The commentaries of C. Julius Cæsar of his warres in Gallia, and the civil warres betwixt him and Pompey / translated into English with many excellent and judicious observations thereupon ; as also The art of our modern training, or, Tactick practise, by Clement Edmonds Esquire, ... ; where unto is adjoyned the eighth commentary of the warres in Gallia, with some short observations upon it ; together with the life of Cæsar, and an account of his medalls ; revised, corrected, and enlarged.

The seventh Commentarie, of the warres in GALLIA. (Book 7)

The Argument.

THis last Commentarie containeth the specialities of the war which Caesar made against all the States of Gallia uni∣ted into one confederacy, for the expelling of the Roman government out of that Continent, whom Caesar overthrew in the end, Horribili vigilantia, & prodigiosis operibus, by his horrible vigi∣lancy and prodigious actions.

CHAP. I.

The Galles enter into new deliberations of revolt.

GAllia being in quiet,* 1.1 Caesar, accord∣ing to his determination, went in∣to Italy to keep Courts and Sessi∣ons. There he under stood that P. Clodius was slain, and of a De∣cree which the Senate had made, touching the assembly of all the youth of Italy: and thereupon he purposed to inrole new bands throughout the whole Province. These newes were quickly caried over the Alpes into Gallia, & the Galles themselves added such rumours to it, as the matter seemed well to to bear; that Caesar was now detained by the troubles at Rome, and in such dissensions could not return to his army. Being stirred up by this occasion, such as before were inwardly grieved, that they were subject to the Empire of the people of Rome, did now more freely and boldly enter into the conside∣ration of warre. The Princes and chiefest men of Gallia having appointed councels and meetings in remote and woody places, complain∣ed of the death of Acco, and shewed it to be a fortune which might concern themselves. They pity the common misery of Gallia, and do pro∣pound all manner of promises and rewards to such as will begin the warre, and with the dan∣ger of their lives redeem the liberty of their countrey: where in they are to be very carefull not to foreslow any time, to the end that Caesar may be stopt from coming to his army before their secret conferences be discovered. Which might easily be done, forasmuch as neither the Legions durst go out of their wintering camps in the absence of their Generall, nor the Gene∣rall come to the Legions without a convoy. To conclude, they held it better to die in fight, then to lose their ancient honour in matter of war, and the liberty left them by their predecessors.

OBSERVATIONS.

THis Chapter discovereth such sparkles of re∣volt, rising from the discontentment of the conquered Galles, as were like to break out into an universall burning; and within a while proved such a fire, as the like hath not been seen in the continent of Gallia. For this sommers work verified the saying of the Samnites,* 1.2 Quod pax servientibus gravior quam liberis bellum esset, That peace is more grievous to those that are in vassalage, then warre is to free men: and was carried on either part with such a resolu∣tion, as in respect of this service, neither the Galles did before that time ingage themselves se∣riously in their countries cause, nor did the Ro∣mans know the difficulty of their task. But as Epaminondas called the fields of Boeotia,* 1.3 Mars his scaffold where he kept his games; or as Xe∣nophon nameth the city of Ephesus the Armo∣rers shop: so might Gallia for this year be cal∣led the Theatre of war. The chiefest encourage∣ment of the Galles at this time, was the trouble and dissension at Rome about the death of Clo∣dius, and the accusation of Milo for killing Clodius.

This Clodius (as Plutarch reporteth) was a young man of a noble house,* 1.4 but wild and in∣solent, and much condemned for profaning a secret sacrifice, which the Ladies of Rome did celebrate in Caesars house, by coming amongst them disguised in the habit of a young singing wench, which he did for the love of Pompeia, Caesars wife: whereof being openly accused, he was quitted by secret means which he made to the Judges; and afterwards obtained the Tribuneship of the people, and caused Cicero to be banished, and did many outrages and inso∣lencies in his Tribuneship: which caused Milo to kill him, for which he was also accused. And the Senate fearing that this accusation of Milo,

being a bold-spirited man and of good quality, would move some uproar or sedition in the city, they gave commission to Pompey to see justice executed, as well in this cause, as for other of∣fences,* 1.5 that the city might be quiet, and the commonwealth suffer no detriment. Where∣upon Pompey possest the market-place, where the cause was to be heard with bands of souldi∣ers and troups of armed men. And these were the troubles in Rome upon the death of Clodius, which the Galles did take as an occasion of revolt, hoping thereby that Caesar (being in Gallia Cisalpina, which province was allotted to his government,* 1.6 as well as that Gallia North∣ward the Alpes,) would have been detained from his army.

CHAP. II.

The men of Chartres take upon them the beginning of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, under the conduction of Cotuatus and Conctodunus.

THese things being thus disputed,* 1.7 the men of Chart••es did make them∣selves the chief of that war, refusing no danger for the common safety of their country. And forasmuch as at that present they could not give caution by hostage, lest the matter should be discove∣red; they desire to have their covenants strengthened by oath, and by mutuall collation of their mi••••tary ensignes, which was the most religious ceremony they could use to bind the rest not to forsake them, having made an en∣trance and beginning to that war. The men of Chartres being commended by the rest, and the oathes of all them that were present being taken, and a time appointed to begin, they brake up the assembly. When the day came, they of Chartres under the conduction of Cotuatus and Conetodunus, two desperate fellowes, upon a watchword given, ran speedily to* 1.8 Genabum; and such Roman citizens as were there upon businesse, namely C. Fusius Cotta, a knight of Rome, whom Caesar had left overseer of the provision of corn, they slew, and took their goods. The report thereof was quickly spread over all the States of Gallia. for when any such great or extraordinary matter happeneth, they signify it through the country by an out-cry and shout, which is taken by others, and deli∣vered to the next, and so goeth from hand to hand, as it happened at this time: for that which was done at Genabum at Sun-rising, was before the first watch of the night was ended heard in the confines of the Arverni, which is above a hundred and threescore miles distant.

OBSERVATIONS.

THis manner of out-cry here mentioned to be usuall in Gallia, was the same which re∣maineth in use at this present in Wales,* 1.9 although not so frequent as in former times. For the custome is there, as often as any robbery hap∣peneth to be committed, or any man to be slain, or what other outrage or riot is done, the next at hand do go to some eminent place where they may be best heard, and there they make an out∣cry or howling, which they call a Hooboub, signifying the fact to the next inhabitants, who take it as passionately, and deliver it further, and so from hand to hand it quickly spreadeth over all the country. It is a very ready way to put the country in arms, and was first devi∣sed (as it seemeth) for the stay and apprehen∣sion of robbers and outlaws, who kept in strong holds, and lived upon the spoil of the borde∣ring inhabitants: but otherwise it savoureth of Barbarisme, rather then of any civile govern∣ment.

CHAP. III.

Vercingetorix stirreth up the Arverni to the like commotion and revo••t.

IN like manner Vercingetorix the son of Celtillus,* 1.10 of the nation of the Arverm, a young man of great power and authority, (whose father was the Commander of all Gallia, and because he sought a kingdome, was slain by those of his own State,) calling together his followers and clients, did easily incense them to rebellion. His purpose being known, every man took arms; and so he was driven out of the town of Ger∣govia by Gobanitio his unckle & other Princes, who thought it not safe to make triall of that fortune. And yet he desisted not, but enrol∣led needy and desperate people; and with such troups, whom soever he met withall of the State, he did easily draw them to his party, perswa∣ding them to take arms for the defence of com∣mon liberty. And having at length got great forces together, he expelled his adversaries out of the town, by whom he was himself before thrust out. He was called of his men by the title of King, and sent Embassages into all parts, adjuring them to continue constant and faithfull. The Senones, the Parisii, the Pi∣ctones, the Cadurci, the Turones, the Aulerci, the Lemovic••s, the Andes, and all the rest that border upon the Occan were quickly made of his party: and by all their consents the chief command was conferred upon him. Which authority being offered him, he commanded hostages to be brought in unto him from all those States, and a certain number of sould∣ers to be sent him with all speed. He rated every city what proportion of arms they should have ready, and specially he laboured to raise great store of horse. To extraordinary dili∣gence he added extraordinary severity, com∣pelling

such as stood doubtfull by hard and severe punishment: for such as had commit∣ted a great offence, he put to death by fire and torture; lesser faults he punished with the losse of their nose or their eies, and so sent them home, that by their example others might be terrified. By these practises and severity having speedily raised a great army, he sent Lucterius of Cahors, a man of great spirit and boldnesse, with part of the forces, towards the Rutheni, and he himself made towards the Bituriges. Upon his coming the Bituriges sent to the Hedui, in whose protection they were, in require aid against Vercingeto∣rix. The Hedui, by the advice of the Legates which Caesar had left with the army, sent for∣ces of horse and foot to the aid of the Bituriges: who coming to the river Loire, which divideth the Bituriges from the Hedui, after a few dayes stay, not daring to passe over the river, re∣turned home again, bringing word to our Le∣gates, that they durst not commit themselves to the Bituriges, and so returned. For they knew that if they had passed over the river, the Bituriges had inciosed them in on the one side, and the Arverni on the other. But whe∣ther they did return upon that occasion, or through perfidious treachery, it remaineth doubtfull. The Bituriges upon their depar∣ture did presently joyn themseleves with the Arverni.

OBSERVATIONS.

IT is observed by such as are acquainted with matter of Government,* 1.11 that there ought to be alwayes a proportion of quality between him that commandeth and them that obey: for if a man of Sardanapalus condition should take upon him the charge of Marius army, it were like to take no better effect, then if Manlius had the leading of lascivious Cinaedes.* 1.12 And as we may observe in oeconomicall policy, a dissolute master may as soon command hair to grow on the palm of his hand,* 1.13 as to make a vertuous servant; but the respect of duty be∣tween such relatives doth likewise inferre the like respect of quality: so in all sorts and con∣ditions of command, there must be sympathi∣zing means, to unite the diversity of the parts in the happy end of perfect Government. In this new Empire which befell Vercingetorix, we may observe a double proportion between him and his people. The first, of strength and ability; and the other, of quality and resem∣blance of affection: upon the assurance of which proportion he grounded the austerity of his command. For it appeareth that his first beginning was by perswasion and intreaty, and would indure no direction, but that which was guided by a loose and easy reine; hold∣ing it neither safe nor seemly, but rather a strain of extreme madnesse, first to punish or threaten, and then to want power to make good his judgements: but being strengthened by au∣thority from themselves, and backed with an army able to controll their disobedience, he then added punishment as the ensign of Ma∣gistracy, and confirmed his power by rigorous commands; which is as necessary a demon∣stration of a well-settled government, as any circumstance belonging thereunto.

Touching the resemblance and proportion of their qualities, it is manifestly shewed by the sequele of this history, that every man desired to redeem the common liberty of their coun∣try, in that measure of endeavour as was fitting so great a cause. Amongst whom Vercinge∣torix being their chief Commander, summae diligentiae (as the story saith) added summam severitatem,* 1.14 to great diligence great severity; as well assured, that the greater part would ap∣prove his justice, and condemn the uncertainty of doubtfull resolutions, desiring no further service at their hands, then that wherein himself would be the formost. In imitation of Vale∣rius Corvinus: Factamea, non dicta, vos mi∣lites sequi volo; nec disciplinam modo, sed exemplum etiam à me petere; I would have you, O my Souldiers, do as I do, and not so much mind what I say; and to take not your discipline only, but your pattern also from me. And therefore the party was like to be well up∣held; forasmuch as both the Prince and the peo∣ple were so far ingaged in the matter intended, as by the resemblance of an earnest desire might answer the measure of due propor∣tion.

CHAP. IV.

Caesar cometh into Gallia, and by a device getteth to his army.

THese things being told Caesar in I∣taly;* 1.15 assoon as he understood that the matters in the city were by the wisdome of Pompey brought into better state, he took his journey into Gallia, and being come thither he was much troubled how to get to his army. For if he should send for the Legions into the Province, he understood that they should be certainly fought withall by the way in his absence. If he himself should go unto them, he doubted how he might safely commit his person to any, although they were such as were yet in peace. In the mean time Lucterius of Cahors being sent against the Rutheni, doth easily unite that State to the Arverni: and proceeding further against the Nitiobriges and the Ga∣bali, he received hostages of both of them, and having raised a great power, he laboured

to break into the Province, and to make to∣wards Narbo. Which being known, Caesar resolved by all means to put him by that pur∣pose, and went himself to Narbo. At his coming he incouraged such as stood doubtfull or timorous, and placed garrisons amongst the Rutheni, the Volsci, and about Narbo, which were frontier places and near unto the enemy, and commanded part of the forces which were in the Province, together with those supplies which he had brought out of Italy, to go a∣gainst the Helvii, which are adjoyning upon the Arverni. Things being thus ordered, Lucterius being now suppressed and removed holding it to be dangerous to enter among the garrisons, he himself went towards the Hel∣vii. And albeit the hill Gebenna, which di∣videth the Arverni from the Helvii, by reason of the hard time of winter and the depth of the snow, did hinder their passage; yet by the industry of the souldier making way through snow of six foot deep, they came into the con∣fines of the Arverni: who being suddenly and unawares suppressed, little mistrusting an in∣vasion over the hill Gebenna, which incloseth them in as a wall, and at that time of the year doth not afford a path to a single man alone, he commanded the horsemen to scatter them∣selves far and near to make the enemy the more afraid. These things being speedily carried to Vercingetorix, all the Arverni full of fear and amazement flocked about him, be∣seeching him to have a care of their State, and not to suffer themselves to be sacked by the e∣nemy, especially now at this time, when as all the war was transferred upon them. Upon their instant intreaty he removed his camp out of the territories of the Bituriges, and mar∣ched towards the country of the Arverni. But Caesar having continued two dayes in those places, forasmuch as he understood both by use and opinion, what course Vercingetorix was like to take; he left the army, pretending some supplies of horse, which he went to raise, and appointed young Brutus to command those for∣ces, admonishing him to send out the horsemen into all quarters, and that he himself would not be absent from the camp above three dayes. These things being thus settled, none of his followers knowing his determination, by great journeys he came to Vienna; where taking fresh horse, which he had layd there many dayes before, he ceased neither night nor day, untill he came through the confines of the Hedui to the Lingones, where two legions wintered: to the end if the Hedui should undertake any thing against him, he might with speed pre∣vent it. Being there, he sent to the rest of the Legions, and brought them all to one place, before the Arverni could possibly have notice of it.

OBSERVATIONS.

CAesar upon his first entrance into Gallia,* 1.16 was perplexed how to get to his army: and the matter stood in such terms, as brought ei∣ther the legions or his own person into hazard. For (as he saith) if he should send for the le∣gions to come unto him, they should doubt∣lesse be fought withall by the way, which he was loath to adventure, unlesse himself had been present: or otherwise if he himself had gone unto them, he doubted of the entertain∣ment of the revolting Galles, and might have o∣verthrown his army, by the losse of his own per∣son. In this extremity of choice, he resolved upon his own passage to the army, as lesse dangerous and more honourable, rather then to call the legions out of their wintering camps, where they stood as a check to bridle the inso∣lency of the mutinous Galles, and so to bring them to the hazard of battel in fetching their Generall into the field: whereby he might have lost the victory before he had begun the wars. And for his better safety in this passage, he u∣sed this cunning. Having assured the Roman Province by strong and frequent garrisons on the frontiers, and removed Lucterius from those parts; gathering together such supplies as he had brought with him out of Italy, with other forces which he found in the Province, he went speedily into the territories of the* 1.17 Arverni, making a way over the hill* 1.18 Gebenna, at such a time of the year as made it unpassable for any forces, had they not been led by Caesar; only for this purpose, to have it noised abroad, that whereas Vercingetorix and the Arverni had principally undertook the quarrell against the Romans, and made the beginning of a new war, Caesar would first deal with them, and lay the weight thereof upon their shoulders, by calling their fortunes first in question, to the end he might possesse the world with an opinion of his presence in that country, and draw Vercinge∣torix back again to defend his state, whilst he in the mean time did slip to his army without suspition or fear of perill: for staying there no longer then might serve to give a sufficient co∣lour to that pretence, and leaving those forces to execute the rest, and to make good the secret of the project, he conveyed himself to his army with such speed and celerity,* 1.19 as doth verify the saying of Suetonius; quod persaepe nuncios de se praevenit, that he often outwent the ordinary messengers.

These blinds and false intendments are of speciall use in matter of war, and serve as well to get advantages upon an enemy, as to clear a difficulty by cleanly evasion: neither is a Com∣mander the lesse valued for fine conveyance in military projects, but deserveth rather greater

honour for adding art unto valour, and sup∣planting the strength of opposition with the sleight of wit.

—Dolus an virtus quis in hoste requirit?

Who looks at fraud or valour in a foe? hath alwayes been held a principle amongst men of warre. And Lisander his counsell is the same in effect, that where the Lions skin will not serve the turn, there take the Foxes. Carbo spake it to the commendation of Sylla, that he had to do both with a Lion and a Fox, but he feared more his Foxes pate then his Lions skin. It is reported that Anniball excelled all other of his time for abusing the enemy in matter of stratageme, for he never made fight but with an addition of assistants, supporting force with art, and the fury of armes with the subtiltie of wit.

Of late time amongst other practises of this nature, the treaty at Ostend is most memorable, entertained onely to gain time: that while speech of parlee was continued, and pledges de∣livered to the Archduke Albertus, for the safety of such as were sent into the town to capitulate with the Generall, there might be time gained for the sending in of such supplies of men and munition as were wanting, to make good the defence thereof: which were no sooner taken in, but the Treaty proved a stratageme of warre.

In these foiles and tricks of wit, which at all times and in all ages have been highly esteemed in men of warre, as speciall vertues beseeming the condition of a great Commander, if it be demanded how far a Generall may proceed in abusing an enemy by deeds or words; I cannot speak distinctly to the question: but sure I am, that Surena, Lieutenant generall of the Parthi∣an army, did his master good service, in abusing Crassus the Roman Generall by fair promises; or as Plutarch saith,* 1.20 by foul perjury, till in the end he brought his head to be an actor in a Tra∣gedy: albeit Surena never deserved well of good report since that time. Howsoever, men of civill society ought not to draw this into use from the example of souldiers, forasmuch as it is a part of the profession of cutting of throats, and hath no prescription but in extremities of warre.

CHAP. V.

Vercingetorix besigeth Gergovia, Caesar taketh in Vellaunodunum and Genabum.

THis being known,* 1.21 Vercingetorix brought back his army again into the countrey of the Bituriges, and thence marched to besiege Ger∣govia, a town held by the Boii, whom Caesar had left there after the Helveti∣an warre, and given the jurisdiction of the town to the Hedui. which brought Caesar into great perplexitie, whether he should keep the Legions in one place for that time of winter which remained, and so suffer the stipendaries of the Hedui to be taken and spoiled, whereby all Gallia might take occasion to revolt, foras∣much as the Romans should seem to afford no protection or countenance to their friends; or otherwise draw his army out of their wintering-camps sooner then was usuall, and thereby be∣come subject to the difficulties of provision and carriage of corn. Notwithstanding it seemed better, and so he resolved, rather to undergo all difficulties, then by taking such a scorn to loose the good wils of all his followers. And therefore perswading the Hedui diligently to make supply of necessary provisions, he sent to the Boii, to advertise them of his coming, to encourage them to continue loyall, and nobly to resist the assaults of the enemy: and leaving two Legions with the carriages of the whole army at Agendicum, he marched towards the Boii. The next day coming to a Town of the Senones called Vellaunodunum, he determined to take it in, to the end he might leave no ene∣my behind him, which might hinder a speedy supply of victuals: and in two dayes he inclo∣sed it about with a ditch and a rampier. The third day some being sent out touching the gi∣ving up of the town, he commanded all their arms and their cattell to be brought out, and six hundred pledges to be delivered. Leaving C. Trebonius a Legate to see it performed; he himself made all speed towards Genabum in the territories of the men of Chartres; who as soon as they heard of the taking in of Vellau∣nodunum, perswading themselves the matter would not rest so, they resolved to put a strong garrison into Genabum. Thither came Cae∣sar within two dayes, and incamping himself before the Town, the evening drawing on, he put off the assault unto the next day, comman∣ding the souldiers to prepare in a readinesse such things as should be necessary for that ser∣vice. And forasmuch as the town of Gena∣bum had a bridge leading over the river Loire, he feared least they of the town would steal a∣way in the night: for prevention whereof he commanded two Legions to watch all night in arms. The townsmen a little before mid∣night went out quietly, and began to pass over the river. Which being discovered by the Scouts, Caesar with the Legions which he had ready in armes, burnt the gates, and entring the Town took it; the greatest number of the enemy being taken, and a very few escaping, by reason of the narrowness of the bridge and the way which shut in the multitude. The town being sacked and burned, and given for a booty to the souldiers, he caried his army over the ri∣ver Loire, into the territories of the Bituriges.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

IT is a known and an approved saying, E malis minimum est eligendum, of evils the least is to be chosen: but in a presentment of evils to be able to discern the difference, and to chuse the least, Hic labor, hoc opus, here's all the skill and work. Vercingetorix besieging Ger∣govia (a stipendary town belonging to the He∣dui,* 1.22 that of long time had served the Roman Empire,) at such a time of the year as would not afford provision of victuall for the maintenance of an army, but with great difficulty and incon∣venience of carriage and convoy; Caesar was much perplexed, whether he should forbear to succour the town and raise the siege, or undergo the hazard of long and tedious convoyes. A matter often falling into dispute, although it be in other terms, whether honesty or honourable respect ought to be preferred before private ease and particular commodity. Caesar hath decla∣red himself touching this point, preferring the honour of the people of Rome, as the majesty of their Empire, and the reputation which they desired to hold, touching assistance and prote∣ction of their friends, before any inconveni∣ence which might happen to their army. And not without good reasons, which may be drawn as well from the worthiness of the cause, as from the danger of the effect: for duties of vertue and respects of honesty, as the noblest parts of the mind, do not onely challenge the service of the inferiour faculties of the soul; but do also com∣mand the body and the casaulties thereof, in such sort as is fitting the excellency of their pre∣rogative: for otherwise vertue would find but bare attendance, and might leave her scepter for want of lawfull authority. And therefore Cae∣sar chose rather to adventure the army upon the casualties of hard provision, then to blemish the Roman name with the infamy of disloyalty. Which was less dangerous also in regard of the effect: for where the bond is of value, there the forfeiture is great: and if that tie had been broken, and their opinion deceived touching the expe∣ctation of assistance and help, all Gallia might have had just cause of revolt, and disclaimed the Roman government for non-protection. To conclude then, let no man deceive himself in the present benefit, which private respect may bring upon the refusall of honest regard, for the end will be a witness of the errour, and prove ho∣nesty to be best policie.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

IT is observed by some writers,* 1.23 that Caesar never undertook any action, or at the least brought it not to triall, but he first assured him∣self of these four things.

The first was provision of victuals, as the very foundation of warlike expeditions, where∣of I have already treated in the first Commen∣tary: the difficulty whereof made him so doubt∣full to undertake the relief of Gergovia. And doubtless whosoever goeth about any enterprize of warre, without certain means of victuall and provision, must either carry an army of Cameli∣ons that may live by the aire, or intend nothing but to build castles in the aire, or otherwise shall be sure to find his enemy either in his bosome, or as the Proverb is in Plutarch,* 1.24 to leap on his belly with both his feet.

The second thing was provision of all neces∣saries, which might be of use in that service: wherewith he alwayes so abounded, that there might rather want occasion to use them, then he be wanting to answer occasion. And these were the instruments whereby he made such admirable works, such bridges, such mounts, such trenches, such huge armadoes, as appeareth by the sea-••ight with the maritime cities of Gallia:* 1.25 according to which his former custome, forasmuch as the day was far spent before he came to Genabum, he commanded such things to be sitted and had in a readiness, as might serve for the siege the next day.

The third thing was an army for the most part of old souldiers, whom the Romans called Veteram, whereof he was likewise at this time provided; for the two legions which were fresh and lately inroled, he left at Agend••cum with the carriages, taking onely the old souldiers for this service, as knowing that in pugna usum amplius prodesse quam vires, usefulness is more serviceable in warre then numbers.

The fourth thing was the triall and experience of the enemies forces, which the former victo∣ries assured him to be inferiour to the Romans; it being alwayes a rule in the Roman discipline, (as I have already noted,)* 1.26 by light and easie skirmishes, to acquaint the souldiers with the manner of the enemies fight, Ne eos novum bel∣lum, novus hostis terreret, least a new kinde of fight, or enemy might affright them; as L••vy saith.

CHAP. VI.

Caesar taketh in Noviodunum, and beateth the enemy coming to rescue the Town.

VErcingetorix understanding of Cae∣sars coming,* 1.27 left the siege, and went to meet him. Caesar resolved to take a town lying in his way in the territories of the Bituriges, cal∣led Noviodunum. Which they of the town per∣ceiving, sent out unto him to beseech him to spare them, and to give order for their safety. To the end therefore that he might speed tha••

business with as much celerity as he had ac∣complished former services, he commanded them to bring out their arms, their horse, and to deliver pledges. Part of the hostages being given, while the rest were in delivering over, divers Centurions and a few souldiers being admitted into the town, to seek out their wea∣pons and their horses, the horsemen of the ene∣my, which marched before Vercingetorix army, were discovered a farre off: which the towns∣men had no sooner perceived, and thereby con∣ceived some hope of relief, but they presently took up a shout, and betook themselves to their arms, shut the gates, and began to make good the walls. The Centurions that were in the town perceiving some new resolution of the Galles, with their swords drawn possest themselves of the gates, and saved both themselves and their men that were in the town. Caesar commanded the horsemen to be drawn out of the camp, and to begin the charge. And as they began to give ground, he sent four hundred German horsemen to second them, whom he had resol∣ved to keep with him from the first: who charged the enemy with such fury, that the Galles could no way endure the assault, but were presently put to flight; and many of them being slain, the rest retired back to the army. Upon their overthrow, the townsmen were worse affrighted then they were before; and having apprehended such as were thought to have stirred up the people, they brought them to Caesar, and yielded themselves unto him. Which being ended, Caesar marched towards the town of Avaricum, which was the greatest and best fortified of all the towns in the territories of the Bituriges, and situate in the most fertile part of the countrey; for that being taken in, he doubted not to bring the whole State of the Bituriges easily into his sub∣jection.

OBSERVATIONS.

FOrasmuch as nothing is more changeable then the mind of man, which (notwithstand∣ing the low degree of baseness wherein it often sitteth,) will as occasion giveth way to revenge, readily amount to the height of tyranny, and spare no labour to crie quittance with an ene∣my: it hath been thought expedient in the wise∣dome of foregoing ages, to pluck the wings of so mounting a bird, and to deprive an enemy of such means, as may give hope of liberty by mu∣tinie and revolt.

The practise of the Romans in taking in any town,* 1.28 was to leave them forceless, that howso∣ever they might stand affected, their nails should be surely paied for scratching, and their power confined to the circuit of their mind. For as it appeareth by this and many other places of Cae∣sar, no rendry of any town was accepted, untill they had delivered all their arms, both offensive and defensive, with such engines and instru∣ments of warre as might any way make for the defence of the same. Neither that onely, but such beasts also, whether Horse or Elephant, or any other whatsoever, as might any way advan∣tage the use of those weapons. Which as it was a great dismay and weakning to the enemy; so was it short of the third condition, commanding the delivery of so many hostages or pledges as were thought convenient, being the prime of their youth, and the flower of their manhood, and were as the marrow to their bones, and the sinewes to that body. Whereby it came to pass, that the remnant was much disabled in strength, concerning their number of fighting men; and such as were left had neither arms nor means to make resistance.

The Turke observeth the same course with the Christians, but in a more cruell and barba∣rous manner: for he cometh duely at a certain time, not regarding any former demeanour, and leadeth away the flower of their youth, to be in∣vested in impiety and infidelity, and to be made vassalls of heathenish impurity.

Oftentimes we reade, that a conquered peo∣ple were not onely interdicted armes, but the matter also and the art whereby such armes were made and wrought: for where the people are great, and mettall and matter plenty, it is a chance if artificers be wanting to repair their loss, and to refurnish their armoury. At the siege of Carthage the Romans having taken away their armes, they notwithstanding, find∣ing store of mettall within the town, caused workmen to make every day a hundred targets and three hundred swords, besides arrowes and casting slings, using womens hair for want of hemp, and pulling down their houses for tim∣ber to build shipping. Whereby we may per∣ceive, that a Generall cannot be too carefull to deprive an enemy of all such helps as may any way strengthen his hand, or make way to re∣sistance.

CHAP. VII.

Vercingetorix perswadeth the Galles to a new course of warre.

VErcingetorix having received so many losses one in the neck of another,* 1.29* 1.30 Vellaunodunum,* 1.31 Ge∣nabum &* 1.32 Noviodunum being ta∣ken, he calleth his men to councel, and telleth them that the war must be carried in another course then it hath been heretofore; for they must endeavour by all means to keep the Romans from forrage and convoy of vi∣ctuall: which would easily be brought to pass, forasmuch as they themselves did abound in

horsemen: and for that the time of the year did not yet serve to get forrage in the field, the enemy must necessarily seek it in houses and barns, whereby the forragers would dayly be cut off by their horsemen. Moreover, for their safety and defence they were to neglect their private commoditie: their houses and their villages were to be burnt up round about as far as Boia, wheresoever the Romans might go to fetch their forrage. For themselves they thought it reason that they should make supply of victuall and provision, in whose possessions they were, and for whom they fought. By this means the Rom. would never be able to endure that want as would befall them, or at the least be constrained to fetch their provisions farre off, with great danger and perill to themselves: neither did it make any matter whether they killed them or put them besides their carri∣ages; for without necessary supplies they were never able to hold war. And to conclude, such towns were likewise to be set on fire, as by the strength of their situation were not safe from danger, lest they should prove receptacles to linger and detract the warre, and serve the Romans for booty and supplies of provision. And albeit these things might seem heavie and bitter; yet they ought to esteem it more grie∣vous to have their wives and their children led away into servitude, and themselves to be slain by the sword of the enemy: which doth necessarily fall upon a conquered people. This opinion was generally approved by the consent of all men, and more then twenty cities of the Bituriges were burnt in one day: the like was done in other States, great fires were to be seen in all parts. And although all men took it very grievously, yet they propounded this comfort unto themselves, that the enemy being by this means defeated, they should quickly re∣cover their losses. Touching Avaricum they disputed it in common councel, whether it should be burnt or defended. The Bituriges do prostrate themselves at the feet of all the Galles, that they might not be forced to set on fire with their own hands, the fairest citie in all Gallia, being both an ornament and a strength to their State; they would easily de∣fend it by the site of the place, being incircled round about with a river and a bog, and being accessible by one narrow passage onely. At length leave being granted them to keep it, Ve••cingetorix at first disswading them from it, and afterwards yielding unto it, moved by the intreaty of the Galles, and the commisera∣tion of the common multitude; and so a fit gar∣rison was chosen to defend the town.

OBSERVATIONS.

I Have seen an Imprese with a circle,* 1.33 and a hand with a sharp stile pointing towards the centre with this motto, Hic labor, hoc opus, this is a thing of work and labour; signifying thereby, that albeit the Area thereof were plain∣ly and distinctly bounded, and the Diameter of no great length, yet it was not an easie matter to find the Centre, which is the heart and chiefest part of that figure. In like manner, there is no business or other course so easie or plain, but the centre may be mistaken, and the difficulty com∣monly resteth in hitting that point, which giveth the circumference an equall and regular motion.

The Galles were resolved to undertake the defence of their countrey, and to redeem their liberty with the hazard of their lives: but it seemeth they were mistaken in the means, and ran a course farre short of the centre. For Ver∣cingetorix perceiving the Romans dayly to get upon the Galles, first by taking in one town, secondly another, and lastly of a third, he ad∣vised them to set on fire all the countrey houses, villages and towns for a great circuit round a∣bout, and so force the Romans to fetch their for∣rage and provisions farre off, and undergo the difficulties of long convoyes, whereby the Galles might make use of their multitude of horse, and keep the Romans without supplies of necessary provisions: and so they doubted not but to give a speedy end to that warre. And this h•• took to be the centre of that business, and the true use of their advantage.

Polybius writeth,* 1.34 that M. Regulus having di∣vers times overthrown the Carthaginians in battell, one Xantippus a Lacedemonian, clearly perceiving the cause of their often routs, began openly to say, that the Carthaginians were not overthrown by the valour of the Romans, but by their own ignorance: for they exceeding the Romans in horse and Elephants, had neglected to fight in the champain, where their Cavalry might shew it self, but in hils and woody pla∣ces, where the foot troups were of more force, and so the Romans had the advantage. Where∣by the manner of the war being changed, and by the counsell of the preguant Greek, brought from the hills into the levell of the plain, the Carthaginians recovered all their former losses by one absolute victory. In like manner An∣niball finding himself to exceed the Romans in strength of cavalrie, did alwayes endeavour to affront them in open and champain countries; and as often as the Romans durst meet him,* 1.35 he put them to the worse: but Fabius perceiving the disadvantage, kept himself alwayes upon the hils, and in covert and uneven places, and so made the advantage of the place equall the multitude of the enemies horsemen.

There is no greater scorn can touch a man of reputation and place, then to be thought not to understand his own business. For as wise∣dome is the excellency of humane nature, so doth want of judgement deject men to the con∣dition

of such as Aristotle calleth servants by nature:* 1.36 whose wit being too weak to support any weight,* 1.37 do recompence that want with the service of their body, and are wholy employed in a Porters occupation.* 1.38 Which Homer lay∣eth upon Diomedes shoulders, with as fine conveyance as he doth the rest of his inven∣tions. For Ulysses and he going out on a par∣tie to do some exploit upon the Trojans, they carried themselves so gallantly, that they fell to share King Rhesus chariot and horses. U∣lysses presently seized upon the horses, being of a delicate Thracian breed, and Diomedes seemed well contented with the chariot. But being to carry it away, Pallas advised him to let it alone, lest he might prove his strength to be greater then his wit, and yet not find so much neither as would carry it away.

But for these directions which Vercingeto∣rix gave unto the Galles, I referre the Rea∣der to the sequele of the History, wherein he shall find how they prevailed.

CHAP. VIII.

Caesar besiegeth Avaricum, and is distressed for want of corn.

VErcingetorix followed Caesar by small and easy journeyes,* 1.39 and chose a place to incamp in, fortified about with bogs and woods, fifteen miles distant from Avaricum: where he understood what was done at Avaricum every hour of the day, and commanded likewise what he would have done. He observed all our for∣raging and harvesting, and did set upon such as went far off upon any such occasion, and in∣cumbred them with great inconveniences: albeit they took what course they could to meet with it, as to go out at uncertain times, and by unknown and unusuall wayes. Caesar in∣camping himself before that part of the town which was not shut in with the river nor the bog, and afforded but a narrow and streight pas∣sage, began to make a mount, to drive vines, and to raise two towers; (for the nature of the place would not suffer him to inclose it round about with a ditch and a rampier;) and never rested to admonish the Hedui and the Boii to bring in supplies of corn: of whom the one, by reason of the small care and pains they took, did little help him; the other, of no great ability, being a small and a weak State, did quickly consume all that they had. The army was distressed for want of corn, by reason of the poverty of the Boii, and the indiligence of the Hedui, together with the burning of the houses in the country, in such manner as they wanted corn for many dayes together, and su∣stained their lives with beasts and cattell which they had fetched a great way off: and yet no one voice at all was heard to come from them, unworthy the majesty of the Roman Empire, and their former victories. And whenas Cae∣sar did speak unto the legions severally as they were in the works, that if their wants were heavy and bitter unto them, he would leave off the siege; all of them with one voice desired him not to do so, for since they had so serv'd many years under his command, as they never had received any dishonour, neither had they at a∣ny time departed and left the businesse undone; it would be imputed unto them as an ignominy and disgrace to leave this siege; and that they had rather undergo all difficulties, then not to revenge the death of the citizens of Rome that by treachery were slain at Genabum. The same speeches they delivered to the Centurions and Tribunes, to be told Caesar.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THe worth of a Souldier consisteth in a dispo∣sition of mind and body,* 1.40 which maketh him apt to suffer and to undergo the difficulties of war. For let his resolution otherwise be ne∣ver so great, and his courage invincible in the day of battel; yet if he faint under the burthen of such tediousnesse as usually attendeth upon warlike designments, he is no way fit for any great enterprise. Pindarus saith, that he un∣derstandeth not the war, that knoweth not that the atchieving of one piece of service, is alwayes accompanied with the sufferance of another difficulty as great as that which was first inten∣ded. Et facere, & pati fortia, Romanum est. It was the peculiar commendation of the Roman people, patiently to endure the extremities of warfare: which made the Volsci to cry out, That either they must forswear arms, and forget to make war, and receive the yoak of thraldome and bondage;* 1.41 aut tis quibuscum de imperio certetur, nec virtute, nec patientia, nec disci∣plina rei militaris cedendum; or else they must shew themselves no waies inferiour to their an∣tagonists either in valour, or sufferance, or mi∣litary discipline. Appian forgetteth not to say, that the Roman Empire was raised to such great∣nesse, not by fortune or good luck, but by mere valour, and patient enduring of hardnesse and want. Which is the self-same which Crassus in his sorrow uttered to his souldiers, who neither did nor spake many things well:* 1.42 for as Plu∣tarch rightly censureth him out of the Comicall Poet, he was

A good man, any way else but in wars.

The Empire of Rome (saith he) came not to that greatnesse which it now possesseth by good fortune only, but by patient and constant suf∣fering of trouble and adversity; never yielding or giving place to any danger.

Some Italian writers are of an opinion,* 1.43 that the two chiefest parts of a souldier, Valour and Sufferance, are in these times divided unto two nations, the French and the Spaniard: the Spa∣niard making war rather by sufferance then by violence of assaults; and the French impatient of delay, and furious in assaults: so that ac∣cording to his opinion, a Spaniard & a French-man will make one good souldier. Touching the Spaniard, I cannot deny but that he hath the name of one of the best souldiers in Christen∣dome, and I do gladly allow all that vertue can challenge, for truth will prevail against all af∣fection: yet I may say thus much on the behalf of our own people, that we have seldome lost honour in confronting any nation. Concer∣ning the sufferance, and patient induring of hardnesse, which is said to be in the Spaniard, being able to live long with a little, it may per∣adventure not unfitly be attributed to the proper∣ty of their country, and the nature of their cli∣mate, which will not bear nor digest such plen∣ty of food, as is required in colder countries: and thereupon being born to so weak a digesti∣on, they are as well satisfied with a root or a sal∣let, as others with better plenty of food; and therein they goe beyond other Nations. Of the French I say nothing, but leave them to make good the opinion of the Italian Writer.

Suetonius witnesseth of Caesar, that he him∣self was laboris ultra fidem patiens, one that endured toil beyond belief, whereby he might the better move his army to endure with patience the difficulties of the siege: and yet so artifici∣ally, as he seemed rather willing to leave it un∣effected, then to impose any burthen upon them, which they themselves should be unwilling to bear; the rather to draw the Legions to in∣gage themselves therein, by denying to for∣sake it, then to cast that upon them, which their-unwillingnesse might easily have put off.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

VVE may further observe, the means the soul∣diers used to acquaint Caesar with their de∣sires, which was by the Tribunes and Centuri∣ons. For as these were mediate Officers be∣tween the Generall and them, and delivered the mandates and directions of the Emperour to the souldier; so did the souldiers use their help to make known unto him their requests: as be∣sides this place may appear in the first Com∣mentary, where they desired to give him satis∣faction touching the fear they had con∣ceived of Ariovistus and the Germans, which they likewise did by the Centurions and Tribunes.

CHAP. IX.

Caesar leaveth the siege, and goeth to take the enemy upon advantage; but returneth again without fighting.

WHen the towers began to approach near unto the walls,* 1.44 Caesar under∣stood by the captives, that Vercin∣getorix having consumed all his provision of forrage, had removed his camp nearer to Avaricum, and that he himself was gone with the cavalry, and such ready footmen as were accustomed to fight a∣mong the horsemen, to lye in ambush in that place where he thought our men would come a forraging the next day. Which being known, setting forward about midnight in silence, in the morning he came to the enemies camp. They having speedy advertisement by their scouts of Caesars coming, did hide their carri∣ages in the woods, and imbattelled all their for∣ces in an eminent and open place. Which being told Caesar, he commanded the baggage to be speedily laid together, and their arms to be made ready. There was a hill of a gentle ri∣sing from the bottome to the top, incompassed round about with a difficult and troublesome bog of fifty foot in breadth. Upon this hill, the bridge being broken, the Galles kept themselves, trusting to the strength of the place, and being distributed into companies according to their severall States, they kept all the fords and pas∣sages of the bog with watches, with this resolu∣tion, that if the Romans did passe over the bog, they might easily from the higher ground keep them under, as they stuck in the mire, who little reckoning of so small a distance, would deem the fight to be upon equall terms, whereas they themselves well knowing the inequality of the condition, did make but a vain and idle ostentation. The souldiers disdaining that the enemy could endure their presence so near at hand, and requiring the sign of battel, Cae∣sar acquainted them with what detriment and losse of many valiant men, the victory must at that time be bought, who being so resolute that they refused no danger to purchase him ho∣nour, he might well be condemned of great in∣gratitude and villany, if their lives were not dearer unto him then his own safety: and so comforting the souldiers, he brought them back again the same day into the camp, and gave order for such things as were requisite for the siege of the town.

OBSERVATIONS.

THis Chapter hath divers speciall particulars worthy observation. The first is, the oppor∣tunity

which Caesar took to visite the army of the Galles, when Vercingetorix was absent and gone to lie in ambush for the Roman forra∣gers: which was a caveat to Vercingetorix, not to be too busie with the Roman convoyes, lest his absence might draw on such an incon∣venience, as might make him repent for going a birding.

The second is, the inequality which the advan∣tage of the place giveth to a party: which I have already so often spoken of, as I am almost wea∣ry to repeat it; and the rather, for that I have produced this passage in the former book, to sig∣nifie the benefit of such an advantage. Yet for∣asmuch as it is so pregnant to that effect, as may well deserve a double consideration, and was also produced by Caesar himself upon occasion at Gergovia, give me leave to note how much it swayeth to counterpoise the want of the adverse party. Wherein as it cannot be denied, but that it may give such help as may make a small num∣ber equall a farre greater proportion of men; so in Caesars judgement it countervaileth the ab∣sence of the Generall,* 1.45 and maketh the body per∣fect without the head. Neither were they weak∣ned onely with the absence of their Generall; but their cavalry wherein they so much trusted was absent likewise; and yet more then that too, by how much the Roman legions excelled the Galles in valour and prowess of arms: which being all put together is no small advantage. For doubtless if the matter had stood upon equal tearms touching the place, neither the pre∣sence of Vercingetorix, nor the addition of their cavalry to assist them, had hindered the bat∣tell, or turned the Romans back to their camp.

The third thing is, the moderation which he shewed, forbearing to fight, the Galles inso∣lently vaunting, and the Roman souldiers fret∣ting and disdaining the enemies pride: whereby he settled such a confidence of his directions in the minds of his men, by shunning the perill of apparent danger which might fall upon them in particular, as afterwards they would make no question of his commands, but take them as the onely means of their safetie, being never better assured then in performing what he command∣ed. The practice of later times hath not so well deserved of that vertue, but hath often shewed it self more prodigall of bloud, as though men were made onely to fill up ditches, and to be the wofull executioners of other mens rashness.

The last thing is, the making ready of their weapons, arma expediri iussit. Concerning which point, we must understand that the Ro∣mans alwayes carried their targets in cases, and did hang their helmets at their backs, and fit∣ted their piles as might be most convenient with the rest of their carriages. And therefore when∣soever they were to give battel, they were first to put on their helmets, to uncase their targets, to fit their piles, and to make them ready for the charge: and this was called Arma ex∣pedire.

CHAP. X.

Vercingetorix excuseth himself to the Galles for his absence.

VErcingetorix returning back to the army,* 1.46 was accused of treason: in that he had removed his camp near unto the Romans; and further that he had gone away from it, and took all the cavalry with him; that he had left so great an army without any one to com∣mand it; that upon his departure the Romans should come so opportunely and so speedily: for all these things could not fall out by chance without counsell and direction: it seemed he had rather have the kingdome of Gallia by a grant from Caesar, then by their means and gift. Being thus charg••d, he answereth, That he removed the camp for want of forrage, they themselves desiring it. He came near unto the Romans, being led thereunto by the oppor∣tunity of the place, which was such as might defend it self by its own strength; the cavalry was of no use in a boggy place, but might do good service there where it went. He left no man to command the army of purpose, lest by the perswasion of the multitude he should be forced to fight, which he knew they all desired, as not able long to endure any labour. If the Romans came by chance, they were to thank fortune; if by any mans direction, they were beholding unto him that had brought them, where they might from the higher ground both see how small a number they were, and contemn their valour; who not daring to fight, did shamefully return into their camp. He desired to receive no imperiall dignity by treachery from Caesar, which he might other∣wise have by lawfull victory, which was now most certain and sure, both to himself and the rest of the Galles. And for that authority which he had received from them, he was ready to give it up into their hands again, if they thought the honour which they gave him to be greater then the help and safety which they received from him. And to the end you may understand these things to be truly deli∣vered by me, (saith he) hear the Roman soul∣diers. And therewithall he brought forth servants which were taken forraging a few dayes before, miserably tormented with fa∣mine and irons. They being taught before∣hand what to answer, said they were legionary souldiers, and had stole out of the camp to see if they could meet with any corn or cattel in the fields: the whole army suffered the like penu∣ry, and mens strength began to fail them, inso∣much

much that they were not able to undergo any labour: and therefore their Generall had re∣solved, that if he prevailed not against the Town, he would withdraw his army within three dayes. These benefits (saith Vercinge∣torix) you have of me, whom you accuse of treason: for by my means without shedding of your bloud, you see so great a conquering army almost consumed with hunger; and by me it is provided, that when they fly from hence, no State shall receive them into their territories. The whole multitude applauded his speech, by shaking and striking their hands together, as their manner is in such cases, commending Vercingetorix for a great souldi∣er, whose loyalty as it was not to be distrusted, so the war could not have been carried with better directions. They agreed further to send 10000 choise men out of all their forces into the town, as not thinking it fit to commit the common safety of Gallia onely to the Bituriges, for they were perswaded that the summe of all the victory consisted in making good that town against the Romans.

OBSERVATIONS.

A Multitude is Bellua multorum capitum (as one saith) an unreasonable beast of many heads,* 1.47 apt to receive froward and perverse incitements, and hard to be drawn to better understanding, jealous, impatient, treacherous, unconstant, an instrument for a wicked spirit, and sooner moved to mischief by Thersites, then reclaimed to vertue by the authority of Aga∣memnon, or the eloquence of Ulysses, or the wisedome of Nestor, more turbulent then the raging either of the sea, or of a devouring fire. And therefore they may well go together to make a triplicity of evils, according to the say∣ing, Ignis, mare, populus, tria mala; Fire, the Sea, and the rabble multitude are three evils.

Vercingetorix had both his hands full in this service, for his care was no less to keep the Galles from being distasted, then to make his party good against Caesar. It is disputed touching the government of a multitude, whether it be fitter to be severe or obsequious.* 1.48 Tacitus saith peremp∣torily, that In multitudine regenda plus poena quam obsequium valet; foul means does more then fair to the governing of a multitude. But he understandeth such a multitude as are subject to their Commander, either by ancient service, or the interest of regall authority, whereby they are tied to obedience by hereditary duty, and cannot refuse that which custome prescribeth. For otherwise where the people stand free from such bonds, and have submitted themselves to government for some speciall service, there, cle∣mency or obsequious smoothing prevaileth more then the severity of command: according to the saying, Homines duci volunt, non cogi; Men will be led by fair means, not compelled. Upon a dissension which happened at Rome be∣tween the people and the Senate, the people were presently sent into the field under the leading of two Senators, Quintius and Appius Clau∣dius. Appius by reason of his cruelty and se∣verity, was not obeyed by his souldiers, but for∣sook his Province and returned non proficient, they will do nothing: Quintius being curteous and benigne, had an obedient army, and came home a Conquerour. In the like terms did Ver∣cingetorix stand with the Galles, who not long before were all of equall authority, and for the defence of the common cause had submitted themselves to order and government: and there∣fore he carried himself accordingly, but with some cunning too, for he made no scruple to abuse the beast, and to present them with a lesson of deceit, taught to servants and Roman slaves, as the confession of legionarie souldiers, which is a liberty that hath ever been allowed to such as had the managing of an unruly mul∣titude, who have made as much use of the false rein, as the bit or the spur, or any other help belonging to that art.

CHAP. XI.

Caesar continueth the siege at Avaricum, and de∣scribeth the walls of the towns in Gallia.

BY the singular valour of our soul∣diers all the counsels and devices of the Galles were made void and of none effect.* 1.49 For they are a Na∣tion of great dexterity, apt to imi∣tate and make any thing which they see other men do before them: for they turned aside the hooks with ropes, and drew them into the town with engines: they withdrew the earth from the Mount with Mines with their great skill, by reason of their iron mines wherein they are much practised: they set up towers upon every part of the wall, and covered them with raw hides: they sallied out of the town night and day, and either set fire to the Mount, or assaulted the souldiers as they were at work: they did every day make their towers equal to that height of our towers, which the daily increase of the Mount had added to their height: they hindred the open trenches, and kept them from approaching the walls with sharp burned stakes, cast into them with hot pitch and with great stones. All their walls are almost of this fashion: Long strait beams are placed upon the ground, with an equall di∣stance of two foot one from another, and bound together on the inside of the wall, and fastned with great store of earth: the distances be∣tween the beams are filled and fitted with

great stones in the front of the wall. These being thus placed and fastned with morter, another such a course is laid upon that, keep∣ing alwayes the same distance, so as one beam be not laid upon another, but in the second rank placing them upon the distances filled up with stones, and so forward untill the wall be raised to the due height. This fashion as it is a work not deformed either in shew or va∣riety, observing alternate courses of beams and stones which keep their order by even lines; so is it profitable also and very much advan∣taging the defence of the town: for as the stone keeps it from burning, so doth the wood from the violence of the ramme, forasmuch as the beams are for the most part fourty foot long, and can neither be broken nor pull'd out.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THis Chapter doth in some part express the manner of their siege in ancient time,* 1.50 and the means which the defendant had to frustrate the assaults and approaches of the enemy. Be∣sides the Ram which the Romans used to shake and overthrow the wall, (whereof I have alrea∣dy spoken) they had commonly great hooks of iron to catch hold of a turret, and to pull it over the wall, or to pull down the parapet, or to di∣sturb any work which was to be made upon the wall. These hooks were used by the legionary souldiers, being covered with vines in the same manner as they handled the Ram: and were averted and put off by the ingenious practises of the Galles, with ropes cast and insnared about them, and then by force of engines drawn into the town. In like manner the open trenches, by which the Romans made their approaches to the wall, were answered from the town with stakes or piles, hardned at the end with fire, and then cast into them to hinder such as were at work, together with seething pitch and great stones. Furthermore, as the Romans raised their Mount, and brought matter unto it to enlarge it in breadth and height, so did the Galles un∣dermine it, and drew the earth away, or set it on fire to burn it: for as I have already noted in the description of a mount, it was made as well with wood and timber, as with earth and stones. They strengthened their walls with turrets and towers, and covered them with raw hides to keep them from burning: and as the Romans mounted in height with their turrets and engines, so the Galles raised their towers answerable unto them, that in the defence of the town they might sight with equall advan∣tage.

And thus they proceeded both in the offen∣sive and defensive part, as farre as either va∣lour or wit could improve those means which were then in use in besieging a town.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

IT was the use of all nations, to fortify their strong towns with such walls as might make best defence against the practice of those times wherein they lived, touching the taking and be∣sieging of townes. So the Galles, as it appear∣eth by Caesar, raised their walls of wood and stone, laid in mutuall courses one with another, that the wood might make void the violence of the Ram, and the stone keep it from burning with fire,* 1.51 which in those dayes were the means to assault and overthrow a wall. In these times the walls of strong and fortified townes, are only made and raised of earth, as the best de∣fence against the fury of the artillery. But for∣asmuch as the old manner of fortification is here in part delivered by Caesar, give me leave to have a word or two touching the fortifications of these times.

And first touching the art it self,* 1.52 in respect of the matter and the manner, it is a member of architecture, but the end is military: for to fortify is nothing else but to make a building answerable to necessity and the occurrences of war. Neither is it the end of fortification to make a place inexpugnable, or unpossible to be taken, for so it were Ars artium, but to re∣duce it to a good and reasonable defence.

Wheresoever then any such defence is requi∣red, the mystery of fortification is to raise such a fort, and to apply such a figure, answering the quality and site of that place, as may give great∣est strength thereunto: for as all places are not capable in the disposition of their best strength of all sorts of figures, so there is a difference of strength between this and that figure. And as the place wanteth the advantage of motion and agility for its own defence, so is it requisite it should be furnished with the best means and commodities both to annoy the enemy, and to defend its own people.* 1.53 And in that respect all circular forms, as compounded of parts of one and the same nature, are unfit for fortification: for where a fort ought so to be disposed, that it may have as many hands to strike as Briar••us, and as a Hydra never to want a head, it is ne∣cessary that the figure thereof be of different and unlike parts, as apt to work divers effects. For unlesse it be able to discover a far off, to com∣mand the country about as far as the artillery will play, to stop the passages, to hinder ap∣proaches and assaults, to damnify the enemy at hand and far off, sometimes with the artillery, sometimes with small shot, sometimes with fire∣works, and other times by sallies, it hath not that perfection as is requisite.

Admitting therefore composition of parts,* 1.54 next unto the circle the triangular fortresse is most unperfect; first in regard it is a figure of

lesse capacity then any other of equall bounds, which is a great inconvenience in a hold, when the souldiers shall be pinn'd up for want of room, and through the straightnesse of the place, not to be able to avoid confusion. Secondly, the bulwarks of all such triangular fortresses, have alwayes such sharp cantons as are easily subject to breaking, which giveth the enemy means to approach them without disturbance from the fort.

The quadrangle fortresse hath almost the same imperfection of angles as the triangle hath,* 1.55 but is more spacious within, and of greater ca∣pacity.

And therefore Pentagons or Hexagons,* 1.56 or a∣ny other that hath more angles, is fittest for fortification, (understanding the place to be ca∣pable of them,) as being of a greater con∣tent, and having their angles more obtuse, and by consequence more solid and strong.

A plain champain level doth admit all sorts of figures,* 1.57 and may take the best; having these advantages:* 1.58 it easily hindereth an enemy from approaching near unto it, or incamping before it, and is not subject to mines, by reason of the water rising in such levels. But on the other side,* 1.59 a small troup will besiege it, and battery may be laid to divers places of it: it is alwayes subject to mounts of earth, and needeth ma∣ny bulwarks ••ditches, and much cost to keep it.

A fortresse upon a hill hath these advantages:* 1.60 an enemy can hardly lodge near unto it,* 1.61 or lay battery against it, it requireth more men to be∣siege it,* 1.62 and is not subject to mounts. The disadvantages are, that it is not in our choice to make it in the best form of strength, but must give it such a figure as may best fit the place, be∣ing sometimes too large and spacious, and some∣times, too strait. The enemies artillery hath greater force against it playing upward, and the artillery of the fort playeth not so sure down∣ward.

The hands of all forts are the bulwarks from whence the artillery playeth;* 1.63 the supplements to the bulwarks are the ravelins, the platforms, the casmates, and the cavaleros. The walls are made in scarp canting inwards, the better to bear the weight of the earth, with this proportion, that to every five foot and half, or six foot in height, there be one foot allowed in scarp. The counterscarp is another wall outward to the first, and stopeth inward in the same manner as the former.

And thus much touching the generall view of fortification, which is as much as may well be comprehended in these short observations, reser∣ving the further consideration thereof to a parti∣cular treatise by it self.

CHAP. XII.

The siege of Avaricum continued.

THe siege being hindered by so many disturbances,* 1.64 and the souldiers af∣flicted all the time with cold and continuall rain, yet they overcame all these lets with continuall labour, and in five and twenty dayes they raised a mount of three hundred and thirty foot in breadth, and fourscore in height. When it came almost to touch the wall, Caesar himself attending the work, as his custome was, and encouraging the souldiers to omit no time from the same: a little before the third watch of the night, the mount was seen to smoak, the enemy having set it on fire with a mine. And at the same instant of time, a shout being taken up by them that stood upon the wall, they made a sal∣ly out at two gates on both sides the towers. Some cast firebrands and dry matter from the wall unto the mount, pouring pitch and other things to nourish the fire; that no man knew whither to run first, or where to give help. Notwithstanding forasmuch as Caesar had ap∣pointed two legions by turn to watch before the camp, and two other to follow the works, it hap∣pened, and that quickly, that some were ready to confront the sallies, and others to draw back the towers from the front of the mount, and to cut the mount asunder, the whole multitude coming out of the camp to quench the fire. The rest of the night being now spent, the fight continued every where, and ever the ene∣my took new spirits, and had hope of victory, the rather because they saw the sheds or hovels belonging to the towers burnt, and that the souldiers could not come near the said towers to manage them as was fitting, without shelter and covert, and that they ever sent fresh men to take the rooms of such as were weary and over-laboured: supposing the safety of all Gallia to consist in that instant of time. There happened, our selves beholding it, an accident worthy memory, which I think not fit to omit. A certain Gall before the gate of the town, casting with his hands balls of tallow and pitch to increase the fire, right over against the tower, was shot through the right side with a cros-bow, and fell down dead. One that stood next him stept over him, and began to do the like service: he likewise was slain with a shot out of a cros-bow. Him a third man suc∣ceeded; and the third, a fourth. Neither was the place forsaken, untill the mount was quenched, the enemy removed, and the fight ceased.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

IT were a matter worthy observation to consi∣der,* 1.65 whether there need not as many men to defend a town, as to besiege it. Which at the first sight may peradventure seem frivolous: forasmuch as the defendants are but to make good the place which they hold, and to stand only upon their defensive guard, having the ad∣vantage of the place, the shelter of the walls, the strength of the ditch, and many other like helps for their defence and safety; whereas the as∣sailant is to strive against all these advantages, and to oppose himself to the danger of so many difficulties. But if we look a little nearer into the matter, and consider the service to be perfor∣med on either part, we shall find, that to say, As many men are necessary to defend a town as to besiege it, is no Paradox.

For the better understanding thereof,* 1.66 we are to know, that the defence of a town touching matter of fight, consisteth chiefly in these four points. First, in manning and making good all parts of the wall. For if the defendant be not able to strengthen all parts with a competent force, then he hath not men enough to defend the town; forasmuch as all parts are subject to assault, and what part soever is not made good, that lieth open to an enemy: or otherwise if the assault be only to be made at a breach, the rest of the wall being strong enough to defend it self, there is required a competent strength within the town to defend that breach. In this point there is little difference touching a competent number of men between the assailant and the defendant: for if he that layeth siege to a town hath men enough to assault all parts at one in∣stant, the enemy must have an answerable pro∣portion to defend all; or if he have no use of more men then may serve to give an assault at a breach, the defendant must have the like proportion for the defence of the breach.

The second point is, in relieving wearied men, either fighting or working, with fresh sup∣plies to continue that businesse, as oftentimes it falleth out in the siege of a town. Wherein likewise there is small or no difference touching an equality between both parties. For if the defendant be not as well able to relieve his wea∣ried souldiers with fresh supplies, as the enemy is to continue the assault, the town may quickly have a new master.

The third point is, in defeating and making void such works as the enemy shall make a∣gainst the town, as mounts, mines, approaches, and such like inconveniences; which being suf∣fered to go on without opposition and preven∣tion, the town cannot hold out long. In this point the defendant hath the disadvantage, ha∣ving need of more men to overthrow and pre∣vent the works, then the assailant hath to make them good. For there he that besiegeth the place fighteth with the advantage, and hath the same helps as the defendant hath in the fast∣nesse of his hold: which caused this extraordi∣nary accident, which Caesar noteth, touching the successive slaughter of so many Galles, who labouring to burn the Roman works with balls of tallow and pitch, were all slain with the blow of one mans bow.

The last point is in sallies, which is as necessa∣ry for the defence of a town as any thing else whatsoever. For if the defendant be not able to sally out, the enemy will quickly coop him up, and tread upon his belly. And herein the defendant needeth more men then the assailant. For he that is in the field, lyeth in the strength of his trenches; whereas the other cometh out naked upon him.

And thus much touching this question in par∣ticular. Concerning the generall, if it be de∣manded whether there have been more men lost in the defence of Ostend, then in besieging it; I answer, That neither side can much vaunt of a small losse.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

IN the second place there are two observable points.* 1.67 The one, Caesars continuall atten∣dance upon the works, being present night and day, without any long intermission, which did much advantage their proceeding at that time, and was as important to a fortunate issue, as any other thing whatsoever. For where an ene∣my is extraordinary, either in valour or diligence, there must needs be extraordinary means to countervail the height of so great a resolution: which Caesar overtopt with monstrous and huge works, and speeded those works with his conti∣nuall attendance.

The second point is the successive task of the Roman army, being eight legions present at that siege; (for the other two were left at A∣gendicum with the carriages of the army;) in such sort, as half the army was alwayes at rest, and the other half imployed: two legions at work, and two legions in the watch: and thus they eased each other, and still continued the work. For otherwise they had not been able to have undergone the burthen, as the saying is;

Quod caret alterna requ••e durab••le non est. It cannot hold that rests not now and then.

CHAP. XIII.

Caesar by an assault taketh Avaricum.

THe Galles having tried all means,* 1.68 and none taking effect, the next day they consulted touching their lea∣ving of the town, Vercingetorix both commanding and perswading them unto it▪ which they hoped they might do in the

night time, without any great loss unto them∣selves, forasmuch as Vercingetorix was not far off with his camp, and all the way thither was a continuall bog, which would hinder the Ro∣mans from following after them. And for that purpose they prepared themselves against the next night. Which the women percei∣ving, did run suddenly out into the streets and other publick places, and cast themselves at the feet of their Husbands; and by all means intreated them, not to leave them and their children to the cruelty of the enemy, whom nature and infirmity of body would not suffer to flie away. But finding them to continue resolute in their purpose, forasmuch as in extreme perill, fear for the most part hath no commiseration, they cried out, and signified their flight unto the Romans. Wherewith the Galles being feared, they desi∣sted from their purpose, left the wayes should be forestalled and laid by the Roman horsemen. The next day Caesar having advanced forward the tower, and perfected those works which he had determined to make, there happened to fall a great rain, which he thought to be a fit occasion for his purpose. And for∣asmuch as he saw the guard upon the wall to be somewhat negligently disposed, he com∣manded his men to work fair and softly, and shewed them what he would have done. And incouraging the Legions which were hid in a read••ness under the Vines, at length to in∣joy the sweetness of victory for their mani∣fold labours; he provided a reward for such as were seen first upon the walls, and gave them the signe to begin. The souldiers fly∣ing suddenly out of all parts, did quickly possess themselves of the walls. The enemie being frighted with so sudden an accident, and put from the towers and walles, imbattelled themselves angle-wise in the market-place, and in other spacious streets of the citie, with this resolution, that if they were assaulted in any part, they would resist in form of battell. But when they saw no man to descend on even ground, but to inclose them round about upon the wall, fearing lest there would be no way to escape, they cast their armes away, and fled all to the furthest part of the town. Part of them sticking in a throng at the gate, were there slain by the souldiers; and part being got out of the gate, were slain by the horsemen. Neither was there any man that looked after pillage, but being moved to anger with the slaughter of our men at Genabum, and with the travell and labour of those great workes, they nei∣ther spared old men, women nor children. In the end, of all that number, which was about fourty thousand, scarce eight hundred (that upon the first noise forsook the town) came safe to Vercingetorix. These he received with great silence, being now farre in the night, lest any sedition should have grown in the camp, through the pity and commiseration of the vulgar people; and sent out his familiar friends and chiefest men of each State to meet such as had escaped away, and to bring them to their own people as they lay quartered in the camp.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

WE may see here the saying verified touching the disposition of the Galles for matter of valour:* 1.69 which in the beginning seemed so great, that it needed no further strain to countervail the worth of Caesars army, and was expressed with such industry and resolution, both in spoil∣ing and disappointing the Roman works, as also by ingenious fortifying and making good their own labours; that a man would have deemed them virtute pares, equall in valour. But being a little spent in the action, like a pot that hath a mouth as big as the belly, and powreth out all the liquor at an instant, they fell at length to that baseness, as shewed less spirit then the wo∣men did, who chose rather to betray their hus∣bands purposes to the enemy, then to hazard their lives by escaping to Vercingetorix. And this is that which is so often noted by Historio∣graphers; Quod multa bella impetu valida per taedia & moras evanuere: That many warrs which are hot at the first, slacken and vanish up∣on a tedious continuance. The first thing that I observe, is, that which Caesar himself noteth: Quod plerumque in summo periculo, timor mi∣sericordiam non recipit; That usually in case of extreme danger, fear hath no mercy. Which was true on either side. For the Galles were so set upon flying to Vercingetorix, that they re∣garded not the wofull laments of the women and children, whom they were well content to hazard, whilest they themselves might escape in safety. And on the other side, the women did forget to be pitifull to their husbands, whom they would not suffer to escape, and leave them in their weakness behind as a prey to appease the wrath of the bloudy souldier, which would consequently follow in that escape. Which sheweth, that there is notice comparable to the bond of nature, specially when it concerneth the preservation of life. For as in other things, re∣spect and affection may easily work a commu∣nication of good things unto others, as also a participation of their evils for their relief: so herein we are altogether senseless, and the love we owe to our lives is so great, that it admitteth no respect. Agesilaus to his friend was without respect a friend: and yet notwithstanding being driven one day to remove upon the sudden, and to leave one sick behind him whom he loved dearly; the sick man calling him by his name as he was going away, besought him that he

would not forsake him. Agesilaus turning back again, answered; O how hard it is both to love and to be wise! according to the saying, Sapere & amare vix Deo conceditur, To be wise and to love, God himself can scarce do it.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

IT is a principle among men of warre,* 1.70 not to put necessity upon an enemy, nor make him valiant whether he will or no, (as I have al∣ready noted in the former Commentaries;) which the Romans well observed in this particu∣lar service at Avaricum: for being possest of the walls, they did not suddenly assault them in the market-place, where they had made head for their defence, but gave them a breathing time, the better to understand what they did, and re∣spite, to bethink themselves of a starting hole for the safety of their lives. Which as it was quick∣ly apprehended by the Galles, so it made an easie execution to the Roman souldier.

And as it seemeth, it was the more carefully handled in respect of the condition of the enemy being revolters: for such Provinces as have rebelled, are harder to be recovered after their revolt, then they were at first to be subdued. For at the first, they have no occasion to fear any hard condition, but yielding to subjection do look for favour: whereas rebels and revolters, besides the condition of an enemy, are in the nature of offenders, and stand in fear of the extremities of warre,* 1.71 which maketh them more obstinate then otherwise they would be. And therefore it behoveth a Generall not to impose any further necessity upon an enemy, then the quality of the warre doth lay upon him: which oftentimes is more then can be well avoided.

CHAP. XIIII.

Vercingetorix doth comfort the Galles for the loss of Avaricum.

THe next day calling a Councell,* 1.72 he comforted the Galles, and exhort∣ed them not to be utterly dismaied with that loss: for the Romans had not overthrown them with valour, nor in a set battell, but with a kind of Art, and skill in besieging a town, whereof they themselves were ignorant. He erred much that looked for all the events of warre to fall out prosperously. It was never his opinion, that Avaricum should be kept; whereof they them∣selves were witnesses. But it fell out by the im∣prudency of the Bituriges, & over great indul∣gence of the rest, that this loss happened unto them: which notwithstanding he would spee∣dily heal with greater helps. For by his dili∣gence he would unite such States unto them, as were not yet of the confederacy, and make one purpose of all Gallia, which the whole world was not able to resist: and that he had almost effected it already. In the mean time he thought it fit that they should yield unto one thing for their safeties sake, which was to for∣tifie their camp; to the end they might better sustain the sudden assaults of the enemy. This speech was not unpleasing to the Galles; and the rather, that he himself was not dejected in spirit upon so great a loss, nor did hide himself, or flie the presence of the multitude: being the more esteemed, forasmuch as when the matter was in question, he first thought it fit that A∣varicum should be burned, and afterwards he perswaded them to forsake it: wherein as mis∣fortune and adversity do impair the authority of other Commanders; so contrariwise his ho∣nour daily increased by the loss which he re∣ceived. And withall they were in great hope upon his affirmation, to winne the rest of the States unto them. And that was the first time that the Galles began to fortifie their camp, being so appalled in spirit, that where they ever were unaccustomed to labour, yet they thought it their part to suffer and undergo all that was commanded them.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

NExt to the knowledge and experience of warre,* 1.73 there is nothing more requisite in a great Commander, then greatness of spirit: for where his employment consisteth in managing the great businesses of the world, such as are the slaughter of many thousands in an hour, the sacking of cities, the fighting of battels, the alte∣ration of Commonweals, victories, triumphs, and the conquest of kingdoms, which like the constellations in the eighth sphere, are left to succeeding ages in such characters as cannot be defaced, and make an impression of the greatest measure of joy, or the greatest heap of sorrow; it is necessary that his courage be answerable to such a fortune, neither to be crushed with the weight of adversity, nor puffed up with the pride of victory; but in all times to shew the same constancy of mind, and to temper extremities with a setled resolution.

Of this metall and temper,* 1.74 is the Philoso∣phers homo quadratus made of, such as Camillus was in Rome. For never speech did better be∣seem a great personage then that of his, having known both the favour and the disgrace of for∣tune: Nec mihi dictatura animos fecit, necexi∣lium ademit, Neither did my Dictatorship puff me up, nor my banishment sink my spirits, saith he. Whereas weak spirits do either vanish away in the smoke of folly, being drunk with the joyes of pleasing fortune; or otherwise upon a change of good times, do become more base and abject,

then the thief that is taken in the fact: such as Perseus the last Macedonian king was,* 1.75 who besides his ill fortune for losing his kingdome in the space of one hour, hath ever since stood attainted of a base and abject mind, unworthy the throne of Alexander the Great.

The wise Romans used all means to give cou∣rage and spirit to their leaders, and to free their minds from such externall respects, which losse or dishonour might cast upon them. And therefore when Varro had fought so rashly at Cannae, that he had like to have lost the Roman Empire to Annibal,* 1.76 upon his return to Rome the whole Senate went out to meet him: and al∣though they could not thank him for the battell, yet they gave him thanks that he was returned home again, whereby he seemed not to despair of the State of Rome.

In like manner did the Galles congratulate Vercingetorix, that notwithstanding so great a loss, he was neither dejected in spirit, nor did hide himself from the multitude; but as a Com∣mander of high resolution, had found out means to heal those harms, and to recompence the loss of A••ar••cum, with the uniting of all the States of Gallia into one confederacie.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

SEcondly we may observe, how dangerous it is to be the author of a counsel touching any important or grave deliberation,* 1.77 or to lay down any project for the service of a State: for all men are blind in this point, that they judge of good or ill counsell by the success, and look no further then the end which it taketh, which proving disasterous or unfortunate, doth either bring the author to destruction, or into danger both of life and state.

In the occurrences of this kingdome, it appear∣eth that Henry the fifth being sollicited by the Commons touching the Abbeys in England, and moved by Petition exhibited in Parliament, to that which was afterwards accomplished by Henry the eighth, was diverted from those thoughts by an eloquent oration made in Parliament by Henry Chicheley Archbi∣shop of Canterburie,* 1.78 a grave and learned Prelate, perswading the King by many con∣cluding reasons, to carry a great power into France, and there to make his claim for that kingdome, according to the right derived unto him from his noble Progenitors. Whereupon the King was perswaded to undertake that war; which al•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fell out most happily, yet the Bi∣shop to satisfie both the King and the people for his former counsell, whereby many men were lost, built a Colledge in Oxford dedicated to All Souls, wherein 〈◊〉〈◊〉 placed ••ourty Scholars, to make supplications for all souls, and specially for such as had been mischieved in France in the time of that warre.

Vercingetorix was happy in this point, for he perswaded the Galles not to keep Avaricum, but to suffer it to be burned as an enemy to their safety: and thereupon he did not let to put them in mind of his opinion, as free from the danger which happened to a great man near unto Per∣seus whom I last spake of, who after his over∣throw by Paulus Aemilius, being told by that party of many errours which he had committed in the carriage of that warre,* 1.79 turned himself suddenly, saying, Traitor, hast thou reserved thy counsell untill now, when there is no reme∣die? and therewithall (as some report) slue him with his own hand. And this was it that gave Vercingetorix that happiness: Ut reliquorum imperatorum res adversae, authoritatem mi∣nuunt: sic hujus ex contrario, d••gnitas in∣commodo accepto indies augebatur;* 1.80 As mis∣fortune and adversity, &c. as before.

CHAP. XV.

Vercingetorix laboureth to unite all Gallia into one league for the upholding of their warre.

NEither did Vercingetorix omit any endeavour for the accomplish∣ment of his promise,* 1.81 to draw the rest of the States unto him: and to that purpose he dealt with their chiefest men both by rewards and promises, and chose out fit men, that either by subtile speeches, or friendship, or some other means, might win them unto him. He tooke order that such as had escaped from Avaricum, should be both clothed and armed: and with∣all, that he might reenforce his troups which were weakned, he commanded every State to furnish out certain supplies, and to be brought by a day to the camp. He commanded like∣wise all the Archers, of whom there is great store in Gallia, to be sought out and sent unto him. And by this means he speedily repaired his losses at Avaricum. In the mean time Teuto∣matus the son of Ollovico King of the Nitiobri∣ges, whose father had the title of a Friend from our Senate, came to him with a great number of horsemen, which he had brought out of Aquitain.

OBSERVATIONS.

IT semeth by this place,* 1.82 that France in those dayes did favour archery: for (as the story saith) they had great store of Archers amongst them, but of what value they were is not here delivered. The use they made of them followeth after in this Commentary, which was to inter∣mingle them amongst the horse, and so they fought as light-armed men.

In the times that our English nation carried a scourging hand in France, the matter between

us and them touching archery, stood in such tearms as gave England great advantage: for I have not heard of any bow-men at all amongst them; whereas our Nation hath heretofore ex∣celled all other, as well in number of bow-men, as in excellent good shooting, and hath made so good proof thereof against the French, as it needeth not any long dispute.

* 1.83 Concerning Archery I finde these things considerable.

First, that every man be so fitted with bow and arrowes,* 1.84 as he may be apt for strong and quick shooting: wherein I cannot so much commend these livery bowes, being for the most part heavy slugs, and of greater weight then strength, and of more shew then service.

Secondly, that in a day of service the bow-men endeavour so to deliver their quivers, that the whole band or sleeve of shot may let go all at one instant of time: for so the shower of arrows will be more fierce and terrible, and more avail∣able against an enemy.

Thirdly,* 1.85 the fittest form of imbattelling for bow-men; which must not at any hand be deep in slank, for so such as are in the hindmost ranks, will either shoot short or to no purpose. And therefore the fittest form of imbattelling for Archery, hath ever been accounted a long-sided square, resembling a* 1.86 hearse, broad in front, and narrow in flank.

Fourthly, their defance in a day of battell; which must either be a covert woody place, where the horse of the enemy cannot come at them, or a trench cast before them, or the place must be fortified with galthrops and stakes, such as were devised by Henry the fifth at Agin∣court field, or some other means to avoid the cavalry.

The last thing is the effects which the bow∣men worke:* 1.87 which are two; first the galling of the enemy,* 1.88 and secondly disorder. Touching the galling of the enemie,* 1.89 there cannot be a better description then that which Plutarch maketh of the overthrow of the Romans by the Parthian arrowes.* 1.90 The Roman souldiers hands (saith he) were nailed to their targets,* 1.91 and their feet to the ground, or otherwise were sore wounded in their bodies, and died of a cruell lingring death, cry∣ing out for anguish and pain they felt, and turn∣ing & tormenting themselves upon the ground, they brake the arrowes sticking in them. Again, striving by force to pluck out the barbed heads, that had pierced farre into their bodies through their veins and sinews, they opened the wounds wider, and so cast themselves away.

The disorder or routing of an enemy which is caused by the bow-men, cometh from the fearfull spectacle of a drift of arrowes: for a shower of arrowes well delivered and well se∣conded, for a while is so terrible to the eye, and so dreadfull in the success, that it is almost un∣possible to keep the enemy from routing.

The two great victories which our Nation had in France at Cressie and Agincourt, next to the valour of the English, are attributed to our archery: and the effect of our archery at those times, was first disorder, and consequently slaughter.* 1.92 In the battell of Cressie the King of Bohemia fighting for the French, caused his horsemen to tie the bridles of their horses toge∣ther in rank, that they might keep order, not∣withstanding the galling which he feared from our English archery: but it fell out as ill as if he had tied their heads and their tails together in file; for the drift of arrowes fell so terribly a∣mongst them, that they ran together on heaps with such confusion, as made the slaughter great, and their particular destinies most mise∣rably fortuned.* 1.93 At Agincourt the number of prisoners which every souldier had, was admira∣ble to speak of; for some report that many of our English had ten prisoners apiece: which hapned chiefly from the disorder which fell amongst the French, and that disorder came by our archery. And doubtless if ever we should have occasion to go against an enemy that so aboundeth in horse as the French do, there could be no better means against such horse then our English bow-men. I know it hath been said, that now the times are altered,* 1.94 and the harquebuse and musket are so generally received, and of such reputation in the course of our modern wars, that in com∣parison of them bow-men are not worth the naming. Wherein I will not go about to ex∣tenuate the use of either of these weapons, as knowing them to be both very serviceable upon fit and convenient occasions, nor take upon me to determine which of them is most effectuall in a day of service; but onely deliver my conceit touching their effects, and leave it to the consi∣deration of wise and discreet Commanders.

And first touching shot.* 1.95 A wing of muske∣tiers is available against an enemy, onely in such bullets as do hit; for such as do not hit, pass away insensibly without any further fear, and the crack is but as the lose of the bow. Of such bullets as do hit, the greatest part do not strike to death, but are oftentimes carried untill the skirmish be ended before the party do feel him∣self hurt: so that an enemy receiveth no further hurt by a charge of shot, then happeneth to such particular men as shall chance to be slain out∣right or sore hurt.* 1.96 But a sleeve of Archers is available against an enemy, as well in such arrowes as do not hit, as in such as do hit: for whereas the cloud of arrowes is subject to our sight, and every arrow is both suspected and able to bring death sitting on the head, an enemy is as much troubled at such arrows as come fair upon him and do not hit, as at those that do hit; for no man is willing to expose his flesh to an open and eminent danger, when it lieth in his

power to avoid it. And therefore whilest every man seeketh to avoid hurt, they fall into such confusion, as besides the loss of particular men, the enemy doth hardly escape disorder, which is the greatest disadvantage that can befall him. Moreover, the arrowes having barbed heads, al∣though they make but a light hurt, yet they are not easily pulled out, which maketh the souldi∣ers not to intend the fight untill they be delivered of them: and the horse so to fling and chafe, that it is impossible they should either keep their rank or be otherwise managed for any service.

And thus much touching bow-men and ar∣chery, which is a weapon as ancient as the first and truest History,* 1.97 and is of the number of such weapons as men use to fight with afarre off. The use whereof is too much neglected by the En∣glish of these times, considering the honour they have atchieved by it in former ages.

CHAP. XVI.

A controversy fell out in the state of the Hedui touching the choise of their chief Magistrate.

CAesar sta••ed many dayes at Avari∣cum:* 1.98 for finding there great store of corn and of other provisions, he refreshed his army of their former labour and wants. The winter now being almost ended, and the time of the year being fit for war, he determined to fol∣low the enemy, to see whether he could draw him out of the woods and bogs, or besiege him in some place. Being thus resolved, divers of the principall men of the Hedui came unto him, beseeching him that he would stand to them, and assist their State in a time of great need, the matter being in extreme danger: forasmuch as their ancient usage was for one to be created their annuall Magistrate, having regall authority for that year; whereas now two had taken upon them the said office, both of them affirming themselves to belawfully crea∣ted; the one was Convictolitanis, a famous and flourishing young man, the other Cotus, born of an ancient family, and he himself of great power and kindred, whose brother Vede∣liacus had born the said office the year before. All their State was in arms, their Senate and their people divided, together with their clients and followers: if the controversy continued for any time, it would come to a battel; the prevention whereof consisted in his diligence and authority. Caesar, though he knew it would be disadvantagious unto him to leave the war, and to forsake the enemy: yet know∣ing what inconveniences do usually arise of such discords and d••ssensions, lest so great a State, and so near to the people of Rome, which he himself had alwayes favoured, and by all means honoured, should fall to war amongst themselves; and that faction which distrusted their own strength, should seek help of Vercin∣getorix; he thought it most necessary to be pre∣vented. And forasmuch as such as were crea∣ted chief Magistrates among the Hedui, were by their laws forbidden to go out of their con∣fines: to the end he might not seem to derogate any thing from their laws, he himself deter∣mined to go unto them. At his coming he cal∣led before him to Decetia all the Senate, and those also that were in controversy for the of∣fice. And finding in an assembly almost of the whole State, that one of them was chosen by a few privily called together, in another place, and at another time then was accustomed, the brother pronouncing the brother: whereas their laws did not only forbid two of one family, both being alive, to be created Magistrate, but also to be of the Senate together: he compelled Co∣tus to give over his interest in the magistracy, and confirmed Convictolitanis being created by their Priests, and according to the custome of their State. This decree being ratified, he adhorted the Hedui to forget their private con∣troversies and dissensions, and to give their best help to the war in hand, wherein they might challenge and expect (the Galles being subdu∣ed) such rewards as they deserved; comman∣ding all their horse and ten thousand foot to be speedily sent unto him, which he meant to dis∣pose into garrisons for the better provision of corn. And then dividing his army into two parts, he sent four Legions towards the Senones & the Pari••ians under the leading of Labienus; the other four he led himself against the Ar∣verni, to the town of Gergovia, along the r••∣ver Elaver, sending part of the horse with him, and keeping part with himself.

OBSERVATIONS.

TO loose the least jot of that which a man hath in possession,* 1.99 is more dishonourable, then to fail of getting what he hath not. And therefore Caesar chose rather to forgo the advantages which a speedy pursuit of the enemy might have afforded him to the ending of that war, then to hazzard the losse of so great a State, & so well-affected to the people of Rome as were the He∣dui, wherein he carried so equall and indiffe∣rent a hand, that he would do nothing but what the laws of that State directed him unto, as most assured that such directions were without ex∣ception.

CHAP. XVII.

Caesar passeth his army over the river Elaver, and incampeth himself before Gergovia.

WHich thing being known,* 1.100 Vercinge∣torix having broken down all the bridges of that river, took his jour∣ney on the other side of Elaver; ei∣ther army being in view each of o∣ther,

and incamping almost over against one another: d••scoverers being sent out to watch, lest the Romans should make a bridge in any place, and carry over their forces. Caesar was much troubled, lest he should be hindered by the river the greatest part of that Summer, forasmuch as Elaver is not passable at any foord untill towards the Autumne. And therefore to prevent that, he encamped himself in a woody place, right over against one of those bridges which Vercingetorix had commanded to be broken. The next day he kept himself there secretly with two legions, and sent for∣ward the rest of the forces, with all the carri∣ages, as were accustomed, taking away the fourth part of each cohort, that the number of legions might appear to be the same; com∣manding them to go on as far as they could; and making conjecture by the time of the day, that they were come to their camping-place, upon the same piles, (the lower part whereof remained there whole) he began to reedify the bridge; and having speedily ended the work, and carried over the Legions, and chosen a fit place to encamp in, he called back the rest of his forces. Vercingetorix having notice there∣of, lest he should be forced to fight against his will, went before by great journeys. Casar with five incampings went from that place to Gergovia, and after a light skirmish between the horse the same day he came, having taken a view of the situation of the town, which was built upon a very high hill, and had very hard and difficult approaches on all sides, he despai∣red of taking it by assault, neither would he determine to besiege it, untill he had made pro∣vision of corn. But Vercingetorix having set his camp on a hill before the town, had placed the severall forces of the States by themselves, in small distances round about h••m, and ha∣ving possest himself of all the tops of that hill, made a very terrible shew into all parts where he might be seen: he commanded likewise the chiefmen of the States, whom he had chosen out to be of the Councell of war, to meet alwayes together with h••m at the dawning of the day, to know if any thing were to be communicated unto them, or what else was to be done. Neither did he omit any day to skirmish with his horse∣men, with archers intermingled amongst them: to the end he might try what courage and valour was in his people. Right over a∣gainst the town at the foot of the hill, there was a knowl exceedingly fortified, and hard to be come unto on all sides, which if our men could get, they were in hope to hinder the enemy, both of a great part of their water, and also from free forraging: but the place was kept with a strong garrison. Notwithstanding Caesar went out of his camp in the silence of the night, and before any help could come out of the town, he put by the garrison, possessed himself of the place, left two legions there to defend it, and drew a double trench of twelve foot in breadth from the greater camp to the lesse, that single men might go safe to and fro from any sudden incursion of the enemy.

OBSERVATIONS.

FIrst we may observe his manner of passing over the river Elaver,* 1.101 without any impedi∣ment from the enemy, notwithstanding the care which Vercingetorix had to hinder his passage, which was plotted with as great dexterity as could be devised in such a matter: and to shad∣dow his purpose the better, that the number of legions marching up the river might appear to be the same, he took the fourth part of every co∣hort, which in the whole amounted to two legi∣ons.* 1.102 For as I have already delivered in my former Observations, a legion consisted of ten cohorts▪ and every cohort contained three mani∣ples, and every maniple had two companies which they called orders: so that every cohort having six companies, the fourth part of a co∣hort was a company and a half, and in a legion came to fifteen companies, and in eight legions to one hundred and twenty companies; which being reduced make threescore maniples, which were equall to two legions: and proveth that which I have already noted, the fit and conve∣nient disposition of their troups, to take out at all times competent forces for any service without seeming to lessen any part. Secondly, I observe the phrase which he useth in this place, Quintis castris Gergoviam pervenit, he came to Gergovia at five incampings; which implyeth their infallible custome of encamping every night within a ditch and a rampier: for as we usually say, that to such a place is so many dayes jour∣ney, because an ordinarie traveller maketh so many journeys before he come thither; so the Romans reckoned their journeys with their army by their incampings, which were as duly kept as their journeys, and were the most sig∣nall part of their dayes journey.

CHAP. XVIII.

Convictolitanis moveth the Hedui to a revolt.

WH••lst these things were a doing at Gergovia,* 1.103 Convictolitanis the He∣duan, to whom the magistracy was ad••udged by Caesar, being wrought upon by the Arverni with mony, brake the matter to certain young men, amongst whom Litavicus was chief, and his brethren, being youths of a great house: with them he treated at first, and wished them to remember, that they were not only born free-men, but also to empire and government. The Hedui were

the only State which kept Gallia from a most assured victorie: for by their authority and example, the rest would be concluded, which being fet over, there would be no place in Gal∣lia for the Romans to abide in. Touching himself, he had received a good turn from Caesar, but in such sort, as he had but his right: but he owed more to the common liberty. For why should the Hedui rather dispute of their customes and laws before Caesar, then the Ro∣mans come before the Hedui? These young men were quickly perswaded, as well by the speech of the Magistrate, as by rewards; in∣somuch as they offered themselves to be the au∣thours of that Counsell. But now the means was to be thought on, forasmuch as they were perswaded that the State would not easily be drawn to undertake that war. They deter∣mined at last, that Litavicus should have the leading of those ten thousand men that were to be sent to Caesar, and that his brethren should be sent before to Caesar, and concluded likewise in what sort they would have other things carr••ed.

Litavicus having received the army, when he was about thirty miles from Gergovia, cal∣ling the souldiers suddenly together, and weep∣ing: Whither do we go (saith he) fellow soul∣diers? all our horsemen and our Nobility are slain, the Princes of our State, Eporedorix and Viridomarus, being falsly accused of treason, are put to death by the Romans without calling them to their answer. Understand these things from them that are escaped from the slaughter: for I my self (my brethren and kinsmen being slain) am hindred with grief from telling you what hath happened. Presently those were brought forth, whom he had taught beforehand what he would have said: who verified to the multitude those things which Litavicus had spoken: that all the horsemen of the Hedui were slain, forasmuch as they were said to have had speech with the Arverni: for themselves they were hid amongst the multitude of souldiers, and were escaped out of the midst of the slaughter. The Hedui cry out all together, and do beseech Litavicus to look to himself, and to them also. As though (saith he) the matter needeth any advice or counsell, and that it were not necessary for us to go directly to Gergovia, and to joyn our selves with the Arverni. For do we doubt, but that the Romans, having begun so wickedly, will run presently upon us to take away our lives? And therefore if there be any courage at all in us, let us persecute their death that have perished so undeservedly, and let us kill these thieves. He shewed them divers Roman citizens that were in the troups for safety of convoy: and forthwith he seized upon a great quantity of corn and other provisions, and tortured them cruelly to death. He sent out messengers throughout all the State of the Hedui, continuing the same false suggestion touching the slaughter of the horsemen, and the Princes; perswading them to revenge their in∣juries in like manner as he had done.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THis treacherous practise of Convictolitanis, who a little before (as we may remember) had received so great a benefit from Caesar, proveth true the saying of Cornel. Tacitus, That men are readier to revenge an injury then to requite a good turn;* 1.104 forasmuch as Gratia o∣neri, ultio in quaestu habetur, A good turn is as a burthen and a debt to a man, whereas revenge is reckoned a gain. The debt of loyalty and good affection, wherein Convictolitanis stood engaged to Caesar, for confirming that right un∣to him which civile dissension had made doubt∣full, together with the respect of the generall cause, made him so willing to revolt from the Romans, and in lieu of thankfull acknowledge∣ment to requite him with hostility. A part so odious and detestable, that vertue grieveth to think that a man should be capable of any such wickedness, or be stained with the infamy of so horrible a crime. Other vices are faults in speciall, and are branded with the severall marks of igno∣miny: but ingratitude is equall to the body of evill, and doth countervail the whole nature of hatefull affections;* 1.105 according to that of the Philosopher, Ingratum si dixeris omnia dix∣eris; Ingratitude is culpable of all sorts of wicked∣ness, and deserveth the greatest measure of re∣venge. And the rather for that it taketh away the use of vertue, and maketh men forget to do good. For whereas the nature of goodness is specially seen in communicating it self to the re∣lief of other mens wants, we ought to give all diligence not to hinder this inlargement, nor by a froward and crooked example to prejudice others that stand in need of the like favour.

I have often heard it spoken, but I know not how true it is, and am loath to believe it, that in the exchange of a good turn, the party that re∣ceiveth it hath more assurance of his benefactor, touching a faithfull and friendly disposition for the future time, then he that shewed the kind∣ness can have of the receiver: for men are loath to loose both the fruit and the seed, and will ra∣ther bestow more cost and labour, then forgoe the hope of their first endeavours, expecting both in reason and nature, fruit answerable to their seed: whereas the badness of our nature is such of it self, Ut gratia oneri, ultio in quaestu ha∣betur.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.* 1.106

THere is no means so ready to abuse a multi∣tude as false suggestion, which like a lying

spirit seduceth the minds of men from the truth conceived, and fashioneth their hearts to such purposes, as seemeth best to the abuser: and the rather when it is delivered by a man of place and authority, and such a one as pretendeth carefulness for the safety of a people; for then it slieth as fast as the lightning in the aire, and deludeth the wisest and best experienced of the multitude. A mischief that can hardly be pre∣vented, as long as there is a tongue to speak or an ear to hear.* 1.107 But as Socrates said of pain and case, that they are alwayes tied together: so men must endeavour to redeem the hurts of such an evill, by the benefit which thereby is conse∣quently implyed: for it were hard if wise men could not make the like use of a multitude to good purposes, as these deceivers do for their own advantage.

Numa Pompilius (to whom the Roman Empire did owe as much for lawes and civil go∣vernment, as to Romulus for their martiall di∣scipline;) the better to establish such ordinances and decrees as he made in his kingdome, feigned familiar acquaintance with a goddesse of that time called Egeria, and by her he said he was assured, that the Statutes which he made were both equall and just, and good for the Romans to observe: and the people found no hurt in be∣lieving it.

In like manner Lycurgus having given ma∣ny lawes to the Spartans, repaired to the citie of Delphos, and there he got a pleasing Oracle, which he sent to Sparta, assuring them that his laws were very good, and that city keeping them, should be the most renowned of the world.

And Sertorius for want of other means used the service of a white Hind, as a gift sent him from Diana, to make the Lusitanians believe whatsoever might best advantage his business. And thus a multitude lieth open to good and ill purposes, and is either happy or unfortunate in the counsell of their Leader.

CHAP. XIX.

Caesar hindereth the revolt of the Hedui.

EPoredorix the Heduan,* 1.108 a young man of great parentage, and of great power in his countrey, together with Viridomarus, of like age and au∣thority, but not so nobly born; who being preferred to Caesar by Divitiacus, was by him advanced from mean estate to great dig∣nity, came both to Caesar with the Heduan horsemen, being called out by name to that war by him. Between these two there was alwayes contention who should be the chiefest, and in that controversie for magistracie, the one stood for Convictolitanis, and the other for Cotus. Of these two Eporedorix understanding the re∣solution of Litavicus, opened the matter to Cae∣sar almost about midnight. He prayed him not to suffer their State to fall away from the friendship of the people of Rom: by the wicked counsell of young men, which would necessarily fall out, if he suffered so many thousand men to joyn themselves to the enemy, whose safety as neither their kinsfolks would neglect, so the State could not lightly esteem of. Caesar being much perplexed at this message, forasmuch as he had alwayes cherished the State of the He∣dui, without any further doubt or dispute, he took four expedite and unburthened Legions and all the horse out of the camp: neither was there space at such a time to make the camp lesser, forasmuch as the matter seemed to con∣sist in expedition. He left behind him C. Fa∣bius a Legate with two legions for a garrison to the camp. And having given order for the apprehending of Litavicus brethren, he found that a little before they were fled to the enemy. Thereupon adhorting the souldiers not to think much of their labour in so necessary a time, e∣very man being most willing, he went five and twenty miles, and then met with the forces of the Hedui. The horsemen being sent to stay their march, he commanded not to kill any one of them, and gave order to Eporedorix and Vi∣ridomarus (whom they thought to be slain) to ride up and down amongst the horsemen, and to call to their countrymen. They being once known, and the fraud of Litavicus disco∣vered, the Hedui stretched out their hands, making signs of submission, and casting away their weapons, desired to be spared from death. Litavicus, with his clients and followers, who by the custome of Gallia must not forsake their patrons in the extremest danger, fled to Ger∣govia. Caesar having dispatched messengers to the State of the Hedui, to acquaint them that he had saved their people, which by the law of arms he might have slain, gave the army three hours rest that night, and then returned towards Gergovia. In the mid-way certain horsemen sent by Fabius made known unto Cae∣sar in what danger the matter stood: that the camp was assaulted with all the enemies forces; and forasmuch as such as were wearied were still relieved with fresh men, it came to passe that our men fainted with continuall labours: for the camp was so great, that they were al∣waies to stana upon the rampier to make it good: and that many were wounded with the multi∣tude of arrowes and other sorts of weapons; wherein their engines had served them to good purpose for their defence. Fabius when these mes∣sengers came away, had shut up two gates, and left other two open, and had made sheds and ho∣vels for the better defence of the wall, and pre∣pared himself for the like fortune the next day. These things being known by the exceeding tra∣vell of the souldiers, Caesar came into the camp before Sun-rising.

OBSERVATIONS.

AS often as the people of Rome had occasion to make war, besides the body of the army inrolled for that service, in such sort and with such ceremonies as I have formerly delivered; the Consul or Generall had authority to call out such others,* 1.109 either of the Communalty or the Equites, as for their long service were freed by the laws from giving in their names at a muster: and these they called Evocati, as a man would say, called out, being all men of speciall note and service, and such as were able to give sound advice for matter of war. These Evocati went all for the most part under an ensigne, and were lodged together in the camp behind the pavilion of the Generall, near unto the gate which they called Porta Praetoria, and were alwayes free from ordinarie duties, as watching, incamping and fighting, unlesse it came to such a passe, that every man would put to his helping hand: but in all services they had their place appointed them according to their former experience and worth. And thus the Romans strengthened their army with the wisdome and experience of such, as for many years together had been ac∣quainted with the difficulties and casualties of war, and oftentimes were able to afford such helps, both by example and otherwise by good di∣rections, as the wisdome of the Generall did gladly embrace. Concerning these two young nobles Eporedorix and Viridomarus, whom he nameth in this place Evocati, we are to under∣stand that they were called out to that war under the same title, but to another end: for being men of great place and authority, he feared least in his absence they might be so wrought to favour Vercingetorix, as neither himself nor the Hedui should have any cause to commend them, accor∣ding as it happened to Litavicus.

CHAP. XX.

The Hedui rob and kill divers Roman Citizens.

WHile these things were a doing at Gergovia,* 1.110 the Hedui having received the first messages from Litavicus, gave themselves no time to under∣stand the truth: some being led on by covetousnesse, others by anger and rashnesse, as it is naturally ingrafted in that nation to take a light hear-say for a certain truth, spoiled the Roman citizens of their goods, and slew them besides, or drew them into bondage; Con∣victolitanis stirring up the common people to madnesse, that when they had done some wicked fact, they might be ashamed to be good again. They drew Marcus Aristius a Tribune of the souldiers, as he went to the Legion, out of the town Cavillonium, notwithstanding their faith and promise before given, causing the rest to do the like, which were there for matter of trade: these they set upon forthwith as they travelled, robbed them of their carriages, and besieged such as made resistance day and night: many were slain on both sides, and a greater number were stirred up to take arms. In the mean time news being come that all their soul∣diers were under Caesars power, they run speedi∣ly to Aristius, they tell him that nothing was done by publick authority, they called such as robbed the Romans of their goods to answer the matter, they confiscate the goods of Litavicus and his brethren, they send Ambassadours unto Caesar to clear themselves of these disorders: and this they do for the better recovery of their people that were now with Caesar. But being contaminated with a wicked fact, and taken with the shame of robbing the Roman citizens, many of them being touched in the fact, and much perplexed for fear of punishment; they privily entred into consultations of war, and sollicited other States to that purpose by their Ambassadours. Which although Caesar un∣derstood, yet he entertained them as courteously as he could, telling them that for the ignorance and levity of the common people he would not think hardly of the State, nor abate any thing of his good will and favour to the Hedui.

OBSERVATIONS.

A Wicked act is not onely hurtfull in it self and of its own condition,* 1.111 but is like that box of evil, which the Poets feign to have been given to Pandora to be kept alwayes shut: for when the way is once made, and the gap opened, one mischief draweth on another, and the tail that followeth is more viperous then the head. There was never any one that stained himself with any detestable crime, but was moved to commit a second evill that had relation to the first: for wicked deeds are justified by themselves, and one crime is upheld by ano∣ther. When the hand is dipt in bloud, it seem∣eth no great matter to imbrue the arm: and the loyalty of a people being once shaken by the indirect practises of a few, it is no strange mat∣ter if the whole body of that State do immedi∣ately enter into treasonable consultations▪ as it happened in this place with the Hedui, who from that time which disclosed the treachery of their heart, carried no faithfull regard to the Roman government, untill the bitternesse of that war which happened shortly after had made them know their errour.

It shall be necessary therefore, as much as ly∣eth in the possibility of our means, to keep the body of vertue safe from wounding: for albeit the wound be never so little, yet it is alwayes wide enough to let out both the bloud and the

spirits, even to the evacuation of the vitall breath of morall honesty.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

COnvictolitanis plebem ad furorem impellit,* 1.112 stirred up the common people to madness (saith the story) as the sittest instruments to trou∣ble the State, and to leaven the rest of the people with the fury of madness. For the poorer and meaner people, that have no interest in the Common-weal but the use of breath, nor any other substance but a Flie in the commons, are alwayes dangerous to the peace of that king∣dome: for having nothing to lose, they willing∣ly embrace all means of innovation, in hope of gaining something by other mens ruine, be∣lieving altogether in the Proverb, which averreth the fishing to be good which is in troubled wa∣ters.

Catiline conspiring against the Roman Em∣pire, made choice of such to accompany him whose fortune was desperate. And thereupon Salust saith;* 1.113 Homini potentiam quaerenti, egentissimus quisque opportunissimus, cu••••ne{que} sua chara, quippe quae nulla sunt, & omnia cum pr••tio honesta videntur: Indigent fel∣lows are the fittest instruments for ambitious men, who regard not their own, because they have nothing, esteeming all actions honest that they gain by.

L••v••e writeth, that upon the rumour in Greece of warre between Perseus and the Romans, the poorer sort did put themselves in pay under Per∣seus, with this resolution, that if there happened no alteration upon this occasion, they would then cleave to the Romans, and assist them to put the state of Greece into a garboil. Semper in civitate (saith Salust) quibus opes nullae sunt, bonis invident, malos extollunt; vetera odere, nova exoptant, odio suarum rerum mutari omnia student.

There are these two means left for a State to ease it self of this sort of people: either to employ them abroad in warrs, or to interesse them in the quiet of the Commonweale, by learning them such trades and occupations as may give them a tast of thesweetness of peace, & the benefit of a civil life.

CHAP. XXI.

Caesar spieth an occasion to advance the service at Gergovia.

CAesar suspecting a greater revolt of the Galles,* 1.114 lest he might be hem∣med in with the strength of all the States of Gallia, he entred into de∣liberation how he might leave Ger∣govia, and get all his army together again, that his departure might not seem to rise from the fear of their revolt, and thereby be thought ••••string away. And as he thought upon these things, he seemed to spy an occasion of doing somewhat to purpose: for coming into the lesser camp to view the works, he observed a knoll which was kept by the enemy to be bare of men, which the day before could scarce be dis∣cerned by reason of the multitude of people: and wondering at it, be enquired the cause of the runawaies which came daily in great numbers unto him. They all agreed of that which Cae∣sar had before understood by the discoverers, that the back of that hill was almost levell, but narrow and woody where it gave passage to the other part of the town. The Galles did much fear that place, for the Romans having took one knoll, if they should possesse themselves of a∣nother, the Galles were almost block in round about, and cut off from forraging, or any other issuing out of the town: and therefore Vercin∣getorix had called them all to fortify that place. This being known, Caesar sent many troups of horse to that place about midnight, comman∣ding them to ride up and down all thereabout somewhat tumultuously. And early in the morning he caused many horses and mules for carriage to be taken out of the camp with horse-keepers upon them, having casks upon their heads the better to resemble horsemen, and to be carried round about the hills. And to them he added a few horsemen, to the end they might spur out the more freely, and so make a better shew, commanding them all to go to the same place by a long circuit ••bout. These things were done in view of the town; for Gergovia so stood, that they might from thence see into the camp; but yet in so great a distance they could not certainly perceive what was done. He sent likewise one Legion to the same hill, and appointed them to go a little way, and then to make a stand in a dale, and to hide themselves in the woods. The Galles began more to sus∣pect that place, and all their forces were drawn thither for the strengthening of it. Caesar perceiving the enemies camps to be void of men, hiding his ensigns and colours, he drew the souldiers by little and little out of the greater into the lesser camp, and acquainted the legates to whom he had given the severall legions in charge, what he would have done; warning them especially to keep in the souldiers, lest they should be carried out either with a desire of sighting, or in hope of booty. He propounded unto them the incommodities of the disadvan∣tage of place, which must only be avoided by expedition, the matter consisting rather in occa∣sion and opportunity,* 1.115 then in fighting.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

IT is an easy matter to begin a businesse, and to make work for many hands; but to put it off again, and to quit it without prejudice of o∣ther

important respects, is no small labour. Caesar being ingaged in the siege of Gergovia, and fea∣ring a generall revolt throughout all Gallia, was not a little troubled how he might clear himself of that businesse, without suspicion of fear or flight, and gather all his forces into one body again, which he had before divided into two armies:* 1.116 for as Marcellus said to Fabius touching the siege of Casselium, Multa magnis ducibus sicut non aggred••enda, ita semel ag∣gressis non dimittenda esse, quia magna famae momenta in utramque partem fiunt; Many things as they are not to be attempted by great Captains; so when they are once attempted they must not be left unatchieved: for in either their reputation is much concerned. An enemy will conceive greater hopes from such a retreat, then from a greater advantage. And therefore a Generall ought to have as speciall a regard to the opinion which he desireth to be held of his proceedings, as of any part belonging to his charge: for fame is the spirit of great actions, and maketh them memorable or unworthy by re∣port. Caeteris mortalibus in co••stare consilia quid sibi conducere putent; Principum (saith Tacitus) diversam esse sortem, quibus prae∣cipua rerum ad famam dirigenda; Other mens consultations tend only to what may most advantage themselves: Princes have more to do; to look in their management of things princi∣pally at their honour and reputation. Wherein there cannot be a better rule for the avoiding of that inconvenience, then that which Lucretius observed, of whom Livie saith; Id prudenter ut in temere suscepta re Romanus fecit, quod circumspectis difficultatibus, ne frustra rem∣pus tereret, celeriter abstitit incepto: He did thus far prudently in a businesse rashly under∣taken; that when he saw what difficulties atten∣ded the enterprise, rather then spend time in vain, he forthwith desisted from his purpose. For the speedy leaving of any such enterprise, doth ex∣cuse the rashnesse which might be imputed to the beginning; and men are not so much blamed for making triall of an ill-digested project, as they are for obstinate continuing in the same.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

SOme services (saith Caesar) are Res occasio∣nis,* 1.117 non praelii, businesses of opportunity, not of war: whereof I have already disputed. Not∣withstanding give me leave to add the mistake, which often falleth out in matter of opportunity. For in viewing the occurrences of the wars of these later times, we may find that some hot-spur commanders, having tasted of the good successe when occasion affordeth, have thought of no∣thing but of services assided with opportunity, in such manner as at length they forgot that occa∣sion came but seldome, and carried their men up∣on such desperate attempts, as proved the business to be a matter scarce affording means to fight for their lives, but were often swallowed up with devouring danger: wherein they did mistake the condition of the service, and fell short of Caesars example. For albeit he sent out his men to struggle with the height of the hill, and the disad∣vantage of well-fortified camps; yet he knew they should find little resistance by the enemy, being drawn away upon other occasions, if they made that expedition as was requisite in this ser∣vice; whereby he left them not without means to over••way those difficulties, and so made it Rem occasionis, non praelii, a businesse of oppor∣tunity, not of war.

CHAP. XXII.

The Romans make an assault upon Gergovia.

THese things being delivered,* 1.118 he gave the souldiers the sign to begin, and at the same time he sent out the He∣dui by another ascent on the right side. The wall of the town was distant by a right line from the plain and the foot of the hill (if it lay even without any dale or valley) a thousand and two hundred p••ces: whatsoever more was added in fetching circuits about to climb the sleep of the hill, was over and besides that distance. From the middest of the hill in length, as the nature of the place would bear it, the Galles had with great stones raised a wall of s••x foot in height, to hinder the assault of our men; and all the lower part be∣ing left void and empty, they filled the upper part of the hill even to the wall of the town with thick and frequent camps. The souldiers up∣on the sign given were quickly come to the works, and passing over them they possest themselves of three camps, with such speed and expedition, that Teutomatus the king of the Nitiobriges, be∣ing surprised in his tent as he rested about noon time, the upper part of his body being n••ked and his horse wounded, did hardly escape the hands of souldiers occupied in booty. Caesar having got that which he propounded to him∣self, commanded a retreat to be sounded; and the Ensigns of the tenth Legion stayd. But the souldiers of the other Legions not hearing the sound of the trumpet, forasmuch as a great valley was between them, were staid notwith∣standing at first by the Tribunes of the soul∣diers and the Legates, according as Caesar had given in charge. But being carried away as well with a hope of speedy victory, as by the flight of the enemy, and the fortunate battels of former times, they thought nothing so difficult but they could overcome it by their valour, in∣somuch as they desisted not from following, un∣till they came to the wall and the gates of the town. Then a great outcry being took up in

all parts of the town, such as were further off being terrified with the suddennesse of the tu∣mult, thinking the enemy had been within the gates, did cast themselves out of the town: and the women cast down their apparell and their silver from the walls; and holding out their naked breasts, with their hands spread a∣broad, adjured the Romans to save them, and that they would not (as they had done at Ava∣ricum) destroy both women and children: and some women slipt down by their hands from the wall, and gave themselves freely to the souldi∣ers. L. Fabius a centurion of the eighth leg∣on, who was heard to say that day, that the boo∣ty which he had got at Avaricum so stirred him up, that he would suffer no man to get up upon the wall before himself; having got three of his manipular souldiers, with their help he climbed up to the top of the wall, and then he himself did help up his fellowes. In the mean time such as were on the other side of the town, busied in fortifying that place, (as we have al∣ready delivered) first the noise being heard, and then stirred up by often messengers, that the Romans had took the town, sending their horsemen before, they hasted thither in great numbers, and still as they came, they stood un∣der the wall, and increased the number of such as they found fighting. A great multitude being at length come together, the women that a little before had reached out their hands from the wall to the Romans, began now to adjure their own people, and as the maner of the Galles is, to shew their hair lose about their ears, and to bring out their children.

OBSERVATIONS.

IT is both safe and honourable for Souldiers and inferiour Commanders to keep their di∣rections:* 1.119 for whensoever they go about to in∣large their businesse according to their own fan∣tasy, howsoever occasion may seem to further their desires, they invert the whole course of discipline, and do arrogate more to themselves, then they do attribute to their Generall.

The Romans were strict in this point, as may appear by that of Manlius, who put his own son to death for making a happy fight against the enemy contrary to his directions: for al∣though it fortuned to fall out well at that time, yet the example was so dangerous in a well-or∣dered war, that he chose rather to bring a mis∣chief upon his own son, then an inconveni∣ence to their military government. Injussu tuo (saith one in Livie to the Consul) nunquam pugnabo, non si certam victoriam videam; un∣lesse thou biddest, I will never fight, no, though I see the victory clear before me; making pro∣fession of true obedience, and ranging himself in the order of such parts, as have no other office but observance. For an army is as a body, and the souldiers are as particular parts, every man according to his place: the Generall is as the life and soul, and giveth motion to every part ac∣cording to reason. And as in a naturall body no part can move without directions from the life; so in the body of an army, when any part moveth without the consent of the head, the mo∣tion is either monstrous or exorbitants, and suteth with such an effect as condemneth the instruments of unadvised rashnesse.

Polybius saith, that men have two wayes to come by wisdome, either by their own harms, or by other mens miscasualties. Such wisedome as is got through correction happening by their own errours, is dearly bought; but sitting near them, is not easily forgotten: that which is ob∣tained by other mens misfortunes, is well come by, and at an easy rate; but for the most part it is soon forgotten: but such as can retain it to a good use, are most happy men. This precept to souldiers touching obedience, and the precise keeping of their directions, hath by other mens harms so often been urged, as a man would think that later ages should beware of this disorder. And yet it falleth out almost in every small ser∣vice. For the greatest losse which the English received at any one time at Ostend, was in a sal∣ly; wherein captain Woodward having possest himself of some of the enemies works, when by his directions he should have stayed, thinking to improve his reputation by some further service, deeming it easy peradventure to go forward, he went on beyond the compasse of his command: whereby it happened, that both the enemy had greater scope to revenge their former dishonour, and the rest of our English troups that had their part in that project by way of second helps, could not proceed according to their directions; and so they all returned with losse.

That which Xenophon reporteth touching one Chrysantas,* 1.120 is notable to this purpose; who be∣ing in the heat of a conflict, and having his sword lift up to strike one of the adverse party, he chanced to hear a retreat sounded, whereupon he presently withdrew his hand, and did forbear to smite him. Which howsoever to some may seem ridiculous, and unfitting the temper of a souldier in time of battel; yet let them know that Xenophon a great Commander, and an ex∣cellent historian, did alledge that example to the eternall memory of the forenamed party, for the knowledge and instruction of Cyrus, whom he propoundeth to the world as an absolute pat∣tern both of military and civile vertue.

CHAP. XXIII.

The Romans continue the assault, and are beaten off with losse.

THe contention was not indifferent to the Romans,* 1.121 neither in place nor in number of combatants, being wea∣ried withall, both with the long race which they had run, and with the continuance of their fight, whereby they did not so easily bear the enemy being whole and fresh. Caesar seeing the fight to be in an une∣quall place, and the enemy still to increase their forces, fearing his people, he sent to T. Sextius the legate, whom he had left to command the lesser camp, to bring out the cohorts speedily, and to place them at the foot of the hill on the right side of the enemy; to the end that if our men were forced to forsake their place, yet the enemy might be terrified from following them over freely, he himself removing a little out of that place where he stood with the legion, at∣tended the event of the battel. And as they fought at hand very fiercely, the enemy trust∣ing in the place and in the multitude, and our men in their valour, the Hedui suddenly appeared on the open side of our men, whom Caesar had sent up by another ascent on the right hand, to keep off part of the enemy. These by the likenesse of their armour did wonderfully asto∣nish our men: who although they saw their right arms shewed or put forth, which was a sign of peace, yet they doubted lest the enemy had used that policy to deceive them. At the same instant L. Fabius the Centurion, and those that climbed up upon the wall with him, being slain, were cast down from the wall again, and M. Petreius a Centurion of the same legion, as he was about to cut down the gates, being op∣pressed with the multitude, and despairing of his own life, having received many wounds; Forasmuch (saith he to his souldiers that fol∣lowed him) as I cannot save my self and you too, I will certainly provide for your safety, whom I have brought into danger whilst I thirsted af∣ter honour. You, while you may, shift for your selves. And withall he brake through the thickest of the enemy, and with the slaughter of a couple he removed the rest from the gate. And as his souldiers went about to help him, In vain (saith he) do you endeavour to save my life, which bloud and strength have already forsaken: and therefore get you hence while you have means, and betake your selves to the legion, and so fighting fell down dead, but sa∣ved his men. Our men being overcharge don all sides, with the losse of six and fourty Centuri∣ons, were beaten down from the place: but the tenth legion, which stood for a rescue in a more equall place, hindred the Galles from following over eagerly. And again, the cohorts of the thirteenth legion, which Sextius had brought out of the camp, seconded that legion, having got the advantage of the upper ground. The legi∣ons assoon as they came into the plain, stood still, and turned head to the enemy. Vercinge∣torix drew back his men from the foot of the hill, and brought them into their camps. That day few lesse then seven hundred souldiers were wanting.

OBSERVATIONS.

ANd this is the end of presumptuous rashnesse, when men are become so pregnant, as to take upon them more then is required. But as they say of fair weather, that it is pity it should do hurt: so is it great pity that valour and resolution should prove disadvantageous. For this over∣doing of a service, is but the spirit of valiant car∣riage, and the very motion of prowesse and cou∣rage, memorable in the offenders themselves; as we may see by this particular report of Fabius and Petreius: and much to be pitied, that vertue should at any time be overquelled with a greater strength.

At this service the Romans stood in these terms; they were overmatched in number, they had spent their strength in speedy running to the place which in it self was not favourable unto them, but almost as great an enemy as the Galls, only they trusted in their valour, and thought by vertue to clear all difficulties. The Galles had the favour of the place, a far greater number of fighting men, they came fresh to the battel, and were alwaies seconded with fresh supplies. Caesar seeing the two armies ingaged one with another, could neither part them nor recall his souldiers, but set such forces as were free in such convenient places, as might rescue his people in the retreat, and keep the Galles from following the chase, or making any great slaughter of the Roman souldier. Whereby it happened, that in so great an inequality, where there were so ma∣ny swords drawn to make way to death, there were not seven hundred men lost of the Roman army. And yet it happened to be the greatest losse that ever he received in those wars in his own presence, when the issue of the conflict gave the enemy the better of the day.

CHAP. XXIIII.

Caesar rebuketh the rashnesse of his souldiers; and maketh light, but successfull skirmishes upon the e∣nemy.

CAesar the next day calling the army before him,* 1.122 rebuked the temerity and cupidity of the souldiers, foras∣much as they had took upon them to judge how far they were to go, or what they were to do; neither would they stay

upon the sounding of a retreat, nor hearken to the Tribunes nor the Legates that would have kept them back. He laid open unto them how avai••eable the inequality of the place was, and what he himself thought of it, when at Avari∣cum he took the enemy without a Generall and without cavalry, yet did forgo a most assured victory, lest in the buckling he might have re∣ceived a small losse through the inequitie of the place. How admirable was the greatnesse of their spirit, whom neither the fortifications of the camps, the height of the hill, nor the wall of the town could stop or hinder! Wherein he blamed their licentious arrogancy the more, forasmuch as they had took upon them to judge better of the victory, and the successe of that service, then the Generall himself: neither did he so much desire to find courage and vertue in his souldiers, as modesty and sobriety. This speech being delivered, and in the end confir∣ming their minds that they might not be dis∣couraged at the matter, nor attribute that to the worth of the enemy, which indeed was in the nature of the place; keeping his former purpose of departure, he brought the legions out of the camp, imbattelled them in a convenient place, and finding that Vercingetorix would not be drawn into an indifferent place, after a light skirmish of horse, wherein the Romans had the better, he caried his armie back again into the camp: and doing the like the next day, thinking it sufficient to abate the pride of the Galles, and to strengthen the courage of his souldiers, he removed his camp into the State of the He∣dui, the enemy refusing to make after him.

OBSERVATIONS.

REparation of honour is a chief point in the cariage of an army:* 1.123 for he that leaveth an enemy upon a losse received, when his souldiers are either awed or well beaten, must look to find the same spirit and courage in them, when they shall come again to confront the ene∣mie, as they had when they last left him with a dis∣advantage; which is nothing else but an unskil∣full continuance of his own losse, and a prepara∣tion to a second overthrow. In the warre the Romans had with Annibal, in all the fights they made,* 1.124 they continued their first losse unto the battell at Nola: at what time by Marcellus good directions, they gave him an overthrow; which was the first time that ever Annibals souldiers began to give place to the Romans, and repaired the Romans valour again, after so many battels as they lost. For then they were perswaded that they fought not with an enemy altogether invincible, but that he was subject to losse and overthrow. And in respect of this so happy a fortune, restoring the Roman souldiers to their ancient valour and good fortune, it is that Livi•• saith, Ingens eo die res, ac nescio an maxima ill•• bello gest a sit, A great piece of service was perfor∣med that day,* 1.125 & I think I may say the greatest that was done in that warre. Caesar did well understand this Philosophie: and therefore he la∣boured to repair the breach which the enemy had made in the valour of his souldiers, by light and small skirmishes, before he would adventure to hazzard the main drife of the businesse in any set conflict. And the rather for that he had a purpose to leave the enemy for a time, whereby he seemed to end the former services; wherein he had a speciall care not to depart with the last blow, having alwayes before that time had the better: for the condition of the end doth chal∣lenge much of the former proceedings, and doth draw the opinion of men to deem of all as the conclusion importeth. According as Claudius Nero told his souldiers: Semper quod postremo adjectum sit, id rem totam videri traxisse: As the end of the service is, so the whole seems to have been.

CHAP. XXV.

The Hedui revolt: Caesar passeth his army over the river Loire.

THe third day he repaired the bridge at the river Elevar,* 1.126 and carried over his army. There he understood by Viridomarus and Eporedorix, that Litavicus was gone with all the ene∣mies horse to sollicite the State of the Hedui, and therefore it was requisite that Caesar should send them before to confirm the State, and keep them in loyalty. And although Caesar did mistrust the State of the Hedui for many cau∣ses, and did think that the departure of these two Nobles would hasten their revolt; yet he did not think it fit to detain them, lest he should either seem to do them wrong, or to give any suspicion of distrust. At their departure he propounded unto them briefly, how well he had deserved of their State, how low and weak they were when he received them, confined within their towns, their lands extended, all their as∣sociates taken from them, a tribute laid upon them, pledges extorted from them with great contumely; and into what fortune and great∣nesse he had brought them again, that not only they had recovered their former state, but did exceed the dignity and favour of all former times: and with these mandates he let them go. Noviodunum was a town of the Hedui, situate in a convenient place, upon the bank of the ri∣ver Loire. Thither had Caesar sent all the ho∣stages of Gallia, the corn, the publick trea∣sure, and the greatest part of the baggage of the army; and thither he had likewise sent great store of horse, which he had bought in Spain and Italy for the service of this war. Eporedo∣rix

and Viridomarus coming thither, and un∣derstanding touching the affairs of their State, that Li••avicus was received into Bibract by the Hedui, which is the Metropolitan citie of their State, and that Convictolitanis their chief Ma∣gistrate, and a great part of the Senate were come unto him, and that publick messengers were sent to Vercingetorix touching a league of peace and amitie; they did not think it fit to omit so great an opportunitie. And thereupon having slain the Guard at Noviodunum, with such others as were there either by way of trade or travell, they divided the money and the horses between them, and took order that the hostages of the other States should safely be con∣veyed to Bibract. For the town, forasmuch as they thought they were not able to keep it, lest the Romans might make any use of it, they burned it: such corn as they could carry on the sudden, they conveyed away in boats, the rest they either burnedor cast it into the river. They began to raise forces in the countrie, next ad∣joyning; to dispose of watches and garrisons on the bank of the river Loire; to shew their Ca∣valrie in all places, to strike fear into the Ro∣mans, to the end they might exclude them from provision of corn, or drive them through ne∣cessity of want to forsake the Province. Where∣of they were the rather assured, forasmuch as the Loire was much swelled by a fall of snow, whereby it was unpassable at any foard. These things being known, Caesar thought it necessary for him to make haste, (especially if he must make up the bridges) to the end he might give them battel before they had gathered a greater head: for touching his pupose for returning into the Province, he did not think it fit by any means, both in respect of the shame and in famy thereof, as also forasmuch as the opposition of the hill Gebenna, and the difficultie of the passage did hinder him; but especially for that he did exceedingly desire to joyn himself with Labienus and the Legions that were with him. And therefore making great journeys both by day and night beyond all mens expectation, he came to the river Loire, where the horsemen having sound a convenient foard for the ne∣cessitie of the time, that the souldiers might pass over with their arms and shoulders above the water, to hold up their weapons, disposing the horse in the river to break the force of the stream, and the enemy being affrighted upon their first shew, he carried over his Army in safety. And having satisfied his souldiers with corn which he found in the fields, and good store of cattell, he determined to march towards the Senones.

OBSERVATIONS.

THe greatest difficulty that ever Caesar found in the course of these warres,* 1.127 was at this instant upon the revolt of the Hedui. For whereas that State after Caesars coming into Gallia, was ever reputed the favourite of the Roman Empire, having received such speciall priviledges and prerogatives above the rest, as might tie them with an inviolable bond of amity to the people of Rome: it was not to be expected that they should forsake so great a stay, or favour any thing that might tend to the weak∣ning of that authority, which preferred them in dignity before all other States of that Continent: and was as a Remora to divers other Nations of Gallia, from shewing that defection by plain and open revolt, which they had so long before conceived in their minds.

But when it appeared (notwithstanding any precedent benefit, or the merit of imperiall fa∣vours) that the Hedui did affect the common cause of their Countries liberty, and were con∣tent to ingage themselves therein, as far as their lives or fortunes could any way be valued: it was not to be doubted, but that such other Common∣weals, as before that time had remained neutrall, and had less cause then the Hedui to keep back their hands from a work of that piety, would ap∣prehend the matter as a business importing the safety of their Countrey, whereunto Caesar and the Legions were common enemies. The consi∣deration whereof made Caesar to think of re∣turning back into the Province, had not the dishonour of such a retreat, and the desire he had to joyn with Labienus, hindred that purpose.

CHAP. XXVI.

Labienus cometh to Lutetia with four Legions.

WHile these things were done by Cae∣sar,* 1.128 Labienus having left those sup∣plies which came last out of Italy, at Agendicum, for the safetie of the carriages, went himself with four Legions towards Lutetia, a town of the Pa∣risians, built in an Island in the river Sequana. The enemy understanding of his coming, great forces were speedily brought together out of the countries near about. The chiefest command was given to Camulogenus of the nation of the Aulerci, who notwithstanding his great age, was called to that honour for his singular know∣lege in matter of warre. He finding it to be a continued bog that ran into Sequana, and much hindered all that place, did stay there with his army, and purposed to hinder the pas∣sage of the Romans. Labienus did first endeavour to drive the vines, to fill up the bog with hurdles and earth, and so to make the passage firm: but after that he perceived it to be very hard to effect, in the third watch of the night he went out of the camp with silence, and the same way that he came, he went to Melodunum a town of the Senones, situate in an Island of Sequana, as

Lutetia is: and having surprised some fiftie shippes and boats, and manned them with souldiers, the townsmen being affrighted with the noveltie of the matter, of whom a great part were called out to that warre, he possest himself of the town without any resistance. The bridge being repaired which the enemie had cut down a few dayes before, he transported over the ar∣mie, and went down along the river towards Lutetia. The enemy having notice thereof by such us escaped from Melodunum, commanded Lutetia to be burned, and the bridges of the town to be broken: they themselves for saking the bog, sate down upon the banks of Sequana, right over against the camp of Labienus. By this time Caesars departure from Gergovia was known abroad, with the revolt of the Hedui: and ru∣mours were brought of a secondrising and mo∣tion in Gallia. It was certainly confirmed, that the Galles were in consultation, that Caesar was kept back both by the difficulties of the pas∣sage and the river Loire, and for want of corn was constrained to return into the Province. The Bellovaci also understanding of the revolt of the Hedui, whereas they were before treache∣rous and disloyall of themselves, did now begin to raise forces and prepare for open warre. La∣bienus upon so great a change of things, under∣stood that it was necessary for him to take ano∣ther manner of course then was before intended. For now he thought not of making any conquest, or urging the enemy to battell, but to bring he army back in safety to Agendicum. For on the one side, the Bellovaci stood ready to charge him, being a people that had the name for deeds of arms of all the nations in Gallia; the other side was kept by Camulogenus with an army ready in the field: and last of all, the Legions were kept from their garrison and their carri∣ages with a great river that ran between them and it.

OBSERVATIONS.

THe great alteration which the revolt of the Hedui made in Gallia,* 1.129 caused Labienus to let fall his former resolutions, and to shape such a course as might best answer the extremitie of the tempest. For he that will attain the end of his desires, or make peace with the affections of his mind, must not think at all times to carry away contentment with the strength of his means, or subdue resistance with force of arms, but must be well pleased to be driven with the stream, untill he meet with a tide of better oppor∣tunitie: for oftentimes it falleth out, that the oppo∣sition of resisting power is more available then ten Legions commanded by Caesar, or what the Roman Empire could adde besides, to so great an army. For there is no quantitie so great, but there may be found a greater; nor none so little, but there may be a less: which may teach a man neither to conceit himself in a matchless singu∣larity, nor to despair of a weak condition. And this is that which is so often recommended to the consideration of discreet Governours, whether they be Magistrates in peace, or Commanders in warre, to put them in mind of the condition of times, and to carry themselves answerable thereunto: forasmuch as fortunate and happy success, riseth for the most part from such means as have respect to the occurrences of the time, not running alwayes upon one biass, nor failing at all times with a fore-wind; but sometimes to press forward, and sometimes to give back, according as the circumstances of the time shall make way to good for∣tune.

Fabius the great Roman thought it no scorn to be called coward,* 1.130 or to undergo the displea∣sure of the people of Rome, while he gave place to the fury of the Carthaginian, and refused to receive a third overthrow. And thus he altered the course of the Roman warfare according to the time, and overthrew that enemy by shunning to encounter him, which in a battell would have hazarded the conquest of Rome. In like manner Cn. Sulpitius the Dictator did imitate this wisedome of Fabius against the Galles, by lingring out the warre: Nolens se fortunae committere adversus hostem (as Livy saith) quem tempus deteriorem indies & locus alienus fuceret; Not willing to put the triall to Fortune, when as he dealt with an enemy, which time and ignorance of the place rendred every day weaker and weaker. And to conclude this point, Caesar upon the loss which he received at Dyrrachium, Omnem sibi commutandam belli rationem exi∣stimavit, thought it his best way to alter the whole course of the warre, as the Story saith: which was nothing else but varying with the time, and helping a bad Fortune with new di∣rections.

CHAP. XXVII.

Labienus passeth the river Sequana, and fighteth with the Galles.

FOr the avoiding of these great diffi∣culties which came so suddenly up∣on him,* 1.131 he knew there was no help to be had, but that which the vertue of his mind would afford him: and therefore calling a councell a little before the evening, he adhorted them to excoute such things as he commanded both with diligence and industry; and so taking the ships which he had brought from Melodunum, he divided them amongst the Roman horsemen, and after the first watch he commanded them to go four miles down the river in silence, and there to at∣tend him. He left five cohorts, which he thought

to be too weak for any fight, as a garrison to the camp, and sent the other five cohorts of the same legion about midnight with all the carri∣ages up the river, commanding them to make a great noise and tumult as they went. He sought out all barges and boats, and sent them up the river with much noise and beating of oars: and a little while after he himself went quietly with three legions to the place where he had commanded the ships to abide him. At his coming thither, the enemies discoverers which were disposed on all parts of the river, were suddenly and at unawares surprised by our men, by reason of a sudden tempest that did rise in the mean time: and the army and the horse were by the diligence of the Roman Knights (to whom he had committed that bu∣sinesse) carried over. At the same time a little before day-light, the enemy had intelli∣gence that there was an extraordinary noise and tumult in the Roman camp, and a great troup went up the river, and the beating of oars was heard that way, and a little below the souldiers were carried over. Which being known, for∣asmuch as they judged that the legions were carried over in three places, and that they were so perplexed at the revolt of the Hedui, that they fled away; they divided their forces also in∣to three parts▪ for a garrison being left right over against the Roman camp, and a small band sent towards Glossendium, which was to go so far as the boats went, they carried the rest of their army to meet Labienus. By the daw∣ning of the day all our men were carried over, and the enemy was discovered ranged in bat∣tel. Labienus adhorting the souldiers to be∣think themselves of their ancient vertue, and to recall the memory of their fortunate battels, and to suppose that Caesar himself was present, under whose leading they had oftentimes over∣thrown the enemy; he gave the sign of battel. Upon the first affront, on the right wing, where the seventh legion stood, the enemy was beaten back and put to flight; in the left cornet, where the twelfth legion was, the former ranks of the enemy being pierced through and beaten dead down with the piles, the rest notwithstanding did stoutly resist, neither did any man give sus∣picion of flying. Camulogenus the Generall was present with his men, and encouraged them to sight, the victory being uncertain. When the Tribunes of the seventh legion understood what was done in the left wing, they shewed the legion behind on the back of the enemy, and there began to charge them: and yet none of them for sook his place, but were all inclosed and slain, Camulogenus ending his dayes by the same fortune. Such of the enemy as were left over against the Roman camps, understanding that the battel was begun, came to second their fel∣lowes, and took a hill, but were not able to abide our conquering souldiers; but joyning them∣selves to the rest that fled, were neither pro∣tected by the woods nor the mountains, but were all slain by the horsemen. This businesse being ended, Labienus returned to Agendicum, where the carriages of the whole army were left: and from thence came to Caesar with all the forces.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

LAbienus being to passe the river of Seine, which was strongly guarded by the Galles, was forced to seek a means out of the vertue of his mind, (as Caesar saith,) and to lay such a project as might amuse the enemy, and keep him in sus∣pence what way to take to prevent his passage, untill he had effected that which he desired. Which bringeth to our consideration the saying of Epaminondas the Theban, that there is no∣thing more necessary or behovefull for a Gene∣rall,* 1.132 then to understand the purposes of the ene∣my. A point so much the more commendable, by how much it is in it self difficult, and hard to be discovered; for it were hard to understand their secret deliberations, which for the most part are only known to the Generall, or to such chief Commanders as are near about him, when then very actions which every man knoweth, and such things as are done in the open view of the world, are oftentimes doubtfull to an enemy.

Livie hath a notable story to this purpose. Sempronius the Roman Consul giving battel to the Aequi, the fight continued untill the night parted them, not without alteration of fortune, sometimes the Romans prevailing, and some∣times the Aequi: the night coming on, both sides being weary and half routed, they forsook their camps, and for their better safety took each of them a hill. The Roman army divided it self into two parts: the one part followed the Consul, and the other a Centurion, named Tem∣panius, a fellow of great spirit, and had shewed much worth in the battel. The next morning the Consul without further inquiry, made towards Rome; and so did the Aequi withdraw their army back into their country: either of them deeming themselves overthrown, and casting victorie upon each others shoulders. It hap∣pened that Tempanius with that part of the ar∣my that kept with him, inquiring after the ene∣my, found him to be overthrown and fled: whereupon he first went to the Roman camp and made that good, and then marched to the camp of the Aequi, which he took and ri••••ed, and so returned victor to Rome.

The morning following the battell of Agin∣court,* 1.133 Mont••oy the French Herald coming to enquire for prisoners, King Henry asked him who had won the field: To which he answered, That the French had lost it: which was un∣known

known to that worthy Conquerour. Plutarch writeth, that Cassius killed himself upon the like errour, not knowing the fortune of the right wing of his army. And therefore it must needs be a commendable matter, to understand the delibe∣rations of an enemy, when the issue of a battell is oftentimes so uncertain.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

CAmulogenus hath the report in this place of singular knowledge and experience in mat∣ter of war, and being of a grea age he fought as resolutely as the youngest gallant of them all, which may bring to our consideration the fittest age of life to be wished in a General,* 1.134 for the at∣chieving of noble and worthy exploits. Wherein we are to consider, that the youth and former years of a mans age, are plentifully stored with hot bloud and nimble spirits, which quickly ap∣prehend the conceptions of the mind, and carry them with such violence to execution, that they bereave the judgement of her prerogative, and give it no respite to censure them; whereby it cometh to pass, that young men are for the most part heedless, inconsiderate, rash and resolute, putting more upon hazard then upon good ad∣vice.

On the otherside, old age is cold in blood, and not so quick of spirit, but being beaten with the rod of long experience, it learneth to be slow and lingring, full of doubts and consideration, inclining rather to a feminine fear, then to a for∣ward resolution.

Neither of these attributes are simply in them∣selves the best attendants of noble enterprises: for a hot-spur gallant may run apace, but not go sure; and what young man soever is advanced to command, had need of an old mans wit to discharge it. And if authority did at any time fall into the hands of youth in the Roman go∣vernment, which was very seldom, it was Prae∣mium virtutis, non aetatis; for his vertues sake, not his age. Pompey was extraordinary happy in that behalf, for he attained the surname of great, because he had deserved the honour of tri∣umph before his beard was grown. And yet Sertorius took such advantage at Pompeys youth,* 1.135 coming against him in Spain, that he said he would have whipped the young boy to Rome again with rods, had not that old woman (mean∣ing Metellus) come to help him.

Again, where old age heapeth doubt upon doubt, and falleth into the danger of unprofita∣ble lingring, Nec ausus est satis nec providit, it wanteth boldness to steel the enterprise, & fal∣leth also short of good providence, as Tacitus speaketh of F. Valens.* 1.136 Augustus Caesar purpo∣sing to commend Tiberius his successour with an extraordinary praise, said he was a man that never put one thing to be twice consulted of. And it is said of Marius,* 1.137 that being come to the age of threescore and five years or thereabouts, he shewed himself very cold and slow in all his enterprises, forasmuch as age had mortified his active heat, and killed that ready disposition of body that was wont to be in him. The Romans finding Fabius Maximus to be full of doubts and delay, good to defend but not to offend, and Marcellus of a stirring spirit, neither quiet with good nor ill fortune, (as Annibal truly said of him) they thought to joyn Marcellus youth∣full courage with Fabius fear and wisedome, and so make a temperature fit for a Generall; where∣upon they called Marcellus the sword, and Fa∣bius the buckler: wherein Caesar of himself was excellent, of whom Suetonius reporteth, Dubium cautior, an audentior; It is uncertain whether he was more wary or daring.

The best state of years then for this business, is that which tempereth the heat of youth with the coldness of age, and quickneth the slow and dull proceedings of double advice, with the rashness of youthfull resolution: and falleth out between the years of five and thirty and five and fifty. Scipio Africanus commanded the Roman army in Spain at four and twenty years of age, and died at four and fifty. Annibal was chosen Ge∣nerall to Asdrubal at six and twenty years, and poisoned himself at threescore and ten. Pompey was slain at nine and fifty, and Caesar at sixe and fifty. Marcellus kept his youthfull reso∣lution to his old dayes: forbeing threescore years of age, he never longed for any thing more then to fight with Annibal hand to hand.

CHAP. XXVIII.

The Galles consult of the carriage of that war.

THe revolt of the Hedui being known,* 1.138 the warre waxed greater. Am∣bassadours were sent out into all parts, and they laboured to draw the rest of the States to their party, as farre as either favour, authority, or money could pre∣vail: having got the pledges into their hands which Caesar had left with them, they terrified such as stood doubtfull, by threatning to kill them. The Hedui do desire Vercingetorix to come unto them, and to acquaint them with the course of that war▪ which being yielded un∣to, they labour to have the chief command transferred upon them. The matter growing unto a controversie, a generall Councell of all Gallia was summoned at Bibract. Thither they repaired in great multitudes: and the matter being put to voices, they all with one consent made allowance of Vercingetorix for their Generall. The men of Rhemes, with the Lingones and Treviri, were absent from this Councell: the two first continuing their af∣fection to the Roman party: the Tr••viri were

farre off, and were annoyed by the Germans; in respect they were absent from that warre, and remained neutrall. The Hedui were much grie∣ved that they were put by the principalitie, they complain of the change of their fortune, and wished for Caesars former indulgence; neither yet durst they disjoyn themselves again from the rest, the warre being already undertaken; but Eporedorix and Viridomarus, two young men of great hope, were constrained, though unwil∣ling, to obey Vercingetorix. He commanded pledges to be delivered by the rest of the States, and appointed a day for that businesse. He com∣manded fifteen thousand horse to be speedily brought together: touching foot forces, he would content himself with those which he had; for his purpose was not to wage battell, but whereas he was very strong in horse, he made no doubt to keep the Romans from corn and forrage: on∣ly th••y must patiently endure to have their corn spoiled, and their houses burnt; which particu∣lar losse would quickly be recompensed with li∣bertie and perpetuall sovereignty. These things being ordered, he commanded ten thousand foot to be raised by the Hedui and Segusiani border∣ing upon the Province; and to them he added eight hundred horse, and sent them under the command of Eporedorix his brother, to make warre against the Allobroges. And on the o∣ther side he caused the Gabali and the nearest villages of the Arverni to set upon the Helvii, the Rutheni, and the Cadurci, and to depopulate their countrey. Notwithstanding by secret mes∣sages he dealt with the Allobroges, whose minds he thought to be scarce settled from the former warre the promised money to their chiefest men, and to give the government of all the Roman Province to their State. To answer all these chances, there were provided but two and twen∣ty cohorts, which being raised out of the Pro∣vince, were disposed by L. Caesar a Legate to prevent these mischiefs. The Hedui of their own accord giving battell to their borderers, were beaten out of the field, and were driven in∣to their towns with the slaughter of C. Valerius Donotaurus, the sonne of Caburus the chief man of their State, and of many other. The Allo∣broges having set many watches and garrisons upon the river Rhene, did with great care and diligence defend their borders. Caesar under∣standing the enemy to be stronger in horse then he himself was, and the passages being shut that he could not send either into the Province or into Italy for any supplies, he sent over the Rhene into Germany, and got horse from such States as he had quieted the year be∣fore, with such light-armed footmen as were accustomed to sight amongst the horse. At their arrivall, forasmuch as they were not well fitted with horse, he took the horses from the Tribunes, the Roman Knights, and the Evocati, and distributed them amongst the Germans.

OBSERVATIONS.

THere are three principall means to draw a State into a partie which of it self standeth neutrall,* 1.139 or to win the minds of men, when they carrie equall or indifferent affections. The first is,* 1.140 by favour or friendship; the second, by authoritie;* 1.141 and the third, by money.

Friendship relieth upon former respects, and the exchange of precedent courtesies.* 1.142 Authority concludeth from future dangers, and the incon∣veniences which may follow the refusall. Mo∣ney doth govern the present occasion, and is more generall then either favour or authoritie. The Galles were not wanting to make their par∣tie good in any of these three perswading mo∣tives: but, as Caesar saith, Quantum gratia, au∣thoritate, pecunia valent, ad sollicitandas civi∣tates n••tuntur: they sollicited the neighbour States, as farre as friendship, authority, and mo∣ney would go.

Wherein as they went about to lay the stock upon it, so they left themselves but one triall for the right of their cause, and joyned issue for all upon the fortune of that action: for when they should see their best possibilities too weak, and their uttermost endeavours profit nothing against a mighty prevailing enemy, the greater their hopes were which they had in the means, the greater would be their despair when such means were spent; for it is a shrewd thing for men to be out of means, and not to drive a hope before them.

It is usuall upon such main occasions to imploy the chiefest man in a State, in whom the souldi∣ers may have most assurance, and to accom∣pany him with such means as the strength of the Commonweal may afford him: but if their great∣est hopes die in his ill successe, or wax faint through cold fortune, the kingdome receiveth losse, and the enemy getteth advantage, as may appear by the sequele of this great preparation.

CHAP. XXIX.

The Cavalrie of the Galles do set upon the Roman army, and are beaten.

WHile these things were a doing,* 1.143 the enemies forces and the horsemen that were commanded to be levied in all Gallia, met together, and came out of the territories of the Arverni. A great number of these being gathered toge∣ther, as Caesar marched against the Sequani by the borders of the Lingones, to the end he might the easier relieve the Province, Vercingetorix sate down about ten miles from the Romans in three severall camps, and calling the Captains and Colonels of horse to counsell, he told them

that the time of victory was now come; for the Romans left Gallia, and fled into the Province: which was sufficient for the obtaining of their present libertie, but availed little for the peace and quiet of future time, forasmuch as the Romans did not purpose to make an end of the warre, but to return again with greater forces. And therefore it was necessary to set up∣on them in their march lad•••• with carriages. If the foot did assist their horse, then they were not able to make any way or proceed in their journey. But if (which he hoped would rather happen) forsaking their carriages every man shifted for himself, they would depart both robbed of their necessaries and of their honour: for they need not doubt of the enemies horse, of whom he was most assured that they durst not go out from amongst the foot forces. And to the end they might be the better incouraged, he would draw all the forces in a readinesse out of the camp, and place them so as they might be a terror to the enemy. The horsemen cried out all together, that this resolution might be strengthened with an holy oath: Let him never be received under any roof, or have ac∣cesse to his wife, children, or parents, that did not twice runne through the army of the ene∣my. The thing being well lik••d of, and every man forced to take that oath, the next day he divided his cavalrie into three parts: two ar∣mies shewed themselves on each side, and the third began to make stay of the vauward. Which being known, Caesar divided his horses likewise into three parts, and sent them to make head against the enemy. At the same time they fought in all parts, the army stood still, the carriages were received within the Legions: if our men were overcharged any where, Caesar bent the Legions that way, which did both hinder the enemy from following them, and as∣sure our men of hope of rescue. At length the Germans having possest themselves of a hill on the right side, did put the enemy from their place, and followed them as they fled even to the river, where Vercingetorix stayed with the foot companies, and slew many of them. Whereupon the rest fearing lest they should be encompassed about, betook themselves to flight: execution was done in all places. Three of the Nobilitie of the Hedui were taken and brought to Caesar: Cotus the Generall of the horse, who at the last election of Magistrates stood in controversie with Convictolitanis; and Cavarillus, who after the revolt of Litavicus, commanded the foot troups; and Eporedorix, under whose command, before Caesars coming into Gallia, the Hedui made warre with the Sequani. All the caval∣rie being put to flight, Vercingetorix drew in his forces which he had imbattelled before his camp, and immediately after began to march towards Alesia a town of the Mandubii, com∣manding the baggage to be speedily brought out of the camp and to follow him. Caesar having conveyed his carriages to the next hill, under the custody of two Legions, he followed the ene∣my as long as the day would give him leave: and having slain some three thousand of the rere∣ward, the next day following he encamped at Alesia.

OBSERVATIONS.

THe Galles were much stronger then the Ro∣mans in Cavalry,* 1.144 both according to quantitie and qualitie: but the Roman Infanterie was greater in vertue and worth then any foot forces of the Galles, notwithstanding their inequalitie in number. Which sheweth that the Romans did more rely upon their legionary souldiers, then upon their Equites: and may serve for an argu∣ment in the handling of that question, which is so much debated amongst men of warre, whe∣ther the horse or the foot companies be of greater importance in the carriage of a warre. Which indeed is a question à male d••visis: being both so necessary for the perfect execution of martiall purposes, as they cannot well be disjoyned. And if we look particularly in the nature of their se∣verall services, we shall easily discern the differen∣ces, and be able to judge of the validitie of their parts.

Wherein first it cannot be denied,* 1.145 but that foot companies are serviceable to more purposes then troups of horse: for the horsemen are of no use, but in open and champain places; whereas footmen are not only of importance in fielden cou••treys, but are necessary also in mountainous or woodie places, in valleys, in ditches, in sieges, and in all other parts of what site or nature soe∣ver, where the horsemen cannot shew themselves. Whereby it appeareth, that the infanterie extend∣eth its service to more purposes then the cavalrie, and maketh the warre compleat, which otherwise would prove lame and uneffectuall.

Touching the weight of the businesse when it cometh to a day of battel,* 1.146 it resteth for the most part upon the foot troups: for the horsemen are profitable to the army wherein they serve, by ma∣king discoveries, by harrying the enemies coun∣trey,* 1.147 by giving succour or rescue upon a suddain, by doing execution upon an overthrow, and by confronting the enemies horse; but these are but as second services, and fall short of the main stroke, which for the most part is given by the footmen. Neither doth a rout given to the caval∣rie serving an army royall, concern the body of that army further then the services before men∣tioned; but the armie doth oftentimes go on not∣withstanding, and may well atchieve a happy victory: whereas upon the overthrow of the in∣fanterie, the horsemen have nothing to do, but to shift for themselves, and get away to their own

home. So that it appeareth that the foot compa∣nies are the bulk and bodie of the armie, and the horse as the armes and outward parts, having expedient and necessary offices, but alwayes sub∣ordinate to the main stroke given by the foot.

If any man look for proof hereof by example, he shall not need to seek further then the Romans, being masters of the art military, who by an anci∣ent law interdicting the Dictator to have the use of a horse in the warres for his private case,* 1.148 intimated, as Plutarch saith, the strength of their army to consist in their footmen, which the Gene∣rall in a day of battell should assist with his pre∣sence, and in no wise forsake them if he would. But touching the use of warre amongst them, their Equites were so farre short of the service perfor∣med by their foot troups, that when they would stand to it indeed, they forsook their horses and fought on foot: as in the battell with the La∣tines at the lake Regillus, which I have alrea∣dy mentioned in my former observations. Nei∣ther were the Romans tood horsemen, as it seem∣eth by Caesar: for he took the horses from the Tribunes and the Roman Equites, and gave them to the Germans, as better Rutters then any Romans. But howsoever a State that aboundeth in horse, and trusteth more in them then in foot companies, may harrie a champain countrey, but shall never be able to follow a warre with that strength, as is requisite to make it fortunate.

CHAP. XXX.

Caesar besiegeth Alesia, and fighteth with the enemies cavalry.

CAesar having viewed the site of the town,* 1.149 and knowing the enemie to be much troubled for the overthrow of their horse, in whom they put all their hopes, exhorting the souldiers to take a little pains, he determined to inclose the town round about with a ditch and a rampier. Alesia was sited on the top of a hill, in a very e∣minent place, and not to be taken but by a con∣tinued siege. At the foot of the hill ran two rivers on each side of the town: before the town there lay a plain of three miles in length: the other sides were inclosed round about in a reasonable distance with hills of equall height with the town. Under the wall on the East side lay all the forces of the Galles, having drawn a ditch and a drie wall on that part of eight foot in height: the whole circuit of the works which the Romans made to inclose the town about, contained eleven miles. Their camp was sited in a convenient place, where there were made three and twentie castles, which in the day time were kept by garr••sons, to prevent any suddain attempts of the enemy, and in the night by strong watches. The work being be∣gun, there happened a skirmish between the ca∣valrie of both sides in that plain which lay be∣fore the town of three miles in length. They fought eagerly on both sides. Our men being overcharged, Caesar sent the Germans to se∣cond them, and set the Legions before the camp, lest there might happen any suddain sally by the foot of the enemy. Upon the safegard of the Legions our men took courage. The enemy was put to flight, and being many in number one hindred another, and stuck in heaps in the streight passage of their gates. The Germans followed them close to their fortifications, and made a great execution amongst them. Many of them forsaking their horses attempted to leap the ditch, and to climbe over the drie wall. Caesar commanded the legions imbattelled be∣fore the camp to advance a little forward. The Galles that were within the fortification were no little troubled: for thinking the enemie would presently have come unto them, they made an alarme: some were so frighted that they brake into the town. Vercingetorix commanded the gates to be shut, lest the camp should be left na∣ked of defendants. Many of the enemie being slain, and very many horses taken, the Germans fell off and returned to Caesar.

OBSERVATIONS.

FOrasmuch as casualtie and chance have often∣times the prerogative of a service,* 1.150 and in misdeeming opinions do carrie away the honour from vertue and valour: the first triall of a for∣tune is not of that assurance, nor so much to be trusted, as when it is seconded again with the like effect: for when a matter by often triall falleth out to be of one and the same qualitie, it sheweth a certainty of a cause, producing ends of like condition. The Galles (as it seemeth) were much discouraged upon the first overthrow of their horse, in whom they so much believed, and alter∣ed the course of their high resolutions so farre, as where before they sware the overthrow of the Romans, they were now content to take the pro∣tection of a strong town: but this second foil which they received, did so assure them of a hard∣er confrontment and stronger opposition then they were able to bear, that they never thought of any further triall, but were content to go away losers, rather then to hazard their lives in a third combat. And thus, when a second event backeth a former fortune, it taketh away the suspicion of casualtie, and maketh the winner bold, and the loser desperate. Pompey was so transported with joy for the blow which he gave Caesar at Dyrra∣chium, that he sent letters of that daies victory into all parts of the world, and made his soul∣diers so secure touching the issue of that warre, ut non de ratione belli cogitarent, sed vicisse jam sibi viderentur, that they never thought how the warre was to be carried on, esteeming them∣selves

already absolute victors: not remembring, as Caesar saith, the ordinary changes of warre; wherein oftentimes a small matter, either of a false suspicion, or of a suddain fright, or some other accident, doth indanger an army, which the enemy taketh to himself, perinde ac si vir∣tute vicissent, as if he had overcome by his va∣lour.

CHAP. XXXI.

Vercingetorix sendeth away the horse: Caesar inclo∣seth Alesia with a strong wall.

VErcingetorix thought it best to dis∣misse all the horse,* 1.151 and send them away in the night, before the forti∣fications were perfected by the Ro∣mans. At their departure he com∣manded them, that every man should repair unto his own State, and send all to the warre that were able to bear arms. He layeth open his deserts towards them, and doth adjure them to have regard to his safety, and not to suffer him to be delivered over to the torture of the enemy, that had so well deserved of the common liber∣tie; wherein if they should prove negligent, fourscore thousand chosen men would perish with him in that place. And looking into their pro∣visions, he found that they had corn scarce for thirty dayes, but by sparing and good husbandry it might be made to serve longer. With these mandates he sent out the horsemen in silence about the second watch of the night, at that part of the town where the works were not per∣fected: he commanded all the corn to be brought unto him upon pain of death. The cattel he dis∣tributed to the souldiers by pole, whereof there was great store brought out from the Mandu∣bii: the corn he began to measure out very spa∣ringly. All the forces which he had placed be∣fore the town, he received within the walls; and so he purposed to attend the supplies of Gallia. Which being known by therunne-awayes and ca∣ptives, Caesar appointed to make these fortifica∣tions. He drew a ditch of twenty foot in breadth and depth, with streight sides, as broad at the bottome as at the top. The rest of the work he made fourty foot short of that ditch, which he did for these reasons; that the whole body of the Romans might not easily be inclosed about with an army of souldiers, which he thought to prevent by taking in so great a cir∣cuit of ground; and secondly, lest the enemy sallying out upon a suddain, should in the night come to destroy the works, or in the day-time trouble the souldiers with darts and casting weapons as they were busied about the works. This space of fourty foot being left, he made two ditches of fifteen foot in breadth and depth, the innermost whereof being carried through the fields and the lower ground, he filled with water drawn out of the river. Behind them he made a ditch and a rampier of twelve foot, and streng∣thened it with a parapet and pinacles, and with great boughes of trees cut in cags like unto a Harts horn, which he set where the hovels were joyned to the rampier, to hinder the enemy from climbing up; and made towers round about the whole work, in the distance of fourscore foot one from another. At the same time the Ro∣man souldiers were both to get stuffe for the fortification, to go a harvesting for provision of corn, and to make such great works. Our for∣ces being much weakened, and being to seek corn and stuffe farre off from the camp; the Galles also oftentimes attempting to destroy the works, and to sally out of the town at divers ports: there∣fore Caesar thought it fit to adde thus much more to the foresaid works, that the fortifica∣tions might be made good with the lesse number of men. He made ditches round about the works of five foot deep, and in them he planted either the bodies of trees, or great firm boughs sharpen∣ed into many pikes and snags, being bound toge∣ther at the bottome, that they might not be easi∣ly plucked up, and spreading themselves at the top into very sharp cags. There were of these five ranks, so combined and infolded one in ano∣ther, that which way soever the enemy should enter upon them, he would necessarily runne himself upon a sharp stake▪ these they called Cippi. Before these, in oblique courses, after the manner of a quincunce, were digged holes of three foot deep, narrow at the bottome like a sugar loaf: these they set with round stakes of the bignesse of a mans thigh, with a sharp hard∣ened point, in such sort that they stuck not a∣bove four fingers out of the earth; and for the better fastening of them, they stuck all a foot within the ground: the rest of the hole for the better ordering of the matter, was hid with osiers and spreads. Of these were eight courses three foot distant one from another: and these they called Lillies, from the resemblance they had to the figure of that flower. Before these were galthrops of a foot long fastened in the earth, and headed at the top with barbed hooks of iron, sowed up and down in all places in a reasonable distance one from another: and these they called Stimuli. The inner fortifica∣tions being thus perfected, he followed the even and level ground as much as the nature of the place would give him leave, and took in four∣teen miles in circuit, and made the like for∣tifications in all points against the enemy with∣out, as he had done against the town; to the end that if he were driven upon occasion to depart and leave the works, it might be no danger for him to leave the camp; forasmuch as a few men would defend it. He commanded every man to have forrage and provision of corn for thirty dayes.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

I Promised in my former observation to speak somewhat touching the Roman works, and to shew the use they made of them in their greatest occasions: but this description of the works at Alesia, doth so far exceed the inlargement of commenting words, that it hath drowned the e∣loquence of great Historians, and in stead of expositions and inforcements, hath drawn from them speeches expressing greater admiration then belief. Circa Alesiam (saith Paterculus) tantae res gestae, quantas audere vix hominis, perficere nullius nisi Dei fuerit: So great things were done at Alesia, that they might seem too great for any man to attempt, or any but a god to effect. To inclose a town with a ditch and a ram∣pier of eleven miles in circuit, was a matter wor∣thy the Roman army: but to adde such variety of works, and to make such strange trapes and op∣positions against an enemy, was admirable to the hearer; and not that only, but to make the like works without, to keep the Galles from raising the siege, did double the wonder: by which works he did besiege and was besieged, took the town and overthrew the enemy in the field.

Such as since that time have imitated this in∣dustry only by a small ditch and a rampier (for I think no man ever made such works) have wrought wonders in matter of warre. Castruccio got the name of renewing the ancient military discipline in Italy, chiefly for that he besieged Pistoia, and with the help of a double trench, according to the example of Caesar, he kept in the Pistoyans on the one side, and kept out an army on the other side of thirtie thousand foot and three thousand horse, in such manner as in the end he took the citie and made their succours of no effect. The States army of the united Pro∣vinces under the leading of Grave Maurice, did the like at the town of Grave in the year 1602. But of this at Alesia may well be said that which Livy speaketh of the battell at Nola: Ingens eo die res, ac nescio an maxima illo bello gesta sit: A great piece of service was done that day, and I think I may call it the greatest in that whole warre.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

IT is here delivered, that the outward cir∣cuit of the works contained fourteen miles, and the circuit of the inward works eleven miles: upon which ground Justus Lipsius maketh an unjust conjecture of the space between the out∣ward and the inward works where the Romans day incamped.* 1.152 For according to the proportion between the circumference and the diameter,* 1.153 he maketh the diameter of the greater circle four, and of the lesser three miles: and then he taketh the lesser diameter out of the greater, and conclu∣deth the space to be almost a mile between the in∣ner and the outward rampier, where the Romans lay incamped between the works: and least the matter might be mistaken in ciphers, he doth ex∣presse it at large in significant words, whereby he maketh the space twice as much as indeed it was. For the two circles having one and the same cen∣ter, the semidiameter of the one was to be taken out of the semidiameter of the other, and the re∣mainder would amount almost to half a mile; which according to the ground here delivered, was the true distance between the works, if the nature of the place (whereunto they had a respect) would suffer them to keep the same distance in all parts. But aliquando bonus dormitat Home∣rus, Homer himself is out sometimes; and no disgrace neither to the excellency of his learning, deserving all honour for the great light which he hath brought to the knowledge of Histories, and for redeeming the truth from blots and Barba∣risme.

CHAP. XXXII.

The Galles raise an army of 248000▪ to raise the siege at Alesia.

WHile these things were a doing at A∣lesia, the Galles having summoned a Councell of the Princes and chief∣est men of each State,* 1.154 they thought it not convenient to take all that were able to bear arms, according to Vercingetorix di∣rection; but to proportion out a certain number for every State; lest that of such a confused multitude there would be no government, being not able to know their souldiers, or to martiall them in any good order, or to make provision of victuall for so great a bodie. The Hedui and their clients, the Segusiani, Ambivareti, Aulerci Brannovices, and Brannovii, were commanded to send out five and thirty thousand: the Arver∣ni with their clients, the Heleuteri Cadurci, Ga∣balli, Velauni, as many: the Senones, Sequani, Bituriges, Santones, Rutheni, Carnutes, twelve thousand: the Bellovaci, ten thousand: the Le∣movices as many: the Pictones, Turones, Parisii, Heleuteri Suessiones, 8000: the Ambiani, Me∣diomatrices, Petrocorii, Nervii, Morini, Niti∣obriges, 5000: the Aulerci Cenomani, as many: the Atrebates, 4000. the Bello∣cassi, Lexovii, Aulerci Eburones, 3000: the Rauraci and Boii 30000: the States bor∣dering upon the Ocean, whom by the custome of Gallia they call Aremoricae, such as are the Curiosolites, Rhedones, Ambibarri, Cadetes, O∣sismii, Lemovices, Veneti, Unelli, six thousand. Of these the Bellovaci refused to give their number, saying, that they would make warre with the Romans in their own name, and accor∣ding to their own directions, neither would they

serve under any mans command. Notwithstan∣ding being intreated by Comius, for his sake they sent two thousand. Caesar as we have heretofore delivered, had used the help of this Comius the years before in Britain, being both faithfull and serviceable: in recompense of which service he had freed his State of all duties to the Roman Empire, and restored unto them their ancient lawes and customes; and to himself he had gi∣ven the Mor••••i. Notwithstand••ng such was the universall consent of all Gallia, to redeem their liberty and their ancient honour in matter of warre, as neither friendship, nor the memory of former benefits could any way move them, every man intending that warre as farre as either the power of his mind or the possibilitie of his means would reach unto: and having drawn together eight thousand horse, and two hundred and fourty thousand foot, they muster∣ed their forces in the confines of the Hedui, where they appointed captains; and the chief command was given to Comius of Arras, and to Viridomarus and Eporedorix, Hedui, and to Ver∣gasilaunus of the Arverni, cousin-germa••n to Vercingetorix. To these there were certain chosen out of every State to give assistance in councell of warre: and all of them went jocund∣ly and full of hope to Alesia. Neither was there any man that did think, that the very sight of such a multitude was able to be endured, espe∣cially when the fight would grew doubtfu••l by sallies made out of the town, and so great forces of horse and foot should be seen without.

OBSERVATIONS.

VErcingetorix desire was to have had as ma∣ny of the Galles sent to his rescue as were a∣ble to bear arms, grounding himself upon that maxime; Where the whole State is in question, there the whole forces of that State are to be em∣ployed. But the other Princes of Gallia thought it not expedient to raise so great a number: for they would have accrewed to such a multitude of people, as could not have been contained within the rules of government▪ which may bring to our consideration that which the course of these times doth not often bring into dispute:* 1.155 What number of men well martialled and with good discipline, are a competent proportion for any service. Xerxes army which he carried into Greece, was famous for two respects: First, in regard of the multitude, which was so great, that when he himself returned back into Asia, he left behind him three hundred thousand of the best souldiers chosen out of the whole army, under the conduct of one Mardonius. Secondly, that of so many fighting men, there were two hun∣dred and threescore thousand slain in one battell, with the losse of one thousand and three hundred Grecians. Whereby it appeareth, that the con∣quest of a kingdome doth not necessarily follow the multitude of souldiers in an army; for either Xerxes army was too few in number to conquer Greece, or too many to be well martialled.

Marius with fifty thousand men defeated the Cimbri that were so many in number,* 1.156 as they made a battell of thirtie furlong square, and of them he slue a hundred and twenty thousand, and took threescore thousand prisoners. And for that I do remember of that which I have read, the greatest conquests that ever were made, were at∣chieved with armies under fifty thousand fighting men. The great Alexander subdued all Asia, and fet the Monarchy from the Persian into Greece with thirty thousand men.

The Romans had very seldome ten legions in an army, which was about that rate, but common∣ly their conquering armies were farre under that proportion.* 1.157 Paulus Aemilius only had a hun∣dred thousand in his army against Perseus, and wonne the battell in an hour. The condition of our times requireth no dispute touching this point, for we seldome see an army of fifty thousand men in the field, unlesse it be the Turke or some such Monarch.

CHAP. XXXIII.

Critognatus his speech at Alesia, touching the keep∣ing of the town.

THey that were besieged in Alesia,* 1.158 the day being past by which they looked for succour, their corn being spent, and not knowing what was done a∣broad, entred into consultations touching the end of their fortune; and divers opinions being delivered, some of them tending to the yielding up of the town, and others perswa∣ding that as long as strength lasted there might be sallies continually made upon the enemie: I will not omit the speech of Critognatus, for the singular and wicked crueltie which it imported. He was a man of great birth and authority amongst the Arverni. I will say nothing (saith he) of their opinion, that call base servitude by the name of rendry: neither do I think them fit to be accounted citizens, or to be admitted to councell of State. With them will I deal that like well of sallies, in whose advice and counsell, even by all your consents, the memory of ancient vertue seemeth to consist. It is no vertue, but a weaknesse of the mind, not to be able to bear want a little while. It is an easier matter to find men that will offer themselves willingly to death, then such as will endure labour with patience. For mine own part, I could like well of that opinion, (for honour much prevaileth with me;) if I did not see a further losse then of our lives. But in these our consultations let us look upon all Gallia, whom we have called together to succour us. What spirits do you think

would our friends and kinsmen conceive, four∣score thousand men being slain in one place, if they were constrained to wage battell upon their dead carcases? I would not have you to defraud them of your help, that do neglect all perill for your sake; nor by your foolishnesse and your rashnesse, or the weaknesse of your mind, throw down all Gallia, and cast it into perpetuall bon∣dage. Do you doubt of their faith and constan∣cy, because they came not by a day? What do the Romans then mean in these outward works? Do you think they make them for exercise, or to passe away the time? If you cannot then re∣ceive assurance by their messengers, all passage being stopt, use them for witnesses that their coming is at hand, for fear whereof they labour night and day. What then? my ad∣vice is that we do as our forefathers did in a warre against the Cimbri and Teutones, not e∣quall to this, who being shut up within their towns, and brought to the like necessity, did sa∣tisfie their hunger with the bodies of such as were found unfit for warre, neither did they yield themselves unto the enemy: whereof if we had not an example, yet I would judge it an excellent thing to be begun now for liberties sake, and to be left to posterity. For what warre was like this? Gallia being wasted and dispeopled, and the kingdome brought into great misery, the Cimbri at length forsook our countrey, and sought out other territories, and left unto us our laws, customes, lands & libertie. For the Romans, what is it they desire? or what would they have? But being drawn on with ma∣lice and envy, whom they understood to be a no∣ble and a warlike nation, their fields and ci∣ties they did desire to take from them, and to yoke them with eternall bondage; as never ma∣king warre with other condition. For if you be ignorant what they do farre off in other coun∣treys, look at home in that part of Gallia which is reduced into a Province. Their laws and cu∣stomes being changed, it is subjected to the axe and to perpetuall servitude. Their opinions be∣ing delivered, they decree, that such as through age or sicknesse were unfit for warre, should de∣part the town; and that they should prove all means, before they yielded to Critognatus opini∣on: and yet if the matter so required, to consent unto it, and to attend their succours rather then to yield to any rendry and condition of peace.

OBSERVATIONS.

IT is oftentimes made questionable in the extre∣mitie of a siege,* 1.159 how farre the Commanders may go in continuing their resistance to the dan∣ger and hazard of the people besieged. whether they may not in honour proceed as farre as Critognatus opinion would draw them: or how they may know when to leave it, in the very point of discreet and valiant carriage. Which is to be answered according to the qualitie of the enemy that giveth siege to the place. For against a t••ea∣cherous and disloyall enemy, that maketh pro∣fession of infidelitie, and would not stick after a composition to insnare them in a greater danger then the perill of death, there would be much en∣dured rather then to undergo so hard a fortune. And yet I do no way approve the cruell resolu∣tion of this Gall, but do rather commend the ex∣ample of the Hungarians at the siege of Agria.* 1.160 For in the year 1562. Mahomet Bassa lay be∣fore that town with an army of threescore thou∣sand Turks, and laid batterie to it with fiftie ca∣nons. There were within the Town two thou∣sand Hungarians, who endured and put off thirteen most terrible assaults of the enemy: and for the better strengthening of their high resolu∣tion, they took a mutuall oath that no man upon pain of death should once speak of a treatie, or of giving up the Town, or to make any answer to the enemy but by the harquebuse or the canon: And if the siege should happen to continue long, rather to die for hunger then to put themselves in the hands of so cruell and barbarous an enemy. They determined further, that such amongst them as were not serviceable with a weapon, should attend continually to ••eenforce the rampier and repair the ruines. And to avoid treacherie, they took order that there might be no a••••emblies in the citie above the number of three together. They commanded likewise that all the victuall as was either publick or private, should be divided into equall portions amongst the souldiers, and the best of it should be reserved for such as were hurt in fight. It is further reported, that the Bas∣sa having oftentimes offered a treatie, they only shewed for an answer to his summons a funerall bier covered with black, lifted up above the wall between two pikes, to signifie thereby that they would not come out but by death.

As this is a degree short of Critognatus reso∣lution, so I do not deny but that a Generall may give up a Town before he come to these tearms with true honour and wisdome. But the matter (as I have said) consisteth altogether upon the circumstances interlaced. But that which is fur∣ther to be observed in this place, is the extreme contrarietie of opinions, which are usually deli∣vered upon dispute of such difficult cases, wherein Quantum alteri sententiae deest animi, tantum alteri superesse solet; one mans opinion speaks too much courage, and anothers as much too little:* 1.161 as Curio said upon the like occasion. Me∣dio tutissimus ibis,—The mid's the safest way, was Phoebus direction to his sonne Phaeton in a matter of difficultie and great hazard, and obser∣ved in this place by the Galles.

CHAP. XXXIIII.

The Galles do set upon Caesars camp, both from the town and the field side.

THe Mandubii,* 1.162 who had received the army into the town, were themselves thrust out with their wives and chil∣dren. They coming to the Roman works, did with weeping tears be∣seech them to receive them into bondage, and re∣lieve them with food. Caesar gave order they should not be received, and set a guard on the rampier to keep them out. In the mean time Co∣mius, and the rest of the Captains, that had the chief command given them, came to Alesia with all their forces, and having taken a hill on the out-side, they sate down not above half a mile from our works. The next day bringing their cavalrie out of their camp, they filled all that plain, which, as I have already said, extended three miles in length before the town, setting their foot-forces a little distant from that place, and hiding them upon higher ground. The prospect lay open out of the town into the field: and upon the sight of these succours they ran together, and congratulated each other, and all their minds were filled with gladnesse. And thereupon the next day they brought their forces and placed them before the town, and began to cover the next ditch unto them with hurdles, and to fill it up with earth, and to provide them∣selves to sally out, and to endure all chances. Caesar having disposed of all his army on each side of the works, that if there were occasion, every man might both know and keep his place, he commanded the cavalrie to be carried out of the camp, and to charge the enemy. There was a fair view out of all the camps, which were seated round about upon the ridge of the hill, and all mens minds were bent upon the expecta∣tion of the event of the fight. The Galles had mingled amongst their horse some few archers and light-armed souldiers, which might relieve their fellows being overcharged, and sustain the force and assault of our horse. By these were many hurt upon a suddain, and forsook the fight. The Galles being perswaded that their men had the better of the fight, perceiving our men to be overcharged with multitude on all sides, as well those that were besieged, as the other that came to relieve them, they took up a shout and a how∣ling to encourage their people. And forasmuch as the matter was carried in the sight of all men, so that nothing could be hid whether it were well or ill done; the desire of honour and the fear of ignominie did stirre up both sides to prowesse and valour. And having fought with a doubtfull fortune from noon-tide untill almost Sun-setting, the Germans on the one side with thick-thronged troups gave a fierce charge upon the enemy, and put them to flight whereby it happened that the archers were cir¦cumvented and slain. In like manner on the other side, our mea finding them to give ground, did follow them even to their camps, and gave them no time to recover themselves. Such as were come out of Alesia, returned back sad into the town despairing of victory. One day being intermitted, in which time they made provision of great store of hurdles, ladders and hooks, about midnight they marched silently out of their camp, and came to the works on the field side; and taking up a suddain shout, to give notice of their coming to them of the town, they cast their hurdles upon the ditches, and with slings, arrows, and stones they began to put our men from the rampier, and to put in practise such things as belong to a siege. At the same time the shout being heard, Vercingetorix sounded the trumpet, and brought his men out of the town. Our men betook themselves to the fortifications, according as every mans place was allotted him the day before; and with slings and bullets which they had laid ready upon the works, they did beat down the Galles, their sight being taken away through the darknesse of the night. Many wounds were received on both sides, and many weapons were cast out of en∣gines. M. Antonius, and C. Trebonius, Le∣gates, who had the charge of those parts where our men were most laid to, caused men to be taken out of the further Castles, and to be brought to second them. The Galles being a good way distant from the works, did much hurt with multitude of weapons: but approching nearer, either they struck themselves unwit∣tingly upon the galthrops, or falling into the holes, were struck through the bodies with the sharp stakes, or died with murall piles, being cast from the rampier and the towers. Many wounds being received on all sides, as the day appeared, the Galles fearing lest they should be charged on the open side by a sallie from the upper camp, retired back again to their fellows. On the inner side, whilst they brought out such things as were prepared beforehand by Vercin∣getorix, and were filling up the first ditches, be∣ing somewhat long in the execution of these things, they understood that the other Galles were departed before they themselves could come near the works: and thereupon they returned in∣to the town without doing any thing.

OBSERVATIONS.

THe Galles committed the command of this great army to four Generalls,* 1.163 contrary to practise of warlike nations, and the order which nature observeth throughout all the severall kinds of creatures: amongst whom there was never body found of many heads, but one Hydra, be∣ing

made as it seemeth, or rather feigned to be made, to the end that Hercules might have a task answerable to himself, and make it one of his twelve labours to kill the beast. The serpent Amphisibaena is said to have two heads,* 1.164 whereby she either looseth the use of locall motion, or at the least moveth so imperfectly, one head taking one way and the other another way, as there is no certain or direct passage in her creeping.

These many-headed armies do resemble these serpents, being carried according to the sense of their severall heads, and distracted by the diver∣sity of their many Leaders. The government of Rome consisting of severall magistrates having sovereign authority, gave occasion oftentimes to make two heads to one body, but with such suc∣cesse, as they were forced in the end to create one head for the repairing of that losse, which the multiplicity of leaders had brought upon their State; as it happened in the war against the Fidenates revolted, which nothing but their re∣course to a Dictator could make happy to their Empire. Whereupon Livie saith; Tres Tri∣buni, potestate consulari, documento fuere quam plurium imperium bello inutile esset; tentando ad sua quisque consilia, cum ali•• aliud v••deret••r, aperuerunt ad occasionem locum hosti: The three Tribunes with consular power, clearly shewed how inconvenient a thing it is to have more then one commander in chief: for while every one adheres to his own advice and judgement, one man thinking this thing con∣venient, another that, they open a way to the e∣nemy to make advantage against them. In the time of their Consuls, Quintius and Agrippa being sent against the Aequi, Agrippa referred the businesse wholly to his collegue, concluding as Livie saith: Saluberrimum in administra∣tione magnarum rerum est summum imperii ad unum esse; It is the safest way in the ma∣naging of great affairs to have one man bear the chief sway. And therefore as one body requi∣reth but one head, so one businesse would have but one directour,* 1.165 forasmuch as Aemulatio inter pares, & ex eo impedimentum; Aemulation, and consequently hinderance, will be amongst equalls.

CHAP. XXXV.

The Galles do chuse out sixty thousand of their best men, and do assault the weakest part of Caesars camp.

THe Galles being repelled twice with great losse,* 1.166 do fall into consideration what they were next to do. They call unto them such as were well ac∣quainted with the nature and site of the place, by whom they understand of the situa∣tion of the upper camp. On the north side there lay a hill, which by reason of the greatnesse of the circuit, our men could not take in within the compasse of their works: and thereupon were necessarily constrained to lay their camp in an unequall place somewhat shelving. This part was kept by Caius Antistius Rheginus, and Caius Caninius Rebilus with two Legions. This be∣ing known by the discoverers, the Captains of the enemy chose out sixty thousand of those States which carried the greatest opinion of man∣hood, and did secretly determine amongst them∣selves, how and in what sort they would have the service carried, and do determine to put it in execution when the Sun should be near about the noon meridian, appointing Vergasilaunus to command those forces, being one of the four Captains, and kinsman to Vercingetorix. He going out of the camp in the first watch of the night, came to the end of his journey a little be∣fore day, and hiding himself behind a hill, com∣manded his souldiers to refresh themselves from the former nights travell. And when it began to be towards noon, he made towards that part of the camp which I have before mentioned: and at the same time the horsemen began to approach towards the works, and the rest of the forces shewed themselve; before the camp. Vercinge∣torix perceiving this out of the watch-tower of Alesia, went out of the town, and carried with him long poles, hooks, and such other provisions which he had made ready before hand for a sal∣ley. They fought at one instant in all places, all wayes were tryed: and where they thought it to be weakest, thither they ran. The Roman forces were dismembred by reason of the large extension of their works, so that they could not easily defend many places: and the shout which was made behind their backs, did much affright our men, forasmuch as they perceived that their danger did consist in other mens valour. for such things as are absent do for the most part greatly perplex and trouble mens minds. Cae∣sar having got a convenient place, doth see what is done in every part: if any were overcharged he sent them succour, and was ready to answer all occasions on both sides the camp. He told them that that was the time, wherein it was be∣hovefull for them to fight. The Galles would despair of all good successe, unlesse they brake down the works. The Romans if they obtained their purpose, might expect an end of their la∣bours. The greatest contention was about that place to which Vergasilaunus was sent. A small rising in a place doth give much advan∣tage in a shelving descent. Some cast wea∣pons, others put themselves into a Testudo, and came under the works. The wearied and over∣laboured were seconded by fresh supplies. E∣very man cast earth into the works, which rai∣sed it so high, that the Galles had advantage of ascent: and the pikes and sharp stakes which the Romans had cunningly hid under the earth

to annoy the enemy, were thereby covered. It came at last to that passe that our men wanted both strength and weapons. Which being known, Caesar sent Labienus with six cohorts to relieve those hat were overcharged, commanding him (if the could not bear out the charge) to sally out upon them, but not unlesse he were constrain∣ed unto it. He himself went about to the rest; adhorting them not to faint under their labour, forasmuch as the fruit and benefit of all their former battels consisted in that day and that hour. The enemy within being out of hope of doing any good upon the works made in plain and champain places, by reason of the strength of the fortifications, tried what they could do in steep and broken places; and thither they brought those things which they had prepared. With the multitude of their casting weapons, they cast out such as fought from turrets, they filled their passages with hurdles and earth, they brake down the parapet and the rampier with hooks. Caesar sent first young Brutus with six cohorts, and after him Fabius a Legate with seven more, and at length as the fight waxed hot, he went himself with a fresh supply. The fight being renewed and the enemy beaten off, he ha∣sted to that place whither he had sent Labienus, and took four cohorts out of the next Castle. Part of the horsemen he commanded to follow him, and the rest to compasse about the out∣ward works, and to set upon the enemy behind. Labienus finding that neither rampier nor ditches were able to keep out the enemy, having got such forces together as were drawn by chance from the works nearest hand, to the number of thirty nine cohorts, he acquainted Caesar by messengers what he thought fit to be done. Cae∣sar made haste to be at the fight. His coming being known by the colour of his garment, which he was accustomed to wear in time of battell, and the troups of horse and the cohorts being discovered which he had commanded to follow him, as the shelving and declining places were subject to the view of higher grounds; the enemy begun the fight. a great shout was taken up on both sides. Our men having thrown their piles, betook themselves to their swords. Suddenly the horsemen were discovered behind them, and other cohorts made their approches towards them. The enemy turned his back and fled: the horsemen met them as they fled. the slaugh∣ter was great in that place. Sedulius, a Captain and Prince of the Lemovici, was slain. Verga∣silaunus was taken alive. Threescore and four∣teen ensignes were brought unto Caesar: and very few of so great a number returned safe into their camp. Those of the town beholding the slaughter and flight of their friends, being out of all hope, drew back their forces from the works. This being known, the Galles fled pre∣sently out of their camp: and if the souldiers had not been wearied with that dayes labour, they might easily have destroyed all their ene∣mies. About midnight the horse being sent out to fall upon the rereward, a great number was taken and slain, the rest escaped into their countreys.

OBSERVATIONS.

IT is an old saying of a hungry man, That it is an easier matter to fill his belly then his eye: which is as true in other cases; wherein our de∣sires are oftentimes so great, that we think no means sufficient to accomplish the same: but when we shall come to put it in triall, and suffer every man to be measured with his own foot, it will appear that our desires are better applied to the infinitie of the mind, then to the necessary oc∣casions of our life. Vercingetorix was so farre interessed in the successe of this warre, that he thought all the able men of Gallia not enough to make it happy unto him: but the other Prin∣ces that were not so deeply touched, and yet stood as well affected to the cause, refused to inrole all that were able to bear arms, but thought two hun∣dred fourty and eight thousand men to be a com∣petent force for this service. But coming to the execution of the businesse, they employed only six∣tie thousand: and when they failed of their endea∣vour, and were routed and overthrown by the Romans, the rest staid no longer to dispute the matter, but sled all away by night. Which shew∣eth the difference between the affections which are forerunners of a cause, and such as grow and in∣crease with a businesse, and are not commonly found in one and the same subject in their great∣est strengths. For these antecedent desires are like womens longings;* 1.167 strong and violent at first, but decaying as fast again before they come to any ripenesse: whereas such affections as rise from the carriage of a businesse, and grow from the occurrences of that proceeding, are not so ea∣sily abated, but do hold out strong either for con∣stancy or obstinacy.

CHAP. XXXVI.

Vercingetorix yieldeth himself and the town to Caesar.

THe next day Vercingetorix having called a Councell,* 1.168 told them, that he had not undertook that warre for his own occasions, but for the cause of common liberty: and forasmuch as they were necessarily to yield to fortune, he made offer of himself unto them, either to satisfie the Romans with his death, or to be delivered unto them alive. Ambassadours were sent to Caesar touching that point. He commanded their arms to be delivered, and the Princes to be brought out. He himself sate in the fortifica∣tions

before the camp: thither the captains were brought, Vercingetorix was delivered; their weapons were cast out. The Hedui and the Ar∣verni being reserved, to the end he might reco∣ver the rest of the States by them; of the rest of the captives, he gave throughout all the army, to every man a prisoner, by the name of a b••otie. These things being ended, he went to the Hedu••, and received in the State. Thither did the Ar∣verni send Ambassadours unto him, promising to obey whatsoever he commanded. He deman∣ded a great number of hostages, and sent the Legions into their wintering camps. He sent home twenty thousand captives to the Hedui and the Arverni. He sent T. Labienus with two Le∣gions and the horse into the Sequani, and gave him M. Sempronius Rutilius to assist him. He lodged C. Fabius and Lucius Minutius Basilius with two legions amongst the men of Rhemes, lest they should receive any damage by the near bordering Bellovaci. He sent C. Antistius Regi∣nus to the Ambivareti, and T. Sextius to the Bitu∣riges, and C. Caninius Rebilus to the Rutheni, with each of them a Legion. He placed Q. Tul∣lius Cicero and P. Sulpitius at Cavillonis and Matiscona of the Hedui upon the river Arar, for provision of corn: he himself determined to winter at Bibract. These yeares service being known at Rome, there was a feast of thanksgi∣ving appointed for twenty dayes together.

OBSERVATIONS.

VErcingetorix notwithstanding a hard for∣tune, entertained a noble resolution: for ha∣ving first acquainted the Galles that he had not undertook that warre for any respect to himself, but for the cause of Gallia, and the ancient li∣bertie of that continent; he made offer to sa∣tisfie the angry Romans with his body dead or alive.

Plutarch reciteth the manner of his deliverie to be in this sort:* 1.169 Being armed at all parts, & mount∣ed on a horse furnished with a rich caparison, he came to Caesar, & rode round about him as he sate in his chair of Estate; then lighting off his horse, he took off his caparison and furniture, and un∣armed himself, and laid all on the ground, and went and sate down at Caesars feet, and said ne∣ver a word. Caesar at length committed him as a prisoner taken in the warres, to be led afterwards in his triumph at Rome: but the civile warres did cut off that solemnitie.

If it be demanded, what became of these great Princes and personages after the triumph: It will appear that they did not stroke their heads, or make more of them then of miserable captives. For Paulus Aemilius,* 1.170 after the noble triumph for king Perseus, pittying his fortune and desiring to help him, could never obtain other grace for him, then onely to remove him from the common prison, which they called Carcer, into a more cleanly and sweeter house: where being streight∣ly guarded, he died, either by abstinence, or be∣ing kept from sleep by the souldiers. Two of his sonnes died also, but the third became an excellent Turner or Joyner, and could write the Roman tongue so well, that he afterwards became Chan∣cellor to the Magistrates of Rome. And thus the Romans dealt with their captive Princes, making them examples of Fortunes unconstancy, and turning their diadems into shackles of iron.

And thus farre did Caesar comment himself upon the warres he made against the Galles, be∣ing a noble and a worthy people, and bred in a large and fertile Continent; the inhabitants whereof have in all ages, even to these times, challenged an eminency, both for politick go∣vernment and martiall prowesse, amongst the Western kingdomes of the world: their actions and carriage from time to time deserving as ho∣nourable memory, as these warres recorded by Caesars own hand; whereof Paulus Aemilius, Philip Commines, and of late John de Seres are very pregnant witnesses. They continued under the Roman government four hundred fourty and one yeares, according to the computation made by John Tillius, reckoning from the last victory in Caesars Proconsulship, to the time of Marco∣merus a Generall of the French, by whose prowesse and means they denied to pay that ho∣mage and tribute to the Emperour Valentinianus, which Vercingetorix had lost to Caesar.

The next Sommers service compiled by Hir∣tius, I have purposely omitted, as intending no further matter then what Caesar hath related, who best knew the whole project of that bu∣sinesse.

And thus endeth the seventh and last Com∣mentarie, written by Caesar of the warre he made in Gallia.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.2

  Livie, lib 3.
• * 1.3

  Plutarch in the life of Marcellus.
• * 1.4

  Plutarch in the life of Cicero.
• * 1.5

  Ne quid resp. detri∣menti capi∣at.
• * 1.6

  Gallia Cis∣alpina & Trans••l∣pina.
• * 1.7

  Caesar.
• * 1.8

  Orleans.
• * 1.9

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hooboub.
• * 1.10

  Caesar.
• * 1.11

  There ought to be a Proporti∣on of qua∣lity be∣tween a Comman∣der and his souldiers.
• * 1.12

  Mu•••• Mari∣ani.
• * 1.13

  Such a master, such a ser∣vant.
• * 1.14

  Li••ie.
• * 1.15

  Caesar.
• * 1.16

  To abuse an enemy by way of stratageme commenda¦ble in a Comman∣der.
• * 1.17

  Ave••g••e.
• * 1.18

  La mon∣tagne de Geneve.
• * 1.19

  Vit•• Caesa∣ris.
• * 1.20

  Plut. Cras∣sus.
• * 1.21

  Caesar.
• * 1.22

  Clermont in Auvergne
• * 1.23

  Caesar went alwayes provided of four things.
• * 1.24

  Plutarch in the life of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.25

  Comment. 3.
• * 1.26

  Comment. ••.
• * 1.27

  Caesar.
• * 1.28

  The means which the Romans used to weaken an enemy.
• * 1.29

  Caesar.
• * 1.30

  Ville 〈◊〉〈◊〉 en la Franche conte.
• * 1.31

  Or••••••ns.
• * 1.32

  Noyon.
• * 1.33

  It is a hard 〈…〉〈…〉 following a business, to hit that course which may most advan∣tage it.
• * 1.34

  Lib. 4.
• * 1.35

  Plutarch in the life of Fabius.
• * 1.36

  Servus a 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.37

  Polit. 1.
• * 1.38

  Ili••d. 10.
• * 1.39

  Caesar.
• * 1.40

  Patience in a souldier excelleth valour.
• * 1.41

  Liv. lib. 6.
• * 1.42

  Plut. Cras∣sus.
• * 1.43

  Boteras di Principe.
• * 1.44

  Caesar.
• * 1.45

  The advan∣tage of the place doth countervail the absence of the Ge∣nerall.
• * 1.46

  Caesar.
• * 1.47

  Horace.
• * 1.48

  Whether severitie o•• clemency do more avail in go∣verning a multitude.
• * 1.49

  Caesar.
• * 1.50

  The use and practice of ancient time in besieging and defend∣ing towns.
• * 1.51

  The manner of fortifica∣tion in use in these dayes.
• * 1.52

  Fortifica∣tion defined.
• * 1.53

  Circular forts.
• * 1.54

  Triangular forts.
• * 1.55

  Quadrangle forts.
• * 1.56

  Five-sided and six-sided fortresses.
• * 1.57

  Forts in a plain level.
• * 1.58

  Advantages.
• * 1.59

  Disadvan∣tages.
• * 1.60

  Forts upon a hill.
• * 1.61

  Advantages.
• * 1.62

  Disadvan∣tages.
• * 1.63

  The hands of all forts.
• * 1.64

  Caesar.
• * 1.65

  Whether there need not as ma∣ny men to defend a town, as to besiege it.
• * 1.66

  The defence of a town consisteth in four points.
• * 1.67

  The eye of the master feedeth the horse.
• * 1.68

  Caesar.
• * 1.69

  The Galles in the be∣ginning are more then men, and in the end less then wo∣men.
• * 1.70

  A Generall must not put necessi∣tie upon an enemy.
• * 1.71

  Revolters are in the condition both of an enemy and of an offen∣dor.
• * 1.72

  Caesar.
• * 1.73

  A great Commander must have a great courage.
• * 1.74

  Homo qua∣dratus.
• * 1.75

  Plutarch Paulus Ae∣milia
• * 1.76

  Plutarch.
• * 1.77

  It is dan∣gerous to be the au∣thor of a counsel in a State.
• * 1.78

  Holinshead.
• * 1.79

  Ut felicitas rerum ge∣starum exer∣citus bene∣volentiam imperatori∣bus: ita res adversae odia conci∣liant.
• * 1.80

  Lib. 3. bel. civ.
• * 1.81

  Caesar.
• * 1.82

  Archery.
• * 1.83

  Things conside∣rable▪ touching Archery.
• * 1.84

  In the time of Henry the fiften the English bow-men did com∣monly shoot an arrow of a yard long besides the head.
• * 1.85

  It is not so profitable to inter∣mingle bow-men with other sorts of weapons, as to put them all into one body.
• * 1.86

  At the bat∣tell of Cres∣sie the black Prince lead∣ing the vau∣ward, had the archers standing in the manner of a hearse.
• * 1.87

  Holinshed.
• * 1.88

  The Arche∣rie worketh two effects.
• * 1.89

  1. Galling the enemy.
• * 1.90

  Plut. Cras∣sus.
• * 1.91

  2. Disorder.
• * 1.92

  The battell of Cressie.
• * 1.93

  The battell of Agin∣court.
• * 1.94

  Harquebuse and musket.
• * 1.95

  How far a wing of shot pre∣vaileth.
• * 1.96

  How farre a sleeve of Archers is available against an enemy.
• * 1.97

  Genesis 27. 3.
• * 1.98

  Caesar.
• * 1.99

  Non minor est virtus, quam quae∣••••re, p••••ta tuer••.
• * 1.100

  Caesar.
• * 1.101

  The means which Cae∣sar used to passe over the river Elaver.
• * 1.102

  Demptis quartis qui∣busque co∣hortibus.
• * 1.103

  Caesar.
• * 1.104

  Gratia one∣ri, ultio in quaestu ha∣betur.
• * 1.105

  Seneca.
• * 1.106

  A multitude is easily a∣bused by false sugge∣stions.
• * 1.107

  Phaedo Platonis.
• * 1.108

  Caesar.
• * 1.109

  Evocati, who they were.
• * 1.110

  Caesar.
• * 1.111

  Ore ill act begetteth another.
• * 1.112

  The poorer sort of peo∣ple do em∣brace all means of innovation.
• * 1.113

  Salust in the conspi∣racy of Ca∣tiline.
• * 1.114

  Caesar.
• * 1.115

  It is an ea∣sier matter to begin a work, then to quit it a∣gain with r••edit.
• * 1.116

  Livie.
• * 1.117

  Some servi∣ces are Res occasionis, non praelii.
• * 1.118

  Caesar.
• * 1.119

  It is honou∣rable for souldiers to keep their directions.
• * 1.120

  Institution of Cyrus.
• * 1.121

  ••••••sar.
• * 1.122

  Caesar.
• * 1.123

  Reparation of honour, what it is,
• * 1.124

  Plutarch in the life of Marcellus.
• * 1.125

  Lib. 3. bel, civil. post pugna•• Dyrrachia∣nam Caesar ne∣que satis militibus perterritis confidebat, spatiumque interponen∣dum ad recrcandos animos pu∣tabat.
• * 1.126

  Caesar.
• * 1.127

  The change which the revolt of the Hedui made in Gallia.
• * 1.128

  Caesar,
• * 1.129

  He that will do things well, must vary with the time.
• * 1.130

  Plutarch in the life of Fabius.
• * 1.131

  Caesar.
• * 1.132

  Necessary for a Gene∣rall to un∣derstand the purposes of the enem
• * 1.133

  Holinshetd, Henry 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.134

  The fittest age of life for a Gene∣rall.
• * 1.135

  Plutarch in the life of Sectorius.
• * 1.136

  Hist. 3.
• * 1.137

  Plutarch in the life of Marius.
• * 1.138

  Caesar.
• * 1.139

  Three chief meanes to win men to favour a matter.
• * 1.140

  1. Favour or friendship.
• * 1.141

  2. Authori¦tie.
• * 1.142

  3. Money.
• * 1.143

  Caesar.
• * 1.144

  Whether the cavalrie or infan∣terie be of greater im∣portance and use in a warre.
• * 1.145

  Footmen fitter ••o more ser∣vices then horsemen.
• * 1.146

  The main stroke in a day of bat∣tell is given by the footmen.
• * 1.147

  The use of horsemen.
• * 1.148

  The Dicta∣tor forbid∣den the use of a horse in the warres: and why.
• * 1.149

  Caesar.
• * 1.150

  One event is not so certain for the appro∣ving of a cause, as when it is seconded with ano∣ther of like condition.
• * 1.151

  Caesar.
• * 1.152

  Justus Lip∣sius mista∣ken.
• * 1.153

  〈◊〉〈◊〉, Lib. 2. Dial. 2.
• * 1.154

  Caesar.
• * 1.155

  What num∣ber of men are a com∣petent pro∣portion for any service.
• * 1.156

  Plutarch in the life of Marius.
• * 1.157

  Plutarch in the life of Paulus Ae∣milius.
• * 1.158

  Caesar.
• * 1.159

  How long a Comman∣der may hold out in a siege.
• * 1.160

  Ag••i••.
• * 1.161

  Lib. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. civ.
• * 1.162

  Caesar.
• * 1.163

  One army would have one Gene∣ral.
• * 1.164

  Et gravis in geminum caput Am∣phisibaena.
• * 1.165

  Tacit••s.
• * 1.166

  Caesar.
• * 1.167

  A little is enough to save a long∣ing.
• * 1.168

  Caesar.
• * 1.169

  Plutarch in the life of Caesar.
• * 1.170

  Plutarch in the life of Paulus Ae∣milius.