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THe Senate rising a little before night,* 1.1 were all sent for to Pompey. He commended the forward for what they had done, and confirmed them for after resolutions; repre∣hended such as shewed themselves indifferent, and stirred them up to more forwardnesse. Many which were of Pompey's former Armies were sent for, upon of reward and advance∣ment: Many of the two legions which lately came from Caesar, were commanded to attend;
insomuch as the City swarmed with souldiers against the election of new Magistrates. C. Cu••io called out the Tribunes of the people. All the Consuls friends, the kinsfolks and allies of Pompey, and such others as had any former en∣mity with Caesar, were compelled into the Senate. By the presence and votes of these men the weak∣est were terrified, the doubtfull confirmed, and the most part were cut off from giving absolute and free voices. L. Piso the Censor, and L. Ro••cius the Praetor, offered themselves to go to Caesar, to advise him of these things; requiring but six dayes space to return an answer. Others thought it fit, that Embassadours should be sent to Caesar, to give him notice of the pleasure of the Senate. To all these was opposed what the Consul, Scipio, and Cato thought fit. Cato was incited through former enmity, and specially by the repulse of the Praetorship. Lentulus, out of a consideration of his great debts, hoping to com∣mand an Army, to govern Provinces, and to receive the liberall acknowledgements of Kings, whom he should thereby procure to be stiled with the Title of friends to the people of Rome; inso∣much as he would not stick to boast in private, that he was like to prove a second Sylla, on whom the sovereign command of the Empire would be conferred. Scipio was drawn on by the same hope of having the government of a Province, or the command of an Army, which by reason of his alliance he thought to share with Pompey; being otherwise afraid to be called into justice; as also through flattery and ostentation, both of himself, and other great friends, which were able to sway much, as well in the course of ju∣stice, as in the commonwealth.
Pompey in his particular was much provoked by Caesar's enemies,* 1.2 and specially for that he could endare no man to be his equall. He was alienated altogether from Caesar's friendship, and had reconciled himself to their common Enemies; the greatest part of whom were by his means gained to Caesar, in the time of their alliance. He was also moved by the dishonour which he had gotten by taking those two legions from their journey towards Asia and Syria, and using them for the advancement of his own particular. Which things moved him to draw the matter to Arms. For these respects all things were car∣ried ••mp••tuously and confusedly; neither was 〈…〉〈…〉 sure given to Caesar's friends to adver∣tise him thereof; nor yet to the Tribunes, to a∣void the danger which was falling upon them, or to use their right of opposition which L. Sylla left unto them: but within seven dayes after they were entred into their office, they were for∣ced to shift for their safety; notwithstanding that the most turbulent and seditions Tribunes of former times, were never put to look into their affairs, or to g••ve account of their actions, be∣fore the eighth Moneth. In the end, they betook themselves to that extreme and last Act of Se∣nate, which was never thought upon, but when the city was upon the point of burning, or in the most desperate estate of the Commonweal: That the Consuls, Praetors, Tribunes of the people, and such as had been Consuls, and were resident near about the city, should endeavour that the Commonweal might not be indangered.* 1.3 This Act was made the seventh of the Ides of January: so that the five first dayes, in which the Senate might sit, after that Lentulus was entred into the Consulship (excepting only two dayes for the generall assembly of the people) most heavy and cruell Decrees were made a∣gainst the authority of Caesar, and against the Tribunes of the people, famous and worthy men; who thereupon fled presently out of the ci∣ty, and came to Caesar: who being then at Ra∣venna, attended an answer to his easie and mo∣dest demands, if by any reasonable course mat∣ters might be drawn to a peaceable end.
IT is the condition of humane nature, to make good that which once it hath avouched, al∣though the matter be of small consequence in particular, and tendeth rather to infamy then to profit; neither will it easily be reclaimed by mo∣tives of reason, but is rather incited thereby (per Antiperistasin) to persist in wilfulnesse, then to hearken to that which is more convenient;* 1.4 espe∣cially, when either jealousie or revenge do imply an advantage: for then partiality keepeth no measure; but to justifie an errour, runnes head∣long into all extremities, and ••••eth to the last re∣fuge of desperate and deplored cases, to make disordered passions seem good discretion. Which evidently appears by Pompey's faction, in resol∣ving of that desperate Act of Senate, which was never thought of but in most eminent danger. For as in foul weather at sea, when a ship rideth in a dangerous road, and through the violence of the tempest, is upon the point of shipwrack, the Mariners are wont to cast out a sheet-Anchor as their last refuge:* 1.5 so had Rome anciently recourse to this Decree, at such times as the Common∣wealth was in imminent and extreme calamity; whether it were by enemies abroad, or by ser∣pents in their bosome at home.* 1.6 Livie speaking of the warre of the Aequi, saith; The Senatours were so affrighted, that following the form of the Decree which was alwayes reserved for cases of extremitie, they ordained that Post humius (one of the Consuls) should take care that the Commonwealth might not be endangered. The like was used in civile and intestine seditions: as when Manlius Capitolinus aspired to a Tyran∣ny;* 1.7 and as likewise in the tumults of the Grac∣chi, the conspiracy of Catiline, and other times of like danger. For albeit the Consuls had all
sovereign authority, as well in warre as in peace: yet neverthelesse there were certain reserved cases wherein they had no power, without expresse order from the Senate,* 1.8 and assent from the people; as, to levie an Army to make warre, to take mo∣ney out of the Treasury: whereas upon such a Decree, they were enabled to dispose of all bu∣sinesses of State, without further moving of the Senate or people, which Tully noteth in his Ora∣tions against Antonie. I think it fit (saith he) that the whole state of the Commonweal be left unto the Consuls, and that they be suffered to defend the same; and to take care that the Commonweal be not indangered.
I May not omit (for the better understanding of this noble History) to say somewhat of the Persons here mentioned. And first of Fabius,* 1.9 as descended of the noblest and most ancient Family of the Patrician Order; being able of themselves to maintain warre a long time against the Veij, a strong and warlike town, untill at length they were all unfortunately slain by an ambushment:* 1.10 which Ovid mentioneth, where he saith;
Haec fuit illa dies, in qua, Veientibus arvis, Tercentum Fab••iter cecidere duo. This was that black day, when in Veian field Three hundred and six Fabi•• were kill'd.
Onely there remained of that house a child then kept at Rome; which in tract of time multiplied into six great Families, all which had their turn in the highest charges and dignities of the Com∣monweal: amongst whom, he that supplanted Hannibal by temporizing, and got thereby the surname of Maximus,* 1.11 was most famous, as En∣nius witnesseth;
Unus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem: Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem. Ergo postque magis{que} viri nunc gloria claret. One man by wise delay hath sav'd our State; Who rumours after publick safety set.
For which his fame grows every day more great. But C. Fabius, here mentioned, never attained to any place of Magistracy, other then such com∣mands as he held in the warres under Caesar.
Lentulus* 1.12 the Consul was of the house of the Cornelii, from whom are said to come sixteen Consuls. He was from the begi••ning a mor∣tall enemy to Caesar, and so continued to his death, which fell unto him in Egypt, by comman∣dement of King Ptolemy, after Pompey was slain.
Scipio was father in law to Pompey, after the death of Julia, Caesar's daughter;* 1.13 and by that means obtained the government of Asia. In the beginning of the Civile warre, he brought good succours to assist his sonne in law, as it follows in the third Commentary: and upon the over∣throw at Pharsalia he fled into Africk, where he renewed the warre, and became chief Com∣mander of the remaining party against Caesar; but being in the end defeated, he made towards Spain: and fearing by the way lest he should fall into his enemies hands, he slew himself.
Marcellus was of the ancient Family of the Claudii,* 1.14 which came originally from the Sa∣bines: On his behalf there is an Oration extant of Tullies, intituled, Pro Marcello. He was af∣terwards slain by one Chilo.
M. Antonius is famous in all the Roman hi∣stories,* 1.15 for attaining in a small time to so great a height in that government. For in all the warres of Gallia, he was but a Treasurer under Caesar, which was the least of all publick places of charge. In the beginning of the civile war••es he was made Tribune of the people; and within lesse then eight yeares after, came to be fellow-partner with Octavius Caesar in the govern∣ment of the Empire. And if Cleopatra's beau∣tie had not blinded him, he might have easily through the favour of the souldiers supplanted his Competitor, and seized upon the Monarchie.
The name of Cassius was ominous for trouble to the state of Rome,* 1.16 and their ends were as un∣fortunate. This L. Cassius, for his part, after the great troubles he had stirred up in Spain, was drowned in the mouth of the River Eber.
Piso was made Censor in the Consulship of L. Paulus and Claudius Marcellus,* 1.17 having himself been Consul eight yeares before, in the year of Rome 695, succeeding Caesar and Bibu∣lus; and was the man against whom Tullie penned that Oration which is extant in Pisonem. Touching the office of Censor, it is to be under∣stood, that about the year of Rome 310, the Con∣suls being distracted with multiplicity of forreign businesse, omitted the Censure or assessment of the City for some years together: whereupon it was afterwards thought fit, that there should be a pe∣culiar officer appointed for that service, and to be called Censor; forasmuch as every man was to be taxed, rankt and valued, according to his opi∣nion and censure. The first part of their office consisted in an account or valuation of the num∣ber, age, order, dignity, and possession of the Roman citizens: for it was very material for the State to know the number of their people,* 1.18 to the end they might be informed of their own strength, and so shape their course accordingly, either in undertaking warres, transplanting Colonies, or in making provision of victuals in time of peace. It was also as requisite to know every mans age,* 1.19 whereby they grew capable of honour and offices,* 1.20 according to that of Ovid;
—finitaque certis Legibus est aetas, unde petatur honos. —In certain laws
Age is defin'd,* 1.21 and thence is honour had. M. Antonius commanded that the names of the
Roman children should be brought into the Trea∣sury within thirty dayes after they were born;* 1.22 ac∣cording to which custome,* 1.23 Francis the French king published an Edict, Anno 1539, that every parish should keep a Register of Burials and Christenings: which since that time is used in England.
The distinction of conditions and states,* 1.24 ran∣ging every man in his proper order, is as necessa∣ry in the Commonweal,* 1.25 and as worthy of the Censors notice, as any thing besides. Neither may the assessment of mens abilities be omitted: which was ordained, that every man might bear a part in the service of the State. In which respect* 1.26 Ser∣vius Tullus is commended, for rating men ac∣cording to their wealth; whereas before that time every man paid alike: for men are taken to be interessed in the Commonweal according to their means. The last and basest sort of Citizens were named Capitecensi,* 1.27 and were set in the Subsidie at three hundred seventy five pieces of money. Such as were not assessed, had no voice in the Commonweal.
The second and chiefest part of this office was in reforming manners,* 1.28 as the ground-plot and foundation of every Commonwealth; to which end they had power to enquire into every mans life. If any one had plaid the ill husband, and neglected his Farm, or left his Vine untrimmed, the Censors took notice of it. If a Roman knight kept his horse lean, it was a matter for them to look into. They deposed, or brought in, new Senators. They reviewed all degrees and conditions of men: advanced this man from a mean Tribe to a more honourable, and pulled an∣other down. They had the care of buildings, repairing of high wayes, with other publick works; and were reputed of the best rank of Magistrates in Rome.* 1.29 L. Roscius had formerly been one of Caesar's Legates in Gallia: as ap∣peareth in the fifth Commentary; Tertiam in Es∣suos, L. Roscio; the third legion amongst the Essui, under L. Roscius. The Prator was Judge in causes of controversy, and differences between party and party; and was as the Caddy amongst the Turks.
Caesac.
Pompeius ut primum ••empab. ••g∣gressus est, non quem∣quam animo pa••em 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Vell••ias Pa∣ter ••ul.
Ne quid respub, detrimenti capiat. Consecuti sunt dies Co••••ia∣les, per quos senatus ha∣beri non poterat. Cic. L. fra∣t••i.
Ut gratia oneri, sic ultio in quaestu ha∣betur, Tac.
Suprema lex Salus reipub.
Lib. 3.
Plutarch in the life of Cicero.
5. Philip. Cons••lious totam Rem∣pub. com∣mendendam censco, ••is∣que permit∣tendum ut rempub. defendant, provide∣antque ne∣quid detri∣menti res∣pub. acci∣piat.
Fabius.
2. De Fastis.
Fab. Max.
Lentulus.
Scipio.
Marcellus.
M. Anton.
Cassi••s.
Piso.
To know the number of Citizens.
Their age.
De Fast.
Halicarnas∣seus, lib. 4.
Go••••fred ad L. aeta∣tem 3.
••. D•• Cens.
Their cal∣ling.
Majorum primus quis∣quis fuit ille tuorum, Aut Pastor ••uit, aut illud quod dicere nol••. Their abi∣lity.
Florus l. ••. cap. 6.
Gell. lib. 16. cap. 10. Aetis.
Poly. lib. 6.
L. Roscius.