The commentaries of C. Julius Cæsar of his warres in Gallia, and the civil warres betwixt him and Pompey / translated into English with many excellent and judicious observations thereupon ; as also The art of our modern training, or, Tactick practise, by Clement Edmonds Esquire, ... ; where unto is adjoyned the eighth commentary of the warres in Gallia, with some short observations upon it ; together with the life of Cæsar, and an account of his medalls ; revised, corrected, and enlarged.

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The commentaries of C. Julius Cæsar of his warres in Gallia, and the civil warres betwixt him and Pompey / translated into English with many excellent and judicious observations thereupon ; as also The art of our modern training, or, Tactick practise, by Clement Edmonds Esquire, ... ; where unto is adjoyned the eighth commentary of the warres in Gallia, with some short observations upon it ; together with the life of Cæsar, and an account of his medalls ; revised, corrected, and enlarged.
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Caesar, Julius.
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London :: Printed by R. Daniel and are to be sold by Henry Tvvyford ... Nathaniel Ekins ... Iohn Place ...,
1655.
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Subject terms
Caesar, Julius. -- De bello Gallico. -- English.
Pompey, -- the Great, 106-48 B.C.
Caesar, Julius. -- De bello civili. -- English.
Military art and science -- Early works to 1800.
Gaul -- History -- 58 B.C.-511 A.D.
Rome -- History -- Republic, 265-30 B.C.
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http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A31706.0001.001
Cite this Item
"The commentaries of C. Julius Cæsar of his warres in Gallia, and the civil warres betwixt him and Pompey / translated into English with many excellent and judicious observations thereupon ; as also The art of our modern training, or, Tactick practise, by Clement Edmonds Esquire, ... ; where unto is adjoyned the eighth commentary of the warres in Gallia, with some short observations upon it ; together with the life of Cæsar, and an account of his medalls ; revised, corrected, and enlarged." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A31706.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 7, 2025.

Pages

The third Commentary of the warres in GALLIA. (Book 3)

The Argument.

THis Commentarie beginneth with an Accident which hap∣pened in the latter end of the former Sommer, wherein the Belgae had so lean a harvest: and then it proceedeth to the war between Caesar and the Veneti; Crassus and the Aquitani; Titurius Sabi∣nus and the Curiosolitae; and Titus Labienus with the Treviri.

CHAP. I.

Sergius Galba being sent to clear the passage of the Alpes, is besieged by the Seduni and Veragri.

Caesar taking his journey into Italy,* 1.1 sent Sergius Galba with the twelfth legion and part of the horsemen unto the Nantuates, Veragri and Sedu∣ni, whose territories are extended from the river Rhone and the lake Lemanus, unto the tops of the highest Alpes, The end of this voyage was chief∣ly to clear the Alpes of thieves and robbers, that lived by the spoile of Passengers that travailed between Italy and Gallia. Galba having order, if he found it expedient, to winter in those parts, after some fortunate incounters, and the taking of some Castles and holds. Embassadours co∣ming to him from round about, and giving ho∣stages for their fidelity he concluded a peace, and resolved to place two cohorts of his legion a∣mongst the Nantuates, and himself to winter with the other cohorts in a town of the Veragri

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named Octodurus. This town being sited in a narrow valley, and incircled about with migh∣ty high hills, was divided by a river into two parts; whereof he gave one part to the Galles, and the other he chose for his wintering Camp, and fortified it about with a ditch and a ram∣pier. After he had spent many dayes of win∣tering, and given order that corn should be brought thither for provision; he had intelli∣gence upon a sudden, that the Galles in the night time had all left that part of the town that was allotted unto them; and that the hills which hung over the valley wherein the town stood, were possess'd with great multitudes of the Seduni and Veragri. The reasons of this sudden commotion were chiefly the paucity of the Roman forces, not making a compleat legion, forasmuch as two cohorts wintered amongst the Nantuates; be∣sides many particular souldiers that were wan∣ting some being gone to fetch in provisions, and o∣thers upon other necessary occasions. And besides their being thus contemptible in regard of them∣selves, the place afforded such advantage, that they were perswaded by reason of the steep de∣clivity of the hill, that the Romans would not indure the brunt of the first assault. Besides this, it grieved them exceedingly to have their chil∣dren taken from them under the title of hostages; and the Alpes, which nature had exempted from habitation, & placed as bounds between two large kingdomes, to be seised upon by the Roman legi∣ons, not for their passage so much, as for their per∣petuall possession, & to be united to their Province.

Ʋpon these advertisements Galba; not having as yet finished the fortification of his Camp, nor sufficiently made provision of corn and forrage for the winter season, in that he little feared any mo∣tion of war, being secured of their amity and obe∣dience, both by hostages and rendry, presently called a Councell of warre, to determine what course was best to be taken. In which Councell the minds of many were so amazed with the terrour of so unexpected a danger, when they beheld the hills pestered with armed souldiers, the passages taken and intercepted by the Enemy, and no hope left of any succour or relief, that they could think of no other way for their safety, then leaving be∣hind them their baggage and impediments, to sal∣lie out of their Camp, and so to save themselves by the same way they came thither. Notwith∣standing the greater part concluded to referre that resolution to the last push, and in the mean time to attend the fortune of the event, and de∣fend the Camp.

OBSERVATION.

VVHich advise although at this time it sor∣ted to small effect, yet it better suted the valour of the Romans, and savoured more of tempered magnanimity then that former ha∣zard, which argued the weaknesse of their minds, by their over-hasty and too forward resoluti∣on. For as it imported greater danger, and discovered a more desperate spirit, to break through the thickest troups of their enemies, and so by strong hand to save themselves by the help of some other fortune; so it mani∣fested a greater apprehension of terrour, and a stronger impression of fear, which can af∣ford nothing but desperate remedies: for desperate and inconsiderate rashnesse riseth sooner of fear, then of any other passion of the mind. But such as beheld the danger with a lesse troubled eye, and qualified the terrour of death with the life of their spirit, reserving extremity of help to extremity of perill, and in the mean time attended what chances of ad∣vantage might happen unto them upon any enterprise the enemy should attempt; they, I say, so gave greater scope to Fortune, and inlarged the bounds of changing accidents.

CHAP. II.

The enemy setteth upon the wintering Camp: Galba overthroweth them.

THe Councell being dismissed,* 1.2 they had scarce time to put in execution such things as were agreed upon for their defence, but the enemy, at a watch∣word given, assaulted the Camp on all sides with stones and darts, and other casting weapons. The Romans at first when their strength was fresh, valiantly resisted the brunt of the charge; nei∣ther did they spend in vain any weapon which they cast from the rampier; but what part so∣ever of their camp seemed to be in greatest dan∣ger, and want of help, thither they came with succour and relief. But herein they were over∣matched; for the enemy being spent and wea∣ried with fight, whensoever any of them gave place and forsook the battel, there were alwayes fresh combatants to supply it. But the Romans, by reason of their small number, had no such help: for their extremity in that point was such, that no man was permitted neither for wearinesse nor wounds to forsake his station, or abandon his charge. And having thus fought continually the space of six hours when both strength & weapons wanted, the enemy persisting with greater fury to fill the ditch, & break down the rampier, & their hopes relying upon the last expectation, P. S. Bacu.

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the Primipile of that legion, whom we said to be so sore wounded in the Nervian battel, and Caius Volusenus Tribune of the souldiers, a man of singular courage and wisdome, ran speedily to Galba and told him, that the onely wy of safety was to break out upon the enemy, and to try the last refuge in that extremity. Whereupon they called the Centurions, and by them admonised the souldiers to surcease a while from fighting, and onely to receive such weapons as were cast into the Camp; and so to rest themselves a little and recover their strength: and then at a watch∣word to sallie out of their Camp, and lay their safety upon their valour. Which the souldiers executed with such alacrity and courage of spi∣rit, that breaking out at all the gates of the Camp, they gave no leisure to the enemy to con∣sider what was done, nor to satisfie his judge∣ment touching so unexpected a noveltie. And thus Fortune being suddenly changed, the Ro∣mans encompassing those who came with full ex∣pectation of spoiling their camp, slew more then the third part of thirty thousand, and put the rest to flight, not suffering them to stay upon the hills near about them. Having thus over∣thrown the enemies whole strength, and taken their armes, they drew again into their quar∣ters.

OBSERVATION.

WHich strange alteration lively describeth the force of ovelty,* 1.3 and the effectuall power of unexpected adventures: for in the first course of their proceeding, wherein the Romans defended the Camp, and the Galles charged it by assault, the victory held constant with the Galles, and threatned death and mortality to the Ro∣mans. Neither had they any means to recover hope of better successe, but by trying another way; which so much the more amazed the Galles, in that they had vehemently apprehended an opinion of victory, by a set fight continuing the space of six houres, without any likelihood of contrariety or alteration. Which practise of fru∣strating a design intended by an indirect and contrary answer, served the Romans oftentimes to great advantage; as besides this present exam∣ple, in this commentary we shall afterward read, how Titurius Sabinus defeated the Unelli with the same stratagem, and overthrew them by eru∣ption and sallying out, when they expected no∣thing but a defensive resistance from the rampier. From whence a Commander may learn to avoid two contrary inconveniences, according as the quality of the warre shall offer occasion: first (if other things be answerable, which a judicious eye will easily discover) that a sally made out at divers ports of a hold, will much mitigate the heat of a charge, and controll the fury of an E∣nemy. And on the other side, he that besiegeth any place, what advantage soever he hath of the defendant, may much better assure himself of good fortune, if he appoint certain troups in rea∣dinesse to receive the charge of any eruption, that the rest that are busily imployed in the assault may provide to answer it without disorder or confusion. Which order if the Galles had taken, they had not in likelihood so often been de∣ceived.

CHAP. III.

Galba returneth into the Province: the Ʋnelli give occasion of a new warre.

AFter this battell,* 1.4 Galba unwilling to try fortune any further, and consi∣dering that he had met with busines∣ses which he never dreamed of when first he came thither to quarter, especially find∣ing himself in want both of corn and forrage, ha∣ving first burned the town, the next day he re∣turned towards the Province, and without let or resistance brought the legion safe into the Nan∣tuates, and from thence to the* 1.5 Allobroges, and there he wintered.

After these things were dispatched, Caesar supposing for many reasons that all Gallia was now in peace, and that there was no further fear of any new warre, the Belgae being overthrown, the Germans thrust out, and the Seduni amongst the Alps subdued and vanquished, in the begin∣ning of the winter was gone into Illyricum, ha∣ving a great desire to see those nations. But there grew a suddain tumult and dissension in Gallia upon this occasion: Pub. Crassus wintering with the seventh legion in Aniou near unto the Ocean, and finding scarcity of corn in those parts, he sent out the Prefects of the horsemen and Tribunes into the next cities to demand corn, and other provisions for his legion: of whom Titus Terra∣sidius was sent unto the* 1.6 Unelli, Marcus Trebius to the* 1.7 Curiosolitae, Q. Velanius and Titus Si∣lius to the* 1.8 Veneti. These Veneti were of greatest authority amongst all the maritime na∣tions in that coast, by reason of their great store of shipping, with which they did traffick in Bri∣tanie, and exceeded all their neighbour States in skill and experience of sea-faring matters; having command of as many ports as lay to those seas, and the most part of such as used those seas tributaries to their State. These Veneti first adventured to retain Silius and Velanius, ho∣ping thereby to recover their hostages which they

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had given to Crassus. The finitimate Cities in∣duced by their authority and example, (as in∣deed the resolutions of the Galles are sudden and hasty) for the same reason laid hold upon Tre∣bius and Terrasidius; and sending speedy am∣bassages one unto another, conjured by their prin∣ces and chiefest magistrates to do nothing but by common consent, and to attend all the same e∣vent of fortune; soliciting also other cities and States, rather to maintain that liberty which they had received of their Ancestours, then to indure the servile bondage of a stranger.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THe circumstance in this history which noteth the sudden breaking out of wars,* 1.9 when the course of things made promise of peace, sheweth first, what small assurance our reason hath of her discourse in calculating the nativity of After∣chances: which so seldome answer the judgement we give upon their beginnings, that when we speak of happinesse, we find nothing but misery; and contrariwise, it goeth often well with that part which our Art hath condemned to ill for∣tune. And therefore I do not marvel, if when almost all nations are at odds, and in our best conceits threaten destruction one to another, there happen a sudden motion of peace: or if peace be in speech, soothing the world with plea∣sing tranquillity, and through the uncertainty of our weak probabilities, promise much rest after many troubles; there follow greater wars in the end then the former time can truly speak of. Which being well understood, may humble the spirits of our haughty politicians, that think to comprehend the conclusions of future times under the premises of their weak projects, and predesti∣nate succeeding ages according to the course of the present motion: when an accident so little thought of shall break the main stream of our judgement, and falsify the Oracles which our understanding hath uttered. And it may learn them withall, how much it importeth a wise com∣mander to prevent an evill that may crosse his de∣signe, (how unlikely soever it be to happen) by handling it in such manner as though it were ne∣cessarily to confront the same. For then a thing is well done, when it hath in it self both the cau∣ses of his being, and the direct means to resist the repugnancy of a contrary nature: and so hap what will, it hath great possibility to continue the same.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THis practice of the Veneti may instruct a cir∣cumspect Prince in cases of this nature, to have a more watchfull eye over that Province or city which shall be found most potent and migh∣ty amongst the rest, then of any other inferiour State of the same nature and condition: for as example of it self is of great authority,* 1.10 making improbabilities seem full of reason, especially when the intention shall sympathize with our will; so when it shall happen to be strengthened with powerfull means, and graced with the Act of superiour personages, it must needs be very ef∣fectuall to stir up mens minds to approve that with a strong affection, which their own single judgement did no way allow of. And therefore equality bringeth this advantage to a Prince, which differency cannot afford, that albeit exam∣ple do set on foot any rebellious motion, yet no supereminency shall authorise the same.

CHAP. IIII.

Caesar having advertisement of these new troubles, hasteth into Gallia, and prepareth for the warre.

ALL the maritime States being by this means drawn into the same conspira∣cy,* 1.11 they sent an embassage unto Crassus in the name of them all, that if he would have his men again, he must deliver up the hostages which he had taken from them. Whereof Caesar being certified by Crassus, inas∣much as he was then a great way distant from his Army, he commanded Gallies and ships of warre to be built upon the river* 1.12 Loire, which runneth into the Ocean, and that Gallie-men, Mariners, and ship-masters should be mustered in the Province: which being speedily dispatch∣ed, as soon as the time of the year would permit him, he came into Gallia. The Veneti and the rest of the confederacy understanding of Caesars arrivall, and considering how hainous a fact they had committed, in detaining the Ambassadours and casting them into irons, whose name is held sacred and inviolable amongst all nations; pre∣pared accordingly to answer so eminent a danger, and especially such necessaries as pertained to shipping and sea-fights.

THE OBSERVATION.

FRom hence I may take occasion briefly to touch the reverent opinion which all nations,* 1.13 how barbarous soever, have generally conceived of the quality and condition of Embassadours: and what the grounds are of this universally re∣ceived custome, which in all ages and times hath held authenticall. And first we are to under∣stand that all mankind (as indued with the same nature and properties) are so linked together in the strict alliance of humane society, that albeit their turbulent and disagreeing passions (which in themselves are unnaturall, as proceeding from corruption and defect) drive them into extream

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discord and disunion of spirit, and break the bonds of civile conversation, which otherwise we do naturally affect; yet without a necessary entercourse and traffick of society, we are not a∣ble to keep on foot the very discord it self in terms of reason and orderly proceeding, but all parts will be blended with disordered confusion and go to wrack, for want of these mutuall offi∣ces performed by messengers: so streight are the bonds of Nature, and so powerfull are the laws which she enacteth. And therefore if it were for no other end which might sort to the benefit of either party, (as there are many good uses thereof) yet to hold up the quarrell and keep it from falling, making war according to the grounds of reason, the entercourse of messen∣gers is not to be interrupted, nor their persons to be touched with hatefull violence: but that which the common reason of nations hath mad a law, ought as religiously to be observed as an Oracle of our own belief. Secondly, forasmuch as the end of war is, or at the least should be, peace, which by treaty of mutuall messenges is principally to be confirmed, to the end that no people may seem so barbarous as to maintain a war which onely intendeth bloud, and proposeth as the chiefest object the death and mortality of mankind, no way respecting peace and civile go∣vernment; such as refuse the entercourse of mes∣sengers, as the means of amity and concord, are justly condemned in the judgement of all nations as unworthy of humane society. Last of all, it is an injury of great dishonour, and deserveth the reward of extream infamy, to revenge the master his quarrell upon a servant, and punish Embassa∣dours for the faults of their State: considering that their chiefest duty consisteth in the faithfull relation of such mandates as they have received; which may as well tend to the advancement and honour of that City to which they are sent, as to the dishonour and ruine of the same, whereof the messengers take no notice. And therefore whether we desire war or peace, the free liberty & holy order of Embassadours is reverently to be respected, and defended from brutish and unnaturall violence.

CHAP. V.

The proceedings of either party in the enterance of this warre.

THe Veneti conceived great hope of their enterprise,* 1.14 by reason of the strength of their situation: foras∣much as all the passages by land were broken and cut off with armes and creeks of the sea; and on the other side navigation and entrance by sea was so troublesome and dange∣rous, in that the Romans were altogether unac∣quainted with the channels and shelves of the coast, and there were so few ports. Neither did they think that the Roman Army could long continue there without corn, which was not to be had in those quarters. And if it happened that the course of things were carried contrary to this probable expectation, yet they themselves were strong in shipping, whereas the Romans had none at all: Neither had they knowledge of the flats and shallows, Ports and Islands of that coast where they were to fight. And to conclude, they should find the use of Navigation in that narrow sea to be far different from that which they were accustomed unto in the vast and open Ocean. In this resolution they fortified their townes,* 1.15 stored them with provision,* 1.16 and brought all their ship∣ping to Vannes,* 1.17 against whom Caesar (as it was reported) would begin to make war,* 1.18 taking the Osismi,* 1.19 Lexovii,* 1.20 Nannetes, Ambialites, Mo∣rini, Menapii, Diablintres, as consorts and par∣takers in this quarrell. Notwithstanding these difficulties, many motives stirred up Caesar to un∣dertake this war: as namely the violent detain∣ing of the Roman knights; their rebellion after they had yielded themselves by rendry, and given hostages of their loyalty; the conspiracy of so ma∣ny Cities, which being now neglected, might af∣terward incite other nations and States to the like insolency. And therefore understanding that al∣most all the Galles were inclining to novelty and alteration, and of their own nature were quick and ready to undertake a war; and further, con∣sidering that all men by nature desired liberty, and hated the servile condition of bondage, he prevented all further insurrections of the other States with the presence of the Roman forces in severall places at once; and sent Titus Labienus with the Cavalry unto the* 1.21 Treviri, that bor∣dered upon the Rhene: to him he gave in charge to visit the men of Rhemes and the rest of the Belgae, to keep them in obedience; and to hinder such forces as might peradventure be transported over the river by the Germans, to further this re∣bellious humour of the Galles. He commanded likewise Pub. Crassus with twelve legionary co∣horts and a great part of the horse to go into A∣quitane, least there might come any aid from those nations, & such considerable forces joyn toge∣ther. He sent also Q. Titurius Sabinus with three legions unto the Lexovii, Curiosolitae, and Unelli, to disappoint any practice which rebellioks minds might intend. And making D. Brutus chief Ad∣mirall of the navy, & of those French ships which he had got together from the Pictones, Santo∣nes, & other provinces which continued quiet & obedient, he gave him in charge to make towards Vannes with what speed he could: and he him∣self marched thitherward with the foot forces.

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THE OBSERVATION.

IN the first book I observed the authority which the Roman Leaders had to undertake a war, without further acquainting the Senate with the consequence thereof: in this place let us observe the care and circumspection which the Generals had, who did not undertake a troublesome and dangerous war upon a humour, or any other flender motion; but diligently weighing the cir∣cumstances thereof, and measuring the perill and hazard of the war, with the good and consequence of the effect, informed their judgements of the importance of that action, and so tried whether the benefit would answer their labour. And thus we find the reasons particularly delivered that moved Caesar first to undertake the Helvetian war; and then the causes which drew him on to the quarrell with Ariovistus; then followeth the necessity of that war with the Belgae; and now the motives which induced him to this with the maitime Cities of Bretagne; and so conse∣quently of his passage into Germany, or what o∣ther enterprise he attempted: which he layeth down as the grounds and occasions of those wars, and could not be avoyded but with the losse and dishonour of the Roman Empire.

Further, let us observe the means he used to prevent the inclination of the Galles, and to keep them in subjection and peaceable obedience, by sending his men into divers quarters of that Con∣tinent, and so setling the wavering disposition of the further skirts with the weight of his Army, and the presence of his legionary souldiers, which he sent ready to stifle all motions of rebellion in the beginning, that they might not break out to the prejudice and diminution of the Roman Em∣pire, and the good successe of his proceedings: besides the advantage which he gained in the o∣pinion of the Enemy; whom he so little feared concerning the upshot of that quarrell, that he had dispersed te greatest part of his Army upon other services, the rest being sufficient to end that war.

CHAP. VI.

The manner of their shipping, and their sea-sight.

THe situation of almost all these Cities was such,* 1.22 that being built in points & promontories, they could not at ful sea, which happened alwayes twice in 12 houres, be approached by foot-forces nor yet with shipping; for again in an ebbe the vessels were laid on the groun and so left as a prey to the enemy. And if the Romans went about to shut out the sea with mounts which they raised equall to the walls of the town, and were at the point of enter∣ing and taking it; yet the townsmen having such store of shipping, would easily convey both themselves and their carriages into the next towns, and there help themselves with the like advantage of place. And thus they deluded Cae∣sar the greatest part of the sommer: for the Ro∣man fleet by reason of continuall windes and foul weather, durst not adventure to put out of the river Loire into so vast a sea, wherein the ha∣vens and roads were few, and farre distant one from another, and the tides great. The shipping of the Galles was thus built and rigged: the keel was somewhat flatter then the Romans shipping, the better to bear the ebbes and shal∣lowes of that coast: the fore-deck was altogether erect and perpendicular; the poupe was made to bear the hugenesse of the billowes and the force of the tempest. And in a word they were alto∣gether built for strength: for the ribs and seats were made of beams of a foot square, fastned with iron pinnes of an inch thick: in stead of ca∣bles they used chaines of iron; and raw hides and skins for sailes, either for want of linen, or ignorant of the use thereof, or because sailes of linen would hardly serve to carry ships of that burthen, or endure the tempestuousnesse of those seas, and the violence of the winds.

The meeting and conflict of the Roman navy with this kind of ships was such, that they only excelled them in celerity and speedy nimblenesse with force of oars; but in all other things, either concerning the nature of the place, or the dan∣gers of the foul weather, were farre inferiour unto them: for the strength of them was such that they could neither hurt them with their beak-heads, nor cast a weapon to any purpose into them by reason of their altitude, and high-built bulkes. And if any gust chanced in the mean time to rise, that forced them to commit them∣selves to the mercy of the weather, their shipping would better bear the rage of the sea, and with greater safety shelter it self amongst flats and shallowes, without fear of rocks or any such ha∣zard: of all which chances the Roman navy stood continually in danger.

OBSERVATION.

ANd here let it not seem impertinent to the ar∣gument which we handle,* 1.23 considering the ge∣nerall use which we Islanders have of navigati∣on, briefly to set down the most eminent causes of the flowing and ebbing of the sea, as far forth as shall seem necessary to the knowledge of a souldier: which albeit they may fall short of the true reasons of this great secret: yet forasmuch as they stand for true principles of regularity, and

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well-approved rules in our Art of navigation, let us take them for no lesse then they effect, and give them that credit in our imagination, which tract of time hath gained to those forged circles in the heavens: that albeit their chiefest essence consisteth in conceit and supposall; yet foras∣much as they serve to direct our knowledge to a certainty in that variety and seeming inconstan∣cy of motion, we esteem of them as they effect, and not as they are.

Considering then the globe of the world, as it maketh a right sphear (for in that position the Naturalists chiefly understand celestiall influ∣ence to have operation in this liquid element of the water) it is divided by the Horizon and Me∣ridian into four quarters: the first quarter is that between the east horizon and the noon meridian, which they call a flowing quarter; the second from the noon meridian to the west horizon, which they make an ebbing quarter; the third from the west horizon to the midnight meridian, which they likewise call a flowing quarter; and again from the midnight meridian to the east ho∣rizon, the second ebbing quarter: And so they make two flowing quarters, and two ebbing quarters of the whole circuit of heaven. The in∣struments of these sensible qualities and contra∣ry effects are the sun and the moon, as they are carried through these distinct distinct parts of the heaven. And although experience hath noted the moon to be of greatest power in watry moti∣ons; yet we may not omit to acknowledge the force which the sun yieldeth in this miracle of na∣ture.

First therefore we are to understand, that when the moon or the sun begin to appear above the right horizon, and enter into that part of the heaven which I termed the first flowing quarter, that then the sea beginneth to swell: and as they mount up to their meridian altitude, so it increa∣seth untill it come to a high floud. And again, as those lights passing the meridian decline to the west, and run the circuit of the ebbing quarter, so the water decreaseth and returneth again from whence it came. Again, as they set under the west horizon, and enter into the second flowing quarter, so the sea beginneth a∣gain to flow, and still encreaseth untill they come to the point of the night meridian: and then a∣gain it refloweth, according as the sun and moon are carried in the other ebbing quar∣ter from the night meridian to the west horizon.

And hence it happeneth that in conjunction or new of the moon,* 1.24 when the sun and the moon are carried both together in the same flowing and ebbing quarters, that then the tides and ebbs are very great: and likewise in opposition or full of the moon, when these lights are carried in oppo∣site quarters, which we have described to be of the same nature, either ebbing or flowing, that then in like manner the tides are great: forasmuch as both these Planets, through the symbolizing quar∣ters wherein they are carried, do joyn their forces to make perfect this work of Nature in the ebbing and flowing of the Sea. And contrariwise in a quadrate aspect (as the Astronomers call it) or quarter age of the moon, whenas the moon is car∣ried in a flowing quarter, and at the same instant the sun doth happen to be in an ebbing or decrea∣sing quarter, as the course of Nature doth neces∣sarily require, then are the tides lessened, as daily experience doth witnesse.

And forasmuch as both the right horizon and the meridian also divide every diurnall circle, which either the sun or the moon make in their revolutions, into equall parts; it followeth that every tide is continually measured with the quan∣tity of six houres: and therefore that which Cae∣sar here saith must needs be true, that in the space of twelve houres there are alwayes two high tides. And least any man should imagine that every inland City standing upon an ebbing and flow∣ing river, may take the computation of the tide according to this rule; let him understand that this which I have delivered is to be conceived principally of the sea it self, and secondarily of such ports and havens as stand either near or up∣on the sea: but where a river shall run many miles from the sea, and make many winding Me∣anders before it come to the place of calculation, it must needs lose much of this time before men∣tioned. And thus much I thought convenient to insert in these discourses touching the ebbing and flowing of the sea, as not impertinent to martiall knowledge.

Concerning the shipping of the Romans,* 1.25 whereof posterity hath only received the bare names, and some few circumstances touching the manner of their Equipage, the Criticks of these times have laboured to set forth a fleet answerable to that which the terms and title mentioned in history seem to report: but yet the gain of their voyage doth not answer their charge. For ma∣ny men rest unsatisfied, first touching the names themselves, whereof we find these kindes;

Names
  • Longas.
  • Onerarias.
  • Actuarias.
  • Triremes.
  • Quadriremes.
  • Quinqueremes.

The first we may understand to be Gallies or ships of service; the second ships of burthen; the third ships that were driven forward with force of oares; and the rest sounding according to their Names, for I dare not intitle them with a more particular description. Now whether these Names Longas and Actuarias, were a severall sort of shipping by themselves, or the gene∣rall Names of the Quadriremes, Triremes and Quinqueremes, forasmuch as every kind of these might be called both Longas and Actuarias; as it yet remaineth in controversy, so it is not much materiall to that which we seek after. But that which most troubleth our sea-Criticks is, in what

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sense they may understand these vocabularies, Triremes, Quadriremes, and Quinqueremes: whether they were so termed in regard of the number of rowers or water-men that haled con∣tinually at an oare, as the custome of the Gallies is at this day; or otherwise, because a Trireme had three orders of oares on either side, a Qua∣drireme four, and a Quinquereme sive, whereof they took their distinction of Names.

Such as hold that a Trireme had on each side three ranks of oares, and so consequently of a Quadrireme and Quinquereme,* 1.26 alledge this place of Livie to make good their opinion. In the wars between Rome and Carthage, Laelius meeting with Asdrubal in the streights of Gi∣bralta, each of them had a Quinquereme and seven or eight Triremes a piece: the current in that place was so great that it gave no place to Art, but carried the vessels according to the fall of the Billow: in which uncertainty the Trire∣mes of the Carthaginian closed with the Quin∣quereme of Laelius; which either because she was pondere tenacior, as Livie saith, or otherwise for that pluribus remorum ordinibus scindenti∣bus vertices, facilius regeretur, in regard of the pluralitie of banks of oares which resisted the billow and steamed the current, she sunk two of the Triremes, and so got the victorie. From hence they prove that a Quinquereme had plures re∣morumordines then a Trireme had; and there∣fore it took the name from the plurality of banks of oares, and not from the number of men that rowed at an oare.

But the contrary opinion doth interpret Ordo remorum to be a couple of oares one answering another on each side of the vessell, which we call a pair of oares: So that a Quinquereme being far greater and longer then a Trireme, had more paires of oares then a Trireme had, and those oares were handled with five men at one oare, according to the use of our Gallies at this day.

But to leave this,* 1.27 and come to their manner of sea-sights: we must understand that the Romans wanting the use of Artillery, and managing their shaps of war with force of oares, failed not to make use of their Art in their conflicts and encounters by sea: for all their ships of service, which we term men of war, carried a strong beak-head of ••••on, which they called rostrum, with which they ran one against another, with as great violence and fury as their oares could carry them. And herein Art gave great advantage; for he that could best skill to turn his ship with greatest celerity, and so frustrate an offer, or with speedy and strong agitation follow an advantage, commonly got the victory.

In the battel which D. Brutus had with the Massilians,* 1.28 we read that two Triremes charging the Admirall wherein Brutus was, one at the one side and the other at the other, Brutus and his Mariners so cunningly handled the matter, that when they should come to the hurt, they speedily in a trice of time wound themselves from between them, and the two Triremes met with such a carriere one against another, that one brake her beak-head, and the other split with the blow.

For this skill and fortune withall Euphranor; the Rhodian was of great fame in Caesars time although his end found too true the saying of the Historian, that whom Fortune honoureth with many good haps, she oftentimes reserveth to a harder destiny; as other sea-men besides Eu∣phranor can truly witnesse.

This first brunt being ended, when they came to grapple and bording one of another, then the art and practices of their land services came in use: for they erected turrets upon their decks, and from them they sought with engines and cast∣ing-weapons, as slings, arrowes, and piles; and when they entered, they fought with sword and target. Neither did the le••••onary souldier find a∣ny difference when he came to the point between their fight at sea and that at land; saving that they could not be martialled in troups and bands, in regard whereof the sea-service was counted more base and dishonourable; and the rather, inasmuch as it decided the controversy by slings and casting-weapons, which kind of fight was of lesse honour then buckling at handy-blowes.

CHAP. VII.

The battel continueth: and Caesar overcometh.

THe Romans having taken one town after another,* 1.29 the enemies still con∣veyed themselves to the next; so that Caesar deeming it but lost la∣bour, whilst he could neither hinder their escape, nor do them any mischief, resolved to wait the coming of his navy. Which was no sooner arri∣ved, but the enemy descrying it, presently made out 220 saile of ships wel-appointed and furnish∣ed in all respects to oppose them. Neither did Brutus the Admiral, nor any Tribune or Cen∣turion in his navy know what to do, or what course of fight to take: for the shipping of the Galles was so strong, that the beak-head of their Quinqueremes could perform no service upon them; and although they should raise turrets according to their use, yet these would not equall in height the poup of the Enemies shipping; so that therein also the Galles had advantage. For as the Romans could not much annoy them with their weapons, in regard they lay so low un∣der them; so on the contrary their darts must needs fall with great advantage upon the Ro∣mans. Yet one thing there was amongst their provisions which stood them in great stead: for the Romans had provided great sharp hooks

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or sickles, which they put upon great and long poles; these they fastened to the tackling which held the main-yard to the mast; and then haling away their ship with force of Oares, they cut the said tackling, and the main-yard fell down. Whereby the Galles, whose only hope for their navy consisted in the sailes and tackling, lost at one instant both their sailes and the use of their shipping: And then the controversy fell within the compasse of valour, wherein the Romans ex∣ceeded the Galles; and the rather, inasmuch as they fought in the sight of Caesar and the whole Army, no valiant act could be smothered in secret; for all the hills and clifts which afford∣ed near prospect into the sea, were covered with the Roman Army.

Their main-yards being cut down, and the Romans (though every ship of theirs had two or three of the enemyes about it) indeavouring with great fury to boord them, failed not to take many of their ships: which the Galles perceiving, and finding no remedy nor hope of resistance, began all to fly, and turning their ships to a fore-wind, were upon a sudden so becalmed, that they were able to make no way at all. Which fell out very fitly for the Romans, who now fighting ship to ship easily took them, insomuch that of so great a navy very few (through the help of the even∣ing) escaped to land, after they had fought the space of eight houres: with which battel ended the warre with the Veneti, and the rest of the maritime nations. For all sort of people both young and old, in whom there was either cou∣rage, counsell, or dignity, were present at this battell, and all the shipping they could possibly make was here ingaged, taken and lost; so that such as remained knew not whither to go, nor how to defend their towns any longer; and there∣fore yielded themselves to Caesar: towards whom he used the greater severity, that he might thereby teach all other barbarous people not to violate the law of nations by injurying Em∣bassadours: for he slew all the Senate with the sword, and sold the people for bond-slaves.

THE OBSERVATION.

IN this battel I chiefly observe the good fortune which usually attendeth upon industry:* 1.30 for a∣mongst other provisions which the diligence of the Romans had furnished out to the use of this war, they had made ready these hookes, not for this intent wherein they were imployed, but at all occasions and chances that might happen, as ser∣viceable complements rather then principall in∣struments: and yet it so fell out, that they proved the only meanes to overthrow the Galles. Which proveth true the saying of Caesar, that industry commandeth fortune, and buyeth good successe with extraordinary labour: for industry in acti∣on is as importunity in speech, which forceth an assent beyond the strength of reason, and stri∣veth through continuall pursuit, to make good the motives by often inculcations; and at length findeth that disposition which will easily admit whatsoever is required. In like manner diligence and laboursome industry, by circumspect and heedfull carriage, seldome fail either by hap or cunning to make good that part whereon the main point of the matter dependeth. For every action is entangled with many infinite adhe∣rents, which are so interessed in the matter, that it succeedeth according as it is carried answera∣ble to their natures. Of these adherents, some of them are by wisdome foreseen, and directed to that course which may fortunate the action; the rest being unknown, continue without either di∣rection or prevention, and are all under the re∣giment of fortune; forasmuch as they are beyond the compasse of our wisest reach, and in the way either to assist or disadvantage. Of these industry hath greatest authority, inasmuch as she armeth her self for all chances, whereby she is said to command fortune.

Chap. VIII.

Sabinus overthroweth the* 1.31 Vnelli, with the manner thereof.

WHile these things happened in the state of Vannes,* 1.32 L. Titurius Sabi∣nus entreth with his forces into the confines of the Unelli. Over these Viridovix ruled, who was at present made com∣mander in chief of all the revolted cities, which furnished him with a great & potent army. Be∣sides this the* 1.33 Aulerci,* 1.34 Eburonices, and Lexovii having slain their Senate, because they would not countenance the warre, shut their gates, and joyned with Viridovix. Also there came great multitudes to them out of Gallia, men of broken fortunes, thieves and robbers, whom the hope of prey and spoil had made to preferre the warres before husbandry and day-labour. Sabinus in∣camping himself in a convenient place, kept his souldiers within the rampier. But Viridovix being lodged within lesse then two miles of Sabi∣nus his camp, brought out his forces daily, and putting them in battel gave him opportunity to fight if he would: which Sabinus refused in such sort, that he began not only to be suspected by the Enemy of cowardise, but to be taunted with the reprochfull speeches of his own souldiers. The opinion of his being fearfull thus setled in the

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minds of the enemy, he used all means to increase it, and carried it so well, that the Enemy durst approach the very rampier of the Camp. The co∣lour that he pretended was, that he thought it not the part of a Legate, in the absence of the Ge∣nerall, to sight with an Enemy of that strength, but upon some good opportunity, or in a place of advantage. In this generall perswasion of fear, Sabinus chose out a subtle-witted Gall, an aux∣iliarie in his army, whom he perswaded with great rewards and further promises to fly to the Enemy, and there to carry himself according to the instructions which he should give him. This Gall coming as a revolter to the Enemy, laid o∣pen unto them the fear of the Romans; the ex∣tremity that Caesar was driven into by the Ve∣neti; and that the night following Sabinus was about to withdraw his forces secretly out of his camp, and to make all the haste he could to re∣lieve Caesar. Ʋpon which advertisement, they all cryed out with one consent, that this opportu∣nity was not to be omitted; but setting apart all other devises, they would go and assault the Ro∣man camp. Many circumstances perswaded the Galles to this resolution: as first the lingring and doubt which Sabinus had made, when he was of∣fered battel; secondly, the intelligence which this fugitive had brought; thirdly, the want of vi∣ctuals, wherein they had been negligent and un∣advisedly carelesse; fourthly, the hope they con∣ceived of the war of Vannes; and lastly, for that men willingly believe that which they would have come to passe. The force of these motives was so strong, that they would not suffer Virido∣vix nor the rest of the Captains to dismisse the Councell, untill they had yielded that they should take Armes, and go to the Roman Camp. Which being granted, they gathered rubbish and faggots to fill up the ditch; and with cheerfull hearts, as though the victory were already gotten, they marched to the place where Sabinus was incam∣ped; which was the top of a hill, rising gently from a levell▪ the quantity of one thousand pases. Hither the Galles hasted with all expedition: and to the intent the Romans might not have so much time as to put on their Armour, the Galles for haste ran themselves out of breath.

Sabinus incouraging his souldiers, gave the sign of battel; and sallying out at two severall gates of his Camp upon the enemy, who were hin∣dred with their loads of rubbish, it fell out that through the opportunity of the place, the weari∣nesse and unexperience of the Enemy, the valour of the Roman souldier, and their exercise infor∣mer battels, that the Galles could not indure the brunt of the first incounter, but presently betook themselves to flight. Ours being fresh and lusty pursued after and slew great numbers of them: then chasing their horse, suffered very few of them to save themselves by flight. And so it hap∣pened, that at one time Sabinus had news of the overthrow at Sea, and Caesar of Sabinus victo∣ry by Land. Ʋpon these victories all the Cities and States yielded themselves to Titurius: for as the Galles are prompt to undertake a warre; so are they weak in suffering, and impatient of the consequents and calamities thereof.

OBSERVATION.

THis practice of a counterfeit fear was often put in use by the Roman Leaders,* 1.35 as well to disap∣point the expectation of an Enemy, as to draw them into an inconvenience, and so to defeat them of their greatest helps in time of battel. Cae∣sar coming to succour the camp of Cicero,* 1.36 made such use of this Art, that he put to rout a great Army of the Galles with a handfull of men: which I will refer unto the place where it is particularly set down by Caesar.

The chiefest thing in this place which brought them to their overthrow was disappointment: for it is a thing hardly to be digested in businesses of small consequence, to be frustrated of a setled expectation, when the mind shall dispose her self to one only intent, and in the upshot meet with a counterbuffe to crosse her purposes, and so defeat her of that hope which the strength of her reason hath entertained: how much more then in things of such importance, when we shall proceed in a course of victory, and humour our conceits with that we wish and would have to happen, and in the end meet either with bondage or death, must our best wits be appalled, having neither respite nor means to think how the evil may be best prevented? Which the wise Romans wel understood, and counted it no dishonour to be reproched with shamefull cowardise, by such as knew not the secrets of wisdome; while they in the mean time foresaw their good fortunes, shrowded under the cloak of a pretended dis∣trust.

Let these examples instruct a Leader so to take the opportunity of any such fortune, that in the execution he omit not the chiefest points of order and discipline, as well for the better effecting of the design, as for his own safety, and the security of his Army. For order is as the sinews and strength of martiall discipline, uniting the particular mem∣bers into the firm composition of a wel-proporti∣oned body: and so it maketh it more powerfull then any number of disunited parts, how able or infinite soever.

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I might here alledge infinite examples to con∣firm this truth: but let the battel of Dreux serve for all; wherein the Protestants, overcharging the Catholick Army, followed the retreat so hard, that they quickly became Masters of the field; and then neglecting martiall discipline, fell in confusedly with the broken multitude, to make the victory more glorious by slaughter and mor∣tality. The Duke of Guise all this while budged not a foot; but in unexampled patience kept his regiment close together, and would not suffer them to rescue their Generall that was taken, un∣till the regiment of the Prince of Condie was likewise dispersed and broken: and then per∣ceiving no difference of order between the victor Protestant and the vanquished Catholick, he dis∣solved that terrible cloud that had hung so long in suspence, and so changed the fortune of the day, that he took the chiefest of their Princes pri∣soners, with little or no losse of his own men: So powerfull is order in the deeds of Armes, and of such consequence in obtaining victory. And thus we have first seen the inconveniences which a counterfeit fear, well dissembled, may cast up∣on a credulous and unadvised enemy, when pre∣tence and appearance hath brought them into an errour, which their own credulity doth afterward avouch: and secondly, what strength and safety consisteth in order; and how powerfull it is to throw down, and to set up.

CHAP. IX.

The proceedings of Crassus in Aquitanie.

AT the same instant of time it happen∣ed also,* 1.37 that Pub. Crassus coming into Aquitania (which both in re∣gard of the large extension of the Countrey, as also for the multitude of the inha∣bitants, was named the third part of Gallia) and considering that he was to make warre in those parts where L. Valerius Praeconius the Legate was slain, and the Army overthrown, and where Lucius Manlius was fain to fly, with the losse of his carriages; he thought that his affaires required no mean diligence: and there∣fore having made provision of Corn, and muster∣ed many Auxiliary forces, and* 1.38 sent for many valiant and prudent men by name from Tolouse, Carcasone, and Narbone, cities bordering upon the province, he carried his Army into the con∣fines of the Sontiates. Which was no sooner known, but they levied great forces both of horse and foot, and with their horse, in which their principall strength consisted, charged upon the Romans in their march: which being easily re∣pelled, as ours followed the retreat, suddenly the infantry of the Galles shewed it self in a Val∣ley as it lay in ambush. These setting upon the Romans renewed the battel, and there the fight continued hot a long time. The Sontiates being animated with the former victories, saw all the hope of Aquitanie rely upon their vertue; and the Romans on the other side desired to shew what they were able to do of themselves, with∣out their grand Captain, and under the conduct of a young souldier. At length the enemy over∣waged with prowesse, and wearied with wounds, betook themselves to flight; of whom the Ro∣mans slew a great number, and then marched directly to the town of the Sontiates, and laid siege unto it: the siege grew hot, the Romans approaching the walles with vines, turrets, and mounts. The townsmen defended themselves sometimes by sallying out, sometimes by under∣mining the mounts and fortifications, wherein the Aquitani are very skilfull. But when they perceived the industry of the Romans to exceed all that they were able to do, they intreated Crassus to accept their rendry. Which being granted, and all the Army intending the deli∣very of their Armes, Adcantuanus their chief Magistrate fled out in the mean time at ano∣ther port of the City, with six hundred devoted companions, whom they called Soldurii; whose manner is to enjoy all good things in common with those whom they have chosen for their friends; and if any misfortune befall them, ei∣ther to dy with them, or presently kill them∣selves: neither was it ever known in the memo∣ry of man, that any of them refused to dy when his friend was slain. But as they attempted to escape, the souldiers that kept that part of the fortification, as they signified his evasion by a clamour and shout, the rest betook themselves to Armes, and so after a sharp conflict repelled him again into the town; where he desired to be taken in the number of the submissive mul∣titude; which was granted. Crassus, having taken hostages of them, went into the confines of the Vocates and Tarusates.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THese skilfull and experienced men which Crassus sent for out of all the Cities in A∣quitani,* 1.39 were those whom the Romans called E∣vocati, such as were free from warfare, and ex∣empted by their laws from giving their names in musters, either by reason of their yeares, or the magistracy which they had born, or for some o∣ther causes which gave them that priviledge: and in that regard were sent for by Letters, intreat∣ing their assistance in the carriage of that war,

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as men well acquainted with the nature of such businesses. Their places were nothing inferiour to the Centurions for advise and direction, al∣though they had no part in command or autho∣rity.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

IN this fight we may further observe their man∣ner of defence against Mounts and Cava∣lieros; which we find chiefly to be Mines. Jo∣sephus in the Jewish war saith, that the Romans having raised an exceeding high mount, the Jews undermined the same with such Art, that as they digged underneath, they supported the Mount with huge props and planks that it might not shrink: and watching a time of greatest advan∣tage, they set all the timber-work which under∣propped the mount on fire; which taking fire with the help of Brimstone and Pitch, the Mount fell upon a sudden, to the great terrour & amaze∣ment of the Romans.

At the siege of Avaricum,* 1.40 we find how the Galles by undermining did take the earth from the Mount, as fast as it was carried unto it by the Romans; and so kept it from rising, and made it uneffectuall. But if it were for the most part made of wood, or other combustible matter, they sought then by all means to burn it; as it hap∣pened at the siege of Massilia: and oftentimes when both burning and undermining failed, they confronted it with another Mount within the walles, to disappoint the disadvantage by e∣quall contesting of it, and so made it unpro∣fitable.

Concerning Mines, thus much may I say with∣out prejudice to that Art, that the chiefest points to be respected are these: First, the true distance to a designed place; which is best got by instru∣ment, and help of Geometry, where other marks of certainty are wanting. Secondly, the directi∣on of the Mine, that we may not erre in our course which the Compasse affordeth. Thirdly, the strengthening of the Mine with timber-work, if need require. Lastly, the countermining and crosse-meeting. All which parts have very many circumstances, and require a larger discourse then may be thought pertinent for this place.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

THe strange contract between these Soldurii and their Chieftain may well deserve a place a∣mongst these observations, especially considering the obligatory conditions which either party stood bound to oserve: for the Captain was to make his Soldurii partakers of all his happinesse in this life, in regard whereof they were to take ar of whatsoever ill chance or disaster should happen to befall him. If death, which is the last end of all sensuall misery, took hold of their head, these devoted were tied voluntarily to follow him the self-same way: neither in any memory was there (saith he) ever man found that refused to dy, if he to whom he was devoted chanced to be slain. Which bloudy league of amity as it was repugnant to the course of Nature, multiplying particular destiny to a generall calamity; so was it dangerous in a wel-ordered State, if the Ring-leader were either ambitious, or sought to pra∣ctice any thing contrary to good government: for he himself would presume much upon the as∣sistance of his Soldurii; and they on the other side must needs wish well to his attempts, that were so interessed in his life and death.

CHAP. X.

The Galles raise new forces against Crassus.

THe barbarous Galles were much troubled,* 1.41 that a town of that strength both by nature and art should so soon be taken; and therefore they sent Embassadours into all quarters, conjured one with another, confirmed their covenants with mutuall hostages, and levied what power they were able to make; sending for aid out of Spain, and from other States that bordered upon Aqui∣tanie. At the coming of these forces they began to make warre with a great power, and with ma∣ny souldiers of great fame: for they appointed such Leaders as had seen the experience of Ser∣torius his warres, and were great in the opinion of men for their skill and knowledge in the Art Militarie. These, according to the custome of the people of Rome, began to take places of ad∣vantage, to fortifie their Camp, and to intercept the Romans from free passage of convoyes, and necessary intercourses. Which when Crassus perceived, and considering withall that his own forces were so few that he could not well dis∣member them upon any service or advantage, and that the enemy went out at his pleasure, kept the passages, and left notwithstanding a suffici∣ent garrison in his Camp, by which means corn and provision would in time grow scarce with him, whilst the enemy waxed every day stron∣ger; he thought it his best course not to linger any longer, but presently to give them battel.

The matter being referred to a Councell of warre, when he understood that all men were of the same opinion, he appointed the next day to give them battel: and in the dawning putting his men in a double battel, and placing the Auxiliarie forces in the middest, he attended to see what the enemy would do. The Galles, al∣though they were perswaded that they might ad∣venture

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battel, both in regard of their multi∣tude and ancient prowesse of warre, as also in re∣spect of the paucity of the Romans; yet they thought it better to block up the passages, and so cut off all carriages and convoies of corn, and so the victory would follow without bloudshed: and if the Romans for want of Corn should offer to make a retreat, they would then set upon them as they marched, wearied with travell, hea∣vily laden with their burthens, and dejected in their spirits. This resolution being approved by the whole Councell of the Galles, when the Ro∣mans imbattelled their forces, they kept their men within their Camp.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THis Sertorius had followed the faction of Marius and Cinna,* 1.42 and when Sylla had o∣verthrown both the elder and younger Marius, he fled into Spain, and there maintained the quarrell on foot against Pompey and Metellus, and overthrew them in many battels: but in the end was treacherously slain by Perpanna at a ban∣quet. He was a man of great spirit, and of admi∣rable dispatch; and under him were these Cap∣taines brought up which Caesar commendeth for their skill in Armes.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

IN histories propounding to our consideration the deeds and monuments of former ages, we may observe two especiall means which the great Commanders of the world have entertained to atchieve victory,* 1.43 and over-master their enemies: the first by cunning and wise carriage of a mat∣ter before it come to triall by blows; the second by forceable means and waging of battel: the one proceeding from wisdome and the better facul∣ties of the soul; and the other depending upon the strength and ability of the body.

Concerning the first, it hath ever been held more honourable, as better suting the worth of the spirit and the divine essence of our nature, so to direct the course of an action, that the adverse part may be weakned by wit, and prevented in the projects of their better fortunes by anticipati∣on of means and occasions, and so through ad∣vantages taken from their own proceedings, to be driven to that exigent which may determine of the controversy before they come to blows, and conclude the matter by terms of Art taken from the directions of good providence. For to speak a truth, the action of battel, as it is the last part in that faculty, so it is the worst in regard of Christian duty, and better fitteth the progeny of Lamech his second wife (which the Divines do note to be born to the ruine and destruction of mankind) then the children of grace,* 1.44 whose joy consisteth in peace and love.

Caesar in the first of the Civile wars respected the same thing, but from other grounds: for ha∣ving shut up Afranius and Petreius in a place of disadvantage, so as he might have cut them off without further trouble; yet forasmuch as he foresaw the victory coming towards him without blow or wound, he thus answered his Captains that were earnest upon the enemy; Cur, etiam secundo praelio, aliquos ex suis amitteret? cur vulnerari pateretur optime de se meritos mili∣tes? cur denique fortunam periclitaretur? Why should he lose any of his souldiers in battel, though he got the day? why should he suffer those to be wounded who had deserved so highly at his hands? or why should he hazard his good fortune? And this course did these Galles take which under Sertorius had learned the Roman Art, and the Roman industry: and were now become so expert, that they had almost beaten the Romans at their own weapon.

This first means is principally to be imbraced, as the safest way in these uncertain and casuall events: for that which resteth upon corporall strength, and maketh execution the means to a conclusion, is very terrible even to the better par∣ty, full of hazard, and of little certainty. For it were a miracle of Fortune never heard of yet, so to carry a battel upon what advantage or means soever, that the victor Army should buy so great a fortune without bloudshed or losse of men; and erect a Trophy to Honour at the sole cost of the Enemy, without losse or expense of his own treasure.

And for the uncertainty in a battel, who knoweth not what infinite chances and changes may happen in every small moment of time, to turne the fortune of the day to this or that partie, and make both sides unconstant in their affecti∣ons, by presenting them interchangeably with hope and fear, joy and sorrow? And therefore Caesar thought it not best to tempt the wayward∣nesse of Fortune, when by other means he might obtain his desires.

This, I say, is chiefly to be imbraced, if our means will afford us that happinesse: but howsoe∣ver I hold it wisedome so to entertain this course of victory, that we omit not the chiefest helps of furtherance when it cometh to blows; but to think of this conquest by art and wit, as necessary if our means will serve us to compasse it; & of the other, as necessary whether we will or no: for the history maketh it plain, that when Brutus found himself destitute of means to undertake that course of vi∣ctory which proceedeth from providence and di∣screet carriage, he then betook himself necessarily to the later, and by the help of battel sought to free himself from those disadvantages into which the Galles had brought him.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

I Observe further out of this place, that what course soever be taken, a discreet Leader will

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not easily forgoe an advantage without great assurance of a better fortune,* 1.45 nor change the cer∣tainty of a benefit upon probabilities of other hopes, untill it have paid him the interest of his expectation, and wrought that effect which it promised to perform. For so he might forgo his fortune, by presuming too much upon the favour of future chances, which are often seen to crosse our purposes, rather then to further the way which is taken.

THE FOURTH OBSERVATION.

FUrther I observe this double battel to be an∣swerable to the paucity of the Roman forces: for their usuall manner was to make a triple bat∣tel, that the first might have a second and a third help; but where their number would not afford that commodity, they then made two battels, that there might be the succour of a second supply. But they never fought with one single battel, for ought that may be gathered by their histories.

THE FIFTH OBSERVATION.

THe last thing which I observe is the place where Crassus bestowed the Auxiliary forces,* 1.46 in the disposition of his troups to battel, which is here said to be in mediam Aciem; for as their Armies were divided into three battels, so every battel was divided into three parts, the two cor∣nets and the battel, wherein these Auxiliary forces were in this service bestowed: of these he after∣ward saith, that inasmuch as he durst not put any confidence in them, he commanded them to serve the Romans in time of battel with stones and weapons, and to carry earth and turf to the Mount. The reason why suspected troups are placed in the battel, rather then in either of the cornets, is, for that the battel hath not such scope to fling out, or take advantage of place to do mischief, as the cornets have: for wheresoever there have been set battels fought, the strength of their Army consisted alwayes in the cornets, as the two principall instruments of the battel; and as long as these stood sound, the victory went alwayes certain on that part; for the cornets both kept the enemy from incompassing about the body of their Army, and had the advantage also of charging upon the open side of their ad∣versary.

At the battel of Cannae, Hannibal put the weak∣est of his forces in the battel, and advancing them towards the enemy left the two cornets behind: so that when the enemy came to charge upon the battel, they easily beat them back, and as they followed the retreat fell in between the two cor∣nets, wherein the strength of the Army consisted; and being by them incompassed on each side, were defeated and overthrown. And thus we see the advantage which a Generall hath when his two cornets stand firm, although the battel shrink in the encounter. Hannibal in the battel he had with Scipio in Africk placed the Strangers in the front and in the rereward; according perad∣venture as he found their number, and the use of their Armes: which are circumstances to be considered in this case, and depend rather upon the judgement of a Generall, then of any pre∣scription that can be given in this matter.

CHAP. XI.

Crassus taketh the Camp of the Galles: and with their overthrow endeth that warre.

CRassus understanding their drift,* 1.47 and finding his men chearfull and willing to fight, the whole army cry∣ing out that they would stay no long∣er, but immediately set upon the enemies in their camp, incouraged his souldiers, and to the con∣tentment of all men went directly to the place where they were lodged: and as some began to fill up the ditch, and others with casting wea∣pons to beat the Galles from the rampier, he commanded the Auxiliary forces, of whom he had no great assurance, to bring stones and wea∣pons to the souldiers that fought, and to carry earth and turf to the Mount, that so they might make a shew of fighting. And on the o∣ther side, as the enemy began valiantly to make resistance, & to cast their weapons from the high∣er ground to the great hurt of the Roman soul∣dier; the horsemen in the mean time riding about the Camp of the Galles, brought word to Cras∣sus, that the rampier at the Decumane port was not fortified with such diligence as they found it in other places, but would admit an easy en∣trance. Crassus dealt earnestly with the Com∣manders of the horse to incourage their men with great promises and rewards, and instructed them what he would have done. They, according to their instructions, took four cohorts that were left in the Camp fresh and no way tired, and car∣rying them a further way about, that they might not be discovered by the Enemy, while all mens eyes and minds were intent upon the fight, they speedily came to the place of the fortifications which the horsemen had found to be weak; which being easily broken down, they had entered the Camp before the Enemy either saw them or could tell what was done. And then a great clamour and shout being heard about that place, the Ro∣man legions renewing their force, as it falleth out alwayes in hope of victory, began to charge them afresh with great fury. The Galles being

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circumvented on each side, and despairing of their safety, casting themselves over the ram∣pier, sought by flight to escape the danger. But forasmuch as the Countrey was open and cham∣pain, the horsemen pursued them with that exe∣cution, that of fifty thousand which came out of Aquitanie and Spain, there scarce remained the fourth part.

Ʋpon the news of this fight the most part of the Aquitani yielded to Caesar, and of their own accord gave him hostages: amongst these were the Tarbelli, Bigerriones, Preciani, Vocates, Ta∣rusates, Elusates, Garites, Ausci, Garumni, Si∣butzates, and Cocasates. Only some few that li∣ved farther off, trusting upon the coming on of winter, held off and did not submit themselves.

OBSERVATION.

FRom this place Brancatio taketh occasion to dispute,* 1.48 how an Enemy that is strongly in∣camped,* 1.49 and for some advantage will not remove, may be dislodged whether he will or no. A point of great consequence in matter of warre, and therefore deserveth due consideration. Concern∣ing which he layeth this down for a maxime, that all sorts and strong holds are taken by the foot; and that camps and lodgings are taken by the head. By which is meant, that he who pur∣poseth to win a fortresse well manned and pro∣vided, must first get the foot, and take hold of the ditch, and then seise himself upon the rampier, and so get the place: for he saith that mounts and eminent elevations are of little use against for∣tresses or sconses, unlesse they over-top them; which may be easily prevented, by raising the pa∣rapet of the fortresse in front, and the curtain in slank, according as the enemy shall carry his mounts aloft; and so they shall never come to over-top the holds. But all Camps and lodgings are taken by the head; that is, by mounts and e∣levations, which by the advantage of their height command the champain: for he holdeth it im∣possible to raise a mount within the Camp in so short a time, to contest that which the enemy shall make without.

This foundation being laid, he proceedeth to discover a way how to raise a mount, maugre the enemy, which shall dislodge them by force of Ar∣tillery, or murther them all within their trenches. And this he taketh from Caesar at the siege of Gergobia.* 1.50 The substance of the matter consi∣steth in a double dtch, running like unto the line which the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 call Helicall. By this double ditch he maketh his approach to any place of most advantage, where he may in a night raise a mount high enough for the ordinance to play upon any quarter of the Camp. The censure of this practice I referre to our judicious souldiers, who may, if it please them, take a better view of the particularities of this stratagem in Brancatio himself. Thus much I dare affirm in the behalf of these works, that they were of high esteem a∣mongst the Romans, whom daily experience and exigents of hazard had taught to 〈…〉〈…〉 the readiest means both for security and victory. And if our souldiers could be brought to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the commodity of these works, either by perswasion or impulsion, it were the best part of their war∣like practices: but our men had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon desperate adventures, and seek victory in the jaws of death, then to clear all hazard with pains and diligence.

CHAP. XII.

Caesar undertaketh the warre with the Menapii and Morini.

AT the same time also,* 1.51 although the Sommer was almost at an end, yet forasmuch as all Gallia was in peace, and the* 1.52 Morini only with the * 1.53 Menapii stood out in Armes, and had never either sent Embassadour, or otherwise treated of Peace; Caesar thinking that war might quick∣ly be ended, led his Army into their Countrey. At his coming he found them to carry their warres farre otherwise then the rest of the Galles had done: for understanding that the greatest Nations of Gallia, which had waged battel with the Romans, were beaten and over∣thrown; and having whole continents of woods and bogs in their territories, they conveyed both themselves and their goods into those quarters. Caesar coming to the beginning of the woods, be∣gan to fortify his Camp, not discovering any ene∣my near about him; but as his men were disper∣sed in their charges, they suddenly sallyed out of the woods, and assaulted the Romans; but being speedily driven in again, with the losse of many of them, as the Romans followed them farre in∣to the woods, they had some few of their men slain.

The time that remained Caesar resolved to spend in cutting down the woods: and least the souldiers might be taken unawares while they were busied in that work, he caused them to place all the trees which they cut down on either side of the Army, that they might serve for a de∣fence against sudden assaults. A great quan∣tity of ground was thus rid within a few dayes, so that their goods and cattell was taen by the Romans: but they themselves were fled into thicker woods. At which time there happened such a continuall rain, as forced them to leave

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off the work; and the souldiers could no longer indure to ly in sents of skinnes: and therefore Caesar, after he had wasted and spoiled their Countrey, burned their towns and their houses, carryed back his Army, and placed them a∣mongst the Aulerci, Lexovii, & in other cities to winter in, which were subdued in the late wars.

OBSERVATION.

THe Irish rebels having the like commodity of woods and bogges, do entertain the like course of warre as the Morini did with Caesar. The meanes which he used to disappoint them of that practice was, to cut down the woods; which if it be thought monstrous in this age, or ridicu∣lous to our men of war, let them consider that the Roman discipline wrought greater effects of valour, then can be made credible by the use of these times. For besides their exquisite discipline, which of it self was able to frame patterns of un∣exampled magnanimitie, their industry was ad∣mirable in the execution thereof, and carried it with such uncessant travell, that the souldiers thought it great happinesse when they came to wage battel with the Enemy; and could have meanes to quit their continuall travell with the hazard of their lives.

Neither let it seem strange that the Romans undertook to cut down the woods; but rather let us admire their facility in so difficult a task: for as the history witnesseth, magno spacio pau∣cis diebus confecto, incredibili celeritate, a great quantity of ground was rid in a few dayes, with incredible speed. And after the woods were cut down, they took more paines in placing it on each side of the legions to hinder any suddain assault, then they did in cutting it down: which deserveth as great admiration as the former part. There is another place in the sixth book of these Commentaries, which expresseth more particular∣ly the nature of such warres, and may serve to acquaint us with that which Caesar did in these difficulties.

The Eburones, or the men of Liege, had the like commodity of woods and bogges, and made use of them in the warre they had with Caesar. The matter, saith he, required great diligence, not so much in regard of the perill of the whole Ar∣my (for there could no danger come from an e∣nemy that was frighted and dispersed) as the safety of every particular souldier, which in part did pertain to the welfare of the whole Army. For the desire of a bootie carried many of the souldiers farre from the body of the Army; and the woods being full of unknown and secret pas∣sages, would not suffer them to go either thick together, or close imbattelled. If he desired to have the warre ended, and the race of those wic∣ked men to be rooted out, he must of force make many small companies, and divide his men into many bodies: but if he would have the Maniples to keep at their Ensignes, as the discipline and cu∣stome of the Roman Army required, then the place was a shelter and defence to the enemy. Neither did they want courage to lay Ambush∣ments, and to circumvent such as they found a∣lone straggling from their companies. In these difficulties there was as much done as diligence could do, providing rather to be wanting in the offensive part (although all mens minds were set on fire with revenge) then to hurt the enemy with the losse of the Roman souldier. Caesar sent messengers to the bordering States, to come out and sack the Eburones, and they should have all the prey for their labour: that the life of the Galles rather then his legionary souldiers, might be hazarded in those woods; as also that with so great a multitude, both the race and name of that people might be quite extinguished.

There are many particularities in this relation which concern the true motion of the Irish wars, which may be better observed by such as know those warres by experience, then by my self that understand them only by relation: and there∣fore to prevent such exceptions as my rule shall make of the parallell in these two cases, I will leave it to be done by themselves. And thus end∣eth the third Commentary.

Notes

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