The commentaries of C. Julius Cæsar of his warres in Gallia, and the civil warres betwixt him and Pompey / translated into English with many excellent and judicious observations thereupon ; as also The art of our modern training, or, Tactick practise, by Clement Edmonds Esquire, ... ; where unto is adjoyned the eighth commentary of the warres in Gallia, with some short observations upon it ; together with the life of Cæsar, and an account of his medalls ; revised, corrected, and enlarged.

The fifth Commentary of the wars in GALLIA. (Book 5)

The Argument.

CAesar causeth a great navy to be built in Gallia: he carrieth five legions into Britany, where he maketh war with the Bri∣tans on both sides the river Thames. At his return into Gallia most of the Galles revolt; and first the Eburones, under the conducti∣on of Ambiorix, set upon the Camp of Q. Titurius the Legate, whom they circumvent by subtilty, and then besiege the Camp of Cicero: but are put by, and their Army overthrown by Caesar.

CHAP. I.

Caesar returneth into Gallia: findeth there great store of shipping made by the souldiers, and commandeth it to be brought to the haven Itius.

LUcius Domitius and Appius Claudius being Consuls, Caesar at his going into Italy from his winter-quarters (which he yearly did) gave order to the Legates to build as many ships that win∣ter as possibly they could, & to repair the old; commanding them to be built of a lower pitch then those which are used in the mediterranean sea, for the speedier lading and unlading of them, and because the tides in these seas were very great: and forasmuch as he was to trans∣port great store of horse, he commanded them to be made flatter in the bottome then such as were usuall in other places, and all of them to be made for the use of Oares, to which purpose their low building served very conveniently. Other necessaries and furniture for rigging he gave order to have brought out of Spain. Caesar, after an assembly of the States in Lom∣bardy, went presently into Illyricum, where he heard that the Pirustae infested the province by their incursions. Assoon as he came thither he levied souldiers, and appointed them a rendez∣vous. Which the Pirustae hearing of, they sent embassadours presently to him, excusing the bu∣sinesse as not done by publick consent, and ex∣pressing a readinesse to make any satisfaction that should be demanded. Caesar having heard their message, appointed them to give hostages, and to bring them by such a day, or else they must expect notbing but war and ruine to their city. Hostages were brought by the appointed time; whereupon Caesar deputed certain to ar∣bitrate differences between the cities, and to punish as they saw cause for it. These things

being over, he returned forthwith into Lom∣bardy, and thence to his army in Gallia.

THE OBSERVATION.

THis Itius Portus Floide thinketh to be Cal∣lis; others take it to be Saint Omer: partly in regard of the situation of the place, which be∣ing in it self very low, hath notwithstanding ve∣ry high banks, which incompasse the town a∣bout, and in times past was a very large haven. To this may be added the distance from this town to the next Continent of the Island of Britany, which Strabo maketh to contain 320. stadia; which agreeth to the French computation of 13. leagues: Caesar maketh it thirty miles. This is the haven which Pliny calleth Britannicum portum Morinorum.

CHAP. II.

Caesar preventeth new motions amongst the Treviri, and goeth to his navy. Dumnorix refuseth to ac∣company him into Britain: his flight and death.

CAesar leaving souldiers enough to do that businesse, himself mar∣ched with four legions and eight hundred horse into the country of the Treviri, in regard they neither came to the assembly of States, nor were obedient to his commands, and were farther reported to sollicite the Germans beyond the Rhene to new commotions. This city was the most powerfull of all Gallia for matter of horse, having like∣wise a great force of foot, and lying so conveni∣ently upon the Rhene for assistance: wherein there was at th••s time a contention betwixt In∣duciomarus and Cingetorix who should be chief ruler. Cingetorix, as soon as he heard of the coming of Caesar with his army, came in to him, assuring him of the fidelity of his party, and their constancy to the friendship of the people of Rome; discovering withall unto him the pre∣sent proceedings amongst the Treviri. On the contrary Induciomarus gathered together what horse and foot he could, resolving upon no∣thing else then war: securing all the old and young folk not fit to bear armes in the wood Ar∣duenna, which is a very large wood, beginning at the Rhene, and running through the middle of the Treviri, to the borders of the people of Rheims. While things were thus prepa∣ring, divers of the chief of the city, some through the favour they bare to Cingetorix, o∣thers affrighted at the coming of our army, came forth to Caesar; and since they could not do it for the whole city, they endeavoured to make every man his own peace. Inducioma∣rus seeing this, and fearing to be left at last a∣lone, sent Embassadours to Caesar, excusing what he had done in not coming to him, which he sa••d was done onely to keep the city the bet∣ter in obedience; for if all the nobility should have left it, the common people would have been apt to have made new troubles: that the city was now at his command, and if Caesar would give leave, he was ready to wait upon him in his camp, and to lay the lives and for∣tunes of himself and the whole city at his feet. Caesar, albeit he well knew why all this was spo∣ken, as also what had put him besides his for∣mer resolution, yet rather then spend the sum∣mer in those parts, having all things in readi∣nesse for his British war, he commanded Indu∣ciomarus to come to him, and bring two hun∣dred hostages with him. Induciomarus did as Caesar commanded, and withall brought along with him his son and all that had any near re∣lation unto him: whom Caesar bade be of good chear, and exhorted to continue firme in his duty and fidelity. After this calling to him the chief of the Treviri man by man, he reconci∣led them to Cingetorix, as well looking at the desert of the man himself, as at his own inte∣rest and advantage, to have such a man bear the chief sway in his city, who had expressed so notable affection and goodwill towards him in this businesse. It troubled Induciomarus not a little to find his respect and authority thus im∣paired; insomuch that he who before was no friend to us, being vexed at this became a bitter enemy.

Things thus setled here, Caesar came with his legions back to the port called Itius: where he understood that forty ships which were built amongst the Meldae were hindred by tempests that they could not keep their course, but were forced back from whence they came; the rest were well provided and ready to set saile. Hither also were gathered all the caval∣ry in France, to the number of four thousand, and the chief men of every city: some few of which, whose fidelity Caesar had had experi∣ence of, he intended to leave at home; and to take the rest along with him for hostages, lest in his absense they should begin any new stirs in Gallia.

Amongst the rest was Dumnorix the Heduan formerly mentioned. Him of all the rest Caesar intended to take with him, knowing him to be a man desirous of change, greedy of rule, a man of courage and resolution, and one of greatest authority amongst the Galles. Besides this, Dumnorix had given out at a meeting of the Hedui, that Caesar had conferred upon him the government of the city: which much trou∣bled the Hedui, yet they durst not send any man to Caesar to hinder or revoke it. This Caesar came to hear of. When he saw he must go with the rest, first he besought with all the intrea∣tyes he could that he might stay in Gallia; al∣leging one while that he was afraid of the sea, having as yet never been used to sailing, another while that he had some religious ac∣counts

that kept him here. When he perceived this would not serve his turn, but go he must, he began to deal with the rest of the chief men of the Galles, taking them man by man, & per∣swading them to continue in their own country; telling them that it was not without ground Caesar went about to despoile Gallia thus of its nobility, his drift being to carry them over into Britain and there murther them, whom he was affraid to put to death amongst their friends at home. He went farther, to ingage them to fidelity, and to tye them by oath to proceed upon joynt consultation to the acting of what should be thought of most concernment and behoof for the good of Gallia. These things were by divers persons related to Caesar: who as soon as he knew thereof, in regard of the great respect he bare to the Heduan State, he resolved by all meanes possible to curb and deter Dumnorix from those courses: & in regard that he saw him thus to in∣crease in his madnesse, he thought it seasona∣ble to prevent his endamaging either the Commonwealth or himself. So staying in the place where he was about twenty five dayes, the North-west wind (a wind that usually blowes in those parts) all that while hindering his putting to sea; he made it much of his business to keep Dumnorix quiet, and yet at the same time to spye out the whole drift of his designs. At last the wind and weather serving, he com∣manded his souldiers and horsemen on ship∣board. And whilst every mans mind was ta∣ken up about this, Dumnorix with the rest of the Heduan horsemen, unknown to Caesar, had left the camp, and were marching homewards. Which when Caesar heard, he stopt his voyage, and letting every thing else alone, sent a great part of his cavalry to attach him, and bring him back, with command that if he stood upon his defense and did not readily obey, they should dispatch him. For he could not believe that this man could mean any good to him if he once got home, since he made so light of his commands when present with him. The horse having overtaken him, he stood upon his guard and made resistance, imploring also the aide of those that were with him; still crying out, that he was a Free-born man and of a Free ci∣ty. Whereupon they, as they were commanded, hemm'd him in, and so killed him: the Heduan horsemen returning every man to Caesar.

CHAP. III.

Caesar saileth into Britain: landeth his forces, and seeketh the enemy.

CAesar having prepared all things in readinesse,* 1.1 he left Labienus in the Continent with three legions, and two thousand horse, both to keep the haven and make provision of corne, and also to observe the motion of the Galles, and to doe according as he saw time and occasion, and with five legions, and the like number of horse as he left in the continent, about sun-setting he put out to sea with a soft south∣wind, which continued until midnight; & then ceasing he was carried with the tide untill the morning; when he perceived that the Iland lay on his left hand: and again as the tide chan∣ged, he laboured by rowing to reach that part of the Iland where he had found good landing the year before. Wherin the souldiers deserved great commendation; for by strength and force of Oares, they made their great ships of burthen to keep way with the Gallies. About high noon they arrived in Britany with all their ships: nei∣ther was there any Enemy seen in that place: but as afterward Caesar understood by the Captives, the Britans had been there with a great power, but being terrified with the in∣finite number of shipping which they discove∣red from the shore (for with the ships of pro∣vision, and private vessels which severall per∣sons had for their own convenience, there were in all above either hundred) they forsook the shore, and hid themselves in the upland coun∣try. Caesar having landed his men, and chosen a convenient place to incamp, assoon as he un∣derstood by the captives where the enemy lay, in the third watch of the night he marched to∣wards them; leaving ten cohorts and three hun∣dred horse under Quintus Atrius for a garri∣son to his shipping: which he the lesse feared, because it lay at anchour in a soft and open shore. He marched that night about twelve mile before he found the Enemy. The Britans sending out their horse and chariots to a river that ran between them and the Romans, and having the advantage of the upper ground, be∣gan to hinder the Romans and to give them battell: but being beaten back with our horse∣men, they conveyed themselves into a wood. The place was strongly fortified both by Art and Nature, and made for a defence (as it seemeth) in their civill wars: for all the entrances were shut up with great trees layd overthwart the passages. And the Britans shewed themselves out of the wood but here and there, not suffe∣ring the Romans to enter the fortification. But the souldiers of the seventh legion, with a Te∣studo which they made, and a mount which they raised, took the place, and drave them all out of the woods, without any losse at all, saving some few wounds which they received. But Caesar forbade his men to follow after them with any long pursuit, because he was both igno∣rant of the place, and a great part of that day being spent, he would imploy the rest thereof in the fortification of his Camp.

OBSERVATION.

CAesar having taken what assurace of peace he could with the Galles, both by carrying

the chiefest of their Princes with him, and by lea∣ving three legions in the Continent to keep the vulgar people in obedience; he imbarked all his men at one place, that they might be all parta∣kers of the same casualties, and take the benefit of the same adventures: which being neglected the year before, drew him into many incon∣veniences for want of horse, which being im∣barked at another Haven, met with other chances, and saw other fortunes, and ne∣ver came to him into Britany. The place of landing in this second voyage was the same where he landed the year before; and by the circumstances of this history, may agree with that which tradition hath delivered of Deale in Kent, where it is said that Caesar landed. In the first year we find that he never removed his Campe from the sea shore, where he first sea∣ted himself; although his men went out to bring in corne, as far as they might well return again at night: but now he entred further into the I∣land, and within twelve miles march came unto a river, which must needs be that of Canterbury, which falleth into the Sea at Sandwich.

In that hee saith that the garrison of his shipping consisted of ten Cohorts, which I have said to be a legion: we must under∣stand that Caesar left not an entire legion in that garrison; but he took ten cohorts out of his whole forces, peradventure two out of every legion, and appointed them to take the charge of his shipping.

CHAP. IV.

Caesar returneth to his Navies, to take order for such losses as had happened by tempest the night be∣fore.

THe next day early in the morning he divided his forces into three companies,* 1.2 & sent them out to pur∣sue the enemy: but before they had marched any far distance, and came to have the rereward of the Enemy in view, there came news from Q. Atrius, with whom he left the ten cohorts, and the charge of the shipping, that the night before there was such a tempest at sea, that the whole Navy was either fore beaten, or cast on shore; and that nei∣ther anchour nor cable could hold them, nor yet the Sailers endure the force of the weather: and that there was great loss in the shipping, by run∣ning against one another in the violence of the tempest.

Upon these news Caesar caused the legions to be called back again, and to cease for that time from following the enemy any further. He himself returned to the navy; where he found that to be true which he had heard, and that a∣bout forty ships were lost, and the rest not to be repaired but with great industry and paines. First therfore he chose ship-wrights and carpen∣ters out of the legions, and caused others to be sent for out of Gallia, and wrote to Labienus to make ready what shipping he could. And al∣though it seemed a matter of great difficulty and much labour, yet he thought it best to hale up all the ships on shore, and to inclose them within the fortification of his camp. In this bu∣siness he spent ten daies, without intermis∣sion either of night or day, until he had drawn up the ships, and strongly fortified the camp; leaving the same garrison which was there before, to defend it.

THE OBSERVATION.

WHerein we may behold the true image of undaunted valour, & the horrible industry (as Tully termeth it) which he used to prevent Fortune of her stroke in his business, and com∣prehend casualties and future contingents within the compasse of order, and the bounds of his own power; being able in ten dayes space to set al∣most eight hundred ships from the hazard of wind & weather, & to make his Camp the Road for his Navy, that so he might rest secure of a means to return at his pleasure.

CHAP. V.

The Britans make Cassivellaunus Generall in this war. The Iland, and the manners of the people descri∣bed.

CAesar returning to the place from whence he came,* 1.3 found far greater forces of the Britans there as∣sembled then he left when he went to the Navy: and that by publick consent of the Britans the whole government of that war was given to Cassivellaunus, whose kingdom lay divided from the maritime States with the river Thames, beginning at the sea, and extending it self four score miles into the Iland. This Cassivellaunus made continual war with his neighbour States: but upon the coming of the Romans they all forgot ther home-bred quarrels, and cast the whole government upon his shoulders, as the fittest to direct in that war.

The inner part of Britany is inhabited by such as memory recordeth to be born in the I∣land; and the maritime coast by such as came out of Belgia, either to make incursions or inva∣sions; and after the war was ended they conti∣nued in the possessions they had gained, and were called by the name of the cities from whence they came. The country is very populous, and well inhabited with houses, much like unto them in Gallia. They have great store of cat∣tel; and use brass for mony, or iron rings weigh∣ed at a certain rate. In the mediterranean

parts there is found great quantity of Tyn, and in the maritime parts, iron; but they have but little of that: their brasse is brought in by o∣ther Nations. They have all sorts of trees that they have in Gallia, excepting the Fig and the Beech. Their religion will not suffer them to eat either Hare, Hen, or Goose; notwithstan∣ding they have of all sorts, as well for novelty as variety. The Country is more temperate, and not so cold as Gallia. The Island lyeth tri∣angle-wise; whereof one side confronteth Gal∣lia, of which side that angle wherein Kent is, the usuall place of landing from Gallia, point∣eth to the East, and the other angle to the South. This side containeth about 500 mile. Another side lyeth toward Spain and the West, that way where Ireland lyeth, being an Island half as big as England, and as far distant from it as Gallia. In the mid-way between England and Ireland lyeth an Iland called Mona, besides many other smaller Ilands; of which some write, that in Winter-time for thirty dayes to∣gether they have continuall night: whereof we learned nothing by inquiry; only we found by certain measures of water, that the nights in England were shorter then in the Continent. The length of this side, according to the opinion of the inhabitants, containeth seven hundred miles. The third side lieth to the North and the open sea, saving that this angle doth somewhat point towards Germany. This side is thought to contain eight hundred miles. And so the whole Island containeth in circuit 2000 miles. Of all the inhabitants they of Kent are most courteous and civile; all their Country borde∣ring upon the sea, and little differing from the fashion of Gallia. Most of the in-land people sow no Corn, but live with milk and flesh, cloth∣ed with skins, & having their faces painted with a blew colour, to the end they may seem more terrible in sight: they have the hair of their head long, having all other parts of their body shaven saving their upper lip. Their wives are common to ten or twelve, especially brethren with brethren, & parents with children; but the children that are born, are put unto them unto whom the mother was first given in marriage.

OBSERVATION.

IN the descriptions of the ancient Britans we may first observe their pedegree, according to the Heraldry of that time: wherein we must understand, that in those ages the Nations of the world thought it no small honour to derive their descent from a certain beginning, and to make either some of their Gods, or some man of fa∣mous memory the Father of that progeny, and founder of their State; that so they might pro∣mise a fortunate continuance to their govern∣ment, being first laid and established by so pow∣erfull a means. But if this failed, they then brag∣ged of antiquity, and cast all their glory upon the fertility of their soil, being so strong and fruitfull that it yielded of it self such a people as they were. And so we read how the Athenians, forasmuch as they were ignorant from whence they came, ware an Oaken leaf, in token that they were bred of the earth where they dwelled. And hereupon also grew the controversy be∣tween the Egyptians and the Scythians concer∣ning antiquity: wherein the Egyptians seemed to have great advantage, because of the fertility and heat of of their country; whereas the Scythi∣ans inhabited a cold climate, unfruitfull, and an enemy to generation. Of this sort were the Bri∣tans that inhabited the mediterranean part of the Island: who not knowing from whence they came, nor who first brought them thither, satis∣fied themselves with that common received opini∣on, that they were born and bred of the earth. The sea-coast was possest by such as came out of the Continent, and retained the names of the Cities from whence they came, as a memoriall of their progenitours.

The form of the Island is very well described, and measured out according to the scale of our modern Geographers. For concerning the dif∣ference of longitude between the Eastern angle of Kent, and the furthest point of Cornewall, they make it eight degrees; which in a manner jumpeth with Caesars dimensuration. The o∣ther sides are somewhat longer: and therefore Tacitus in the life of Agricola, compareth it to a Carpenters Axe, making that side which bor∣dereth upon France to resemble the edge, and the other two sides to incline by little and little one towards another, and so make the Island narrower at the top, according to the form of that instrument. He setteth down the whole compasse of the Island, according to the manner of the ancient Geographers; who by the quan∣tity of the circuit did usually judge of the content: not considering that the Area of every figure de∣pendeth as well on the quantity of the angle, as the length of the side.

Concerning the temperature of Britany in re∣gard of the cold Winters in France, we must un∣derstand that Britany hath ever been found of a more temperate constitution in regard of sharp and cold winters, then any other country lying under the same parallel: Whether the cause thereof may be imputed to the continual motion of the sea about the Island, which begetteth heat, as some have imagined; or to the site thereof in re∣gard of other Continents from whence the wind alwayes riseth, & carrieth with it the nature of the Country by which it passeth; (& so the Island ha∣ving no other Continent lying North to it, from whence the wind may rise, but all for the most part upon the South, hath no such cold winds to distem∣per it, as other parts of Germany, which are under the same parallel: but the Southern wind, which

is so frequent in Britany, tempereth the air with a mild disposition, and so keepeth it warm; or whe∣ther it besome other unknown cause, our Philoso∣phers rest unsatisfied. But as touching Gallia it may be said, that forasmuch as it beareth more to the South then this Iland doth, the aire thereof (by reason of the continual heat) is of a far purer dis∣position; and so pierceth more then this grosser aire of Britany, and carrieth the cold further into the pores; and so seemeth sharper, and of a far colder disposition.

This Iland which Caesar nameth Mona, is known at this time by the name of Man, and lieth between Cumberland and Ireland. Ptole∣my calleth it Monaeda. Tacitus calleth Angle∣sey by the name of Mona, peradventure from the nomination of the Britans, who called it Tyr¦mon, the land of Mon.

Concerning those places where the night continueth in the midst of winter for thirty daies together, they must be sited 6. degrees beyond the circle Artick, and have a day in summer of like continuance, according to the rules of A∣stronomy. In that he found the nights in Brita∣ny shorter then in the Continent, we must un∣derstand it to be onely in summer: for the more oblique the horizon is, the more uneven are the portions of the diurnall circles which it cutteth; and the nearer it cometh to a right horizon, the nearer it cometh to an equality of day and night: and hence it happeneth, that in summer time, the nights in France are longer then here in England; and in winter, shorter. The like we must understand of all Southern and Nor∣thern Countries.

To conclude, I may not omit the civility of the Kentish men, and their courteous disposition a∣bove the rest of the Britans, which must be impu∣ted to that ordinary course which brought civili∣ty unto all other Nations: of whom such as were first seated in their possessions, and entertai∣ned society, were the first that brought in civill conversation, and by little and little were purifi∣ed, and so attained to the perfection of civill go∣vernment. So we find that first the Assyrians and Babylonians (as nearest to the Mountains of Armenia where the Ark rested, and people first inhabited) reduced their States into Com∣monweales or Monarchies of exquisite govern∣ment, flourishing with all manner of learning and knowledge; when as yet other Coun∣tries lay either waste, or overwhelmed with Bar∣barisme. From thence it flowed into Egypt; out of Egypt into Greece; out of Greece into Italy; out of Italy into Gallia; and from thence into England: where our Kentish men first entertai∣ned it, as bordering upon France, and frequented with Merchants of those Countries.

CHAP. VI.

Divers skirmishes between the Romans and the Bri∣tans.

THe Cavalry of the enemy and their chariots gave a sharp conflict to the Roman horsemen in their march:* 1.4 but so that the Romans got the bet∣ter every way, driving them with great slaughter to the woods and hills, and loosing also some of their own men, being too venturous in the pursuit. The Britans after some intermission of time, when the Romans little thought of them, and were busied in for∣tifying their Camp, came suddainly out of the woods, and charged upon those that kept station before the Camp. Caesar sent out two the chie∣fest cohorts of two legions, to second their fel∣lowes. These two cohorts standing with a small alley between them, the other that were first charged being terrified with that strange kind of fight, boldly brake through the thickest of the enemy, & so retired in safety to their fellows. That day Quintus Laberius Durus, a Tribune of the souldiers, was slain. The Britans were re∣pelled with moe cohorts, which Caesar sent to se∣cond the former. And forasmuch as the fight happened in the view of all the Camp, it was plainly perceived that the legionary souldiers, being neither able for the weight of their Ar∣mour to follow the enemy as he retired, nor yet daring to go far from their severall Ensigns, was not a fit adversary to contest this kind of enemy: and that the horsemen likewise fought with no lesse danger, inasmuch as the enemy would retire back of purpose, and when they had drawn them a little from the legions, they would then light from their chariots, and in∣counter them with that advantage which is be∣tween a footman and a horseman. Further∣more, they never fought thick and close toge∣ther, but thin, and at great distances, having stations of men to succour one another, to re∣ceive the weary, and to send out fresh sup∣plies.

OBSERVATION.

UPon this occasion of their heavy Armour, I will describe a Legionary souldier in his compleat furniture, that we may better judge of their manner of warfare, and understand where∣in their greatest strength consisted. And first we are to learn, that their legionary souldiers were called milites gravis armaturae, souldiers wea∣ring heavy Armour, to distinguish them from the Velites, the Archers, Slingers, and other light-armed men. Their offensive Armes were a cou∣ple of Piles, or as some will but one Pile, and a

Spanish sword, short and strong, to strike ra∣ther with the point then with the edge. Their de∣fensive Armes were a helmet, a corslet, and boots of brasse, with a large Target; which in some sort was offensive, in regard of that umbo which stuck out in the midst thereof. The Pile is descri∣bed at large in the first book, and the Target in the second. The sword, as Polybius witnesseth, was short, two-edged, very sharp, and of a strong point. And therefore Livy in his 22. book saith, that the Galles used very long swords without points; but the Romans had short swords, readier for use. These they called Spanish swords, because they borrowed that fashion from the Spaniard. The old Romans were so girt with their swords, as appeareth by Polybius, and their monuments in Marble, that from their left shoulder it hung upon their right thigh, con∣trary to the use of these times; which, as I have noted before, was in regard of their target, which they carried on their left arme. This sword was hung with a belt of leather, beset with studs, as Varro noteth.* 1.5 And these were their offensive weapons.

Their Helmet was of brasse,* 1.6 adorned with three Ostrich feathers of a cubit in length; by which the souldier appeared of a larger stature, and more terrible to the Enemy, as Polybius saith in his sixth book. Their breast-plate was either of Brasse or Iron, jointed together after the manner of scales, or platted with little rings of Iron: their boots were made of bars of brass, from the foot up to the knee. And thus were the legionary souldiers armed, to stand firme, ra∣ther then to use any nimble motion, and to com∣bine themselves into a body of that strength, which might not easily recoile at the opposition of any confrontment: for agility standeth indif∣ferent to help either a retreat or a pursuit; and nimble-footed souldiers are as ready to flie back, as to march forward; but a weighty body keep∣eth a more regular motion, and is not hindered with a common counterbuffe. So that whenso∣ever they came to firme buckling, and felt the enemy stand stiff before them, such was their prac∣tice and exercise in continuall works, that they never fainted under any such task, but the victo∣ry went alwaies clear on their side. But if the enemy gave way to their violence, and came not in but for advantage, and then as speedily retired before the counterbuffe were well dis∣charged, then did their nimbleness much help their weakness, and frustrate the greatest part of the Roman discipline. This is also proved in the overthrow of Sabinus and Cotta, where Am∣biorix finding the inconvenience of buckling at handy-blowes, commanded his men to fight a far off; and if they were assaulted, to give back, and come on again as they saw occasion: which so wearied out the Romans that they all fel under the execution of the Galles. Let this suffice therefore to shew how unapt the Romans were to flie upon any occasion, when their Armour was such that it kept them from all starting moti∣ons, and made them sutable to the staied and well assured rules of their discipline, which were as certain principles in the execution of a standing battell; and therefore not so fit either for a pursuit, or a flight.

Concerning the unequal combat between a horseman and a footman, it may be thought strange that a footman should have such an ad∣vantage against a horseman, being overmatched at least with a Sextuple proportion both of strength and agility: but we must understand that as the horse is much swifter in a long cariere, so in speedy and nimble turning at hand, where∣in the substance of the combate consisteth, the footman far exceedeth the horseman in advan∣tage, having a larger mark to hit by the Horse, then the other hath. Besides the horseman in∣gageth both his valour and his fortune in the good speed of his horse, his wounds and his death do consequently pull the rider after, his fear or fury maketh his master either desperate or slow of performance, and what defect soever ari∣seth from the horse, must be answered out of the honour of the rider. And surely it seemeth rea∣sonable, that what thing soever draweth us into the society of so great a hazard, should as much as is possible be contained in the compasse of our own power.

The sword which we manage with our owne hand affordeth greater assurance then the har∣quebuse, wherein there are many parts belong∣ing to the action, as the powder, the stone, the spring, and such like; whereof if the least fail of his part, we likewise faile of our fortune. But how probable soever this seemeth, this is certain, that in the course of the Roman wars the horse were ever defeated by the foot, as is manifestly proved in the first of these books.

CHAP. VII.

Caesar giveth the Britans two severall over∣throwes.

THe next day the Enemy made a stand upon the hills a far off from the camp,* 1.7 and shewed themselves not so often; neither were they so busie with our horsemen as they were the day before. But about noon, when Caesar had sent out three legions and all his ca∣valry to get forrage, under the conduction of Caius Trebonius a Legate, they made a sud∣dain assault upon the forragers, and fell in close with the Ensignes & the legions. The Ro∣mans charged very fiercely upon them, and beat them back: neither did they make an end of following them, untill the horsemen trusting

to them, put them all to flight, with the slaughter of a great number of them; neither did they give them respite either to make head, to make a stand, or to forsake their chariots.

After this overthrow all their Auxiliary forces departed from them; neither did they afterward contend with the Romans with any great power. Caesar understanding their de∣termination, carried his Army to the river Thames, and so to the confines of Cassivellaunus; which river was passable by foot but in one place only, and that very hardly. At his co∣ming he found a great power of the Enemy to be imbattelled on the other side, and the bank fortified with many sharp stakes, and many o∣ther also were planted covertly under the wa∣ter. These things being discovered to the Ro∣mans by the Captives and fugitives, Caesar put∣ting his horse before, caused the legions to fol∣low suddenly after: who notwithstanding they had but their heads clear above the water, went with that violence, that the enemy was not able to endure the charge, but left the bank, and betook themselves to flight.

OBSERVATION.

THis attempt of Caesar seemeth so strange to Brancatio, that he runneth into strange con∣clusions concerning this matter: as first, that he that imitateth Caesar may doubt of his good for∣tunes; for his proceeding in this point was not directed by any order of war: and that a great Commander hath nothing common with other Leaders: but especially he crieth out at the base∣nesse of the Britans, that would suffer themselves so cowardly to be beaten. But if we look into the circumstances of the action, we shall find both Art and good direction therein: for being as∣sured by the fugitives that the river was passable in that place, and in that place only, he knew that he must either adventure over there, or leave Cassivellaunus for another Summer, which was a very strong inducement to urge him to that enterprise. The difficulty whereof was much re∣lieved by good direction, which consisted of two points; First, by sending over the horsemen in the front of the legions, who might better endure the charge of the enemy then the footmen could, that were up to the neck in water; and withall to shelter the footmen from the fury of the Enemy.

Secondly, he sent them over with such speed, that they were on the other side of the water be∣fore the enemy could tell what they attempted: for if he had lingered in the service, and given the enemy leave to find the advantage which he had by experience, his men had never been able to have endured the hazard of so dangerous a service. It is hard to conjecture at the place where this service was performed; for since the building of London bridge, many foords have been scoured with the current and fall of the wa∣ter, which before that time carried not such a depth as now they do.

CHAP. VIII.

The conclusion of the Brittish war. Caesar returneth into Gallia.

CAssivellaunus having no courage to contend any longer,* 1.8 dismissed his greatest forces, and retaining only four thousand chariots, observed our journeys, keeping the wood-Countries, and driving men and cattell out of the fields into the woods, where he knew the Ro∣mans would come: and as their horse strayed out either for forrage or booty, he sent his cha∣riots out of the woods by unknown wayes, and put their horsemen to great perill: in regard whereof the horsemen durst never adventure further then the legions, neither was there any more spoil done in the Country, then that which the legionary souldiers did of themselves.

In the mean time, the Trinobantes, being al∣most the greatest State of all those Countries (from whom Mandubratius had fled to Caesar into Gallia, for that his father Imanuentius holding the kingdome, was slain by Cassivel∣launus) sent Embassadours to Caesar, to offer their submission, and to intreat that Mandu∣bratius might be defended from the oppression of Cassivellaunus, & sent unto them to take the kingdome. Caesar having received from them forty pledges, & Corn for his Army, sent Man∣dubratius unto them. The Trinobantes being thus kept from the violence of the souldiers, the Cenimagni, Seguntiaci, Ancalites, Bibroci and Cassi yielded themselves to Caesar. By these he understood that Cassivellaunus his town was not far off, fortified with woods & bogs, & well stored with men & cattell. The Britans call a town, a thick wood inclosed about with a ditch and a rampier, made for a place of retreat, when they stood in fear of incursions from the borderers. Thither marched Caesar with his Army, & found it well fortified both by Art and Nature: & as he assaulted it in two seve∣rall places, the enemy unable to keep it, cast himself out of the town by a back way: and so he took it. Where he found great store of cat∣tel, and slew many of the Britans.

While these things were a doing, Cassivellau∣nus sent messengers into Kent, which as was said lies upon the sea, and wherein there were four severall Kings, Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus and Segonax: them he comman∣ded with all the power they could make to set upon the camp where the Navy was kept. The Kings coming to the place were overthrown by a sally which the Romans made out upon them, many of them being slain, and Lugotorix

a great commander taken prisoner. This battell concurring with the former losses, and especial∣ly moved thereunto with the revolt of the fore∣named cities, Cassivellaunus intreated peace of Caesar by Comius of Arras. Caesar being de∣termined to winter in the Continent, for fear of suddain commotions in Gallia, and conside∣ring that the Summer was now far spent, and might easily be lingred out, he commanded pled∣ges to be brought unto him, and set down what yearly tribute the Britans should pay to the Ro∣mans; giving withall a strict charge to Cassivellaunus to do no injury either to Mandu∣bratius or the Tribonantes. The hostages being taken, he carried back his Army to the sea, where he found his shipping repaired: which as soon as he had caused to be set aflote, in regard partly of the great number of prisoners he had, and that some of his ships were cast away, he determined to carry his Army over at twice. And so it happened, that of so great a fleet, at so many voyages, neither this year nor the year before there was not any one ship missing which carried over our souldiers: onely of those which were to be sent back to him after they had landed the first half, and those which Labienus caused afterwards to be made, three∣score in number, few could make to the place, the rest were all kept back. Which Caesar ha∣ving for some time expected in vain, and fea∣ring that the time of year would not long serve for sailing, for the Equinoctiall was at hand; was forced to dispose his souldiers clo∣ser and in lesse room. So taking the opportu∣nity of a calme sea, he set sail about the be∣ginning of the second watch, and came to land by break of day, his whole fleet arriving in safety.

OBSERVATION.

ANd thus ended the war in Britany: which affordeth little matter of discourse, being in∣deed but a scambling war, as well in regard of the Britans themselves, who after they had felt the strength of the Roman legions, would never adventure to buckle with them in any standing battell; as also in regard there were no such towns in Britany as are recorded to have been in Gallia, which might have given great honour to the war, if there had been any such to have been besieged and taken in by Caesar.

And although Tacitus saith that Britany was rather viewed then subdued by Caesar, being de∣sirous to draw that honour to his father in law Agricola; yet we find here that the Trinoban∣tes, which were more then either the skirt or the heart of Britany (for our Historians do understand them to have inhabited that part which lieth as far as Yorkshire and Lancashire) were brought under the Roman Empire by Cae∣sar: who was the first that ever laid tribute up∣on Britany in the behalf of the people of Rome; or cast upon them the heavy name of a subdued people.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

BUt least I may seem negligent in these occur∣rences of Britany, as not deeming the altera∣tion happening in this Iland by the power of Rome worthy due memory; I will briefly set down the state thereof from this Area, during the lives of the twelve Emperours.

Iulius Caesars next successours, first Au∣gustus and then Tiberius, thought it policy to restrain the infinite desire of inlarging the Ro∣man Empire, & so left this entrance into Britany unseconded. Caius is said to have had a mea∣ning to invade it, but did nothing. Claudius transported legions and aides, and first sent Aulus Plautius Governour, and after him Os∣torius, who overthrew king Caradocus in bat∣tell, and shewed him at Rome to Claudius, to Agrippina,* 1.9 and the Lords of the Senate: who affirmed the sight to be no lesse honourable then when P. Scipio shewed S••phaces, or L. Paulus Perses. Him Didius Gallus succeeded, who be∣ing old and full of honour, thought it sufficient to keep that which his predecessours had gotten. Next unto Didius came Veranius, onely memo∣rable in dying the first year of his Propraetorship: but Suetonius Paulinus following, got a great name, first by invading Anglesey, strong with inhabitants, and a receptacle for fugitives; secondly, by overthrowing Boadicea Queen of the Iceni, in a battell comparable to the victo∣ries of old times: wherein fourscore thousand Britans were slain, with the losse of foure hun∣dred Roman souldiers. But being thought to be over-severe, he left his charge to Petronius Turpilianus; who composing former troubles with a milder carriage, was succeeded by Tre∣bellius Maximus; whose easie course of go∣vernment taught the Britans good manners, and made the souldiers first wanton with ease, and then mutinous: which by his gentle intreaty being ended without bloud-shed, he left his place to Vectius Bolanus, of like loosenesse of discipline, but in stead of obedience got much good will. The errours of these three soft Proprae∣tors were holpen by Petilius Caerealis, a great Commander, and worthy his place; he subdu∣ed the Brigantes, and left the place to Iulius Frontinus, who with no lesse happinesse van∣quished the Silures. The last was Agricola, fortunate in divers battells against the Britans, and as unhappy in his reward; for Domitian maligning his honour, first discharged him of his place, and then, as it is thought, poisoned him. And this was the state of Britany under the twelve Emperours.

CHAP. IX.

Caesar disposeth his legions into their wintering Camp, and quieteth the Carnutes.

AFter he had put his ships in harbour,* 1.10 and held a Councell of the Galles at* 1.11 Samarobrina; forasmuch as that year, by reason of the drought, there was some scarcity of corn in Gallia, he was constrained to garrison his Ar∣my, and to disperse them into more cities then he had done the years before. And first he gave one legion to Caius Fabius, to be led among the Morim; another to Quintus Cicero, to be carried to the Nervii; another to L. Roscius, to be conducted to the Essui; a fourth he com∣manded to winter amongst the men of Rhemes, in the marches of the Treviri, under T. Labie∣nus; three he placed in Belgium, with whom he sent Mar. Crassus his Questor, L. Munatius Plancus and C. Trebonius, Legates; he sent one legion, that which he had last inrolled beyond the river Po in Italy, with five cohorts, unto the Eburones, the greatest part of whose coun∣try lyeth between the Mase and the Rhene, and was under the command of Ambiorix and Cati∣vulcus; with them he sent Q. Titurius Sabinus and Lucius Aurunculeius Cotta. By distribu∣ting his legions in this manner, he thought to remedy the scarcity of corn; and yet the garri∣sons of all these legions, excepting that which Roscius carried into a quiet and peaceable part, were contained within the space of one hundred miles. And untill his legions were setled, and their wintering camps fortified, he determined to abide in Gallia.

There was amongst the Carnutes a man of great birth called Tasgetius, whose ancestours had born the chief rule in their State. This man, for his singular prowesse and good will to∣wards him, for he had done him very good ser∣vice in all his wars, Caesar restored to the dig∣nity of his forefathers. Before he had reign∣ed three years, his enemies with the complot∣ment of divers of his citizens kill'd him in the open streets: which thing was complained of to Caesar. Who fearing in regard so many men had a hand in it, lest that the city should by their instigation revolt, commanded L. Plan∣cus immediately to march with his legion thi∣ther from his quarters in Belgium, and there to winter: and whomsoever he could learn to be the ring-leaders in the death of Tasgetius, he should take hold of them, and send them to him. Mean while Caesar had notice from all his Legates and Quaestors to whom he had de∣livered his legions, that they were setled in win∣ter garrisons, and their garrisons fortified.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

I Have heard it oftentimes contradicted by some that understand not the weight of a multitude, when it was said, that an Army kee∣ping head continually in one part of a king∣dome, was more burthensome to the Common-wealth in regard of the expence of victuals, then when it was dispersed into particular Cities and Families, before the time of the master and in∣rollment: for, say they, in the general account of the publick weale it differeth nothing, whether a multitude of 30000. men be maintained with necessary provisions in one intire body together, or dispersed particularly throughout every part of the Countrey; forasmuch as every man hath but a competent quantity allotted unto him, which he cannot want in what sort or conditi∣on of life soever he be ranged: neither doth the charge of a multitude grow in regard they are united together, but in regard they amount to such a multitude wheresoever. But such as look into the difference with judgement, shall find a marvellous inequality, both in regard of the por∣tion of victualls which is spent, and the means whereby it is provided: for first we must un∣derstand, that an Army lying continually in one place, falleth so heavy upon that part that it quickly consumeth both the fat and the flesh, (as they say) and leaveth nothing unspent, which that part can afford them; and without further supply of provisions would in a small time come to utter destruction. This want then must be relieved by taking from the plenty of other bor∣dering quarters, to furnish the wants of so great a multitude: wherein there cannot be observed that proportion of moderate taking, to victuall the Army with a sufficient competency, but the partiall respect which the purveiours and victu∣allers will have to their private commodity, will quickly make an inconvenience either in the countrey from whence it is taken, or in the Ar∣my for which it is provided, according as the errour may best advantage their particular, what discipline soever be established in that behalf. Whereas on the contrary part, when every par∣ticular man of that multitude shall be billetted in a severall family, throughout all parts of the kingdome, the charge will be so insensible in re∣gard of the expence of the said families, that the country will never feel any inconvenience. And if every housholder that had received into his house one of the said Army, should give a true account of that which riseth above his ordinary expence by the addition of one man, it would fall far short of that treasure which is necessari∣ly required to maintain the said number of men united together into one body.

Neither doth the difference consist in the quantity of victualls which every man hath for

his portion, whether they be dispersed or united; but in the manner of provision, and the means which is used to maintain them: wherein every master or steward of a family endeavoureth to make his provisions at the best hand, and so to husband it that it may serve for competency, and not for superfluity; and by that means the ge∣nerall plenty of the countrey is maintained, and the common-wealth flourisheth by well-direct∣ed moderation. But in the victualling of an Army there is no such respect had which may a∣ny way advantage the publick good; for there the gain of the purveiour riseth by expence and su∣perfluous wasting, rather then by thrift and saving frugality: and so the common-wealth is weakened by the ill-husbanding of that great portion of victuall which is allowed for so great a multitude. And if they should have such va∣riety of viands in an Army as they have when they are in severall families, it were unpossible it should continue any time together. And therefore the Romans, notwithstanding the ex∣actnesse of their discipline, could afford their Ar∣mies no other provision but corn and larde, as well in regard of the commodity which that kind of diet afforded them in the course of their wars, as also for the good of that country where∣in they were resident. And if it so fell out, that the extremity of the season, or any other cause had brought a dearth into the land, there was no readier way to help that inconvenience, then by dispersing their Armies into divers quarters; which Caesar disposed with that care, that they might be as near together as they could.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

COncerning the choice of their souldiers and their manner of inrolement, I had rather refer the Reader to Polybius, then enter into the particular discourse of that action; which was carried with such gravity and religious ceremo∣nies, as might best serve to possesse their minds of the weight and consequence of that businesse. But forasmuch as the largenesse of their Empire and the necessity of their occasions would not admit that the inrolement should still be made at Rome amongst the citizens, as it appeareth by this legion which was inrolled beyond the river Po, it consequently followeth, that such Cere∣monies which were annexed to the place, were altogether omitted: and therefore I cannot speak of that which the old Romans did in that part of their discipline, as a thing continued unto Caesars time. But he that desireth to see the manner of their choice, with such complements as might adde both a reverent respect and a Majesty to the work, let him read Polybius of that argu∣ment.

CHAP. X.

Ambiorix attempteth to surprise the Camp of Sabinus and Cotta; and failing, practiseth to take them by guile.

FIfteen daies after the legions were setled in their wintering-camps,* 1.12 there began a sudden tumult and rebellion by the means of Ambio∣rix and Cativulcus, who having received Sabinus and Cotta into their confines, and brought them in corn to the place where they lay; at the inducement of Induciomarus of Triers, they stirred up their people to rebel∣lion: and suddenly surprising those that were gone abroad to get wood, came with a great power to assault the camp. But when our men had took Arms, and were got up upon the ram∣pier, and had overmatched them in a skirmish of horse, which made a sally out of the camp upon the Galles; Ambiorix despairing of good successe, withdrew his men from the assault: and then after their manner they cryed unto us, that some of our company should come and speak with them, for they had somewhat to discover touching the publick state, whereby they hoped all controversies might be ended. Whereupon Caius Carpineius a Roman horse∣man, and one of Titurius his familiar friends, and one Q. Junius a Spaniard, who divers times before had been sent by Caesar to Ambiorix, were sent out to treat with them. Ambiorix first acknowledged himself much indebted to Caesar for many courtesies; in that by his means he was freed from a pension which he payed to the Aduatici; and for that both his own son and his brothers son, whom the Aduatici had held in prison under the name of hostages, were by Caesar released and sent home again. And touching the assault of the camp, he had done nothing of himself, but by the impulsion of the State; among whom such was his condition, that the people had as great authority over him, as he himself had in regard of the people: who were likewise inforced to this war, because they could not withstand the sudden insurrecti∣on of the Galles, whereof his smal means might be a sufficient argument. For his experience was not so little, to think himself able with so small a power to overthrow the people of Rome; but it was a generall appointment throughout all Gallia, upon this day to assault all Caesars garrisons, to the end that one legion might not give relief unto another. Galles could not ea∣sily deny the request of Galles, especially when it concerned their publick liberty. Now ha∣ving satisfied that duty which he owed to his Country, he had respect to Caesar & his benefits; in regard whereof he admonished them, and

prayed Titurius for the hospitality that had been between them, that he would look to the safety of himself and his souldiers. There was a great number of Germans that had already passed the Rhene, and would be here within two days: and therefore let them adv••se themselves, whether they thought it good before the next borderers perc••ived it, to depart with their souldiers out of their wintering-places either to Cicero or Labienus, of whom the one was not past fifty mile off, and the other a little further. For his own part he promised them thus much, and confirmed it by oath, that they should have sa••e passage through his territories; for so he should both do a pleasure to his countrey in disburthening it of garrisons, and shew himself thankfull to Caesar for his benefits. This spee••h being ended Ambiorix departed, and Carpineius and Junius made report thereof to the Le∣gates.

OBSERVATION.

LEander his counsell, to use the Foxes skin where the Lions faileth, doth shew that the discourse of our reason is sooner corrupted with errour, then the powers of our body are over∣come with force. For oftentimes the mind is so disquieted with the extremity of perturbation, that neither the apprehension can take sound in∣structions, nor the judgement determine of that which is most for our good; but according as any passion shall happen to reigne in our disposition, so are we carried headlong to the ruine of our fortune, without sense of er∣rour, or mistrust of well-succeeding: whereas the body continueth firme in his own strength, and is subject onely to a greater weight of pow∣er, by which it may be subdued and overthrown. It behoveth us therefore to take good heed, that our surest hold be not unfastned by the subtilty of the Fox, when it hath continued firm against the force of the Lion: and that the treachery of the spirit do not disadvantage those meanes, which either our own power or opportunity hath gained in our actions. Wherein a Comman∣der cannot have a better rule for his direction, then to beware that violence of passion do not hinder the course of sound deliberation: and withall to be jealous of whatsoever an Enemy shall, either by speech or action, seem to thrust upon him, how colourable soever the reasons may be which are alledged to induce him there∣unto. For first, if the mind be not conf••••med by the vertue of her better faculties to resist the motion of fruitlesse apprehensions, it may easily be seduced (either by fear or vain imagination, diffident conceptions or over-easie credulity, with many other such disturbing powers) from that way which a good discretion, and an un∣derstanding free from passion would have taken.

First therefore I hold it necessary to have the consistory of our judgement well setled with a firme resolution, and with the presence of the mind, before we enter into deliberation of such things as are made happy unto us by good dire∣ction. And then this, amongst other circum∣stances, will give some help to a good conclusi∣on, when we consider how improbable it is that an Enemy, whose chiefest care is to weaken his adversary, and bring him to ruine, should ad∣vise him of any thing that may concern his good; unlesse the profit which he himself shall thereby gather, do far exceed that which the contrary part may expect.

I grant that in civile wa••s, where there are many friends on either party, and have the ad∣verse cause as dear unto them as their own, there are oftentimes many advertisements given, which proceed from a true and sincere affection, and may advantage the party whom it concer∣neth, as well in preventing any danger, as in the furtherance of their cause; and therefore are not altogether to be neglected, but to be weighed by circumstances, and accordingly to be respected; whereof we have many pregnant examples in the civile wars of France, & particularly in Monsieur l•• No•• his discourses: but where there are two Armies, dif∣ferent in nation, language and humour, conten∣ding for that which peculiarly belongeth unto one of them, where care to keep that which is dearest unto them possesseth the one, and hope of gain stirreth up the other, there is commonly such an universall hatred between them, that they are to look for small advantage by advertise∣ments from the enemy. Which if the Romans had well considered, this subtle Gall had not dispos∣sest them of their strength, nor brought them to ruine.

CHAP. XI.

The Romans call a councell upon this advertise∣ment, and resolve to depart, and joyn themselves to some other of the Le••ions.

THe Romans being troubled at the suddainnesse of the matter,* 1.13 albeit the things were spoken by an E∣nemy, yet they thought them no way to be neglected; but especially it moved them, for that it was incredible that the Eburones, being base and of no reputati∣on, durst of themselves make war against the people of Rome. And therefore they propoun∣ded the matter in a councell: wherein there grew a great controversie among them. L. Au∣runculeius, and most of the Tribunes, and Cen∣turions of the first orders, thought it not good to conclude of any thing rashly, nor to depart out of their wintering-camps without expresse commandment from Caesar; forasmuch as

they were able to resist never so great a power, yea even of the Germans, having their garri∣risons well fortified: an argument whereof was, that they had valiantly withstood the first assault of the Enemy, and given them many wounds. Neither wanted they any victu∣alls; and before that provision which they had was spent, there would come succour from o∣ther garrisons and from Caesar. And to con∣clude, what was more dishonourable or ••avou∣red of greater inconstancy, then to consult of their weightiest affairs by the advertisement of an Enemy? Titurius urged vehemently to the contrary, that it then would be too late for them to seek a remedy, when a greater power of the Enemy, accompanied with the Germans, were assembled against them; or when any blow were given to any of the next wintering-camps. He took Caesar to be gone into Italy; for other∣wise the Carnutes would not have adventured to kill Tasgetius, neither durst the Eburones have come so proudly to the camp. Let them not respect the authour, but the thing it self: the Rhene was not far off, and he knew well that the overthrow of Ariovistus, and their for∣mer victories were grievous to the Germans. The Galles were vexed with the contumelies they had received, being brought in sub••ection to the Roman Empire, and having lost their former reputation in deeds of Arms.

And to conclude, who would imagine that Am∣biorix should enterprise such a matter without any ground or certainty therof? but howsoever things stood, his counsell was sure and could bring no harm: for if there were no worse thing intended, they should but go safely to the next garrisons; or otherwise, if the Galles conspired with the Germans, their onely safety consisted in celerity. As for the counsell of Cotta and such as were of the contrary opinion, what ex∣pectation could be had thereof? wherein if here were not present danger, yet assuredly famine was to be feared by long siege. The disputation being thus continued on either part, and Cotta with the Centurions of the first orders earnestly repugning it; Do as please you, since you wil needs have it so, saith Sabinus, (and that he spake with a loud voice, that a great part of the souldiers might well heare him) for I am not he that most feareth death among you: let these be wise; and if a∣ny mischance happen unto them, they shall ask account thereof at thy hands, inasmuch as if thou wouldest let them, they might joyn them∣selves within two daies to the next garrisons, and with them sustain what chance soever their common destiny should allot them, and not perish with famine and sword, like a peo∣ple cast off and abandoned from their fellows. After these words they began to rise out of the Councell; but hold was laid upon them both: entreaty was made that they would not by their dis••ension and obstinacy bring all unto a despe∣rate hazard; the matter was all one whether they went or staied, so that they all agreed up∣on one thing; whereas in disagreeing there was no liklihood of well doing. The disputation was prolonged untill midnight; at length Cotta yielded, and the sentence of Sabinus took place. And thereupon it was proclaimed that they should set forth by the break of day. The rest of the night was spent in watching. Every souldier sought out what he had to car∣ry with him, and what he should be constrained to leave behind him of such necessaries as he had prepared for winter. All things were dispo∣sed in such sort, to make the souldiers believe that they could not stay without danger, and that the danger might be augmented by weary∣ing the souldiers with watching.

OBSERVATION.

BY the resolution in this disputation it appea∣reth how little a grave and wise deliberation availeth, when it is impugned with the violence of passion, according to the truth of my former observation: for the matter was well reasoned by Cotta, and his positions were grounded upon things certain, and well known to the whole Councell; and yet the fear of Sabinus was such, that it carried the conclusion by such supposed assertions as the quality of his passion had rati∣fied for true principles; being grounded altoge∣ther upon that which the Enemy had suggested, and not upon any certain knowledge of the truth. Neither is it often seen when a Coun∣cell disputeth upon matters of such consequence, that their deliberations are altogether clear from such troublesome motions, but that it will some∣what incline to the partiality of a strong af∣fection; so powerfull is passion in the govern∣ment of the soul, and so interessed in the other faculties. And this is one cause of the uncertainty of mans judgment, from whence all contrary & different opinions do arise. Neither is this so strange a matter, that a councel of war should so much vary in case of deliberation, when as ma∣ny especial points of military discipline remain yet undecided, having the authority of the great Commanders of all ages to ratifie the truth on either part; whereof I could alledge many ex∣amples. But concerning the issue and event of our deliberations, what can be more truly said then that of the Poet?

Et male consultis pretium est prudentia fallax, Nec fortuna probat causas sequiturque merentes; Sed vaga per cunctos nullo discrimine fer∣tur.

Sciliee••••st aliud quod nos cogatque regat{que} Majus, et in proprias ducat mortalia leges.

Notwithstanding, forasmuch as our wisdome is not so subject to fortune, but that it may com∣prehend within it self the good direction of most of the occurrences which fall within the course of our business••▪ or if we must needs miscarry, yet it somewhat helpeth our ill fortune to think that we went upon best probabilities; it shall not be amisse to set down some rules for the better directing of a mature consultation. Wherein we are to understand that as all our knowledge ari∣seth from some of our senses, and our senses comprehend only particularities, which being carried unto the apprehension are disposed into formes and degrees, according as they either concur or disagree in their severall properties; from whence there arise intellectuall notions, and rules of Art, wherein the science of the said particulars consisteth: so he that intendeth to debate a matter with sound deliberation, must descend from confused conceptions and a know∣ledge in generall, to the exact distinction of par∣ticular parts, which are the occurrences to be directed, and the materiall substance of every action. He therefore that can give best directi∣on, either by experience or judicious discourse, concerning such particularities as are incident to the matter propounded, can best advise which is the safest way to avoid the opposition of contra∣dicting natures. But to make this somewhat plainer, I will alledge two examples: the one modern in case of consultation; the other an∣cient, and may seeme not so pertinent to this matter, in regard it is a meer Apology: yet for∣asmuch as it freely censureth the quality of parti∣cular circumstances, it may give great light to that which we seek after.

The modern example is taken out of Guicer∣ardin,* 1.14 from the wars which Lewis the French King had with the Pope and the Venetians, con∣cerning the State of Ferrara and the Dutchy of Millain: wherein there arose a controversie a∣mong the French Captains, whether it were better to go directly to seek the Enemy, who al∣beit they were lodged in a strong and secure place, yet there was hope that with the vertue of Arms and importunity of artillery they might be dislodged, and driven to retreat; or otherwise to take the way either of Modena or Bolognia, that so the Enemy for fear of losing either of those towns might quit their hold, and by that means Ferrara should be freed from the war. Monsieur Chaumont the General of the French inclined to the former advise: But Trivulce, a man of great authority and experience, having been an executioner in 18. battells, reasoned thus in particulars to the contrary. We debate (saith he) to go seek the Enemy to fight with him; and I have alwayes heard great Captains hold this as a firm principle, Not to attempt the fortune of a battell, unless there be either an offer of an especial advantage, or otherwise compulsion by necessity. The rules of war give it to the enemy that is the invader, and hath undertaken the conquest of Ferrara, to seek to assail and charge us; but to us, to whom it is sufficient to defend our selves, it cannot be but impertinent to under∣take an action contrary to all direction and discipline of war. I am of opinion, which is confirmed by evident reason, that there is no possibility to execute that devise but to our harms and disadvantage: for we cannot go to their camp but by the side of a hill, a streight and nar∣row way, where all our forces cannot be imploy∣ed; and yet they with small numbers will make resistance, having the opportunity of the place favourable to their vertues. We must march by the rising of a hill, one horse after another, nei∣ther have we any other way to draw our Ar∣tillery, our baggage, our carts and bridges, but by the streight of the hill: and who doubteth not but in a way so narrow and cumbrous, every ar∣tillery, every cart, or every wheel that shall break will stay the Army a whole hour at the least? By which impediments every contrary accident may put us to disorder. The Enemy is lodged in covert, provided of victuals and for∣rage; and we must incamp all bare and naked, not carrying with us that which should serve for our necessary nouriture, but expect the things to come after, which in reason ought to go with us. To attempt new enterprises, whereof the victo∣ry is lesse certain then the perill, is contrary to the gravity and reputation of a Leader; and in actions of the war, those enterprises are put to ad∣venture that are done by will and not by reason. Many difficulties may compell us to make our a∣bode there two or three dayes; yea the snows and rains, joined with the extremity of the season, may suffice to detain us: how shall we then do for victualls and forrages? What shall we be a∣ble to do in the wars, wanting the things that should give us strength and sustenance? what is he that considereth not how dangerous it is to go seek the Enemy in a strong camp, and to be dri∣ven at one time to fight against them & against the discommodity of the place? If we compell them not to abandon their camp, we cannot but be inforced to retire; a matter of great difficulty in a country so wholly against us, and where every little disfavour will turn to our great disadvan∣tage, &c.

And thus proceeded that grave discourse, in the discovery of the particular occurrences inci∣dent to that enterprise; which being laied open to their confused judgements, did manifestly point at the great disadvantages which were to be undergone by that attempt.

The other example is of more antiquity, taken out of Tacitus,* 1.15 and concerneth the arraignment of certain Senators for the friendship that had

past between Sejanus and them. Amongst whom M. Terentius thus answered for himself, according as it hath of late been published by translation.

It would be peradventure less behovefull for my estate to acknowledge, then to deny the crime I am charged with: but hap what hap may, I will confesse that I have been Sejanus friend, and that I desired so to be, and that after I had ob∣tained his friendship I was glad of it. I had seen him joint-officer with my father in the govern∣ment of the praetorian cohort, and not long af∣ter in managing the City affairs, and matters of war: his kinsmen and allies were advanced to honour: as every man was inward with Seja∣nus, so he was graced by Caesar: and contrari∣wise such as were not in his favour lived in fear, and distressed with poverty. Neither do I al∣ledge any man for an example of this; all of us who were not privy to his last attempts, with the danger of my only estate I will defend: not Se∣janus the Vulsiniensis, but a part of the Claudi∣an and Iulian family, which by alliance he had entred into. Thy son in law, Caesar, thy compa∣nion in the Consulship, and him who took up∣on him thy charge of administring the Common∣wealth, we did reverence and honour. It is not our part to judge of him whom thou dost exalt a∣bove the rest, nor for what considerations: to thee the highest judgement of things the gods have given, and to us the glory of obedience is left. We look into those things which we see before our eyes, whom thou dost inrich, whom thou dost advance to honours, who have great∣est power of hurting or helping; which Sejanus to have had no man will deny. The Princes hidden thoughts, or if he go about any secret drift it is not lawfull to sound, and dangerous; neither shalt thou in the end reach unto them. Think not only, Lords of the Senate, of Sejanus last day; but of sixteen years▪ in which we did likewise fawn upon and court Satrius and Pom∣ponius; and to be known unto his freed men and partners was reckoned for a high favour. What then? shall this defence be generall, and not distinguished, but a confusion made of times past and his later actions? No: but let it by just bounds and terms be divided: let the trea∣sons against the Commonwealth, the intentions of murdering the Emperour be punished; but as for the friendships, duties, pleasures and good turns, the same end shall discharge and quit thee, O Caesar, and us.

The constancy of this Oration prevailed so much, that his Accusers were punished with ex∣ile. And thus we see how particularities decide the controversy, and make the way plain to good direction.

CHAP. XII.

The Romans take their journey towards the next legion; and are set upon by the Galles.

AS soon as the day-light appeared,* 1.16 they set forth of their Camp (like men perswaded that the counsel had been given them not by an Enemy, but by Ambiorix an especiall friend) with a long-tailed march, and as much bag∣gage as they were able to carry. The Galles understanding of their journey by their noise and watching in the night, secretly in the woods some two miles off layed an Ambuscado in two severall places of advantage, and there atten∣ded the coming of the Romans: and when the greatest part of the troups were entred into a valley, suddenly they shewed themselves on both sides the vale, pressing hard up∣on the rereward, and hindering the foremost from going up the hill, and so began to charge upon the Romans in a place of as great disad∣vantage for them as could be. Then at length Titurius, as one that had provided for nothing beforehand, began to tremble, ranne up and down, and disposed his cohorts, but so fearfully and after such a fashion, as if all things had gone against him; as it happeneth for the most part to such as are forced to consult in the in∣stant of execution.

OBSERVATION.

IT now plainly appeareth by this negligent and ill-ordered march, and the unlooked for in∣counter which the Galles gave them, that fear had ratified in the judgement of Sabinus the smooth suggestion of Ambiorix, with an appro∣bation of a certain truth; and layed that for a principle, which a discourse free from passion would have discerned to be but weak, and of no probability: which so much the more amazed Titurius, by how much his apprehension had erred from the truth, and betrayed good coun∣sell to a course full of danger; which, as Caesar noteth, must needs fall upon such, as are then to seek for direction when the businesse requireth execution. I have handled already the inconve∣niences of disappointment, and therefore at this time will but bring it only into remembrance, that we may take the greater care to prevent an accident of that nature: wherein as the best re∣medy for an evil is to foresee it, according to the saying, Praevisa pereunt mala, evils foreseen fall of themselves; so the greatest mischief in an e∣vil is when it cometh unthought of, and besides our expectation, for then it falleth upon us with a supernaturall weight, and affrighteth the mind with a superstitious astonishment, as though the divine powers had prevented our designments

with an irremediable calamity, and cut off our appointment with a contrary decree: although peradventure the thing it self carry no such im∣portance, but might be remedied, if we were but prepared with an opinion that such a thing might happen.

It were no ill counsell therefore, what resolu∣tion soever be taken, to make as full account of that which may fall out to crosse our intentions, as that which is likely to happen from the di∣rection of our chiefest projects; and so we shall be sure to have a present mind in the midst of our occasions, and feel no further danger then that which the nature of the thing inforceth.

CHAP. XIII.

The Romans cast themselves into an Orbe, and are much discouraged.

BUt Cotta,* 1.17 who had before thought that these things might happen by the way, and for that cause would not be the authour of the journey, was not wanting in any thing that concerned their common safety: for both in calling upon the souldiers and incouraging them, he executed the place of a Commander; and in fighting, the duty of a souldier. And when they found that, by reason of the length of their troup, they were not able in their own per∣sons to see all things done, and to give direction in every place; they caused it to be proclaimed, that they should all for sake their baggage, and ••ast themselves into an Orbe. Which direction although in such a case it be not to be reproved, yet it fell out ill favouredly: for it both abated the courage of the Romans, & gave the Enemy greater incouragement, inasmuch as it seem∣ed that that course was not taken but upon a great fear and in extremity of perill. Moreo∣ver it hapened, as it could not otherwise chuse, that the souldiers went from their Ensignes, to take from the carriages such things as were most dear unto them: and there was nothing heard amongst them but clamours and weep∣ings. But the Barbarous Galles were not to learn how to carry themselves. For their Com∣manders caused it to be proclaimed, that no man should stir out of his place; for the prey was theirs, and all that the Romans had laid a∣part was reserved for them: and therefore let them suppose that all things consisted in the victory. The Romans were equall to the Galles both in number of men and valour; and al∣beit they were destitute of good Captains and of good fortune, yet they reposed in their man∣hood all the hope of their safety: and as often as any cohort issued out, they failed not to make a great slaughter of the Enemy on that part.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

I Have already handled the nature of an Orbe, with such properties as are incident to a Circle; wherein I shewed the conveniency of this fi∣gure, in regard of safe and strong imbattelling. I will now add thus much concerning the use thereof, that as it is the best manner of imbattel∣ling for a defensive strength, and therefore never used but in extremity; so we must be very care∣full that the sudden betaking of our selves to such a refuge do not more dismay the souldiers, then the advantage of that imbattelling can benefit them. For unlesse a Leader be carefull to keep his men in courage, that their hearts may be free from despair and amazement, what profit can there arise from any disposition or body soever, when the particular members shall be senselesse of that duty which belongeth unto them? For order is nothing but an assistance to courage, gi∣ving means to manage our valour with advan∣tage. In the war of Africk we rea••, that Caesars legions being incircled about with great multi∣tudes of enemies, were forced to make an Orbe; but he quickly turned it to a better use, by ad∣vancing the two Cornets two contrary wayes; and so divided the Enemy into two parts, and then beat them back, to their great disadvan∣tage.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

I Need not stand upon this order which the Galles here took concerning pillage, that no souldier should forsake his station, or disrank himself in hope of spoil; which is a thing that from the very infancy of wars hath often chan∣ged the fortune of the day, and sold the honour of a publick victory for private lucre and petty pilfering. Amongst other examples, let that which Guicciardine reporteth of the battel of Taro suffice to warn a well-directed Army,* 1.18 as well by the good which Charles the eighth of that name King of France received at that time, as by the losse which the Italians felt by that disorder, not to seek after pillage untill the victo∣ry be obtained.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

THe insufficiency of these Commanders, whereof Caesar now complaineth as the on∣ly want which these Romans had to clear them∣selves of this danger, bringeth to our considerati∣on that which former times have made a que∣stion; which is, Whether is were the vertue of the Roman Leaders, or the valour of their souldi∣ers, that inlarged their Empire to that greatnesse, and made their people and Senate Lords of the world. Polybius weighing the causes of a victo∣ry

which the Carthaginians gained of the Ro∣mans, by the counsell and good direction of one Zantippus a Grecian, having before that time received divers overthrows during the time of those wars in Africk; concludeth that it was more in the worthinesse of the Commanders, then in any extraordinary vertue of the souldiers, that the Romans atchieved so many conquests. And besides the present example of Zantippus, he con∣firmed his opinion with the proceedings of Han∣nibal; who from the beginning of the second Punick war, still gained of the Roman Empire, enlarging the territories of Carthage, and streightning the jurisdiction of mighty Rome, untill it had got a Leader matchable to that sub∣tle Carthagiman, and found a Scipio to con∣front their Hannibal. To this may be added that famous battel between the old Romans and the last Latines; wherein both parties were e∣qually ballanced, both in number and quality of their souldiers, having both the same Armes, the same use of their weapons, and the same disci∣pline, as if it had been in a Civile war. Neither could Fortune tell by the presence of their Ar∣mies where to bestow her favour, or where to shew her disdain; but that the worthinesse of the Roman Leaders brought the odds in the try∣all, and made Rome great with the ruine of the Latines. Whereby it appeareth how much it im∣porteth the whole fortune of the Army, to have a Leader worthy of the place which he holdeth: forasmuch as nothing doth make a greater diffe∣rence of inequality between two equall Armies, then the wisedome and experience of a grave Commander, or the disability of an unskilfull Leader; which are so powerfull in their severall effects, that there is greater hope of a herd of Harts led by a Lion, then of so many Lions con∣ducted by a Hart.

CHAP. XIV.

Ambiorix directeth the Galles how they might best fight with advantage, and frustrate the weapons of the Roman souldiers.

THe which thing when Ambiorix perceived,* 1.19 he commanded his men to throw their casting weapons afar off, and keep themselves from co∣ming near at hand, and where the Romans charged them to give way, for that by reason of the lightnesse of their armes and their daily exercise the Romans could do them no harm: and again, as they saw them ret••re to their Ensignes, then to pursue them. Which commandment was so diligently observed by the Galles, that as oft as any cohort sallied out of the Orbe to give an assault, the Enemy gave back as fast as they could; and in the mean time there was no help but that part must be left naked and open to the inconvenience of casting weapons: and again, as they retired to their place, they were circumvented, as well by them that had given place unto them, as by such as stood next about them. And if they went about to keep their ground, they could nei∣ther help themselves by their manhood, nor standing thick together avoid the darts that such a multitude cast upon them. A••d yet not∣withstanding these inconveniences, besides the wounds which they had received, they stood still at their defence; and having so spent the greatest part of the day (for they had fought eight houres together) they committed nothing dishonourable, or unworthie of themselves.

THE OBSERVATION.

I Have spoken already of the manner of the Ro∣man fight, consisting altogether in good dispo∣sition of imbattelling, and in firm standing, and buckling at handy-blowes: as may appear by this circumstance, where Ambiorix forbiddeth his men to buckle with them, but to give back and follow on again, as the lightnesse of their Armes gave them opportunity. In like manner in the first book of the Civile wars, in the battel between Caesar and Afranius, it appeareth that Caesar his souldiers were bound to keep their ar∣ray, not to leave their Ensignes, nor without a weighty occasion to forsake their stations ap∣pointed them: whereas the Afranians fought thin and scattered here and there; and if they were hard laid unto, they thought it no disho∣nour to retire and give back, as they had learned of the Portugals and other Barbarous Na∣tions.

CHAP. XV.

The Romans are overthrown.

THen T. Baluentius, who the year be∣fore had been primipile of that legi∣on,* 1.20 a valiant man and of great au∣thority, had both his thighs darted through with a javelin; and Q. Lucanius, of the same order, valiantly fighting to succour his son, was sla••n; and L. Cotta the Legate, as he busily incouraged all the cohorts and centuries, was wounded in the mouth with a sling. Titurius moved with these things, as he beheld Ambiorix afar off incouraging his men, sent C••. Pompeius unto him, to intreat him that he would spare h••m and his souldiers. Ambio∣rix answered, that ••f he were desirous to treat, he might: for he hoped to obtain so much of the people, to save the souldiers; but for himself, he should haue no harm at all: for the assurance whereof he gave him his faith. Titurius impar∣ted the matter to Cotta, and that if he liked that they two should goout of the battell, and have conference with Ambiorix, he doubted not but to obtain of him the safety of themselves and

their souldiers. Cotta absolutely denied to go to an armed enemy, and continued resolute in that opinion. Titurius commanded such Tribunes and Centurions as were present to follow him; and when he came near to Ambiorix, being commanded to cast away his arms, he obeyed, and willed those that were with him to do the same. In the mean time while they treated of the conditions, and Ambiorix began a so∣lemn protestation of purpose, Titurius was by little and little incompassed about and slain, Then, according to their custome, they cried victory; and taking up a houling, charged the Romans with a fresh assault, and routed their troups. There L. Cotta fighting valiantly was slain, & the most part of the souldiers with him. The remnant retired into their camp; amongst whom L. Petrosidius the Eagle-bea∣rer, when he saw himself overcharged with enemies, threw the Eagle within the ram∣pier, and fighting with a great courage before the Camp was slain. The rest with much ado indured the assault untill night: and in the night, being in despair of all succour, slew themselves every man. A few that escaped from the battell came by unknown wayes through the woods to Labienus, and certified him how all things had fallen out.

OBSERVATION.

ANd thus have we heard of the greatest losse that ever fell at any one time upon Caesar his Army, from the time that he was first Procon∣ful in Gallia, unto the end of his Dictatorship. For in the two overthrows at Dyrrach••um he lost not above 1000 men, and in that at Ger∣govia not so many: but here fifteen cohorts were cut in pieces, which amounted to the num∣ber of 7000 men or therea••out. Which ma∣keth cowardise and ill direction the more hate∣full, in regard that the great victory which his valour obtained in Pharsalia cost him but the lives of two hundred men.

The resolution of such as returned to the Camp witnesseth the exceeding valour of the Ro∣man souldier, if a valiant Leader had had the managing thereof; or if Cotta alone had been absolute Commander, there had been great hope of better fortune in the successe. But here it hap∣pened as it commonly doth, that where there are many that are equall sharers in the chief autho∣rity, the direction for the m••st part followeth him that is more viole••t in opinion then the rest: which being a property rather of passion then of judicious discourse, forceth a consent against the temperate opposition of a true discerning understanding. And so consequently it falleth out, that one coward having place and autho∣rity in the Councell, doth either infect or anni∣••ilate the sound deliberations of the rest of the Leaders: for his timorousnesse flieth alwayes to extremities, making him rash in consultation, peremptory in opinion, and base in case of pe∣rill; all which are enemies to good direction, and the onely instruments of mischieving for∣tune.

CHAP. XVI.

Ambiorix hasteth to besiege Cicero, and stirreth up the Aduatici, the Nervii, and so raiseth a great power.

AMbiorix took such spirits unto him upon this victory,* 1.21 that with his horsemen he went immediately un∣to the Aduatici, being the next borderers upon his kingdom, with∣out intermission of night or day, commanding his footmen to follow him. The Aduatici upon his opening the matter being stirred up to com∣motion, the next day after he came to the Ner∣vii, exhorting them not to let slip this occasion of recovering to themselves perpetuall liberty, and revenging them of the Romans for the wrongs they had received. He told them that two Legates were already slain, and a great part of the Army overthrown: it was now no great matter suddenly to surprise the legion that wintered with Cicero; to the performance whereof the offered himself to be their assistant. These remonstrances easily perswaded the Nervii; and therefore they dispatched speedy messengers to the Centrones, Grudii, Leuaci, Pleumosii and Gorduni, who were all under their dominion, and raised very great forces; and ••ith them they hasted to the camp where Cicero wintered, before any inkling of the death of Titurius was brought unto him.

OBSERVATION.

THe ambitious and working spirit of Ambio∣rix, that could attempt to raise the basenesse of a small and ignoble State to so high a point of resolution, that they durst adventure upon the Roman legions, being setled in the strength of their Empire by the memory of so many victo∣ries in Gallia, wanted now no means to make an overture to a universall commotion, propoun∣ding liberty and revenge to the Galles (two the sweetest conditions that can happen to a subdu∣ed people) if they would but stretch out their hands to take it, and follow that course which his example had proved sure and easie. Which may serve to shew, that he that will attempt upon doubtfull and unsafe Principles, will take great advantage from a probable entrance, and make a small beginning a sufficient means for his greatest designs.

CHAP. XVII.

Cicero defendeth his Camp from the surprise of the Nervii, and prepareth himself against a Siege.

IT happened to Cicero also (as it could not otherwise chuse) that many of the souldiers that were gone into the woods for timber and munition,* 1.22 were cut off by the sud∣den approach of the Enemies horsemen. These be••ng c••rcumvented, the Eburones, Nervii, and Aduatici, with all their confederates and cli∣e••••s began to assault the Camp. The Romans betook them speedily to their weapons, and got upon the ramp••er. With much adoe they held out that day: for the Galles trusted much up∣on celerity; hoping if they sped well in that action, to be victors ever after.

Cicero dispatched letters with all speed to Caesar, promising great rewards to him that ••••ould carry them: but all the wayes were so fore-laied that the Messengers were taken. In one night there was built in t••e camp one hun∣dred and twenty towers, of such timber as was brought in for fortification; and whatsoever wanted of the rest of the work was perfected.

The enemy the next day with a far greater power assaulted the Camp, and filled up the d••tch. ••he Romans made the like defence as they had done the day before; the like was con∣tinued divers dayes after. The Romans made no intermission of their work at any part of the night, nor gave any rest either to the sick or the wound••d. Whatsoever was needfull for the next dayes assault, was provided in readiness the night before: a great number of stakes hardened in the fire were prepared, and many murall piles were made; the towers were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in their stories; Pinacles and Para∣p••ts ••ere set up of hurdles; and Cicero himself being sickly and of a weak constitution, took not so much leasure as to rest himself in the night time: so that the souldiers of their own accord compelled him by intreaty to spare him∣s••••f.

OBSERVATION.

THis Q. Cicero is said to be the brother of Marcus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the famous Oratour, and to him were the letters sent which are found in his ••pistles directed Quinto fratri. In this action 〈◊〉〈◊〉 carriage deserved as great reputation in the true censure of honour, as ever his brother did for his el••quence pro Rostris. And if it had been the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fortune to h••ve performed the like ser∣vice. 〈…〉〈…〉 ••ave made it the greatest exploit that ever•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 had atchieved by arms. Where∣in partic••••••••ly may be commended the diligence and industry which was used, in raising so many 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in so small a time; for providing the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before such things as were necessary for the next dayes defence; for making so many stakes h••rdened in the end with fire for the de∣fence of the rampier; and for the store of these murall p••les, which resembled the form of the or∣dinary pile, but were far greater and weightier, in regard they were to be cast from the rampier; which gave them such advantage by reason of the height, that being cast by a strong and well practised arm, they were very effectuall and of great terrour.

CHAP. XVIII.

The Nervii propound the same things to Cicero which Ambiorix had done to Sabinus; but are re∣ject

THen the Princes and chief Com∣manders of the Nervii,* 1.23 which had any entrance of speech and cause of acquaintance with Cicero, sig∣nified their desire to speak with him. Which being granted, they propounded the same things which Ambiorix had used to deceive Sabinus; all Gallia were in Arms; the Germans were come over the Rhene; Caesar and the rest were besieged in their wintering-camps; Sabinus and his men were cut in pieces; and for the more credit to it they shew him Ambiorix. They said, they were much decei∣ved if they expected any help from those who were at present scarce able to help themselves. Notwithstanding they carried this mind to Cicero and the people of Rome, that they refu∣sed nothing but their wintering among them, which they would not suffer to be made a com∣mon practise. They might depart in safety whither they would, without disturbance or fear of danger. Cicero onely made this answer; That it was not the custome of the people of Rome to take any article or condition from an armed Enemy; but if they would lay their Arms aside, let them use his furtherance in the matter, and send some to negotiate it with Caesar: there was great hope, in regard of his justice and equity, that they should not return unsatisfied.

OBSERVATION.

THe first attempt which Ambiorix made upon the Camp of Sab••nus and Cotta was but short; but here, what with the pride of the former victory, and the great multitude of the assailants, they continued it longer, in hope to carry it by assault. For the first assault of a place, especially when it cometh by way of surprise, is of greater hope to the assailant, and of greater dan∣ger to the defendant, then such as afterward are made in the sequele of the war: for after the first brunt the heat of the enemy is much abated, as well through the nature of a hot desire, which

is most violent in the beginning, and afterward groweth cold and remisse, as also with the harms and peril which they meet with in the incounter; and on the contrary side, the de∣fendants having withstood the first fury, where∣in there is most terrour and distrust, grow more confident and better assured of their manhood, and in experience of their strength stand firm against any charge whatsoever.

CHAP. XIX.

The Nervii besiege Cicero with a ditch and a ram∣pier, and work means to set fire on their Tents.

THe Nervii disappointed of this hope,* 1.24 carried a ditch and a rampier round about the camp: the ram∣pier was eleven foot high, and the ditch fifteen foot deep: which they had learned of the Romans, partly by being conversant among them certain years before, and partly by the prisoners and captives which they had taken. But they had no iron tools fit for that purpose, but were driven to cut up turf with their swords, and gather earth with their hands, and carry it away with their Mantles and Gaberd••nes. Whereby may be gathered what a multitude of men there were at the siege; for in lesse then three hours they finished the fortification of fifteen miles in cir∣cuit. The dayes following the enemies built towers to the height of the rampier, prepared great hooks and strong penthouses, or safegards of boards and timber, according as the cap∣tives had given them instruction. The seventh day of the siege being a very windy day, they cast hot bullets of clay out of slings, & burning darts upon the cabines of the Romans, which after the manner of the Galles were that••hed with straw. These cabines were quickly set on fire, which by the violence of the wind was carried over all the camp. The enemy pressing for∣ward with a great clamour, as though the victo∣ry were already gotten, began to bring their Turrets and Testudines to the rampier, and to scale it with ladders. But such was the valour of the Roman souldiers, that albeit they were scorched on all sides with fire, and over-char∣ged with multitude of weapons, and saw all their wealth burned before their face; yet no man forsook the rampier, or scarce looked back at that which had happened, but they all fought valiantly, and with an 〈◊〉〈◊〉 courage. ••his was the sorest day the Romans had, and yet it had this issue, that a very great number of the enemies were slain and wounded; for they ha•• so thronged themselves under the rampier, that the hindmost hindred the foremost from retiring back. The flame at length abating, and the enemies having brought on one of their towers to the very works, the Centurions of the third cohort drew back themselves and their men from the place where they stood, and with signs and voices called to the enemies to enter if they thought good: but none of them durst approach. Then did they by casting stones from all parts beat them from the works, and set their tower on fire.

OBSERVATION.

THis one example may serve to shew the ex∣cellency of the Roman discipline, and the wisedome of the first founders of that Art. For they perceiving that the fortune of wars consi∣sted chiefly in the mastering of particular occur∣rences, trained their souldiers in that forme of discipline as might struggle with inconvenien∣ces, and strong oppositions of contradicting ac∣cidents; and so overwage all difficulties and hinderances with a constant perseveration and a courage invincible. For the great attempting spirit of an ambitious Commander, that seeketh to overtop the trophies of honour with the memory of his exploits, will quickly perish by his own di∣rection, if the instruments of execution be weaker then the means w^ch lead him to his designments. For where the weight is greater then the strength, the engine will sooner break then lift it up. Let a discreet Leader therefore so levell his thoughts, that his resolution may not exceed the ability of his particular means: but first let him be well as∣sured what his souldiers can do, before he resolve what he will do: or otherwise let him so inable them by discipline and instructions, according to the example of the old Romans, that their worth may answer the height of his desires, and follow his aspiring mind with a resolution grounded upon knowledge and valour; and so making their ability the ground of his designs, he shall never faile of means to perform what he in∣tendeth. The want of this consideration hath within these late years repaied our Comman∣ders in many parts of Christendome with losse and dishonour, when as they have measured the humour of their poor needy and undisciplined souldier by the garb of their ambitious thoughts, and so laid such projects of difficulty, as were ve∣ry unsutable in the particularity of occurrences to that which their souldiers were fit to execute.

CHAP. XX.

The emulation between two Centurions, Pulfio and Varenus, with their fortunes in the incounter.

THere were in that legion two valiant men,* 1.25 Titus Pulfio and L. Varenus, Centurions, coming on apace to the dignity of the first orders. These ••wo w••re at continuall debate which of them should be preferred one before another,

and every year contended for place of prefer∣ment with much strife and emulation. Pul∣fio, at a time that the fortification was very sharply assaulted, called to Varenus, and asked him why he now stood doubtfull; or what other place he did look for to make triall of his manhood. This is the day, sa••th he, that shall decide our controversies. And when he had spoken these words, he went out of the fortification; and where he saw the Ene∣my thickest, he fiercely set upon them. Then could not Varenus hold himself within the rampier, but for his credite sake followed af∣ter in a reasonable distance. Pulfio cast his pile at the enemy, and struck one of the mul∣titude through that c••me running out against him. He being slain, the enemies cover him with their shields, and all cast their weapons at Pulfio, giving him no respite or time of re∣treat. Pulfio had his target struck through, and the dart stuck fast in his girdle. This chance turned aside his scabbard, and hinde∣red his right hand from pulling out his sword; in which disadvantage the enemy pressed hard upon him. Varenus came and rescued him. Immed••ately the whole multitude, thinking Pulfio to be sla••n with the dart, turned to Va∣renus: who speedi••y betook him to his sword, and ca••e to handy-stroaks; & having slain one, he put the rest somewhat back. But as he follow∣ed over-hastily upon them, he fell down. Him did Pulfio rescue being circumvented and in danger: & so both of them, having slain ma∣ny of the enemy, retired to their Camp in safety, to their great honour. Thus Fortune carried as well the contention, as the encounter of them both, that being Enemies, they neverthelesse gave help to save each others life, in such sort as it was not to be judged which of them de∣served greatest honour.

OBSERVATION.

CAesar inserteth▪ this accident of the two Centurions, as worthy to be related amongst the deeds of Armes contained in these Commen∣taries. Wherein we are first to observe the grounds of this quar••ell, which was their conti∣nuall strife for place of preferment, which they sought after, by shewing their valour in time of danger, and approving their worth by the great∣nesse of their desert: a contention worthy the Roman discipline, & may serve for a pattern of true honour full of courage, accomplished with vertue. For these Simultates which desire of ho∣nour had cast between them, brought forth emu∣lation, which is the spurr of vertue, far from en∣mitie or hatefull contention: for the difference between these two qualities is, that enmitie hunt∣eth after destruction, & only rejoyceth in that which bringeth to our adversary utter ruine, dis∣honour, or ill atchievement; but emulation contendeth only by well deserving to gain the advantage of another mans fame, that useth the same ••eans to attain to the like end; and is alwayes mixed with love, in regard of the affinity of their affections, and the sympathy of their desires, not seeking the overthrow of their Competitour, but succouring him in time of danger, and defending him from foul and unfortunate calamity, that he may still con∣tinue to shew the greatnesse of his worth, by the opposition of inferiour actions, which are as a lesser scantling of desert to measure the estimati∣on of the others honour.

A vertue rare and unknown in these dayes, and would hardly find subjects to be resident in, if she should offer her help in the course of our affairs, or sue to be entertained by the crooked dispositions of our times: For we can no sooner conceive the thoughts that breed emu∣lation, but it turneth presently to hatred, which is followed to the uttermost of our malice, and resteth better satisfied with the miserable end of our opposed partner, then with thousand of Trophies deservedly erected to our honour. Which maketh me wonder, when I look into the difference of these and those ages, whether it were the discipline of that time which brought forth such honest effects of vertue, to their glory and our ignominy, having learned better rules then were known unto them; or whether the world weakened with age, want strength in these times to bring forth her creatures in that perfection as it did in those dayes; or what other cause hath made our worst affections so violent, and our better faculties so remisse and negligent, that vertue hath no part in us but words of praise, our whole practice being consecrated to actions of reproach. The injuries, murthers, scandalous carriages of one towards another, which in these dayes are so readily offered and so impa∣tiently digested, will admit no satisfaction but private combate; which in the first Monarchies was granted only against strangers & forreign enemies, as the only objects of Arms and wrath, and capable of that justice which the private sword should execute: for they well perceived that these single battels were as sparkles of ci∣vile discord, and intestine wars; although not so apparent in the generall view of their State, yet as odious in particular, and as disho∣nourable to good government. And if there were a true record of such as have been either slain or wounded within these fourty years, ei∣ther in this kingdome, or in France, or in Ger∣many, by this licentious and brutish custom••, I make no question but they would amount to a number capable of that fearfull stile which is at∣tributed to Civile wars.

Neither is there any law, how rigorous or hard soever, that can give reliefe to this

disorder, but the restraint will draw on as great enormities, and as intolerable in a good govern∣men••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 King of the Lumbards for••ade his subj••••ts this manner of combate: but short∣ly afte•• he was constrained to recall the Edict for the avoiding of greater evils; although he protested the thing to be both inhumane and barbarous. The like Edict was published in France by Philip the Fair; but was within two years revoked again at the instant request of his Su••jects, in regard of the murthers and assasi∣nats committed in that kingdome.

The onely remedy that I find to take effect in this case, was that of late time which the Prince of Melphe in Pi••mo••t invented to pre∣vent this evill: for perceiving how ordinary quarrels and bloud-shed were in his camp, he assigned a place between two bridges for the per∣formance of the Du••ilum, with this charge, that he that had the w••••st should alwaies be slain, & cast from the bridge into the water. The danger joyned with dishonour (which by this Decree attended such as undertook private combate) made the souldiers wiser in their carriage, and put an end to their sedition and civile discords. But that which is yet worst of all is, that custome hath now made it so fa∣miliar, that every 〈◊〉〈◊〉 seemeth sufficient to call the matter to a private combate: a crosse look calleth another mans honour in question; but the word Lye is of as great consequence as any stab or villany whatsoever. Whereat we may well wonder, how it happeneth that we feel our selves so much exasperated at the re∣proach of that vice which we so ordinarily com∣mit: for in the custome of these times, to cast upon us the Lye is the greatest in jury that words can do unto us; and yet there is nothing more frequent in our mouth. It may be a property in our nature, to stand chiefly in the defence of that corruption unto which we are most subject.

I speak not this to qualifie the foulnesse of this vice; for I hold a Lyer to be a monster in nature, one that contemneth GOD, and fea∣reth man, as an ancient Father saith: but to shew the crookednesse of our disposition, in disdaining to acknowledge that fault which we so commonly commit. But I would fain learn when honour first came to be measureD with words: for from the beginning it was not so. Caesar was often called to his face thief and drunkard, without any further matter: and the liberty of invectives which great personages u∣sed one against another, as it began, so it ended with words. And so I think our Lie might too; for I take him that returneth the Lie, and so let∣teth it rest untill further proof, to have as great advantage in the reputation of honour as the former that first gave the disgrace.

CHAP. XXI.

Ci••••ro findeth means to advertise Caesar of this Accident; who hasting, raiseth the siege, and putteth the Enemy to a great ••laughter.

AS the siege grew daily hoter a••d sharper,* 1.26 and specially for that a great part of the souldiers were laid up with wounds, and the matter brought into a few mens hands that were able to make any defence; so they sent out Letters and Messengers the more often to Caesar: of whom some were taken, and in the sight of our souldiers tortured to death. There was one within the place besieged of the Nation of the Nervii, called Vertico, of honest parentage, who in the beginning of the siege had fled to Cicero, and carried himself faithfully in that service. This man did Ci∣cero chuse, perswading him with hope of liber∣ty, and other great rewards, to carry Letters to Caesar: which he took, and having t••ed them up in his Dart, travelled as a Gall amongst the Galles, without any suspicion, and so came to Caesar. Of whom he understood how dangerously Cicero and the legion was beset.

Caesar having received those Letters a∣bout the eleventh hour of the day, d••spatch∣ed presently a Messenger to M. C••assus the Treasurer in the country of the Bellovaci, twenty five miles off, commanding the legi∣on to set out at midnight, and speedily to come unto him. Crassus set out and came along with the Messenger. He sent another Post to C••ius Fabius the Legate, to bring that le∣gion to the confines of the Atrebates, through which he was to passe. And wrote in like man∣ner to Labienus, that if it stood with the conveniency of the State, he should bring his legion to the territories of the Nervii: for the rest of the Army that were further off he thought good not to expect. He drew four hun∣dred horse or thereabouts from the nearest wintering-Camps. And being advertised a∣bout the third hour (by the fore-runners) of Crassus coming, he marched that that day twenty miles.

He made Crassus Governour of Samarobri∣na,* 1.27 & gave him one legion for the defence there∣of; in regard that the baggage of the whole Army, the hostages of the Provinces, the publick transactions and Letters, together with all the Corn which he had got for the provision of the Winter, was left in that place. Fabius, accor∣ding to his directions, without any delay met him with his legion.

Labienus understanding of the death of Sabinus, and the slaughter of the Cohorts, & knowing also that the whole forces of the Treviri were marching toward him, doubt∣ed

that if his setting forward out of his win∣ter station should seem as a stealing away, he should not be able to undergo the charge of the enemy, whom a late victory had made in∣solent: and therefore informed Caesar by his Letters, what danger it would be to draw the le∣gion from their wintering-camp; relating what had hapned amongst the Eburones, & how that all the forces of the Treviri, both horse and foot, lay but three miles distant from his Camp.

Caesar allowing of these reasons, howsoever his hope of three legions was fallen unto two, yet his whole trust was in celerity, as the onely means of all their safeties: and so by great journeys came into the consines of the Ner∣vii; where he understood by the Captives how matters passed with Cicero, and what danger he was in. At what time he perswaded a cer∣tain horseman of the Galles, by great rewards offered unto him, to carry a Letter unto Cicero; which he sent writ in Greek Characters, least his purposes should be discovered, if the Let∣ter had been intercepted: advising, that if he could not come to his presence, he should tye it to the string of a Dart, and so cast it into the fortifications. He advertised them by his Let∣ter that he was on the way with the legions, and would be there instantly to raise the siege, exhor∣ting him to persevere in his wonted gallantry. The Gall fearing some danger, followed the directions, and cast it into the works by a Dart; which fell by chance upon a turret, and there stuck two dayes before it was perceived: the third day a souldier finding it, took it down and brought it to Cicero; who read it publickly in the assembly of the souldiers, and put them all into exceeding great joy. And at the same time the smoak of their fires began a far off to be disco∣vered; which put them out of all doubt of the approach of the legions.

The Galles being advertised thereof by their Discoverers, left the siege, and made towards Caesar with all their power; which consisted of 60000 men or thereabouts▪ Cicero finding himself at liberty, sought out the same Vertico before mentioned, to carry Letters to Caesar; advising him to be wary and diligent in his passage: signifying by those Letters that the e∣nemy had left the siege, & turned all his forces towards him. Which Letters being brought unto Caesar about midnight, he certified his party of the contents thereof, and prepared them by in∣couragement to fight. The next day as soon as it began to be light he removed his Camp; & ha∣ving marched about four miles, he discovered the multitude of the enemy beyond a great Val∣ley and a River. It was a matter of exceeding danger to give battell to so great a number in a place of disadvantage: and forasmuch as he knew that Cicero was freed of the siege, he thought he might the better forbeare to make such haste; and thereupon sate down, and in as indifferent a place as he could chuse fortifi∣ed his Camp. Which being of it self very lit∣tle, as not having scarce seven thousand men, and those without any carriages; yet he lessen∣ed it as much as he could by narrowing the u∣suall streets ther of, to the end he might the better defend it, if happily the enemy might be drawn to ingage himself seriously in any at∣tempt upon the same. In the mean time having sent out Discoverers into all parts, he informed himself which way he might most conveniently passe over the valley.

The same day, after small incounters of the Cavalry at the water, either party contained themselves within their fortifications: the Galles, as expecting greater forces, which were not yet come; and Caesar, that by a coun∣terfeit fear he might draw the Enemy to the place where he was lodged on this side the val∣ley, and so strike the battell before his Camp; and if he could not bring it so about, then upon discovery of the wayes, to passe the valley and the river with lesse danger. As it began to be day-light the Cavalry of the enemy came near unto the Camp, and began to skirmish with our horsemen. Caesar of set purpose comman∣ded the horsemen to fall back, and to betake themselves into the Camp: and withall to for∣tifie their camp on all sides with a higher ram∣pier, to stop up the Gates; and in doing of these things to carry themselves tumultuously, and with a feigned show of great fear. With which inducements the enemy was so drawn on, that he brought over all his forces, and imbattelled them in an unequall and disadvantageous place. Our men being drawn from the ra••∣pier (to make the matter more apparent) they were imboldened to come nearer, and to cast weapons from all parts into our works: sending Heralds round about with Proclamation, That if any Gall or Roman would come over unto them before the third hour, he should be taken into their safe protection; but after that time there was no hope of any such reception. And they did so contemn our party, that whereas the Ports were shut up for a shew with a single row of turfs, to the end they might appear to be made up in such manner that they could not be broken open; some of them began to break down the rampier with their hands, and others to fill up the ditches.

Which Caesar perceiving, sallied out at all the Ports at once; and sending out the Caval∣ry, put the enemy so suddainly to flight, that not one of them resisted by way of fighting: in∣somuch as he slew a great number of them, and put them all besides their Arms. But because he feared to follow them far, in regard of the woods and bogs that lay in their passage, (being unwilling to hazard himself upon the least oc∣casion

of danger) he returned with all his for∣ces in safety, and the self-same day came to Cicero. Where he admired the towers, the mant∣lets and works which were begun and prepa∣red by the enemy: and drawing out the legi∣on, he found that the tenth man had not escaped without wounds. By all which circumstances he understood, with what danger and va••lour the businesse had been caried. He commen∣ded Cicero and the legion according to their merit; calleth out by name such Centurions and Tribunes of the souldiers, as by testimony of Cicero were found to have deserved extra∣ordinarily in that service; informed himself by the captives of the certainty of Sabinus & Cot∣ta's misfortune. The next day he spake publick∣ly to the souldiers, opened the particulars of that matter, and then seasoned them with comfort and incouragement; shewing that the losse which happened through the fault and temerity of a Legate, was to be born with better patience: and the rather forasmuch as by the assistance of the immortall Gods, and by their own vertue, the losse was redeemed in such a fashion, as nei∣ther the enemy did long joy it, nor themselves were long afflicted with grief for the same.

OBSERVATION.

THe passages in this Chapter are of great va∣riety, and do give occasion of much discourse. But that which is most remarkeable is, that to exceed in forces and troups of men, may be a means to bring a party to an overthrow: for an extraordinary power doth alwayes beget an o∣pinion sorting to their own desires, and can hardly think of any other end then that which s••••••th with security and victorious successe; which being crossed in any materiall circum∣stance, and put besides the course of their intend∣ments, whereby they faile of what they expected, doth consequently draw all the other way, and changeth hope into mishap: as it fared here with the Galles upon Caesars suddain sallying out of the Camp.

CHAP. XXII.

The commotions of the States of Gallia▪ Inducio∣marus attempting great matters, is slain, and the Countrey quieted.

IN the mean time the report of Cae∣sars victory was carried to Labie∣nus with incredible speed,* 1.28 through the countrey of those of Rheims: in∣somuch as being fifty miles di∣stant from that place where Cicero wintered, and that the overthrow was given about three of the clock in the afternoon, there was a shout at the Camp-gate before midnight; whereby the men of Rheims congratulated Labienus for that victory. The fame whereof being car∣ried to the Treviri, Induciomarus, that purpo∣sed the next day to besiege Labienus, fled in the night time, and carried all his forces back to the Treviri. Caesar remanded Fabius with his legion into their winter stations: He himself with three legions determined to winter about Samarobrina. And forasmuch as there were such commotions throughout all Gallia, himself resolved to abide with the Army all the win∣ter. For upon the newes of the overthrow of Sa∣binus, almost all the States of Gallia did en∣ter into a consultation of war; sent Messen∣gers and Ambassadours into all parts, to make overtures for future resolutions, and to un∣derstand in what place the war might best be set on foot; holding their conventicles by night in secret and desert places: in such manner as there passed not a day during all that winter which brought not some new care or trouble to Caesar, whilst he was daily advertised of new meetings and conspiracies amongst the Galles.

Amongst others he had intelligence from L, Roscius the Leg ate, whom he had set over the thirteenth legion, that great forces of those States and Cities of the Galles that are called Armoricae were assembled together to fight a∣gainst him,* 1.29 and were come within eight miles of his camp: but understanding of Caesars victory, they fell back in such a fashion as though they meant to flye away. But Caesar having called unto him the Princes and chief men of every State, terrifying some, as seeming to under∣stand their complotments, and perswading o∣thers, kept a great part of Gallia in obedience. Howbeit the Senones (a strong people, and of great authority amongst the Galles) went a∣bout by a publick decree to kill Cavarinus, whom Caesar had set to be king over them; (whose brother Moritasgus at Caesars coming into Gal∣lia, and whose ancestours formerly were posses∣sed of that kingdom) which he perceiving fled away, and was prosecuted to the very borders, and so driven as well out of his private house as of his kingdome. And having sent Embas∣sadours to Caesar to satisfie him herein; where∣as he commanded the whole Senate to come un∣to him, they refused to obey his warrant. So much it prevailed amongst barbarous people, that there were some found that durst avouch the undertaking of a war. Which made such an alteration in the minds of all men, that be∣sides the Hed••i and the State of Rheims, whom Caesar had in great favour and respect, (the one for their ancient and perpetuall fidelity to the people of Rome, and the other for their late ser∣vices in the war of Gallia) there was almost no State free from suspicion. Insomuch as I know not well whether it may not be wondred at or no, as well for many other reasons, as spe∣cially

for that they greatly grieved, that they who excelled all other nations in deeds of arms, had now lost their reputation so far, as they were forced to bear the yoke of the people of Rome.

The Treviri and Induciomarus lost no time of all that winter, but sent Commissioners be∣yond the Rhene, solliciting the cities, and pro∣mising moneys, with confident aslurance that the greatest part of our Armie was already cut off, and that which was left was but a small remainder of the same: and yet for all that no people of the Germans could be perswaded to passe the Rhene. For having twice made triall to their cost, in the war of Ariovistus, and in the passage of the ** 1.30 Tenchtheri, they would tempt Fortune no further.

Induciomarus cast down from his hope, did notwithstanding train and gather forces, got horses from the bordering States, and with great rewards drew unto him banisht and con∣demned men from all parts of Gallia; and did thereby get such an opinion throughout all that Continent, that Embassadours came flocking unto him from all quarters, and sought his favour both in publ••ck and private. When he understood that men made to him of their own accord, and that on the one side the Senones and Carnutes were ••nstigated with a remem∣brance of their offences, and on the other side the Nervii and Aduatici made provision of war against the Romans, and that he should not want voluntary forces, if he did but once go out of his confines; he gave order to call a Councell of Arms: which according to the manner of the Galles, was alwayes the begin∣ning of a war, being such as constrained all the men that were of years, by the common law of the land, to assemble together in Arms: and he that came last, was in the sight of all the rest put to death with exquisite torture. In that Councel he took order to proclaim Cingeto∣rix the chief of the other faction, and his son in law, (who, as we have before declared, had followed Caesar, and not left him in any of those services) a Traytor to the State, and that his goods should be confiscated.

That being done, he published in the Coun∣cell, that he was sent for by the Senones and the Carnutes, and many other States of Gal∣lia: whether he meant to go through the ter∣ritories of the inhabitants of Rhemes; and that he would harry and waste their country. But first his purpose was to take the camp of Labienus, and accordingly gave order what he would have done. Labienus being in a camp exceedingly fortified, as well by Nature as by Art, did not fear any danger that might hap∣pen to himself or the legion; but rather stu∣died not to let passe any occasion to carry the matter handsomely and to purpose. And there∣fore being advertised by Cingetorix and his al∣lies, what speech Induciomarus had delivered in the Councell, he sent Messengers to all the confining cities, and commanded horsemen to be sent unto him by a certain day.

In the mean time Induciomarus rid up and down almost every day with all his cavalry un∣der his camp; sometimes to view the site there∣of, otherwhile to parlee, or else to terrifie the souldier: and his horsemen for the most part would cast their weapons within the rampier. Labienus kept all his men within the fortifica∣tions, and did what he could to make the ene∣my b••lieve that he was sore afraid. And as Induciomarus came daily with greater con∣tempt to the camp, one night having taken in the cavalry of the bordering cities, which he had formerly sent for, he kept all his party (by good guarding) within his camp with such diligence, that their reception could not possibly be brui∣ted abroad, or carried to the Treviri. In the mean time Induciomarus, according to his wonted custome, approached near the camp, and there spent a great part of the day: the horsemen cast their weapons, and with words of high reproach called out our men to fight; without any word given in answer by them. And a little before the evening, as they disper∣sed themselves and departed, upon a suddain Labienus let out all the cavalry at two Ports, commanding them that after the Enemy was put to slight (which he saw would necessarily happen) that every one should make after In∣duciomarus; and that no man should so much as wound any other enemy, before they saw him slain; being very unwilling to give him time to escape, while the souldiers were ingaged with the rest: and propounded great rewards to them that slew him. He sent out also several co∣horts to assist the horse. Fortune made good that direction: for as all made after one, in∣duciomarus was surprised in the foord of a Ri∣ver, and slain, and his head was brought back into the camp. The horsemen returning, slew as many of the rest as they could take. This thing being known, all the forces of the Eburo∣nes and Nervii which were met together depar∣ted home; and after that time Caesar had Gal∣lia better setled in quietnesse.

OBSERVATION.

AS the misfortune which befell Sabinus and Cotta put all Gallia into troubles and com∣motions; so the head of Induciomarus redu∣ced all into peace. According as it is said of the Spaniard, that in some cases one man is worth a thousand.

And thus endeth the fifth Commentary.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Caesar.
• * 1.2

  Caesar.
• * 1.3

  Caesar.
• * 1.4

  Caesar.
• * 1.5

  Lib. ••.
• * 1.6

  Plin. lib. 10
• * 1.7

  Caesar.
• * 1.8

  Caesar.
• * 1.9

  Tacit. 12. Annal.
• * 1.10

  Caesar.
• * 1.11

  Either Cambray, Amien••, or S. Quintin.
• * 1.12

  Caesar.
• * 1.13

  Caesar.
• * 1.14

  Lib. 9.
• * 1.15

  Annal. ••.
• * 1.16

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.17

  C••••sar.
• * 1.18

  Lib. 20
• * 1.19

  Caesar.
• * 1.20

  Caesar.
• * 1.21

  Caesar.
• * 1.22

  Caesar.
• * 1.23

  Caesar.
• * 1.24

  Caesar.
• * 1.25

  Caesar.
• * 1.26

  Caesar.
• * 1.27

  Cambray.
• * 1.28

  Caesar.
• * 1.29

  Britany.
• * 1.30

  Franck∣fort.