The commentaries of C. Julius Cæsar of his warres in Gallia, and the civil warres betwixt him and Pompey / translated into English with many excellent and judicious observations thereupon ; as also The art of our modern training, or, Tactick practise, by Clement Edmonds Esquire, ... ; where unto is adjoyned the eighth commentary of the warres in Gallia, with some short observations upon it ; together with the life of Cæsar, and an account of his medalls ; revised, corrected, and enlarged.

Chap. XX.

The Battell between Caesar and Ariovistus.

THe sign of the battell being thereup∣on given,* 1.1 our men charged upon the enemy very fiercely; and they on the otherside returned so speedy a coun∣terbuffe, that the legions had no time to cast their piles, and in that regard made hast to be∣take themselves to their swords: But the Ger∣mans, according to their manner, putting them∣selves into a Phalanx, received the force of their swords. In the battell there were many legio∣nary souldiers seen to leap upon the Phalanx, and to pull up with their hands the targets that covered it, and so to wound and kill those that were underneath: and so the left Cornet of the enemy was overthrown and put to flight.

Now while the right Cornet was thus busied, the left Cornet was overcharged with an une∣quall multitude of the Germans: which young Crassus the Generall of the horse no sooner per∣ceived (having more scope and liberty then any of the Commanders that were in the battell) but he sent tertiam Aciem, the third battell, to rescue and aid their fellows that were in danger; by means whereof the fight was renewed, and all the enemy was put to flight, and never looked back untill they came to the Rhene, which was about fifty miles from the place where they fought. Where some few of them saved them∣selves by swimming: others found some boats, and so escaped. Ariovistus lighting upon a little Bark tied to the shore, recovered the other side, and so saved himself: the rest were all slain by the horsemen. Ariovistus had two wives: one a Swevian, whom he brought with him from home; and the other of Norica, the sister of King Voci∣on, sent unto him by her brother into Gallia, and married there: both these perished in that fight. His two daughters likewise being there, one was slain, and the other taken.

As Caesar pursued the German horsemen, it was his chance to light upon Valerius Procil∣lus, as he was drawn up and down by his Keepers bound in three chains: which accident was as gratefull to him as the victory it self; being so fortunate to recover his familiar friend, and a man of sort in the Province, whom the barba∣rous enemy (contrary to the law of Nations) had cast into prison. Neither would Fortune by the losse of him abate any thing of so great plea∣sure and contentment: for he reported that in his own presence they had three severall times cast lots whether he should be burned alive; and that still he escaped by the fortune of the lots. And M. Titius was found in like manner, and brought unto him. The same of this battell be∣ing carried beyond the Rhene, the Swevians that were come to the banks of the Rhene retur∣ned home again: whom the inhabitants neare upon that river pursued, finding them terrified and distracted, and slew a great number of them.

Caesar having thus ended two great warres in one Summer, brought his Army into their wintering Campes, somewhat sooner then the time of the year required; and leaving Labienus to command them, himself returned into the hi∣ther Gallia, to keep Courts and publick Diets.

THE FIRST OBSERVATION.

THis Phalanx here mentioned can hardly be proved to be the right Macedonian Phalanx; but we are rather to understand it to be so termed, by reason of the close and compact imbattelling, rather then in any other respect: and it resem∣bled much a testudo, as I said of the Helvetian Phalanx. Secondly, I observe that Caesar kept the old rule concerning their discipline in fight: for although the name of Triaries be not men∣tioned in his history; yet he omitted not the substance, which was, to have primam, secun∣dam, & tertiam Aciem; and that prima Acies should begin the battell, and the second should come fresh and assist them: or peradventure if the enemy were many and strong, the first and second battell were joyned together, and so charged upon the enemy with greater fury and violence; but at all adventures the third battell was ever in subsidio, as they termed it, to succour any part that should be overcharged; which was a thing of much consequence, and of great

wisdome. For if we either respect the incourage∣ment of the souldiers, or the casualty of Fortune, what could be more added to their discipline in this behalf, then to have a second and a third suc∣cour, to give strength to the fainting weaknesse of their men, and to repair the disadvantage which any accident should cast upon them? Or if their valour were equally ballanced, and victo∣ry stood doubtfull which of the two parties she should honour, these alwayes stept in, being fresh, against weary and over-laboured spirits, and so drew victory in despight of casualty unto themselves.

THE SECOND OBSERVATION.

COncerning use of lots,* 1.2 it shall not be amisse to look into the nature of them, being in for∣mer times so generall, that there was no Nation, civil or barbarous, but was directed in their greatest affairs by the sentence of lots. As we may not refuse for an undoubted truth, that which Salomon saith in the sixteenth of Proverbs, The lots are cast into the lap, but the direction thereof belongeth to the Lord: through the knowledge whereof Josua was directed to take Achan, the Marriners Jonas, and the Apostles to consecrate Matthias: So whether the heathen and barbarous people, whose blindnesse in the way of truth could direct them no further then to senselesse superstition, and put them in mind of a duty which they owed, but could not tell them what it was, nor how to be performed; whether these, I say, were perswaded that there was any supernaturall power in their lotteries, which di∣rected the action to the decree of destiny, and as the Gods would have it, it remaineth doubtfull.

Aristotle, the wisest of the heathen concerning things naturall, nameth that event casuall, or proceeding from Fortune, of which the reason of man could assign no cause, or (as he saith) which hath no cause. So that whatsoever happe∣ned in any action besides the intent of the agent and workman, was termed an effect of Fortune, or chance of hab-nab: For all other effects, which depended upon a certainty and definite cause, were necessarily produced; and therefore could not be casuall, or subject to the inconstan∣cy of chance. And because many and sundry such chances daily happened, which like terrae filii had no Father, and could not be warranted as lawfull children either to nature or to reason, by the appearance of an efficient cause, they redu∣ced them all to the power of Fortune, as the principall efficient and soveraign Motor of all such unexpected events: that is, they made no∣thing else the Governesse and Directresse of ma∣ny things. Which afterward grew to such credit amongst men, that it surpassed in dignity all na∣turall causes, and was deified with celestiall ho∣nour, as the Poet saith, Te Nos facimus Fortuna deam, coeloque locamus. By the providence of this blind Goddesse, which held her Deity by the Tenure of mens ignorance, were all causuall actions directed, and especially lots; the event whereof depended only upon her plea∣sure and decree. Neither could their direction be assigned to any other power; for then their nature had been altered from chance to certain∣ty, and the event could not have been called Sors, but must have been reputed in the order of necessary effects, whereof discourse of reason ac∣knowledgeth a certain foregoing cause.

Whereby we see upon how weak an axletree the greatest motions of the goodlesse world were turned, having irregularity and uncertainty for the Intelligentiae that governed their revolutions. And herein all sorts of men (although in divers respects) rested as well contented as if an Ora∣cle had spoken unto them, and revealed the my∣steries of fatall destiny.

Rome directed the main course of her govern∣ment by the fortune of this mock-destiny. For although their Consuls and Tribunes were ele∣cted by the people, who pleased their own fancy with the free choice of their Commanders, and suted their obedience with a well-liking authori∣ty: yet the publick affairs which each Consul was severally to manage, was shared out by lots. For if an enemy were entered into their confines to depopulate and wast their territories, the lots assigned this Consul for the government of the City, and the other to command the legions, and to manage the war.

If forces were to be sent into divers Provinces, and against severall enemies, neither the Senate nor the people could give to either Consul his task; but their peculiar charges were authorised by lots. If any extraordinary actions were to be done in the Citie, as the dedication of a Temple, the san∣ctifying of the Capitol after a pollution; Sors omnia versat, that did all in all. And yet (not∣withstanding the weak foundation of this pra∣ctise in their Theologie and deepest Divinity) we may not think but these skilfull Architects of that absolute government, wherein vertue joyned with true wisdome to make an unexampled pattern, we may not think, I say, but they foresaw the manifold danger, which in the course of com∣mon actions could not other way be prevented but by the use of lots. For when things are equal∣ly levelled between divers objects, and run with indifferencie to equall stations, there must be some controlling power to draw the current to∣wards one Coast, and to appropriate it unto one channel, that the order of Nature be not in∣versed, nor a well-established government distur∣bed. So the state of Rome casting many things with equall charge upon her two soveraign Ma∣gistrates, which could not be performed but by one of them; what better meanes could there be invented to interesse the one in that office, and to discharge the other, then to appoint an Arbiter,

whose decree exceeded humane reason? Of which it could not be said why it was so, but that it was so. For if the wisedome of the Senate had been called to counsell, or the voices of the people cal∣culated to determine of the matter; it might easily have burst out into civil discord, considering the often contentions between the Senate and the people, the factions of Clients, and the constant mutability of every mans private affections ne∣cessarily inclining unto one, although their worth were equall, and by true reason indiscernable; which might have made the one proud of that which peradventure he had not, and cast the other lower then would have well beseemed his vertues: and therefore to cut off these with many other inconveniences, they invented lots, which with∣out either reason or will might decide such con∣troversies.

By this it appeareth how little the ancient Law∣makers respected the ground and reason of an ordinance, so the commodity were great, and the use important to the good of the State: for as they saw the thing it self to be casuall, so they saw that casuall things are sometimes more necessary then demonstrative conclusions: neither ought the nature, and speculative consideration of Lawes and Statutes to belong to the common people; but the execution and obedience thereof maketh the Commonwealth flourish. And thus endeth the first Commentarie of Caesar his warre in Gallia.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Caesar.
• * 1.2

  The use of lots.