more frequented by the Romans, for the studie of Oratorie and Philo∣sophy, then Athens, or any other such chief seat of the Muses;) yet in their actions they disavow∣ed all: taking upon them most unseasonably to arbitrate those differences, and to shew their opi∣nion of the quarrell,* 1.233 by taking part with one faction. Wherein their errour the more appeared, in that the party grieved was not liable to their award, but rather had occasion to gain thereby a double honour to himself; first, by forcing them, and then by pardoning their rashness. And yet some Writers do think, they did no more then they were tied unto by former treaties, and leagues with the Empire (which they took to consist in Pompey's partie) whereof they were loyall and zealous confederates; as appeareth by their love, when Rome was taken by the Galles: for having news thereof, and understanding of the composi∣tion

which was to be made to raise the siege from the Capitoll, they provided all the gold and silver they could get, and sent it to Rome for that ser∣vice. In regard whereof they were endowed with many Priviledges and Immunities, both in the City, and elsewhere in the Empire. Howsoever, their hap being to respect more an exact obser∣vance of what had passed, then the fatall succeed∣ing course of things, drew upon them a sharp and bitter warre; whereof they could not be freed, but by submitting themselves to his mercy whom they had rejected. And thus we see verified that of the Poet;* 1.234

Quicquid delirant Reges plectuntur Achivi. Kings play the fools, and the poor people suffer.

Which implieth also how dangerous it is, for men of authority and imployment to be subject to wil∣full ambition. For as their service is of great im∣portance to government, when it is attended with well qualified affections; so are their motions as fearfull, which are carried with the violence of exorbitant passions: especially, considering the means they have, either to misimploy the power of the State, or to give way to such inconveniences as may necessarily pervert all things but the ends they aim at: besides the aptness of a high spirit, not to doubt the truth of that saying which is attri∣buted to Caesar, Si violandum est jus, regnandi gratia violandum est; If a man would violate all right and law, he would do it for a kingdome.

CHAP. XIV.

Caesar hasteth into Spain.

WHilest these things were prepared and put in order,* 1.235 he sent C. Fabius, one of h••s Legates, with three le∣gions, that had wintered about Nar∣bone, before him into Spain; com∣manding him with all speed and diligence to take the passage of the Pyrenean hills, which were kept at that time with the forces of L. Afranius:* 1.236 and gave order for the other legions which win∣tered further off, to follow after. Fabius, accord∣ing to his directions, made haste, put the Garri∣son from the passage, and by great journeys marched towards Afranius Armie.

Upon the arrivall of Vibullius Rufus, who (as it is formerly related) was sent by Pompey into Spain,* 1.237 Afranius, Petreius, and Varro, Pompey's Legates (of whom▪ the one governed the nearest Province of Spain with three legions; the other held the Country from the* 1.238 forrest of Castile, to the river* 1.239 Ana, with two legions; and the third commanded the Vectones and Lusitania, with the like number of legions;) did so dispose and di∣vide their charges, that Petreius was appointed to bring his legions out of Lusitania, through the territories of the Vectones, and joyn himself with Afranius; and that Varro with his power, should keep the further Province of Spain. Which being so resolved and determined, Petreius ha∣ving commanded the Lusitanians to levie horse∣men, and other Auxiliarie forces; and Afranius likewise having made the like levie in the terri∣tories of the* 1.240 Celtiberi,* 1.241 Cantabri, and the rest of the barbarous Nations bordering upon the Ocean: Petreius came speedily through the Vectones to Afranius; and induced by the oppor∣tunitie of the place, by mutuall consent, they re∣solved to keep the war on foot near about Ilerda.

There were with Afranius (as formerly hath been shewed) three legions, with Petreius two, be∣sides * 1.242 Targetiers of the nearer Province, and * 1.243 Buckler-bearers of the further Province, some 80 cohorts, and of both Provinces about 5000 horse. Caesar had sent his legions into Spain, ac∣companied onely with six thousand Auxiliary forces, and three thousand horse, which had been with him in the former wars. And the Galles at his request furnished him with the like num∣ber; besides the noblest and valiantest amongst them, of whom he had made particular choice to follow him in that war. To these were added the better sort of the Aquitani, and high-landers, borderers upon the Province in Gallia. He was advertised that Pompey was on his journey, co∣ming through Mauritania into Spain, & that he would speedily be therewith his legions: & there∣upon he borrowed money of the Centurions and Tribunes of the souldiers, and gave it to his Ar∣my▪ whereby he gained two points; For first, he ingaged the captains by that lone to endeavour his good successe; and secondly, bought the good affe∣ctions of the souldiers by largess & distribution. Fabius omitted no opportunity to get the favour of the Cities near about him; which he laboured as well by Letters as Messengers: and had alrea∣dy made two bridges over the river Sicoris,* 1.244 d••stant one from another about four miles, and over these bridges sent out his men to forrage; for he had spent all that was to be found on this side the river. The same thing, and upon the same occa∣sion, did the Leaders of Pompey's Army; and oftentimes their Cavalry met and incountred together. And as it hapned, that two of Fabius le∣gions going out to forrage according to their dai∣ly custome, and had passed the river, the carriage and the Cavalry following after, upon a sudden (by the over-pestering of horses, and swelling of the water) the bridge brake, and the rest of the Cavalry was secluded and cut off from the le∣gions.* 1.245 Which Petreius and Afranius perceiving, by the hurdles and planks that came down the ri∣ver; Afranius presently by the bridge which was ad••oyning to the town and his camp, put over 4 legions, and all his Cavalrie, and went to meet with Fabius his 2 legions. Upon whose approch, L. Plancus, that commanded the legions, being constrained by necessity, took the upper ground, dividing his men into two Battalions, and ma∣king their fronts to stand 2 contrary waies, to the

[illustration]

end they might not be circumvented by the horsemen. And although the number were very far unequall, yet he valiantly withstood very violent charges of the enemy. The Cavalrie being thus ingaged, the Ensignes of two legions were descried a farre off, which Fabius had sent by way of the further bridge, to second these o∣ther two; suspecting that which was come to passe, that the Commanders of the adverse Ar∣my would take the occasion and benefit of this accident, to cut off our partie. Upon whose ap∣proch the battell ceased; and the legions on either side were brought back into their Camps.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THe first observation may be taken from this designe of Caesar's upon Spain, being at that time under the government and command of Pompey; the standing or falling whereof did much import the successe of that war: for which respect it was, that when Caesar could not buckle with the person of his enemy, he used all means to beat down his authoritie, as the next in degree to his essence and being, and most concerning his honour and reputation. For if he took from him those Provinces, which the State had commended to his charge, and left him no interest in the obe∣dience of such, whom he might in a sort chal∣lenge for his own people; what assurance could the other parts of the Empire have in his protection? or what could he elsewhere expect of that which these refused him?

The excellency of a Generall, is that perfection of judgement commended by Aristotle, inabling him to discern,* 1.246 quid primum, or what is most ma∣teriall in that varietie of undertaking, which fal∣leth out in following a war. And if that cannot with any conveniencie be attained, then to know the next point of importance; and so consequent∣ly to distinguish the degrees of difference, as they stand ranked in the order of judicious pro∣ceeding.

For the effectuall prosecuting of which designe, let us take a short view of their forces on each side, according as we find them mustered in this chapter; that by the inequalitie of their troups, we may judge of the want or sufficiency of their di∣rections. Afranius, as it is said in the story, had three legions, and Petreius two legions, together with 80 cohorts of Auxiliarie forces, supplied unto them by the two Provinces of Spain; which cohorts equalled the number of eight legions, and so in all made thirteen legions; and according to the usuall rate at that time of 5000 in a legion, amounted to 65000 men: together with 5000 horse;* 1.247 which came to seventie thousand men, or thereabouts. To confront so great an enemy, Caesar had five legions, 12000 Auxiliary troupers from the Galles, and peradventure 1000 Evocati: which according to the former rate of a legion, did rise to 35000,* 1.248 or 40000 men at the most. Where∣by the one exceeding the other well-near in a double proportion of strength, and yet failing in correspondencie of successe, calleth the verity of that proverb in question, Ne Hercules contra duos, Hercules himself cannot deal with two. Besides, the inequalitie of the place where the triall was to be made, being wholly devoted to the greater partie, was a matter of no small con∣sequence. For he that maketh war in a Countrey absolutely favouring the enemie, and confronting his purposes, had need of more forces then the ad∣verse partie, or better fortune in his proceedings. And therefore Fabius, to prevent such mischiefs as might grow by that advantage, sought all means to draw some of the towns to his faction, and to make himself friends for his better sup∣port and securitie; according to that which was said of old, That war cannot be made without some peace.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

SEcondy, we may observe the means he used to secure himself of the loyaltie of his Armie, and wholly to ingage the souldier in his fortune. For the money he borrowed of the Tribunes and Cen∣turions,* 1.249 was a speciall Tie of their affections to his service: forasmuch as no man wisheth ill to him, by whose welfare and prosperitie he hopeth to thrive; for so (wounding himself through ano∣ther mans bodie) the hurt would fall upon his own head: but rather desireth such an accomplish∣ment of his hopes, as may make himself partaker thereof. And on the other side, the largess he made unto the souldiers did so oblige their indeavour to his purposes, that they were thereby ready to per∣form as much as warlike Laelius* 1.250 had promised in his own person, on the behalf of the rest.

Pectore si fratris gladium, juguloque Pa∣rentis Condere me jubeas,* 1.251 plenaeque in viscera partu Conjugis, invita peragam tamen omnia dextra. Bid me to stab my brother, cut My father's throat, or rip the gut Of my big-bellied wife, (though loath) I'le doo't.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

THirdly, let us consider the effects of diligence and provident foresight, which do oftentimes redeem an Armie from a dishonourable over∣throw; as may be learned from two circumstances in Fabius directions.* 1.252 First, in that he trusted not to one passage over the river Sicoris, but made two severall bridges, as well for the conveniencie as the better securitie of his people. Secondly, upon

the occasion which the enemie might take by the breaking of the bridge, to distresse the legions on the other side of the water, he presently sent out succours to prevent such a casualtie: which albeit it might seem to have proceeded out of curious suspicion, or idle fear, yet it fell out to be no more then was requisite and expedient. Which may teach a Generall to be carefull even of possibili∣ties,* 1.253 and to prevent contingencies, with the cer∣taintie of industrious directions; accounting al∣waies that which may happen, to be as certain as any thing we most expect.

THE FOURTH OBSERVATION.

COncerning Spain,* 1.254 we are to note that the Romans at first divided it into two Provinces, which they called the Nearer and the Further; or according to Strabo, the Utter and the Inner; and they were separated asunder by the river Ibe∣rus, now Ebro: And thence also they were called Cis Iberum, & ultra Iberum, Spain on this side Ebro, and Spain beyond. The Nearer Province, being the lesser, continued without alteration during the Roman's government, and was some∣times called Tarraconensis Provincia, of Tarra∣eo, the principall town of the same. But the Fur∣ther, in processe of time was divided into two parts; the one called Betica, and the other Lusi∣tania: and so the whole Region of Spain came to be divided into three Provinces. It was first entered by the Romans, by occasion of the no∣table siedge of Saguntum: upon which, P. Scipio having subdued the Carthaginians, reduced Spain into a Province, and left it governed by Procon∣suls, unto the time of Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Stertinius.* 1.255 Afterwards it was governed by Propraetors, and sometimes by Praetors, ac∣cording as the Empire came to be inlarged; and had thereby many governments, for the prefer∣ment of such as had supplied the better places of dignitie in the State. Neverthelesse, in the times of trouble the Governours had alwaies Consularie power; as, in the warre against Scrtorius, Quin∣tus Metellus Proconsul,* 1.256 and Cn. Pompeius Questor, cum Consulari potestate missi sunt, were sent with consular power. And at this time, Pompey governed it by two Deputies or Legates. Touching the form and figure of the Countrey, Strabo likeneth it to an Oxe hide; the neck whereof joyneth to the Pyrenean hills, which rise in towers from one Sea to another, as limits and bounds between France and Spain; taking their name (as some think) from Pyrene, the Maid that Hercules deflowred, whom Sil. Ital. mentioneth, lib. 3.

Pyrene celsa nimbo si verticis arce Divisos Celtis late prospectat Iberos; Atque aeterna tenet magnis divortia terris. Nomen Bebrycia duxere à virgine colles. Hospitis Alcidae crimen: qui sorte laborum Gerionis peteret cum longa tricorporis arva, Possessus Baccho, saeva Bebrycis in aula Lugendam ••ormae sine virginitate reliquit Pyrenen—and a little after, Defletum{que} tenent Montes per secula nomen. The lofty tower of Pyren's cloudy head O're looks th' Iberi, whom it parts from Celts, For aye dividing those two spacious lands. From Bebryx daughter first these hills took name, Ravish'd by Hercules: who as he went The triple-bodied Gerion's land to seize, Drunk at the time, and lodg'd in Bebryx Court, Pyrene left to be bewail'd by beauty, No more a Virgin— And her lamented name the Hills still keep.

But according to the opinion more generally re∣ceived, they are so called of the Greek word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; for that Shepheards and Heardsmen set them once on fire,* 1.257 as witnesseth Diodorus Siculus. And A∣ristotle,* 1.258 In Hiberia inquit combustis aliquando pastoribus Sylvis, calenteque ignibus terra, ma∣nifestum argentum defluxisse: cumque postmo∣dum terrae-motus supervenisset, eruptis hiati∣bus, magnam copiam argenti collectam; atque inde Massiliensibus proventus non vulgares obti∣gisse: He saith that on a time in Spain the Shep∣heards having set fire on the Woods, the ground was so heated thereby, that plain rills of silver flowed from the hills; and that afterwards by rea∣son of earthquakes, severall gapings being made in the said place, they gathered great plenty of sil∣ver; which the Marscillians made no small bene∣fit of. The Countrey of Spain is commended for many things, as may appear by divers Elogies: a∣mongst which, that of Claudianus the Poet is written, as though the Author had been a Pen∣sioner to the Kingdome.

Quid dignum memorare tuis Hispania terris Vex humana valet? primo lavat aequore solem India: tu fessos, exacta luce, jugales Proluis, inque tuo respirant sydera fluctu. Dives equis, frugum facilis, pretiosa metallis, Principibus foecunda piis.—

What noted thing in Spain can man commend? As Indian seas first drench the morning Sun, So his tir'd steeds wash here when day is done: In Spanish waves the wearied stars take breath. Spain store of horse, fruits, precious metals hath; Breeds pious Princes.—

CHAP. XV.

Caesar coming to his Armie, advanceth forward, and incampeth near unto the Enemie.

WIthin two dayes after Caesar came in∣to the Camp with nine hundred horse,* 1.259 which he had kept with him for a convoy. The bridge broken by the tempest, was almost re-edified, and that which remained undone, he command∣ed to be finished in the night. And having seen the nature and situation of the place, he left six cohorts to keep the Camp and the bridge, with all the carriages of the Armie. And the next day, putting all his forces into a triple battell, he marched towards Ilerda: and there standing a while in Armes, offered battell, in an equall and indifferent place. Afranius brought out his forces, and made a stand in the midst of the hill, under his Camp. Caesar perceiving that Afranius at that time was not disposed to fight, determined to incamp himself some 400 paces from the foot of the hill.* 1.260 And least the souldiers should be interrupted in their works by the sud∣den assaults and incursions of the enemy, he for∣bad them to fortifie it with a rampier or wall, which must necessarily be discovered and seen afarre off; but caused a ditch to be made of fifteen foot in breadth, in the front of the Camp next unto the Enemie. The first and second bat∣tell (according as was directed) continued in Armes;* 1.261 and the third battell performed the work behind them unseen, before it was under∣stood by Afranius that Caesar would incamp in that place. Which being finished, he drew his le∣gions within the ditch, and so stood in Armes all night.

The next day he kept all his Armie within the ditch. And forasmuch as the matter to make the Rampier was to be fetched farre off, he kept the like course for the finishing of the rest; al∣lotting each side of the Camp to be fortified by a severall legion, with a ditch to be sunk about of the same scantling: and in the mean time, made the other legions to stand ready in Armes against the enemie.

Afranius and Petreius, to the end they might amuse the souldier, and hinder the work, brought down their forces to the foot of the hill, and pro∣voked them to fight. Howbeit, Caesar intermitted not the work, trusting to three legions in Armes, and the munition of the ditch. The Enemy not making any long stay, or advancing further then the foot of the hill, led back their troups in∣to the Camp. The third day Caesar fortified his Camp with a Rampier; and commanded the rest of the cohorts and the carriages which were left in the other Camps, to be brought unto him.

OBSERVATION.

IT may be observed for Caesar's custome throughout the whole course of his wars, to ap∣proch as near the enemie as conveniently he could; that so he might the better observe his passages, and be ready to take the favour of any opportunitie, which either the nature of the place, or the motions of the adversary would afford him. Which was the rather his advantage, in re∣gard of his dexteritie, and superlative knowledge in the use of Armes, together with the experience of his old legions: whereby he was able, not one∣ly to improve his own designes to the utmost of an honourable successe, but to return the disgrace of any attempt made upon his Armie, upon the heads of them that were authors of the same. For otherwise, his accosting so near an enemie, might have turned to his own losse; as being full of hazard, and subject to more casualties then he that standeth further off. And therefore the rule is, That he that desireth to ••it near his adversarie, must be exceeding circumspect, and sure of some advantage, either from the place, or the over-awing power of his forces, or else out of his own vertue, or by some other means, to over-sway the inconveniences which attend such ingagements. As may appear by that which Frontinus observeth hence, touching the straight whereinto Caesar was fallen;* 1.262 being ei∣ther to give battel, which the enemie refused; or to make good that place, from whence he could not retreat but with danger. Whereupon, a little before night be stole the making of a ditch on the back of his Armie; and retiring himself within the same, stood in Armes all night, for his better safetie.

The use of such ditches are of much impor∣tance, and have oftentimes redeemed an Ar∣my from great extremities: and were so fre∣quent upon all occasions with the Romans, that he that shall deny them to be good ditchers, shall do them wrong. And not onely they, but other Nations could tell how to make use of the Spade.

Pericles of Athens, being forced by them of Peloponnesus into a place that had but two out∣lets of escape, sunk a ditch of a great lati∣tude thwart one of the passages (as though he meant to keep out the enemie) and set his souldiers to break out the other way. The Peloponne∣sians thinking he could no way escape by the passage where the trench was cut, applied them∣selves wholly to the other place, where the souldiers made shew of breaking out: whereby (through the help of bridges which he had for∣merly provided) he escaped over the ditch with∣out resistance. Sometimes they added other helps to these trenches, especially when they sought handsome means to get themselves a∣way:

whereof Sertorius may be an instance; who, having the enemie pressing him in the rere, and being to passe a River, drew a ditch and a rampier at his back, in the fashion of a half∣moon: which rampier he heaped with wood and combustible matter, and so setting it on fire, kept off the enemie, and passed with ease over the water.

In like manner, Herculeius, one of Sertorius Legates, having rashly entered with a small power into a long and narrow passage between two hills, and finding himself pursued by great forces of the enemy, sunk a crosse trench between the two Mountains; and piling the rampier with wood, set it on fire, and so cut off the enemie.

CHAP. XVI.

Caesar's attempt to possesse himself of a small hill: what disadvantage he ran into, by missing of his purpose; what means he used to recover himself.

BEtween the town of Ilerda,* 1.263 and the next hill where Petreius and Afranius were incamped, there was a Plain of about three hundred paces; in the midst whereof stood a little Mole, rising higher then the rest: which if Caesar could get and fortifie, he hoped to cut off the enemy from the town and the bridge, and from such victuals and provisions as were brought to the town. Hereupon he took three legions out of the Camp; and having put them into order of bat∣tell, he commanded the Antesignani of one legion to run before, & possesse the place. Which being perceived, the cohorts that kept watch before A∣franius Camp, were presently sent a nearer way to take that Mount. The matter came to blows: but forasmuch as Afranius partie came first to the place, our men were beaten back; and by rea∣son of new supplies sent against them, were con∣strained to turn their backs, and retire to the legions.

The manner of fight which those souldiers used, was first to run furiously upon an enemy, to seize any place boldly and with great courage; not much respecting their orders or ranks, but fighting in a scattered and dispersed fashion. If they chaunc't to be throughly charged, they thought it no shame to give way and retire; ac∣customed thereunto by frequenting the Lusita∣nians, and other barbarous people, using that kind of fight: as it commonly falleth out, that where the souldiers have long lived, they get much of the usage and condition of those places. Notwith∣standing, our men were much troubled thereat, as unaccustomed to that kind of ••ight: for seeing every man leave his rank, and run up and down, they feared least they should be circumvented, and set upon inflank, and on their bare and open side; whereas themselves were to keep their order, and not to leave their places, but upon extraor∣dinarie occasion.

Upon the routing of the Antesignani, the le∣gion that stood in the corne•• left the place, and retreated to the next Hill; almost all the Armie being affrighted, upon that which had happened beyond every mans opinion, contrary to former use.

Caesar encouraging his men, brought out the ninth legion to second them; by that means com∣pelling the enemy (insolent of good successe, and shrewdly pursuing our men) to turn their backs, and to retire to the town of Ilerda, and there to make a stand under the walls. But the souldiers of the ninth legion, carried on with endeavour, and going about to repair their losse, rashly fol∣lowed the enemy into a place of disadvantage, and came under the Hill whereon the town stood: and as they would have made their retreat, they were charged afresh from the upper ground. The front of the place had an uneasie broken ascent, and was on each side steep; extended onely so much in breadth, as would serve three cohorts to imbattell in: neither could the Cavalrie come to help them. The Hill declined easily from the town about four hundred paces in length: and that way our men had some conveniency of re∣treat, from the disadvantage to which their de∣sire had unadvisedly led them. The fight conti∣nued in this place: which was very unequall, both in regard of the straightness thereof, as also for that they stood under the foot of the Hill, where∣by no weapon fell in vain amongst them. Not∣withstanding, by prowesse and valour they pa∣tiently endured all the wounds they received. The enemies forces were supplied and renewed, by such cohorts as were often sent out of the Camp through the town, that fresh men might take the place of such as were wearied out. And the like was Caesar fain to do, sending fresh Co∣horts to that place to relieve the wearied.

After they had thus continually fought for the space of five hours together, and that our men were much over-charged with an unequall mul∣titude: having spent all their weapons, they drew their swords, and ascended up the hill, to charge and assault the enemy: and having slain a few of them, the rest were driven to make retreat. The cohorts being thus put back to the walls, and some of them for fear having taken the town, our men found an easie retreat. Our Ca∣valrie did from a low ground get up unto the top of the hill; and riding up and down be∣tween the two Armies, made our souldiers to re∣treat with better case: and so the fight succeeded diversly.

About seventie of our men were slain in the first on set. And amongst these was slain Q. Ful∣ginius, Captain of the first Hasta••e Centurie of the fourteenth legion; who, for his ex∣ceeding

valour, was preferred to that place from the lower orders. Six hundred at least were wounded. And of Afranius party were slain T. Caecilius, Centurion of a Primipile order, and four Centurions more,* 1.264 besides two hundred souldiers. But such was the opinion of that dayes businesses that either side believed they left with the better.

Afranius party was so perswaded, for that they long stood to handy-blows, and resisted the violence of our souldiers, although in all mens judgement they were the weaker: as also, for that they at first took and held the place which gave occasion of that fight; and in the first encounter, compelled our men to turn their backs. Our men in like manner thought they had the better, in regard they had maintained fight for five houres together, in a place of disadvantage, and with an unequall multitude; that they ascended up the hill with their swords drawn, and compelled their adversaries to turn their backs, and to re∣treat into the town, maugre the disadvantage of the place.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

IN this direction which Caesar gave, to take the little Hill between Ilerda and Afranius Camp, we may observe the danger depending upon the mischieving of an action. For the failing of a purpose, in seeking to obtain that which would prove of great advantage, doth oftentimes draw men into as great inconveniences. And as the end in every design pretendeth gain, so the means thereof do give way to hazard: from whence it consequently followeth, that such as are imployed in execution, had need to use all endeavour, not to falsifie the grounds of good directions, by neg∣ligent or inconsiderate carriage; but rather to make good any want or defect, by serious and wary prosecution of the same.

And the rather, for that it specially concerneth their good that have the charge and handling of commands: for they first are like to feel the smart of any errour committed therein; or otherwise, to have the honour of any fortunate successe,* 1.265 for∣asmuch as Vertue hath all her praise from Action.

Concerning the use of running, we are to un∣derstand that the Romans (amongst other their exercises of Armes) had speciall practise of this,* 1.266 as available in four respects,* 1.267 according as Vege∣tius hath noted.* 1.268 First, to the end they might charge the enemy with greater force and violence. Se∣condly, that they might possesse themselves with speed, of places of advantage. Thirdly, that they might readily discover, as should be found expedient upon all occasions. And lastly, to prosecute a flying enemy to better purpose and ef∣fect.* 1.269 And this, as Seneca saith, they practised in peace; that being accustomed to needlesse la∣bour, they might be able to discharge necessary duties. And* 1.270 Livie, amongst the military ex∣ercises used by Scipio, to fit his men for those glo∣rious exploits which he afterwards atchieved, saith; That the first day, the legions ran four miles in Arms. And Suetonius affirmeth, that Nero, having appointed a race for the Praetorian co∣horts, carried a Target lifted up before them with his own hand. And that Galba did more admi∣rably; for being suted of purpose to make him∣self eminent, he directed a field-race with a Tar∣get, himself running as fast as the Emperours Chariot, for twenty miles together.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THe second thing to be noted in these special∣ties, is, the bold enterprise of Caesar's men, in charging the enemy with their swords drawn, against the Hill; whereby making them to give back, they had an easie and safe retreat from the danger wherein they were ingaged. Whereby we may observe, that difficulties of extremity are never better cleared, then by adventurous and desperate undertakings: According to the condi∣tion of diseases and distemperatures of the body,* 1.271 which being light and easy, are cured with mild and easy potions; but being grievous and doubt∣full, do require sharp and strong remedies. Which doth also in like manner appear throughout the whole course of Nature, and particularly in weights: for as ponderous and heavy bodies are not moved, but with a counterpoise of greater force; no more can extremities of hazard be avoid∣ed, but by like perilous enforcements.

And hence groweth the difference between true valour and fool-hardy rashnesse; being but one and the same thing, if they were not distin∣guished by the subject wherein they are shewed. For to run headlong into strange adventures, upon no just occasion, were to shew more levity then discretion: And again, to use the like bold∣nesse in cases of extremity, deserveth the opinion of vertuous endeavour. As is well observed by Homer,* 1.272 in the person of Hector, perswading the Trojans that fled away, to stand and make a head against the Grecians; This is the time, saith he, considering the danger wherein we are, to use that prowesse and courage which we boast of.

And accordingly, Diomedes censured Glau∣cus in the same place, for offering himself to the fury of the Grecians; Either thou art some God, saith he, or else but a lost and forlorn man. Which may serve to learn us the true use of courage; that ordinarily is never more shewed then in misem∣ployment.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

I Have already, in the observations of the se∣cond Commentary of the warres of Gallia,* 1.273 dis∣coursed particularly of the parts of a Legion: Where it appeareth, that in Caesar's time a le∣gion consisted of five thousand men, or there∣abouts; and according to the sufficiency and ex∣perience of the souldiers, was divided into three parts. The first and meanest of such as follow∣ed an Ensigne, were called Hastati; the se∣cond, Principes; and the third and chief sort, Triarii: and according to this division, had their place and precedency in the Army.

Again, each of these three kinds was divided into ten companies, which they called Maniples; and every Maniple was subdivided into two Cen∣turies or Orders; and in every Order there was a Centurion or Captain. These Orders were di∣stinguished by the numbers of the first, second, third, and so consequently unto the tenth orders, which were the last and lowest of each of these three kinds. So that this Q. Fulginius, here mentioned, was Centurion of the first and prime order of the Hastati: and T. Caecilius, Centu∣rion of the first order of the Triarii, which by ex∣cellencie was called Primipilus, or the Leader of the first company of a legion.

Now concerning their imbattelling, we are to note, that according to this former division of Hastati, Principes, and Triarii, upon occasion of fight, they made a triple battell, one standing in front to another; which we call the vant-gard, battell, and rere-ward. Whereof the Hastati were called Antesignani:* 1.274 not for that they had no Ensignes of their own, for every Maniple had an Ensign; but because they stood imbattel∣led before the Eagle, and other the chief Ensigns of the legion.* 1.275 To which purpose is that of Li∣vie, Pugnaorta est, non illa ordinata per Ha∣statos, Principesque & Triarios, nec ut pro signis Antesignanus, post signa alia pugnaret Acies: The fight began not a regular fight by Hastati, Principes and Triarii, nor in that or∣derlinesse that the Antesignani fought before the Ensigns, and another battell behind the Ensigns. And again;* 1.276 Cadunt Antesignani: & ne nu∣dentur propugnatoribus signa, sit ex secunda prima Acies: The Antesignani were cut down: so that lest the Ensigns should be le••t naked of defendants, the second battell was made the first. Whereby it appeareth that most of the chiefest Ensigns were with the Principes, which were called Subsignani, as the Triarii Post signani.

Amongst other benefits of these so particu∣lar divisions of an Army, that is not the least which is noted by Thucydides,* 1.277 Ut jussa im∣peratoris brevi spacio ad singulos milites de∣ferri possent; the commands of the generall are thereby suddenly transmitted to every parti∣cular souldier.

CHAP. XVII.

Caesar brought into great extremity by overflowing of two Rivers.

THe enemy fortified the Mount for which they contended,* 1.278 with great and strong works, and there put a Garrison. In the space of those two dayes that these things were in doing, there fell out upon a suddain a great in∣convenience: for such a tempest happened, that the like waters were never seen in those places. And further besides, the snow came down so a∣bundantly from the Hills, that it overflowed the banks of the River; and in one day brake down both the bridges which Fabius had made: and thereby brought Caesar into great extremity. For, as it is formerly related, the Camp lay between two Rivers,* 1.279 Sicoris and Cinga; and within thirty miles neither of these Rivers were passable, so that all the Army were of necessity couped up in that straightnesse: neither could the Cities which had formerly ranged them∣selves with Caesar's party, furnish any supplies of victuall and provision; nor such of the Ar∣my as had gone far for forrage, being hindred by the rivers, could return to the Camp; nor yet the great convotes and reenforcements, co∣ming to him out of Italy and Gallia, could get to the Camp.

The time of year was very hard; for there was neither old corn left of their winter provi∣sions, nor that on the ground was as yet ripe. The cities and towns near about were all empti∣ed: for Afranius before Caesar's coming, had caused all the Corn to be brought into Ilerda; and that which remained, was since Caesar's co∣ming all spent. And for Cattell (which might have relieved this necessity) by reason of the warre, they were removed by the border∣ing towns, and carried farther off. Such as were gone out to forrage, and to seek Corn, were by the light-armed Portugalls, and the Buckler-bearers of the hither Spain, much troubled and molested: for these men could easily passe the river, forasmuch as none of them used to go to warre, without bladders for that purpose. On the contrary part, Afranius abounded with all necessary provisions: great quantity of Corn was formerly provided and stored up, much was brought in from all the Provinces round about, there was also great plenty of forrage in his Camp: for the bridge at Ilerda afforded means of all these things without danger, and the Countrey beyond the river was whole and un∣touched, which Caesar could not come unto by

any means. The waters continued for many dayes together. Caesar used all means to re-edifie the Bridges; but neither the swelling of the Ri∣ver would permit him, nor yet the cohorts of the Enemy, placed on the banks of the other side, suffer him to go forwards with it: which they might easily hinder, both in regard of the nature of the river, and the greatnesse of the water, as also for that they might easily cast their wea∣pons from along the bank, unto one place or point. Whereby it was very hard, at one and the same time (the river running so violently as it did) to do the work, and to shun the weapons.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

FIrst, we may observe, that the strength of a multitude is not priviledged from such casu∣alties as betide the weaknesses of particular persons; but doth oftentimes undergo extremi∣ties, which can neither by providence be pre∣vented, nor removed by industry: and are such as proceed not from the endeavour of an enemy, but out of the circumstances of time and place; together with such accidents as are interlaced with the same. In respect whereof it was, that Cambyses told Cyrus,* 1.280 That in the course of warre he should meet with some occasions, wherein he was not to labour and contend with men, but with chances and things; which were not to be overcome with lesse difficulty then an enemy; and are the more dangerous, according as they give way to scarcity and lack of victu∣al. For as it is said in the same place; Scis brevi finem habiturum imperium, si commeatu exer∣citus careat:* 1.281 You know that if your Army be once starved, your Empire can be but short∣lived.

The remedies whereof are first, Patience: which is as requisite in a souldier, as either courage or any other ability; and in such cases keepeth an Army from discontentment and disorder, untill means of better fortune. And secondly, Good endeavour,* 1.282 which availeth much in such chan∣ces; the effect whereof will appear by that which Caesar wrought, to redeem his Army from these inconveniences.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

COncerning that which is here noted of the Spaniards,* 1.283 that made nothing of passing a River with the help of bladders, which the Ro∣mans were readier to wonder at then to imitate; it is observed, that as people exquisitely fashioned to a civile life, by a firm and settled policie of go∣vernment, are firm and reall in the whole course of their proceedings, and accordingly do shew their punctuality, as well in their solemnities and private carriages, as in their magnificent and state∣ly buildings: so on the other side, barbarous and rude Nations, that live under generall and slight lawes, are as slight and rude in their actions; as amongst other things, may appear in that the Spaniards thought it no scorn to use the help of bladders in passing over a River, as a device co∣ming next to hand; which the people of a wise and potent State would not have done, but by a sure and substantiall bridge.

The use of which bladders, as it hath been an∣cient amongst people of that nature, so it is conti∣nued in the same manner by the Savages inhabiting Groenland, and the North parts of America; as appeareth by discoveries made of late by the Moscovy Merchants, about the North-west pas∣sage: from whence such as are imployed in those voiages, have brought great and large bladders or bagges, made of Seal-skins, ingeniously devised to be filled and blowed with wind, and tied behind at their girdle, and at their coller, to help them∣selves in swimming. And after the same easy fa∣shion,* 1.284 the Indians of Peru, as Josephus Acosta writeth (instead of wood and stone) made their bridges over great Rivers of plaited Reeds, which they fastened to the banks on each side with stakes: or otherwise of bundles of straw and weeds, by which, men and beasts (if there be any credit in his story) passe over with ease. Howbeit, as when the ancient Greeks would note a man of extreme insufficiency, they would say, he could neither read nor swim: so Caesar seemed of the same opinion, by commending the skill of swimming, as a thing of much consequence in the use of Armes. Whereof he made good ex∣perience in Egypt: where he cast himself into a small boat, for his better safety; and finding it over-charged, and ready to sink, he leapt into the sea, and swam to his Fleet, which was two hundred paces off, holding certain papers in his left hand a∣bove the water, and trailing his coat of Armes in his teeth, that it might not be left to the enemy.

CHAP. XVIII.

Afranius marcheth with three legions, to cut off a party. The scarcitie of victuall in Caesar's Army.

IT was told Afranius,* 1.285 of great troups and convoies that were coming to Caesar, but were hindered by the wa∣ters, and aboad there by the Rivers side: for thither were come Ar∣chers out of Ruthenia, and horsemen out of Gallia, with many carres and carriages, according to the custome of the Galles. There were besides, of all sorts, about six thou∣sand men, with their servants and attendants; but without order, or any known command: for every man was at his own liberty, travel∣ling

the Countrey without fear, according to the former freedome and safety of the wayes. There were likewise many young men of good rank, Senators sons, and knights of Rome; be∣sides Embassadours from sundry States, and divers of Caesar's Legates. All these were kept back by the River.

Af••anius went out in the night time with three legions, and all his horse, to cut off this party; and sending his Cavalry before, set upon them unawares. Howbeit, the Cavalry of the Galles put themselves speedily in order, and buckled with them. And as long as it stood upon indif∣ferent termes, they being but a few, did with∣stand a great number of the enemy: but as soon as they discovered the Ensignes of the legions coming towards them, some few of them being slain, the rest betook themselves to the next hills.

This small time of encounter was of great consequence for the safety of our men:* 1.286 for by this means they had opportunity to take the upper ground. There were lost that day two hundred Archers, a few horsemen, and no great num∣ber of the souldiers boyes, together with the bag∣gage. Victuals by reason of all these things waxed very dear, as well in regard of the pre∣sent want, as also for fear of future penury, as commonly it happeneth in such cases; insomuch as a bushell of Corn was worth fifty pence. Whereby the souldiers grew weak for want of sustenance: and the inconveniences thereof dai∣ly more and more increased. For so great was the alteration which hapned in a few dayes, that our men were much afflicted with the extreme want of all necessary provisions: whereas they on the other side, having all things in abundance, were held for victors. Caesar sent unto those States which were of his party, and instead of Corn, gave them order to furnish him with Cattell; dismissed souldiers boyes, and sent them to towns farther off; relieving the present scarcity by all the means he could.

Afranius and Petreius, together with their friends, inlarged these things in their letters to Rome: rumour and report added much hereun∣to; as that the warre was even almost at an end. These Messengers and Letters being come to Rome, there was great concourse from all parts to Afranius house, much congratulation and re∣joycing for these things: and thereupon many went out of Italy to Pompey, some to be the first messengers of the news; others, that they might not seem to expect the event of the war, and so prove the last that came to that party.

When the matter was brought to these diffi∣culties and extremities, and all the wayes were kept by Afranius souldiers and horsemen, and no bridges could be made: Caesar gave order to the souldiers, to make such* 1.287 Boats and Barks as he had in former years taught them the use of in the warre of Britain: the keels whereof were built of light stuffe, and small timber, and the upper parts made with wicker, and covered with hides. Which being finished, he laded them up∣on Carres, and carried them in the night some twenty two miles from the Camp. And in those Barks transporting his souldiers over the river, upon a suddain he possest himself of a little hill, which lay near unto the water side: which hill he speedily fortified, before the enemy had no∣tice thereof. Afterwards he brought over a legion to that place, and made a bridge from side to side in two dayes space: and so the convoies, which had gone forth for provisions and forrage, returned back in safety; whereby he began to settle a course for provision of Corn.

The same day he passed over the the river a great part of his Cavalry, who falling unlook∣ed for upon the forragers (scattered here and there without fear or suspicion) cut off a great number of men and cattell. Whereupon the E∣nemy sending certain Spanish troups, bearing little round bucklers, to second and relieve the forragers, they divided themselves of purpose into two parts; the one to keep and defend the booty which they had got, and the other to resist and beat back the forces sent to charge them. One of our cohorts, which had easily run out be∣fore the Army, was intercepted, and cut off: the rest returned by the bridge into the Camp in safety with a great booty.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THese Rutheni inhabited that part of Provence where Rhodes now standeth:* 1.288 amongst whom Caesar had ordinarily a legion or two in Garri∣son,* 1.289 for the better keeping of the Countrey in obe∣dience,* 1.290 being a stout and warlike people, and using archery, as appeareth in this place. Which howsoever the course of time hath brought into utter contempt, yet let us not scorn to take notice, that anciently it hath been used by such as perfor∣med the greatest feats of Arms: For Hercules had but two sorts of weapons to atchieve labours of so much variety; a Club for such monsters as would contest with his valour,* 1.291 and Bow and Ar∣rows for others that kept farther off. And in the old warre of Troy (if Homer may be believed) Pindarus Duke of Lycia,* 1.292 having a stable of gallant Coursers, left them all at home, lest he should not find means at Troy to give them their ordinary keeping; and came on foot with his bow and arrows, with such reputation of his deeds of Arms, that Aeneas sought him out in a con∣flict, to resist the rage and extreme pressures of Diomedes.* 1.293 And on the contrary part, Teucer relieved the distressed Grecians from a hot and desperate pursuit, by slaying with his bow eight valiant Trojans before he stirred his foot.

Concerning the use of which weapon, howso∣ever it may seem ridiculous (to such as under∣stand nothing but the course of the present age) to recall the long bow to the service of a battel; yet they may remember, that the Gray-goose wing gave our forefathers such advantage, that they wrought wonders amongst all Nations for deeds of Armes: which we should imitate with as much hope of successe, if we could handle our bowes in any measure as they did. Of this I have already formerly treated.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

IT is a saying as true as it is old,* 1.294 that An ill hap cometh not alone, but is alwaies attended with such consequents as will inforce other in∣conveniences; as may be observed by this ex∣tremity here mentioned. For the mischief was not bounded with the affliction which Caesar suffered for want of needfull provision, notwith∣standing the weight was such as could not be born by ordinary patience: but the enemy in∣larged it to his further advantage, vaunting of it as a helplesse remedy, and making out dis∣patches to send victory to Rome. Which gave him yet further prejudice in the opinion of the world; and made those his enemies, that for∣merly shewed no dislike of his proceedings. And thus every ill chance hath a tail of many other misfortunes; which if either providence or endeavour may prevent, it shall much import a Commander to avoid them.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

AS Necessity maketh men constant in their sufferings,* 1.295 so Custome giveth easinesse and means of deliverance: according as may ap∣pear by this direction of Caesar, which was wholly drawn from former experience. For first the Boats here prescribed, were such as he used in the warre of Britany; and as farre as may be gathered out of the former Commenta∣ries,* 1.296 were those he commanded to be built for his second journey: which he would now imi∣tate in regard of the flatnesse of their bottomes, and not otherwise. For it is not to be suppo∣sed, that those Barks were covered with skinnes; unless peradventure he used some such as these up∣on occasion in that war, not expressed in the story.

Herodotus in his Clio, describeth the like; The boats (saith he) which come from Babylon, down the River Euphrates, are made by the Heardsmen of Armenia, of light Timber, in a round fashion, without beak or poup, & are co∣vered with skinne, the hiry side inward; and in these they take their passage. Such as fish for Salmon in the River of Sever••••, use the like boats in all respects,* 1.297 which they call Corracles of Co∣rium; being all covered with horse-skins tanned.

Secondly, the means he used to passe over with∣out impeachment from the Enemy, by carrying those boats in the night-time up the River to a place of security, was such, the like whereof he had formerly practised in Gallia, to passe the Ri∣ver Loire, being then guard don the other side by the Enemy. Whereby we see how much use and continuance doth inable men, beyond others of smaller experience: according to that, Dies Di∣em docet, One day teacheth another; or, Older and wiser.

CHAP. XIX.

The Massilians encounter with Brutus at Sea, and are beaten.

WHile these things were done at Ilerda,* 1.298 the Massilians (by the direction of L. Domitius) rigged and set out 17 Gallies, whereof eleven were covered; besides many lesser vessels which went along with them, to make the Navy seem the greater for the astonishment of the Enemy. In these they put a great number of Archers, and many Albicks, of whom we have formerly made mention; encou∣raging them both by rewards and promises. Do∣mitius required certain ships for himself, and them he filled with Shepheards and Countrymen, which he had brought thither with him. The Na∣vy being thus furnished, set forward with great confidence towards our shipping, whereof D. Bru∣tus was Admirall, and lay at Anchour at an Island right over against Marseilles. Brutus was far inferiour to the enemy in shipping; but Caesar having pick't the chiefest & val••antest men out of all the legions, as well of the Antesignani as Centurions, put them aboard the Fleet, they themselves requiring to be imploied in that ser∣vice. These men had prepared hooks and grap∣ples of Iron, and had likewise furnished them∣selves with many Piles and Darts, and other sorts of weapons; and understanding of the Ene∣mies coming▪ put to sea, and encountred with the Massilians. They fought on either side very vali∣antly & fiercely: neither were the Albicks much inferiour to our men in prowesse, being rough mountainous people, exercised in Arms, and ha∣ving a little before fallen off from the Massilians, did now remember the late contract and league they had made with them. The Shepheards, in like manner (a rude and untamed kind of peo∣ple, stirred up with hope of liberty,) did strive to shew their valour in the presence of their Master.

The Massilians (trusting to the nimblenesse of their shipping, and in the skill and dex∣terity of their Pilots, did frustrate (in a delu∣ding

manner) the shock of our ships, when they came violently to stemme them. And forasmuch as they had sea-room enough, they drew out their Navy at length, to compasse and inclose our men about: and sometimes they would single out one of our ships, and set upon them with divers of the••rs together, or wipe off a side of their oars in their passage along by them.

When they came to deal at hand (leaving aside the art & skill of the P••lots) they took themselves to the stoutnesse and valour of the Highlanders. Our men were fain to use worse oar-men, and more unskilfull Pilots; who being lately taken out of ships of burden, did not well know the true names of the tackling, and were much troubled with the heavinesse and sluggishnesse of the ship∣ping; which being made in haste of unseasoned timber, was not so nimbie or ready for use. But as the matter came to handy-blows, every single ship did willingly undertake two at once; and ha∣ving grapled with either of them, fought on each side, entring valiantly the enemies ships, killing a great number of the Highlanders and Shep∣heards. Part of the ships they sunk, some they took with the men, and the rest they beat back in∣to the Haven. That day the Massilians lost nine ships, with those that were taken. This news was brought to Caesar at Ilerda.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

I Have formerly observed the manner of their sea-fight,* 1.299 consisting of three parts. The first was, their nimble and skilfull managing of their ships, either forcibly to assault, or to lavire and bear off, as might fall for their best advantage: wherein the Massilians, by reason of the skilfulnesse of their Pilots, had great confidence. The second was, their fight before they came to grappling, as well with great engines, such as were their Balistae and Catapultae, casting stones and logs of wood one against another, as also with slings, arrows and da••ts; resembling our great artillery, and small shot: for which purpose, their ships were built with fore-ca••••les and turrets, and other advantages of height, for their casting weapons. The third was, their grappling and forcible entry; wherein, forasmuch as the matter was referred to the ar∣bitrement of valour, the legionary souldier car∣ried the cause. Whence we may observe, that their legio••s were the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of their valiant and worthy men, as well for the sea as the land; being ••itted by the discipline of their Military exercises, to undertake any service subject to humane indu∣stry; whereof they g••ve an account worthy the School wherein they were instructed.

Neither is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at any time, but that such kingdomes as 〈…〉〈…〉 to train up their men in Academies of vertuous Actual••y, do alwaies keep then honour at a high 〈◊〉〈◊〉; affording at all times men of absolute and compleat carriage, both for designment and performance.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

I Have a little before shewed out of Livie, that the Antesignani were ordinarily taken for the Hastati; which being the easiest sort of souldiers, according to the generall division of a legion, doth seem to contradict the passage in this Chap∣ter, Sed delectos ex omnibus legionibus fortissi∣mos viros Antesignanos, Centuriones Caesar ei classi attribuerat; But Caesar having pickt the valiantest of the Antesignani out of all the Legi∣ons, put them into this Fleet as Centurions. For the better clearing whereof, we are to note, that as the Hastati, or first battel of a legion, were generally taken for the Antesignani (as standing before the Eagle and other the chiefest Ensignes, which were alwaies amongst the Principes or se∣cond battell;) so every Maniple having an Ensign in the midst of the troup, the souldiers that stood in front before the Ensign were likewise called Antesignani, and were the best souldiers in the Company: for the Centurion, standing alwai••s in the head of the troup, was accompanied with the valiantest and worthiest men; the rest filling up the rere, consorted with the Lieutenant, who there∣upon was called Tergi-ductor.

Whence we may admire the temperature and disposition of a Roman Army; being first general∣ly divided into three battels; whereof the meanest were in the vantguard, to make triall of their strength, and to spend the heat of their young bloud in the first affront of an enemy: The Vete∣rani, or old souldiers, being left in the rereward, to repair any losse, which either force or casualty should cast upon their Leaders. And again, to counterpoise themselves, in such a manner as the weakest might not alwa••••s go to the wall, their pri∣vate Companies were so ordered, that the best men were alwayes in front. Whereby they made such an exquisite temper, as kept every part of the Ar∣my in their full strength.

CHAP. XX.

Upon the making of the Bridge at Ilerda, the Enemy resolveth to transferre the warre into Celtiberia.

VPon Caesar's making of his Bridge,* 1.300 Fortune suddenly changed. The ene∣my fearing the courage and valour of our cavalry, did not so freely range abroad as they had wont to do; some∣times seeking forrage within a small distance of the Camp, to the end they might find a safe and easy retreat if occasion required; sometimes fetching a great compasse about, to avoid the guards and stations of our horsemen. And if they had received but the least check, or had but de∣scried the Cavalry afarre off, they would have cast down their burdens, and fled away.

At last they omitted forraging for many dayes together, and (which was never used by any Na∣tion) sent out to seek it in the night. In

the mean time those of Osca and Calaguris,* 1.301 being in league together,* 1.302 sent Embassadours to Caesar, with offer of their service, in such sort as he should please to command it. Within a few dayes the Tarraconenses, Lacetani, and Ausetani, to∣gether with the Illurgavonenses, which border upon the River Ebrus, followed after. Of all these he desired supplies of Corn and provision: which they promised to furnish; and accordingly got horses from all quarters, and brought grain into the Camp. In like manner, the Regiment of the Illurgavonenses, understanding the resolution of their State, left the Enemy, and came unto him with their Colours: and suddenly a great alteration of things appeared.

The bridge being perfected, five great Cities and States being come in unto him, a course set∣tled for provision of Corn, and the rumour blown over of the succours and legions, which Pompey was said to come withall by the way of Maurita∣nia; many other towns farther off revolted from Afranius, and clave to Caesar's party.

The enemy being much affrighted and aba∣shed at these things, Caesar (to avoid the great circuit by which he continually sent his horse∣men about by the bridge) having got a convenient place, resolved to make many trenches of thirty foot in breadth, by which he might drain some part of the river Sicoris, and make it passable by a foord. These trenches being almost made, Af••a∣nius and Petreius did thereupon conceive a great fear, lest they should be cut off altogether from victuall and forrage, forasmuch as Caesar was very strong in horse; and therefore they de∣termined to leave that place, and transferre the warre into Celtiberia, being the rather thereun∣to induced, for that of those two contrary Fa∣ctions, which in the former warre had stood for L. Sertorius, such Cities as were subdued by Pompey, did yet stand in aw of his Name and Authority: and such as from the begin∣ning had continued firm unto him, did intirely love him, for the great benefits they had received from him; amongst whom Caesar's name was not known. There they expected great succours both of horse and foot, and made no doubt but to keep the warre on foot untill winter.

This advice being agreed upon, they gave or∣der to take up all the boats that were on the river Iberus,* 1.303 and to bring them to Octogesa, a town si∣ted upon Iberus, twenty miles from the Camp. There they commanded a bridge of boats to be made; and transporting two legions over Sicoris, fortified their Camp with a rampier of twelve foot in height. Which being known by the Discoverers, Caesar by the extreme labour of the souldiers, continued day and night in tur∣ning the course of the water: & at length brought the matter to that passe, that the horsemen (with some difficulty) durst adventure over; but the foot troups, having nothing above the water but their heads, were so hindered as well by the depth of the River, as the swiftnesse of the stream, that they could not well get over. Not∣withstanding at the same instant of time, news was brought of the making of the bridge over the River Iberus, and a foord was found in the River Sicoris.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

FIrst, concerning the places here mentioned, the Reader may take notice that Ilerda (now known by the name of Lerida) standeth upon the River Sicoris,* 1.304 in the Province of Catalonia; and being sited upon a hill, is inclosed round with a wall of hewen stone, in a pleasant and fertile Countrey,* 1.305 both for corn, wine, oyl, and fruit: as it is graphically described by Lucan;

Colle tumet modico, levique excrevit in altum Pingue solum tumulo, super hunc sundata vetusta Surgit Ilerda manu; placidis praelabitur undis Hesperios inter Sicoris non ultimus amnes: Saxeus ingenti quem pons amplectitur arcu, Hybernas passurus aquas.— With a light rising to a pretty height The rich ground swels, on which by ancient hand Ilerda's plac'd: with gentle waves slides by The Sicoris, none of Spain's meanest streams▪ O're it a bridge of stone with noble Arch, Subject to suffer by the winter flouds.

It was formerly a University, and at all times famous for salt meats and pickled fish. Whereun∣to Horace alludeth, when he tells his book, That although it fell out that no man would regard it, neverthelesse it might serve at Ilerda to wrap Salt-fish in.

Aut fugies Uticam, aut unctus mittêris I∣lerdam. Either to Utica thou'lt passe, Or to Ilerda in an oily case.

Osca,* 1.306 now called Huesca, a town likewise of Catalonia,* 1.307 in former time surnamed Victrix, where Sertorius kept the sonnes of the Gran∣dees of Spain, as pledges of their loyalty, un∣der pretext of learning the Greek and Latine tongue, which he had there caused to be taught, in form of an Academy.

In this town his hap was to be slain by Per∣penna,* 1.308 as Paterculus recordeth the story; Tum M. Perpenna praetorius, è proscriptis, generis clarioris quam animi, Sertorium inter coenam Aetoscae interemit; Romanisque certam victori∣am, partibus suis excidium, sibi turpissimā mor∣tem,

pessimo auctoravit facinore; Then M. Per∣penna a praetorian, one of the proscribed party, of a more noble stock then mind, slew Sertorius, at Aetosca as he was at supper; occasioning by this wicked deed of his certain victory to the Romans, ruine to his own party, and a shamefull death to himself. Which Aetosca is by all men taken for this Osca.

The inhabitants boast of nothing more at this day, then that S. Laurence was a Citizen of their town.

Calaguris,* 1.309 now Calahorra, is seated upon a hill on the banks of Iberus; the people whereof are famous for their constancie and faithfulnesse to their Commanders, and specially to Sertorius: as appeareth by that of Valerius Maximus;* 1.310 Quo perseverantius interempti Sertorii cineribus, obsidionem Cn. Pompeii frustrantes, fidem prae∣starent; quia nullum jam aliud in urbe eorum supererat animal, uxores suas, natosque, ad u∣sum nefariae dapis verterunt: quoque diutius armata juventus viscera sua visceribus suis aleret, infelices cadaverum reliquias salire non dubitavit. That they might demonstrate their fide∣lity to the ashes of Sertorius, to the very last, by defeating Pompey's siege, in regard there was no live thing elseleft in the City, they most inhumane∣ly made their wives and children serve them for food; and that those which were in armes might so much the longer with their own bowels feed their bowels, they stuck not to salt up the pitifull remainders of the dead carcases.

Neverthelesse Afranius took them in the end by continuall siege; amongst whom that antiquity of Bebricius is very remarkable, which is yet ex∣tant near to Logronno.

DIIS. MANIBUS. Q. SERTORII. ME. BEBRICIUS. CALAGURITANUS. DEVOVI. ARBITRATUS. RELIGIONEM. ESSE. EO. SUBLATO. QUI. OMNIA. CUM. DIIS. IMMORTALIBUS. COMMUNIA. HABEBAT. ME. INCOLUMEN. RETINERE. ANIMAM. VALE VIATOR. QUI. HAEC. LEGIS. ET. MEO. DISCE. EXEMPLO. FIDEM. SERVARE. IPSA. FIDES. ETIAM. MORTUIS. PLACET. CORPORE. HUMANO. EXUTIS.

In English thus: To the D••j Manes (or divine ghost) of Q. Sertorius, I Bebricius of Calagu∣ris devote my self; supposing it a business of con∣science, he being gone, who had all things in common with the immortall Gods, for me to seek to save my own life. Farewell Traveller, who readest this, and learn of me to be faithfull. Faithfulness is a thing pleaseth even the dead, when they have put off their humane bodies.

In memorie of whose fidelity,* 1.311 Augustus Caesar took a band of these people for a guard to his per∣son.* 1.312 In this town was Quintilian the Rhetorician born; and being brought from thence to Rome, in Nero his time, was the first that taught a pub∣lick School for salarie:* 1.313 as witnesseth Saint Hie∣rome; Quintilianus ex Hispania Calagurita∣nus primus Romae publicam Scholam tenuit, & salario cohonestatus publico claruit. Quintilian a Spaniard of Calaguris first taught a publick School at Rome, and had a stipend allowed him.

Celtiberia was the Countrey lying along the River Iberus,* 1.314 inhabited by people coming out of Gallia Celtica: whereupon Lucan saith,

—profugique à gente vetusta Gallorum Celtae,* 1.315 miscentes nomen Iberis. Some Celtick fugitives from Gallia came, And with th' Iberi made a compound name.

Florus calleth them Hispaniae Robur.* 1.316 And Valerius Maximus affirmeth,* 1.317 That they were alwayes glad of warre, as being to end their life in happiness and honour; and lamented their ill fortune to die in their beds, as a miserable and shamefull end.

His pugnacecidisse decus,* 1.318 corpus{que} cremari Tale nefas: calo credunt, superisque referri, Impastus carpat si membra jacentia vultur. —To dy in fight They count great honour, know no funerall rite. Heav'ns their's they think, & the celestial seats, Whose scattered limbs the ravenous Vulture eats.

Their Armes and weapons were of singular ra∣ritie: for besides the water of Bilbo, which gave them an invincible temper, they had also a pecu∣liar fashion of working them,* 1.319 as witnesseth Dio∣dorus Siculus; hiding their plates of Iron in the earth, untill the worst and weakest part were ea∣ten out with rust, and of that which remained, they made very hard swords.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THe suddain alterations of warre are like the changings of mens minds upon small acci∣dents; which are so forceable to shake our reso∣lutions, as made a great Philosopher to describe a man by the propertie of mutabile Animal, or a changeable living creature. And it is notably seen in this; That Afranius, in the compasse of a few daies, triumphed of Caesar's overthrow, and fled

away for fear of his power. Whence we may note the advantage coming to a party, when they shake off any eminent distresse: for as the extremity thereof threatneth ruine and destruction, so the al∣teration bringeth with it an opinion of victorie. And surely, such is the condition of all sorts of Miserie, that when the storm is over, and the bit∣terness of the affliction alaid, good times come re∣doubled upon the Patients; as though the vicissi∣tude of things did inforce contrary effects. And therefore a Commander, knowing the advantage of such an opportunity, must indeavour to improve the same, as may best serve to a speedy end.

CHAP. XXI.

The Enemy setteth forward, and is staied by Caesar.

THe Enemy thereupon thought it ex∣pedient for him to make the more haste;* 1.320 and therefore leaving two Auxiliary cohorts for the safe keep∣ing of Ilerda, he transported all his forces over the River Sicoris, and incamped him∣self with the two legions which formerly he had carried over. There remained nothing for Caesar to do, but with his Cavalrie to impeach and trouble the enemy in their march. And foras∣much as it was a great compasse about to go by the bridge (whereby it would come to passe, that the Enemy would get to Iberus a farre nearer way) he passed over his horsemen by the foord. About the third watch, as Petreius and Afranius had raised their Camp, upon a suddain the Ca∣valrie shewed themselves in the rere, & swarm∣ing about them in great multitudes, began to stay and hinder their passage. As soon as it began to be day-light, from the upper ground where Cae∣sar lay incamped, it was perceived, how the rere∣ward of the enemy was hard laid to by our Ca∣valrie, and how sometimes they turned head a∣gain, and were neverthelesse broken and routed: sometimes their Ensignes stood suddenly still, and all their foot troups charged our horse, and forc't them to give way; and then turning back, went on their way again. The souldiers walking up and down the Camp, were grieved that the enemy should so escape their hands, whereby the matter would consequently be spun out into a long war: and went unto the Centu∣rions and Tribunes of the souldiers, praying them to beseech Caesar not to spare them for any dan∣ger or labour; for they were ready and willing to passe the River where the horse went over. Caesar moved through their desire and importunity, al∣beit he feared to expose his Army to a river of that greatness, yet he thought it expedient to put it to triall, and therefore commanded that the weakest souldiers of all the Centuries should be taken out, whose courage or strength shewed a disabilitie to undertake that service: and these he left in the Camp, with one legion to defend the same, bringing out the other legions without carriage or burden: and having set a great number of horses and cattell both above and be∣low in the river, he transported his Army over. Some few of the souldiers, being carried away with the stream, were succoured and taken up by the horsemen; insomuch as not one man perished.

The Army carried thus over in safety, he ranged them in order, and marched forward with a three-fold battell. Such was the endea∣vour of the souldier, that albeit they had set a circuit of six miles to the foord,* 1.321 and had spent much time in passing the river, yet by the ninth houre they did overtake the enemie that rose about the third watch of the night.

Assoon as Afranius and Petreius had disco∣vered the legions afarre off (being terrified with the noveltie of that pursuit) they betook themselves to the upper ground, and there imbattelled their troups. In the mean time Caesar refreshed his Armie in the field, and would not suffer them (being wearie) to give battell: and as the enemy tried again to go on in their march, he followed after and staied them; whereby they were forced to incamp sooner then was purposed: for there were hills a little before them, and for five miles together, the passages were very diffi∣cult and narrow.

By which means (being advanced between the hills) they hoped to be free from Caesar's Ca∣valrie, and by keeping the passages, to hinder the Armie from following after; to the end they themselves might without perill or fear, put their forces over the river Iberus: which by all means was to be effected. Neverthe∣lesse, being wearied with travailing and fight∣ing all day, they put off the business to the next morning.

Caesar also incamped himself on the next hill; and about midnight, some of their partie being gone out from the Camp, somewhat far off, to fetch water, were taken by the horsemen. By them Caesar was advertised, that the Ene∣my with silence began to remove, and to lead their troups out of their Camp. Whereupon he commanded the signe of rising to be given,* 1.322 and the cry (dislodging and trussing up their bag∣gage) to be taken up, according to the discipline and use of souldiers.

The Enemy hearing the cry, fearing least they should be impeached in the night, and forced to fight with their burdens on their backs, or to be shut up in those straight passages by Caesar's horsemen, staied their journey, and kept their forces within their Camp.

OBSERVATIONS.

THis passage over Sicoris,* 1.323 was in the same manner as he carried his Armie over the River Loire, in the seventh Commentarie of the war of Gallia; Vado per Equites invento, pro rei neces∣sitate opportuno, ut Brachia modo atque Hume∣ri, ad sustinenda arma liberi ab aqua esse pos∣sent, disposito equitatu, qui vim fluminis fran∣gerent, incolumem exercitum transduxit. The horsemen having found a foord, indifferent con∣venient in regard of the necessity they were put to,* 1.324 to the end that the souldiery might have their arms and shoulders at liberty,* 1.325 and not be hindered by the water from carrying their weapons, he so disposed his horse, that he broke the force of the river with them, and so carried his Army over in safety.

The horse that stood above brake the force of the water, and those that were below took up such as were overcome with the stream,* 1.326 and withall, gave courage to the souldier to venture with better assurance, seeing the passage impaled in on each side, to keep them from miscarrying.* 1.327 His attempt upon Sicoris, to abate the swelling pride of that River, by dividing it into many streams, was in imitation of the first* 1.328 Cyrus, who taking displea∣sure at the River Cyndes, next unto Euphrates the greatest River of Ass••ria, drew it into three hundred and threescore channels.

Croesus not finding the River Halis passable by a foord,* 1.329 and having no means to make a bridge, sunk a great trench behind the Camp, from the upper part of the River, and so drew all the wa∣ter behind his Army.

Vegetius hath a particular discourse of passing an Army over a River,* 1.330 whether it be by bridge or boat, or by wading or swimming, or any other way: to which I referre the Reader.

CHAP. XXII.

Asranius seeketh to take the Straights between certain Mountains; but is prevented by Caesar.

THe next day following, Petreius went out secretly with a few horse, to discover the Countrey; and for the samepurpose some went likewise out of Caesar's Camp: L. Decidius Saxa was sent with a small troup to view the site of the Place. And either party returned with the same report: that for* 1.331 five miles the way was open and champain, and afterwards very rough and mountainous; and whosoever first took those straight, might easily impeach the enemy from going further. The matter was disputed in the Councell of war, by Petreius and Afranius; the time of their setting forward was debated.* 1.332 Most of them thought it fit to take their journey in the night; for by that means they might come to those straights before it were perceived. Others were of opinion, that it was not possible to steal out in the night; as appeared by the cry of rising taken up the night before in Caesar's Camp, upon their removing: and Caesar's horsemen did so range abroad in the night, that all places and passages were kept and shut up. Neither were they to give occasion of night fights, but to avoid the same by all the means they could; forasmuch as in civile dissension, the ordinary souldier would rather suffer himself to be over master∣ed by fear, then continue firm in the allegiance which he had sworn unto: whereas, in the day time, every man hath shame and dishonour be∣fore his eyes, together with the presence of the Centurions and Tribunes; with which respects a souldier is restrained, and kept within the bounds of duty. And therefore the attempt was by all means to be undertaken in the day time: and although it ••ell out to some losse, yet neverthelesse the body of the Armie might pass in safety, and possesse that place which they sought for.

This opinion prevailing in their consultation, they determined by break of day the next morn∣ning to set forward. Caesar, having diligently viewed the Countrey, as soon as day began to ap∣pear, drew all his forces out of his Camp, and marched forward in a great circuit,* 1.333 keeping no direct way. For the waies which led to Iberus and Octogesa, were taken up with the Enemies Camp; insomuch as they were to passe over great and difficult vallies. And in many places, broken Rocks and stones did so hinder them, that they were necessarily forced to give their weapons from hand to hand, the souldiers lifting up one another; and so they passed most part of the way. Howsoever,* 1.334 no man thought much of the labour, for that they hoped to give an end to all their travell, if they could keep the enemy from passing over the River I••erus, and cut off his ••••••ualls.

At the first, Afranius souldiers ran joyfully out of their Camp to see the Army, casting out words of derision and reproch, that for want of victuall they fled and returned to Ilerda; for the way they held was quite contrary to that they in∣tended, whereby they seemed to go back again: and the Commanders themselves did much ap∣prove their own counsell, that they had kept their troups within the Camp. For that which con∣firmed them in their opinion was, that they per∣ceived they were come out without their car∣riages: whereby they hoped, necessity would not suffer them to continue long there. But when they saw the troups by little and little to wind to the right hand, and that they perceived, how those that were in front had fallen backward be∣yond their Camp, there was no man so dull, but thought it expedient presently to march out, and make head against them, Whereupon they cried

to Arme; and all their forces, excepting some few cohorts which were left to keep the Camp, went out, and marched directly towards Ibe∣rus.

The whole business consisted in speed and ce∣leritie, which of the two should first take the straights, and possesse the hills, Caesar's Army was hindered by the difficulty of the way: and Afranius partie was retarded by Caesar's Caval∣ry. The matter was come to that upshot, that if Afranius party did first get the hills, they might haply qu•••• themselves of danger; but the bag∣gage of the whole Army, and the cohorts left in the Camp could not be saved: for being inter∣cepted and s••••luded by Caesar's Armie, there was no means to relieve them.

It 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that Caesar first attained the place; and being come out from among those great Rocks into a plain champain, put his Army in order of battell against the enemy.

Afranius seeing the enemy in front, and his rereward hardly charged by Caesar's Ca••alry, got the advantage of a small hill, & there made his stand: and from thence sent four cohorts bearing round bucklers unto a Mountain, which in all mens sight was higher then the rest; com∣manding them to run as fast as they could, and possesse that hill, intending to follow after with all his forces, and altering his course, to get a∣long the ridges and tops of the Mountains to Octogesa.

As the cohorts were advanced forward by an oblique circuit, Caesar's Cavalry perceiving their intendment, set upon them with such vio∣lence, that they were not able any time to bear their charge, but were surrounded by them, and all cut in pieces in the fight of both Armies.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.* 1.335

PEtreius and Afranius, in their Councell of war, resolved by all means to shun night en∣counters, as a thing full of hazard and uncer∣tainty, and apt for looseness and disobedience: for the night, being neither a discoverer of er∣rours, nor yet a distinguisher either of actions or persons, but wrapping up both the vertuous and the faultie in her Mantle of obscuritie, doth not admit of directions, to follow an opportunity, or to help a mistaking; but rather giving way to impunitie and licentious confusion, leaveth no hope of what is wished:* 1.336 Whereas the light is a witness of every mans demeanour, and hath both honour and rebuke to make dutie respected.

For which causes,* 1.337 Curio (as it followeth in the next Commentarie) in his harangue before that untimely expedition against king Juba, thus rejected their advice that would have had him set forward in the night; At etiam ut media nocte proficiscamur addunt: quo majorem cre∣do licentiam habeant qui peccare conantur: nam∣que hujusmodi res aut pudore aut metu tenen∣tur, quibus rebus nox maxim: adversaria est. Further then this, they advise us to set out in the middle of the night: that so (I think) those men who have a mind to do mischief may take the greater liberty: for in the day-time they would be restrain'd either through shame or fear, to both which the darkness of the night is a great adver∣sary.

And that the danger may appear as well by ef∣fect as by discourse, let the Reader take notice of that battell by night, between Antonius Primus on the behalf of Vespasian, and the Vitellian le∣gions, near unto Cremona; whereof Tacitus hath this description;* 1.338 Praelium tota nocte varium, anceps, atrox; his, rursus illis, exitiabile. Nihil animus aut manus, n•• oculi quidem provisu ju∣vabant, &c. The fight was doubtfull and bloudy the whole night, now this party going to the worse, by and by that. A stout heart or a valiant hand availed little, neither could the eyes see be∣fore them either advantage or disadvantage. And thus are all night-works condemned, wherein ei∣ther order or honour are of any moment.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

I Have already noted, in the former Commenta∣ries, the use of exact and particular discoverie of the Countrey, where a partie is ingaged: then which nothing doth more advantage a Com∣mander to expedite the happy issue of a war. For by that means he is not onely able to judge of any motion which the enemy shall offer, and to give sure directions to frustrate and make void the same; but also to dispose himself according as shall seem expedient for his safety. Wherein, if a place of such consequence as is here mentioned shall by designe be aimed at, this historie sheweth how much it importeth either partie to obtain it: and therefore Caesar had reason to make his passage through Vallies and Rocks, rather then to lose victorie, for want of labouring in an un∣easie way.

This Lucius Decidius Saxa, or Didius Saxa, imployed in this discoverie, was afterward advanced by Caesar to be Tribune of the people; whereat Tullie was so much offended.* 1.339 How can I omit (saith he) this Decidius Saxa,* 1.340 a man brought from the furthest end of the world; whom we see Tribune of the people, before we ever saw him a Citizen?

CHAP. XXIII.

Caesar refuseth to fight upon an advantage offered, contrary to the opinion and desire ••f all men.

THere was an opportunity then offer∣ed of doing something to purpose;* 1.341 neither was Caesar ignorant there∣of•• Such an overthrow given before their faces, did consequently so discourage them, that it was thought they would not indure a charge; especially, being compassed about with the Cava••ri••, in an indifferent and open place, where the matter was to be decided by battell. Which was on all sides instantly de∣sired at Caesar's hands: for the Legates, Cen∣tur••ons, and Tribunes of the souldiers, came joyntly unto him, desiring him to make no doubt of giving battell, for all the souldiers were very ready and forward thereunto; whereas the contrary partie had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 many arguments of fear and discouragement.* 1.342 First, in that they did not succour their fellows. Secondly, in asmuch as they had not boug••d from the Hill, which they had took for a retreat. Neither had they withstood the charge and incursion of the Cavalr••e, but had thronged pell-mell together, and confusedly mingled their Ensignes one with another, no man either keeping his place or his colours. And if he feared the inequali∣ty and disadvantage of the Place, he might take some other of more indifferencie; for cer∣tainly Afranius could not long stay where he was, but must depart from thence for want of water.

Caesar was in hope to end the matter without either blow or wound of his men; forasmuch as he had cut off the enemy from victuall. And why then should be lose a man, although it were to gain a victory? Why should he suffer his valiant and well-deserving souldiers, to be so much as hurt or wounded? Or why should he put the matter to the hazard of Fortune? espe∣cially, when it no lesse concerned the honour and reputation of a Commander to vanquish an ene∣my by direction and advice, the•• to subdue them by force of Armes? being moved withall with a tender commiseration of such Citizens of Rome, as were consequently to be hazarded or slain in the sight; whereas he desired to work out his own Ends with their safety.

This opinion of Caesar's was disallowed by most men: and the souldiers would not stick to speak plainly amongst themselves, Forasmuch as such an occasion of victor•••• was overslipt, that when C••••sar would have them, they would not fight. He notwithstanding continued firm in his opi∣nion; and fell as little off from the enemy, to lessen and abate their fear and amazement. Petreius and Afranius, upon the opportunity given them, withdrew themselves into their Camp. Caesar having possest the Hills with garrisons of soul∣diers, and shut up all the passages leading to I••e∣rus, incamped himself as near as he could to the enemy.

The Commanders of the adverse partie being much afflicted that they had absolutely lost all means of provision of victuall, and of gaining the River I••erus, consulted together of other courses. There were two waies left open; the one to return to Ilerda, and the other to Tarra∣con. And while they were considering of these things, it was told them, that such as went out for water were very much pressed by our Ca∣valrie. Whereupon they placed many courts of guard, as well of horse, as Auxiliary foot∣men, interlacing the legionary Cohorts amongst them; and began also to re••se a rampier from the Camp to the watering-place, that the soul∣diers might safely, without fear, fetch water within the bounds of their fortification. Which work Petreius and Afranius divided between themselves; and for the perfecting of the same, had occasion to go far off from the Camp: by means of whose absence the souldiers taking li∣bertie of free speech one with another, went out; and as any man had an acquaintance or neigh∣bour in each others Camp,* 1.343 they sought him out. And first, they all gave thanks to all our par∣ty, that they had spared them when they were terr••••ied and amazed the day before: in regard whereof, they acknowledged to hold their lives by their favour: And afterwards, inquired how they might safely yield themselves to their Ge∣nerall, complaining that they had not done it in the beginning, and so have joyned their forces with their ancient friends and kinsmen.

And having proceeded thus far in their com∣munication, they require assurance for the lives of Afranius and Petreius; least they should seem to conceive mischief against their Generalls, or betray them in seeking their own safety. Which things being agreed upon, they promised to come with their Ensignes to Caesar's Camp; and thereupon se••t to Caesar some of the Cen∣turions of the first Orders, as Deputies to treat of peace.

In the mean time,* 1.344 they invited their friends on either side into the Camps, insomuch as both their lodgings seemed but one Camp. Many of the Tribunes of the souldiers, and Centurions came to Caesar, recommending themselves to his favour: and the like did the Grandees and chief Princes of Spain, whom they had com∣manded out, to take party in this war, and to re∣main with them as Hostages and Pledges. These inquired after their old acquaintances and an∣cient hosts, by whom each man might have access

to Caesar with some commendation. In like manner, Afranius his son dealt with Caesar, by the mediation of Sulpitius a Legate, touch∣ing his own and his fathers life. All things sounded of joy and mutuall congratulation: of them that had escaped such imminent dangers; and of us, that seemed to have effected such great matters without bloudshed. Insomuch as Caesar (in all mens judgement) reaped great fruit of his accustomed clemency and mildnesse; and his counsell was generally approved of by all men.

THE OBSERVATION.

THis Chapter containeth a passage of that note and eminency, as the like is not read in any story. For if we search the records of all Nations,* 1.345 from the very birth of Bellona, un∣to times of later memory, it will no where else appear that a Generall spared an advantage to purchase a victorious name, by the bloudshed and ruine of his enemy: especially contrary to the will and desire of his Army, that had under∣gone such difficulties and hazzards, to give an end to that war; contrary to his know∣ledge, and late experience of the mutability and change of time and fortune; contrary to the surest rule of war,

—Dolus an virtus, quis in hoste requirit? Valour or Craft, who cares which in a Foe?

and contrary to the use of Arms, which are al∣waies bent against an enemy to subdue him.

This is the fruit of that other part of Military knowledge, which men do rather admire then attain unto, no lesse concerning the honour of a Commander,* 1.346 Consilio superare quam gladio, to overcome by counsell and good di∣rection, rather then by the sword, and was a main step to raise him to the Empire. For how∣soever the souldier (to prevent further labour) stood hard for bloud,* 1.347 not respecting that of the * 1.348 Comick, Omnia prius experiri verbis, quam armis sapientem decet, a wise man should try all fair words before he brings the businesse to blowes: yet if Caesar had been so injurious to Nature,* 1.349 as to have left them to their own de∣sires, and suffered their fury to have violated the law of humanity more then was requisite for vi∣ctory; they would afterwards have loathed them∣selves, and cursed their swords for such unseaso∣nable execution; and may be doubted, would have revenged it upon his head, before the time came to strike the fatall stroak of the eversion of that State. Caesar esteemed it also a part of divine power, to save men by troups, according to that of Seneca;* 1.350 Haec divina potentia est, gregatim, ac publice servare: It is a divine power that saves men by troups and all at once. And therefore he chose rather to displease the souldier for the pre∣sent;* 1.351 then to lose that honour which attendeth the sparing of home-bred bloud: whereof forreign enemies are not altogether so capable.

CHAP. XXIV.

Petreius breaketh off the Treaty, and new sweareth the Souldiers to the Party.

AFranius being advertised of these passages,* 1.352 left the work which he had begun, and withdrew himself into the Camp; prepared (as it seemed) to take patiently whatsoever should befall him. But Pe∣treius was no way disma••ed thereat: for having armed his houshold family, he went flying with them, and a Pratorian cohort of Buckler-bearers, together with some few stipendary horse of the barbarous people, whom he was wont to keep about him, as a guard to his person, and came sudden∣ly and unlooked for to the Rampier;* 1.353 brake off the souldiers treaty; thrust our men off from the Camp, killing such as he could apprehend. The rest got together, and affrighted at the sudden∣nesse of the danger wrapt their coats about their left arms, and with their sword drawn, defended themselves from the Buckler-bearers and horse∣men: and trusting to the nearnesse and propinqui∣ty of their Camp, they took courage and got safely thither, being protected by the Cohorts that had the guard at the Camp gates.

This being done, Petreius weeping about to the Maniples, calling the souldiers, and be∣seeching them not to leave & forsake him, nor yet Pompey their Generall, that was absent, nor to deliver them over to the cruelty of their adversa∣ries. Presently thereupon a great concourse of souldiers was about the Praetory, requiring that every man might take an oath, not to abandon or betray the Army or their Generalls, nor yet to enter into private consultation thereof without consent of the rest. He himself first took an oath to this effect, and caused Afranius to take the same. The Tribunes of the Souldiers and Centu∣rions followed in order: and after them, the souldiers were brought out according to their Centuries, and were sworn the same oath.

They caused it also to be proclaimed,* 1.354 that whosoever had any of Caesar's souldiers, should cause them to be brought out: and being brought forth, they ••lew them publickly before the Praeto∣rian Pavilion. But most men concealed such as were with them, and in the night time sent them out over the Rampier. Whereby it came to passe, that the terrour wherewith the Generalls had affrighted them, the cruelty they had shew∣ed in punishment, together with the vain religion

of the new oath, had taken away all hope of yielding for the present; and quite changing the souldiers minds, had reduced the matter to the former course of war.

Caesar for his part,* 1.355 caused diligent inquiry to be made of such souldiers as came into his Camp during the time of the treaty, and sent them away in safety. But of the Tribunes of the souldiers and Centurions, many of their volunta∣ry accord remained with him: whom afterwards he held in great honour; and advanced the Cen∣turions, and such Roman Knights as were of the better rank, to the place and dignity of Tribunes.

The Afranians were sorely laid unto in their forraging, and watered likewise with great dif∣ficulty. Many of the legionary souldiers had store of Corn, being commanded to take provision with them from Herda for twenty two daies. But the Buckler-bearers and Auxiliary forces had none at all, having but small means to pro∣vide and furnish themselves, and their bodies not being used to carry burthens; for which cause, a great number fled daily to Caesar.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THat every man is the maker of his own for∣tune, is evidently seen in the severall carri∣ages of these two Generalls. For Afranius gave way to the souldiers treaty, and resolved to suffer whatsoever that transaction should cast upon him. But Petreius, opposing himself to their desires, raised new troubles, had further de∣signs, and another fortune. Wherein foras∣much as the event of things riseth according as they are first directed, either by weak or strong resolutions; it better suteth the temper of soul∣dier (howsoever the successe fall out with our desires) rather to be stiffe in what he wisheth, then to make his own easinesse the ready means of his adversaries happinesse.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

VErtue at all times hath had this priviledge in the difference and degrees of state and con∣dition, to make a Noble mans word equall to a Common mans oath: but the integrity of former ages, had a more generall prerogative, avouching every mans promise for the strict∣nesse an oath.* 1.356 Hence it was that the Ro∣mans, upon their inrollment for a war, gave but their promise to the Tribune of the souldiers, to keep such ordinances as their Militia re∣quired: untill at length that the corruption of time (falsifying the simplicity and truth of words) did inforce them to give an* 1.357 oath, as the surest bond of faith and obedience: as is noted by Livie at large;* 1.358 The souldiers (saith he) which was ne∣ver before that time practised, were sworn by the Tribunes, to appear upon summons from the Consuls, and not to depart without leave. For untill then, there was nothing required of them but a solemn promise (which the horsemen made by their Decuries, and the foot troups by their Centuries) not to leave their Colours by flight, or through fear, not to forsake their rank, un∣lesse it were either to assault an enemy, to take up an offensive weapon, or to save a Citizen; which being at first but the offer of a free mind, was now by the Tribunes required by obligation of an oath.

The form of this oath was diversly varied, as appeareth by Aul. Gel.* 1.359 and more specially in the times of the Emperours: for Caligula made this addition to the souldiers oath, That they should hold neither their lives nor their children dearer unto them then the Emperour Cai••s and his sisters. Concerning the respect had of this Military oath, that which Tully re∣porteth of Cato is of excellent note.* 1.360 Popilius having charge of the Province of Macedonia, had (amongst other Roman youths) Cato's son, a young souldier in his Army; and being occasioned to dismisse a legion, discharged likewise young Cato, being one of that legion. But he desirous to bear Arms in that war, conti∣nued still in the Army: whereupon Cato writ from Rome to Popilius, requiring him, that if he suffered his son to remain in that war, he would by any means swear him again; for being dis∣charged of his first oath, he could not lawfully fight against the Enemy.

Ever since Constantine the great, the souldi∣ers were sworn by a Christian oath,* 1.361 as Vegetius noteth; to obey all things the Emperour should command them, not to leave their warfare without license, not to shun death for the ser∣vice of the Publick weal. And at this day, amongst other Nations, an oath is given to the souldier upon his inrollment, to this effect; Well and lawfully to serve the King, towards all men, and against all, without exception of persons; and if they know any thing concerning his service, to reveal the same incontinently; not to leave their Colours, without leave either of the Generall or his Lieutenant.

The ancient Romans did charge their solemn and publick oathes with many ceremonies: as appeareth by that form which was used in ratify∣ing Treaties and Transactions; Their Heralds killed a hog, and cried out withall, that the like would happen to him that first falsified his faith.

Polybius reporteth,* 1.362 that he that read the oath whereby the Romans and Carthaginians sware their accord, had the hair of his head tiedup in an extraordinary manner: the parties invoca∣ting their Jupiter, to grant all prosperity to him that without fraud or deceit did enter into that agreement. But if (said he that took the oath)

I shall either doe, or purpose otherwise, all the rest being safe and sound, let me alone (in the midst of the laws and justice of my Countrey, in my own habitation and dwelling, and within my proper Temples and Sepulchers,) perish most unfortunately, even as this stone flieth out of my hand. And (as he spake those words) he cast away a stone.

I do not ••ind the use of a Military oath in our Nation. Howbeit, the common form of our oath is as ceremonious and significative as any other whatsoever: which may be observed by the 3 parts it containeth, as I have seen them allegorized in some Antiquities. For first, the book being al∣wayes a part of holy writ, implyeth a renuncia∣tion of all the promises therein contained. Se∣condly, the touching it with our hands, infer∣reth the like defiance of our works, never to be suc∣cessfull or helping unto us. Thirdly, the kissing of the book importeth a vain mispending of our vows & praiers, if we falsify any thing thereby averred.

CHAP. XXV.

The endeavour which Asranius used to return to Ilerda; but failed in his design.

FHe matter being in this extremity,* 1.363 of two means which were left unto them, it was thought the readier and more expedient, to return to Ilerda. For having left there behind them a little Corn, they hoped to take some good course for the se∣quele. Tarraco was further off, and thereby subject to more casualties concerning their passage. In regard whereof they resolved of the former course, and so dislodged them∣selves.

Caesar having sent his Cavalry before, to in∣cumber and retard the rere-guard, followed af∣ter himself with the legions. The hindmost troups of their Army were constrained (with∣out any intermission of time) to fight with our horsemen. And their manner of fight was thus. Certain expedite Cohorts, free of car∣riages, marched in the rere of their Army, and in open and champain places many of these Co∣horts made a stand, to confront our Cavalry. If they were to ascend up a Hill, the nature of the place did easily repell the danger wherewith they were threatned; forasmuch as such as went before, might easily from the higher ground pro∣tect them that followed after: but when they came to a valley or descent, that those that were in the former ranks could not help them in the rere, the horsemen from the upper ground, did cast their weapons with great ease and facility upon the Enemy. And then continually they were in great hazzard & danger: and still as they ap∣proached near unto such places, they called to the legions, and willed them to make a stand with their Ensignes, and so by great force and violence repelled our Cavalry.

Who being retired back, they would suddenly take a running, and get all down into the val∣ley. And presently again, being to ascend into higher ground they would there make a stand, for they were so far from having help of their own Cavalry (whereof they had a great number) that they were glad to take them between their troups, (being much affrighted with former incounters) and so to shelter and protect them: of whom if any chanced (upon occasion) to stray aside out of the rout the Army held, they were presently attached by Caesar's horsemen.

The fight continuing in this manner, they pro∣ceeded slowly on their way, advancing forward but by little and little; and oftentimes stood still, to succour and reli••ve their party, as th•••• it fell out. For having gone but four miles on their way (being very hardly laid to, and much pressed by our Cavalry) they took to an exceeding high hill; and there putting themselves into one front of a battel, fortified their Camp, keeping their carriages laden upon their horses. Assoon as they perceived that Caesar's Camp was set, and that the ten••s were up, and their horses put to grasse; they rose suddenly about mid-day, upon hope of some respite, by reason of our horse put out to feeding, and went on their journey.

Which Caesar perceiving rose and followed af∣ter, leaving a few Cohorts to keep the carriages: and about the tenth hour, commanding the for∣ragers and horsemen to be called back, & to fol∣low after, instantly the Cavalry returned, and betook themselves to their accustomed charge.

The fight was very sharp in the rere, inso∣much as they were ready to turn their backs. M••ny souldiers, and some of the Centurions were slain. Caesar's troups pr••ssed hard upon them▪ and threatned the overthrow of their whole Army; insomuch, as they had neither means to chuse a fit place to incamp in, nor to proceed forward in their march. Whereby they were necessarily inforced to make a stand, and to p••••h their Camp far from any water, in an unequall and disadvantageous place. But Caesar forbare to meddle with them, for the same reasons that have been formerly declared; and for that day, would not suffer the souldiers to set up their Tents, that they might be the readier to follow after, at what time soever, by night or by day, they should offer to break away.

The Enemy having observed the defect of our Camp, imployed all that night in advancing their works, and in casting their Camp with an oppo∣site front to our Army. The like they did all the next day: but so it fell out, that by how much their Camp was brought farther on, and the for∣tification grew nearer to finishing, by so much farther off they were from water: and so reme∣died one evil with a worse mischief. The first night, none of them went out of their Camp to fetch water: and the next day, they led out all their troups together to water, but sent no man out to forrage. Whereby Caesar, finding them oppressed with many inconveniences, chose ra∣ther to force them to a composition, then to fight with them.

THE OBSERVATION.

IN this troublesome and confused retreat, which these Commanders undertook, to regain the advantages that formerly they had quitted at Iler∣da, we may observe the difficulties attending a weaker party, when they would free themselves from the pressures of a strong confronting enemy. For the frailty of humane fortune is alwayes so yoaked with incumbrances, and hath so many lets from the native weaknesses of its own endea∣vour; that if the opposition of forreign malice shall therewithall unhappily concurre, to stop the current of our desires, there is little hope of better successe, then that which the ordinary con∣dition of extremity doth afford: which is, to ha∣zard the perill of a wound, in seeking to avoid the smart of a rod;* 1.364 and to fall into Scylla, upon a desire we have to shun Charybdis: according as it befell this party. Wherein let us farther note the advantage which a Commander hath, either to take or leave, when he is able to over-master the Enemy in Cavalry: for the horsemen serving an Army Royall, by making discoveries, by forra∣ging, by giving rescue upon a suddain, by doing execution, and retarding an Enemy in his march, if (over-awed by the Cavalry of the Enemy) they cannot perform these services as is requisite; the contrary party is the stronger by so many ad∣vantages.

CHAP. XXVI.

Caesar goeth about to inclose the Enemy, and he to hinder Caesar.

HOwbeit Caesar laboured to inclose them about with a ditch and a ram∣pier,* 1.365 to the end he might with better ease hinder their suddain sallies and eruptions, to which he thought the Enemy would necessarily betake them∣selves.

The Enemy being streightened for want of forrage, and to the end also they might be the readier to escape away, caused all their horses of carriage to be killed: and in these works and consultations were two dayes spent. The third day, a great part of Caesar's works being already perfected, the enemy (to hinder the businesse in∣tended concerning the fortifications) about two of the clock in the afternoon made the Alarmes,* 1.366 brought out the legions, and imbattelled them∣selves under their Camp. Caesar calleth back the legions from their work; and commanding all his horse to troup together, putteth his Army in battell. For having made such a shew of unwil∣lingnesse to buckle with the enemy, against the will of the souldier and opinion of all men, he found himself subject thereupon to much incon∣venience:* 1.367 howbeit he was resolved (for the rea∣sons already specified) not to strike a battel; and the rather at this time, for that the space be∣tween his Camp and the enemies was so little, that if he had put them to flight, it could not have much availed him, for the gaining of a perfect and absolute victory. For their Camps were not above two thousand foot asunder;* 1.368 whereof the Armies took up two parts, and the third was left for incursion and assault. So that if he had given battel in that nearnesse of the Camp, they would have found a speedy retreat upon their overthrow.* 1.369 For which cause he resolved to stand upon his defence, and not to give the on∣set, and charge them first.

Afranius had put his Army in a double bat∣tel: the first consisting of five legions; and the Auxiliary cohorts, which usually served in the wings, were now placed for succours, and made the second battel.

Casar's Army was ordered in a triple battel: the first was of four cohorts, a piece of the five legions: the second, of three; and the third a∣gain of three of each legion, following in order. The Archers and Slingers were in the midst, and the Cavalry on the sides. Being thus both imbattelled, they seemed to obtain their severall ends: Caesar, not to fight unlesse he were forced to it; and the Enemy, to hinder Caesar's fortifi∣cation. But the matter being drawn out in length, they stood imbattelled untill sun-set∣ing: and then returned both into their Camps.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

COntra opinionem enim militum, famamque omnium, videri praelio diffugisse, magnum detrimentum afferebat, Having made a shew of unwillingnesse to buckle with the enemy, against the will of the souldier, and the opinion of all men, he found himself subject to much inconveni∣ence, saith the history. Whence we may observe

[illustration]

two points. First, that a Commander in striking a field, must partly be directed by his Army: for he may neither fight against the liking of the soul∣dier, nor withhold them from fighting when they are willing to embrace it, if other circum∣stances do indifferently concurre therewithall.* 1.370 For when men are commanded to do what they would do, the matter is throughly undertaken, and the issue is commonly answerable to the readinesse of their desires: but being restrained in their affe∣ctions, and put besides their aptnesse of their vo∣luntary disposition, there groweth such a contra∣riety between the Generalls order and the souldi∣ers o••edience, as will hardly sympathize to beget good fortune.

And if a Leader of that same and opinion, and so well known to his Army, as Caesar was, grew into distaste with his souldiers, upon so good causes which he had to shun a battel; what ha∣zard that Commander runneth into, who sel∣dome or never gave argument of his resolution in this kind, may be conceived by this pas∣sage. The second thing which I note, is, that a Generall must learn especially to disguise his in∣tendments, by making shew of that which he meaneth not. For albeit the more judicious sort of men are not so well satisfied with pretences as with deeds: yet forasmuch as the* 1.371 condition of Princes, contrary to the manner of Private per∣sons, requireth such a direction of businesse, as may rather suit with fame and opinion, then with particular ends; it behoveth them to use such glos∣ses, as may take away all petulant and sinister in∣terpretations, howsoever their courses may aim at other purposes. And certainly,* 1.372 the generality of people are better paid with appearances then with truth; according as Machiavill hath obser∣ved. But concerning Caesar, that which Ephicra∣tes said of himself, having imbattelled his army to fight, That he feared nothing more, then that his enemy knew not his valour; may more properly be said here. For there was nothing abused the E∣nemy more, or made them take up so many Bra∣vadoes, or use so much delay before they came to composition, but that they knew not Caesar. For as the Eagle is able to mount aloft in all seasons and temperatures of the air; so was his sword steeled to make way through all resi∣stance.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

IN the next place,* 1.373 the manner of their imbattel∣ling cometh to be observed: which generally in all Editions runneth this; Acies erat Afra∣niana duplex, legio V. & III. in subsidiis lo∣cum alariae cohortis obtinebat: Caesaris triplex, sed primam aciem quaternae cohortes ex V. legi∣one tenebant. Has subsidiariae ternae, & rursus aliae totidem, suae cujusque legionis, subseque∣bantur: sagittarii funditoresque media conti∣nebantur acie, equitatus latera cingebat: And needeth the help of some excellent Critick, to make it have answerable sense to the other parts of this history. For first, how shall we under∣stand those words, Acies Afraniana duplex, legio V. & III. in subsidiis; Afranius his ar∣my was in a double battel; the fifth legion, and the third for succours? Shall we take the meaning to be, that the first legion stood in front, and the other stood for succours behind? Or shall we take it with Faernus; Acies Afraniana duplex: ex legione prima, & tertia, in subsidiis locum alariae cohortes obtinebant; Afranius &c. out of the first legion and the third, the cohorts which use to be in the wings were put in place of the suc∣cours? But neither by the one or by the other, is there found more then two legions: whereas there is expresse mention of five, besides the co∣horts of the Countrey. And therefore, as not knowing other more probable, I have translated it according to Lipsius correction,* 1.374 and made the text thus; Acies erat Afraniana duplex, legio∣num quinque: & in subsidiis locum alariae cohor∣tes obtinebant: Afranius had put his army in a double battel: the first consisting of five legions; and the auxiliary cohorts, which usu∣ally served in the wings, were now placed for succours, and made the second battel. The first battel consisted of five legions; and the second, of the Spanish and Auxiliary for∣ces.

The like help must be lent to Caesar: for o∣therwise, the text doth afford him but few cohorts, standing thus, Primam aciem qua∣ternae cohortes, ex quinta legione, tenebant. Has ternae, & rursus aliae &c. The first bat∣tel was of four cohorts out of the fifth legion: then followed three, and then as many o∣thers &c. For undoubtedly Caesar had five legions equall to Afranius; but being farre inferiour unto him in Auxiliary troups, was driven to a more artificial division, to help his weaknesse in that point. And therefore, as the same Critick hath mended it, we are to read, Quaternae cohortes ex quinque legionibus, four cohorts out of the five legions: which bring∣eth forth this sense; In the first battel were five times four cohorts, in the second, five times three cohorts, and as many in the third bat∣tel. And by the addition of suae cujusque le∣gionis, of every one of the legions, it appea∣reth, that every legion was so divided into three parts, that it had four cohorts in the first battel, three in the second, and three in the last.

Concerning the space which their Armies im∣battelled, took up, it appeareth, that the whole di∣stance between their Camps contained two thou∣sand foot; whereof either army took up one third, being 666 foot, or a hundred and eleven

pases, a little more then a furlong: but that altered more or lesse, as place and occasion required.

CHAP. XXVII.

The Treaty of Peace.

THe next day,* 1.375 Caesar went about to fi∣nish and end the fortification which he had begun; and the Enemy, to try whether they might find a foord in the River Sicoris, and so get over. Which being perceived Caesar carried over the light-armed Germans, and part of the Cavalry, and disposed them in guard along the River bank. At length, being besieged and shut up on all sides, and having kept their horses without meat four dayes together, besides their extreme want of water, wood and corn, they required a parlie, and that (if it might be) in some place out of the presence of the souldier. Which Caesar denied, unlesse it were in publick. Whereupon Afrani••s his sonne was given in hostage to Cae∣sar; and so they presented themselves in a place of Caesar's appointing.

And in the hearing of both the Armies, Afra∣nius spake to this effect; That he was not to be offended, neither with him nor with the souldier, for being faithfull and obedient to the Generall Cn. Pompeius; but now, having made sufficient proof of their duty, they had also throughly suf∣fered for the same, having endured the extremi∣ty of want in all necessary provisions: Insomuch as now they were shut up as women, kept from water, kept from going out, opprest with a great∣er weight of grief in body, and of dishonour in their reputation then they were able to bear; and therefore d••d confesse themselves to be van∣quished and overcome: praying and beseeching, that if there were any mercy left, they might not undergo the extremity of Fortune.* 1.376 And this he delivered as humbly and demissively as was possible.

To which Caesar answered; That these terms of complaint and compassion could be used to no man more unproperly then himself:* 1.377 for where∣as every man else did his duty; he only, upon fit cond••tions of time and place, refused to fight with them, to the end all circumstances might concurre to apeace: Albeit his Army had suf∣fered much wrong, in the death and slaughter of their fellows, yet he had kept and preserved such of their party as were in his power, and came of their own accord to move apeace; where∣in they thought they went about to procure the safety of all their fellows. So that the whole course of his proceeding with them consisted of clemen∣cy. Howbeit their Commanders abhorred the name of Peace, and had not kept the laws either of treaty or truce: for they had caused many simple men to be massacred and slain, that were deceived by a shew of treaty. And therefore it had befallen them, as it happeneth for the most part to perverse and arrogant persons, to seek and earnestly to desire that which a little before they had foolishly contemned.

Neither would he take the advantage of this their submission, or of any other opportunity of time, either to augment his power, or to strengthen his party: but he onely required, that those Ar∣mies might be discharged, which for many years together had been maintained against him. For neither were those six Legions for any other cause sent into Spain, nor the seventh inrolled there, nor so many and so great Navies pre∣pared, nor such experienced and skilfull Com∣manders selected and appointed, (for none of these needed to keep Spain in quiet;) nothing hereof was prepared for the use and behoof of the Province, which (by reason of their long continuance of peace) needed not any such assi∣stance. All these things were long ago provided in a readinesse against him: New forms of go∣vernment were made and ordained against him; That one and the same man, should be resident at the gates of Rome, have the whole superinten∣dency and direction of the City business; and yet notwithstanding, hold two warlike Provinces for so many years together, being absent from both of them.

Against him, and for his ruine, were changed the ancient Rights and Customs of Magistracy, in sending men at the end of their Pretorship or Consulship, to the government of Provinces, as was alwaies accustomed; but in lieu of them, were chosen some that were allowed and authori∣sed by a few. Against him the prerogative of age did nothing prevail: but whosoever they were that in former wars had made good proof of their valour, were now called out to command Armies. To him onely was denied that which was granted to all other Generalls; that when they had happily brought things to an end, they might dismisse their Armie, and return home with honour, or at the least, without dis∣honour.

All which things he notwithstanding both had, and would suffer patiently: neither did he now go about to take their Army from them, and retain them in pay for himself, which he might easily do; but that they should not have means to make head against him. And there∣fore, as it was said before, they should go out of the Provinces, and discharge their Army; if they did so, he would hurt no man: But that was the onely and last means of peace.

OBSERVATIONS.

THere is not any one vertue that can chalenge a greater measure of honour, or hath more pre∣rogative

either amongst friends or enemies, then fidelity. For which cause it is, that men are more strict in matters committed to their trust for the be∣hoof of others,* 1.378 then they can well be, if the same things concerned themselves. And yet neverthe∣lesse there is a Quatenus in all endeavours, and seemeth to be limited with such apparency, as true affection may make of a good meaning: and was the ground which Afranius took to move Caesar for a pardon; Non esse aut ipsis aut mi∣litibus succensendum, quod fidem erga Impera∣torem Cn. Pompeium conservare voluerint; sed satis jam fecisse officio, satisque supplicii tu∣lisse, &c. That he was not to be angry, either with him or the souldiery, for being faithfull to their Generall Cn. Pompeius; but that now they had sufficiently done their duty, and as throughly smarted for the same, &c. which he delivered in a stile suiting his fortune. For, as Cominaeus hath observed,* 1.379 Men in fear give reverent and humble words; and the tongue is ever conditioned to be the chiefest witnesse of our fortune.

On the other side, Caesar produced nothing for his part, but such wrongs as might seem valuable to make good those courses which he prosecuted. As first, injuries done by them, and that in the highest degree of blame against his souldiers, that went but to seek for peace. Injuries done by their Generall, in such a fashion, as spared not to evert the fundamentall rights of the State, to bring him to ruine and confusion. Whereby he was moved to indeavour that which Nature tieth every man unto, Propellere injuriam, to repell an injury from himself: and having brought it to these termes wherein it now stood,* 1.380 he would give assurance to the world, by the revenge he there took, that he entred into that warre for his only end, that he might live in peace: and so required no more but that the Army should be dismissed.

CHAP. XXVIII.

The execution of the Articles agreed upon.

THe conditions propounded were most acceptable and pleasing to the soul∣diers,* 1.381 as might appear by them: for being in the condition of vanquished persons, and thereupon expecting a hard measure of Fortune, to be rewarded with liberty and exemption of Arms, was more then they could expect: insomuch as where there grew a controversy of the time and place of their dis∣mission, they all generally standing upon the ram∣pier, signified both by their speeches and by their hands, that their desire was it might be done in∣stantly; for it could not be provided by any assu∣rance, that it would continue firm, if it were de∣ferred untill another time. After some dispute on each side, the matter was in the end brought to this issue; that such as had houses and posses∣sions in Spain, should be discharged presently, and the rest at the River Varus.* 1.382 It was conditi∣oned, that no man should be injuried, that no man should be forced against his will to be sworn un∣der Caesar's command.

Caesar promised to furnish them with Corn, untill they came to the river Varus: adding with∣all, that what soever any one had lost in the time of the warre, which should be found with any of his souldiers, should be restored to such as lost it; and to his souldiers he paid the value thereof in money. If any controversy afterward grew a∣mongst the souldiers, of their own accord they brought the matter from time to time before Caesar. As when the Souldiers grew almost into a mutiny for want of pay, the Commanders af∣firming the pay-day was not yet come, Petreius and Afranius required that Caesar might under∣stand the cause: and both parties were contented with his arbitrement.

A third part of the Army being dismissed in those two dayes, he commanded two of his legions to march before their Army, and the rest to fol∣low after, and continually to incamp themselves not farre from them; and appointed Q. Fusius Calenus, a Legate, to take the charge of that bu∣sinesse. This course being taken, they marched out of Spain to the River Varus, and there dis∣missed the rest of their army.

OBSERVATIONS.

THe River Varus divideth Gallia Narbonensis from Italy; and was thought an indifferent place to discharge the Army, whereby there might be an end made of that warre. Wherein if any man desire to see a parallell drawn between Caesar and the other Leaders for matter of warre, it shall suffice to take the issue for a square of their dire∣ctions;* 1.383 being drawn to this head within fourty dayes after Caesar came within sight of the Enemy, as Curio noteth in his speech to the souldiers.

Cato seeing the prosperous successe of Caesar a∣gainst Pompey, said their was a great uncertainty in the government of their Gods; alluding perad∣venture to that of Plato in his Politicks, where he saith, that there are ages, wherein the Gods do govern the world in their own persons; and there are other times, wherein they altogether neglect the same; the world taking a course quite contra∣ry to that which the Gods directed. But Lucan spake from a surer ground, where he saith,

Victrix causa Diis placuit, sed victa Catoni. The conquering cause pleas'd Jove, the con∣quered Cato.

And thus endeth the first Commentary.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Caesar.
• a 1.2

  P••tes A∣quilas, & pil•• minan∣tia p••••s Bella ge••i pla••u••e ••ul∣l••s habitura triumph••s. Luc. lib. 1.
• b 1.3

  Arm•• ci∣vilia neque parati, ne∣que haberi, per bon••s Artes pos∣sun••. Tac. 1. An.
• c 1.4

  Amicus Socrates, amicus, Pl••∣to: m••g••s amica veri∣tas. Aristo. 1. Ethic. Pom. Mag. Constantine was ••o jea∣lous there∣of, that he published an Edict, that the ho∣nour of all victori••s should be attributed to him, al∣though they were at∣chieved 100. leagues off.
• d 1.5

  Fonte ca∣dit medico, parvisque impellitur undis Puni••eas Rubicon, & Gallica ••••r∣tus Limes ab Aus••niis disterminat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 colo∣nis. Lucan. lib. 1.
• e 1.6

  Facta tri∣bus dominis communis Roma— Pompe••o Caesari & Crasso.
• a 1.7

  Nam sola futuri Cras∣sus erat bel∣li m••••dius mor—
• b 1.8

  Nulla sancta soci∣etas, nec fides regni. Ennius. Nec quer∣quam jam ferre potest, Caesarve priorem, Po••peiusve parem— Luc. lib. 1.
• c 1.9

  Ardua res haec est, o∣pibus non tradere mores. Martial.
• d 1.10

  Saepe ma∣jori fortunae locum fecit injuria. Seneca Epist. 91.
• * 1.11

  The Tri∣bunes of the people.
• * 1.12

  What kind of Com∣monwealth was this of Rome.
• a 1.13

  Libe••tatis originem in∣de magis, quia annuum consulare Imperium factum est, quam quod diminutum q••icquam sit e••••egia po∣testate, nu∣mores. Liv. lib. 2.
• b 1.14

  His legi∣bus dissolu∣tum est im∣perium consulare. &c. Liv. lib. 4.
• c 1.15

  Lictor.
• d 1.16

  Vi••tor.
• * 1.17

  Cyneas in∣terrogatus à Pyr••ho qualis Roma asset; Re∣spondit, Regum ur∣bem sibi vi∣deri. Just. lib. 8.
• * 1.18

  Faction in a Councel, is an enemy to the publick good.
• e 1.19

  Nam male cuncta mi∣nist••••t im∣petus, & sti∣mulat non rato privati odii perti∣naci•• in publicum e••itium. Tac. 1. hist.
• * 1.20

  Atheniensis Senator ju∣rabat se praecipue populo consultu∣rum. De∣most conc. Naearc.
• * 1.21

  1. Philipp.
• * 1.22

  Arist. 7. polit. 17.
• * 1.23

  Sueton, in vita Julii Caesaris.
• * 1.24

  Tacit. 1. Annal.
• * 1.25

  Tacit. 6. Annal.
• * 1.26

  Plutarch.
• * 1.27

  Caesac.
• * 1.28

  Pompeius ut primum ••empab. ••g∣gressus est, non quem∣quam animo pa••em 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Vell••ias Pa∣ter ••ul.
• * 1.29

  Ne quid respub, detrimenti capiat. Consecuti sunt dies Co••••ia∣les, per quos senatus ha∣beri non poterat. Cic. L. fra∣t••i.
• * 1.30

  Ut gratia oneri, sic ultio in quaestu ha∣betur, Tac.
• * 1.31

  Suprema lex Salus reipub.
• * 1.32

  Lib. 3.
• * 1.33

  Plutarch in the life of Cicero.
• * 1.34

  5. Philip. Cons••lious totam Rem∣pub. com∣mendendam censco, ••is∣que permit∣tendum ut rempub. defendant, provide∣antque ne∣quid detri∣menti res∣pub. acci∣piat.
• * 1.35

  Fabius.
• * 1.36

  2. De Fastis.
• * 1.37

  Fab. Max.
• * 1.38

  Lentulus.
• * 1.39

  Scipio.
• * 1.40

  Marcellus.
• * 1.41

  M. Anton.
• * 1.42

  Cassi••s.
• * 1.43

  Piso.
• * 1.44

  To know the number of Citizens.
• * 1.45

  Their age.
• * 1.46

  De Fast.
• * 1.47

  Halicarnas∣seus, lib. 4.
• * 1.48

  Go••••fred ad L. aeta∣tem 3.
• * 1.49

  ••. D•• Cens.
• * 1.50

  Their cal∣ling.
• * 1.51

  Majorum primus quis∣quis fuit ille tuorum, Aut Pastor ••uit, aut illud quod dicere nol••. Their abi∣lity.
• * 1.52

  Florus l. ••. cap. 6.
• * 1.53

  Gell. lib. 16. cap. 10. Aetis.
• * 1.54

  Poly. lib. 6.
• * 1.55

  L. Roscius.
• * 1.56

  Pompey having a charge of an Army, could not enter into the City, prohibited by divers laws.
• * 1.57

  Faust. Sulla.
• * 1.58

  Rex Juba, socius & ••••∣micus.
• * 1.59

  Gallia and Syria were two consu∣lary Pro∣vinces.
• * 1.60

  Q••o••um nemo stul∣tior est qúam L. Domitius.
• * 1.61

  Cic. ad Atticum. Paludati exeunt.
• * 1.62

  The use of Ceremo∣nies.
• * 1.63

  Forma dat nomen & esse. Arist.
• * 1.64

  Nimia nec Minima▪
• * 1.65

  Civitatis legibus conservatis, salva quo∣que populi dominatio.
• * 1.66

  Aesch. in C••esiphont.
• * 1.67

  The manner of disposing of the Pro∣vinces and govern∣ments.
• * 1.68

  Sortiri Pro∣vincias, Comp••rare Provincias. Lib. 43.
• * 1.69

  The manner of their set∣ting for∣ward to their go∣vernments.
• * 1.70

  Vota nun∣cupa••••.
• * 1.71

  Voti reus.
• * 1.72

  Macrob. li. 3. cap. 2. Saturn.
• * 1.73

  Paludati.
• * 1.74

  ••ib. 6. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lat.
• * 1.75

  Valerius, li. 1. cap. 6.
• * 1.76

  Raptores orbis, post∣quam cun∣ctis v••stan∣tibus defue∣re Terrae, & M••re scru∣tantur: quos nec oriens nec occi∣dens sa••••a∣verit. Tac.
• * 1.77

  Neminem esse Regem solitum & amicum a Senatu Po∣puloque Rom. ap∣pellati, ni∣si qui opti∣me de Rep∣meritus esset, lib. 1. decad. 4.
• * 1.78

  Sequenti dic &c. lib. 10. dec. 3.
• * 1.79

  Lib 1. de bel. Gal.
• * 1.80

  Et (pe ap∣pellando∣rum Regum Rex Juba, socius & a∣micus.
• * 1.81

  Municipes, Lib. 6. cap. 11.
• * 1.82

  Lib. 11.
• * 1.83

  Mu∣nici∣pi∣um. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.84

  C••••ites Ta∣bulae. Livie lib. 6.
• * 1.85

  Livie lib. 3.
• * 1.86

  Livie lib. 3.
• * 1.87

  Cives origi∣narii.
• * 1.88

  Polyder.
• * 1.89

  Virg.
• * 1.90

  1. Philip.
• * 1.91

  Seneca 1. de benefac. cap. 13.
• * 1.92

  Herod. lib. 9.
• * 1.93

  An quis∣quam am∣plissimus Galliae, cum insimo Cive Romano comparan∣dus est?
• * 1.94

  Cicero pro M. Font. De cipite Ci••is nisi per maximū commicia. tum, ollo••{que} quos censo∣res in parti∣bus populi locassint, ne ferunto. Cic. 3. de legib.
• * 1.95

  Bellorum O socii, qui mille pericula mortis Mecum, ait, experti, de∣cia o jam vin••tis anno, &c.
• * 1.96

  Luc. lib. 1.
• * 1.97

  Whereof Lex Agra∣ria was the chiefest.
• * 1.98

  Plutarch saith, he had then but 5000 foot, and 300 horse on that side the Alpes: which a∣mounteth to the just number of a legion.
• * 1.99

  Cic. 1. ossi∣cio.
• * 1.100

  Nihil justi∣us quam propulsare injuriam.
• * 1.101

  Xenophon Cyropaed. lib. 1.
• * 1.102

  Justitiae pri∣mum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 est ne cui q••is no••eat.
• * 1.103

  Cic. lib. ••. de offi∣ciis.
• * 1.104

  Qui non de∣fendit nec o••sistit si pote•• inju∣riae, 〈…〉〈…〉 in vitio, qu••m si parentes, ••ut amicos, aut patriam, aut so••ios deserat. Cic. lib. 1. offi.
• * 1.105

  Opulentis civitatibus venenum seditio, magna im∣peria mor∣talia reddi∣dit.
• * 1.106

  Liv. lib. 2.
• * 1.107

  Non Exer∣citus neque Thesauri praesidia regri sunt, verum ami∣ci. Salust. in bello Ju∣gurth.
• * 1.108

  Lib. de amicitia.
• * 1.109

  Ut quisque maxime opibus, principatu, & potestate excellit, ita amicis max∣ime indiget.
• * 1.110

  Arist. Etn. 8.
• * 1.111

  Rimini.
• * 1.112

  L. Caesar.
• * 1.113

  Capua. Cicero, lib. 7. ad Atti∣cum, Epist. 13. saith, that this answer was made at Thian••m, in the territo∣ries of L••vour, the 25 of January.
• * 1.114

  Plutarch in vita Caesa∣ris.
• * 1.115

  Multa vide∣ri volumus velle, sed no 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Seneca, epist. 96.
• * 1.116

  Let it lie upon the Dice.
• * 1.117

  Bonum est dum adhuc stit navis in portu, praecavere tempesta∣tem fatu∣ram; & non eo tempore, quo in medi••s, irru∣e••is procel∣las, trepida∣re. Joseph. de bello Jud. l. 2.
• * 1.118

  Magis ter∣rorem incu∣••••, ••t inva∣dere vo••en∣ti prior oc∣curras, quam ut te repug∣naturum sig∣nifices.
• * 1.119

  Thucyd. lib. 6.
• * 1.120

  —Arma te∣nenti Omnia dat, qui-justae negat—
• * 1.121

  Lucan, lib. 1.
• * 1.122

  Caesar.
• * 1.123

  Half a le∣gion, being about 2500 men.
• * 1.124

  Pisaurum, Pesarò Ital. Fanum. Ancona. Tignium.
• * 1.125

  Auximum, Actius Va∣rus.
• * 1.126

  Picenum.
• * 1.127

  L. Pupius.
• * 1.128

  Pesarò Ital. Plut. Anto.
• * 1.129

  Fanò Ital.
• * 1.130

  Ancona.
• * 1.131

  Decuriones.
• * 1.132

  Lib. ••. cap. 14.
• * 1.133

  Lib. ••. d•• bell. Gall.
• * 1.134

  Caesar.
• * 1.135

  Sanctiore Aerario.
• * 1.136

  Capua.
• * 1.137

  ••ex Juli••.
• * 1.138

  Picenum.
• * 1.139

  Cingulum.
• * 1.140

  Asculum.
• * 1.141

  Ulcil▪ Hirus.
• * 1.142

  Camerinum.
• * 1.143

  Domtius Aenobarb.
• * 1.144

  Corfinium.
• * 1.145

  Albania. Marsia.
• * 1.146

  Pelignia.
• * 1.147

  2500. men.
• * 1.148

  Sempre è congiunto in un mede∣simo ••ugget. to I'Inso∣lentia con la Timiditá. Lib. 2.
• * 1.149

  De Officiis.
• * 1.150

  Aerarium.
• * 1.151

  Plutarch. in vita Publicolae. Aerarium populus Romanus in ••de Saturni habuit, Festus.
• * 1.152

  Libri Ele∣phantini.
• * 1.153

  Signa ex•••• Aerario prompta fe∣runtur ad Dictatorem Liv. lib. 4.
• * 1.154

  Lib. 3. cap. 33.
• * 1.155

  Aurum vi∣cesimarium.
• * 1.156

  Lib. 24.
• * 1.157

  Pro Roscio.
• * 1.158

  And there∣fore ••h••y were cal∣led, Bustua∣ri••, a Bustis.
• * 1.159

  Sil. Ita••.
• * 1.160

  Lemnisc••.
• * 1.161

  Spectatum s••tis & do∣n••tum jam ••ude. Hor. The Ro∣mans never used these Gladiators in any u••ili∣tary service, but only in Civile wars.
• * 1.162

  A•• deforme insuper au∣xilium, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 millia Gladiato∣rum: sed per civilia arma seve∣ris ducibus usurpatu••. Tac. hist. 1.
• * 1.163

  Lucan. lib. 1.
• * 1.164

  P••rare, & quaerere 〈◊〉〈◊〉: tueri diffi••ilius, Liv••e Lib. 37.
• * 1.165

  Caesar.
• * 1.166

  15000. men, or there∣about.
• * 1.167

  Tormenta.
• * 1.168

  Sulmo.
• * 1.169

  Du••es rebus afflict is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de industria si∣mulant. Seneca ad P••ly.
• * 1.170

  Lentulus Spinther.
• * 1.171

  Collegium Ponti••••um.
• * 1.172

  Duumvir••.
• * 1.173

  Latius Pat••t ossiciorum qu••m juris Regula.
• * 1.174

  Stultitiae videtur, a∣lienam rem suo periculo curare.
• * 1.175

  Salust. de b••llo Ju∣gurth.
• * 1.176

  Salust. de bello Ju∣g••rth.
• * 1.177

  Collegium Pontisicum.
• * 1.178

  Pl••ta••••h in th•• life of Nu••a.
• * 1.179

  Cap. de in∣stituti.
• * 1.180

  Lib. 34. cap. 1.
• * 1.181

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.182

  Epist. ad Q••. ••ratrem. Epist. 5.
• * 1.183

  In L. 1. §.
• * 1.184

  L. Pater silium. §.
• * 1.185

  Lib. 36.
• * 1.186

  Acome•••• the great Turk.
• * 1.187

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bassa, N••iler, or pare•• of nailes.
• * 1.188

  Bustangi Bassa, Gardener.
• * 1.189

  Caput au∣tem est in omni procuratio∣ne 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & muneris publici, ut avaritiae pellatur etiam mini∣ma suspicio.
• * 1.190

  Nulla au∣tem re, con∣ciliare faci∣lius bene. volentiam multitudi∣nis 〈…〉〈…〉 qui 〈◊〉〈◊〉 prae∣sunt, quam abstinentia & contin••n∣tia. Cicero.
• a 1.191

  Cic. lib. Offici.
• * 1.192

  Imperato∣res muneri∣bus hi••ntes, Hostibus s••nt per∣utiles.
• * 1.193

  Appian. de bell. Hispan. Cic. Cato Major.
• * 1.194

  Plutarch. in vita Ro∣muli.
• * 1.195

  Senatus.
• * 1.196

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.197

  Celeres or Equites: ordo Eque∣stris.
• * 1.198

  Plebs, or populus.
• * 1.199

  Senatores minorum Gentium.
• * 1.200

  Patres con∣scripti.
• * 1.201

  Sueton. 35.
• * 1.202

  Sueton. 41.
• * 1.203

  Corfinium.
• * 1.204

  Strabo, lib. 6.
• * 1.205

  Caesar.
• * 1.206

  Luceria.
• * 1.207

  Caesar be∣sieged Pom∣pey at Brun∣dusium, the 23 day of ••ebruary 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cond. 704.
• * 1.208

  Pompey's son married 〈…〉〈…〉 daughter.
• * 1.209

  Praefectus Fab••ûm.
• * 1.210

  Lib. 2. cap. 11.
• * 1.211

  Plutarch in the life of Cicero.
• * 1.212

  Lib. 36. cap. 6.
• * 1.213

  Epist. ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. ••. Epist. 8.
• * 1.214

  〈…〉〈…〉. 23.
• * 1.215

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.216

  Livie lib. 8. Dec. 4.
• * 1.217

  Caesar.
• * 1.218

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Vallum.
• * 1.219

  Plutarch in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Pompey.
• * 1.220

  Cicer. Epist. ad Atticum.
• * 1.221

  Caesar.
• * 1.222

  Bailiff••.
• * 1.223

  Plutarch in the life of Pompey.
• * 1.224

  Europa prima & prae ••antis∣sima mundi pars, Ap∣p••••n. Europa 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vi∣ctoris o∣mnium gen∣tium populi, longeque terrarum pulcherri∣ma. Plin. lib. 3. c. 1.
• * 1.225

  Caesar.
• * 1.226

  L. Metellus.
• * 1.227

  Faelicitatis & modera∣••ienis divi∣d•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.228

  Denur∣•••••••• Pom∣peio pro hostibus s•• habiturum qui reipub. d••fuissert; ipse medios & neutrius partis, suo∣rum sibi nu∣mero futu∣ros pronun∣ciavit. Sue∣tonius 75. Ci••••••o 10. Epist. ad At••icum. Plutarch. Lucan. Appian. Horus.
• * 1.229

  Non nisi per nostrum vobis per∣cussa pate∣bant Tem∣pl•• latus, nullasque feres, sine s••nguine sa∣cro, Sparsa••, raptor, opes. Lucan. lib. 3 Dignum ••e Caes••ris ita, Nu••••us h••∣nor faciet•• Idem ••o∣dem.
• * 1.230

  Caesar.
• * 1.231

  By this Gallias, is understood some place near to Marseilles.
• * 1.232

  August•••• dunum ve¦tustissima post Massi∣liam bona∣rum artiu•• ••edes, Tacit. 3. Annal. Strabo lib. 4.
• * 1.233

  C••••que alii famae populi ter∣rore pave∣rent, Pho∣cais in du∣biis ausa est servare ju∣ventu•• Non Graia levitate ••idem, sig∣nataque jura, Et cau∣sas, non fata sequi.—Lucan. l. 3.
• * 1.234

  Horace.
• * 1.235

  Caesar.
• * 1.236

  Afranius.
• * 1.237

  Petreius. Varro.
• * 1.238

  Saitus Castalonen∣sis.
• * 1.239

  Guadiana. Iure pari rector, ca∣stris Afra∣nius illis, Ac Petreius erat— Lucan. l. 3.
• * 1.240

  Nos Celtis geni••i, & ex Iberis. Mar∣tial. lib. 4.
• * 1.241

  A valiant people, descended from Lace∣demor; of whom Sil. Ital. saith, D••mnatum vivere paci.
• * 1.242

  Scuta••i.
• * 1.243

  Cetrati. Nonrius, Cetra. s••••∣tum breve. Quis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 facere ce∣tram ne∣queat 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Evocati.
• * 1.244

  Hesperios inter Sico∣••is non ulti∣mus amnes, Saxe••s in∣genti quem pons ample∣ctitur arcu, Hybernas passurus aquas—Luc••n. lib. 4.
• * 1.245

  Plancus sive Plantius, •• Planitie pedum, Splay∣foo••ed.
• * 1.246

  Lib. Ethic. 4.
• * 1.247

  P••ereius & Afranius had 70000 men, or thereabouts
• * 1.248

  Caes••r 35000.
• * 1.249

  Rablais saith, that the Credi∣tor wisheth all good 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Debt••••••.
• * 1.250

  Laelius.
• * 1.251

  Lucan. l. 1
• * 1.252

  Uni 〈◊〉〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mus.
• * 1.253

  Quicquid fieri potest, qu••si futu∣rum cogit••∣mus. Senec. Epist. 24.
• * 1.254

  Spain-Citerior, & Ulterior. Exterior, & Interior. lib. 3.
• * 1.255

  Anno) V. C. 555.
• * 1.256

  Livie.
• * 1.257

  Lib. 5.
• * 1.258

  In libro d•• Mirandis auscultatio∣ribus.
• * 1.259

  Caesar.
• * 1.260

  Pron•• tum Caesar O∣lympo, In noctem subiti ••ir∣cumdedit agmina fos∣sa, Du•• primae prae∣stant 〈◊〉〈◊〉, host ••mque sfellit. Luc. l. 4.
• * 1.261

  Luc. l. 4.
• * 1.262

  Lib. 1. cap. 5.
• * 1.263

  Caesar.
• * 1.264

  Et victor subducto Marte pe∣pendit. Lucan. lib. 4
• * 1.265

  Omnis laus virtutis in actione con∣sistit.
• * 1.266

  Arist. Eth.
• * 1.267

  Lib. 1. cap. 9.
• * 1.268

  The use of running.
• * 1.269

  Miles in media pace decurrit, sine ullo hoste, & supervacuo labore ••af∣f••tur, ut sufficere ne∣cessario possit. Seneca Epist. 18.
• * 1.270

  Lib. 26.
• * 1.271

  Medici le∣viter aegro∣tantes, le∣viter curant: gravioribus autem mor∣bis, pericu∣losis cura∣tiones & ancipires adhibere coguntur. Cic. lib. 1. de officiis.
• * 1.272

  Iliad. 6.
• * 1.273

  The parts of a legion.
• * 1.274

  Antesig∣nani.
• * 1.275

  Lib. 22.
• * 1.276

  Lib. 9.
• * 1.277

  Lib. 5.
• * 1.278

  Caesar.
• * 1.279

  Cinga ra∣pidus magis quam mag∣nus.
• * 1.280

  Sunt quae∣dam in qui∣bus non ad∣versus ho∣minus cer∣tamen est, sed cum ip∣sis rebus: quas supe∣rare perdif∣fi••••e est.
• * 1.281

  Xenoph. lib. 1. de Inst. Cyri.
• * 1.282

  Diligentia in omnibus rebus pl••∣rimum va∣let.
• * 1.283

  Bladders used by the Spaniards, ••••••aim∣ming over Rivers.
• * 1.284

  Lib. 6. cap. 14.
• * 1.285

  Caesar.
• * 1.286

  Jam co••e•• semper mag∣norum pr••∣ma malo∣rum, Saeva fames ade∣rat: nullo{que} obsessus ab hoste Miles ege••, toto cens•• non prodi∣gus emit Exiguam C••re••em. •• Luc••n. l. 4.
• * 1.287

  Prim••m 〈◊〉〈◊〉 salix m••d facto 〈◊〉〈◊〉 parvam Texitur in 〈…〉〈…〉, Vectoris 〈…〉〈…〉 L••••••n. l. 4.
• * 1.288

  Rutheni.
• * 1.289

  S••lvuntur stavi long•• statione Rutheni.
• * 1.290

  Lucan. l. 1.
• * 1.291

  Stympha••••∣dae.
• * 1.292

  Iliad. lib. 5.
• * 1.293

  Iliad. lib. 7.
• * 1.294

  An ill chance cometh not alone.
• * 1.295

  Necessit••s fortiter ••e••∣re docet, consu••tudo facile. S••n. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 10.
• * 1.296

  Lib. 5.
• * 1.297

  Corracles.
• * 1.298

  Caesar.
• * 1.299

  Sea-fight.
• * 1.300

  Caesar▪
• * 1.301

  Osca.
• * 1.302

  Calaguris.
• * 1.303

  Octogesa.
• * 1.304

  Ilerda.
• * 1.305

  Lib. 4.
• * 1.306

  Osca.
• * 1.307

  Victri••.
• * 1.308

  Lib. ••.
• * 1.309

  Calaguris.
• * 1.310

  Lib. 7. cap. 6
• * 1.311

  Suetonius in Augusto.
• * 1.312

  Cohors Ca∣laguritano∣rum.
• * 1.313

  Ad Euse••il C••ronicon.
• * 1.314

  Celtiberia.
• * 1.315

  Lib. 4▪
• * 1.316

  Lib. 2. c. 17
• * 1.317

  Lib. 2. c. 6.
• * 1.318

  Sil. Ital. Lib. 3.
• * 1.319

  lib. 6. cap. ••
• * 1.320

  Caesar.
• * 1.321

  Three of the clock in the after∣noon.
• * 1.322

  Vasa con∣clamari.
• * 1.323

  Hannibal per•• su••e∣riora P••di vad•• exer∣citum tra∣du••••s, ele∣phantos in ordinem opposuit ad impetum fluminis fustinendū.
• * 1.324

  Livie.
• * 1.325

  Ac n••quid S••co••is 〈…〉〈…〉 majoris aquae—
• * 1.326

  Lu••an. l. 4.
• * 1.327

  In the same 〈◊〉〈◊〉 E••∣phrates was divided first by Se∣miramis, and afterward by Alexan∣der.
• * 1.328

  Herodot. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.329

  Herod. Iust.
• * 1.330

  Lib. 2. c••p. 7
• * 1.331

  At ol••unt campo g••∣minae 〈…〉〈…〉 rupes, Valle 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.332

  Lucan. lib. 4.
• * 1.333

  It•• sine ullo Ordine, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, rap••umque ••uga con∣v••••••ite. bellum, Et faciem pugnae, vultusquo in••••rte mi••aces.
• * 1.334

  Lucan. lib. ••
• * 1.335

  Nocturna prael••a esse vit••nda, quod per∣territus mi∣les in civili dissensione, timori ma∣gis quam religion•• consulere consu••••••••it; at ••u••em multum per se pudorem, omnium o∣culis 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.336

  Neque in victoria decue, nec in foga fla∣gitium.
• * 1.337

  Tacit. Hist. 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.338

  2. Histor▪
• * 1.339

  Otatio. 1••.
• * 1.340

  Philip.
• * 1.341

  Caesar.
• * 1.342

  Signes of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Enemy.
• * 1.343

  Et qu••mvis nullo 〈◊〉〈◊〉 san∣guin•• miles. Quae 〈…〉〈…〉. Lucan. lib. 4.
• * 1.344

  Hospitis ille 〈…〉〈…〉, vo∣cat ill•• pr••∣pinqui•• Ad∣mon•••• hunc studi••s con∣••ors 〈…〉〈…〉 Nec Roma∣nus er••t qui n••n••gno∣vera ho∣stem. Lucan. lib. 4.
• * 1.345

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 e••••m tibi major i•• ••••vis Aenuthiis fortuna f••it. &c▪ Lucan.
• * 1.346

  Non minus est Impe••a∣toris, co••si∣•••••• superare, quam gladio.
• * 1.347

  Caesar. Com∣ment. 6. de ••el. Gal.
• * 1.348

  Teren••ius in Funu••••••.
• * 1.349

  Naturae 〈…〉〈…〉: & humani∣tat•••• legem violat, qui ultra victo∣riam 〈…〉〈…〉. indul∣get Ni••••tas.
• * 1.350

  〈◊〉〈◊〉, Lib. 1. cap. 26.
• * 1.351

  Ingens vi∣ctoriae 〈…〉〈…〉 bellanti. Tacit. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.352

  Caes••r.
• * 1.353

  Junctos an plexibus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Separat, & multo dis∣turb•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 pa∣cem, Luc.
• * 1.354

  〈…〉〈…〉, Quae m••do complex•• f••verunt pectora 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Luc▪ lib. 4.
• * 1.355

  Hoc siqui∣d••m solo ci∣vilis crimine belli Dux causae 〈…〉〈…〉. Luc. lib. 4.
• * 1.356

  Anno 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cond. 538.
• * 1.357

  Null••m 〈…〉〈…〉 potest.
• * 1.358

  Lib. 22.
• * 1.359

  Lib. 16. cap. 4.
• * 1.360

  Lib. 1. o••••••c. M. Popi∣lius.
• * 1.361

  Lib. 2. cap. 5.
• * 1.362

  Lib. 3. Histor.
• * 1.363

  Caesar.
• * 1.364

  Incidit in Scyllam, cupiens vi∣tare Cha∣rybdim.
• * 1.365

  C••sar.
• * 1.366

  Hora octa∣va, signo d••to.
• * 1.367

  Tela tene jam miles, ait, serrum∣que ruenti Subtrahe, non ullo constet mi∣hi sanguine bellum.
• * 1.368

  Vincitur haud gratis jugulo qui provocat hostem.
• * 1.369

  Lucan. l. 4▪
• * 1.370

  It is hard catching ha••es with unwilling hounds.
• * 1.371

  Caeteris mortalibus in co••stant consilia quid sibi conducere putent; Principum diversa sors est, quibas praecipua rerum ad famam di∣rigenda. Tacit.
• * 1.372

  L' univer∣sale de gli huomini si pasc••, cosi di quello che paie, come di quello che è anzi ••molte volte si muovono piu per ••e cose c••e paiono, che per quell•• che sono. Lib. 1. Sop. Tit. Liv. cap. 25. Omnis a••r Aquilae pe∣netrabilis.
• * 1.373

  Their man∣ner of im∣battelling.
• * 1.374

  Lib. 4. de militia Ro∣mana.
• * 1.375

  Caesar.
• * 1.376

  At n••nc so∣la mi••i est orandae causa salu∣tis▪
• * 1.377

  Dignum do∣nanda, Cae∣sar, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cre∣dere vita.
• * 1.378

  Multa, quae nostra cau∣sa nunquam faceremus, facimus caus•• ami∣corum. Cice∣ro Laeli••s.
• * 1.379

  Qui vincun∣tur victam habent lin∣guam. Plut.
• * 1.380

  Bellum ita s••scipiatur, ut nihil ali∣ud nisi pax quaesita vi∣deatur. Cic. lib. 1. de offici.
• * 1.381

  C••sar.
• * 1.382

  Varus fluvius. Hoc pe••i∣mus, victos ne tecum vincere co∣gas. Luc.
• * 1.383

  Rerum ab eventu, facta notan∣da putes. Lib. 2. Civil.