The commentaries of C. Julius Cæsar of his warres in Gallia, and the civil warres betwixt him and Pompey / translated into English with many excellent and judicious observations thereupon ; as also The art of our modern training, or, Tactick practise, by Clement Edmonds Esquire, ... ; where unto is adjoyned the eighth commentary of the warres in Gallia, with some short observations upon it ; together with the life of Cæsar, and an account of his medalls ; revised, corrected, and enlarged.

The summe of the first book of Caesars commentaries; with observations upon the same, discovering the excellency of Caesars Militia. (Book 1)

The Argument.

IN this first book are contained the specialities of two great wars, begun and ended both in a summer: the first, between Caesar and the Helvetii:* 1.1 the second, between him and Ar••o∣vistus, king of the Germans. The history of the Helvetians may be reduced to three principall heads: under the first, are the reasons that moved the Helvetians to entertain so desperate an expedition, and the preparation which they made for the same. The second containeth their defeat by Caesar: and the third their return into their Country. That of Ariovistus divideth it self into two parts: the first giveth the causes that induced Caesar to undertake that war: the second intreateth of the war it self, and particularly describeth Ariovistus overthrow.

CHAP. I.

Gallia described: the Helvetians dislike their na∣tive seat, and propound to themselves larger territories in the Continent of Gallia. Orgetorix seedeth this humour, for his own advantage.

GAllia is all divided into three parts; whereof the Belges do inhabite one, the Aquitanes another, and those which they call Celtes, and we Galles, a third: all these do differ each from others in manners, language, and in laws. ••he river Garun doth seperate the Galles from the Aquitans, and Marne and Seine do bound them from the Belges.* 1.2 Of these the Belges are most warlike;* 1.3 as furthest off the civility and politure of the Province, and lesse frequented with Mer∣chants, or acquainted with such things as are by them imported to effeminate mens minds; as likewise being sited next to the Germans be∣yond the Rhene, with whom they have continu∣all wars. For which cause also the Helvetians do excell the rest of the Galles in deeds of Arms, being in daily conflicts with the Germans, for defence of their own territories, or by invading theirs. The part inhabited by the Galles, be∣ginneth at the river Rhone, and is bounded with Garun, the Ocean, and the confines of the Belges; and reaching also to the Rhene, as a Limit from the Sequans and Helvetians, it stretched northward. The Belges take their be∣ginning at the extreme confines of Gallia, and inhabit the Country which lieth along the lower part of the Rhene, trindling to the North, and to the East. Aquitania spreadeth it self between the river Garun and the Pyrenean hils, and butteth upon the Spanish Ocean, between the West and the North.

Amongst the Helvetians, Orgetorix did far exceed all others, both for noble descent and store of treasure: and when M. Messala and M. Piso were Consuls, being stirred up with the desire of a kingdome, he moved the Nobility to a commo∣tion; perswading the State to go out of their confines with their whole power: as an easy

matter for them, that excelled all other in va∣lour and prowesse, to seize upon the Empire of all Gallia. To which he did the rather perswade them, for that the Helvetians were on every side shut up, by the strength and nature of the place wherein they dwelt; on the one side, with the depth and breadth of the river Rhene, which divideth their Country from the Germans; on the other side, with the high ridge of the hill Jura, which runneth between them and the Se∣quans; & on the third part they were flanked with the lake •• Lemanus, and the river Rhone, parting their territories from our Province.

Hence it happened, that being thus straight∣ned, they could not easily enlarge themselves, or make war upon the bordering Countryes: and thereupon, being men wholly bent to Arms and war, were much grieved, as having too little elbow-room for their multitude of people, and the renown they had got of their Ʋalour; their whole country containing but 240 miles in length, and 180 in breadth. Spurred on with these inducements, and moved specially with the authority of Orgetorix, they resolved to make provision of such things as were requisite for their expedition, bought great numbers of Carrs, & horses, for carriages; sowed much til∣lage, that they might have plenty of Corn in their journey; made peace and amity with the confining Countryes.* 1.4 For the perfecting and sup∣ply of which things, they took two yeares to be sufficient; and in the third, enacted their setting forward by a solemn Law, assigning Orgetorix to give order for that which remained.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

HE that will examine this expedition of the Helvetians, by the transmigrations and flit∣tings of other Nations, shall find some unexam∣pled particularities in the course of their proceed∣ing: for, first it hath never been heard, that a∣ny people u••terly abandoned that Country which Nature or providence had allotted them, unlesse they were d••iven thereunto by a generall calami∣ty, as the infection of the aire, the cruelty and oppression of a neighbour nation, as were the Suevians, who thought it great honour to suffer no man to border upon their confines; or some other universall, which made the place inhabita∣ble, and the people willing to undertake a vo∣luntary exile. But oftentimes we read, that when the inhabitants of a Country were so multiplied, that the place was over-charged with multitudes of off-spring, and like a poor father, had more children then it was able to sustaine, the abound∣ing surplus was sent out to seek new fortunes in forraine Countries, and to possesse themselves of a resting seat; which might recompense the wants of their native Country, with a plenteous revenue of necessary supplements. And in this sort we read that Rome sent out many Colonies into di∣vers parts of her Empire. And in this manner the antient▪ Galles disourdened themselves of their superfluity, and sent them into Asia. The Gothes came from the Islands of the Baltick sea, and in Sulla his time swarmed over Germany: besides many other Nations, whose transmigrations are particularly described by Lazius. But amongst all these, we find none that so forsook their Country, but there remained some behind to in∣habite the same; from whence, as from a foun∣tain, succeeding ages might derive the stream of that over-flowing multitude, and by them take notice of the causes, which moved them unto it. For their manner was in all such expeditions, and sending out of Colonies, to divide them∣selves into two or three parts, equall both in e∣quality and number: for after they had parted their common people into even companies, they divided their Nobility with as great equality as they could, among the former partitions: and then casting lots, that part which went out to seek new adventures, left their lands and possessi∣ons to the rest that remained at home; and so by industry they supplied that defect which con∣tinuance of time had drawn upon them. And this was the meanes, which the first inhabitants of the earth found out after the floud, to people the un∣inhabited places, and to keep oft the inconve∣niences of scarcitie and famine.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

HE that would prognosticate by the course of these severall proceedings, whether of the two betokened better successe, hath greater reason to foretell happinesse to these which I last spake of, then to the Helvetians; unlesse their valour were the greater, and quitted all difficulties which ha∣tred and envy would cast upon them: for an action which savoureth of necessity (which was alwayes understood in sending out a Colony) hath a more plausible pasport amongst men, then that which proceedeth from a proud voluntary motion. For, as men can be content to tolerate the one, if it concern not their particular; so on the other side, they count it gain to punish pride with shame, and to oppose themselves against the other.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

ORgetorix, thirsting after princely dignity, discovereth the humour of vain glory. For, not contented with the substance of honour, be∣ing already of greatest power amongst the Hel∣vetians, and ordering the affaires of the State by

his own direction, thought it nothing without the marks and title of dignity, unto which the inconveniences of Majesty are annexed: not considering that the best honour sitteth not al∣wayes in imperiall thr••••••s, nor weareth the Di∣ad••ms of Princes; but oft••ntimes resteth it self in meaner places, and shineth better with ob∣scurer titles.

For proof whereof, to omit antiquity, take the f••mily of the Medic••s in Florence, and particu∣larly Cos••mo and Lorenzo, whose vertue raised them to that ••eight of honour, that they were no∣thing inferi•••••• to the greatest P••tentates of their time, being themselves ••ut private Gentlemen in that State, and bearing their proper names as their greatest titles. But howsoever, the opportu∣nity of changing their soil was well observed by Orgetorix, as the fi••••st meanes to attempt an in∣novation: ••ut the successe depended much upon the fortunate proceeding of their expedition.

For, as a multitude of that nature can ••e con∣tent to attribute a great part of their happinesse, wherein every man thinketh himself particular∣ly interessed, to an eminent Leader; and in that universall extasy of joy, will easily admit an alteration of their State: so, if the issue be in a∣ny respect unfortunate, no man will acknow∣ledge himself faulty ••ut, every one desiring to discharge his passion upon some object, a chief directour is likeliest to be the mark, at which the darts of their discontent will be thrown; and then he will find it hard to effect what he in∣tendeth.

Chap. II.

Orgetorix practices are discovered: his death. The Helve••ians continue the resolution of their expediti∣on, and prepare themselves accordingly.

ORgetorix thereupon undertook im∣ployment to the ad••oyning States;* 1.5 and first perswaded Casticus, the sonne of Catamantalides a Sequan (whose father had for many yeares reigned in that place, and was by the Senate and people of Rome stiled with the title of a Friend) to possesse himself of the Signiory of that State which his Father formerly injoyed; and in like manner dealt with Dumnorix the Heduan, Divitiacus brother (who at that time was the only man of that Province, and very well beloved of the Commons) to indeavour the like there; and withall, gave him his daughter in marriage▪ shewing them by lively reasons, that it was an easy matter to effect their designes; for that he being sure of the soveraignty of his State, there was no doubt but the Helvetians would do much throughout all Gallia, and so made no question to settle them in those kingdoms, with his power and forces. Drawn on with these inducements▪ they gave faith and oath each to other, hoping with the support of the soveraignty of three mighty Nations, to possesse themselve•• of all Gallia.

This thing being discovered, the Helvetians (according to their customes) caused Orgeto∣rix to answer the matter in durance: whose punishment vpon the Attaint, was to be burn∣ed aliue. Against the day of triall, Orgetorix had got together all his Family, to the number of ten thousand men, besides divers followers, and others far indebited, which were many; by whose meanes he escaped a judiciall hearing. The people thereupon being much incensed, a∣greed the Magistrate should execute their lawes with force of Armes, and to that end should raise the countrey: but in the mean time Orgetorix was found dead, not without suspici∣on (as was conceived) that he himself was guilty thereof.

Notwithstanding his death, the Helvetians did pursue their former designe of leaving their Countrey: and when they thought themselves ready prepared, they set fire on all their Townes (which were in number twelve) together with ••our hundred Villages, besides private houses, and burnt likewise all the Corn, save that they carried with them; that all hope of return be∣ing taken away, they might be the readier to un∣dergo all hazards: And commanded that e∣very man should carry so much Meal with him, as would serve for three Moneths.

Moreover also they perswaded the Rauraci, the Tulingi, and Latobrigi, their neighbour borderers, that putting on the same resolution, they would set fire on all their habitations, and go along with them. And likewise took unto them the Boii, which had dwelt beyond the Rhene, but were now seated in the Territories of the Norici, and had taken the Capitall town of that Countrey. There were only two wayes which gave them passage out of their Countrey: the one through the Sequans, very narrow and difficult, between the hill Jura, and the River Rhone, by which a single Cart could scarce pass; & had a high hill hanging over, that a small force might easily hinder them. The other was through our Province▪ far easier and readier; forasmuch as the river Rhone, running between the Helvetians and the* 1.6 Allobroges (who were lately brought in obedience to the people of Rome) did give passage in divers places by Fords.

The ••tmost towne belonging to the Allobroges,; that bordereth upon the Helvetians is Geneva whereunto adjoyneth a bridge leading to the Helvetians; vvho doubted not but to perswade the Allobroges (that seemed as yet to carry no great affection to the people of Rome) or at least to force them to give them passage. Things being now ready for their journey, they assigned a day vvhen all should meet together upon the banks of Rhone: which day was the first of the Calends of April, in the Consulship of Lu. Piso, and A. Gabinius.

OBSERVATION.

AS these provisoes were all requisite; so one ••hing was omitted,* 1.7 which might have furthered their good fortune more then any thing thought of: which was, to have concealed by all meanes the time of their departure. For all the beasts of the wood must needs stand at gaze, when such Lions rouzed themselves out of their dens; and be then very watchfull of their safety, when they knew the instant of time, when some of their spoiles must needs be offered to appease their fury. Or at the least it behooved them so to have dealt by hostages and treaty, that such as were likeliest and best able to crosse their designments might have been no hinderance of their proceedings: considering there were but two wayes out of their Countrey by which they might go; the one nar∣row and difficult, between the hill Jura and the river Rhone, by the Countrey of the Sequani; the other through Provence, far easier and short∣er, but not to be taken but by the permission of the Romans. But howsoever, their errour was, that after two yeares provision to go, and having made an exterminating decree which injoyned them to go, when they came to the point, they knew not what way to go.

Chap. III.

C••••s••r denieth the Helvetians passage through the Romane Province: he fortifieth the passage between the hill Jura, and the lake of Geneva.

AS soon as Caesar was advertised that their purpose was to passe through our Province,* 1.8 he hasted to leave the* 1.9 Ci∣ty, and posting by great journeys into the further Gallia, he came to Geneva. And inrolling great forces throughout all the Pro∣vince, for that there was but one legion in those parts, he brake down the bridge at Geneva.

The Helvetians having intelligence of Cae∣sars arrivall, sent divers of the best of their No∣bility Embassadours unto him, whereof Numeius and Veredoctius were the chief, to give him notice, that they had a purpose to passe peacea∣bly through the Province, having no other way to go: and therein to pray his suff••rance and per∣mission.

Caesar, well remembring how Lu. Cassius the Consul was slain, his Army beaten, & the souldi∣ers put under the yoke, did not hold it convenient to grant their request. Neither did he think that men so ill-affected could forbear to offer wrongs and insolencies, if leave were given them as was required. Howbeit, for the better gaining of time, and getting such forces together as were caused to be inrolled, he answered the Commis∣sioners that he would take a time of deliberati∣on; and to that end willed them to return a∣gain by the Ides of April. And in the mean time with that legion he had ready, and the souldiers that came out of the Province, he made a ditch, and a wall of sixteen foot in height, from the lake Lemanus, which runneth into the Rhone, to the hill Jura, that divideth the Sequans from the Helvetians, being in length nineteen miles; and disposed garrisons and fortresses along the work, the better to im∣peach them, if happily they went about to break out by force.

At the day appointed, when the Embassa∣dours returned for a resolution, he utterly deni∣ed to give any leave to passe through the Pro∣vince; having neither custome nor president from the people of Rome to warrant him in that kind. And if they should endeavour it by force of Arms, he would oppugne them.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THis manner of prolonging of time to reinforce the troups or get some other advantage, as it was then of great use to Caesar, and hath often∣times been practiced to good purpose; so doth it discover to a circumspect enemy, by the directi∣ons in the mean time (which cannot easily be shadowed) the drift of that delay; and so invi∣teth him with greater courage to take the oppor∣tunity of that present advantage; especially if tract of time may strengthen the one, and not further the other: which is easily discerned by the circumstances of the Action.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THe request of the Helvetians seemed to de∣serve a facile answer; being in effect no more then Nature had given to the river Rhone: which was to passe through the Province, with as much speed and as little hurt as they could. But Caesar looking further into the matter, and com∣paring

things already past with occurrences that were to follow after, found the majesty of the Romane Empire to be interessed in the an∣swer; being either to maintain her greatnesse by resisting her enemies, or to degenerate from ancient vertue by gratifying such as sought her ruine: which in matter of State are things of great consequence. And further, he knew it to be an unsafe course to suffer an enemy to have meanes of doing hurt; considering that the na∣ture of man is alwayes prone to load him with further wrongs whom he hath once injuried: not but that he could peradventure be content to end the quarrell upon that advantage; but fear∣ing the other whom he wronged, to expect but an opportunity of revenge, he gets what advan∣tage he can beforehand, and so cea••eth not un∣till he have added a bloody end to an injurious beginning.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

COncerning this marvellous fortification be∣tween the hill and the lake, how serviceable such works were unto him in all his wars, in what sort, and in how small a time they were made; I will deferre the treatise of them untill I come to the height of Alesia, where he gave some ground of that hyperbolicall speech, An mede∣leto, non animadverteb. it is decem habere lectas quidem legiones populum Romanum, quae non ••olum vobis obsistere, sed etiam coelum diruere possent?

Chap. IIII.

The Helvetians failing to passe the Rhone, take the way through the Country of the Sequani, Caesar ha∣steth into Italy, and there inrolleth more legions: and returning, overthroweth part of them at the river Arar.

THe Helvetians frustrated of their former hope,* 1.10 went about, some with boats coupled together, others with Flats (whereof they made great store) the rest by foords and places where the River was shallow, sometimes in the day, and often∣times in the night to break out: but being bea∣ten back by the help of the fortification, and the concourse of souldiers, and multitude of wea∣pons, they desisted from that attempt.

There was only another way left through the Sequans, which they could not take by reason of the narrownesse thereof, but by the favour of the Country. And forasmuch as of themselves they were able to prevaile little therein, they sent Messengers to Dumnorix the Heduan, that by his mediation they might obtain so much of the Sequans. Dumnorix, what through favour and bounteous carriage, was of great power in his Country, much affecting the Helvetians, by reason of his marriage with Orgetorix daugh∣ter; and drawn on with a desire of a kingdome, gave his mind to new projects; labouring to gratify many States, to tie them the rather to fa∣vour his courses. And thereupon undertaking the businesse, got the Sequans to give the Helve∣tians leave to passe through their Confines; gi∣ving each other Pledges, that the Sequans should not interrupt the Helvetians in their journey, nor they offer any injury to the Country.

It was told Caesar that the Helvetians were determined to passe through the Territories of the Sequans and Heduans, on the confines of the Santons, who are not far from the borders of the Tholosans, a people of the Province: which if they did, he foresaw how dangerous it would be to have a warlike Nation, and such as were ene∣mies to the people of Rome to come so near them, and to have the advantage of an open and plente∣ous Country.

For which causes he left T. Labienus a Le∣gate to command those works, and he himself made great journeys to get into Italy; where he inrolled two legions, and took three more out of their wintering Camps near about Aquileia: and with these five legions went the next way o∣ver the Alps into the further Gallia. Where by the way the Centrons, Garoceli, and Caturiges taking advantage of the open ground, did seek to keep the Army from passage: but being beaten and put off by many skirmishes, they came in se∣ven days from Ocellum, a town in the furthest parts of the nearer Province, into the confines of the Vocontii, a people of the further Pr••∣vince: from whence he led them into the terri∣tories of the Allobroges, and so unto the Sabu∣sians, that are the first beyond the Rhone, bor∣dering upon the Province.

By that time the Helvetians had carried their forces through the straights and frontiers of the Sequans, into the Dominions of the He∣duans, and began to forrage and pillage their Country. Who finding themselves unable to make resistance, sent Messengers to Caesar to require aid; shewing their deserts to be such from time to time of the people of Rome, that might challenge a greater respect then to have their Country spoiled, their children led into captivity, their townes assaulted and taken, as it were in the sight of the Roman Army. At the same instant likewise the Ambarri, that had dependency and alliance with the Heduans, ad∣vised Caesar that their Countrey was utterly

wasted, and they s••arce able to keep the Enemy from entring their townes. In like manner also the Allobroges that had farmes and possessions beyond the Rhone, fled directly to Caesar, com∣plaining that there was nothing left them but the soil of their Country.

With which advertisements Caesar was so mo∣ved, that he thought it not convenient to linger further, or expect untill the fortunes of their Allies were all wasted, and that the Helvetians were come unto the Santon••s. The river* 1.11 A∣rar, that runneth through the confines of the He∣duans and Sequans into the Rhone, passeth a∣way with such a stillnesse, that by view of the eye it can hardly be discerned which way the water taketh. This river did the Helvetians passe over by Flotes and bridges of boats. When Caesar was advertised by his Discoverers that three parts of their forces were already past the water, and that the fourth was left behind on this side the river; about the third watch of the night he went out of the Camp with three legions, and sur∣prising that part which was not as yet got over the river, slew a great part of them: the rest fled into the next woods.

This part was the Tigurine Canton:* 1.12 and the Helvetians being all parted into four divisi∣ons, this Canton alone in the memory of our fa∣thers slew L. Cassius the Consul, and put his Army under the Yoke. So whether it were by chaunce, or the providence of the Gods, that part of the Helvetian State which gave so great a blow to the Roman people, was the first that did penance for the same. Wherein Caesar took re∣venge not only of the publick, but of his parti∣cular losse too; forasmuch as the Tigurines had in that battel with Cassius slain L. Piso, the Grandfather of L. Piso, his father in law.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THis defeat being chiefly a service of execu∣tion upon such as were taken at a dangerous disadvantage, which men call unaware, contain∣eth these two advisoes. First, not to neglect that advantage which Sertorius by the hairs of his horse taile hath proved to be very important; that beginning with a part, it is a matter of no diffi∣cultie to overcome the whole. Secondly, it may serve for a caveat, so to transport an Armie over a water, where the enemie is within a reasonable march, that no part may be so severed from the bodie of the Armie, that advantage may thereby be taken to cut them off altogether, and separate them from themselves. The safest and most ho∣nourable way to transport an Armie over a river, is by a bridge, placing at each end sufficient troups of horse and foot, to defend the Armie from suddain assaults as they passe over the wa∣ter. And thus went Caesar over the Rhene into Germanie two severall times.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

COncerning the circumstance of time,* 1.13 when Caesar went out of his Camp, which is noted to be in the third watch, we must understand that the Romans divided the whole night into four watches, every watch containing three houres: and these watches were distinguished by severall notes and sounds of Cornets or Trumpets; that by the distinction and diversitie thereof it might easily be known what watch was founded. The charge and office of sounding the watches be∣longed to the chiefest Centurion of a legion, whom they called Primipilus, or Primus Centu∣rio; at whose pavilion the Trumpeters attended, to be directed by his houre-glasse.

The first watch began alwaies at sunne-setting, and continued three houres (I understand such houres as the night contained, being divided into twelve: for the Romans divided their night as well as their day into twelve equall spaces, which they called houres:) the second watch continued untill midnight; and then the third watch began, and contained likewise three houres: the fourth was equall to the rest, and continued untill sunne-rising. So that by this phrase de tertia vigilia, we understand that Caesar went out of his Camp in the third watch, which was after midnight: and so we must conceive of the rest of the watches, as often as we shall find them mentioned in historie.

Chap. V.

Caesar passeth over the river Arar: his horsemen incounter with the Helvetians, and are put to the worse.

AFter this overthrow he caused a bridge to be made over the river Arar,* 1.14 and carried over his Army to pursue the rest of the Helvetian forces. The Helvetians much daunted at his sud∣dain coming▪ that had got over the river in one day, which they could scarce do in twenty, sent Embassadours unto him, of whom Divico was chief, that commanded the Helvetians in the warre against Cassius: who dealt with Caesar to this effect; That if the people of Rome would make peace with the Helvetians, they would go into any part which Caesar should appoint them: but if otherwise he would prosecute warre, that he should remember the overthrow which the people of Rome received by their valour; and not

to attribute it to their own worth, that they had surprized at unawares a part of their Army, when such as had passed the river could not come to succour them. They had learned of their fore∣fathers, to contend rather by valour, then by craft and devices; and therefore let him beware that the place wherein they now were did not get a Name, or carie the marke to all future ages of an eminent calamity to the people of Rome, and of the utter destruction of his Army.

To this Caesar answered; That he made the lesse doubt of the successe of these businesses, in that he well remembred and knew those things which the Helvetian Commissioners had related: and was so much the rather grieved thereat, because it happened without any cause or desert of the people of Rome; who if he were guiltie of any wrong done unto them▪ it were a matter of no difficultie to beware of their practices: but there∣in was his errour, that he could think of nothing which he had committed, that might cause him to fear; neither could he fear without occasion. And if he would let passe former insolencies, could he forget those late and fresh injuries? for, that they had attempted to pass through the Pro∣vince by force of Armes sacked and pillaged the Heduans, Amba••s, and Allobrogians that did so insolently vaunt of their victorie, admiring that these injuries were suffered so long time to rest unrevenged, came all in the end to one passe. For the immortall Gods were went sometimes to give happinesse and long impunitie to men, that by the greater alteration of things, the punishment should be the more grievous for their offences. Howbeit if they would give Hostages for the performance of those things which were to be a∣greed upon, and satisfie the Heduans and Allo∣brogians, together with their Allies, for the in∣juries they had done unto them, he would be con∣tent to make peace with them.

Divico replied, that they were taught by their Ancestours to take Hostages rather then to give them, whereof the people of Rome were witnesses: and thereupon departed. The next day they re∣moved the Camp, and the like did Caesar, sending all his horse before, to the number of four thou∣sand (which he had raised in the Province, and drawn from the Heduans and their Associates) to understand which way▪ the Enemy took: who prosecuting the rereward overhotly, were forced to undertake the Helvetian Cavalry in a place of disadvantage; and thereby lost some few of their Company.

The enemy made proud with that encounter, having with five hundred horse beaten so great a multitude, did afterwards make head with more assurance; and sometimes stuck not to ••ally out of the Rereward and assault our Partie. Caesar kept back his men from fighting; and held it enough for the present, to keep the Enemy from spoiling and harrying the Country: and went on for fifteen daies together in such manner, as there were but five or six miles between the first troupes of our Armie, and the Rereward of theirs.

OBSERVATION.

THis example of the Helvetians may lesson a Commaunder, not to wax insolent upon every overthrow which the enemie taketh, but duely to weigh the true causes of a victorie gotten, or an overthrow taken; that apprehending the right current of the action, he may neither vaunt of a blind victorie, nor be disma••ed at a casuall mishap.

And herein let a heedfull warinesse so mode∣rate the sequels of victorie in a triumphing spirit, that the care and jealousie to keep still that sweet-sounding fame on foot, may as farre surpasse the indu••trie which he first used to obtain it, as the continuance of happinesse doth exceed the begin∣ning of good fortunes. For such is the nature of our soul, that although from her infancie even to the manhood of her age she never found want of that which she lusted after; yet when she meeteth with a counterbuffe to check her appetite, and restrain her affections from their satisfaction, she is as much troubled in that want, as if she had never received any contentment at all: for our will to everie object which it seeketh after, beget∣teth alwaies a new appetite, which is not satisfied with a former quittance, but either seeketh pre∣sent paiment, or returneth discontentment unto the mind.

And as our soul is of an everlasting being, and cannot think of an end to her beginning; so she seeketh a perpetuall continuance of such things as she lusteth after: which he that meaneth to hold Fortune his friend, will endeavour to main∣tain.

Chap. VI.

Caesar sendeth to get the advantage of a hill, and so to give the Helvetians battell: but is put off by false intelligence. The opportunitie being lost, he intendeth provision of Corn.

IN the mean time Caesar pressed the Heduans from day to day to bring in Corn,* 1.15 according to their promise: for by reason of the cold temperature of Gallia, which lieth to the Northward, it hap∣pened

not only that the Corn was farre from being ripe, but also that there was scarce forrage for the horses. And the provisions which were brought along the river Arar stood him in small stead at that time, forasmuch as the Helvetians had taken their journey clean from the Ri∣ver, and he would by no means forsake them.

The Heduans putting it off from one day to another, gave out still it was upon coming. But when Caesar found the matter so long delayed, and that the day of meting out Corn to the souldiers was at hand, calling before him the chiefest Princes of the Heduans, of whom he had great numbers in his Camp, and amongst them Divitiacus and Liscus, who for that time were the soveraign Magistrates (which they call Vergobret, being yearly crea∣ted, and having power of life and death) he did greatly blame them, that he was not supplied with Corn from them, the Enemy being so near, and in so needfull a time, that it could neither be bought for money, nor had out of the fields: especially when for their sake, and at their request he had undertook that warre. Whereat he was the rather grieved, because he found himself forsaken of them.

At length Liscus▪ moved with Caesars speech, discovered (which before he had kept secret) that there were some of great authority amongst the Commons, and could do more being private per∣sons, then they could do being Magistrates. These, by sedicious and bad speeches, did defer the people from bringing Corn: shewing it better for them, sith they could not attain to the Em∣pire of Gallia, to undergo the soveraigntie of the Galles, then the Romans: for they were not to doubt but if the Romans vanquished the Helve∣tians, they would bereave the Heduans of their libertie with the rest of all Gallia. By these men are our deliberations and counsels, or whatsoever else is done in the Camp, made known to the Ene∣my. ••hat they were not able to keep them in obe∣dience. That he knew well withall what danger he fell into by acquainting Caesar with these things; which was the cause he had kept them from him so long.

Caesar perceived that Dumnorix (Divitiacus brother) was shot at by this speech of Liscus: but forasmuch as he would not have those things handled in the presence of so many, he speedily bra••e off the Councell & retaining Liscus, asked privately after those things which he had deli∣vered in the Assembly; whereunto he spake more freely and boldly then before. And inquiring se∣cretly of others, he found it to be true, that Dum∣norix was of great courage, & singularly favour∣ed for his liberality of the Common people, desi∣rous of novelties and changes, and for many years had kept at a low rate the Taxes and Impositions of the Heduans, forasmuch as no man durst con∣tradict what he would have done. By which cour∣ses he had increased his private estate, and got great means to be liberall: for a great number of horsemen did onely live upon his entertain∣ment, and were continually about him, being not onely powerfull at home, but abroad also amongst divers of the neighbour States; and for this cause had married his Mother to a great Rich man, and of a Noble house, in the Countrey of the Bi∣turiges, himself had took a wife of the Helvetians, had matched his sister by his Mother, and others of his k••, into other States. For that affi••ty he favoured and wished well to the Helvetians: and on the other side hated the Romans, and spe∣cially Caesar of all others; for that by their co∣ming into Gallia his power was weakened, and Divitiacus his brother restored to his ancient honour and dignitie. If any miscasualtie happened to the Romans ••is hope was to obtain the Prin∣cipalitie by the favour of the Helvetians: where∣as the soveraigntie of the Romans made him not onely despair of the kingdom, but also of the fa∣vour, or what other thing soever he now injoyed. And Caesar had found out by inquirie, that the beginning of the slight, when the Cavalrie was routed, came from Dumnorix and his horsemen; for he commanded those troups which the He∣duans had sent to aide Caesar; and out of that dis∣order the rest of the Cavalrie took a fright.

Which things being discovered, forasmuch as these suspicions were seconded with matters of certainty, in that he had brought the Helvetians through the confines of the Sequans, had caused hostages to be given on either side, and done all those things not onely without warrant from the State, but without acquainting them therewith, and lastly, in that he was accused by the Ma∣gistrate of the Heduans, he thought it cause suf∣ficient for him to punish him, or to command the State to do justice upon him. One thing there was which might seem too oppugne all this; the singular affection of Divitiacus his brother to the people of Rome; the great love he bare particu∣larly to Caesar, his loyaltie, justice and tempe∣rance; and therefore he feared least his punish∣ment might any way alienate or offend Divitia∣cus sincere affection. And therefore before he did

any thing, he called Divitiacus, and putting aside ••he ordinarie Interpreters, he spake to him by M. Valerius Procillus, one of the principall men of the Province of Gallia, his familiar friend, & whom he specially trusted in matters of impor∣tance, and took notice what Dumnorix had utte∣red in his presence, at a Councell of the Galles, shewing also what informations he had privately received concerning him: and therefore by way of advice desired, that without any offence to him, either he himself might call him in question, or the State take some course in the same.

Divitiacus imbracing Caesar with many tears besought him not to take any severe course with his brother; he knew well that all those things were true, neither was there any man more grie∣ved thereat then himself. For whereas he had credit and reputation, both at home and amongst other States of Gallia, and his brother being of small power by reason of his youth, was by his aide and assistance grown into favour and authoritie, he used those meanes as an advantage not onely to weaken his authoritie, but to bring him to ruine: And yet neverthelesse he found himself overruled through brotherly affection, and the opinion of the common people. And if Caesar should take any strict account of these offences, there was no man but would think it was done with his privitie, considering the place he held in his favour; whereupon would consequently follow on his behalf, a generall alienation and distaste of all Gallia.

As he uttered these things, with many other words accompanied with tears, Caesar taking his right hand,* 1.16 comforted him, and desired him to in∣treat no further: for such was the respect he had unto him, that for his sake, and at his request he forgave both the injurie done to the Commonwealth, and the displeasure which he had justly conceived for the same. And thereupon called Dumnorix before him, and in the presence of his brother shewed him wherein he had deserved much blame and reproof; told him what he had understood, and what the State complained on; advised him to avoid all occasions of mislike for the future; that which was past he had forgiven him, at Divitiacus his brothers intreaty. How∣beit he set espials upon him, to observe his courses, that he might be informed what he did, and with whom he conversed.

The same day, understanding by the Disco∣verers that the Enemy was lodged under a Hill, about eight miles from his Camp, he sent some to take a view of the Hill, and of the ascent from about the same. Which was found, & accordingly reported unto him to be very easie. In the third watch of the night he sent away T. Labienus the Legat with two legions, and those Guides that knew the way; commanding him to possesse him∣self of the top of that Hill. Himself, about the fourth watch, marched on after the Enemy, the same way they had gone, sending all his horsemen before.

P. Causidius, that was held for a great soul∣dier first in the Army of L. Sylla, and afterwards with M. Crassus, was sent before with the Disco∣verers. At the breaking of the day, when Labie∣nus had got the top of the Hill, and himself was come within a mile and a half of the Helvetian Camp, without any notice to the Enemy either of his or Labienus approach (as was afterwards found by the Captives) Causidius came running as fast as his horse could drive, and told him that the Hill which Labienus should have ta∣ken, was held by the Galles; which he perceived plainly by the Armes and Ensignes of the Hel∣vetians. Whereupon Caesar drew his forces to the next Hill, and imbattelled the Army.

Labienus (according to the directions he had from Caesar, not to fight, unlesse he saw his forces near the Enemies Camp that they might both at the same time assault them from divers parts at once) when he had took the Hill, kept his men from battel, expecting our Army.

At length when it was farre in the day, Cae∣sar understood by the Discoverers that the Hill was possessed by his Party; as also that the enemy was dislodged, and that Causidius was so asto∣nished with fear, that he reported to have seen that which he saw not. The same day he followed the Enemy at the distance he had formerly used, and incamped himself three miles from them. The day following, forasmuch as the Army was to be paid in Corn within two days next after, and that he was but eighteen miles distant from Bibract, a great and opulent City of the He∣duans, he turned aside from the Helvetians, and made towards Bibract.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THe getting of this hill as a place of advantage,* 1.17 was marvellous important to the happy suc∣cesse of the battel: for the advantage of the place is not only noted as an especiall cause of easy vi∣ctory throughout this history, but in all their wars, from the very cradle of their Empire, it cleared their Armies from all difficulties, to what extre∣mities soever they were put. The first reason may

be in regard of their Darts and Slings, and espe∣cially their Piles; which being a heavy deadly weapon, could not any way be so availeable be∣ing cast countermont, or in a plain levell, as when the de••livity and downfall of a swelling bank did naturally second their violent impressi∣on. Neither can the shock at handy-blowes be any thing so furious (which was a point of great respect in their battels) when the souldiers spent their strength in franchising the in jury of a rising Mountain, as when the place by a naturall inclination did further their course.

And to conclude, if the battel succeeded not according to the•• desire, the favour of the place afforded them meanes of a strong retreat, in the highest part whereof they had commonly their Camps well fenced, and fortified against all chaunces. If it be demanded, whether the upper ground be of like use in regard of our weapons; I answer, that in a skirmish of shot I take the advantage to ly in the lower ground rather then on the hill; for the peeces being hastily charged, as commonly they are after the first volley, if the bullet chance to ly loose, when the nose of the peece is lower then the breech, it must needs flie at randome, and be altogether uneffectuall: but when the nose shall be raised upward to the side of a hill, the bullet being rammed in with his own weight, shall fly with greater certainty and fury: considering the nature of the powder to be such, that the more it is stopt and shut in, the more it seeketh to enlarge his room, and breaketh forth with greater violence and fury.

Concerning other weapons, I take the upper ground in the shock and incounter to be advan∣tageous, as well for the sword as the pike, and would deserve as great respect, if the controversy were decided by these weapons, as seldome times it is.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

BY Causidius his demeanour we see that verified which Physicians affirme, That nothing will sooner carrie our judgement out of her proper seat, then the passion of fear; and that amongst souldiers themselves, whom custome hath made familiarlie acquainted with horrour and death, it is able to turn a flock of Sheep into a squadron of Corselets, and a few Canes or Oliers into Pikes and Lanciers. Which may serve to advise a discreet Generall not easily to credit a relation of that nature, when a man of reputation in so per∣fect a discipline, and so experienced in the service of three famous Chiefs, was so surprised with fear, that he could not discern his friends from his enemies. But I will speak more of this passion in the war with A••••ovistus.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

IN every relation throughout the whole course of this historie,* 1.18 the first words are commonly these, Re frumentaria comparata, as the founda∣tion and strength of every expedition, without which no man can manage a war according to the true maximes and rules of the Art Military, but must be forced to relieve that inconvenience with the losse of many other advantages of great consequence. Which gave occasion to Gaspar de Coligm, that famous Admirall of France, amongst other Oracles of truth wherewith his mind was marvellously inriched, often to use this saying, That he that will shape that beast (meaning war) must beginne with the belly. And this rule was diligently observed by Caesar, who best knew how to express the true pourtraiture of that beast in due proportion and lively resemblance.

The order of the Romans was, at the day of measuring, to give corn to every particular soul∣dier for a certain time, which was commonly de∣sined by circumstances: and by the measure which was given them they knew the day of the next paiment; for every footman received after the rate of a bushell a week, which was thought sufficient for him and his servant. For if they had payed them their whole stipend in money, it might have been wasted in unnecessarie expenses: but by this meanes they were sure of provision for the time determined; and the sequell of the war was pro∣vidently cared for by the Generall.

The Corn being delivered out, was husbanded, ground with hand-milles, which they carried al∣wayes with them, and made into hasty cakes, dainty enough for a souldiers mouth, by no other but themselves and their servants. Neither could they sell it or exchange it for bread; for Salust reckoneth this up amongst other dishonours of the discipline corrupted, that the souldiers sold a∣way their corn which was given them by the Treasurer, and bought their bread by the day. And this manner of provision had many speciall com∣modities, which are not incident to our custome of victualling: for it is impossible that victuallers should follow an Armie upon a service in the Enemies Countrey, twenty or thirty dayes toge∣ther, with sufficient provision for an Armie: And by that meanes the Generall cannot attend ad∣vantages and fittest opportunities, which in tract of time are often offered, but is forced either to ha∣zard the whole upon unequall termes, or to found an unwilling retreat.

And whereas the Victuallers are for the most part voluntarie, respecting nothing but their gain, and the souldiers on the other side carelesse of the morrow, and prodigall of the present; in that tur∣bulent marre-market, where the seller hath an eye onely to his particular, and the buyer respecteth neither the publick good nor his private commo∣ditie,

there is nothing to be looked for but famine and confusion. Whereas the Romans, by their manner of provision, imposed the generall care of the publick good upon the chief Commander, whose dutie it was to provide store of Corn for his Armie; and the particular care upon every private souldier, whom it especially concerned to see that the allowance which the Commonweale had in plentifull manner given him for his main∣tenance, might not be wasted through negligence or prodigalitie: which excellent order the nature of our victuals will no way admit. Their Pro∣vinces, and the next consederate States furnished their Armies continually with Corn; as it ap∣peareth by this place, that for provision of grain he depended altogether upon the Hedui: and when they were in the Enemies Countrey, in the time of harvest the souldiers went out to reap and gather Corn, and delivered it threshed and clean∣sed to the Treasurer, that it might be kept untill the day of paiment.

But to leave this fiugall and provident manner of provision, as unpossible to be amitated by this age, let us return to our historie, and see how the Helvetians were led, by a probable errour, to their last overthrow.

Chap. VII.

The Helvetians follow after Caesar, and overtake the Rereward. He imbattaileth his legions upon the side of a hill; and giveth order for the battel.

WHereof the Enemy being advertised by certain fugitives of the troup of horse commanded by L. Emilius,* 1.19 presently, whether it were that they thought the Romans did turn away for fear, (and the rather, for that the day before, having the advantage of the upper ground, they refused to sight) or whether they thought to cut them off from provision of Corn, they altered their purpose, and turning back again began to attack our men in the Rere. Which Caesar perceiving, drew his forces to the next hill, and sent the Cavalrie to sustain the charge of the Enemy: and in the mean time in the midst of the hill made a triple bat∣tell, of four legions of old souldiers; and upon the highest ridge thereof he placed the two legions which he had lately inrolled in the hither Gal∣lia, together with the associate forces, filling the whole front of the hill with men, and stowing the carriages in one place, which he commanded to be fenced and guarded by those that were in the uppermost battalions.

The Helvetians on the other side conveyed their carriages and impediments into one place; and having beaten back Caesars horsemen with a thick thronged Squadron, they put themselves into a Phalanx, and so pressed under the first battell of the Roman legions.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

COncerning the true sense of this triple battel which Caesar made upon the side of the hill,* 1.20 I understand it according to the ancient custome of the Romans, who in the infancy of their Mi∣litary discipline divided their Army into three sorts of souldiers, Hastati, Principles, and Triarii; for I omit the Velites, as no part of their standing battels: and of these they made three severall battels, from front to back. In the first battel were the Hastati, and they possessed the whole front of the Army, and were called Acies prima. Behind these,* 1.21 in a convenient di∣stance, stood the Principes in like sort and order disposed, and were called Acies secunda. And lastly, in a like correspondent distance were the Triarii imbattelled, and made Aciem tertiam.

Their legion consisted of ten Companies, which they called Cohorts, and every Cohort consisted of three small Companies, which they named Manipuli: a maniple of the Hastati, a maniple of the Principes, and another of the Triarii, as I will more particularly set down in the second book. And as these three kinds of souldiers were separated by distance of place from front to back: so was every battel divided into his maniples; and these were divided by little allies and wayes one from another, which were used to this purpose: The Hastati being in front, did ever begin the battel: and if they found themselves too weak to repell the enemy, or were happily forced to a retreat, they drew themselves through these allies or distances, which were in the second battel, between the maniples of the Principes, into the space which was between the Principes and the Triarii; and there they rested themselves, whilst the Princepes took their place and charged the Enemy. Or otherwise, if the Commanders found it needfull, they filled up those distances of the Principes; and so united with them into one body, they charged the ene∣my all in grosse; and then if they prevailed not, they retired into the spaces between the Triarii, and so they gave the last assault, all the three bo∣dies being joyned into one.

Now if we examine by the current of the histo∣ry whether Caesar observed the same order and di∣vision in his wars, we shall find little or no alte∣ration at all: for first, this triplex, Acies here men∣tioned, was no other thing but the division of the Hastati, Principes and Triarii, according to the manner of the first institution. And least any man should dream of that ordinary division, which is likewise threefold, the two cornets and the battel, and in that sense he might say to have made triplicem Aciem, let him understand that the circumstances of the division have no cohe∣rence

with that division: for in that he saith of the Helve••••ans, successerunt sub Aciem pri∣mam, they pressed near the first battel or Van∣gard, he maketh it clear that the Army was divi∣ded into a triple battel from front to back: for otherwise he would have said, successerunt sub dextrum aut sinistrum cornu, aut mediam A∣ciem; for so were the parts of that division termed. Again, in the retreat which the Helve∣tians made to the hill, when he saith that the first and second battel followed close upon the ene∣my, and the third opposed it self against the Boii and Tulingi, and stood ready at the foot of the hill to charge the legions in the stank and on the back; it is manifest that no other division can so fitly be applied to this circumstance, as that from front to back.

But that place in the first of the Civill wars taketh away all scruple of controversy, where he useth the very same terms of prima, secunda, and tertia Acies: forbeing to encamp himself near unto Afranius, and fearing least his souldiers should be interrupted in their work, he caused the first and second battel to stand in Arms, and keep their distance, to the end they might shroud and cover the third battel (which was imploied in making a ditch behind them) from the view of the enemy; and this kind of imbattelling Cae∣sar observed in most of his fights: by which it appeareth that he used the very same order and discipline for imbattelling, as was instituted by the old Romans.

Concerning the ancient names of Hastati, Principes, and Triarii, which Ramus in his Militia Julii Caesaris urgeth to be omitted throughout the whole history, I grant they are seldome used in these Commentaries in the sense of their first institution: for the Haestati, when the discipline was first erected, were the youngest poorest of the legionary souldiers; and the Prin∣cipes were the lusty and able-bodied men; and the Triarii the eldest and best experienced. But in Caesars Camp there was little or no dif∣ference either of valour or yeares between the Hastati, Principes and Triarii; which he nameth Prima, Secunda, and Tertia Acies; and therefore they were never termed by those names in respect of that difference.

Notwithstanding in regard of order and de∣grees of discipline, that vertue might be rewarded with honour, and that time might challenge the priviledge of a more worthy place, the said distinctions and terms were religiously observed. For in the battel with Petreius at Ilerda in Spain,* 1.22 he mentioneth the death of Q. Fulginius, ex primo Hastato legionis quart aedecimae: and in the overthrow at Dyrrachium,* 1.23 he saith that the Eagle-bearer being grievously wound∣ed, commended the safety of his Ensigne to the horsemen, all the Centurions of the first Co∣hort being slain, praeter Principem priorem. And for the Triarii, there is no term more fre∣quent in Caesar then Primipilus; which name, by the rules of the ancient discipline, was given to none but to the chiefest Centurion of the first maniple of the Triarii: whereby it appeareth that the maniples kept the same names in regard of a necessary distinction, although peradventure the Hastati were as good souldiers as either the Principes or the Triarii.

As touching the spaces between the maniples, whereinto the first battel did retire it self if oc∣casion urged them, I never found any mention of them in Caesar: excepting once here in En∣gland, where in a skirmish the Britans so urged the court of guard, which kept watch be∣fore the Roman Camp, that Caesar sent out two other Cohorts to succour them; who ma∣king distance between them as they stood, the court of guard retired it self in safety through that space into the Camp. Otherwise we never find that the first battel made any retreat into the allies, between the maniples of the second battel; but when it failed in any part, the se∣cond and third went presently to second them: as appeareth in the battel following with Ario∣vistus, and in divers others.

Concerning the use of this triple battel,* 1.24 what can be said more then Lipsius hath done? where he laieth open the particular commodities there∣of, as far forth as a speculative judgement can discern of things so far remote from the use of this age, which never imitateth this triple battel but only in a march: for then common∣ly they make three companies, a Vangard, a Battel, and a Rereward: but in imbattelling they draw these three Companies all in front, making two cornets and the battel, without any other troups to second them.

But let this suffice concerning Caesar his man∣ner of imbattelling, and his triplex Acies, un∣till I come to the second book; where I will handle more particularly the parts of a legion, and the commondity of their small battalions.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THe Macedonian Phalanx is described by Polybius to be a square battel of Pikemen,* 1.25 consisting of sixteen in flank and five hun∣dred in front; the souldiers standing so close together, that the pikes of the fifth rank were extended three foot beyond the front of the battel: the rest, whose pikes were not serviceable by reason of their distance from the front, couched them upon the shoul∣ders of those that stood before them; and so locking them in together in file, pressed forward, to hold up the sway or giving back 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the former ranks, and so to make the assault more violent and unresistable.

The Graecians were very skilful in this part of the

Art Militarie, which containeth order and dispo∣sition in imbattelling: for they maintained pub∣lick professours, whom they called Tactici, to teach and instruct their youth the practise and Art of all formes convenient for that purpose. And these Tactici found by experience that six∣teen in flank, so ordered as they were in a Pha∣lanx, were able to bear any shock, how violent so ever it charged upon them. Which number of sixteen they made to consist of four doubles: as first unitie maketh no order, for order consisteth in number and pluralitie; but unitie doubled ma∣keth two, the least of all orders, and this is the double: which doubled again maketh the second order, of four souldiers in a file; which doubled the third time maketh eight; and this doubled maketh 16, which is the fourth doubling from a unite; and in it they staied, as in an absolute num∣ber and square, whose root is four, the Quadruple in regard of both the extremes. For every one of these places the Tactici had severall names, by which they were distinctly known. But the par∣ticular description requireth a larger discourse then can be comprehended in these short obser∣vations. He that desireth further knowledge of them, may read Aelianus, that lived in the time of Adrian the Emperour; and Arianus in his historie of Alexander the great, with Mauritius, and Leo Imperator; where he shall have the divi∣sions of Tetraphalangia, Diphalangia, Pha∣langia unto a unite, with all the discipline of the Grecians. The chiefest thing to be observed is, that the Grecians having such skill in imbattelling, preferred a Phalanx before all other formes whatsoever; either because the figure in it self was very strong; or otherwise in regard that it fitted best their weapons, which were long pikes and targets. But whether Caesar termed the battell of the Helvetians a Phalanx, in regard of their thick manner of imbattelling onely, or otherwise forasmuch as besides the form, they used the natu∣rall weapon of a Phalanx, which was the pike, it remaineth doubtfull. Brancatio in his discourses upon this place, maketh it no controversie but that every souldier carried a pike and a target. The target is particularly named in this historie: but it cannot so easily be gathered by the same that their offensive weapons were pikes. In the fight at the baggage it is said, that many of the legionarie shouldiers were wounded through the cart-wheeles, with tragulae and materae, which are commonly interpreted Speares and Javelins: and I take them to be weapons longer then common darts; but whether they were so long as the Sa∣rissas of the Macedonians I cannot tell. How∣soever this is certain, that the Helvetians have ever been reputed for the true Phalangitae, next unto the Macedonians; and that in their thick and close imbattelling, they failed not at this time of the form of a Phalanx: for they roofed it so thick with targets, that Caesar saith they were sore troubled, because many of their targets were fastened and tied together with piles darted through them. Which argueth that their Phalanx was very thick thronged, whatsoever their wea∣pon was.

Chap. VIII.

Caesar sendeth away all the horses of ease; exhorteth his men; and beginneth the battell.

CAesar to take away all hope of safety by flight,* 1.26 first caused his own, and then all the private horses of ease to be carried out of sight; and so using some motives of courage, began the battel. The souldiers casting their Piles, with the advan∣tage of the hill, did easily break the Helvetians Phalanx, and then with their swords betook themselves to a furious close.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THe ancient Sages found it necessary to a faithfull and serious execution of such an action,* 1.27 to prepare the minds of their men with words of encouragement, and to take away all scruple out of their conceits, either of the unlaw∣fulnesse of the cause, or disadvantage against the Enemie: for if at any time that saying be true, that Oratio plus potest quam pecunia, it is here more powerfull and of greater effect. For a dona∣tive or liberanza can but procure a mercenarie en∣deavour, ever yielding to a better offer, and do oftentimes breed a suspicion of wrong, even a∣mongst those that are willingly inriched with them; and so maketh them slack to discharge their service with loyaltie, yea oftentimes of friends to become enemies. But inasmuch as speech disclo∣seth the secrets of the soul, and discovereth the in∣tent and drift of every action, a few good words laying open the injurie which is offered to inno∣cencie, how equity is controlled with wrong, and justice controlled by iniquitie (for it is necessary that a Commander approve his Cause, and settle an opinion of right in the mind of his souldiers, as it is easie to make that seem probable which so many offer to defend with their bloud; when in∣deed every man relieth upon anothers know∣ledge, and respecteth nothing lesse the right) a few good words I say, will so stirre up their minds in the ferventnesse of the cause, that every man will take himself particularly ingaged in the action by the title of Equitie; and the rather, for that it jumpeth with the necessity of their condi∣tion. For men are willing to do well, when well∣doing agreeth with that they would do: otherwise the Act may happily be effected, but the mind ne∣ver approveth it by assent.

And this manner of exhortation or speech of encouragement was never emitted by Caesar in

any conflict mentioned in this histori••: but he still used it as a necessary instrument to set vertue on foot, and the onely meanes to stir up alacritie. Or if it happened that his men were at any time discouraged by disaster or crosse accident,* 1.28 as they were at Gergobia, and at the two overthrows he had at Dyrrachium, he never would adventure to give battell untill he had incouraged them a∣gain, and confirmed their minds in valour and resolution. But this age hath put on so scornfull a humour, that it cannot hear a speech in this key, sound it never so gravely, without scoffing and derision: and on the other side discontinuance of so necessarie a part hath bred at length such an inutilent pudorem in our chief Commanders, that they had rather lose the gain of a great advan∣tage, then buy it with words to be delivered in publick.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

IN this Chapter we may further observe the vio∣lence of the Roman pile, which being a heavie deadly weapon, could hardly be frustrated with any resistance, and in that respect was very pro∣per and effectuall against a Phalanx, or any o∣ther thick and close battell, or wheresoever else stroke was certain, or could hardly deceive the aime of the caster: for in such encounters it so galled the enemy, that they were neither able to keep their order, nor answer the assault with a re∣sisting counterbuffe. By which it appeareth that the onely remedie against the Pile was to make the ranks thin; allowing to every souldier a large podisme or place to stand in, that so the stroke might of it self fall without hurt, or by fore-sight be prevented; as it shall plainly appear by the sequele of this historie, which I will not o∣mit to note, as the places shall offer themselves to the examination of this discourse.

But as touching the Pile,* 1.29 which is so often men∣tioned in the Roman historie, Polybius descri∣beth it in this manner; A Pile, saith he, is a casting weapon, the staffe whereof is almost three cubits long, and it hath palmarem diametrum, a hand-breadth in thickness. The staves were armed with a head of iron, equall in length to the staffe it self: But in that sort, that half the head was fastened up to the middle of the staffe, with plates of iron, like the head of a Halbert; and the other half stuck out at the end of the staffe like a pike, containing a fingers breadth in thick∣nesse, and so decreasing lesse and lesse upto the point, which was barbed. This head was so slen∣der toward the points, that the weight of the staffe would bend it as it stuck, as appeareth in this battel of the Helvetians. This weapon was pecu∣liar to the Romans, and was called Pilum, as Varro noteth,* 1.30 of Pilum a Pestell, quod Hostes feriret ut pilum. Lipsius finding that Palmarem diame∣trum was too great a thicknesse to be managed by any mans hand, interpreteth it to be four inches in circuit, if the staffe were either round or square, for they had of both sorts, and so he maketh it very manageable; but nothing answerable to the description given by Polybius, either informe or weight.

Patricius in his Paralleli maketh the staffe to have Palmarem diametrum in the butt end,* 1.31 but the rest of the staffe he maketh to decrease taper∣wise, unto the head of iron, where it hath the thicknesse of a mans finger; and so it answereth both in form and weight to a Pestell, as may be seen by the figure, and I take it to be the meaning of Polybius. Patricius in that place setteth down four discommodities of the Pile. First, a furious and hot-spirited enemie will easily prevent the darting of the Pile, with a nimble and speedy close. And so we read that in the battell which Caesar had with Ariovistus, the Germans came so violently upn them, that the souldiers cast away their piles and betook them to their swords. And likewise in that worthy battell between Catiline and Marcus Petreius,* 1.32 they cast away their piles on either part. The second discommo∣dity was, that the piles being so heavy could not be cast any distance, but were only serviceable at hand. Thirdly, they could not be cast with a∣ny aime, or as they say, point-blank. And lastly, the souldiers were to take advantage of ground backward when they threw them: which might easily disorder their troups, if they were not very well experienced.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

THe last thing which I observe in this speciali∣ty is, that the legionary souldiers had no other offensive weapon but one pile or two at the most, and their swords. By which it may be gathered that all their victories came by buckling at handy-blowes; for they came alwayes so near before they cast their pile, that they left themselves no more time then might conveniently serve them to draw their swords: neither would their Arms of defence, which was compleat, besides a large target which they carried on their left arm, suffer them to make any long pursuit, or continued chase, whensoever a light-armed enemy did make any speedy retreat; as will more plainly appear by that which followeth.

Chap. IX.

The Helvetians fainting in the battel, retire to a Hill: the Romans follow after, and the battel is continued.

IT was a great hinderance to the Galles in their fight,* 1.33 that many of their Targets were struck through, and tied together with one fall of a Pile: for so it happened that it could neither be

[illustration]

THE BATTEL WHICH CAESAR HAD WITH THE HELVETIANS.

[illustration]

led out, by reason of the bowing of the Iron, nor could they use their left hand for the defence of themselves. Whereby it fell out that many of them (after a wearisome toil) did cast away their targets, and fought naked and unarmed. At length, fainting with wounds, they began to give place, and retreated to a Hill a mile off.

The Hill being taken, and the Legions fol∣lowing on to drive them from thence, the Boii and ••ulingi, to the number of fifteen thousand, being in the Rere of the Enemy, to guard the lag of their Army, setting on our men as they were in pursuit of the rest, did charge them up∣on the open side, and began to inclose them about: which the Helvetians that had got the Hill per∣ceiving began again to fall upon our men, and renewed the battel. The Romans dividing themselves, turned their Ensignes two wayes; the first and second Army fought against the Helvetians that returned from the Hill; and the third battel took charge of them that stood ready to inclose them about. And here the fight was doubtfull and furious for a long time; un∣till at length they were no longer able to endure the violence of the legionary souldiers: and so one part betook themselves as at the first to the Hill; and the other, to the place where their Carts and baggage were lodged.

And hitherto there was not one man seen to have turned his back in all this conflict; although the fight continued from the seventh hour untill the evening.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

COncerning the Ensignes of the Romans,* 1.34 we are to understand that the chiefest Ensigne of every Legion was an Eagle, which alwayes attended upon the Primipile or chief Centurion of the said Legion. The Ensigne of a Maniple was either a Hand or a Dragon, a Wolf or a Sphinx; as it appeareth (besides the testimony of history) by the Column of Trajan in Rome, wherein the Ensignes are figured with such pour∣traitures: so that these Ensignes resembling the proportions of living creatures, had their fore∣parts alwayes carried that way which the legious were to march, or where they were to fight. And therefore in this history by the aspect and carry∣ing of the Ensignes, the front of the Army was commonly noted: as in this place it is said, that the Ensignes of the first and second battel were carried towards the hill, whither the Helvetians had made their retreat; and the Ensignes of the third battel looked another way, towards the Boii and Tulingi, which stood on the foot of the hill. By which is signified how the legions were divided to resist the brunt of the double incoun∣ter.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

COncerning the time of the day, we are to un∣derstand that the Romans used not the same division of the day as we commonly do:* 1.35 for they divided their artificiall (which is the space be∣tween sun-rising and setting) into twelve equall parts, which the Astronomers called unequall or planetary houres. The first houre of the day began alwayes at sun-rising; the sixth houre was alwayes high noon; and the twelfth houre was sun-setting. And as the day waxed longer or shorter, so these houres were either greater or lesse: neither did they agree with equall or equi∣noctiall houres, such as are now used, but only at the Aequinoctium: so that by this manner of reckoning, Ab hora septima ad vesperum is meant, the battel began about one of the clock according to our Computation, and continued untill the evening. The like we must understand throughout this whole history, as often as there is mention made of the circumstance of time.

Chap. X.

The Helvetians continue their fight at the carria∣ges: but at length they leave the field, and march towards Langres.

IN like manner the fight was kept on foot at the carriages,* 1.36 untill it was far in the night; the place being for∣tified with Carts instead of a Ram∣pier: and the Enemy casting their weapons from the upper ground, and with Darts and Javelins under the waggons, and from between the wheeles, did wound and gall many of our men. After a long conflict our souldiers took their carriages and their Camp; wherein Orgetorix daughter and one of his sons were taken. There were saved out of that battel about one hundred and thirty thousand persons; who marching continually all that night, and making no stay in any place, came the fourth day into the confines of the Lingones:* 1.37 for by reason of the souldiers hurts, and the buriall of the slain, wherein there was spent three dayes, there was no pursuit made after them.

OBSERVATION.

IF we consider the nature of the action, and look into the true cause of their overthrow, as far as the right sense of the history shall direct our judgement, we shall find valour not to be wanting in the Helvetians, but rather superla∣tively

abounding in the Romans. For that ve∣hement opinion of their valiancy and manhood, which carried them out of the starits of the Country to seek larger fortunes in other kingdoms, was not so abated with the losse of the fourth part of their Host at the river Arar, nor with the terrible fury of those veterane legions; but it yielded this effect, which Caesar in his estimate of valour thought memorable, that for five houres space or more there was not one man seen to have turned his back. Their manner of imbattelling, had not the Romans been the enemy, was unresistable. For being cast into a Ph••lanx, which in the Plaines of Asia had made Alexander the great and the Macedomans famous, they did as farr surpasse any other form of imbattelling (suppo∣sing that the conveniency of the place did fit that disposition) wherein the strength of the whole is divided into many particulars, as the violence of a great body exceedeth the force and motion of his parts, when it is divided into smaller can∣tons. For as in a phalanx many particular soul∣diers are by a close and compact order incorpo∣rated into one entire body; so their severall ver∣tues are gathered into one head, and are as parts united into one generall force; which easily swalloweth up the ability of many other lesser quantities, into which a greater strength is equal∣ly divided.

The advantage of the place which they got by retreat, and the double charge wherewith they in∣gaged the Romans, both in front and flank, was able in an indifferent conflict to have made Fortune fugitive, and bear armes on their side; or at the least so to have st••••med the swelling tide of victory, which carried the Romans so violent∣ly in the chase, that they might have been equall shaters in the honour of the day; had it not followed from an Ocean of valour, whose course could not be hindered with any stops and oppo∣sitions, untill it came to that height which true valour and unexampled resolution affected. And yet the height of this courage could not so allay the heat of the Helvetians fury, but it brake forth into dangerous flames, when it came to the place where their carriages were laid, and cost much bloud and many mens lives before they quitted the place: for they fought with that spirit and industry, as though they meant to make triall whether their fortune would prove no better in the might, then it had done in the day.

The overthrow of the Tig••r••e Canton at the river Arar proceeded rather from want of good duc••tions (which is the lesse to be marvelled at, considering they had no chief Commander as we read of) then from any defect of valour:* 1.38 for the rules of Military government: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 especiall care in passing, over a water; for then especially an Army is in greatest danger, when it is disor∣dered and divided. And therefore the Romans atchieved this victory by the horrible vigilancy (as Tully calleth it) of their Commande••, who alwayes watched opportunitates re•• bene geren∣dae, as necessary and speedy meanes to overcome in all his wars.

Chap. XI.

Caesar, after three dayes respite, followeth after the Helvetians: he taketh them to mercy, and sendeth them back again to the Country.

Caesar sent Letters and Messengers to the Lingones,* 1.39 forbidding to supply them either with Cornor any other thing; which if they did, he would esteem of them as of the Helvetians. Himself, after three dayes respite, follwed after with all his forces. The Helvetians, pressed with the want of all necessary provisions, sent Commissioners unto him to treat of their rendition. Who meeting him on the way, cast themselves at his feet, and with humble words and tears desired Peace. Be∣ing commanded to attend in the place they then were, they accordingly obeyed. Caesar being come up unto them, required hostages, together with their Arms and servants; as also the fu∣gitives that were sled unto them.

While those things were sought out and brought, in the night time, six thousand men or there abouts of the Canton called Verbigene, whether moved through fear of being executed after their Arms were given up, or induced with hope of escaping (as thinking that amongst such a multitude of people that were there to be rendred, their flight should not be missed, or at least would be concealed) did in the beginning of the night leave the Helvetian Camp, and made towards the Rhene, and the confines of the Germans.

Caesar understanding through whose territo∣ries they passed, commanded them to seek them out, and bring them back again, if they would be blamelesse in that behalfe: And being brought back, dealt with them as enemies. All the rest, after Hostages, Arms and fugitives were given in, he received to mercy; and comman∣ded the Helvetians, Tulinges, and Latobriges to return into their Country from whence they came. And forasmuch as having lost all their provisi∣on of Corn, there remained nothing at home to sa∣tisfy hunger, he gave order to the Allebroges to supply them with Corn; and willed the Helveti∣ans to reedify their Towns and Cities, that they had before destroyed and forsaken. Which he did specially for this cause; that the Germans in∣habiting beyond the Rhene might not be invited with the richnesse of that soil, to seat themselves

so near neighbours to the Province of Gallia, and the Allobroges. The Boij, at the mediation of the Heduans, as knowing them to be men of great valour, were permitted to dwell in their Country; to whom they gave lands and possessi∣ons, and received them into the same liberties and immunities as they themselves injoyed.

In the Helvetian Camp was found a List, or Register, writ in Greek, and brought to Caesar, containing by pole the whole number that left their Country, how many of them were able to bear Arms: and in like manner the boyes, old men and women were inrolled apart by them∣selves. The summary whereof was, that the whole number of the Helvetians amounted to two hundred sixty three thousand, the Tulinges to thirty six thousand, the Latobriges to fourteen, the Rauracks to twenty three, the Boii to thirty two. Of these there were that bare Arms, one hundred ninety two thousand. The totall of all were three hundred sixty eight thousand. A view being taken by Caesars appointment of those that returned home, there were found one hun∣dred and ten thousand.

OBSERVATION.

THe directions concerning their rendry and return were very sound, and of good conse∣quence. For first, in that he commanded them to attend his coming in the place where they were, he took away all motions of new trouble, which often removes might have caused, by the oppor∣tunity of some accident which might have hap∣pened: assuring himself that their aboad in that place would increase their miseries, and conse∣quently ripen that desire of peace which they made shew of; considering that the Langones, in whose territories they were, durst not for fear of Caesars displeasure furnish them with any neces∣saries in that extremity. Touching the security which the Romans required of the loyalty of such people as they conquered, their manner was to take as hostages a sufficient number of the men-children of the chiefest men of that Nation; whose lives depended upon their Parents fideli∣ty, and ended with the first suspicion of their re∣bellion. Which custome, besides the present good, promised the like or better security to the next age; when as those children by conversation and acquaintance should be so affected to the Roman Empire, that returning to their own country, their actions might rather tend to the advancement thereof, then any way be prejudi∣ciall to the same. And least the love of liberty and freedome should prevail more with them, then that affection which Nature had injoyned them to bear to their children; he did what he could to take away the means and instruments of their re∣bellion, by causing them to deliver up such Arms and weapons as were there present: and so to become sutable to that petition of peace which they had made.

The summe of all is this; he corrected the in∣solency of a furious people, and reduced them to a feeling of their own madnesse. He kept them from sacking the possessions of many thousands in the continent of Gallia, and sent them back again to continue their name and Nation in the place where they first inhabited; which continu∣eth unto this day. And thus we see that there is no humour so head-strong, nor so backt with strength of circumstances, but it may meet with a remedy to qualify the insolency thereof, and make it subject to correction and controul∣ment.

Chap. XII.

The States of Gallia congratulate Caesars victorie: they call a councell, and discover their inward grief concerning Ariovistus and his forces.

THe Helvetian war being thus ended,* 1.40 the Princes and chief men of all the States of Gallia came to Caesar, to congratulate the happinesse of this victory; insomuch as they well understood, that albeit the people of Rome had by the course of this war revenged the injuries which heretofore they had done unto them: yet neverthelesse the issue thereof did redound no lesse profita∣ble to the peace of Gallia, then to the Roman Empire; forasmuch as the Helvetians left their houses and Country abounding with all plenty and prosperity, for no other purpose but to invade the whole Country of Gallia, and to bring it in sub∣jection to themselves; and choosing out of that large Continent some fit and fruitfull place of habitation, to make the rest of the States their Tributaries. They required further, that with his good leave they might call a generall assem∣bly at a day prefixed, of all the States of Gallia, forasmuch as they had matters of great impor∣tance to be handled, which they desired (with a common consent) to preferr to his consideration. Which being granted, and the day of meeting ap∣pointed, they bound themselves by oath not to re∣veal the causes of their assembly, but to such as should be designed by common counsel.

The Parliament being broken up, the same Princes returned to Caesar, and desired that they might in secret treat with him of the safety of themselves, and all the rest: which being granted, they cast themselves in lamentable manner at his feet, contending with a great ear∣nestnesse

that those things which they delivered might not be revealed, as they did to have their petition granted: forasmuch as they saw that the discovery of such declarations as they propoun∣ded, would necessarily pull upon them most grie∣vous afflictions.

Divitiacus the Heduan, in the name of the rest, delivered, That Gallia was divided into two factions: the Hedui were the head of the one, and the Arverni of the other. These two States contending many years for the principali∣ty, the Arverni with the Sequans their Clients, hired the Germans to take their part; of whom at first there passed over the Rhene some fifteen thousand: but afterwards, these barbarous peo∣ple having tasted the plenty and civility of the Galles, drew over many more, that now there were no lesse then one hundred and twenty thou∣sand. With these the Hedui and their Clients had once or oftener fought; but the successe sorted to their own calamity, and the utter over∣throw of their Nobility and Senate: with which losses they were so broken and decayed, that whereas heretofore as well by their own credit, as by the favour of the people of Rome, they struck a great stroke throughout all Gallia; they were now driven to deliver the chiefest of their State as pledges to the Sequans, and to bind themselves by oath never to seek their release or freedome, nor to implore the aid of the people of Rome, nor to seek means to free themselves from their soveraignty; onely himself of all the He∣duans could not be brought to take that oath, or to give his children as hostages: for which cause he fled to Rome, and besought help of the Senate, being no way obliged to the contrary either by oath or hostages.

But it so fell out, that the victory became more grievous to the Sequans then to the Heduans: for that Ariovistus king of the Germans was planted in their territories; and being already possest of a third part of their Country, which was the best part of all Gallia, did now require the Sequans to forgo another third part, for that a few months before there were come unto him twenty four thousand Harudes, to whom lands and possessions were to be allotted. Whereby it would come to passe within a few years that all the Galles would be driven out of their dwel∣lings, and all the Germans would come over the Rhene; for there was no comparison between Gallia and Germany, either in richnesse of soil or fashion of life.

Concerning Ariovistus, after he had once de∣feated the Galles in a battel near Amageto∣brig, he carried himself very cruelly and inso∣lently, requiring the children of all the Nobility for hostages, and shewing strange examples of torture upon them. If any thing were done not according to his command or desire, he would easily shew himself to be a barbarous, fierce and hasty man, whose tyranny they could no longer endure: and unlesse there were help to be found in Caesar and the people of Rome, all the Galles must, as the Helvetians did, forsake their Country, and seek new houses and seats of habi∣tation, far remote from the Germans, and try their fortunes, whatever befell them. If these things should haply be discovered to Ariovistus, he would doubtlesse take a severe revenge of all the pledges in his custody. Caesar might by his own authority, or the presence of his Army, or by the renown of his late victory, or by the coun∣tenance of the people of Rome, keep the Germans from transporting any more Colonies into Gallia, and defend it from the injuries of Ariovistus. This speech being delivered by Divitiacus, all that were present with much weeping besought Caesar to give them relief.

Caesar observed that onely the Sequans of all the rest did no such matter, or were so affected as the others were; but with their heads hang∣ing down, looked mournfully upon the ground: and wondering at it, asked them the cause there∣of. To which they made no reply, but stood si∣lent, with the same countenance of sorrow. And having oftentimes iterated his demand, with∣out gaining any word of answer; Divitiacus the Heduan replied that the state of the Sequans was herein more miserable and grievous then the rest; that they of all others durst not complain, or implore aid, although it were in secret, as having before their eyes the crueltie of Ariovi∣stus being absent, no lesse then if he were present. And the rather, for that other men had safe means of flying away; but the Sequans, having received Ariovistus into their Countrey, and made him Master of their townes, were necessa∣rily to undergo all miseries.

These things being known, Caesar incouraged the Galles with good words, and promised them to have a care of that matter, as having great hope, that by his meanes and power Ariovistus should be forced to offer no further injuries. And thereupon dismissed the Councell.

OBSERVATIONS.

IN this relation there are divers points worthily recommended to the discretion of such as are

willing to be directed by other mens misadven∣tures. As first, into what extremities ambition doth drive her thirsty favourites, by suppressing the better faculties of the soul, and setting such unbridled motions on foot, as carry men head∣long into most desperate attempts. For as it had deserved commendation in either faction, so to have carried their emulation, that by their own means and strength applied to the rule of good government, their authority might wholly have swayed the inclination of the weaker states: so was it most odious in the Sequani to call in for∣raign forces, to satisfy the appetite of their un∣tempered humour; and in the end they were ac∣cordingly rewarded.

Secondly, it appeareth how dangerous a thing it is to make a stranger a stickler in a quarrel which civile dissension hath broached, when the party that called him in shall not be as able to refuse his assistance upon occasion, as he was willing to entertain it for advantage.

Lastly, the often discontents of these States shew the force of a present evil, which possesseth so vehemently the powers of the soul, that any other calamity, either already past, or yet to come, how great soever, seemeth tolerable and easy, in regard of that smart which the present grief inflicteth.

So the Sequani chose rather to captivate their liberty to the Barbarisme of a savage Nation, then to indure the Hedui to take the hand of them. And again, to make themselves vassals to the Romans, rather then indure the usurping cru∣elty of the Germans. And finally (as the sequele of the history will discover) to hazard the losse of life and Country, then to suffer the taxes and impositions of the Romans. So predominant is the present evil in mens affections, and so it pre∣vaileth at the seat of our judgement.

Chap. XIII.

The reasons that moved Caesar to undertake this war.

MAny were the inducements which moved him to take that businesse to heart.* 1.41 As first, that the Heduans, who were oftentimes stiled by the Se∣nate with the title of Brethren, Cousins and Al∣lies, were in the servitude and thraldome of the Germans, and that their hostages were with A∣riovistus and the Sequans: which in so great a soveraignty of the people of Rome, he took to be very dishonourable both to himself and the Com∣monweal. As also for that he saw it very dan∣gerous for the Roman Empire, that the Ger∣mans should accustome by little and little to stock in such multitudes into Gallia. Neither did he think he could moderate or restrain such fierce and barbarous people; but that having possessed all the Continent of Gallia, they would, as the Cimbri and Teutons had done before, break out into the Province, and so into Italy: especially the Sequans, being divided from the Province but with the river Rhone.

These things he thought fit with all speed to prevent: and the rather, for that Ariovistus was grown to that pride and arrogancy, as was not to be suffered. For which respect he thought it expedient to send Embassadours unto him, to appoint some indifferent place for parlee; for that he had to treat with him concerning publick affairs, and some matters that did much import both of them.

OBSERVATIONS.

I May here take an occasion to speak somewhat concerning the authority of the Roman Gene∣rals,* 1.42 which we see to be very large; considering that Caesar of himself, without any further leave of the Senate and people of Rome (for what may be gathered by this history) did undertake a war of that consequence, and put in jeopardy the Le∣gions, the Province, or what other interest the Romans had in Gallia.

Wherein we are to understand, that when the State of Rome did allot the government of any Province to a Proconsul, they did likewise re∣commend unto him the careful managing of such accidents as might any way concern the good of that regiment. For considering that such causes as may trouble a well-ordered government, are as well externall and forreign, as internall and bred within the bounds of that Empire: it had been to small purpose to have given him only au∣thority to maintain a course of wholesome go∣vernment at home, and no means to take away such oppositions which forraign accident might set up against him. And so we see that Caesar un∣dertook the Helvetian war, in regard of the safety of the Province: and this again with A∣riovistus, least the Germans should so multiply in Gallia, that the Province it self might at length be indangered. Neither had their Generals au∣thority only to undertake these wars; but the absolute disposition also of the whole course thereof, whether it were to treat, capitulate, com∣pound, or what else they thought convenient for the advancement of the Commonweal, did wholly rest upon their direction; republica be∣ne gesta being the stile of the warrant for all their actions.

Neither may we think that any subordinate or depending authority can be so powerfull in the course of businesses as that which absolutely commandeth without controulment, and procee∣deth according to the opportunity of time and

occasion, further then either prescription or limi∣tation can direct it. And therefore whensoever the Roman affairs were distressed, and driven to an exigent, they created a Dictator, that had re∣giam potestatem, such an absolute command, that whatsoever power rested either in the Con∣suls or in the Tribunes, in the Senate or in the people, it gave way to the greatnesse of that Ma∣gistrate; that there might be no lett or retracting power to weaken that course, which nothing but an absolute command could establish for the good of the Commonweal. And yet notwith∣standing this absolute government, they attributed such power to the course of humane actions, that by the punishment which they inflicted upon dis∣solute and unfortunate Leaders, they seemed to acknowledge that no man, how circumspect so∣ever, could promise more then likelihoods or pro∣babilities of good fortune, as far forth as his means and industry could atchieve it.* 1.43 For old M. Fabius pleading for the life of his gallant son, and opposing the rigour of Papirius the Di∣ctator with examples of antiquity, saith, Populi quidem, penes quem potestas omnium rerum of∣set, ne iram quidem unquam atrociorem fuisse in eos qui temeritate atque inscitia exercitus a∣misissent, quam ut pecunia eos multaret: capi∣te anquisitum ob rem male gestam de imperato∣re nullum ad eam diem esse. The people, saith he, in whom the soveraign power of things con∣sisteth, never shewed greater displeasure against such as had lost an Army either by rashnesse or unskilfulnesse, then imposing a fine upon them: but to bring the life of a Generall in question for failing in his endeavours, was never heard of to that day.

The condition of the inferiour Officers of their Camp was far otherwise in regard of Military discipline: for prescription guided them in all their services, and the chiefest part of their duty was obedience; although they saw evident rea∣son to the contrary, and found their directions unperfect in that behalf: and therefore Caesar saith upon that occasion,* 1.44 Aliae sunt legati partes atque imperatoris: alter omnia agere ad prae∣scriptum, alter libere ad summam rerum con∣sulere debet. The office of a Legate or Lieute∣nant differeth from that of a Generall: the one doing all things by prescription; and the other freely deliberating of whatsoever may concern the cause. And this course the Romans held con∣cerning the authority of their Generalls.

Chap. XIV.

Ariovistus his answer. A second Embassage, with the successe thereof.

TO that Embassage Ariovistus an∣swered;* 1.45 That if his occasions had required Caesars assistance, he would have furthered them with his own presence: and he thought it as reasonable, that if it were in his hand to pleasure the Romans, Caesar ought not to think much of the like la∣bour. For his own part, he durst not come into those parts of Gallia which Caesar possessed, without an Armie; nor could he draw an Armie to a head without great trouble and expence. The thing that he most wondered at was, that the Romans or Caesar had to do in that part of Gallia, which the law of Armes had made his inheritance.

Ʋpon the return of this answer Caesar framed a second Embassage, the purport whereof was; Forasmuch as he thus requited the honour wherewith the people of Rome had beautified his best dignity (for in Caesars Consulship the autho∣rity of their Empire had vouchsafed to esteem of him as a King in his dominions, and as a friend unto their State) and that he disdained to ad∣mit of a Parlee concerning the common good; let him know that these were the things that he required to be performed by him: First, that he should not suffer any more troups of Germans to be transported over the Rhene into Gallia. Se∣condly, that he should deliver up those Hostages which he had of the Heduans and Sequans, and should cease to molest them further with war or other injuries. These things if he did perform, Caesar would assure him of a greatefull acce∣ptance on the behalf of the people of Rome: o∣therwise, forasmuch as in the Consulships of M. Messala and L. Piso the Senate had decreed, That he that should obtain the government of the Province, should as near as it would stand with the good of the Commonweale endeavour the de∣fence of their Associates and Friends, he would not neglect the injuries done unto the Heduans.

To these Mandates Ariovistus replied: The law of Armes kept this tenure amongst all Na∣tions, That a Conquerour might govern a sub∣dued people according as he thought best for his own safety. The people of Rome did not direct the course of their government by another mans prescript, but by their own arbitrement: and as he had not directed the Romans, so ought not they to meddle with his proceedings.

The Heduans having tried the fortune of warre, were by right become his Stipendaries; wherein Caesar offered great wrong, for that his coming thither had made their tribute much lesse unto him then before. Touching their Ho∣stages, his purpose was still to retain them. Nei∣ther would he make any unjust warre upon any of their Associates, if they observed the Articles of agreement, and paid their yearly tribute: but

if they failed in that, the fraternity of the Ro∣mans would come too late to their succour. If Caesar would needs undertake their quarrell, he was to let him know, that no man ever contended with Ariovistus but to his own destruction. Try when he would, he should find what valour con∣sisted in the Germans, that for fourteen yeares space never were covered with other roof then the Heavens.

OBSERVATION.

ANd thus farre proceeded Caesar with Ariovistus, in debating the wrongs and grievances of the Hedui. Wherein ap∣peareth the difference between a matter handled according to moral civility, in terms of mildnesse and pleasing accent, and that which is rudely delivered, and dependeth rather upon the plainnesse of the project, then suted with words fit for perswasion. For that which Ariovistus alledged to make good his interest in Gallia, was as consonant to reason as any thing to the contrary urged by Caesar.

But as the Lacedemonian said of one, That he spake the truth otherwise then it should be spo∣ken: so it may be said of Ariovistus his answer, that it wanted that sweeting humanity which giveth credit to verity it self, forasmuch as it pro∣ceedeth from a well-tempered spirit, wherein no turbulent passion seemeth to controul the force of reason, nor hinder the sentence of true judg∣ment; but rather seasoning her conceptions with humility, doth convertly complain of open Wrong, and strengthen her assertions with a pleasing delivery. And therefore how great so∣ever the controversy be, that party which exceed∣eth not the bounds of modesty, but maketh mild∣nesse his chiefest advocate, will so prevail in any auditory, that albeit equity doth disallow her ti∣tle, yet the manner of his carriage will clear him from offering wrong, in that he useth the sequels of innocency to prove his interest in that which he demandeth. But to leave this circumstance, as onely to be noted, let us proceed to the war it self, which I made the second part of this history.

Chap. XV.

The Treviri bring news of one hundred townships of the Suevi that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 come to the Khene. Caesar taketh in Besanson: his souldiers are surprised with an extreme fear of the Germans.

AT the same time that this answer was returned to Caesar,* 1.46 there came like∣wise Embassadours from the Hedu∣ans and Trevires. The Heduans com∣plained that the Harudes lately transported into Gallia, did depopulate and waste their borders, and that they could not buy their peace of Ario∣vistus with giving of Hostages for their allea∣geance. The Trevires brought newes of one hundred townships of the Suevi that were come to the ri∣ver Rhene, to seek a passage into Gallia, condu∣cted by Nasua and Cimberius, two brethren. Whereat Caesar bring exceedingly moved, thought his best means of prevention to consist in celerity, least the difficulty of resisting should grow greater, when those new forces of the Suevi were joyned with the power which was already with Ariovistus. And therefore having provi∣ded Corn, he made hast to seek the Germans. And having gone three dayes journey on his way, he had intelligence that Ariovistus with all his forces was gone to take in Besanson, the greatest town of the Sequans; and that he was three dayes journey on his way already.

Caesar knowing how much it imported him to prevent that disadvantage (forasmuch as the Town abounded with all necessary provisions for warre, and was so sited, that he that commanded it might prolong the warre at his own pleasure; being incircled with the river Alduabis,* 1.47 ex∣cepting a small space of six hundred foot, which was fortified with an exceeding high Hill, the foot whereof did at each end joyn unto the river, and the Hill strengthened with a wall, and so joyned to the town) made all the hast he could to take the town, and there left a garrison. And as he rested there a few dayes, to make provision of Corn and other necessaries, the Romans en∣quiring of the Galles and Merchants concer∣ning the quality of the Germans, understood that they were men of a huge stature, of courage in∣vincible, and of great practice and experi∣ence in feates of Arms; whereof the Galles had oftentimes made tryall: For when they en∣countred them, they were not able to endure so much as the sternenesse of their countenance, or the fiercenesse of their looks. The whole Army conceived such a fear thereat, that all mens minds were wonderfully appalled. This fear be∣gan first amongst the Tribunes and Commanders of horse, and such others as for friendship sake followed Caesar from Rome, and had small or no skill in matter of war. These men faining some one excuse and some another, of very ear∣nest businesse which called them home, desired leave to depart. Some others, whom shame would not suffer to forsake the Camp, bewrayed the like passion in their countenances and beha∣viour: for hiding themselves in their Tents, they either bewailed their destiny secretly to them∣selves, or otherwise with their acquaintance and

familiar friends. They lamented the danger they were all like to fall into; so that through∣out the whole Camp there was nothing but ma∣king & signing of Testaments. And through the tal•• and fearfulness of these men the old souldiers and Centurions, and such as had great experi∣ence in the Camp, began by little and little to apprehend the terrour wherewith the rest were amazed: and those that would seem to be lesse fearfull, said, they feared not the enemy, but the narrownesse of the wayes, and the greatnesse of the woods that were between them and Ariovi∣stus; or otherwise they cast doubts where they might have provision of Corn. And many stuck not to tell Caesar, that whensoever he should give commandment to march forward, or advance the Standards, the souldiers would refuse to do it.

OBSERVATION.

WHerein for that we find a strange alterati∣on, no way answerable to that courage which a late-gotten victory doth usually breed in noble spirits; it shall not be amisse a little to insist upon the quality of the accident, and to gather such brief instructions from their weaknesse, as may best serve to qualify the amazement of hor∣rour, and mitigate the frensy of so violent a passi∣on. And albeit my ignorance in the works of Nature cannot promise any such learning, as may discover the true means and secret motions whereby a fore-conceived fear doth trouble the senses, and astonish the mind; yet sith the histo∣ry offereth it to our scanning, give me leave only to note the strangenesse of the circumstance, and rudely to delineate the pourtraiture of a beast of∣tener seen then well known, using the unwieldy pile for my pencill, and suting my speech to a warlike auditory. I know not how it happen∣eth, but thus it may happen, that when the sen∣ses receive intelligence of an eminent evil, which may either dispossess the soul of this earthly man∣sion, or trouble the quiet wherein she resteth, the spirits (as it seemeth) by the direction of their soveraign Mistresse, retire themselves into the inner cabinets and secreter pavillions of the body, where the chiefest part of the soul is most resident: and so they leave the frontier quarters of her kingdome naked and ungarrisoned, the better to strengthen that capitall City of the heart, out of which the life cannot fly, but to the utter ruine and destruction of the whole body. For fear is not only a perturbation of the soul proceeding from the opinion it hath of some evil to come; but it is also a contraction and closing up of the heart, when the bloud and the spirits are recalled from the outward parts, to assist that place which giveth life and motion to all the rest. In this Chaos and confusion of humours and spi∣rits, when the multiplicity of faculties (which o∣therwise require an ordinate distinction in their service, and by the order of nature should be dis∣posed into severall instruments, and be dilated throughout the body) are thus blended confused∣ly together, the conceptions of the mind, which presently rise from these advertisements, are sud∣denly choaked with the disordered mixture of so many severall properties, and are stifled as it were in the throng, before they can be transported to our judgement or examined by reason, for want of that ordinate uniformity of place which nature requireth in the powers of the mind. And hence proceedeth that amazednesse and astonishment, which so daunteth the hearts of men, when they are taken with this passion, that because the soul giveth no counsell, the body can afford no mo∣tion, but standeth forzen through the extremity of the perturbation, benummed in sense, and for∣saken of the spirits. So we read that Theophilus the Emperour, in an overthrow which he had gi∣ven him by the Hagarens, was strucken with such an excessive fear, that he could not betake himself to ••light (Adeo pavor etiam auxilia for∣midat) untill one of his chief Commanders sha∣king him by the shoulder, as though he were to awake him out of a deep sleep, threatned him with present death, if he would not prevent the ruine of the Empire, by using that means which was only left for his safety.

Again, if in that turbulent consistory the spi∣rits chance distinctly to receive any apprehension proceeding from the forgeing faculty of the soul, they carry it presently to execution before it be examined by reason, and follow the action with such vehemency, that they leave no place for bet∣ter advice and reknowledgement. And this is the cause that oftentimes through extremity of fear, to avoid one evil we run headlong into a worse, and find a greater danger in the means we use to avoid a lesse; because reason did not first try the apprehension, before it was delivered to externall Agents. And so we find in the battel between Germanicus and the Almans, that two grosse troups of souldiers were driven into such an extasy of fear, that taking, contrary courses to avoid one & the same danger, they either of them fled to that place which the other had quitted: nei∣ther could they be advised by each others flight, that the places which they sought after afforded them no remedy.

And albeit reason be called to counsell when a parlee is summoned of composition, yet it bear∣eth so small a sway in the consultation, that the will of it self concludeth to betray vertue to disho∣nour, and so to purchase peace with the losse of the souls chiefest treasure: which ought ever to be estimated at a higher rate then any other hap∣pinesse which can betide the mind. For among all the sensible things of this world, there is no creature that hath such a confused fear, or is more

amazed therewith, then man is: neither is there any misery greater, or any bondage more shame∣full, servile or vile, then this, which maketh men very abjects of all other creatures, to redeem the evil which the danger threatneth: and then doth shame follow after so base a part, and aggravate the burthen of the sin with loathsome disgrace, and penitent discontentment; adding oftentimes Aloes to Wormwood, and making the end grievouser then the beginning. And thus doth danger breed fear, and fear yieldeth to disho∣nour, and dishonour bringeth shame, & shame being alwayes mingled with wrath and anger, revengeth it self upon it self, and bringeth more peril then the first danger could threaten.

Whereby it appeareth that as the affections of the mind are bred one of another; so on the contrary part some are bridled and restrained by others: for as envy, hatred and anger rise often∣times of love; so is joy lessened with grief, envy with mercy, and fear with shame.

But forasmuch as all such perturbations pro∣ceed of ignorance and inconsideratenesse, where∣by we think that the evil is greater then indeed it is; let us consider what disposition of our judgement best moderateth the violent heat of these affections. And first, touching the passages whereby the soul receiveth her advertisements, as they are of divers natures, the chiefest whereof are the eye and the ear; so are their avisoes dif∣ferent in quality, and require a severall conside∣ration to be rightly discerned. The intelligence by the eye is more certain then that which cometh by the way of hearing; forasmuch as the eye is a witnesse it self of every action whereof it taketh notice, neither is it deceived in its proper object: and therefore the judgement is not much trou∣bled to determine definitively how great or how small the danger is, when the relations carry al∣wayes that certainty. And albeit the care in like manner be not deceived in her proper object, for it faithfully giveth up that sense which sound hath delivered unto it; yet forasmuch as the fantasy hath greater scope to coin her vain conceptions, in regard of the absence of the action, it is neces∣sary that the discoursing faculty be called for an assistant, before the judgement can truly deter∣mine: and then it will appear that the truth doth not alwayes answer the report which is made thereof; inasmuch as diseased spirits will not stick to dilate or qualify relations, according to the key wherein they themselves are tuned. And therefore this first cometh to be considered of in all such violent commotions, by which of these two senses the first intelligence was received. But concerning the judgement it self this is most certain, that the more it is infected with the cor∣ruptions of the flesh, the more violent are the af∣fections of the soul. And again, the purer the judgement is, and the higher it is lifted up from earthly natures, being no further interessed there∣in then to hold a resolution of well doing, the fewer and lighter are the affections which trou∣ble and molest it: for then it better discerneth the truth and falsehood, good or evil that is in things.

To redresse this inconvenience, Caesar betook himself to the fittest and most proper remedy; which was by the authority of his speech to restore reason to her former dignity, and by discourse, which fear had interrupted in them, to put down a usurping passion, which had so troubled the government of the soul, recalling it to the mean of true resolution, which was to moderate audaci∣ty with warinesse, but not to choak valour with beastly cowardice: for these Oratory inducing perswasions were not the least point of their dis∣cipline; considering how they framed the in∣ward habite of the mind (being the fountain and beginning of all motion) to give life and force to those actions, which the severity of outward discipline commanded. For as laws and consti∣tutions of men inforce obedience of the body: so reason and perswasions must win the souls con∣sent, according to that saying, Homines duci volunt, non cogi.

Chap. XVI.

Caesar his speech to the Army concerning this fear.

CAesar being informed of these things,* 1.48 called a Councell of war, admitting all the Centurions, of what degrees or orders soever, unto the same. And being thus assembled, he greatly blamed them, First, that any should be so inquisitive, as to i∣magine to themselves whither, & upon what ser∣vice they were carried. Concerning Ariovistus, he had in the time of Caesars Consulship most earnestly sued for the friendship of the people of Rome: and why then should any man misdeem that he should so unadvisedly go back from his duty? For his own part he was verily perswa∣ded, that if Ariovistus once knew his demands, and understood the reasonable offers that he would make him, he would not easily reject his friendship, or the favour of the people of Rome. But if he were so mad as to make war upon them, why should they fear him? or why should they de∣spair either of their own prowesse, or of Caesars diligence? For if it came to that point, the ene∣my that they were to encounter had been tried what he could do twice before; first in the me∣mory of their fathers, when the Cambri and Teu∣ton•• were vanquished by Marius, at what time the Army merited no lesse honour then the Gene∣rall: and now of late again in Italy, at the in∣surrection of the Bondmen; who were not a little

furthered through the practice and discipline they had learned of the Romans. Whereby it might be discerned how good a thing it is to be constant and resolute; insomuch as whom for a time they feared without cause, being naked and unarmed, the same men afterwards (although well armed and Conquerers withall) they no∣bly overcame. And to be short, these were no other Germans then those whom the Helvetians had vanquished in divers conflicts; and not on∣ly in their own Country, where the Helvetians dwelt themselves, but also even at home at their own doors: and yet the same Helvetians were not able to make their party good against our Armies.

If any man were moved at the flight and o∣verthrow of the Galles, upon inquiry he should find, that being wearied with continuall wars (after that A••••ovistus had for many months to∣gether kept himself within his Camp, in a bog∣gy and fenny Country) and despairing of any occasi∣on of battel, he suddenly set upon them as they were dispersed, and so overcame them, rather by policy then by force. Which although it took place against savage and unskilfull people, yet was not Ariovistus so simple as to think that he could insnare our Armies with the like subtil∣ties. As for those that fained the cause of their fear to be the difficulty of provision of Corn, and the dangerousnesse of the way, they seemed very arrogant in their conceits, in presuming to direct their Generall, as if he had not known what pertained to his duty. The Sequans and Lingons had undertook that charge; besides that Corn was almost ripe every where in the fields: and what the wayes were should shortly be seen.

Whereas it was given out that the souldiers would not obey his Mandates, nor advance their Standards, he little valued it; for he was well assured, that if an Army refused to be obe∣dient to their Generall, it was either because he was thought to be unfortunate in his enterprises, or else for that he was notoriously convicted of Avarice: but the whole course of his life should witnesse his innocency, and the overthrow of the Helvetians his happinesse. And therefore that which he was minded to have put off for a longer time, he would now put in execution out of hand: for the night following, at the fourth watch he would dislodge from thence; that without fur∣ther delay he might understand, whether shame and respect of their duty would prevail more with them, then fear or cowardise. And though he wist that no man else would follow him, yet notwithstanding he would go with the tenth legi∣on alone, of whom he had no doubt or suspicion, and would take them as a guard to his person.

Caesar had chiefly favoured this legion, and put much trust in them for their valour.

Ʋpon the making of this speech, the minds of all men were wonderfully changed; for it bred in every one a great alacrity and desire to fight: neither did the tenth legion forget to give him thanks by their Tribunes for the good opinion he had of them, assuring him of their readinesse to set forward to the war. And then likewise the rest of the legions made means by the Tribunes of the souldiers and Centurions of the first Or∣ders, to give Caesar satisfaction; protesting they neither doubted nor feared, nor gave any censure of the issue of that war, but alwayes left it to the wisdome of the Generall.

Their satisfaction being taken and a view be∣ing made of the wayes by Divitiacus (whom of all the Galles he best trusted) and report being by him made, that in fetching a compasse of fif∣ty miles he might carry his Army in open and champain Countries; in the fourth watch of the night, according to his former saying, he set for∣ward.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

IN the speech it self are presented many specia∣lities, both concerning their discipline and Military instructions, which deserve examination: amongst which I note first, the extraordinary number admitted to the Councell; Omnium or∣dinum ad id concilium ad••ibitis Conturionibus: whereas there were usually no more admitted to their councell of war but the Legates, Questor, Tribunes, and the Centurions of the first Orders: which I understand to be the first Hastate, the first Pri••••eps, and the first Pilu•••• of every legi∣on. And this is manifestly proved out of the fi••th Commentary, where Cicero was besieged by Ambiorix: in which, amongst other, there were two valiant Centurions, Puisio and Varenus, between whom there was every year great emu∣lation for place of preferment: & jam primis ord••••bus 〈…〉〈…〉, saith Caesar, that is, they had passed by degrees through the lower or∣ders of the legion, and were very near the digni∣ty of the first cohort; wherein, as in all the rest, there were three maniples, and in every maniple two orders.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THe first motive which he useth to recall their exiled judgement, discovered their breath of discipline: for contrary to the course of Milita∣ry

government, they had presumed not only to make inquiry, but to give out whether, and upon what service they were carried; which in the ri∣gour of Camp-policy could not passe without due punishment. For what can more contradict the fortunate successe of an expedition, then to suffer it to be measured with the vulgar conceit, or weighed in the balance of such false judge∣ments? especially when those weak Censors are to be Actors and Executioners of the designe: for then every man will sute the nature of the a∣ction according to his own humour; although his humour be led with blindnesse, and have no other direction then an uncertain apprehension of profit or disadvantage.

And in this case there cannot be a better pre∣sident then Nature hath prescribed: for as natu∣rall Agents, whilst they concurre to produce a work of absolute perfection, neither know what they do, nor can discern the things they look up∣on, but yield themselves to be guided by a Mo∣deratour of infinite knowledge: so ought a mul∣titude to submit their ability to the direction of some wise and prudent Captain, that beholdeth the action in true honour, and balanceth the losse of many particulars with the health and safety of the publick good. For if every man should prescribe, who should obey? Tam nesci∣re quaedam milites, quam scire oportet, saith O∣tho in Tacitus, upon the like disorder: and again, Parendo potius quam imperia ducum sciscitan∣do, res militares continentur. Which proveth that the greatest vertue which is required in a souldier is obedience; as a thing wherein the force of all discipline consisteth.

THE THIRD OBSERVATION.

IN the reason which he useth to prove their dis∣parity of valour in regard of the Romans,* 1.49 who were superiour to the Helvetians that had often∣times overthrown the Germans, he strengtheneth the argument with the advantage of the place, and saith that the Helvetians had put them to the worst, not onely where the Helvetians dwelt themselves, but even in their own Country, and at home at their own doors: as though an enemy were charged with greater fury in the pre∣sence of a mans own Country and dearest friends, then in a strange and unknown land.

This question was handled in the Roman Se∣nate by Fabius Maximus, and Scipio surnamed Africanus, when they sate in councell how to rid their Country of that subtile Carthaginian, that for sixteen years space had fretted like a can∣ker the beauty of Italy, wasted the land, and brought it to desolation, sacked their confede∣rates, or alienated them from their duty, over∣thrown their Armies, slain their Consuls, and threatned their imperiall City with ruine and destruction. Fabius, upon the motion to make war in Africk, thought it agreeable to nature first to defend that which was their own, before they attempted other mens possessions: when peace was established in Italy, then let war be set on foot in Africk; and first let them be without fear themselves, before they went about to terrify others: for those forces afforded little hope of victory in another kingdome, that were not able to free their own Country from so dangerous an enemy. Alcibiades overthrew the Athenian Commonweal with the like counsell: and con∣cerning Hannibal, let them be sure of this, that they should find him a sorer enemy in his own Country then in another kingdome.

Scipio on the other side, carried on with the honour of so glorious an enterprise, wanted nei∣ther reasons nor example to impugne Fabius his authority: for he shewed that Agathocles the Syra∣cusian king, being a long time afflicted with the Punick war, averted the Carthaginian from Si∣cily by transporting his forces into Africk. But how powerfull it was to take away fear by retor∣ting danger upon the Oppressour, could there be a presenter example then Hannibal? There was great difference in the nature of the action, be∣tween the spoil and wast of a strangers Country, and to see their own native Country wasted with sword and destruction: Plus animi est inferen∣ti periculum, quam propulsanti. For he that invadeth anothers kingdome, easily discovereth both the advantage which may be taken against the enemy, and the strength whereupon he re∣steth. And amongst the variable events of war, many unexpected occasions arise, which present victory to him that is ready to take it; and ma∣ny strange chances so alter the course of things, that no foresight can discern what may happen.

With these and the like remonstrances, this question of no lesse doubt then importance was handled by two famous and worthy Captains, whose minds (as it seemed) were intangled with such particular affections for the present, as might rather draw them to wrest reason to their own humour, then to determine in sincerity of judge∣ment upon what specialities the truth was groun∣ded, in the contrariety of their positions. But to leave other commodities or disadvantages which were annexed unto either part, I will onely set down some reasons, to prove how valour and courage may either grow or be abated by the acci∣dents which rise in a war of that nature. And first this cannot be denied, the testimony of an infallible truth being grounded upon the proper∣ty of mans nature, that as advantage bringeth hope of victory, and hope conceiveth such spirits as usually follow, when the thing which is hoped for is effected, and thereby the courage becometh hardy and resolute in victory: so on the other side, disadvantage and danger breed fear, & fear so checketh valour, and controuleth the spirits, that vertue and honour give place to distrust, and yield

up their interest to such directours as can afford nothing but diffidence and irresolution.

Neither can to be denied but he that setteth up∣on an enemy in a strange country, and so pre∣venteth such attempts as might be made upon his own territories, hath that advantage which gi∣veth life unto action, and steeleth his enterprise with resolution. For besides the commodity of leaving when he list, and proceeding as far forth as he shall find his means able to fortunate his attempts, he knoweth that the strife and contro∣versy is not forth is native Country, which he quietly enjoyeth, and is reserved at all times to entertain him, howsoever Fortune shall favour his de∣signes: but for a Strangers kingdome, which his ambition thirsteth after, wherein, forasmuch as the riches and wealth of that State are laid be∣fore them as the recompence of their labour, be∣sides the honour which is atchieved thereby, every mans valour soareth at a high pitch, and their courage is increased, without any trouble or dis∣turbance of the other faculties of the mind. But when a Prince shall be assaulted in his own ••ingdome, and in the sight of his subjects have ••is land consumed with ruine and destruction; the danger will so disturb the powers of the soul, tha•• ••••ough the turbulent disorder of the weaker parts, the better faculties will lose their preroga∣tive of advising how the enemy may be best re∣sisted, when as every man shall apprehend the terrour of the danger, and few or none conceive the true means to avoid it.

And albeit the presence of such things as are dearest to his soul, as the piety and respect of a∣ged parents, the tender affection towards wife and children, are sufficient to raise valour to the highest point of resolution; yet the motives are of such weight, as will rather make them dissident of their own worth, as unsufficient to maintain so great a cause, then hold them in that key which true honour affecteth: forasmuch as the ter∣rour and fear of so great a danger will present a greater measure of woes to their mind, then the hope of victory can afford them joy.

Hence therefore groweth the difference be∣tween him that seeketh to maintain that estate which he hath in possession by force of Arms, and another that seeketh to increase his means by valour. For the former is presented with the danger of losing all his estate; which affrighteth and troubleth, having no other reward propoun∣ded unto him: and the other looketh upon the advantage which he gaineth by overcoming, which much increaseth his valour, without any losse or disadvantage, if he chance to be put to the worst. And therefore there is alwayes great odds between him that hath already lost his goods, and is by that means become desperate, having nothing further to lose; and another that yet keepeth his substance, but is in danger to lose it: for fear will so dismay his mind, that he will ra∣ther distrust his own ability, then entertain a re∣solution of valour.

To prove this, we need not seek other examples, then those imperiall Cities in whose cause this controversy was first moved. For when Hanni∣bal was come into Italy, and had defeated Sem∣pronius the Consul at Trebia, the Romans were driven into such an extasy of terrour, that they believed verily that the enemy was then coming to assault the City; neither had they any hope or aide in themselves to keep or defend the same. On the other side, Scipio was no sooner landed in Africk, but there was such a tumult in Car∣thage, as though the City had been already ta∣ken: neither could the opinion of victory, which Hannibal by a conquering Army in Italy had confirmed for sixteen years together, prevail in the apprehension of so imminent a danger. And then that which Fabius borrowed of Nature to teach the Romans (that first men ought to defend their own, before they seek other mens possessi∣tons) was carefully followed by the Carthaginians: for with all speed they sent for Hannibal out of Italy, to be their Champion against young Scipio. If therefore other things be correspon∣dent (as there are many other particularities con∣cerning the power and strength of either Nation to be considered) I take it much better for a Prince to invade an enemy in his own country, then to attend him at home in his own king∣dome.

THE FOURTH OBSERVATION.

THe last circumstance which I note in this speech, was the trust which he reposed in the tenth legion, being in it self peradventure as faul∣ty as any other: wherein he shewed great Art and singular Wisdome. For he that hath once offended, and is both burdened with the guilt of conscience and upbraided with the reproach of men, can hardly be perswaded that his fault can be purged with any satisfaction. And although the punishment be remitted, yet the memory of the fact will never be blotted out with any vertuous action, but still remaineth, to cast dishonour upon the offender, and to accuse him of disloy∣alty.

And therefore it oftentimes happeneth, that an errour being once rashly committed, through despair of remission admitteth no true penitency, but either draweth on more grievous crimes, con∣firming that of the Poet, Scelere scelus ••uen∣dum est; or maintaineth his errour by wilfull obstinacy: as it is said of the Lion, that being found by Hunters in a Cave, he will rather dy in the place then quit it, for shame that he was found in so base a place of refuge; and therefore his property is thus expressed, ingrediendo caecus, exeundo protervus. This did Caesar wisely pre∣vent, by clearing the tenth legion of that of which

he accused the rest of the Army; which made them the more earnest to answer his expectation, inasmuch as they were witnesse to themselves of a common errour: and the other legious envy∣ing at their fortune, resolved to shew as great a∣lacrity in the sequele of the war, and to deserve more then the judgement of the Emperour had imputed to their fellows.

Chap. XVII.

The treaty between Caesar and Ariovistus.

THe seventh day,* 1.50 as he continued on his march, his Espials brought him word that Ariovistus with all his forces was within twenty four miles of that place: who as soon as he understood of Caesars coming, sent Embassadours unto him, declaring that forasmuch as he was come somewhat nearer, and that he might do it with∣out danger, he was content to admit of a parlee. Caesar refused not the offer, thinking now to find him reasonable, in that he offered of his own ac∣cord what he had formerly denied at Caesars re∣quest: and thereby was in good hope, that un∣derstanding what was required, he would in the end consider of the many favours he had re∣ceived from the people of Rome, and desist from such wilful courses.

The fifth day following was appointed for the Treaty. In the mean time there passed often Messages reciprocally between them. Ariovi∣stus required that Caesar would not bring any footmen to the parlee, for that he feared to be cir∣cumvented by treachery; and therefore thought fit that either party should come only with their Cavalrie: otherwise he would not give meet∣ing.

Caesar, not willing to put off the Treaty for a∣ny such cause, nor yet daring to put himself in trust to the French horse, thought it most conve∣nient to leave the French Riders behind him, and to set the souldiers of the tenth legion (whom he best trusted) upon their horses; that if he stood in need, he might have a faithfull guard of his friends about him. Whereupon one of the souldi∣ers said prettily, that Caesar had done more for them then he had promised; for he had said be∣fore he would make the tenth legion as a guard to his person, and now he had inrolled them all for horsemen.

There was a great and open Plain, and in the midst thereof a rising Mount, which was almost in the mid way between both the Camps: and thither, according to the agreement, they came to parlee. The legion which Caesar had brought with him on horseback, he placed two hundred pa∣ces from the said Mount: and likewise the horsemen of Ariovistus stood in the same di∣stance. Ariovistus requested they might talk on horseback, and bring each of them ten persons to the conference. At their meeting, Caesar began his speech with a commemoration of the favours and benefits the Senate had done unto him, in that he was by their authority intituled by the name of a King and a Friend, and thereupon had received great gifts: Which favour fell but un∣to a few, and was by the Romans given only to men of great desert: whereas he, without any occasion of accesse unto them, or other just cause on his behalf, had obtained those honours through his courtesy, and the bounty of the Senate.

He shewed him further what ancient and rea∣sonable causes of amity tied them so firm to the Heduans: what Decrees and orders of Senate had oftentimes been made in their favour and behoof: That from all antiquity the Heduan•• had held the principality of Gallia, and that long before they were in amity with the Romans. The people of Rome had alwayes this 〈…〉〈…〉, not only to endeavour that their Allies and con∣federates should not lose any thing of their proper; but also that they might increase in dignity and reputation: and therefore who could endure to see that forced from them, which they quietly possessed when they entered league with the Ro∣mans?

In like manner he required the performance of such things which he had formerly given in charge to his Embassadours; that he should not make war either upon the Heduans, or their Associates: that he should restore their hostages: and if he could not return any part of the Ger∣mans back again over the Rhene, yet he should forbear to bring any more into that Coun••••y.

Ariovistus made little answer to Caesars de∣mands, but spake much of his own vertues and valour; That he was come over the Rhene, not out of his own desire, but at the mediation and intreaty of the Galles; that he had not left his house and kindred but with great hope of high rewards; the possessions he had in Gallia were given him by themselves; their hostages were voluntarily delivered unto him; he took tribute by the law of Arms, which was such as Conque∣rours might lay upon the vanquished; he made no war upon the Galles, but the Galles made war upon him: All the States of Gallia came to fight against him, and had put themselves into the field, whose forces were in one battell all di∣spersed

and overthrown. If they were desirous to make another triall, he was ready to under∣take them: but if they would have peace, it were an injury to retract that tribute which of their own accord they had paid untill that time. He expected that the Amity of the people of Rome should be rather an honour and a safety, then a losse unto him, and that he had sought it to that end: but if by their meanes the tribute due unto him should be retracted, he would as willingly re∣fuse their friendship as he had desired it. In that he had brought so many Germans into Gallia, it was rather for his own defence, then of any pur∣pose to subdue the Country; as might appear by that he had not come thither but upon intreaty, and set no warre on foot but for his own defence. He was seated in Gallia before the Romans came thither; neither had the people of Rome before that time carried their Army beyond the bounds of their Province: and therefore he knew not what he meant to intrude himself into his possessions. This was his Province of Gallia, as that was ours: and as it was not lawfull for him to command in our quarters, so it was not fitting that they should disturb his govern∣ment.

In that he alleadged the Heduans were by de∣cree of Senate adopted into the amity of the peo∣ple of Rome; he was not so barbarous, or un∣acquainted with the course of things, as to be ig∣norant that in the last warre of the Allobroges they were aiding and assisting to the Romans: and in the quarrell the Heduans had with the Sequans, the Romans were in like manner assi∣sting unto them. Whereupon he had good occasion to suspect that Caesar, under pretence of league and amity, kept his Army in Gallia for his ru∣ine and destruction: and that if he did not de∣part and withdraw his Army out of those Coun∣tries, he would no longer take him for a friend, but for an enemy. And if his fortune were to stay him, he should perform a very acceptable ser∣vice to many noble and chief men of Rome (as he had well understood by Letters and Messengers he had received from them) whose favour and amity he should purchase by taking away his life. But if he would depart, and leave him the free possession of Gallia, he would gratify him with great rewards: and what war soever he desired to be undertaken, should be gone through with∣all, without his perill or charge.

Many things were spoken by Ca••sar, to shew why he could not desist from that course; for nei∣ther was it his use, nor the custome of the people of Rome, to forsake their wel-deserving Asso∣ciates: neither could he think that Gallia did rather belong to Ariovistus then the Romans. The Arve••s and Rutenes were in due course of warre subdued by Q. Fabius Maximus: whom the people of Rome had pardoned, and not redu∣ced to a Province, or made them stipendiaries. And if antiquitie were looked into, the people of Rome had good claim to that Countrey: but for∣asmuch as the intention and will of the Senate was they should remain a free people, they were suffered to be governed by their own lawes, and left unto themselves, notwithstanding any for∣mer conquest by force of Armes.

Whilst these things were treated of in parlee, it was told Caesar that Ariovistus horsemen did approach nearer to the Mount, and that accosting our men they assaulted them with stones and o∣ther weapons: whereupon he brake off, and be∣took himself to his Party, commanding them not to cast a weapon at the enemy. For albeit he well perceived he might without peril of that e∣lect legion give battel to his Cavalry; yet he thought sit to refrain, least it should be said he had intrapped them with a parlee, contrary to faith made and agreement. After it was re∣ported amongst the vulgar souldiers how arro∣gantly Ariovistus had carried himself in the treaty, forbidding the Romans to frequent any part of Gallia, and that their Cavalry had as∣saulted our men, and that thereupon the parlee brake off; the Army was possessed with a greater alacrity and desire to fight then before. Two dayes after Ariovistus sent Messengers to Caesar, signifying that he desired to treat with him con∣cerning those things which were left unperfect, and thereupon willed him to appoint another day of meeting; or if he liked not that, to send some unto him with authority to conclude of such things as should be found expedient. Caesar was unwilling to give any further meeting; and the rather, for that the day before the Germans could not be restrained from violence and force of Armes. Neither did he think he might safe∣ly expose the person of any of his followers to the inhumanity of such barbarous people; and there∣fore thought it fittest to send unto him M. Va∣lerius Procillus the sonne of C. Valerius Cabu∣rius, ae vertuous young man, and well bred, whose father was made free of Rome by C. Valer. Flaccus: which he did the rather in regard of his singular integrity, and his perfectnesse in the French tongue, which Ariovistus through long continuance had learned; and that the Germans

had no cause of offence against him. And with him he sent M. Titius, that was familiarly ac∣quainted with Ariovistus, with instruction to hear what was said, and to make report thereof to Caesar. Whom as soon as Ariovistus saw come into his Camp, he cried out in the presence of his Army, demanding wherefore they came thi∣ther, and whether they were not sent as Spies. And as they were about to make answer, he cut them off and commanded them to be put in Irons.

The same day he removed his Camp, and lodged himself under a hill, six miles from Cae∣sar. The next day he brought his forces along by Caesars Camp, and incamped himself two miles beyond him; of purpose to cut off all such corn and convoies as should be sent to the Romans by the Heduans and Sequans. From that day for∣ward by the space of five dayes together, Caesar imbattelled his men before his Camp; to the in∣tent that if Ariovistus had a mind to give bat∣tell, he might do it when he would. But Ariovi∣stus all this while kept his Army within his Camp▪ and daily sent out his horsemen to skir∣mish with the Romans.

This was the manner of fighting which the Germans had practised: there were 6000 horse∣men, and as many strong and nimble footmen, whom the horsemen had selected out of the whole host, every man one for his safeguard: these they had alwayes at hand with them in battell, and unto these they resorted for succour. If the horsemen were over-charged, these ever stept in to help them. If any one were wounded or un∣horsed, they came about him and succoured him. If the matter required either to adventure for∣ward, or to retire speedily back again, their swiftnesse was such (through continuall exer∣cise) that hanging on the horse-mane by the one hand, they would run as fast as the horses.

OBSERVATION.

IT may seem strange unto the souldiers of our time,* 1.51 that the footmen should be mingled pell∣mell amongst the horsemen, without hurt and disadvantage to themselves; so unlikely it is that they should either succour the horsemen in any danger, or annoy the enemy: and therefore some have imagined that these footmen in the encoun∣ter cast themselves into one body, and so char∣ging the enemy assisted the horsemen. But the cir∣cumstances of this place, & of others which I will alledge 〈◊〉〈◊〉 purpose, plainly evince that these footmen were mingled indifferently amongst the ••orsemen, to assist every particular man as his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and occasion required: and therefore the choise of these footmen was permitted to the horsemen, in whose service they were to be im∣ployed, that every man might take his friend, in whom he reposed greatest confidence. When they were overcharged, these stept in to help them; if any man were wounded or unhorsed, he had his footman ready to assist him: and when they were to go upon any speedy service, or suddenly to retire upon advantage, they stay∣ed themselves upon the mane of the horses with one hand, and so ran as fast as the horsemen could go. Which services they could not possibly have performed without confusion and disorder, if the footmen had not severally attended upon them, according to the affection specified in their particular election.

The principall use of these footmen of the Ger∣mans consisted in the aid of their own horsemen upon any necessity, not so much regarding their service upon the enemy, as the assistance of their horsemen. But the Romans had long before pra∣cticed the same Art to a more effectuall purpose; namely, as a principall remedy not onely to resist, but to defeat far greater troups of horse then the enemy was able to oppose against them. Where∣of the most ancient memory which history men∣tioneth, is recorded by Livie in the second Pu∣nick war, at the siege of Capua, under the regi∣ment of Quintus Fulvius the Consul; where it is said that in all their conflicts, as the Roman legions returned with the better, so their cavalry was alwayes put to the worst: and therefore they invented this means, to make that good by Art which was wanting in force.

Out of the whole army were taken the choisest young men, both for strength and agility, and to them were given little round bucklers, and seven darts apiece in stead of their other weapons: these souldiers practiced to ride behind the horsemen, and speedily to light from the horses at a watch∣word given, and so to charge the Enemy on foot. And when by exercise they were made so expert, that the novelty of the invention no whit affright∣ed them, the Roman horsemen went forth to en∣counter with the enemy, every man carrying his foot-souldier behind him; who at the encoun∣ter suddenly alighting, charged upon the enemy with such a fury, that they followed them in slaughter to the gates of Capua. And hence, saith Livie, grew the first institution of the Veli∣tes: which ever after that time were inrolled with the legions. The authour of this stratagem is said to be one Q. Navius a Centurion, and was honourablie rewarded by Fulvius the Consul for the same.

Salust in the history of Jugurth saith, that Marius mingled the Velites with the Cavalry of the associates, ut quacunque invaderent e∣quitatus hostium propulsarent. The like pra∣ctice was used by Caesar, as appeareth in the third book of the Civil war; saving that in stead of

the Velites, he mingled with his horsemen four hundred of the lustiest of his legionary souldiers, to resist the cavalry of Pompey, while the rest of his Army passed over the river Genusum, after the overthrow he had at Dyrrachium: qui tantum profecere, saith the text, ut equestri praelio com∣misso, pellerent omnes, complures interficerent, ipsique incolumes ad agmen se reciperent. Many other places might be recited; but these are suffi∣cient to prove that the greatest Captains of anci∣ent times strengthened their cavalry with foot∣men dispersed amongst them. The Roman horse∣men,* 1.52 saith Polybius, at the first carried but a weak limber pole or staffe, and a little round buckler; but afterwards they used the furniture of the Grae∣cians:* 1.53 which Josephus affirmeth to be a strong launce or staffe, and three or four darts in a qui∣ver, with a buckler, and a long sword by their right side. The use of their launce was most effe∣ctuall when they charged in troup, pouldron to pouldron; and that manner of fight afford∣ed no means to intermingle footmen: but when they used their darts, every man got what advantage of ground he could, as our Carbines for the most part do, and so the footmen might have place among them: or otherwise for so good an advantage they would easily make place for the foot-men to serve among them. But howso∣ever it was, it appeareth by this circumstance how little the Romans feared troups of horse, conside∣ring that the best means to defeat their horse was by their foot companies. But to make it more plain, of many examples I will only alledge two; the one out of Livie, to prove that the Roman horsemen were not comparable for service to foot∣men:* 1.54 the other out of Hirtius, to shew the same effect against strangers, & Numidian horsemen.

In the Consulships of L. Valerius and Mar∣cus Horatius, Valerius having fortunately o∣verthrown the Equi and the Volsci, Horatius proceeded with as great courage in the war a∣gainst the Sabines; wherein it happened, that in the day of battell the Sabines reserved two thousand of their men to give a fresh assault up∣on the left Cornet of the Romans, as they were in conflict: which took such effect, that the le∣gionary footmen of that Cornet were forced to retreat. Which the Roman horsemen (be∣ing in number six hundred) perceiving, and not being able with their horse to make head against the enemy, they presently for∣sook their horses, and made hast to make good the place on foot; wherein they carried them∣selves so valiantly, that in a moment of time they gave the like advantage to their footmen against the Sabines, and then betook themselves again to their horses, to pursue the enemy in chase as they fled. For the second point; the Numidians, as Caesar witnesseth, were the best horsemen that ever he met with, and used the same Art as the Germans did, mingling among them light-armed footmen. And Ambuscado of these Numidians charging the legions upon a suddain, the history saith that primo impetu legionis Equitatus & levis armatura, hostium nullo negotio, loco pulsa & dejecta est de colle. And as they sometimes retired, and sometimes charged upon the rere∣ward of the Army, according to the manner of the Numidian fight, the history saith, Caesariani interim non amplius tres ant quatuor milites veterani si se convertissent, & pila viribus con∣tortain Numidas infestos con••ecissent, amplius duorum millium ad unum terga vertebant. So that to free himself of this inconvenience, he took his horsemen out of the rereward, and placed his legions there, ita vim hostium per legionarium militem commodius sustinebat. And ever as he marched, he caused three hundred souldiers of e∣very legion to be free and without burthen, that they might be ready upon all occasions; Quos in Equitatum Labie•• immisit. Tum Labienus, conversis equis, signorum conspectu perterritus turpissime contendit fugere, multis ejus occisis, compluribus vulneratis: milites legionarii ad sua se recipiunt signa, atque iter inceptum ire coepe∣runt. I alledge the very words of the history, to take away all suspicion of falsifying or wresting any thing to an affected opinion. If any man will look into the reason of this disparity, he shall find it to be chiefly the work of the Roman pile (an unresistable weapon) and the terrour of horsemen; especially when they were cast with the advantage of the place, and fell so thick that there was no means to avoid them.

But to make it plain that any light-armed foot∣men could better make head against a troup of horse, then the Cavalrie of their own partie, al∣though they bear but the same weapons: let us consider how nimble and ready they were that fought on foot, either to take an advantage, or to shun and avoid any danger; casting their darts with far greater strength and more certainty, then the horsemen could do. For as the force of all the engines of old time, as the Balistae, Cata∣pultae and Tolenones, proceeded from that stabi∣lity and resting Centre which nature affordeth as the only strength and life of the engine▪ so what force soever a man maketh, must principal∣ly proceed from that firmnesse and stay which Nature, by the earth, or some other unmoveable rest, giveth to the body, from whence it taketh more or lesse strength, according to the violence which it performeth; as he that lifteth up a weight from the ground, by so much treadeth heavier up∣on the earth, by how much the thing is heavier then his body. The footmen therefore having a surer stay to counterpoize their forced motion then the horsemen had, cast their darts with greater violence, and consequently with more certainty.

Chap. XVIII.

Caesar preventeth Ariovistus of his purpose, by making two Camps.

WHen Caesar perceived that Ariovistus meant nothing lesse then to fight,* 1.55 but kept himself within his Camp; least peradventure he should intercept the Sequans, and other of his Associates, as they came with convoies of Corn to the Romans, be∣yond that place wherein the Germans aboad a∣bout six hundred paces from their Camp, he chose a ground meet to incamp in: and marching thither in three battells, commanded two of them to stand ready in Armes, and the third to fortify the Camp. Ariovistus sent sixteen thou∣sand foot and all his horse to interrupt the souldi∣ers, and hinder the intrenchment. Notwith∣standing Caesar, as he had before determined, caused two battells to withstand the enemy, and the third to go through with the work: which being ended he left there two legions, and part of the associate forces, and led the other four legions back again into the greater Camp.

The next day Caesar, according to his custome, brought his whole power out of both his Camps; & marching a little from the greater Camp, he put his men in array, and profered battell to the ene∣my: but perceiving that Ariovistus would not stirre out of his trenches, about noon he conveigh∣ed his Army into their severall Camps. Then at length Ariovistus sent part of his forces to as∣sault the lesser Camp. The incounter continued very sharp on both parts untill the evening; and at sun-setting, after many wounds given and taken, Ariovistus conveighed his Army again into their Camp. And as Caesar made inquiry of the captives, what the reason was that Ariovistus refused battell, he found this to be the cause; The Germans had a custome, that the women should by casting of Lots and Southsaying declare whether it were for their behoof to fight or no: and that they found by their Art the Ger∣mans could not get the victory, if they fought be∣fore the new Moon.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

FIrst, we may observe what especiall importance this manner of incamping carried in that ab∣solute discipline which the Romans observed, and by which they conquered so many Nations: for besides the safety which it afforded their own troups, it served for a hold well-fenced and man∣ned, or as it were a strong fortified town in any part of the field where they saw advantage; and as oft as they thought it expedient, either to forti∣fie themselves, or impeach the enemy, by cutting off his passages, hindering his attempts, blocking up his Camp, besides many other advantages, all averring the saying of Domitius Corbulo, dola∣bra vincendum esse hostem: a thing long time neglected, but of late happily renewed by the Commanders of such forces as serve the States in the United Provinces of Belgia; whom time and practise of the warres hath taught to entertain the use of the spade, and to hold it in as great repu∣tation as any weapons whatsoever, which may be thought worthy executioners of the deeds of Armes.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

IN the second place we may observe that there was no Nation so barbarous (for I under∣stand the Germans to be as barbarous, in regard of the motions of religion, as any known Nati∣on of that time, being in a Climate so near the North, that it afforded no contemplation at all) that could not make use in their greatest affairs, of that superstition to which their mind was natu∣rally inthralled, and forge prophesies and divi∣nations, as well to stirr up as to moderate the ir∣regular motions of a multitude, according as they might best serve to advantage their proceed∣ings. Neither did Caesar let slip the occasion of making use of this their religion: for understand∣ing by their prisoners that their divinations for∣bad them to fight before the new Moon, he used all the means he could to provoke them to battell; that their religious opinion of mischieving might prejudice their resolution to return Conquerers. Which may serve to prove, that a superstitious people are subject to many inconveniences, which industry or Fortune may discover to their over∣throw.

It is recorded that Columbus being Generall of some forces which Ferdinando king of Castile sent to discover the West Indies, and suffering great penury for want of victuals in the Ile of Ja∣maica, after that he had observed how the Ilan∣ders worshipped the Moon, and having know∣ledge of an Eclipse that was shortly after to hap∣pen, he told the inhabitants that unlesse they would furnish him with such necessaries as he wanted for the time, the wrath of their God should quickly appear towards them, by chan∣ging his bright shining face into obscurity and darknesse: which was no sooner happened, but the poor Indians, strucken with a superstitious fear of that which the course of nature required, kept nothing back that might assist their enemies to depopulate and over-run their own Country.

Chap. XIX.

Caesar seeketh meanes to give them battel, and the Germans dispose themselves thereunto.

THe next day Caesar left a sufficient Garrison in each of his Camps; and forasmuch as the number of his le∣gionary souldiers was small,* 1.56 in re∣spect of the multitude of the Germans, he placed all the Auxiliarie troups for a shew before the lesser Camp: and putting his legions in a triple battell, he marched towards the Camp of Ario∣vistus. And then at length were the Germans constrained to bring out their power, setting eve∣ry Tribe and people by themselves, in like distance and order of battell (as the Harudes, Marco∣mans, Triboces, Vangiones, Nemetes, Sedusians and Swevians) and environing their whole Army with Carts and carriages, that there might be no hope at all left to save any man by flight. And in these they placed their women, that they by their out-stretched hands and teares moving pity, might implore the souldiers, as they descended by course to the battell, not to deliver them into the bondage and thraldome of the Romans.

Caesar assigned to every legion a Legat and a Questor, that every man might have an eye-wit∣nesse of his valour: and he himself began the bat∣tell with the right Cornet, forasmuch as he per∣ceived that part of Ariovistus Army to be the weakest.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THe Romans, even from the infancy of their state, were ever zealous admirers of true ho∣nour, and alwayes desired to behold with the eye to what measure of vertue every man had at∣tained; that the tongue with greater fervency of spirit might sound out the celebration of Macte virtute, which imported more honour then any wealth that could be heaped upon them. Neither was this the least part of their wisedome; consi∣dering that the most pretious things that are lose much of their worth, if they be not suted with o∣ther correspondent natures, whose sympathy ad∣deth much more excellency then is discerned when they appear by themselves without such as∣sistance. For how small is the beauty which Na∣ture hath given to the eye-pleasing Diamond, when it is not adorned with an artificiall form? or what perfection can the form give, without a foile to strengthen it? or what good is in either of them, if the light do not illuminate it? or what avail all these, where there wanteth an eye to ad∣mire it, a judgement to value it, and an heart to imbrace it? Such a union hath Nature imprinted in the diversitie of creatures concurring to perfe∣ction, and especially in morall actions, in whose carriage there is a far greater exactnesse of corre∣spondencie required to approve them honourable, then was requisite to make the jewel beautifull. And this did Caesar in all his battels; amongst the rest, that at Alesia is particularly noted in this manner, Quod in conspectu imperatoris res gere∣batur, neque recte aut turpiter factum celari po∣terat, utrosque & laudis cupiditas, & timor ignominiae ad virtutem excitabat And when Livie would expresse how valiantly an action was carried, he saith no more but in conspectu im∣peratoris res gerebatur: which is as much as to say, that forasmuch as the Romans were diligent observers of every mans worth, rewarding vertue with honour, and cowardise with reproch, every man bent his whole endeavour to deserve the good opinion of his Generall, by discharging that duty which he owed to the Commonwealth with all loyalty and faithfulnesse of spirit.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

THe Romans had four formes of the front of their battell. The first was called Acies Re∣cta, when neither the cornets nor the battell was advanced one before another, but were all carried in a right line, and made a straight front; & this was their most usuall manner of imbattelling.

The second forme of the front was called Ob∣liqua, when as one of the cornets was advanced nearer unto the enemy then the rest, to begin the battell: and this was commonly as Vegetius no∣teth the right cornet; for the right cornet of an Army had great advantage against the left of the enemies, in regard of their weapons and furni∣ture. But Caesar did it in this place, because he perceived that the enemy was weakest in that part; following a Maxime of great authority, That the weakest part of an enemy is in the beginning to be charged with the strength of an Armie: for so favourable are mens judgements to that which is already happened, that the sequele of every action dependeth for the most part upon the beginning. Dimidium facti qui bene coepit habet, saith a Poet: and not without great reason, so forcible continually is the beginning, and so connexed to the sequele by the nature of a precedent cause, that the end must needs erre from the common course, when it doth not participate of that quality which was in the beginning. Neither can there be any good end without a good beginning: for although the beginning be oftentimes disastrous and unluckie, and the end fortunate and happy, yet before it came to that end there was a fortunate beginning: for the bad be∣ginning was not the beginning of a good, but of an evil end. And therefore that his men might foresee a happy end in a good beginning, it be∣hoved him with the best of his Army to assault the weakest part of the enemy.

The third form of the front is called Sinnata, when both the cornets are advanced forward,

[illustration]

and the battell standeth backward off from the enemy, after the fashion of a half-moon. Scipio used it in Spain, having observed some dayes be∣fore that the enemy continually so disposed of the battell, that his best souldiers were alwaies in the midst; and therefore Scipio put all his old soul∣diers in the cornets, and brought them out first to charge upon the weakest part of the enemy, that those might decide the controversie, before the other that were in the midst could come to fight.

The last form is called Gibbosa, or gibbera A∣cies, when the battell is advanced, and the two cornets lag behind. This form did Hannibal use in the battell of Cannae; but with this Art, that he strengthened his two cornets with the best of his souldiers, and placed his weakest in the midst, that the Romans following the retreat of the battell, which was easily repelld, might be inclosed on each side with the two cornets.

Chap. XX.

The Battell between Caesar and Ariovistus.

THe sign of the battell being thereup∣on given,* 1.57 our men charged upon the enemy very fiercely; and they on the otherside returned so speedy a coun∣terbuffe, that the legions had no time to cast their piles, and in that regard made hast to be∣take themselves to their swords: But the Ger∣mans, according to their manner, putting them∣selves into a Phalanx, received the force of their swords. In the battell there were many legio∣nary souldiers seen to leap upon the Phalanx, and to pull up with their hands the targets that covered it, and so to wound and kill those that were underneath: and so the left Cornet of the enemy was overthrown and put to flight.

Now while the right Cornet was thus busied, the left Cornet was overcharged with an une∣quall multitude of the Germans: which young Crassus the Generall of the horse no sooner per∣ceived (having more scope and liberty then any of the Commanders that were in the battell) but he sent tertiam Aciem, the third battell, to rescue and aid their fellows that were in danger; by means whereof the fight was renewed, and all the enemy was put to flight, and never looked back untill they came to the Rhene, which was about fifty miles from the place where they fought. Where some few of them saved them∣selves by swimming: others found some boats, and so escaped. Ariovistus lighting upon a little Bark tied to the shore, recovered the other side, and so saved himself: the rest were all slain by the horsemen. Ariovistus had two wives: one a Swevian, whom he brought with him from home; and the other of Norica, the sister of King Voci∣on, sent unto him by her brother into Gallia, and married there: both these perished in that fight. His two daughters likewise being there, one was slain, and the other taken.

As Caesar pursued the German horsemen, it was his chance to light upon Valerius Procil∣lus, as he was drawn up and down by his Keepers bound in three chains: which accident was as gratefull to him as the victory it self; being so fortunate to recover his familiar friend, and a man of sort in the Province, whom the barba∣rous enemy (contrary to the law of Nations) had cast into prison. Neither would Fortune by the losse of him abate any thing of so great plea∣sure and contentment: for he reported that in his own presence they had three severall times cast lots whether he should be burned alive; and that still he escaped by the fortune of the lots. And M. Titius was found in like manner, and brought unto him. The same of this battell be∣ing carried beyond the Rhene, the Swevians that were come to the banks of the Rhene retur∣ned home again: whom the inhabitants neare upon that river pursued, finding them terrified and distracted, and slew a great number of them.

Caesar having thus ended two great warres in one Summer, brought his Army into their wintering Campes, somewhat sooner then the time of the year required; and leaving Labienus to command them, himself returned into the hi∣ther Gallia, to keep Courts and publick Diets.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THis Phalanx here mentioned can hardly be proved to be the right Macedonian Phalanx; but we are rather to understand it to be so termed, by reason of the close and compact imbattelling, rather then in any other respect: and it resem∣bled much a testudo, as I said of the Helvetian Phalanx. Secondly, I observe that Caesar kept the old rule concerning their discipline in fight: for although the name of Triaries be not men∣tioned in his history; yet he omitted not the substance, which was, to have primam, secun∣dam, & tertiam Aciem; and that prima Acies should begin the battell, and the second should come fresh and assist them: or peradventure if the enemy were many and strong, the first and second battell were joyned together, and so charged upon the enemy with greater fury and violence; but at all adventures the third battell was ever in subsidio, as they termed it, to succour any part that should be overcharged; which was a thing of much consequence, and of great

wisdome. For if we either respect the incourage∣ment of the souldiers, or the casualty of Fortune, what could be more added to their discipline in this behalf, then to have a second and a third suc∣cour, to give strength to the fainting weaknesse of their men, and to repair the disadvantage which any accident should cast upon them? Or if their valour were equally ballanced, and victo∣ry stood doubtfull which of the two parties she should honour, these alwayes stept in, being fresh, against weary and over-laboured spirits, and so drew victory in despight of casualty unto themselves.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

COncerning use of lots,* 1.58 it shall not be amisse to look into the nature of them, being in for∣mer times so generall, that there was no Nation, civil or barbarous, but was directed in their greatest affairs by the sentence of lots. As we may not refuse for an undoubted truth, that which Salomon saith in the sixteenth of Proverbs, The lots are cast into the lap, but the direction thereof belongeth to the Lord: through the knowledge whereof Josua was directed to take Achan, the Marriners Jonas, and the Apostles to consecrate Matthias: So whether the heathen and barbarous people, whose blindnesse in the way of truth could direct them no further then to senselesse superstition, and put them in mind of a duty which they owed, but could not tell them what it was, nor how to be performed; whether these, I say, were perswaded that there was any supernaturall power in their lotteries, which di∣rected the action to the decree of destiny, and as the Gods would have it, it remaineth doubtfull.

Aristotle, the wisest of the heathen concerning things naturall, nameth that event casuall, or proceeding from Fortune, of which the reason of man could assign no cause, or (as he saith) which hath no cause. So that whatsoever happe∣ned in any action besides the intent of the agent and workman, was termed an effect of Fortune, or chance of hab-nab: For all other effects, which depended upon a certainty and definite cause, were necessarily produced; and therefore could not be casuall, or subject to the inconstan∣cy of chance. And because many and sundry such chances daily happened, which like terrae filii had no Father, and could not be warranted as lawfull children either to nature or to reason, by the appearance of an efficient cause, they redu∣ced them all to the power of Fortune, as the principall efficient and soveraign Motor of all such unexpected events: that is, they made no∣thing else the Governesse and Directresse of ma∣ny things. Which afterward grew to such credit amongst men, that it surpassed in dignity all na∣turall causes, and was deified with celestiall ho∣nour, as the Poet saith, Te Nos facimus Fortuna deam, coeloque locamus. By the providence of this blind Goddesse, which held her Deity by the Tenure of mens ignorance, were all causuall actions directed, and especially lots; the event whereof depended only upon her plea∣sure and decree. Neither could their direction be assigned to any other power; for then their nature had been altered from chance to certain∣ty, and the event could not have been called Sors, but must have been reputed in the order of necessary effects, whereof discourse of reason ac∣knowledgeth a certain foregoing cause.

Whereby we see upon how weak an axletree the greatest motions of the goodlesse world were turned, having irregularity and uncertainty for the Intelligentiae that governed their revolutions. And herein all sorts of men (although in divers respects) rested as well contented as if an Ora∣cle had spoken unto them, and revealed the my∣steries of fatall destiny.

Rome directed the main course of her govern∣ment by the fortune of this mock-destiny. For although their Consuls and Tribunes were ele∣cted by the people, who pleased their own fancy with the free choice of their Commanders, and suted their obedience with a well-liking authori∣ty: yet the publick affairs which each Consul was severally to manage, was shared out by lots. For if an enemy were entered into their confines to depopulate and wast their territories, the lots assigned this Consul for the government of the City, and the other to command the legions, and to manage the war.

If forces were to be sent into divers Provinces, and against severall enemies, neither the Senate nor the people could give to either Consul his task; but their peculiar charges were authorised by lots. If any extraordinary actions were to be done in the Citie, as the dedication of a Temple, the san∣ctifying of the Capitol after a pollution; Sors omnia versat, that did all in all. And yet (not∣withstanding the weak foundation of this pra∣ctise in their Theologie and deepest Divinity) we may not think but these skilfull Architects of that absolute government, wherein vertue joyned with true wisdome to make an unexampled pattern, we may not think, I say, but they foresaw the manifold danger, which in the course of com∣mon actions could not other way be prevented but by the use of lots. For when things are equal∣ly levelled between divers objects, and run with indifferencie to equall stations, there must be some controlling power to draw the current to∣wards one Coast, and to appropriate it unto one channel, that the order of Nature be not in∣versed, nor a well-established government distur∣bed. So the state of Rome casting many things with equall charge upon her two soveraign Ma∣gistrates, which could not be performed but by one of them; what better meanes could there be invented to interesse the one in that office, and to discharge the other, then to appoint an Arbiter,

whose decree exceeded humane reason? Of which it could not be said why it was so, but that it was so. For if the wisedome of the Senate had been called to counsell, or the voices of the people cal∣culated to determine of the matter; it might easily have burst out into civil discord, considering the often contentions between the Senate and the people, the factions of Clients, and the constant mutability of every mans private affections ne∣cessarily inclining unto one, although their worth were equall, and by true reason indiscernable; which might have made the one proud of that which peradventure he had not, and cast the other lower then would have well beseemed his vertues: and therefore to cut off these with many other inconveniences, they invented lots, which with∣out either reason or will might decide such con∣troversies.

By this it appeareth how little the ancient Law∣makers respected the ground and reason of an ordinance, so the commodity were great, and the use important to the good of the State: for as they saw the thing it self to be casuall, so they saw that casuall things are sometimes more necessary then demonstrative conclusions: neither ought the nature, and speculative consideration of Lawes and Statutes to belong to the common people; but the execution and obedience thereof maketh the Commonwealth flourish. And thus endeth the first Commentarie of Caesar his warre in Gallia.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Suitzers.
• * 1.2

  M••tron••.
• * 1.3

  S••quara.
• * 1.4

  Curardum vi••in••s po∣pulis 〈…〉〈…〉 in••••r 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••opulos col. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.5

  Caesar.
• * 1.6

  S••voyards
• * 1.7

  The omissi¦on in the Helvetian expedition.
• * 1.8

  Caesar.
• * 1.9

  Rome.
• * 1.10

  Caesar.
• * 1.11

  So ne.
• * 1.12

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.13

  The manner of their watch.
• * 1.14

  Caesar.
• * 1.15

  Caesar.
• * 1.16

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.17

  Places o•• advantage in the Romane wars.
• * 1.18

  Their man∣ner of vi∣ctualling.
• * 1.19

  Caesar.
• * 1.20

  The manner of their imbattel∣ling.
• * 1.21

  By triple•• A••ies.
• * 1.22

  Lib. 1. de bello Civili.
• * 1.23

  Lib. 3. de bello Civili.
• * 1.24

  Lib. 5. de militia Romana.
• * 1.25

  A Phalanx d••••••ribed.
• * 1.26

  Caesar.
• * 1.27

  Speeches of incourage∣ment be∣fore they gave battel
• * 1.28

  Lib. 7. de bello Gallico.
• * 1.29

  The Roman Pile described.
• * 1.30

  Lib. ••. de militia Romans.
• * 1.31

  Lib. 5.
• * 1.32

  Salus••.
• * 1.33

  Caesar.
• * 1.34

  The En∣signes of the Romans.
• * 1.35

  The divisi∣on of their day.
• * 1.36

  Caesar.
• * 1.37

  Langres.
• * 1.38

  Periculum 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.39

  Caesar.
• * 1.40

  Caesar.
• * 1.41

  Caesar.
• * 1.42

  Tthe autho∣rity of the Roman Generals.
• * 1.43

  Liv. lib. 8.
• * 1.44

  Lib. 3. de bello Civi∣li.
• * 1.45

  Caesar.
• * 1.46

  Caesar.
• * 1.47

  le Doux.
• * 1.48

  Caesar.
• * 1.49

  Whether men have greater co••rage in their own or in a stra••gers Country.
• * 1.50

  Caesar.
• * 1.51

  Footmen intermin∣gled a∣mongst horsemen.
• * 1.52

  Lib. 6.
• * 1.53

  Lib. 3. de ex••id.
• * 1.54

  Lib. 3. De bello Africano.
• * 1.55

  Caesar.
• * 1.56

  Caesar.
• * 1.57

  Caesar.
• * 1.58

  The use of lots.