The commentaries of C. Julius Cæsar of his warres in Gallia, and the civil warres betwixt him and Pompey / translated into English with many excellent and judicious observations thereupon ; as also The art of our modern training, or, Tactick practise, by Clement Edmonds Esquire, ... ; where unto is adjoyned the eighth commentary of the warres in Gallia, with some short observations upon it ; together with the life of Cæsar, and an account of his medalls ; revised, corrected, and enlarged.

The sixth Commentary of the wars in GALLIA. (Book 6)

The Argument.

THis Summers Commentary setteth forth the malice of an enemy that refuseth open encounter, but keeping himself in the fastnesse of his holds, forceth the adverse party either to leave him untouched, or to seek him out upon disadvantage: toge∣ther with such casualties annexed to the matter, as the power of for∣tune doth commonly intermingle with such occurrences: as also the manners and fashions of life then in use amongst the Germans and Galles.

CHAP. I.

Caesar fearing a greater commotion in Gallia, mustereth more forces.

CAESAR for many reasons expect∣ing greater troubles in Gallia,* 1.1 ap∣pointed M. Silanus, C. Antistius Reginus, and T. Sextius, Legates in his army, to make a new choise, and muster up more souldiers; and withall he intreated Cneius Pompeius Proconsul, foras∣much as he continued at the city about pub∣lick businesses, that he would recall to their ensignes, and send unto him such souldiers as were before discharged of the Consuls oath: for he thought it very materiall for the future time to the opinion of the Galles, when they should see Italy so mighty, that if they had re∣ceived any losse by the casualtyes of war, they could not only in a short time make a supply thereof, but augment their army with greater forces. Which when Pompey had granted, both for the good of the commonwealth and Caesars friendship, the choise being speedily by his ministers performed, before the winter was ended three legions were inrolled and brought unto him, whereby the number of co∣horts were doubled which were lost with Q. Titurius: and withall he made experience both by the speed and by the forces, what the wealth and discipline of the people of Rome could do.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

NOtwithstanding any former purpose, I will begin this Commentary with the manner of the choise which the Romans used when they mustred souldiers for an intended war: and will lay it first down as the basis and groundsil of all military architecture, and carried by them with such a ceremonious and grave respect, as might best expresse the seriousnesse of the action, and make the souldiers understand what conse∣quence the sequele imported. Polybius, who only remaineth of them that have written of the ancient fashion of the Roman war, amongst other parts of their discipline, hath left unto posterity a compendious relation of their mus∣ters and enrollments, which with the help of o∣ther histories may be thus understood.

Upon the choise of their Consuls in the be∣ginning of every year,* 1.2 their custome was to en∣roll four legions,* 1.3 two for either Consul. At which enrollment they first chose fourteen Tri∣bunes out of the body of their Gentlemen, whom they called Equites. These fourteen were such as had served five years in the wars, whereby they became eligible of that dignity. And again, they chose ten other Tribunes out of the Com∣monalty, being such as had seen ten years ser∣vice: grounding this custome upon another law, which commanded the Equites to serve ten, and the Pedites or Commons twenty whole years before they could be freed and discharged from the wars. And therefore according to the proportion of their stipendary time, as the E∣quites were admitted Tribunes at five years, so were the legionary footmen at ten, as at half their compleat time of serving in the wars. The generall respect which the Romans had in the choise of every particular man, from the highest to the lowest, was included in the circumstan∣ces of their age, and of their wealth. The age which they deemed fit to endure the labours of

war, was from seventeen to six and forty, for so saith Tubero concerning the first limit of mi∣litary ability, that Servius did inrole souldiers from the age of seventeen years, adjudging such to be sit for the service of the Common-weale. And Censor••nus expresseth the second with an e∣tymology of the name, where he saith, that men were called Juvenes unto the age of forty six years, Quod rempublicam in re militari pos∣sint juvare, because till then they were able to help and serve their country in war. In this abi∣lity of years we are to understand that the law required every man to perfect the compleat number of twenty years stipend; if there were occasion of so many wars in that space of nine and twenty years, which is comprehended be∣tween seventeen and forty six. The wealth, which is the second circumstance that made men capable of military dignity, was necessari∣ly required to amount to the value of Drachmas quadringentas, as Polybius saith, which by the Latine phrase was termed quaterna millia aeris:* 1.4 such as were not worth so much, were neglec∣ted in this choise, and reserved for sea-service: neither was it lawfull for any man to attain to any office or magistracy within the city, untill he had merited ten years stipend. Upon a re∣solution to make an inrolement, which was al∣most every year, the Consuls did proclaim a day when all men of military age were to present themselves. Upon which day the Roman youth being assembled in the city, and then in the Ca∣pitol, the fourteen Tribunes elected out of the body of the Equites, divided themselves accor∣ding as they were chosen by the people into four parts; forasmuch as in former time the whole forces of their Empire consisted of four legions or regiments, whereof I have discoursed at large in the former book. And the four Tribunes first chosen were allotted to the first legion, the three next to the second legion, the four other to the third, and the three last to the fourth. In like manner the ten Tribunes which were taken out of the common body of the people, divided them∣selves into four parts: and the two first chosen were inrolled in the first legion, the three next in the second legion, the two following in the third legion, and the three last in the fourth. By which ingenious and discreet allotment it came to passe that the communalty were intermingled in the government of their Armies with the Gentlemen, in such an excellent mixture, that the Equites were either superiour or equal to the Plebeii; notwithstanding that every legion had an equall number of Tribunes. The election be∣ing thus far carried, the Tribunes of every legi∣on sate them down by themselves: the people being divided first into their Tribes, and then into their classes and centuries, casting lots which Tribe should be taken; and out of that Tribe whereon the lot fell they drew fou•• men, as equall as they could both in age and habitude, who being brought forth, the Tribunes of the first legion made the first choise of one of those four; then the Tribunes of the second legion had their choise, they of the third legion took the next, and the fourth had the last man. And again out of the same Tribe were other four cho∣sen; and then the Tribunes of the second legi∣on began first to make their choise, and so con∣sequently the first legion had the last man. A∣gain four other being chosen, the Tribunes of the third legion had the first election, and in that course the second legion had the last man. And by this alternate and successive e∣lection it came to passe, that every legion was equally compounded both in quality and in number. The inrolement proceeding in this manner untill their numbers were full; the Tribunes of every legion assembled their severall troups together, and took one out of every re∣giment, and gave an oath unto him that he should execute and obey, according to his power, whatsoever was commanded him by his Generall: the rest being particularly called, were sworn to keep the same oath which their fore-man had taken. And thus we see both who were the e∣lectors, who were eligible, and the manner of their choise. Wherein we may observe what means they used to ingage every particular man with an interest in the generall cause: for they thought it not sufficient to force men out by publick authority, and to bind them si••mply to that service by the mandates of their Empire, considering the labours and difficulties of war, which oftentimes are able to dull the edge of the greatest spirit, and to cause omissions of duty in the most honest and obedient minds; but they tyed them likewise with such particular respects, as did both concern the possessions of their for∣tune, and the religion of their soul. For it is observed concerning mans actions, that unlesse the mind do faithfully affect the execution, it may be carried with such a perfunctory service, as shal betray the true intent to no effect, and deceive the end of that which was promised by design∣ment. And therefore they refused to inrole any man that had not a convenient proportion of wealth, to maintain a stedfast and well-resolved courage, and to settle the motions of a stagge∣ring mind, when they bethought themselves that the publick duties wherein they were inga∣ged, were the defensive powers of their Empire, and the means whereby the publick weale con∣tinued happy: and so by consequence their pri∣vate fortunes were assured from violence, and preserved onely by an effectuall observance of their military discipline. I grant that it is not al∣together wealth that doth grace & formalize the actions of men; for in some cases penury and want makes men more valorous, according to the answer which a souldier once made to Lu∣cullus:

Ibit eo quo vis,* 1.5 qul zonam perd••dit, in∣quit. Whither you will hee'l go who's lost his purse.

Notwithstanding, forasmuch as the publick cause is either misprised or well affected, accor∣ding as it doth concern every man in particular; as who will doubt of the uttermost diligence of those Mariners, that have their vessell fraught with their own goods? or contrariwise, who will blame a mercenary Pilot for making peace with death, with the losse of other mens mer∣chandise? for Patria est ubicunque bene est, That's a mans country where he is well, as one truely saith; and the estimation we have of this life is entertained onely by the benefits we hold by our life: therefore it much importeth a State to have such Agents to negotiate the pub∣lick businesses, as are ingaged in the same by the interest of their own particular. Neither was it sufficient in that government to chuse men of ability both i•• their body and in their sub∣stance, but they found it necessary to bind their conscience with a religious consecration, and to swear a faithfull obedience to their Generall, which with the reverence of the place, being the Capitoll, and other ceremonies of majesty atten∣ding the inrolement, doth manifestly shew how much the Romans imputed to this part of their discipline, being the foundation of the sequele of that action.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

SEcondly,* 1.6 I observe the benefit which an opu∣lent and able State may make of any losse or misfortune received by an enemy: which con∣sisteth chiefly in the reinforcing, or, if it may be, in the redoubling of such troups as the casual∣ties of war have consumed. For it much abateth the spirit of a people, and turneth the pride of a victory into discouragement and faintness of heart, when they see their best and most fortu∣nate indeavours atchieve nothing but a reitera∣tion of their labours, and are driven to begin a∣gain that work which with much difficulty and hazzard they had once overcome. For it is the end that maketh any labour to be undertaken, being a otherwise nothing but a pain of the body & vexation of the spirit. And herefore when it shall be found either circular, or of many con∣frontments, before it can answer the design∣ments of our mind, we chuse rather to forgo that contentment which the accomplishment of our desires would afford us, then to buy it with such a measure of trouble, as exceedeth that which the proportion of our means seemeth able to effect. In regard whereof the ancient sages of the world made a task of this quality to be one of Hercules labours, by faining the serpent Hy∣dra to be of this nature, that when one head was smitten off, two other heads grew out pre∣sently from the same stump: and so his labour multiplied his travell, and his valour increased the difficulty of his work. It was Caesars cu∣stome in other cases, to have such a beginning of strength at his first entrance into a war, as by continuance might be augmented, and rather increase then decay upon the resistance of an e∣nemy. So he began the war in Gallia with six legions, continued it with eight, and ended it with ten: he began the civile war but with one legion; he arrived at Brundusium with six; he followed Pompey into Greece with fifteen thou∣sand foot and five thousand horse; and ended that war with two and twenty thousand foot and a thousand horse. He began the war at A∣lexandria with three thousand two hundred foot, and ended it with six legions. He began the war in Africk▪ with six, and ended it with eight legions. And thus he imitated naturall mo∣tion, being stronger in the end then in the be∣ginning, and made his army as a plant like to grow great, and sprowt out into many bran∣ches, rather then to die or decay for want of strength or fresh reinforcing.

CHAP. II.

The Treviri sollicite the Germans and some of the States of Gallia. Caesar carrieth four legions into the territories of the Nervi••.

INduciomarus being slain,* 1.7 as is related in the former book, the * 1.8 Treviri gave the government un∣to his kinsfolk: who intermitted no time to sollicite their borderers with the Germans, and to prom••se them mony for the wars. When they could not prevail with their neighbours, they tryed those that were farther off: and having ••ou••d som•• that hearkened to their designes, they confir∣med their league with a mutuall oath, giving pledges for assurance of mony, and withall they drew Amoiorix into their society and con∣sederation. Which things being known, Cae∣sar perceiving the preparations which in every part were made for war, thea 1.9 Nervii,b 1.10 Adu∣atici, and thec 1.11 Menapii, with all the Germans on the other side of the Rhene to be in armes, the Senones not to come being summoned, but to be in councell with the* 1.12 Carnutes and their bordering States, the Germans to be sollicited with often Embassages from the Treviri; he held it best to think of war sooner then heretofore he was accustomed. And therefore before the winter was ended, with four legions that lay next together, he entred suddenly upon the confines of the Nervii, and having taken a

great number of men and cattell, before they could either make head or fly away, he distri∣buted the booty to the souldiers, wasted the coun∣try, caused the people to come in, and to give pledges unto him. That businesse being speedily ended, he brought the legions back again into their wintering camps.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THis exemplary course of proceeding in pu∣nishing some one for the offences of many,* 1.13 hath ever been held the best means to represse re∣bellious and factious motions, as well amongst particular subjects which do conspire against the common Policy of a State, as also of such inferiour Cities and States as shall entertain a confederacy prejudiciall to the soveraignty of an Empire: for in all such combinations the undertakers are ever more confident in the as∣sistance and mutuall incouragement of each others assent and forwardnesse, then in the strength of their own particular means. For the mind propounding a course contrary to a vertuous direction, is alwayes suspicious and mistrustfull of the issue: for as honest motions and conceptions of the heart are attended with assurance, so doth diffidency wait upon indi∣rect and perfidious designments▪ And thence it happeneth that when the inward thoughts can afford no means of emboldening, they com∣monly rely upon each others example, and do make the action to appear honest unto them∣selves, forasmuch as so many associates do ap∣prove it. For the prevention whereof in the Continent of Gallia, Caesar first layed a heavy hand upon the Nervii, being well assured, that as rebellious motions are strengthened and drawn on by the mutuall example of conspiring members, so they may be weakened and extin∣guished by the exemplary ruine and subversion of some one or more of the said members, which is as forcible to disswade as the other to en∣courage: suting right with the tenour of Ju∣stice, which ought to be carried in such sort a∣gainst offenders, that by the punishment of some few the fear may touch all. According as the Poet describeth the nature and effect of thunder;

Ipse Pater media nimborum in nocte co∣rusca Fulmina molitur d••••xtra, quo maxima motu Terra tremit, fugere ferae, & mortalia corda Per gentes humilis statuit pavor; ille fla∣granti Aut Athon, aut Rhodopea, aut alta Ce∣raunia dextra Dejicit.—

The whole earth trembled, but one hill only smoaked for it.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

SEcondly, I observe the respect which Caesar had to the extraordinary labour of his souldi∣ers:* 1.14 fore whereas they were drawn out of their wintering-camps before winter was ended, and were carried unseasonably upon a service, he rewarded them with the booty and spoil of the enemy, contrary to the ordinary course of the Roman warfare, which reserved either all or the most part thereof for the publick Treasury, and left the souldier to his stipendary enter∣tainment. Which is a point very observable in the carriage of a war: wherein are required as well eminent and extraordinary attempts, as common and usuall duties, and in the judge∣ment of a wise Commander are thought wor∣thy their answerable rewards. At the siege of Gergovia, as it followeth in the seventh Com∣mentary, L. Fabius a Centurion told his companions, that the booty and pillage which he had got at the taking of Avaricum would not suffer any man to get up upon the wall be∣fore himself. And so for the most part it falleth out, that honourable attempts being honoura∣bly rewarded, do as seed sown in good ground, multiply the increase of like vertuous actions. And this was one principall means which he used to give courage and valour to his souldiers; as when he went to get Spain from Pompey and that faction,* 1.15 he borrowed mony of the Tribunes & Centurions, & gave it in largess to the souldi∣ers, whereby he gained (as he saith) two advanta∣ges, quod pignore animos Centurionum de∣vinxit, & largitione redemit militum vo∣luntates, for he engaged the Centurions to him whilst he had this pledge from them, and by his largesse purchased the good will of the soul∣diers.

CHAP. III.

Caesar summoneth a generall Councell, and car∣rieth his army against the Senones.

A Generall Councellor meeting of all the States of Gallia being sum∣moned,* 1.16 according to his first reso∣lution, in the beginning of the Spring, whereas all the rest saving the Senones, Carnutes, and Treviri made their appearance; he conceived of it as the begin∣ning of war and defection, and thereupon set∣ting all other things aside, he transferred the Councell to the city of Paris in the confines of the Senones, which in the time of their fathers had united their State unto them, but were held clear of this confederacy. This thing be∣ing published from the Tribunall, the same day he carried the Legions against the Seno∣nes, and by great journeys came into their

country. His coming being known, Acco the chiefest authour of that rebellion commanded the multitude to go into cities and towns of defence: but as they endeavoured, before it could be accomplished, news was brought that the Romans were already come; whereby they necessarily left off their purpose, and sent Am∣bassadours to Caesar to intreat for favour. They used the mediation of the Hedui, whose State had of old time been in faith and league with the Romans. Caesar at the suit of the Hedui did willingly afford them pardon, and accepted their excuse, forasmuch as he judg∣ed the summer time fitter to be spent in the war which was coming on him, rather then in matter of question and judgement: and ha∣ving commanded an hundred pledges, he deli∣vered them to be kept by the Hedui. The Car∣nutes likewise sent messengers and pledges, and by the intreaty of the men of Rhemes, whose clients they were, received the same answers. Caesar ended the Councell, and commanded horsemen to be sent him from all the States of Gallia.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

IT shall not seem impertinent to the Reader, that I take occasion here to say somewhat touching the use and benefit of this Parliament or Coun∣cell-generall,* 1.17 wherein all the states of Gallia, or at the least such as did acknowledge the Roman soveraignty, presented their fealty, and were mu∣tuall witnesses of each others alleageance. Con∣cerning which we are to understand, that as all naturall bodies have a transitory being, depen∣ding upon motion and function of parts; so specially States and Commonweals, as sympa∣thizing with naturall causes, have no certain continuance in one and the same being, but are subject to the alteration of time and fortune, and do passe the ages of a naturall life, from in∣fancy growing to better strength, untill it come to the best perfection which years can afford it, and then decaying again by like degrees, even to the period and death of that policy. For remedy whereof, and for the prevention of any weaken∣ing disease which might infect either the whole powers of the body, or so possesse any part there∣of, as it might thereby prove either dangerous or unprofitable, amongst other helps, these coun∣cels and meetings have been thought necessary; wherein every particular State and city had some of their society present, as well to open their grievances, if any were, and to seek ease and re∣lief by way of treaty and dispute, as also to re∣ceive such directions and mandates as the wis∣dome of the Prince should think meet for their government. For as this common councel or generall assembly may well be termed the pulse of a politick body, whereby the true state and temperature thereof is discerned: so is it also as a treaty or parlee, and a renewing of the condi∣tions of peace between the head and the mem∣bers; where sovereignty and obedience being mutually propounded, do concurre in the esta∣blishing of true and perfect government. And this is that which the Politicians of later time do in their writings call the reducing of a common∣weal to the first beginning: for the noisome and super••luous humours being by this means purged and abated, the body of the publick weal is refined into such true and naturall elements, and setled in that disposition of health as may give great hope of long continuance. Besides this use and benefit of these assemblies, there were many necessary businesses concluded, and ma∣ny things agreed unto, serving to the maintain∣ance of war against parties and factions; as namely the levi••s and supplies of horse and foot, granted by this Councel as a subsidy, which in the Roman army received stipend and pay by the name of Auxiliary or associate forces, whereof we read in many places of these Commentaries, and particularly in this book. But the Romans used specially the service of their horsemen, as the flower of their strength, and far exceeding their foot companies in execution of arms and use of war, wherein the Galles have ever cha∣lenged a preeminence before other their neigh∣bour nations, and have continued the same re∣putation even unto this time.* 1.18 Whether it be in regard of the nimble and quick motions of their spirits, which are better suted with the swift and speedy execution of horse, then with any readi∣nesse which their own strength can afford them, or what other cause it hath, I know not: but this I am sure of, that as the world taketh notice of their hot phantasies, so would the French be reckoned the best horsemen of any other nation. The last saying which I observe concerning this councel is, the time wherein it was summoned, which was the beginning of the Spring, rather then any other part of the year, whereof there is this reason; that if any State neglected the sum∣mons, and refused to make their appearance ac∣cording to custome, the summer time coming on, gave good means to the Roman legions to punish the insolency of such a contempt: as it happened in this place to the Senones, Carnutes and Tre∣viri, whose absence from this meeting was a sufficient argument to Caesar of their rebellion, and deserved the reward of open revolt.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THe second thing which I will briefly observe in this Chapter,* 1.19 is the pardon which Caesar willingly gave the Senones at the mediation of the Hedui; not so much for the respect he bare unto the Hedui, although they had of long time performed good service to the Roman Empire,

and were found more faithfull then all the States of Gallia; (howbeit I doubt not but that he was glad of that occasion to gratify the Hedui;) but as a master in that faculty, well knowing what best suted with the publick profit in all times and seasons, he would not mispend the summer in questions and di••pute concerning former errours, which might better be remem∣bred upon other occasions, but rather in prose∣cuting war against other speciall revolters, as a matter more behovefull to the advancement of the Empire, and best fitting the time of summer. For in following a businesse, there is nothing more availeable to a fortunate issue, then to be able to distinguish of the validity of the parties, and to discern which hath most interest in the bulk of the matter, that so we may not be mista∣ken in our designes, but follow that course as shall most advantage our purpose. And here a Generall is to take speciall care, that no humo∣rous respect do hinder that resolution which true judgement approveth: for oftentimes it falleth out that either particular profit, delight∣ing pleasures, desire of revenge, or some other unseasonable affection doth so intangle them in their proceedings, as they never attain to the main drift of the action: and this is called stumbling by the way.

CHAP. IV.

Caesar intendeth the war of the Treviri.

THis part of Gallia being quieted, he bent his whole mind to make war against the Treviri and Ambi∣orix,* 1.20 commanding Cavarinus with the cavalry of the Senones to go a∣long with him, least any tumult should happen in his absence, either through his discontent∣ment, or the malice of the State. These things being thus determined, forasmuch as he well kne•• that Ambiorix would not come to blowes in open fight, he endeavoured by what meanes he could to understand his other purposes. The Menapii were neighbour-borderers upon the consines of the Eburones, inclosed about with a defence of bogs and woods; and only they of all the states of Gallia had never sent to Caesar touching any contract of peace: of them Ambi∣orix was received and had familiar entertain∣ment. And further he understood that by the means of the Treviri the Germans were brought to a contract of friendship with him also. These helps he thought were fit to be taken from Ambi∣orix, before he set upon him with open war; least despairing of his safety, he should either hide himself amongst the Menapii, or be com∣pelled to fly over the Rhene to the Germans. In this resolution he sent the baggage of the whole army with a convoy of two Legions to Labienus, who was then in the territories of the Treviri, and he himself with five exped••te and unburthened Legions made towards the Mena∣pii. They having made no head, but trusting to the strength of the place, ••led into the woods and bogs, and carried all they had with them. Caesar dividing his forces to C. Fabius a legate, and M. Crassus the treasurer, having made speedy provision of bridges, did set upon them in three parts, and burnt houses and villages, and took great numbers of men and cattel, whereby the Menapii were constrained to send to Caesar for peace. He having taken pledges of them, assured them that he would esteem them as enemies, if they did either receive Ambiorix into their country, or any messengers from him. The matter being thus compounded, he left among them Comius of Arras with certain horse, as a garrison to that place, and he him∣self made towards the Treviri.

OBSERVATIONS.

HEnce we may observe, that as it falleth out in other things for the most part, so specially in matter of war there is such a medley and in∣terlacing of materiall circumstances with the bo∣dy of the action, that commonly one businesse begets another. Caesars chief design at this time was the war against Ambiorix and the Trevi∣ri: but considering the contract and league be∣tween them and the Menapii, he would not pro∣secute the war of the Treviri, untill he had taken away that assistance, and left them in the naked∣nesse of their own strength. Wherein we may first observe what opinion Caesar held of allies and associates,* 1.21 or any other that gave help or as∣sistance to an enemy: for besides this particular, we may read in the fourth Commentary, that the chiefest cause that moved him to take the voyage into Britain was, for that the Britans had un∣derhand given succour and assistance to the Galles; a matter not to be neglected in his judgement, whether it were in regard of any friendship or good respect which they bare unto the Galles, or otherwise to keep the Romans occupied there, that they in the mean time might live quietly at home, which I need not here dis∣pute: but the matter proveth it self plainly by Caesars own confession, that the continuall supplies sent from Britain were a sufficient cause to move him to that war. And as it fol∣loweth in this Commentary concerning the self same matter, the only cause that drew him to passe the Rhene the second time into Germany, was the succours which the Germans had for∣merly sent to the Treviri; according to reason in cases of other natures, that he that will ex∣tinguish a lamp, must not suffer an addition of oyle, nor admit the influence of lesser streams when he goeth about to dry up the greater ri∣ver. But that which was the occasion of this bu∣sinesse,

and might have challenged the first place in this discourse, was, for that Caesar was almost assured that Ambior••x would not be brought to a tryall of battel; and therefore he laboured to understand his other projects. From whence a Commander may receive direction what course to hold in a refusall of open en∣counter: for as the art and sleight of war is to subdue an enemy so are there more wayes and means to effect that purpose, then by waging battel; as I have discoursed at large in the third Commentary:* 1.22 whereunto I may add thus much, which is generally observed in the carri∣age of great and eminent Commanders, that such as failed in matter of negotiation, and wanted dexterity in managing the course of their businesse, (notwithstanding any fortune or singularity in striking a battel,) did never at∣tain to firm and permanent honour. If any man be desirous to descend into particulars, let him look into the lives of king Pyrrhus, Demetrius, Hannibal, and Ca••us Mar••us, whose later ends, or shutting up of their lives, were not an∣swerable to their excellency in deeds of armes, for want of that judiciall disposition of their bu∣sinesse which Caesar might boast of, of whom it may be truly said that (notwithstanding the many battels which he fought, yet) he did plura consilio, quam vigerere, do more by his head then his hand.

CHAP. V.

Labienus overthroweth the T••eviri by a guile.

WHile Caesar* 1.23 was about these things, the T••eviri having raised great for∣ces both of horse & foot, had a pur∣pose to assault Labienus wintering in their confines with one legion. And as they were within two dayes journey of him they had intelligence of two legions more which Caesar had sent unto him; whereupon they encamped themselves some fifteen miles distant from him, and resolved there to attend the Germans forces. Labienus being adverti∣sed of their resolution, hoping through their rashnesse to find some good opportunity of en∣counter, he left five cohorts for the safety of the carriages, and with five and twenty other co∣horts, besides great forces of horse, he marched towards the enemy, and encamped himself within a mile of them. Between Labienus and the enemy there ran 〈…〉〈…〉, the passage where∣of by re••son of the broken banks was very hard and difficult: 〈…〉〈…〉 purpose to passe himself, and doubted the enemy would not be drawn to do it. They had every day more hopes of fresh 〈◊〉〈◊〉. In the meetings and coun∣cels of war ••e gave out, that forasmuch as the Germans were said to be at hand, he would nei∣ther hazzard himself nor the fortunes of the army, but he would rather remove his camp the next day very early in the morning. This was quickly carried to the enemy, as amongst many of the Galles that were with him, some of them did naturally favour the proceedings of their own nation. Labienus having in the night time called unto him the Tribunes of the souldiers, and the Centurions of the first Or∣ders, acquainted them with his purpose; and to the end he might give greater suspicion of fear to the enemy, he caused the camp to be dis∣lodged with more noise and tumult th••n the Roman discipline had usually observed; and thereby made the retreat not unlike a slight or escape: which before day-light (the two camps being so near one to the other) was by the dis∣coverers brought to the enemy. The last troups of the Romans were scarce gone out of the camp, but the Galles incouraging one another not to lose so hopefull a prey, thinking it long (••pecially the Romans being thus affrighted) to expect the German forces, and that it stood not with their dignity, being so able, and so many in number, not to adventure upon a handfull of men, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from them, and trou∣bled besides with baggage and burden; and therefore they doubted not to passe the river, and to give them battel in a place of disadvan∣tage. Labienus suspecting that which now had happened, to the end he might draw them all o∣ver the river, he made as though he would go on forward. At length sending the carriages a little before, and placing them upon a hill, Ye have now, (said he) fellow souldiers, that opportunity which ye desired, the enemy in a cumbersome and unequall place; only afford me your Leader at this time that valour, which oftentimes heretofore you have shewed to your Generall, imagine him to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and to see this service with his own eyes. And withall be commanded the Ensignes to be carried towards the enemy, and the army to be imbattelled: and leaving a few troups of horse with the car∣riages, he d••sposed the rest in the wings of the army. The Romans taking up a cry and a shout, did speedily cast their pikes at the ene∣my: who when they saw the Romans ready to assault them, whom they had thought had fled from them for fear, they were so discouraged, that even in the first close they betook them∣selves to flight towards the next woods. Labie∣nus pursuing them with his horsemen, killed many of them, and took more prisoners, and within a few dayes took in the whole state of the Treviri: for the Germans which came to their succour understanding of their overthrow, returned home again; and with them went also the kinsmen of Induciomarus, the au∣thours of that defection. The soveraignty and government was given to Cingetorix, who from

the beginning had ever been true and loyall to the Romans.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

I Have already handled this practice of a pre∣tended fear,* 1.24 which the History doth so often recommend to our consideration, and have shewed the inconvenience of over-light credu∣lity, leading such easy weeners to a disappoint∣ment of their hopes, and consequently to the hazzard of their fortune. I will now proceed to that which is further implyed in this relation, and respecteth the chiefest duty of a chief commander:* 1.25 and that is, what specially is re∣quired of a Generall in the carriage and directi∣on of a battel. Concerning which point, as there is nothing more materiall to the effecting of any businesse then opportunity of time, con∣veniency of place, and an orderly disposition of the means according to time and place: so in question of encounter or waging battel, the du∣ty of a Leader may be included in these three circumstances. Concerning the quality of the place, as the chiefest and first respected in the choice of a judiciall directour, the whole scope of the Roman discipline, from the time of their first Kings even to the last of their Emperours, did alwayes aim at the advantage of place, as a necessary help for the obtaining of victory: which I have already noted in the Helvetian a∣ction.* 1.26 Yet forasmuch as the wisdome and expe∣rience of those times did deem it a circumstance of such importance, give me leave once again to inforce the use thereof by these examples. Habe∣tis, milites, (saith Labienus in this place) quam petiistis facultatem, hostem iniquo atque impedito loco tenetis, praes••are eandem nobis ducibus virtutem, quam saepenumero Impe∣ratori praestitistis, Ye have, fellow-souldiers, that opportunity which ye desired, &c. Where∣by he cleareth himself of all imputation of ill di∣rection, as having performed the uttermost duty of a Commander, and given such helps by the advantage of the place as are requisite to an easy victory, leaving the rest to the execution of the souldiers. Caesar at the losse he received at Dyr∣rachium cleared himself to his souldiers in this sort: Quod esset acceptum detrimenti, cuivis potius quam suae culpae debere tribui, locum se∣curum ad dimicandum dedisse, &c. the da∣mage that was received was to be attributed to any body rather then him, he had chosen them a safe place of fighting, &c. And as it follow∣eth in the seventh Commentary, being imbattel∣led upon the side of a hill right over against the army of the Galles, which stood likewise in a readinesse to entertain the Roman valour, he would not suffer his men to hazzard themselves in the passage of a bogge of fifty foot in breadth lying between both the armies, but rather per∣swaded his souldiers, disdaining the confront∣ment of the enemy, to endure their contumely, rather then to buy a victory with the danger of so many worthy men, and patiently to attend some further opportunity. Which passage of Caesar, even in the said terms as it is there rela∣ted, was urged to good purpose by Sir Francis Vere in the year one thousand six hundred at a consultation before the battel of Newport.* 1.27 For the army of the Netherlanders being possest of the Downs, which are small swelling hils rising unevenly along the sea shore upon the coast of Flanders, and the enemy making a stand up∣on the sands at the foot of those hils, and so cut∣ting off the passage to Os••end, it was disputed by the Commanders, whether they should leave the Downes, and go charge the enemy where he stood imbattelled upon the sands, or attend him in the fastnesse of the Downes whereof they were possest. The whole Councell of war were earnestly bent to forsake the Downes, and to hazzard the fight on equall terms, as impatient that their passage and retreat to Ostend should be cut off. But Sir Francis Vere well knowing how much it imported the businesse of that day to hold a place of such gain and advantage, per∣swaded Count Maurice by many reasons, and specially by this of Caesar which I last alledg∣ed, not to forgo the help of the Downs, but to expect the enemy in that place, and so make use of that benefit upon the first encounter, rather then to adventure the successe of the battel in worse terms, in hope of clearing the passage: and shewing also many probable conjectures, that the enemy would not continue long in that gaze. Wherein as his opinion then prevailed, so all that were present were eye-witnesses both of the truth of his conjecture, and the sound∣nesse of his judgement. For the enemy within a while after coming on to charge the troups of the States, was received with such a counterbuffe from the hils, and were violently beaten back in such rude manner, as our men had the execution of them for the space of a quarter of a mile or more, which was no small advantage to the fortune of that day. Touching the opportunity of time, which Pindarus calleth the Mother of worthy exploits, and oftentimes dependeth upon the circumstance of place, a Generall ought care∣fully to advise that he neither precipitate nor foreslow the occasion, which is well expressed in this particular service of Labienus. For where his purpose was to draw the enemy over a river that had steep and uneasy banks, and thereby of a hard and difficult passage, he would not shew his resolution untill he had drawn them all over the river: for he was well assured that the Ro∣man legions would so charge the enemy upon their first encounter with the unresistable weight of their piles, that in their giving back they could not escape the danger of the river. And therefore to make the victory more absolute and

compleat, he suffered them all to come over the water, that all might be endangered in their passage back again. And this is the benefit which opportunity bringeth, which is the rather to be attended with all carefulnesse, forasmuch as Non saepe, ac d••u, eadem occasio est, a man hath neither often nor long the same opportunity.

Concerning the last circumstance, of the apt and fit disposition of the forces according to time and place, which is necessarily required in the duty of a General; it is referred to this end on∣ly, that they may be ranged in such manner, that as one man is assistant to another in their severall files and ranks, so one troup may be in subsidiis, assistant to another, to the end that no part may stand naked, or fall in the singlenesse of its own strength, but that one may second another from the first to the last. C. Sempron••us a Roman Consul having fought unadvisedly, and recei∣ved an overthrow, Julius the Tribune of the people caused Tempanius a horseman that was present at the battel to be called, and as Livie reporteth it, Coram eis, Sexte Tempani, inquit, arbitreris ne C. Sempronium Consulem, aut in tempore pugnam intisse, aut firmasse subsidi∣is aciem? he said thus before them, Sextus Tempanius, do you believe that C. Sempronius the Consul chose a good time to fight, or that he took order for assistant supplies to his army? for Livie saith, he fought incaute inconsulteque, non subsidiis firmata acie, non equite apte lo∣cato, heedlesly and without good advice, neither strengthening his army with supplies, nor well placing his cavalry. And of these three circum∣stances consisteth the duty and office of a Gene∣rall, touching the direction of a battel; wherein whosoever faileth, doth hazzard the prerogative of his command over that army whic he lea∣deth, according to that of Caesar in the first of his Commentaries, Se scire, quibuscunque ex∣ercitus dicto audiens non fuerit, aut male re gesta fortunam defuisse, aut aliquo facinore comperto, avaritiae esse convictum, that he knew well, whensoever an army refused to be obedient to their Commander, it was either be∣cause upon some ill successe they saw he was un∣fortunate, or that by the discovery of some noto∣rious matter they found him convict of avarice. Which Caesar himself needed not to fear, if we may believe Plutarch,* 1.28 who writeth that he was indowed by nature with an excellent prompti∣tude and aptnesse to take opportunity in any bu∣sinesse.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

I May not omit to insist a little upon this noise or shout which the souldiers took up in the in∣stant of the charge,* 1.29 and is related in this place as a materiall point in their carriage at this ser∣vice. A matter ancient and usuall in the Ro∣man armies, as well in the time of their first Kings, as their first Consuls. Fusi primo impe∣tu & clamore hostes, the enemies were over∣thrown at the first onset and shout,* 1.30 saith Livie concerning Romulus.* 1.31 And not long after, Consul nec promovit aciem, nec clamorem reddi passus, the Consul neither marched his army forward, nor suffered them at all to shout. Caesar in the censure which he g••ve concerning Pompey his direction for the battel at Pharsalia,* 1.32 doth expresse a double use of this clamour or shouting:* 1.33 first the terrour of the enemy, and se∣condly the encouragement or assurance of them∣selves: Est quaedam animi incitatio (saith he) atque alacritas naturaliter innata omnibus, quae stud••o pugnae incenditur; hanc non re∣primere sed augere impera••ores debent: ne∣que 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ant qu tus institutum est ut si∣gna und que concinerent, clamorem universi tollerent, quibus rebus & hostes terreri & su∣os incitari existimaverunt. There is a certain raising and chearfulnesse of the mind imbred naturally in all, which is stirred up by an eager∣nesse to fight: this a Generall should not crush but cherish. So that it was not without cause that in old times they had a custome that the whole army should make a noise and raise a ge∣nerall shout, whereby they supposed as the ene∣mies were affrighted, so their own men were in∣couraged. Two contrary effects proceeding from a cause, which to common sense carrieth no shew of any such efficacy: Vox & praeterea nihil, a bare voice and nothing more; as one said of the Nightingale in another sense. But such as do seriously look into the reasons there∣of, shall find the saying true which is ascribed to the elder and wiser Cato, Verba plus quam gladium, & voces quam manum hostes terri∣tare, & in fugam vertere; Words will do more then Swords, and Voices sooner then Hands may affright the enemy and put him to flight.* 1.34 The ear, as I have already noted, will sooner betray the soul to the distresse of fear, then any other of the five senses.* 1.35 Which Jose∣phus well understood, although peradventure he applyed not so fit a remedy, when he com∣manded his men to stop their ears at the accla∣mations of the Roman legions, lest they might be daunted and amazed thereat. The reason may be, for that our discourse (diligently atten∣ding upon a matter of that consequence which calleth the lives of both parties in question, and valuing every circumstance at the utmost) doth alwayes presuppose a cause answerable to such an effect of joy and assurance. For these shouts and acclamations are properly the consequents of joy, and are so availeable that they deceive both parties: for such as take up the shout by way of anticipation, do seem to conclude of that which is yet in question; and the enemy thereupon apprehendeth danger when there is

none at all, whereby it happeneth, Hostes terre∣ri, & suos incitari, that the enemies are af∣frighted, and our own men encouraged, as Cae∣sar noteth. Besides these examples I might al∣ledge the authority of Holy Writ, but that it might seem both unsavoury and unseasonable to make a commixture of such diversities. I will therefore content my self with a practice of our time at the battel of Newport, where after di∣vers retreats and pursuits, either side chasing the other as it were by turn and mutuall appoint∣ment, and as it often falleth out in such confrontments; at last commandement was given to the English to make head again, and after some pause to charge the enemy with a shout: which being accordingly performed, a man might have seen the enemy startle before they came to the stroak; and being charged home, were so routed, that they made not head again that day. For the prevention of such a disadvantage, there can be no better president then that which Plutarch noteth,* 1.36 touching the battel between the Romans and the Ambrons, a part of that deluge of people which came down into Italy with the Cimbri and Teutones; for these Ambrons coming out to give battel, to the end they might strike fear into the Romans, made an often repetition of their own name with a lowd sounding voice, Ambrons, Ambrons, Ambrons. The Italians on the other side that first came down to fight were the Ligurians, inhabiting the coast of Genoa, who hearing this noise, and plainly understanding them, made answer with the like cry, sounding out their own name, Ligurii, Ligurii, Ligurii. Where∣upon the Captains of both sides made their soul∣diers cry out altogether, contending for envy one against another who should cry it loudest: and so both sides were encouraged, and neither of them disadvantaged, Clamore utrinque sub∣lato, whilst both sides continued the cry.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

THis Labienus was a great souldier, and well acquainted with Caesars manner in leading an army, and made many good fights while he continued under his command: but after he be∣took himself to Pompeys part, and joyned with a faction against his first master, he never at∣chieved any thing but losse and dishonour.

—Dux fortis in armis Caesareis Labienus erat, nunc transfuga vilis. Once Labienus was a Captain stout On Caesars side, now a base Turn-about.

And upon that occasion he is often mentio∣ned as a memoriall of his disloyalty, to prove that good successe in matter of war doth follow the Generall rather then any inferiour Captain. For it is observed of divers, whose fortune hath been great under the conduction of some com∣manders, and as unlucky under other leaders: like plants or trees that thrive well in some grounds, and bear store of fruit, but being trans∣planted do either dye or become barren. And doubtlesse there may be observed the like sympa∣thy or contrariety in the particular courses of mans life, wherein they are carried upon the stream of their fortunes, according to the course of their first imbarking. And therefore such as happen in a way that leadeth to successfull ends, shall much wrong themselves either to turn back again, or to seek by-paths, whose ends are both unknown and uncertain: and herein the French saying may serve to some purpose,

Si vous estes bien, tenez vous la,

If you find your self well, hold your self there.

CHAP. VI.

Caesar carrieth his army over the Rhene into Germany.

Caesar* 1.37 being come from the Menapii to the Treviri, did resolve to passe the Rhene for two causes: the one was, for that the Germans had sent succours and supplies to the Treviri; the other that Ambiorix might have no reception or en∣tertainment among them. Upon this resoluti∣on, a little above that place where he carried his army over before, he commanded a bridge to be made after the known and appointed fa∣shion, which by the great industry of the soul∣diers was ended in a few dayes: and leaving a sufficient strength at the bridge, least any sudden motion should rise amongst the Treviri, he carried over the rest of his forces both horse and foot. The Ubii which before time had gi∣ven hostages and were taken into obedien••••, sent Ambassadours unto him to clear them∣selves from imputation of disloyalty, and that the Treviri had received no supplies from their State: they pray and desire him to spare them, least the generall distast of the Germans should cause him to punish the innocent for the guilty: and if he would ask more hostages, they would willingly give them. Caesar upon examination of the matter, found that the supplies were sent by the Suevi: and thereup∣on he accepted the satisfaction of the Ubii, and inquired the way and the passages to the Suevi. Some few dayes after he understood by the Ubii, that the Suevi had brought all their forces to one place, and had commanded such nations as were under their dominion, that they should send them forces of horse and foot. Upon this intelligence he made provision of corn, & chose a sit place to encamp in. He com∣manded the Ubii to take their cattel, and all their other goods from abroad out of the fields

into their towns, hoping that the barbarous and unskilfull men might through want of victu∣all be drawn to fight upon hard conditions. He gave order also that they should every day send out discoverers to the Suevi to understand what they did. The Ubii did as they were comman∣ded, and after a few dayes brought word that all the Suevi, having received certain news of the approach of the Roman army, had retired themselves and all their forces to their utmost confines, where there was a wood of an infinite greatnesse called Bacenis, which served as a native wall or defence to keep the Chirusci from the incursions of the Suevi, and the Suevi from the injury and spoil of the Chirusci. That at the entrance of this wood the Suevi did expect the coming of the Romans.

OBSERVATIONS.

I Will hold my former purpose, not to deliver any thing concerning Bridges,* 1.38 whereof there are so many treatises already extant: neither will I go about to describe the substantiall buil∣ding or ingenious workmanship of this Bridge here mentioned, which might well beseem Cae∣sar and his army: for as he only could, or at the least did put in practice the making there∣of, so will I leave the description to himself, as best suting with his eloquence.* 1.39 But forasmuch as Brancatio an Italian Writer taketh occasi∣on from hence to run into ignorance and er∣rour, give me leave to set a mark upon this place, lest others not knowing the ancient course, should run their bark upon the same shallowes. Amongst other advertisements (being but four∣teen in all) which he hath given upon Caesars Commentaries, he noteth and commendeth the use of Bridges made of Boats, which are com∣monly carried in an army-royall to that pur∣pose, before this or any other invention of for∣mer times, specially in regard of the easinesse and expedition which may be used both in ma∣king such a bridge, and taking it up again: for the Boats being prepared ready, as usually they are in camp-royals, such a bridge may be made in a day, which Caesar could not do in ten, but with great wonderment and admiration. And therein I hold well with Brancatio, that for the speedy transportation of an army over a river, there is no readier means then a bridge of boats, presupposing the boats to be first in a readinesse. But that which he concludeth is,* 1.40 that mens wits in these times are much sharper and readier then those of former ages, forasmuch as they have found out an easy and expedite course, which fomer times could never reach unto. Wherein I will not go about to derogate any thing from the condition of the time in which we live and breath, but do desire to find them better accom∣plished then any other foregoing ages; how∣soever I may suspect a greater weaknesse of wit in these dayes, wherein the temperature of the body is worse conditioned then it was in the time of our Forefathers, as may appear by many arguments, & serveth not so fitly to the working powers of the mind, as it did before this multi∣plicity of mixture, when the state of mens bodies were compounded of those perfect elements which were in our first Parents. But for this reason which Brancatio alledgeth, the Reader may be pleased to understand, that the use of Boat-bridges was both known and in practice, as well before the Roman Empire, as in the time of their government.* 1.41 Herodotus relating the passage of Xerxes army into Greece,* 1.42 descri∣beth this bridge of Boates, (which Brancatio would attribute to the invention of our times) in the self same manner, or rather more artifi∣cially then hath been accustomed in these later ages: for finding that no timber-work would serve the turn to make a sufficient bridge over the streights of Hellespont, being seven furlongs in breadth, he caused Biremes and Triremes to be placed in equall distance one from another, and fastened with anchours before and behind, and to be joyned together with planks and boords, and then covered with sand and gra∣vell, raising a hedge or blind on each side there∣of, to the end the horse and cattel might not be afraid at the working of the billow, and so made a bridge for the passage of his army. And in the time of the Roman Empire,* 1.43 Tacitus descri∣beth the like bridge to be made over the river Po by Valens and Cecina, with as great skill as can be shewed at these times: for, saith he, they placed boats a crosse the river, in equall distance one from another, and joyned them together with strong planks, and fastened them with an∣chours; but in such sort, as Anchorarum funes non extenti fluitabant, ut augescente flumine inoffensus or do navium attolieretur, the cables of the Anchours floated loose, not being exten∣ded to their length, that upon the increase of the river the ships might be lifted up without any prejudice to them. Whereby it appeareth how much Brancatio was deceived in ascribing that to these later times, which was the invention of former ages; and may serve as a caveat to our out-languist humorists, that can endure no reading but that which soundeth with a strange idiome, not to trust too much upon their Au∣thours, lest whilst they sti••le their memory with strange words, in the mean time they starve their understanding.

CHAP. VII.

The Factions in Gallia in Caesar's time.

BUt here it shall not be amisse to deli∣ver somewhat touching the manner and fashion of life,* 1.44 both of the Galles and of the Germans, and wherein those two Nations do differ. In Gallia not onely in every city, village, and precinct, but almost in every particular house there are parties and factions, the heads whereof are such as they think to be of greatest authority, according to whose opinion and command the main course of their actions is directed. And this seemeth a custome instituted of old time, to the end that none of the common people, how mean soever, might at any time want means to make their party good against a greater man: for if they should suffer their parties and followers to be either oppressed or circumvented, they should never bear any rule or authority amongst them. And this is the course throughout all Gallia, for all their States are divided into two facti∣ons. When Caesar came into Gallia, the Hedui were chief ring-leaders of the one party, and the Sequani of the other. These finding them∣selves to be the worker side, (forasmuch as the principality and chiefest power was anciently s••ated in the Hedui, having many and great ad∣herents and clients) drew the Germans and Ariovistus by many great promises on their par∣ty: and after many great victories all the No∣bility of the Hedui being slain, they went so far beyond them in power and authority, that they drew the greatest part of Clients from the Hedui to themselves, and took the children of their Princes for pledges, and caused them to take a publick oath not to undertake any thing against the Sequani; besides a great part of their coun∣trey which they took from them by force: and so they obtained the principality of Gallia. And thereupon Divitiacus went unto Rome to seek aid of the Senate, but returned without effecting any thing. Caesars coming into Gallia brought an alteration of these things, for the pledges were restored back again to the Hedui, and their old followers and clients did likewise return to their protection: besides other new followers which by Caesars means did cleave unto them: for they saw that those which entred into friend∣ship with them, were in a better condition, and more fairly dealt with. Whereby their nobleness and dignity was so amplified and enlarged, that the Sequani lost their authority, whom the men of Rhemes succeeded. And forasmuch as the world took notice that they were no less favour∣ed of Caesar then the Hedui, such as by reason of former enmities could not endure to joyn with the Hedui, put themselves into the clientele of the men of Rhemes, and found respective prote∣ction from that State; which caused a new and sodain raised authority of the men of Rhemes. So that at that time the Hedui went far beyond all the other States of Gallia in power and au∣thority, and next unto them were the men of Rhemes.

OBSERVATIONS.

FActions are generally the rent of a State,* 1.45 and a disjoynting of those parts which common unity hath knit together for the preservation of good government. But the Galles maintained sides and parties throughout the whole body of their Continent, and found it necessary for the upholding of their policy at home; and as it fell out in the course of these wars, rather a help then otherwise in their generall defence against a for∣raign enemy. The reason of the former benefit was grounded upon two causes, as Caesar noteth: the one proceeding from the oppression used by the rich and mighty men towards the poorer and meaner people; and the other from the impati∣ency of those of inferior condition, refusing to ac∣knowledge any authority or preeminency at all, rather then to endure the wrongs and contumelies of the mighty. And therefore to prevent the li∣centious might of the great ones, and to give countenance and respect to the lower sort, these factions and sides were devised: wherein the foot had alwayes a head sensible of the wrongs which were done unto it. Things of greater con∣dition are alwayes injurious to lesser natures, and cannot endure any competency; not so much as in comparison, or by way of relation. In things without life, the prerogative of the moun∣tains doth swallow up the lesser rising of the downs, and the swelling of the downs, the un∣evenness of the mole-hils: the Stars are dimmed at the rising of the Moon, and the Moon loseth both her light and her beauty in the presence of the Sunne. So amongst bruit beasts and fishes, the greater do alwayes devour the less, and take them as their due by the appointment of nature: and men more injurious in this point, then either mountains or brute beasts, inasmuch as they do alwayes overvalue themselves beyond their own greatness, have in all ages verified the old Pro∣verb, Homo homini lupus, One man's a Wolf to another. And on the other side, as nature ma∣keth nothing in vain, but hath given a being to the least of her creatures: so do they endeavour not to be annulled, but to keep themselves in be∣ing and continuance. Habet & musca splenem, The very Fly hath her spleen, saith the Poet: and the Pismires and Bees have their common-weales, though not equall to a Monarch. And therefore that the mighty and great men of Gallia might not devour the lowest of the people, but that eve∣ry man might stand in his own condition, and by the help of a Rowland live by an Oliver; and again, that the poorer sort might give as a tribute for their protection, that respect and obedience

to their superiors, as belongeth to such high cal∣lings, these factions and bandies were ordained: whereby the Nobles were restrained from op∣pressing the poor, and the poor compelled to obey the Nobility, which is the best end that may be made of any faction.

Concerning the advantage which the Galles received by these factions against forraign ene∣mies, it was rather in regard of the multiplicitie of States and Common-weals which were in the continent of Gallia, then otherwise: for it ma∣nifestly appeareth, that their factions and con∣tentions for soveraign authority, caused one par∣ty to bring in Ariovistus and the Germans; and the other party the Romans, to make good their bandy. But forasmuch as Gallia had many divisions, and contained many severall States, relying chiefly upon their own strength, and e∣steeming the subversion of their neighbour city,* 1.46 as a calamity befalling their neighbour, from which the rest stood as yet free, it was not so easi∣ly conquered as if it had been all but one king∣dom. The battell which Caesar had with the Ner∣vij, which was fought so hard, that of threescore thousand men there were left but five hundred, nor of six hundred Senators above three; nor again, the selling of three and fifty thousand Galles for bond-slaves at one time, did not so much advantage the conquest of Gallia, as the battell of Edward the third, or that of Henry the fifth, our two English Caesars: in the for∣mer whereof were slain at Cressie thirty thou∣sand of the French, and in the latter at Agin∣court but ten thousand. The reason was, for that the former losses, though far greater, concerned but particular States: whereas these latter over∣throwes extended to the members and branches of the whole kingdome.

CHAP. VIII.

Two sorts of men in Gallia, Druides and Equites.

THroughout all Gallia there are but two sorts of men that are of any reckoning or account:* 1.47 for the com∣mon people are in the nature of servants, and of no worth of them∣selves, nor admitted to any Parliament; but be∣ing kept under either by debts, or by great tri∣butes,* 1.48 or by the oppression of the mighty, do put themselves in the service of the Nobility, and are subject to the authority which the master hath over his Bond-slave. Of these two sorts, the one are Druides and the other Equites or Gentle∣men. The Druides, which are alwayes present at their Holy Duties, do give order for their pub∣lick and private sacrifices, and expound their Religion. To the Druides great numbers of the youth do resort for learnings sa••e, and have them in great honour and reputation; for they do determine almost of all controversies both publick and private: for if any offence be com∣mitted, as murther or man-slaughter, or any controversie arise touching their lands or inheri∣tance, they sentence it; rewarding the vertuous, and punishing the wicked. If any private man or State do not obey their decree, they interd••d him from holy duty, which is the greatest pu∣nishment that is amongst them. Such as are thus interdicted, are reputed in the number of impious and wicked men, every man leaves their company, and doth avoid to meet them, or speak with them, lest they should receive any hurt by their contagion: neither have they law or justice when they require it, nor any respect or honour that doth belong unto them. Over all the Druides there is one Primat, that hath au∣thority of the rest. At his decease if any one do excell the rest in dignity, he succeedeth: if ma∣ny equals are found, they go to election, and sometimes they contend about the primacy with force and arms. They meet at a certain time of the year in the confines of the Carnutes, which is the middle part of all Gallia, and there they sit in a sacred place: thither they resort from all parts that have controversies, and do obey their orders and judgements.* 1.49 The art and learning of the Druides was first found out in Britany, and from thence is thought to be brought into Gallia: and at this time such as will attain to the perfect knowledge of that dis∣cipline, do for the most part travell thither to learn it. The Druides are exempt from warfare and payments, and have an immunitie from all other duties: whereby it falleth out that many do be take themselves to that profession of their own free will, and divers others are sent to that school by their parents and friends. They are said to learn many verses, and that some do study therein twenty years. Neither is it lawfull for them to commit any thing to writing, beside that in other publick and private businesses they onely use the Greek tongue: and that as I take it for two causes; first, for that their learn∣ing may not become common and vulgar; se∣condly, that scholars might not trust so much to their writings as to their memory, as it hap∣peneth for the most part, that men rely upon the trust of books and papers, and in the mean time omit the benefit of good remembrance. They en∣deavour chiefly to teach men that their souls do not die, but that they do remove out of one body into another after death; and this they think to be very important to stir men up to vertue neg∣lecting the fear of death. They dispute further, and give many traditions to the youth touching the stars and their motion, the magnitude of the earth and the world, the nature of things, and the might and power of the Gods.

OBSERVATIONS.

THe quality and condition of the Druides is in this place very particularly described by Caesar,* 1.50 and may be reduced to these heads. First, their Office, extending both to things Divine and things temporall, whereby they executed the place both of Priests and of Judges. And for that purpose there was one known place ap∣pointed where they sate in judgement: and as I understand it, there was but one Terme in the year, which both began and ended their suits in law. The second thing is their Authority, having power to reward vertue and to punish vice. Thirdly, their priviledges and immunities, being free from contribution, from warfare, and all other burthens of the State. Fourthly, their do∣ctrine and learning, which was partly Theolo∣gicall, concerning the might and power of the gods, the immortality of the Soul; and partly philosophicall, touching the stars and their mo∣tion, the earth and the magnitude thereof. And lastly, their manner of learning, which was al∣together Pythagoricall, refusing the help of let∣ters and books, and committing their doctrine to the tradition of their Elders. But that which is specially to be observed,* 1.51 is, that this learning was not onely found out here in Brittanie, but such as would perfectly attain to the knowledge thereof, came into England to study the same, contrary to the experience which heretofore hath been observed of the Northern and Sou∣thern parts of the world: for as the South giveth a temper to the body fit for the science and con∣templation of Arts, whereby the mind being en∣larged and purified in her faculties, doth dive in∣to the secret depth of all learning, and censure the hidden mysteries thereof; so the Northern climats do bind in the powers of the soul, and restrain all her vertues to the use of the body, whereby they are said to have animam in digi∣tis,* 1.52 their soul in their fingers, not affording her that delight and contentment which is usually received by speculation. And thence it happeneth that all speculative arts and sciences, and what else soever concerneth the inward contemplati∣on of the mind, was found out and perfected by such as border upon the South, and from them it was brought by litle and litle into the Northern regions: and such as would be masters in the Arts they professed, went alwayes Southward for the attaining thereof. But here the South was beholding to the North, as well for their princi∣ples of Divinity, as for their Philosophie and morall learning, being as pure, as that which any heathen people ever drank of. Which pro∣veth an ancient singularity in the inhabitants of this Iland, touching the studie of Arts and mat∣ter of learning, and may with like evidence be proved from age to age even to this time. In witness whereof I appeal to the two Universities of this land,* 1.53 as a demonstration of the love which our Nation hath ever born to learning, being two such Magazins of arts and sciences, so beau∣tified with curious buildings, and supplied with indowments for the liberall maintenance of the Muses, inriched with Libraries of learned Works, adorned with pleasant places for the re∣freshing of wearied spirits, gardens, groves, walks, rivers, and arborets, as the like such A∣thens are not to be found in any part of the world.

CHAP. IX.

The second sort of men in Gallia, called the Equites in Caesar's time.

THe other sort of people are Equites or Gentlemen.* 1.54 These when there is occasion, or when any war happen∣eth (as before Caesar his coming was usuall every year, that either they did offer injuries, or resist injuries,) are al∣waies parties therein: and as every man ex∣celleth other in birth or wealth, so is he attend∣ed with clients and followers▪ and this they take to be the onely note of Nobilitie and greatness. The whole nation of the Galles are much addi∣cted to religions; and for that cause, such as are either grievously diseased, or conversant continually in the dangers of warre do either sacrifice men for an oblation, or vow the obla∣tion of themselves, using in such sacrifices the ministery of the Druides, forasmuch as they are perswaded that the immortall Deity cannot be pleased, but by g••ving the life of one man for the life of another: and to that purpose they have publick sacrifices appointed. Others have Images of a monstrous magnitude, whose limbs and parts being made of Osiers, are filled with living men, and being set one fire, the men are burned to death. The execution of such as are taken in theft or robbery, or any other crime, they think to be best pleasing to the gods; but wanting such, they spare not the innocent. They worship chiefly the god Mercurie, and have ma∣ny of his images amongst them; him they adore as the inventor of all Arts, the conductor and guide in all voyages and journeys, and they think him to have great power in all merchan∣dize and gain of moneys. Next unto him they prefer Apollo, Mars, Jove and Minerva, and of these they carrie the same opinion as other na∣tions do: Apollo to be powerfull in healing dis∣eases, Minerva in finding out artificiall works, Jove ruling the celestiall Empire, and Mars for Warre. When they are to encoun∣ter with an enemy, they vow all the spoil unto him; and such beasts as are taken they sacrifice, other things they lay up in some one place: and many such heaps of things so taken

are to be seen in the holy places of diverse of their cities. Neither doth it often happen, that any man neglecting his religion in that point, dare either keep back any thing so taken, or take away ought laid up in their Repositories; for they incur a heavie punishment and torture for that offence. The Galles do all boast them∣selves in the stock from whence they are de∣scended, understanding by the Druides, that they come of the god Dis. And therefore they end the space of all their times by the number of nights rather then by the number of dayes, ob∣serving the dayes of their nativity, the begin∣ings of their moneths and their years, in such sort as the day doth alwayes follow the night. And herein they differ from other nations, that they suffer not their children to come open∣ly unto them, but when they are grown fit for war: thinking it shamefull and dishonest, that a son in his childhood should in publike places stand in the sight of his father. To the portions which they have with their wives, they add as much more of their own goods; and the use of this money thus added together, is kept apart, and the longer liver hath both the principall and the interest for all the former time. The men have power of life and death, both over their wives and their children. And when a man of great place and parentage shall happen to decease, his kinsfolks assemble themselves together, to enquire of his death: if there be any occasion of suspition, they put his wife to torture after the manner of a servant; and if it be found, she dies tormented with fire and all other tortures as may be imagined. Their fune∣rals (according to the rest of their life) are magnificall and sumptuous, burying with the dead corps all that he took delight in while he lived, not sparing living creatures: and not long out of memory, the custome was to bury with the body such clients and servants as were favoured by him in his lifetime. Such States as are carefull in the government of their com∣mon-weals, do prohibite by a speciall law, that no man shall communicate a rumour or report touching the State to any man saving a Ma∣gistrate; forasmuch as it had been often found, that rash and unskilfull men were so terrified with false reports, and moved to such despe∣rate attempts, that they entered into resoluti∣ons touching the main points of State. The Magistrates do keep secret such things as they think fit, and that which they think expedient they publish: but it is not lawfull to speak of matter of State, but in assemblies of State.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

COncerning the beginning of dayes and times,* 1.55 which Caesar noteth in this place to be observed by the Galles after Sun-setting; (whereby it happened that in the naturall day of four and twenty houres, the night alwayes preceded the day time, contrary to the use of I∣taly, where the day began at Sun-rising, and the night followed the artificiall day as the second part of the day naturall;) we are to understand, that as all time, and the distinction of the parts thereof, dependeth upon the two motions of the Sunne: the one as it moveth in its own orb from West to East, begetting the revolution of years, and the seasons of Sommer and Winter, the Spring and the Autumne, with the measure of moneths as it passeth through the signes of the Zodiack; and the other, as it is carried from East to West by the first moving sphear, making the distinction of nights and dayes, houres and minutes: so the beginnings of these times and seasons are diversly taken amongst diverse peo∣ple and nations of the earth. The Iewes had the same computation touching the beginning of the day as the Galles had, but upon other grounds and reasons then could be alledged for this custome in Gallia: for they began their day in the evening at Sunne-setting, as appeareth by many places of the Scripture: and Moses in the repetition of the first seven dayes work, upon the accomplishment of a day, saith, The evening and the morning were one day, giving the even∣ing precedency before the morning, as though the day had begun in the evening. The Bohemi∣ans in like manner do observe the beginning of their day in the evening, and do herein follow the use of the Iews. Other nations do begin at Sun-rising, and take the computation of their day naturall from the first appearing of the Sun in the East. The Greeks begin and end their day at midnight, observing the certainty of that time, and the correspondence between the equall and planetary houres in the meridian Circle: where∣as otherwise by reason of the inequality of the dayes and the nights, out of a right sphare there is alwayes some difference between the said houres. And this use also is observed by us in England.

This god Dis, whom he nameth for the father of that nation, is the same whom the heathen called Pluto, the god of hell and darkness; and for that cause they put darkness before light, touching the beginning of their naturall day.

But forasmuch as this circumstance giveth oc∣casion to speak of dayes and times, give me leave to insert the reformation of the year, which Cae∣sar so happily established, that succeeding times have had no cause to alter the same.

And although it neither concerneth the art of war, nor happened within the compass of these seven sommers: yet forasmuch as it was done by Caesar, and deserveth as often memory as any other of his noble acts, it shall not seem im∣pertinent to the reader to take thus much by the way concerning that matter. There is no nation

of any civill government, but observeth a course or revolution differenced with times and seasons, in such manner as may be answerable to the motion of the Sun, in the circuit which it maketh through the signes and degrees of the Zodiack. But forasmuch as the government of a civill year doth not well admit any other composition of parts, to make it absolute and complete, then by naturall dayes; and on the other side, the Sun requireth odde houres and minutes to finish his race, and return again to the goal from whence it came; there hath alwayes been found a diffe∣rence between the civill and the Solar year. Be∣fore Caesars time, the Romans using the anci∣ent computation of the year, had not onely such uncertainty and alteration in moneths and times, that the sacrifices and yearly feasts came by litle and litle to seasons contrary for the pur∣pose they were ordained: but also in the revolu∣tion of the Sun or Solar year, no other nation agreed with them in account; and of the Romans themselves, onely the Priests understood it: and therefore when they pleased (no man being able to controll them) they would upon the sodain thrust in a moneth above the ordinary number, which as Plutarch noteth,* 1.56 was in old time cal∣led Mercedonius, or Mensis intercalaris. To remedy this inconvenience,* 1.57 Caesar calling to∣gether the best and most expert Astronomers of that time, made a Kalender more exactly calcu∣lated then any other that was before: and yet such a one as by long continuance of time hath bred a difference, for the matter standeth thus.

It is found by certain observation of Mathe∣maticians of all ages, that the Sun being carried from the West to the East by the motion of his own Sphear, finisheth his yearly course in the space of 365. dayes, five houres, nine and fourty minutes, and some odd seconds: whereupon it was then concluded that their civill year must necessarily contain three hundred threescore and five dayes, which maketh two and fifty weeks and one day. And forasmuch as those five odd hours, nine and fourty minutes, and some seconds, did in four years space amount unto a naturall day, (wanting two and fourty minutes and six and fifty seconds, which was thought nothing in comparison) they devised every fourth year to add a day more then ordinary, to answer that time which is usually added to February: whereby it happeneth that in every fourth year February hath nine and twenty dayes. And so they made an order to reform their year with∣out any sensible errour for a long time. But since that time, being one thousand six hundred years and more, those two and fourty minutes and six and fifty seconds, which as I said do want of the naturall day of four and twenty hours which is inserted in every fourth year, have bred a mani∣fest and an apparant errour: for whereas the civil year is by that means made greater then the so∣lar years, the Sun ending his task before we can end our times, it happeneth that such feasts as have relation to seasonable times, do as it were foreslow the opportunity, and fall out further in the year, as though they had a motion towards the sommer solstice. And as these go forward, so doth the Equinoctiall return backwards to∣wards the beginning of the moneth. For Caesar by the help of the Astronomers observed the Ae∣quinoctium the five and twentieth of March. Ptolemy in his time observed the Aequinoctium the two and twentieth of March. And it was observed the one and twentieth of March in the year from the incarnation 322. what time was holden the first generall Councill at Nice a city of Pontus, in respect whereof the Paschall ta∣bles and other rules were established for the cele∣bration of Easter. But since that time there are passed 1281. years, and the Aequinoctium cometh before the one and twentieth of March ten dayes.

As this errour is reformed among other na∣tions, and reduced to that state as it was at the Nicene Councill: so there might many reasons be alledged to prove the reformation convenient of a greater number of dayes then ten. For if the Kalender were so ordered, that every moneth might begin when the Sun entreth into that Sign which is for the moneth, and end when the Sun goeth out of that signe, it would avoid much con∣fusion, and be very easy to all sorts of people as have occasion to observe the same: which doubtlesse was the purport of the first institution of moneths; and was observed (as it seemeth) by the old Romans, who began the year at the winter solstice, as Ovid noteth:

Bruma novi prima est, veterisque novissi∣ma solis: Principium capiunt Phoebus & annus i∣dem.

And therefore they called that moneth Ianuary of Ianus that had two faces, and saw both the old and the new year. Such therefore as would go about to reform the year to this course, must not cut off ten dayes onely, but one and twenty; and for one year make December to continue but ten dayes, and then Ianuary to begin, and so successively to the rest of the moneths. But it may be said, that although we help our selves, and put off the inconvenience which is fallen upon us, yet in tract of time the like error will fall again upon succeeding ages, and put their yearly Feasts besides the dayes appointed for them. For remedy whereof it may be answered; That whereas this error hath happened by ad∣ding every fourth year a naturall day, which in true calculation wanted two and fourty minutes and six and fifty seconds of four and twenty houres, and in very 136. years hath accrued within one minute to a day more then needed: the onely way is every 136. years, to omit the

addition of that day, and to make that year to contain but 365. dayes, which by the order of Caesars Kalender, is a leap year, and hath one day more, which hath brought this error. And so there would not happen the error of a day in the space of 111086. years, if the world should con∣tinue so long.

But least we should seem more curious in re∣forming the course of our civill year, then the manners of our civill life, I will proceed to that which followeth.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THe second thing which I observe in their manner of life, is the respect they had to matter of State,* 1.58 and the care which they took that no man should dispute of the Com∣mon-weal, but in assemblies appointed for the service of the common-weal. Whereby they gained two speciall points for the maintenance of good government. The first, that no man might speak of points of state, but the governors of State: for such I understand to be admitted to their Councels and Parliaments. Second∣ly, that such matters of consequence as touch∣ed them so nearly, might not be handled, but in such places and at such times as might best advantage the State. Concerning the former we are to note, that Government is defined, to be an establishing of order best fitting the maintenance of a people, in a peaceable and happy life. Order requireth de∣grees and distinctions investing severall parts in severall functions and duties: to these duties there belongeth a due observancy, according to the motion and place which every part holdeth in the generall order. Of these degrees and distin∣ctions, Soveraignty and Obedience are two main relatives,* 1.59 the one invested in the Prince or Magistrate, the other in the people and subject, incommunicable in regard of their terms and subjects, and yet concurring in the main drift of government, intending the benefit of a happy life. And therefore the Galles did carefully pro∣vide, that no man should exceed the limits of his own rank, but that such as sate at the helm might shape the course: and for the rest whose lot it was to be directed, they would have them take notice of their mandates by obedience, and not by dispute.

Touching the second point, we are to consi∣der the danger which may happen to a State, by common and ordinary discourse of the Princi∣ples of that Government, or of such circumstan∣ces as are incident to the same, (without respect of time or place, or any other due regard) which the wisedome of a well-ordered policy doth hold requisite thereunto: for whatsoever is deli∣vered by speech, without such helpfull atten∣dance, is both unseasonable and unprofitable, and the Common-weal is alwaies a sufferer when it falleth into such rash considerations; for our most serious cogitations assisted with the best circumstances, can but speak to purpose. And as the execution falleth short of the purport in∣tended by discourse, so is our speech and discourse lame and wanting to our inward conceit. And therefore as religious actions stand in need of hoc age, so may politick consultations use the help of the same remembrancer.

CHAP. X.

The manner and life of the Germans.

THe Germans do much differ from the Galles in their course of life,* 1.60 for they have neither Priests nor sacrifices. They worship no gods but such as are subject to sense, and from whom they dayly receive profits and help, as the Sun, the Fire, and the Moon; for the rest they have not so much as heard of. Their life is onely spent in hunting, or in use and practise of war. They inure themselves to labour and hardness even from their child∣hood; and such as continue longest beardless are most commended amongst them: for this some think to be very available to their stature, o∣thers to their strength and sinews. They hold it a most dishonest part for one to touch a woman before he be twenty years of age: neither can any such matter be hid or dissembled, foras∣much as they bathe themselves together in ri∣vers, and use skins and other small coverings on the reins of their backs, the rest of their body being all naked. They use no tillage, the greatest part of their food is milk, or cheese, or flesh: neither hath any man any certain quan∣tity of land to his own use; but their Magi∣strates and Princes do every year allot a cer∣tain portion of land to kindreds and tribes that inhabite together, as much and in such places as they think fit, and the next year appoint them in a new place. Hereof they give many reasons: lest they should be led away by conti∣nuall custome from the practise of war to the use of husbandry, or lest they should endeavour to get themselves great possessions, and so the weaker should be thrust out and dispossest of their livings by the mighty, or lest they should build too delicately for the avoiding of cold or heat, or lest they should wax covetous and thirst after money, which is the beginning of all factions and dissensions; and lastly, that they might keep the Commons in good contentment, considering the parity between their revenues and the possessions of the great ones. It is the greatest honour to their States to have their confines lie waste and desolate far and near a∣bout them: for that they take to be an argument of valour, when their borderers are driven to

forsake their countrey, and dare not abide near them; and withall they think themselves by that means much safer from any sodain incur∣sion. When a State maketh war, either by way of attempt or defence, they chuse Magistrates to command that war, having power of life and death: but in time of peace they have no com∣mon Magistrate, but the chiefest men in the countrey and the villages, do interpret the Law and determine of Controversies. Theft com∣mitted out of the confines of their State is not infamous or dishonest, but commended as an exercise of the youth, and a keeping them from sloth. When any one of their Princes and chief men shall in an assembly or councel publish himself for a leader upon some exploit, and desire to know who will follow him upon the same, they that have a good opinion of the man and the matter, and do promise him their help and assistance, are commended by the multitude: the rest that refuse to accompany him, are held in the number of traitors, and ne∣ver have any credit afterwards. They hold it not lawfull to hurt a stranger that shall come unto them upon any occasion, but do protect him from injuries; to such every mans house is open, and his table common. The time was when the Galles excelled the Germans in prow∣ess and valour, and made war upon them of their own accord, and by reason of the multitude of their people and want of ground for habita∣tion, they sent many colonies over the Rhene into Germany. And so those fertile places of Germ which are near unto the wood Hercynia, (which Eratosthenes and other Grecians took notice of by the name of Orcinia) were possessed by the Volcae Tectosages, who dwelt there at this time, and keep their ancient opinion of justice and warl••ke praise. Now the Germans still continue in the same poverty, want, and pa∣tience, as in former time; do use the same diet and apparell for their bodies: but the neigh∣bourhood and knowledge of other nations hath made the Galles live in a more plentifull man∣ner, who by litle and litle have been weakned and overthrown in divers battels, so that now they stand not in comparison with the Ger∣mans. The breadth of the wood Hercynia is nine dayes journey over, for they have no other dif∣ferences of space but by means of days iourneys. It beginneth at the confines of the Helvetii, Ne∣metes, and Rauraci, and runs along the river Danubius to the territories of the Daci; thence it declineth to the left side from the said river, and by reason of the large extension thereof, it bordereth the confines of many other countries. Neither is there any German that can say, that either he durst adventure, or did go to, or had heard of the beginning of the same, although he had travelled therein threescore dayes journey. In this wood are many sorts of wild beasts, which are not to be seen in any other place: amongst the rest, the most unusuall and re∣markable are, An Oxe like unto a Hart, that in the middest of his forehead between his ears carieth a horn longer and straighter then usuall, divided at the end into many large branches, the female is in all respects like unto the male, and beareth a horn of the same mag∣nitude and fashion. There is likewise another sort of beasts called Alces, not unlike unto a Goat, but somewhat bigger, and without horns: their legs are without joynts, that when they take their rest they neither sit nor lie upon the ground, and if they chance to fall they cannot rise again. When they take their rest in the night, they lean against trees. The Hunters having found out their footsteps and their haunt, do either undermine the roots of such trees, or so cut them asunder that a small mat∣ter will overthrow them; so that when they come according unto their use to rest them∣selves against those trees, they overthrow them with their weight, and fall withall themselves, and so are taken. The 3. kind of beasts are those which are called Uri, somewhat lesser then an Elephant, and in colour, kind and shape, not un∣like unto a Bull. They are both strong and swift, and spare neither man nor beast that cometh in their sight: these they catch with greater la∣bour and diligence in pits and ditches, and so kill them. The youth do inure and exercise themselves in this kind of hunting, and such as kill many of these beasts, and shew most horns, are highly commended: but to make them tame, or any their litle ones, was never yet seen. The largeness of their horns, as also the fashion and kind thereof, doth much differ from the horns of the Oxen, and are much sought after for cups to be used in their great∣est banquets, being first bound about the brim and trimmed with silver.

OBSERVATIONS.

CAesar in this Chapter describeth the course of life which the Germans in his time held throughout the whole policy of their govern∣ment, the scope whereof was to make them war∣like: to which he saith, That in times past the Galles were as valiant and as warlike people as the Germans; but the neighbourhood and know∣ledge of other nations had taught them a more plentifull manner of life, which by litle and litle had weakned their strength, and made them far inferiour to the Germans. Which bringeth to our consideration that which is often attributed to a civill life, that such as taste of the sweetness of ease,* 1.61 and are qualified with the complements of civilitie, have alwayes an indisposition to warlike practices. The reason is grounded up∣on use and custome: for discontinuance doth

alwayes cause a strangenesse and alienation, benumming the aptest parts with unready and painfull gestures; and is so powerfull, that it doth not only steal away naturall affection, and make parents forget to love their children; but like a tyrant it is able to force us to those things which naturally we are unfit for, as though the decrees of nature were subject to the controllment of custome. Much more then, the things got by use and practice, are as easily forgot by discontinuance, as they were obtain∣ed by studious exercise. On the other side, there is nothing so horrible or dreadfull, but use maketh easy. The first time the Fox saw the Lion, he swooned for fear, the next time he trembled, but the third time he was so far from fear, that he was ready to put a trick of craft upon him: whereby it appeareth, that the Ger∣mans had no further interest in deeds of arms above the Galles, then what the use of war had gained them: for as usage continueth the pro∣perty of a tenure, so non-usage implieth a for∣feiture. Cato was wont to say, that the Romans would loose their Empire, when they suffer∣ed the Greek tongue to be taught amongst them: for by that means they would easily be drawn from the study and practice of war, to the be∣witching delight of speculative thoughts. And Marcellus was blamed for being the first that corrupted Rome with the delicate and curious works of Greece: for before that he brought from the sacking of Syracusa the well-wrought tables of pictures and imagery, Rome never knew any such delicacy, but stood full fraught with armour and weapons of barbarous people, of the bloudy spoyls and monuments of victo∣ries and triumphs; which were rather fearfull shews to inure their eyes to the horrour of war, then pleasant sights to allure their minds to af∣fections of peace. Whereby it appeareth, that such as suffer themselves to be guided by the ea∣sy rain of civile government, or take a dispo∣sition to that course of life, can hardly endure the yoke of war, or undergo the tediousnesse of martiall labours.

CHAP. XI.

Basilius his surprise upon Ambiorix.

CAesar finding by the discoverers which the Ubii sent out,* 1.62 that the Suevi had all betaken themselves to the woods, and doubting want of corn, forasmuch as the Germans of all other nations do least care for tillage; he de∣termined to go no further. But that his re∣turn might not altogether free the barbarous people from fear, but hinder the helps and suc∣cours which they were wont to send into Gallia, having brought back his army, he cut off so much of the furthest part of the bridge next unto the Ubii, as came in measure to two hun∣dred foot and in the end of that which remain∣ed he built a tower of four stories, making o∣ther works for the strengthening of that place, wherein he left a garrison of twelve cohorts un∣der the command of young C. Volcatius Tullus: he himself as corn waxed ripe, went forward to the war of Ambiorix by the way of the wood of Arduenna, which is the greatest in all Gallia, and extendeth it self from the banks of Rhene and the confines of the Treviri, to the seat of the Nervii, carrying a breadth of five hundred miles. He sent L. Minutius Basilius before with all the horse, to see if he could effect any thing either by prevention and speedy arrivall, or by opportunity, commanding him not to suf∣fer any fires to be made in his camp, least his coming might be discovered, promising to follow him at his heels. Basilius followeth his directions, and coming upon them contrary to their expectation, took many of the enemy a∣broad in the fields, and by their cond••••••••ion made towards Ambiorix, where he remained in a place with a few horsemen. As fortune is very powerfull in all things, so she challen∣geth a speciall interest in matter of war: for as it happened by great luck, that he should light upon him unawares and unprovided, and that his coming should sooner be seen then heard of; so was it great hap, that all the arms which he had about him should be surprised, his horses and his chariots taken, and that he himself should escape death. But this happened by rea∣son of the wood that was about his house, ac∣cording to the manner of the Galles, who for a∣voiding of heat, do commonly build near unto woods and rivers: his followers and friends sustaining a while the charge of the horsemen in a narrow place, while he himself escaped in the mean time on horseback, and in ••lying was protected and sheltered by the woods: whereby Fortune seemed very powerfull both in drawing on a danger, and in avoiding it.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THe prerogative which Fortune hath alwayes challenged in the accidents of war,* 1.63 and the speciall interest which she hath in that course of life more then in other mens actions, hath made the best shouldiers oftentimes to sing a song of complaint, the burthen whereof yet remaineth, and serveth as a reason of all such misadven∣tures, Fortune de laguerre, The Fortune of the war▪ Such as have observed the course of things, and have found one and the same man continu∣ing the same means, this day happy, and the next day unfortunate; and again, two other men, the one advised and respective, and the other violent and rash, and yet both attain the like good for∣tune by two contrary courses, or otherwise, as

oftentimes it falleth out, the more heedless, the more happy; have been perswaded that all things are so governed by fortune, that the wisdome of man can neither alter nor amend them: and therefore to spend much time or tedious labour, either in carefull circumspection, or heedfull pre∣vention of that which is unchangeable, they hold as vain as the washing of an Aethiopian to make him white. Of this opinion Sylla seemed to be;* 1.64 professing himself better born to fortune then to the wars, and acknowledging his happiest victories to have proceeded from his most heed∣less and unadvised resolutions. And the great Alexander so carried himself, as though he had been of the same opinion, of whom Curtius saith; Quoties illum fortuna à morte revoca∣vit quoties temere in pericula vectum perpe∣tua felicitate protexit! How many a time did Fortune call him back from the brink of death! how often did she happily defend and save him, when he had by his rashness brought himself in∣to dangers!* 1.65 And Plutarch saith, that he had power of time and place.

Others are not willing to ascribe so much to Fortune, as to make themselves the Tennis-ball to her Racket: and yet they are content to allow her half of every thing they go about, reserving the other moitie to their own directions. And so like partners in an adventure, they labour to improve their share for their best advantage.

Some other there are that will allow Fortune no part at all in their actions, but do confront her with a goddess of greater power, and make indu∣stry the means to annul her Deitie. Of this opini∣on was Timotheus the Athenian,* 1.66 who having at∣chieved many notable victories, would not allow of the conceipt of the painter, that had made a table wherein Fortune was taking in those cities, (which he had won) with a net whilst he himself slept: but protested against her in that behalf, and would not give her any part in that businesse.

And thus the heathen world varied as much in their opinions touching Fortune, as Fortune her self did in her events to themward: which were so divers and changeable, as were able to ensnare the deepest wits, and confound the wise∣dome of the greatest judgements: whereby the word Fortune usurped a Deity, and got an opi∣nion of extraordinary power in the regiment of humane actions. But our Christian times have a readier lesson, wherein is taught a soveraign Providence, guiding and directing the thoughts of mens hearts, with the faculties and powers of the Soul, together with their externall actions, to such ends as shall seem best to that omnipo∣tent wisedome, to whom all our abilities serve as instruments and means to effect his purposes, notwithstanding our particular intendments, or what the heart of man may otherwise deter∣mine. And therefore such as will make their wayes prosperous unto themselves, and receive that contentment which their hope expecteth, or their labours would deserve, must use those helps which the rules of Christianity do teach in that behalf, and may better be learned from a Divine, then from him that writeth Treatises of War.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

QUintus Curtius speaking of Alexander, saith,* 1.67 Nullam virtutem Regis istius ma∣gis quam celeritatem laudaverim, I can com∣mend no vertue in this King before his speed & celerity: whereof this might be a ground, that he followed Darius with such speed after the se∣cond battell he gave him, that in eleven dayes he marched with his army six hundred miles, which was a chase well fitting Alexander the Great, and might rest unexampled: notwithstanding Suetonius giveth this generall report of Caesar, that in matter military, aut aequavit praestan∣tissimorum gloriam, aut excessit, he either equal∣led or exceeded the glory of the best: and for this particular he saith, quod persaepe nuntius de se praevenit, that he was very often the messen∣ger of his own success. And to speak truly, he seemeth to challenge to himself expedition and speed as his peculiar commendation, grounding himself upon the danger which lingering and foreslowing of time doth usually bring to well advised resolutions: according to that of Lucan the Poet,

—Nocuit semper differre paratis.

Delay did alwayes hurt those that were ready.

For by this speedy execution of well-digested di∣rections, he gained two main advantages. First, the prevention of such helps and means as the enemy would otherwise have had, to make the war dangerous and the event doubtfull. And secondly, the confusion and fear, which doth consequently follow such main disappointments, being the most dangerous accidents that can happen to any party, and the chiefest points to be endeavoured to be cast upon an enemy by him that would make an easie conquest.

For proof whereof, amongst many other ex∣amples, I will onely alledge his expedition to Rome, when he first came against Pompey, ac∣cording to Plutarchs relation.* 1.68 In the mean time (saith he) news came to Rome, that Caesar had won Ariminum, a great city in Italy, and that he came directly to Rome with a great power, which was not true: for he came but with 3000. horse and 5000. foot, and would not tarry for the rest of his armie, being on the other side of the Alpes in Gallia, but made hast rather to surprize his enemies upon the sudden, being afraid and in garboile, not looking for him so soon, then to give them time to be provided, and so to fight with them in the best of their strength,

which fell out accordingly. For this sudden and unexpected approach of his, put all Italy and Rome it self into such a tumult and confusion, that no man knew what way to take for his safe∣tie: for such as were out of Rome came flying thither from all parts, and those on the other side that were in Rome, went out as fast, and forsook the citie. And the amazement was such, that Pompey and the Senate fled into Greece, where∣by it happened that Caesar in threescore dayes, was Lord of all Italy without any bloud∣shed.

Besides this manner of prevention by sud∣den surprize, we may see the like expedition in the very carriage and form of his wars.* 1.69 For if the enemy had taken the field, he laboured by all means to bring him to sight; or other∣wise if he refused to take the field, he then en∣deavoured with the like speed to besiege him or block him up in some hold, to the end he might bring the matter to a speedy upshot, as he did with Vercingetorix at Alesia. But that which is most memorable touching this point, at the first taking in of Spain in the garboil of the ci∣vile wars,* 1.70 he defeated two armies, overthrew two Generals, and took in two Provinces in the space of fourty dayes. Neither did he make use of expedition only in his carriage of a war, but also in the action and execution of battel: for he never forsook an enemy overthrown and discomfited, untill he had taken their camp, and defeated them of their chiefest helps, which Pompey felt to his utter overthrow; for the same day he routed him at Pharsalia, he took his camp, and inclosed a hill with a ditch and a rampler, where 25000. Romans were fled for their safety, and brought them to yield them∣selves unto him: and so making use (as he saith) of the benefit of fortune, and the terrour and amazement of the enemy, he performed three notable services in one day.

And this he used with such dexterity and depth of wisdome, that commonly the first vi∣ctory ended the war: as by this at Pharsalia he made himself Commander of the East, and by that at ••apso he made himself Lord of A∣frick, and by the battel at Monda he got all Spain.

To conclude this point, I may not forget the like speed and expedition in his works. In fifteen dayes he cast a ditch and a rampier of fifteen foot in height, between the lake at Gene∣va and S. Claudes hill,* 1.71 containing nineteen miles. He made his bridge over the Rhene in ten dayes. At the siege of Marseilles he made twelve gallies, and furnished them out to sea within thirty dayes after the timber was cut down. And the rest of his works with the like expedition.

CHAP. XII.

Cativulcus poysoneth himself. Caesar divideth his ar∣mie into three parts.

NOw whether Ambiorix did not make head and assemble his ••orces of purpose,* 1.72 for that he determined not to fight, or whether he were hindered by the shortness of the time, and the suaden coming of the horsemen, thinking the rest of the army had followed af∣ter; it remaineth doubtfull: but certain it is, that he sent privie messengers about the coun∣trey, commanding every man to shift for him∣self; and so some ••led into the forrest Ardu∣enna, others into sens and bogs, and such as were near the Ocean, did hiae themselves in such Islands as the tides do commonly make: many forsook their Countrey, and committed themselves to their fortunes, to more strangers and unknown people. Cativulcus the king of the one half of the Ebu••ones, who was a party with Ambiorix in this matter, being now grown 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and unable to undergo the labours either of war or of slying, detesting Ambiorix with all manner of excerations, as the authour of that matter, drank the juice of Yew, (whereof there is great store in Gallia and Germany,) and so died. The Segni and Condrusi, of the nation and number of the Germans, that dwell between the Eburones and the Treviri, sent messengers to Caesar, to intreat him not to take them in the number of the enemy, and that he would not adjudge all the Germans dwelling on this side of the Rhene to have one and the same cause: for their part, they never so much as thought of warre, nor gave any did to Ambiorix. Caesar having examined the matter by the torture of the captives, commanded them, that if any of the Eburones should flie unto them, to bring them unto him, and in so doing he would spare their countrey. Then dividing his forces into three parts, he left the baggage of the whole army at Vatuca, a castle in the middest of the Eburones, where Titurius and Aurunculeius were lodged. He made choice of this place the rather, for that the fortifications made the year before continued perfect and good, to the end he might ease the souldier of some labour; and there left the fourteenth legion for a guard to the cariages, being one of the three which he had last enrolled in Italy, making Q. Tullius Cicero their Commander, and with him he left two hundred horse.

The army being thus divided, he commanded Titus Labienus to carry three Legions towards that part of the sea coast which bordereth upon the Menapii, and sent Trebonius with the like

number of Legions to w••••••t and harry that country which confineth the Aduatici: he himself with the other three determined to go to the river Scaldis, which runneth into the Mase, and to the furthest parts of the wood Arduenna; for that he understood that Am∣biorix with a few horsemen was fled to those parts. At his departure he assured them that he would return after the seventh dayes absence: for at that day he knew that corn was to be given to that legion which he had there left in garrison. He counselled Labie∣nus and Trebonius to return likewise by that day, if they conveniently could, to the end that after communication of their discoveries, and intelligence of the projects of the enemy, they might think upon a new beginning of war.

OBSERVATIONS.

THis sudden surprise upon Ambiorix and the Treviri, prevented (as I have already no∣ted) their making head together, and put the e∣nemy to such shifts for their safety, as occasion or opportunity would afford them in particu∣lar. And albeit the Treviri were by this means dispersed, yet they were not overthrown, nor utterly vanquished, but continued still in the nature and quality of an enemy, although they were by this occasion defeated of their chiefest means. And therefore the better to prosecute them in their particular slights, and to keep them disjoyned, he divided his army into three parts, and made three severall inroads upon their country, hoping thereby to meet with some new occasion, which might give an overture of a more absolute conquest: for diversity of mo∣tions do breed diversity of occasions, whereof some may happily he such, as being well mana∣ged, may bring a man to the end of his desires. But herein let us not forget to observe the man∣ner he used in this service: for first he left a Ren∣dez-vous where all the carriages of the army were bestowed, with a competent garrison for the safe keeping thereof, to the end the souldiers might be assured of a retreat, what difficulty so∣ever might befall them in that action, according to that of Sertorius,* 1.73 that a good captain should rather look behind him then before him; and appointed withall a certain day when all the troups should meet there again; ••t rursus (as he saith) communicato consilio, exploratisque hostium rationibus, aliud in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 belli capere possint, That after communication of their dis∣coveries, &c.

CHAP. XIII.

Caesar sendeth messengers to the bordering States, to come out and sack the Eburones.

THere was (as I have already de∣clared) no certain band or troup of the enemy,* 1.74 no garrison or town to stand out in armes; but the multitu••e was d••spersed into all parts, and every man lay hid either in some secret and unknown valley, or in some rough and wooddy place, or in some bog, or in such other places as gave them hope of shelter or safety: which places were well known to the States of that country. And the matter re∣quired great diligence and circumspection, not so much in regard of the generall safety of the army, (for there could no danger hap∣pen unto them, the enemy being all terrified and fled,) as in preserving every particular souldier; which notwithstanding d••d in part concern the safety of the whole army: for hope of booty did draw many far off out of their ranks, and the woods through uncertain and unknown passages would not suffer the souldi∣ers to go in troups. If he would have the bu∣sinesse take an end, and the very race of those wicked people rooted out, the army must be divided, and many small bands must be made for that purpose: but to keep the Maniples at their ensigns, according to the custome and use of the Roman army, the place it self was a sufficient guard for the barbarous people, who did not want courage in particular, both to lye in wait for them, and circumvent them as they were severed from their companies. Yet in extremities of that nature what dili∣gence could attain unto was provided, but in such manner, that somewhat was omitted in the offensive part, though the souldiers minds were bent upon revenge, rather then it should be done with any detriment or losse to the souldier. Caesar sent messengers to the next bordering States, calling them out to sack the Eburones, in hope of booty and pillage, to the end the Galles should rather hazard their lives in the wood, then the legionary souldiers; as also that there might be many spoilers and destroyers, to the end that both the name and race of that State might be taken away. Hereupon a great multitude speedily assem∣bled from all quarters. These things were acted in all parts and quarters of the Eburones, and the seventh day drew near which he had appointed for his return to the carriages.

OBSERVATIONS.

IT is a commoditie which a Generall hath, when the enemie doth not refuse open en∣counter,* 1.75 for so he may be sure that the weight of the businesse will rest upon militarie vertue and prowess of armes, as ready way-makes to a speedy victory: but when it shall happen that the country doth afford covert and protection to him that is more malicious then valorous, and through the fastnesse of the place refuseth to shew himself unlesse it be upon advantage, the war doubtlesse is like to prove tedious, and the victory lesse honourable. In such cases there is

no other way, then so to harry and wast a coun∣try, that the enemy may be famished out of his holds, and brought to subjection by scarcity and necessity. Which is a means so powerfull, as well to supplant the greatest strength, as to meet with subterfuge and delay, that of it self it sub∣dueth all opposition, and needeth no other help for atchieving of victory, as may appear by the sequele of this sommers action. And herein let us further observe the particular care which Cae∣sar had of his souldiers, adjudging the whole army to be interessed in every private mans safe∣ty. A matter strange in these times, and of small consequence in the judgement of our com∣manders, to whom particular fortunes are esteemed nonentities, and men in severall of no value; forasmuch as conquests are made with multitudes. Concerning which point, I grant it to be as true, as it is often spoken in places be∣sieged, that the losse of one man is not the losse of a town, nor the defeating of twenty the o∣verthrow of a thousand: and yet it cannot be denied but the lesser is payd for the lawrell wreath, the more precious is the victory: and it sitteth then at a hard rate, when it maketh the buyer bankerout, or inforceth him to confesse that such another victory would overthrow him. And therefore he that will buy much honour with little bloud, must endeavour by diligent and carefull labour to provide for the particular safe∣ty of his souldiers. Wherein albeit he cannot value, an unity at an equal rate with a number; yet he must consider that without a unity there can be no multitude: and not so only, but the life and strength of a multitude consisteth in u∣nities; for otherwise, neither had Nero needed to have wished the people of Rome to have had but one head, that he might have cut it off at a stroak,* 1.76 nor Sertorius device had carried any grace, making a lusty fellow fail in plucking off the thin tail of an old lean jade, and a little wearish man leave the stump bare of a great∣taild horse, and that in a short time, by plucking hair by hair.

CHAP. XIIII.

The Sicambri send out two thousand horse against the Eburones, and by fortune they fall upon Cicero at Ʋatuca.

HEre you shall perceive the power that fortune hath,* 1.77 and what chan∣ces happen in the carriage of a war. There was (as I have already said) the enemy being scattered and terrified, no troup or band which might give the least cause of fear: the report came to the Germans on the other side of the Rhene, that the Eburones were to be sacked, and that all men had liberty to make spoil of them. The Sicambri dwelling next to the Rhene, who formerly received the Tenchtheri and Usipites in their flight, set out two thousandhorse, and sent them over the river some thirty miles be∣low that place where Caesar had left the half bridge with a garrison. These horse made directly towards the confines of the Eburones, took many prisoners and much cattel, neither bog nor wood hindered their passage, being bred and born in war and theft. They in∣quire of the prisoners in what part Caesar was, and found him to be gone far off, and that all the army was departed from thence. But one of the prisoners speaking to them, said, Why do yee seek after so poor and so slender a booty, when otherwise you may make your selves most fortunate? in three hours space you may go to Vatuca, where the Roman army hath left all their fortunes; the garrison in that place is no greater then can hardly fur∣nish the wals about, neither dare any man go out of the trenches, The Germans in this hope did hide the pillage which they had al∣ready taken, and went directly to Vatuca, ta∣king him for their guide that gave them first notice thereof.

OBSERVATIONS.

IT were as great a madnesse to believe that a man were able to give directions to meet with all chances, as to think no foresight can prevent any casualty. For as the soul of man is endued with a power of discourse. whereby it conclu∣deth either according to the certainty of reason, or the learning of experience, bringing these directions as faulty and inconvenient, and ap∣proving others as safe and to be followed: so we are to understand, that this power of discourse is limited to a certain measure or proportion of strength, and inscribed in a circle of lesser capa∣city then the compasse of possibility, or the large extension of what may happen; for otherwise the course of destiny were subject to our con∣trollment, and our knowledge were equal to u∣niversall entitie, whereas the infinite of acci∣dents do far exceed the reach of our shallow senses, and our greatest apprehension is a small an unperfect experience. And therefore as such as through the occasion of publick employ∣ment, are driven to forsake the shore of minute and particular courses, and to float in the Ocean of casualties and adventures, may doubtlesse receive strong directions, both from the load∣stone of reason, and tramontane of experience, to shape an easy and succesfull course: so not∣withstanding they shall find themselves subject to the contrariety of winds and extremity of tempests, besides many other lets and impedi∣ments beyond the compasse of their direction to interrupt their course and divert them from their haven, which made the Carthaginian that was

more happy in conquering then in keeping to cry out;* 1.78 Nusquam minu▪ quam in bello even∣tus rerum respondent, the event of things doth no where answer expectation lesse then in war, as it happened in this accident.

CHAP. XV.

The Sicambri come to Ʋatuca, and offer to take the camp.

CIcero having all the dayes before observed Caesars direction with great diligence,* 1.79 and kept the soul∣diers within the camp, not suffe∣ring so much as a boy to go out of the trenches; the seventh day distrusting of Caesars return according to his promise, for that he understood he was gone further into the country, and heard nothing of his return; and withall being moved with the speeches of the souldiers, who termed their patient abi∣ding within their trenches, a siege, forasmuch as no man was suffered to go out of them, and expecting no such chance within the compasse of three miles: which was the furthest; he purposed to send them for corn: especially con∣sidering that nine legions were abroad, besides great forces of horse, the enemy being al∣ready dispersed and almost extinguished. Accordingly he sent five cohorts to gather corn in the next fields, which were separated from the garrison only with a little hill lying between the camp and the corn. There were many left in the camp of the other legions that were sick, of whom such as were recovered to the number of three hundred, were sent with them all under one ensign: besides a great company of souldiers boyes, and great store of cattel which they had in the camp. In the mean time came these German Rutters, and with the same gallop as they came thither, they sought to enter in at the Decumane gate; neither were they discovered, by reason of a wood which kept them out of sight, untill they were almost at the trenches; insomuch as such trades-men and merchants as kept their booths and shops under the rampier, had no time to be received into the camp. Our men were much troubled at the unexpectednesse of the thing; and the cohort that kept watch did hardly sustain the first assault. The enemy was quickly spread about the works, to see if they could find entrance in any other part. Our men did hardly keep the gates: the rest was defended by the fortification and the place it self. The whole camp was in a great fear, and one inquired of another the reason of the tumult: neither could they tell which way to carry their ensigns, or how any man should dispose of himself. One gave out that the camp was taken; and another that the army and General was overthrown, and that the Barbarous people came thither as conque∣rours: many took occasion from the place to imagine new and superstitious Religions, re∣calling to mind the fatall calamity of Cotta and Titurius that died in that place. Through this fear and confusion that had possest the whole camp, the Germans were confirmed in their opinion which they had received from the prisoner, that there was no garrison at all in the works. They endeavoured to break in, and incouraged one another not to suffer so great a fortune to escape them. Publius Sex∣tius Baculus, that had been Primipilus under Caesar (of whom mention hath been made in the former battels) was there left sick, and had taken no sustenance of five dayes before. He hearing the danger they were in, went un∣armed out of his cabbin, and seeing the enemy ready to force the gates, and the matter to be in great hazard; taking arms from one that stood next him, he went and stood in the port, The Centurions of the Cohort that kept watch followed him, and they for a while ingaged the enemy. Sextius having received many great wounds, fainted at length, and was hardly sa∣ved by those that stood next him. Upon this respite the rest did so far assure themselves, that they durst stand upon the works, and make a shew of defence.

OBSERVATIONS.

IN the former observation I disputed the interest which the whole army hath in one particular man, which out of Caesars opinion I concluded to be such as was not to be neglected: but if we suppose a party extraordinary, and tye him to such singular worth as was in Sextius, I then doubt by this example, whether I may not equall him to the multitude, or put him alone in the ballance to counterpoise the rest of his fellowes. For doubtlesse if his valour had not exceeded a∣ny height of courage, elsewhere then to be found within those wals the whole garrison had been utterly slaughtered, and the place had been made fatall to the Romans by two disastrous calami∣ties. In consideration whereof, I will refer my self to the judgement of the wise, how much it importeth a great Commander, not only in honour as a rewarder of vertue, but in wisedome and good discretion, to make much of so gal∣lant a spirit, and to give that respect unto him, as may both witnesse his valiant carriage, and the thankfull acceptation thereof on the behalf of the Commonweal, wherein we need not doubt of Caesars requitall to this Sextius, ha∣ving by divers honourable relations in these wars, touching his valiantnesse and prowesse in

arms, made him partaker of his own glory, and recommended him to posterity for an example of true valour.

CHAP. XVI.

The Sicambri continue their purpose in taking the camp.* 1.80

IN the mean time the souldiers, ha∣ving made an end of reaping and gathering corn, heard the cry. The horsemen hasted before, and found in what danger the matter stood. There was in that place no fortifications to receive the a••∣frighted souldiers: such ••as were lately inrolled and had no experience in matters of war, set their faces towards the Tribunes of the soul∣diers, and to the Centurions, and expected di∣rections from them. There was none so assu∣red or valiant, but were troubled thereat. The barbarous people having spied the ensignes a far off, left off their assault: and first they thought it had been the legions that had re∣turned, which the prisoners had told them to be gone a great way off; afterward contemn∣ing the smalness of their number, they set upon them on all sides. The souldiers boyes betook themselves unto the next hill, and being quickly put from thence, they cast themselves head∣long amongst the Maniples and ensigns, and so put the souldiers in a worse fear then they were before. Some were of opinion to put them∣selves into the form of battell which resembleth a wedge,* 1.81 and so (forasmuch as the camp was at hand) to break speedily through the enemy: in which course if any part should be circum∣vented and cut a pieces, yet they hoped the rest might save themselves. Others thought it bet∣ter to make good the hill, and all of them to at∣tend one and the same fortune. This advise the old souldiers did not like of, who (as I said before) went out with the others that were sent a harvesting all under one ensign by them∣selves: and therefore encouraging one another, Cai••s Trebonius a Roman horseman being their captain, and commanding them at that time, brake through the thickest of the enemy, and came all safe into the camp. The boyes and horsemen following hard after them, were lik••∣wise saved by the valour of the souldiers. But those that took the hill, having never had any use of service, had neither the courage to con∣tinue in that resolution which they had before chosen, to defend themselves from that place of advantage, nor to imitate that force and speed which they had seen to have helped their fel∣lowes; but endeavouring to be received into the camp, fell into places of disadvantage: where∣in divers of their Centurions, who had lately been taken from the lowest companies of other legions, and for their valours sake preferred to the highest and chiefest companies of this legion, least they should lose the honour which they had before gotten, fighting valiantly died in the place. Part of the souldiers by the prow∣ess of these men that had removed the enemy, beyond all hope, got safe into the camp; the rest were defeated and sla••n by the Germans.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THis circumstance doth afford us two obser∣vable points. The one, how much an old experienced souldier, hat hath the use and know∣ledge of service, exceedeth the rawness of such as are newly inrolled. The second, which depend∣eth upon the former, that valour and military vertue is a consequent of use and practise, rather then any inherent gift of nature. Camillus being sent with an army against the Thuscans, the Roman souldier was much affrighted at the great∣ness of the hoast which the enemy had put on foot: which Camillus perceiving, he used no other motives of perswasion to strengthen their weakned minds, and to assure them of a happy day, but this; Quod quisque d••dic••t aut con∣suev••t, faciat, Let every man do that which he hath been taught, and used to; as well knowing where to rouze their valour, and in what part their greatest strength rested. For as men can∣not prevail in that wherein they are unexperi∣enced, but will ••e wanting in the supplies of their own particular, and miscarry even under the directions of another Ann••bal: so a known and beaten track is quickly taken, and the dif∣ficulties of a businesse are made easy by acquain∣tance. Use maketh Masteries, saith our En∣glish Proverb, and Practice and Art do far exceed Nature. Which continuall exercise and use of arms amongst the Romans, attained to such perfection, as made militum sine rectore stabi∣lem virtutem, the valour of the souldiery firm without their Commander, as L••v••e witnesseth: And as Antiochus confessed to Scip••o; Quod si v••ncuntur, non minuuntur animis tamen, though they were overcome, yet their courage abated not. Caesar in all his battels had a speci∣all respect to the inexperience of the new inrolled bands, placing them either behind the army for a guard to their carriages, as he did in the Hel∣vet••an action, or leaving them as a defence to the camp, or shewing them aloof off; signifying thereby, as Livie saith of the Sidicini, Quod magis nomen quam vires ad praesidium adfe∣rebant, that they made more noise of an army, then they did good. Whereby it consequently followeth, that military vertue proceedeth not so much from nature, or any originall habit, as it doth from exercise and practise of arms. I grant there is a disposition in nature, and a particular inclination to this or that

Art; according to that line of the Poet;

Fortes creantur fortibus & bonis. Stout men are got by stout and good.

But this disposition must be perfected by use, and falleth short of valour or military vertue, which consisteth of two parts. The first, in knowledge of the discipline of warre, and the rules of ser∣vice: whereby they may understand the course of things, and be able to judge of particular re∣solutions. The second is the faithfull endeavour in executing such projects, as the rules of warre do propound for their safety. Both which parts are gotten onely by use. For as the knowledge of Military discipline is best learned by practise; so the often repetition thereof begetteth assurance in action, which is nothing else but that which we call Valour. In which two parts these new enrolled bands had small understanding; for they were as ignorant what course to take in that extremity, as they were unassured in their wor∣ser resolutions.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THis Cuneus,* 1.82 or troup of souldiers disposed in∣to a Triangle, was the best and safest way to break through an ••nemy. For an Angle hath a renting and dividing property, and is so sharp in the meeting of the two side lines, that the point thereof resembleth indivisibility, and therefore is apt and proper to divide asunder, and to make a separation of any quantity. Which form Na∣ture hath also observed in the fashion of such creatures as have a piercing and dividing mo∣tion; as in Fishes, that have all heads for the most part sharp, and thence Angle-wise are in∣larged into the grosseness of their body. And Birds likewise, the better to divide the aire, have sharp bills and little heads, with a body annexed of a larger proportion. The manner of the Romans was (as I have already shewed) to strengthen the piercing Angle with thick compacted tar∣gets; and then enlarging the sides as occasion served, either to the quantity of an acute, or a right, or an obtuse Angle, they gave the charge in such sort, ut quacunque parte percutere im∣petu suo vellent, sustineri nequeant, that where∣soever they fell on, they were not long to be en∣dured, as Livie saith.

CHAP. XVII.

The Sicambri give over their purpose and depart.

THe Germans being out of hope of taking the Camp,* 1.83 forasmuch as they saw our men to stand upon the works, they returned over the Rhene with the boot••e which they had in the woods. And such was the fear of the Roman souldier, even after the enemy was gone, that Caius Volusenus being sent that night to the camp with the horsemen, they would not believe that Caesar and the army were returned in safety. Fear had so possest their minds, that they did not let to say, that all the legions were overthrown, and the horse had escaped by flight, and desired there to be recei∣ved: for they could not be perswaded the army being safe, that the Germans would have at∣tempted to surprise their camp. Of which fear they were delivered by Caesar's arrivall. He be∣ing returned, not ignorant of the events of war, complained of one thing onely, that the cohorts that kept the watch were sent from their Sta∣tions, forasmuch as no place ought to be given to the least casualtie. And there he saw how much Fortune was able to do by the sudden coming of the enemy, and how much more in that he was put off from the rampier and the gates which he had so nearly taken. But of all the rest this seemed the strangest, that the Germans coming over the Rhene, to depopu∣late and spoil Ambiorix and his countrey, had like to have taken the Roman camp, which would have been as acceptable to Ambiorix as any thing that could happen.

OBSERVATIONS.

IT is an old saying,* 1.84 avouched by Plu∣tarch, Fortuna id unum hominibus non aufert, quod bene fuerit consultum, What a man hath once well advised, that and onely that fortune can never despoile him of: which Tiberius the Roman Emperour well understood; of whom Suetonius re∣porteth, Quod minimum fortunae, casi∣busque permittebat, That he trusted very lit∣tle to fortune or casualties: and is the same which Caesar counselleth in this place, Ne minimo quidem casui locum relinqui debuisse, That no place is to be given to the least casu∣alty. It were a hard condition to expose a na∣ked party to the malice of an enemy, or to dis∣advantage him with the loss of his sight. An army without a guard at any time is merely na∣ked, and more subject to slaughter, then those that never took arms: and the rather where the watch is wanting, for there sudden chances can hardly be prevented: and if they happen to avoid any such unexpected casualtie, they have greater cause to thank Fortune for her favour, then to be angry with her for her malice; for prevention at such times is out of the way, and they are wholly at her mercy; as Caesar hath rightly delivered touching this accident. And therefore, whether an army march forward or continue in a place, sleep or wake, play or work, go in hazard, or rest secure, let not so great a body be at any time without a competent strength, to answer the spite of such misadven∣tures.

CHAP. XVIII.

Caesar returneth to spoil the enemie: and pu∣nisheth Acco.

CAesar returning again to trouble and vex the enemy,* 1.85 having cal∣led a great number of people from the bordering cities, he sent them out into all parts. All the villages and houses which were any where to be seen, were burned to the ground; pillage and booty was taken in every place; the corn was not onely consumed by so great a multitude of men and cattell, but beaten down also by the unsea∣senableness of the year and continuall rain: insomuch that albeit divers did hide them∣selves for the present, yet the army being with∣drawn, they must necessarily perish through want and scarcity. And oftentimes they hap∣pened of the place (the horsemen being divi∣ded into many quarters,) where they did not onely see Ambiorix, but kept him for the most part in sight: and in hoping still to take him, some that thought to demerit Caesars highest favour, took such infinite pains; as were almost beyond the power of nature: and ever there seemed but a little between them and the thing they most desired. But he conveyed himself away through dens and woods and dales, and in the night time sought other countreys and quarters, with no greater a guard of horse then four, to whom only he durst commit the safety of his life. The countrey being in this manner harried and depopu∣lated, Caesar, with the loss of two Cohorts, brought back his army to Durocortorum in the State of the men of Rhemes; where a Par∣liament being summoned, he determined to call in question the conspiracy of the Senones and Carnutes, and especially Acco the princi∣pall Authour of that Councell: who being con∣demned, was put to death more majorum. Some others fearing the like judgement, sa∣ved themselves by flight: these he interdi∣cted fire and water. So leaving two legions to winter in the confines of the Treviri, and two other amongst the Lingones, and the other six at Agendicum in the borders of the Se∣nones, having made provision of corn for the Army, he went into Italy, ad conventus agendos.

OBSERVATIONS.

THe conclusion of this Sommers work was shut up with the sack and depopulation of the Eburones, as the extremity of hostile fury, when the enemy lieth in the fastness of the countrey, and refuseth to make open warre. That being done, Caesar proceeded in a course of civill judgement with such principall offen∣ders as were of the conspiracy: and namely with Acco, whom he punished in such man∣ner as the old Romans were accustomed to do with such offenders as had forfeited their loy∣altie to their countrey; a kind of death which Nero knew not, although he had been Empe∣rour of Rome thirteen years, and put to death many thousand people. The party condemned was to have his neck locked in a fork, and to be whipped naked to death: and he that was put to death after that manner, was punished more majorum. Such others as feared to undergo the judgement, and fled before they came to tri∣all, were banished out of the countrey, and made uncapable of the benefit of fire and water in that Empire.

And thus endeth the sixth Commentary.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Caesar.
• * 1.2

  Polyb.
• * 1.3

  Lib. 6.
• * 1.4

  Thirteen pounds sterling, or therea∣bouts.
• * 1.5

  Horace.
• * 1.6

  Reinforcing of troups decayed.
• * 1.7

  Caesar.
• * 1.8

  Part of the Dio∣cese of Colen.
• a 1.9

  To ••rmy▪
• b 1.10

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• c 1.11

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.12

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.13

  Exempla∣rie justice.
• * 1.14

  Upon ex∣traordinary service, the souldier ex∣traordinari∣ly rewar∣ded.
• * 1.15

  Lib. 1. ci∣vil. bell.
• * 1.16

  Caesar.
• * 1.17

  The bene∣fite and use of ••ouncel•• and Par∣liaments.
• * 1.18

  The French are better horsemen then foot∣man.
• * 1.19

  Not to mis∣spend the time in un∣necessary services.
• * 1.20

  Caesar.
• * 1.21

  Caesars opinion of allies and associates.
• * 1.22

  Chap. 10.
• * 1.23

  Caesar.
• * 1.24

  Com. 3. cap. 8.
• * 1.25

  The duty of a Generall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 battel.
• * 1.26

  Lib. 1. cap. 6.
• * 1.27

  Battel of Newport.
• * 1.28

  In the life of Caesar.
• * 1.29

  The use and benefit of a sho••t took up in a charge or assault.
• * 1.30

  Lib. 1.
• * 1.31

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.32

  Lib. 3.
• * 1.33

  Civil.
• * 1.34

  Lib. 1.
• * 1.35

  Lib. 3. cap. 18.
• * 1.36

  In Marius life.
• * 1.37

  Caesar.
• * 1.38

  Bridges.
• * 1.39

  Brancatio lib. 5.
• * 1.40

  Whether mens wits be sharper and readier th••n in former times.
• * 1.41

  Polyhymi.
• * 1.42

  Herodot.
• * 1.43

  Hist. ••.
• * 1.44

  Caesar.
• * 1.45

  Factions and parties.
• * 1.46

  Lib. 2.
• * 1.47

  Caesar.
• * 1.48

  Potestas vitae & necis
• * 1.49

  England.
• * 1.50

  Druides.
• * 1.51

  England.
• * 1.52

  By reason of the cu∣rious and artificiall works.
• * 1.53

  Oxford & Cambridge.
• * 1.54

  Caesar.
• * 1.55

  The begin∣ing of the day diversly observed.
• * 1.56

  Plutarch
• * 1.57

  Caesar.
• * 1.58

  Their re∣spect to mat∣ter of State.
• * 1.59

  Tibi sum∣mam rerum du dede••••, nobis obse∣quii gloria relata est: Tacitus.
• * 1.60

  Caesar.
• * 1.61

  Whether a civill life do weaken a warlike disposition.
• * 1.62

  Caesar.
• * 1.63

  Fortune.
• * 1.64

  Plutarch in the life of Sylla.
• * 1.65

  In the life of Alexan∣der.
• * 1.66

  Plutarch in the life of Sylla.
• * 1.67

  Celerity & expedition.
• * 1.68

  Plutarch in the life of Pompey.
• * 1.69

  Veni, Vidi, Vici.
• * 1.70

  Lib. 2. bell. civil.
• * 1.71

  Lib. 1. bell. civil.
• * 1.72

  Caesar.
• * 1.73

  Plutarch in the life of Sertorius.
• * 1.74

  Caesar.
• * 1.75

  The benefit of open encounter.
• * 1.76

  Plutarch in the life of Sertorius.
• * 1.77

  Caesar.
• * 1.78

  Ha••nibal.
• * 1.79

  Caesar.
• * 1.80

  Caesar.
• * 1.81

  C••n••us.
• * 1.82

  A Cuneus described.
• * 1.83

  Caesar.
• * 1.84

  Nothing ought to be left to the hazard of fortune.
• * 1.85

  Caesar.