The present state of England. Part III. and Part IV. containing I. an account of the riches, strength, magnificence, natural production, manufactures of this island, with an exact catalogue of the nobility, and their seats, &c., II. the trade and commerce within it self, and with all countries traded to by the English, as at this day established, and all other matters relating to inland and marine affairs : supplying what is omitted in the two former parts ...

A Discourse of Trade. Being a Comparison between England and other parts of Europe, wherein the Incouragement of Industry is pro∣moted in these Islands of Great Britain and Ireland.

CHAP. I. That a small Country and few People by Situation, Trade, and Policy, may be equivalent in Wealth, and Strength to a far greater People and Territories; and particularly that conve∣niencies for Shipping and Water-Carriage do most eminently and fundamentally conduce thereto.

THe first principal Conclusion by reason of it's Length I consider in three parts, whereof the first that a small Country and few People may be e∣quivalent in Wealth and Strength to a far greater People and Territories.

This part of the first principal Conclusion needs little proof, forasmuch as one Acre of Land may bear as much Corn and feed as many Cattle as twenty by the difference of the Soyl, some Parcels of Ground are natu∣rally so defensible as that 100 men being possest thereof, can resist the Invasion of 500. Bad Land may be improved and made good, Bog may by dreining be made Mea∣dow; Heath Land may (as in Flanders) be made to bear Flax, and Clover-grass, so as to advance in value from 1. to 100. the same Land being built upon may centriple the Rent, which it yieldeth as pasture; one man is nimbler and stronger and more pa∣tient of Labour than another; one man by Art may do as much work as many, viz. one man with a Mill can grind as much Corn as 20. can pound in a Mortar, one Printer can make as many Copies as an hundred can write by hand; one horse can carry as much upon Wheels as five men upon their backs, and in a Boat, or upon Ice as 20; so that I say again the first point of this ge∣neral position needs little or no proof.

But the second and more material part of this Conclusion is, that this difference in Land and People arises principally from their Si∣tuation Trade and Policy.

To clear this I shall compare Holland

and Zealand with the Kingdom of France.

Holland and Zealand do not contain above 1. Million of English Acres, whereas the Kingdom of France contains above 80.

Now the original and primitive difference holds proportion as Lands to Land; for it is hard to say that when these places were 1st. planted, whether an Acre of Land in Holland was better then the like quantity in France and Zealand: Now is there any reason to suppose, but that therefore upon the first Plantation the number of Planters was in proportion to the quantity of Land; wherefore if the People are not in proporti∣on as the Land the same must be attributed to the Situation of the Land, and to the Trade and Policy of the People.

The next thing to be shewn is that Holland and Zealand at this day is not only 80th. as rich and strong as France, but that it hath advan∣ced to the 3d. or thereabouts, which I think will appear upon the ballance of the following Particulars, viz.

As for the Wealth of France, a certain Map of that Kingdom set forth An. 1647. represents it to be 15 Millions, whereof six did belong to the Church, the Author thereof (as I sup∣pose) meaning the Rents of the Land only

And the Author of a most judicious Discourse of Husbandry (supposed to be Sir Richard Weston) doth from reason and experience shew that Lands in the Netherlands, by bear∣ing Flax, Turnips, Clover-grass, Madder, &c. will easily yield 10 pound per Acre, so as the Territories of Holland and Zealand should by this account, yield at least 10 Millions per Annum; yet I do not believe the same to be so much, nor France so little as aforesaid, but rather that one bears to the other as about 7 or 8 to one.

The People of Amsterdam are one 3d part of those in Paris or London, which two Cities differ not in People a 20th part from each other as hath appeared by the Bills of Buri∣als and Christenings from each, but the va∣lue of the Buildings in Amsterdam may well be half that of Paris by reason of the Foun∣dations, Grafts and Bridges, which in Am∣sterdam are more numerous and chargeable than Paris: Moreover the Habitations of the poorest People in Holland and Zealand are twice or thrice as good as those of France but the People of the one to the People of the other being but as 13 to 1. the value of the Housing must be as about 5 to 1. The Ship∣ping of Europe being about 2 Millions of tuns I suppose the English have about 5000000, the Dutch 900 thousand, the French 100

thousand, the Hamburgers and the Subjects of Denmark, Sweden, and the Town of Dantzick 250 thousand, and Spain, Portugal, Italy, &c. 250 thousand; so as the Shipping in our case of France to that of Holland and Zealand is about 1 to 9: which reckoned great and small one with another at 8 pound per Tun makes the worth to be 800 thousand pounds to 7 Mil∣lions, & 2000000 pounds the Hollanders Capital in the East-India Company is worth about 3 Millions where the French has little or nothing.

The value of the Goods exported out of France into all parts are supposed quadruple to what is sent to England alone, & consequent∣ly in all about 5 Millions; but what is ex∣ported out of Holland into England is worth 3 Millions; and what is exported thence into all the World besides is sextuple to that Summ.

The Moneys yearly raised by the French King, as the same appears by the Book inti∣tuled the State of France, dedicated to the King printed An. Dom. 1669. and set forth se∣veral times by Authority, is 82 Millions of French Livers, which is about ½ Millions of pounds Sterling, of which Summ the Author sayes that one 5th part was abated for Nonva∣luers or Insolvencies.

So as (I suppose) not above 5 Millions were effectually raised, but whereas some

say the King of France raised 11 Millions as the ⅕ of the Effects of France, I humb∣ly affirm, that the Land and Sea forces, all the Buildings and Interleguments which we have heard by common Fame to have been set forth and made in any of these last 7 years needed not to have cost 6 Millions Sterling; wherefore I suppose he hath not raised more, especially since there were ⅕ insolven∣cies when the Tax was at that pitch.

But Holland and Zealand paying 67 of 100 pay'd by all the United Provinces, and the City of Amsterdam paying 27 of the said 67, it follows that if Amsterdam hath pay'd 4000 pound Flemmish per diem, or about 146000 per Annum, or about 80 thousand pound Ster∣ling, that all Holland and Zealand have paid above 2 Millions per Annum; now the Reasons why they pay so much, I think are these (viz) 1. the Author of the State of the Netherlands saith so.

2dly. Excise of Victuals at Amsterdam seems above half the Original value of the same (viz) ground Corn pays 20 Stivers the Bushel, or 63 Gilders the Last, Beer 113 Stivers the Barrel, housing ⅙ of Rent, fruit ⅛ of what it cost; other Commodities 1/7 ⅛ 1/9 1/12 Salt ad libitum, all weighed Goods pay besides the premises a vast sum: now if the expence of the People of Amsterdam at a Medium, and

without Excise, were 8 pound per Annum, whereas in England 'tis 7 pound, then if all the several Imposts above named raise it 5 pound more, there being 160 thousand Souls in Amsterdam, the Sum of 800 thou∣sand pound Sterling per Annum will thereby be raised.

3dly. Though the Expence of each Head should be 13 pound per Annum, 'tis well known that there be few in Amsterdam who do not earn much more than the said Ex∣pence.

4thly. If Holland and Zealand pay per Annum 2,000,000 pounds, then all the Pro∣vinces together must pay about 3 Millions, less then which Sum per Annum perhaps is not sufficient to have maintained the Naval War with England, 72 thousand land Forces besides all other the ordinary charges of their Government, whereof the Church is there a part. To conclude, it seems from the Premi∣ses, that all France doth not raise above thrice as much from the publick Charge, as Holland and Zealand alone do.

5thly. Interest of Money in France 7 pounds per Centum, but in Holland scarce half so much.

6thly. The Country of Holland and Zea∣land, consisting as it were of Islands guarded with the Sea, Shipping and Marshes, is de∣fensible

at ¼ the charge of a plain open Country is, and where the Seat of War may be both Winter and Summer, whereas in others nothing can be done but in the Summer only.

7thly. But above all the particulars hi∣therto considered that of Superlucration ought chiefly to be taken in, for if a Prince have never so many Subjects and his Country never so good, yet if either through sloath or extravagant Expences or oppression and injustice, what ever is gained, shall be spent as fast as gotten, the State must be account∣ed poor. Wherefore let it be considered how much, or how many times rather Hol∣land and Zealand are now above what they were 100 years ago; which we must also do of France; now if France hath scarce doubled it's Wealth and Power, and that the other have decupled theirs; I shall give the preference to the latter, even altho the 9 increased by the one should not exceed the one half gained by the other; because one hath a Store for 9 years, and the other but for 1. To conclude upon the whole, that though France being Peopled to Holland and Zealand as 13 to 1, and in quantity of good Land as 80 to 1, yet is not 13 times Richer and Stronger, much less 80 times, nor much above thrice, which was to be proved.

Having thus dispatched the two first Branches of the first principal Conclusion, it follows to shew that this difference of im∣provement in Wealth and Strength, arises in particular from conveniencies for Shipping and Water-carriage.

Many writing on this Subject do so magni∣fie the Hollanders as if they were more, and all other Nations less then men, (as to the matter of Trade and Policy) making them Angels, and others Fools, Brutes and Sots as to those particulars, whereas I take the foun∣dation of their Atchievements to lie ori∣ginally in the Situation of the Country, whereby they do things inimitable to o∣thers, and have advantages whereof others are incapable.

First, The Soyl of Holland and Zealand is low Land, rich and fertile, whereby it is able to feed many men, and so as that men may live near each other for their mutual Assistance in Trade, I say that 1000 Acres that can feed 1000 Souls is better than 10000 of no more effect, for the following reasons to it (viz.) first suppose some great Fabrick were in building by 1000 men, shall not much more time be spared if that they lived all upon 1000 Acres, then if they were forced to live upon 10 times as large a Scope of Land?

2dly. The charge of their care of their Souls, and the Ministry would be far greater in the one case then the other, as also of Mutual defence in case of invasion, and even of Thieves and Robbers; moreover the charge of the Ad∣ministration of Justice would be much easier where Witnesses and Parties may be easily Summoned, Attendance less expensive when mens Actions would be better known, when wrong and Justice would not be covered as in thin-peopled places they are.

Lastly those who live in solitary places must be their own Soldiers, Divines, Phy∣sicians and Lawyers, and must have their Hou∣ses stored with necessary provisions (like a Ship going upon a long Voyage) to the great wast and needless expence of such pro∣visions: the value of this first conveniency to the Dutch I reckon to be about 100 thousand pounds per Annum.

2dly. Holland is a level Country, so as, if in any part thereof a Wind-Mill may be set up, and by it's being moist and vaporous, there is always Wind stirring over it, by which advantage the labour of many thou∣sand hands is saved, forasmuch as a Mill made by one man in half a year will do as much labour as 4 men for 5 years together; this advantage is greater or less where im∣ployment and ease of Labour is so, but in

Holland it is eminently great, and the worth of this Conveniency between near 100 and 150 thousand pound.

3dly. there is much more to be gained by Manufacture than Husbandry, and by Mer∣chandise than Manufacture, but Holland and Zealand, being seated at the Mouths of 3 long great Rivers, and passing through rich Countries do keep all the Inhabitants upon the sides of those Rivers but as Husbandmen, whilst themselves are the Manufactors of their Commodities, and do dispence them into all Parts of the World, making re∣turns for the same at what price almost they please themselves; and in short, they keep the Trade of those Countries through which the same Rivers pass, the va∣lue of this 3d convenience is 200 thousand pound.

4thly. In Holland and Zealand there is scarce any place of work or business one Mile distance from a Navigable Water, and the charge of Water-carriage is generally but the 15th or 20th part of Land-carriages, wherefore if there be as much Trade there as in France, then the Hollanders can out-sell the French 14/15 of all the Expence of all travel∣ling postage and carriage whatsoever, which even in England I take to be 300 thousand pound per Annum, where the very postage

of Letters costs the People perhaps 50 thou∣sand pound per Annum, though farmed at much less, and all other Labours of Hor∣ses and Porters at least six times as much; the value of this conveniency I estimate to be above 300 thousand pounds per An∣num.

5thly. The defensibleness of the Country by reason of it's Situation in the Sea upon Islands, and in the Marshes, impassible ground, dicked and trenched, especially considering how the place is aimed at for it's Wealth, I say the charge for defending this Country is easier than if it were a plain Champion at least 200 thousand pound per Annum.

6thly. Holland is so considerable for keep∣ing Ships in Harbour with small Expence of men and ground-tackle that it saves them per Annum 200 thousand pounds of what must be spent in France.

Now if all these natural Advantages do amount to above one Million per Annum of profit, and that the Trade of all Europe, nay of the whole World, with which our Eu∣ropeans do trade, is not above 45 Millions per Annum; and if 1/50 of the value be 1/7 of the profit, it is plain that the Hollanders may command and govern the whole Trade.

7thly. Those who have their Situation

thus towards the Sea, abound with Fish at home, and having also the command of Ship∣ping, have by consequence the Fishing Trade, whereof that of Herring alone brings more yearly profit to the Hollanders than the Trade of the West-Indies to Spain, or of the East to themselves, being as some say viis and modis of above 3 Millions per Annum pro∣fit.

8thly. It is not to be doubted but those who have the Trade of Fishing and Ship∣ping will secure themselves of the Trade of Timber, for Ships, Boats, Masts, and Casks, of Hemp for Cordage, Sails and Nets, of Salt, of Iron, as also of Pitch, Tar, Rosin, Brimstone, Oyl and Tal∣low, as necessary Appurtenances to Shipping and Fishing.

9thly. Those who predominate in Fishing and Shipping have more occasion then o∣thers to frequent all parts of the World, and to observe what is wanting or redun∣dant every where, and what each People can do, and what they desire, and conse∣quently to be the Factors and Carriers for the whole World of Trade, upon which ground they bring all Native Commodities to be Manufactured at home, and carried back to the Country where they grow, all which we see, for do they not work the

Sugars of the West-Indies, the Timber and Iron of Baltick, the Hemp of Russia, the Lead, Tin, and Wool of England, the Quick-Silver and Silk of Italy, the Yarn and dying Stuffs of Turkey? &c. to be short in all the ancient States and Empires those who had the Shipping had the Wealth; and if 2 per Centum in the price of Commodities, be perhaps 20 per Centum in the Gain, it is manifest that they who can in 45 Millions under-sell others by one Million (upon Account of Mutual Interest and instrin∣sick Advantages only) may easily have the Trade of the World, without such Ange∣lical Wits and Judgments as some attribute to the Hollander.

Having thus done with their Situation I come now to their Trade.

It is commonly seen that each Country flourisheth in the Manufacture of it's own Native Commodity, viz. England for Woollen-Manufactures, France for Paper, Swihltand for Iron-ware, Portugal for Con∣fectures, Italy for Silks. Upon which princi∣ple it follows, that Holland and Zealand must flourish most in the Trade of Shipping, and so become Carriers and Factors to the whole World of Trade; now the Ad∣vantages

of Shipping Trade are as follow∣eth, viz.

1st. Husbandmen, Sea-men, Souldiers and Merchants are the very Pillars of the Com∣monwealth, all the other great professions do arise out of the infirmities and miscarri∣ages of those: Now the Sea-man is 3 of these 4; for every Sea-man of industry and in∣genuity is not only a Navigator, but a Mer∣chant, & also a Souldier, not because he has of∣ten occasion to fight, and handle Arms, but because he is Mamilarized with hardship and hazards extending to Life and Limb; for Training and Duelling is a small part of a Soldier, in respect of his last men∣tioned Qualifications, the one being quickly and presently learned, the other not without many years most painful Experience, wherefore to have the occa∣sion of abounding in Sea-men is a vast con∣veniency.

2dly. the Husbandmen of England earn but about 4 s. per Week, but the Sea-man has as good as 12 s. in Wages, Victuals, Drink, and (as it were) Housing with o∣ther Accomodations, so a Seaman is ineffect 3 Husbandmen, wherefore there is little Ploughing or Sowing of Corn in Holland or Zealand, or breeding of young Cattle, but their Land is improved by building

Houses, Ships, Engines, Dickes, Wharfs, Gardens of pleasure, extraordinary Flowers and Fruits, Dairy and feeding of Cattel, for Rape, Flax, Madder, &c. the Foun∣dations of several Advantagious Manufa∣ctures.

3dly. Whereas the imployments of other men is confined to their own Country, that of a Sea-man is free to the whole World; so as where Trade may (as they call it) be dead, here or there, now and then, it is certain that somewhere or other in the World, as Trade is always quick enough &c. and Provision is always plentiful, the Benefit whereof they who command the Shipping enjoy, and they only.

4thly. The great and ultimate effects of Trade is not wealth at large, but particularly abundance of Silver, Gold, and Jewels which are not perishable, but are wealth at all times and all places; whereas abundance of Wine, Corn, Fowl, Flesh, &c. are riches but hic et nunc: So as the raising of such Commodities, and the following of such Trade is not profitable before others, which do store the Countrys with Silver, Jewels, &c. but the labour of Seamen and Freight of Ships, of the Nature of an exported Commodity, the over-plus whereof a∣bove what is imported brings home Mo∣ney, &c.

5thly. Those who have the command of the Sea-Trade may work at easier Freight, with more profit then others at greater, for as Cloth must be cheaper made, when one Cards, another Spins, another Weaves, ano∣ther Draws, another Dresses, another Pres∣ses, and Packs; then when all the Operati∣ons above mentioned were clunsily perform∣ed by the same hand; so those who com∣mand the Trade of Shipping, can build long slight Ships, for carrying Masts, Firr, Timber, Boards, Bolkes, &c. and that one is for Lead, Iron, Stones, &c. one sort of Vessels to Trade at Ports, where they need never ly aground, others where they must jump upon the Sand, twice every 12 hours, one sort of Vessel, and way of Manning in time of Peace, and for cheap gross Goods, ano∣ther for War, and precious Commodities, one sort of Vessel for the Turbulent Sea, another for Inland Waters and Rivers, one sort of Vessels and Rigging where hast is requisite, for the Maidenhead of a Market, another where ⅕ or 4/1 part of the time makes no matter, one sort of Masting and Rigging for long Voyages, another for Coasting, one sort of Vessels for Fishing, another for Trade, one sort for War, for this or the contrary, another for Burthen only, some for Oars, some for Poles, some

for Sails, and some for draught by men or Horses, some for the Northern Navigations amongst Ice, and some for the South a∣gainst Storms, &c. And this I take to be the chief of several Reasons why the Hollanders can go at less Freight than their Neighbours (viz.) because they can afford a particular sort of Vessels, for each particular Trade.

I have shewn how the Situation has gi∣ven them Shipping, and how shipping in ef∣fects has given them all other Trade, and how Foreign Traffick must give them as much Manufactures as they can mannage themselves, and as for the over-plus make the rest of the World but as Work∣men to their Ships; it now remains to shew the effects of their policy superstru∣cted upon these natural advantages, not as some think the excess of their understand∣ings. I have omitted to mention that the Hollanders were 100 years since a poor and oppressed People, living in a Country natu∣rally cold moist and unpleasant, and were withal persecuted for their Etrodoxy in Re∣ligion.

From whence it necessarily follows that this People must labour hard, and set all hands to work, and Rich and Poor, young and old must study the Art of Number, Weight and Mea∣sure, must fare hard, provide for Impotents,

and for Orphans, out of hope to make profit by their Labours, must punish the Lazy by Labours. I say all these particulars, said to be the subtile Excogitations of the Hollanders seem to me but with what could not almost have been otherwise.

Liberty of Conscience, Registry of Con∣veyances, small Customs, Banks, Lom∣bards, and Law-Merchant, rise all from the same Spring, and tend to the same Sea. As for Loans of Interest, 'tis also a necessa∣ry effect of all the premises, and not the fruit of their contrivance.

Wherefore we shall only shew in parti∣cular, the Efficacy of each, and first, of Li∣berty of Conscience; but before I enter upon these, I shall mention a practice almost for∣gotten, whether it refers to Trade or Poli∣cy is not material, which is, the Hollanders undermasting and sayling of such of their Shipping as carry cheap and gross Goods, and whose Sail doth not depend much upon Season.

It is to be noted that of 2 equal and like Vessels if one spreads 1600 yards of like Canvas, and the other 2500, their Speed is but as 4 to 5, so as one soon brings home the same Timber in 4 days, as the other will in 5, now if we consider that although those Ships be but 4 or 5 days under Sayl, that

they are perhaps 30 upon the Voyage, so as the one is but 1/30 parts longer upon the whole Voyage than the other, tho ⅕ longer un∣der Sail; now if Masts, Yards, Rigging, Cables, and Anchors, do depend upon the quantity and extent of the Sails, and con∣sequently hands also, it follows that the one Vessel goes at 3/1 less charge losing but 1/80 of the time and of what depends there∣upon.

I come to the first Policy of the Dutch, viz, Liberty of Conscience, which I can con∣ceive they grant upon these grounds, (but keeping up always a force to maintain the Common Peace)

1st. They themselves broke with Spain to avoid the Imposition of the Cler∣gy.

2dly. Dissenters of this kind are for the most part thinking, sober and patient men, and such as believe, that Labour & Industry is their duty towards God, (how Erroneous soever their Principles be.)

3dly. These People believing the Justice of God, and seeing most licentious persons to enjoy most of the World and it's best things, will never venture to be of the same Religion and Profession with voluptua∣ries, and men of extreme Wealth and Pow∣er, who they think have their Portion in this World.

4thly. They cannot but know, that no man can believe what himself pleases, and to force men to say they believe when they do not, is vain, absurd, and without Honor to God.

5thly. The Hollanders knowing them∣selves not to be an Infallible Church, and that others had the same Scriptures for guide as themselves, and withal the same Interest to save their Souls, did not think fit to make this matter their business, no more but to make Bonds of the Seamen they im∣ploy, not to cast away their own Ships and lives.

6thly. The Hollanders observe that in France and Spain, especially the Latter, the Church men are about 100 to one, to what they use or need, the principal care of whom is to preserve Uniformity, and this they take to be a superfluous charge.

7thly. They observe where most endea∣vours have been used to keep Uniformity their Exterodoxy hath most abounded.

8thly. They believe that if ⅕ of the Peo∣ple were Exterodox, and that if the whole quarter should by Miracle be removed, that within a small time 4/1 of the Remainder would again become Exterodox some way or other, it being Natural for men to differ in Opinions in Matters above sense and rea∣son,

and for those who have less Wealth to think thry have the more Wit and Under∣standing, especially in the things of God which they think chiefly to belong to the Poor.

9thly. They think the case of the Primi∣tive Christians, as it is represented in the Acts of the Apostles, looks like that of the present Dissenters, (I mean externally) moreover it is to be observed that Trade does not (as some think) best flourish under popular Government, but rather that Trade is more vigorously carried on in every State and Government by the exterodox par∣ty of the same, and such as profess O∣pinions differ from what are publickly e∣stablished (that is to say) in India where the Mahumetan Religion is Authorized.

There the Banians are the most considera∣ble Merchants, in the Turkish Empire, the Jews and Christians, at Venice, Naples, Le∣gorn, Genica, and Lisbon Jews, and now Pa∣pists Merchants Strangers. But to be short, in the part of Europe where the Roman Catho∣lick Religion now has, or lately has had Esta∣blishment, there 3 qrs. of the whole Trade is in the hands of such as have separated from the Church, viz. The Inhabitants of Eng∣land, Scotland, and Ireland, as also these of the United Provinces, with Denmark,

Sweden and Norway, together with the Sub∣jects of the Norman Protestant Princes, and the Hans-Towns do at this day possess a quarter of the Trade of the World, and e∣ven France it self the Hugonets are propor∣tionably far the greatest Trades, nor is it to be denyed but that in Ireland, where the said Roman Religion is not Authorized, but the professors thereof have a great part of the Trade, from whence it follows that Trade is not fixed to any Species of Religi∣on as such, but rather as before hath been the said, to the heterodox party of the whole; the truth whereof appears also in all the par∣ticular Towns of greatest Trade in England; nor do I find reason to believe that the Roman Catholick Seamen in the whole World are sufficient to man effectually a Fleet equal to what the King of England now has, but the now Papist-Seamen can do above thrice as much. Wherefore he whom this latter party does effectionately own to be their Head, cannot probably be wronged in his Sea-con∣cernments by the Author; from whence it follows, that for the Advancement of Trade (if that be a Sufficient Reason) indul∣gence must be granted in matters of Opinion, those Licentious Actings as even in Holland be restrained by force.

The 2d. Policy or help to Trade used by

the Hollanders, is Securing the Titles to Lands and Houses, for although Lands & Houses may be called Terra firma et res immo∣biles, yet the Title unto them is no more certain then it pleaseth the Laws, and Authority to make them, wherefore the Hol∣anders do by Registries and other ways of assurance make the Title as immoveable as the Lands, for there can be no incourage∣ment to Industry where there is no Assu∣rance of what shall be gotten by it, and where by Fraud and Corruption one man may take away with ease and by a trick what another has gotten by extream labour and pains.

There has been much Discourse about introducing of Registories into England, the Lawyers for the most part do object against it, alledging the Titles of Lands in England are sufficiently secure already; wherefore omitting the considerations, of small and oblique Reasons, pro et contra, it were good that enquiry were made from the Officers of several Courts to what Sum or Value pur∣chasers damnified for these last 10 Yeahs, by such fraudulent conveyance as Registries would have prevented, the 10th part where∣of at a Medium is the annual loss which the People sustain for want of them, and then Computation is to be made, of the annual

charge of Registring such extraordinary con∣veyances, would secure the Titles of Lands more by comparing these two Summs, the Que∣stion so much agitated, may be determined.

Their third Policy is their Bank, the use whereof is to encrease money or rather to make a small Sum equivalent to Trade in a greater, for the effecting whereof these things are to be considered: First how much Money will drive the Trade of the Nation, 2dly, how much current Money there is actually in the Nation. 3dly. how much will serve to make all payments of under 5 Pound, or any other convenient Sum throughout the year. 4thly. for what Sum the Keepers of the Bank are unquestionable security. If all these 4 particulars be well known, then it may be also known how much of ready Mo∣ney above mentioned, may safely and pro∣perly be lodged in the Bank, and to how much ready current Money the said deposi∣ted Mony is equivalent; (as for example) suppose 100 thousand pounds will drive the Trade of the Nation, and suppose there be but 60 thousand pounds of ready Mony in the same; suppose also the 20 thousand pound will drive one, and answer all pay∣ments made of under 150 pound, in this case 40 of the 60 being put into the Brank will be equivalent unto 80, which 80, and 20,

kept out of the Bank, do make up 100, viz. enough to drive the Trade, as was purposed. Where note that the Bank-keepers must be re∣sponsible for double the Sum intrusted with them, and must have power to levy upon the General weight they happen to lose, unto particular Men; upon which grounds the Bankers may freely make use of the re∣ceived 40 pound, whereby the said Sum and with the like Sum in credit, makes 80 pound, and with the 20 reserved 100.

I might here add many more particulars, but being the same has already been noted by others, I conclude only with adding one observation which I think to be of conse∣quence; That the Hollanders do ridd their hands of 2 Trades, which are of great tur∣moil and danger, and yet of least profit. The 1st whereof is that of a common and private Soldier, for such they can hire from England, Scotland, and Germany to ven∣ture their Lives for 6 pence a day, whilst themselves safely and quietly follow such Trades whereby the meanest of them gain 6 times as much, and withal by this enter∣taining of Strangers for Souldiers their Country becomes more and more peopled, forasmuch as the Children of such Strangers are Hollanders, and take to Trades, whilst new Strangers are admitted in finitum; be∣sides,

these Souldiers at convenient intervals, do at least as much work as is equivalent to what they spend; and consequently by this way of imploying of Strangers for Souldiers, they people the Country, and save their own Persons from Danger and Misery, without any real Expence; effecting by this Method, what others have in vain attemp∣ed by Laws for naturalizing of Strangers; as if men could be charmed to transport themselves, from their own native, into a forreign Country, meerly by words, and for the bare leave of being called by a new Name. In Ireland, Laws for Naturalizati∣on have had little Effect, to bring in Aliens; and 'tis no wonder if Englishmen will not go thither, without they may have the pay of Souldiers, or some other Advantage a∣mounting to Maintainance.

Having intimated the way by which the Hollanders do increase their People, I shall here digress to set down the way of com∣puting the value of every Head one with another, and that the instance of People in England; (viz.) Suppose the People of Eng∣land be six Millions in number, that their Ex∣pence at 7 pound per head be forty two Mil∣lions, suppose also that the Rents of Lands be eight Millions, and the profit of all the personal Estate be six Millions more, it must

needs follow, that the Labour of the Peo∣ple have supplied the remaining thirty six Millions; the which multiplyed by twenty, (the mass of Mankind being worth twenty years Purchase as well as Land) makes five hundred and twenty Millions, as the value of the whole People; which number divi∣ded by six Millions, makes above eight Pound Sterling to be the value of each Head, Man, Woman, and Child, and of a dull Per∣sons twice as much: From whence we may learn to compute, the Loss we have sustain∣ed by the Plague, by the slaughter of Men in War, and by sending them abroad unto the Service of forreign Princes. The other Trade the Hollanders have ridd their Hand of, is the old patriarchal Trade of being Cowkeepers, and in a great measure of which concerns plowing and sowing of Corn, have put that Imployment upon the Danes and Polanders, from whence they have their young Cattle and Corn. Here we may take notice that as Trades and curious Arts in∣crease, so the Trade of Husbandry will de∣crease, unless the Wages of Husbandmen must rise, and consequently the Rents of Lands must fall.

For proof whereof I dare affirm that if 〈…〉〈…〉 ••andmen of England, who now 〈…〉〈…〉 Pence a day, or thereabouts,

could become Tradesmen, and earn sixteen Pence a day, which is no great Wages, two Shillings, and two Shillings and six Pence being usually given; that then it would be the Advantage of England, to throw up their Husbandry, and make no use of their Lands, but for Grass, Horses, Milch-Cows, Gardens and Orchards, &c. Which if it be so, and that Trade and Manufacture have increased in England, (viz.) If a quarter part of the People apply themselves to these Faculties more then they did heretofore, and if the price of Corn be no greater now then when Husbandmen were more numerous, and Tradesmen fewer: It follows from the single Reason (tho others may be added) that if the Rents of Lands must fall: as for Example, suppose the price of Wheat be fifty or sixty Pence the Bushel; now if the Rent of the Land whereon it grew be the third Sheaf, then of the sixty Pence, twenty Pence is for the Land, and fourty Pence for the Husbandman; but if the Husbandman's Wages should rise ⅛ part, or from eight to nine Pence per diem; then the Husbandman's Share in the Bushel of Wheat, raised from fourty to fourty five Pence, and consequently the Rent of the Land must fall from twenty to fifteen Pence; for we suppose the price of the Wheat still re∣mains;

especially since we can't raise it, for if we did attempt it Corn would be brought unto us as unto Holland, from Forraign parts, where the State of Husbandry was not changed.

And thus I have done with the first Prin∣cipal Conclusion, That a small Territory and even a few people may by Situation Trade and Policy be made Equivalent to a far greater, and that conveniences for Ship∣ping and Water-Carriage do most Eminent∣ly and Fundamentally conduce thereunto.

CHAP. II. That some kind of Taxes and Publick Levies, may rather increase then di∣minish the Wealth of the King∣dom.

IF the money or other Effects levied from the people by way of Tax were destroy∣ed and annihilated; then it is clear, that such levies would diminish the Common-Wealth: or if the same were exported out of the Kingdom without any return at all, then

the case would be also the same; but if what is levied as aforesaid be only Transferred from one Hand to another, then we are only to consider whether the said money or Commo∣dities are taken from an improving Hand, and given to an ill Husband, or vice versa; as for Example, suppose money by way of Tax be taken from one, who spendeth in Superfluous Eating and Drinking, and de∣livered to another, who imploys the same in improving of Lands, in Fishing, in work∣ing of Mines, and Manufacture, &c. it is manifest, that such Tax is an advantage to the State whereof the said different Persons are members; nay, if money be taken from him who spendeth the same as aforesaid upon Eating and Drinking, or any other Perishing Commodities, and Transferred to one who bestowed it on Cloaths, I say that even in this case the Common-Wealth has some little advantage, because Cloaths do not perish al∣together so soon as Drinks; but if spent in Furniture of Houses, the advantage is yet little more; if in Building of Houses; yet more; if in improving of Lands, working of Mines and Fishing, yet more; but most of all in bringing Gold and Silver into the Country, because those things are not only perishable but are esteemable for Wealth at all times, and every where; whereas other

Commodities, which are Perishable or whose value depends upon the Fashion, or which are Contingently scarce and plentiful, are Wealth pro hic & nunc, as has been else∣where said; in the next Place if the People of any Country, who have not already a full imployment, should be injoyned or Tax∣ed to work upon such Commodities as are imported from abroad, I say, such a Tax does also improve the Common-Wealth; moreover if Persons who live by Begging, Cheating, Stealing, Gaming, Borrowing without intention of Restoring, who by these ways do get from the Credulous and careless more then is Sufficient for the Sub∣sistance of such Persons, I say, that tho the State should have no present imployment for such Persons, and consequently should be forced to clear the whole charge of their lively-hood, yet it were more for the Publick Profit to give all such Persons a regular and Competent allowance by a Publick Tax, then to suffer them to spend extravagantly at the only charge of careless and credulous and good natured People, and to expose the Common-Wealth to the loss of so many o∣ther men, whose lives are taken away for the crimes which ill Discipline does occasion; on the contrary, if the Stocks of Labori∣ous and ingenious men, who are not only

Beautifying the Country where they live by Elegant Diet, Apparel, Furniture, Housing, Pleasant Gardens and Orchards and Publick Edifices &c. but also are increasing the Gold, and Silver, and Jewels thereof, by Trade and Armes; I say, if the Stock of these men should be Diminished by a Tax, and Transferred to such as do nothing at all but to Eat, Drink, Sing, Play, Dance, nay to such as Study the Metaphysicks, or other needless Speculations, or else imploy themselves in any other way which pro∣duceth no material thing, or things of real use and value, in the common Wealth; in this case the Wealth of the Publick will be diminished otherwise then as such exer∣cises are Recreations and Refreshments of the minds; and which being moderately used, do qualify and dispose men to what in it self is more considerable.

Wherefore upon the whole matter, to know whether a Tax will do good or harm, the State of the People and of their Imploy∣ments must be well known, that is to say, what part of the People are unfit for Labour by their impotency and infancy, and also what part are exempt from the same by rea∣son of their Wealths, Function or Dignities, by reason of their charge and imployments, otherwise Governing Directing and Prefer∣ring

those who are appointed to Labour and Arts.

In the next place Computations must be made, what part of those who are fit for Labour and Arts, as aforesaid, are able to per∣form the Work of the Nation in it's present State and Measure.

3. It is to be considered, whether the re∣mainder can make all, or any part of these Commodities which are imported from a∣broad, which of them and how much in par∣ticular; the remainder of such Sort of Peo∣ple, if any be, may safely and without pos∣sible prejudice to the Common-Wealth be imployed in Arts and Exercises of Pleasure and Ornament; the greatest whereof is the improvement of Natural Knowledge.

Having in general illustrated this Point, which I think needs no other Proof but il∣lustration, I come next to intimate that no part of Europe has paid so much by way of Tax as Holland and Zealand for these last Forty years; and yet no Country has in the same time increased—comparably to them; and it is manifest they have followed the ge∣neral rates above-mentioned; for they Tax Meats and Drinks most heavily of all, to restrain the excessive expence of those things which twenty four hours do's as to the use of man, wholly annihilate; and they are

more Favourable to Commodities to the greater duration: nor do they tax accord∣ing to what men gain, but in extraordinary cases, but alwaies according to what men spend, and most of all to what they spend needlesly and without Prospect of return; up∣on which Grounds their Customs upon Goods imported and exported are general∣ly low; as if they intended by them only to keep an Account, of what Forreign Trade, and to retaliate upon their Neighbours States, the prejudices done them by their Prohibiti∣on and Imposition.

It is farther to be observed that since th•• year 1636, the Taxes and Publick Levies made in England Scotland and Ireland have been Prodigiously greater then at any time heretofore, and yet the said Kingdoms have increased in their Wealth and Strength for these last Forty years, as shall hereafter be shewn; it is said that the French King doth at present levy the Fifth part of his peoples Wealth, and yet great Obstructions is made of the present Riches and Strength of that Kingdom; altho great care must be had in distinguishing between the Wealth of the peo∣ple and that of an absolute Monarch, who taketh from the people where, when, and in what Proportion he pleaseth, the Sub∣jects of two Monarchs may be equally Rich,

and yet one Monarch may be double as Rich as the other; viz. If one take the Tenth part of the Peoples Substance to his own dispose, and the other Twentyeth; nay, the Monarch of a poor people may appear more splendid and glorious then that of a Richer; which perhaps may be somewhat the case of France, as hereafter shall be exa∣mined. As an Instance and Application of what has been said I conceive that in Ireland where∣in is above one hundred thousand people, near three hundred thousand Smoaks or Hearths, it were more tolerable for the people, and more profitable for the King, that each head paid two Shillngs-worth of Flax, then that each Smoke should pay two Shillings in Sil∣ver, and yet for these following Reasons.

1. Ireland being under-Peopled, and Cat∣tle and Land very cheap, store of Fish and Fowl, the Ground yielding every where ex∣cellent Roots (and particularly that bread like Root-Potatoes) and withal they be∣ing able to perform their Husbandry with such Harness and Tackling as each man can make, living in such Houses as (almost) every man can Build; and every Houswife being a Spinner and Dyer of Wool, and Yarn, they can live and Subject after their present Fashions, without the use of Gold and Silver money, and can supply them∣selves,

with necessaries above named, with∣out Labouring two Hours per diem. Now it has been found by reason of insolvencies a∣rising, rather from the uselesness, then want of Money amongst these poor People, that from 300000 Hearths, which should have yielded 30 thousand pounds, not much above 15000 thousand pounds of money could be levied; whereas it is easily imagined that 4 or 5 People dwelling in that Cottage which has but one Smoke could easily have Plant∣ed a ground-Plat of 40 Foot Square with Flax, or the 50th. part of an Acre; for so much ground will bear eighth or Ten Shil∣lings-worth of that Commodity, and the rent of so much ground in few places amounts to a Penny; nor is there any skill requisite to this Practice, wherewith the Country is not already Familiar. Now as for a Merchant for the said Flax, there is imported into Holland it self, over and above what the Country produces, as much Flax as is there sold for between eighth Score and 200000 pound. And into England and Ire∣land is imported as much Linnen Cloth made of Flax and there Spent as is worth above half a Million of money, as hereafter shall be shewn. Wherefore having shewn that Silver money is useless to the poor People of Ire∣land, that half the Hearth-money could

scarce be raised by Reason thereof, that the People are ⅕ part imployed, that the People and Land of Ireland are competently qua∣lifyed for Flax, that one Penny-worth of Land will produce Ten Shillings-worth of the same, and that there is Market enow and enow for above 100000 pounds-worth; I conceive my Proposition sufficiently prov∣ed, at least to set forward and promote a practice, especially since if all the Flax so produced should yield nothing, yet there is nothing lost, the same time having been worse spent before upon the same Ground: the like Tax of two Shillings per head, may be raised with the like advantage from the People of England which would amount to Six hundred thousand pounds.—per Annum to be paid in Flax manufactured in∣to all sorts of Linens, Threds, Tapes and Laces which we now receive from France, Flanders, Holland and Germany, the value whereof does far exceed the sum last men∣tioned, as has appeared by the examination of Particulars.

It is observed by Clothiers and others who imploy great numbers of poor people, that when Corn is extreamly plentiful the La∣bour of the Poor is Proportionably dear, and Scarce to be had at all; (So licentious are they who Labour only to Eat, or rather

to Drink:) wherefore when so many Acres of Corn as do usually produce sufficient store for the Nation, shall produce perhaps dou∣ble to what is exported, or necessary; it seems not unreasonable, that this common Blessing of God should be imployed to the common good of the People, represented by their Sovereign; much less that the same should be abused by the vile and brutish part of Mankind, to the prejudice of the Common-Wealth; and consequently that such Surplusage of Corn should be sent to Publick Store-Houses, from thence to be disposed of to the best advantage of the Publick. Now if the Corn spent in England at five Shilings per Bushel Wheat, and two Shillings six Pence Barley be worth 10,000,000. It follows that in Years in great Plenty when the said Grains are ⅓ part cheaper, that a vast advantage might accrue to the Common-Wealth, which now is spent in once feeding the People in quantity, or quality, and so▪ in disposing them to their usual Labour. The like may be said of Sugar, Tobacco, and Pepper, which Customs has now made necessary to all sorts of People, and with overplanting them has made un∣reasonably cheap; I say, it is not absurd that the Publick should be advantaged by this

Extraordinary Plenty.

That an Excise should be laid upon Corn also is not unreasonable not only for this but for other Reasons.

The way of the present Militia or train-Bands in a Gentle Tax upon the Country, because it is only a few Days Labour in the Year, of a few in respect of the whole, using their own Goods, that is, their own Armes. Now if there be 300,0000. of Males in England there be above 200,000. of them who are between the Age of sixteen and thirty unmarryed Persons, and who live by their Labour and Service; for of so many the present Militia consists, and if 150,000. of these were Armed and trained as Foot, and 50000 as Horse, the said Force at Land together with 30,000. men at Sea, would by Gods ordinary Blessing, defend the Na∣tion being an Island against any force in view; but the charge of Arming, disci∣plining and rendevouzing all their men twice or thrice a Year would be a very Gentle Tax levied by the People themselves and paid to themselves. Moreover if out of the said number ⅓ part were selected of such as are more then ordinary fit for War, and exercised and rendevouzed fourteen or fif∣teen

times per Annum, the charge thereof being but a fortnights pay in the Year, would be also a very Gentle Tax. Lastly if out of this last mentioned number ¼ again should be selected, making 16,000. Foot, and 6000 Horse to be Exercised and rendevouzed forty Days in the Year, I say that the charge of all these three Militia's, allowing the latter six Weaks pay per Annum, would not cost per Annum above 120,000. pounds which I take to be so easie a burthen for so great a Benefit.

Forasmuch as the present Navy of Eng∣land requires 36,000. men to man it, and for that the English Trade of Shipping re∣quires about 48,000. men to manage it, it follows that there ought to be about 48,000. competently qualifyed for these Ser∣vices; for want whereof, we see it is a long while before a Royal Navy can be made, which till it be, is of no Effectual use but lies at charge. And we see likewise upon their occasions that Merchants are put to great straights, and inconveniencies, and do pay excise-rates for the carrying on their Trade. Now if 24,000. able Bodyed Trades∣men whereby 6000 per Annum brought up and fitted for Sea-service, and for their incou∣ragement allowed twenty Shillings per Annum for every Year they had been at Sea, even

when they stay at home, not exceeding six pound for those who have served six years or upwards; it follows that about 72000. pound at the medium of three pound per man would so satiate the whole number; and so forasmuch as half the Sea-men which manage the Merchants Trade are supposed to be always in Harbour, and are about 40000 together with the said half, the Auxi∣liaries last mentioned, would upon Emer∣gencies man out the whole Royal Navy, leaving to the Merchant 12000 of the able Auxiliaries to perform their business in Harbour, till others come home from the Sea; I say that more then this Summ 72000 pounds per Annum is Fruitlesly spent & over-paid by the Merchants whensoever a great Fleet is to be fitted out. Now these whom I call Auxiliary Seamen are such as have another Trade besides wherewith to maintain themselves when they are not imployed at Sea; and the charge of main∣taining themselves the 72000 pounds per Annum I take to be little or nothing for the Reasons above-mentioned, and conse∣quently an easie Tax to the people because levied by and paid to themselves. As we pro∣pounded, that Ireland, should be Taxed with Flax, and England by Linnen and other Manufactures of the same; so I con∣ceive

that Scotland might be Taxed as much to be paid in Herrings, as Ireland in Flax. Now these three Taxes of Flax, Linnen and Herrings, and the maintenance of the Triple Militia, and of the Auxiliary Seamen above-mentioned, do all five of them together a∣mount to 1,000,000. pounds of money, the raising whereof is not a Million spent but gain'd to the Common-Wealth, unless it can be made appear that by Reason of all or any of them the Exportations of Wollen Manufactures, Lead and Tin, are lessened, or of such Commodities as our own East and West India Trade do pro∣duce; for as much as I conceive that the Exportation of these last mentioned Com∣modities is the Touch-stone, whereby the Wealth of England is Tried, and the Pulse whereby the Health of the Kingdom may be discerned.

CAP. III. That France cannot by Reason of na∣tural and perpetual Impediments be more Powerful at Sea then England, or the low Countries.

POwer at Sea consists chiefly in men a∣ble to fight at Sea; and that in such Shipping as is most proper for the Seas. Wherein they serve; and those are in these Northern Sea-Ships from between 300 to 1300 Tuns, and of these such as Draw much Water, and have a deep latih in the Sea, in order to keep a good Wind and not to fall too Leward, a matter of vast advantage in Sea-Service; wherefore it is to be Examined, first, Whether the French King has Ports in the Northern Seas, where he has most occasion, for his Fleets of War in any Consists above, to receive the Vessels above-mentioned in all Weather, both in Winter and Summer Seats; for if the French King could bring to Sea an equal number of Fighting men with the English or Hol∣landers

in small Float Leward Vessels, he would certainly be of the weaker side; for a Vessel of 1000 Tuns man'd with 500 Fight∣ing men with five Vessels of 200 Tuns each man'd with 100 men apiece, shall in com∣mon Reason have the better offensively and defensively; for asmuch as the great Ship can carry such Ordnance as can reach the small ones at a far greater distance, then these can reach, or at lest hurt the other, and can batrer and sink at a distance, when a small one can scarce pierce.

Moreover it is more difficult for men out of a small vessel to enter a tall Ship, then for men from an higher place to leap down in∣to a lower; nor is small Shot so effectual upon a tall Ship, as vice versa. And as for Vessels drawing much Water, and conse∣quently keeping a good Wind, they can toke or tear Leward Vessels at pleasure, and secure themselves from being boarded by them.

Moreover the Windward Ship has a fair∣er mark at a Leward Ship, then vice versa, and can place her shot upon such parts of the Leward Vessel as upon the next tack will be under Water. Now the French King having no Ports able to receive large Wind∣ward Vessels between Dunkirk and Ʋshant, what other Ships he can bring into those

Seas will not be considerable; as for the wide Ocean which his Harbours of Breas•• and Brovage do look into, it affordeth him no advantage upon an Enemy, there being so great a Latitude of engaging, or not, even when the Parties are in sight of each other•• wherefore altho the French King were immensly rich, and could build what Ships he pleased both for number and quality, yet if he have not Ports to receive and shelter that sort and size of Shipping which is fit for his purpose, his Riches will in this case be Fruitless and a meer expence, without any return or profit. Some will say that other Nations can't build so good Ships as the English, I do indeed hope they can't; but because it seems too possible that they may sooner or later, by Practice and Ex∣perience, I shall not make use of that Ar∣gument, having only bound my self to shew that the Impediments of France (as to this purpose) are natural and perpetual, Ships and Guns do not fight of themselves, but men who act and manage them; where∣fore it is more material to shew that the French King, neither has, nor can have men sufficient to man a Fleet of equal Strength, to that of the King of Eng∣land.

The King of England's Navy consists of

about 70,000. Tuns of Shipping, which re∣quires 36,000. men to man; these men be∣ing supposed to be divided into eight parts, 1/•• part must be Persons of great Experience and Reputation in Sea-Service; another ⅛ part must be such as have used the Sea seven Years, and upwards; half of them or ¼ part must be such as have used the Sea above a twelve Month, viz. 2, 3, 4, 5, or six Years, al∣lowing but one quarter of the whole compli∣ment, to be such as never were at Sea at all, or at most but one Voyage, or upon one Expe∣dition; so that at a medium, I reckon the whole Fleet must be men of three or four Years growth one with another. Fournier, a late judicious Writer making it his business to persuade the World how considerable the Kings of France was, or might be at Sea, in ninety two or ninety three Pages of his Hierography, saith, that there was one place in Britany which had Fur∣nished the King with 1400 Seamen, and that perhaps the whole Sea coast of France might have furnished him with fifteen times as many. Now supposing the whole Allega∣tion were true, yet the same number a∣mounts but to 21,000, all which if the whole Trade of Shipping in France were quite and clean abandoned, would not by above a third man in a Fleet, be equiva∣lent

to that of the King of England, and if the Trade were but barely kept alive there would not be one third part men e∣nough to man the said Fleet.

But if the Shipping Trade of France be not above a quarter as great as that of Eng∣land, and that one third part of the same, namely the Fishing Trade to the Banks of new-found Land is not peculiar nor Fixed to the French; then I say, that if the King of England who has Power to press men cannot under two or three Months time man his Fleet, then the French King with less then a quarter of the same help can never do it at all; for in France, as shall be elsewhere shewn, there are not a 15000 Tun of Trading Vessels, and consequently not a∣bove 15,000. Seamen reckoning a man to every tenth Tun, and it has been shewed that the French King can't at present man such a Fleet as is above described.

We come next to shew that he never can bring under natural and perpetual impe∣diments viz. First if there be but 15,000. Seaman in all France to manage it's Trade, it is not to be supposed that the said trade should be distinguished, nor that it should spare above five of the said 15,000. towards managing of the Fleet, which requires 35,000. men; now the deficient 30000 must

be supplyed out of these four ways; e∣ther by taking in Land-men, of which sort there must not be above 10,000, since the Seamen will never be contented without being the Major part, nor do they Hear∣tily wish well to Land-men at all, or re∣joyce even at those Successes of which the said Land-men can claim any share, think∣ing it hard that themselves, who are bred to Miserable and Painful and dangerous im∣ployments and yet profitable to the Com∣mon-Wealth, should at a time when Booty and purchase may be gotten, be Dog'd or hindred with any Conjunction, which Land∣men are forced to admit these to any e∣qual share with themselves.

Secondly the Seamen which are suppo∣sed 20,000 must be had, that is, shired from other Nations, which can't be without Tempting 'em with so much wages as ex∣ceeds that given by Merchants; and with∣al Counterpoyse the dammage of being hang∣ed by their own Prince, and allowed no quarter if taken, the trouble of carrying themselves away when restraints are upon 'em, and also the infamy of having been Apostates to their Country and Cause. I say their wages must be more than double to what their own Prince gives them; and their Aurum must be very great, that they

shall not at long run be abused by those who imploy them (as hating the Traytor tho loving the Treason) I say moreover that those who will be thus tempted away must be of the basest & lewdest sort of Seamen, & such as have not enough of Honor and Conscience to qualifie them for any Gallant performance.

3. Another way to exonerate Seamen is, to put great numbers of Land-men upon Ships of War in order to bring always Sea∣men; but this course can't be effectual, not only for the abovementioned Antipathy between Land-men and Seamen, but also because 'tis seen that men at Sea do not ap∣ply themselves to Labour and Practice with∣out more necessity then happens in over man'd Shipping. For where there are fifty men in a Vessel that Ten can sufficiently Navigate, the Supernumerary forty will improve little; but where there shall be of∣ten but one or two Supernumeraries, then necessity will often call upon every one to set his hand to the work, which must be well done at the Peril of their lives; more∣over Seamen shifting Vessels every six or twelve months, do sometimes Sail in small Barges, sometimes in midlingships, and sometimes in greater Vessels of defence, sometimes in Lighters, sometimes in Hoyes, sometimes in Ketches, sometimes in three

wasted Ships, sometimes they go to the north∣ward, sometimes to the Southward, some∣times they Coast, sometimes they Cross the Ocean; by all which Varieties of Ser∣vice they do in time compleat themselves is every part and Circumstance of this fa∣culty: Whereas those who go out for a Summer in a man of War, have not the Variety of Practice, nor a direct necessity of doing any thing at all; besides it is three or four Years at a medium that a Seaman must be made, neither can there be less then three Seamen to make the fourth of a Land¦man, consequently the fifteen thousand Sea∣men can increase but five thousand Seamen in three or four Years, and unless their Trade should increase with their Seamen in Pro∣portion, the King must be forced to be at the charge of this improvement, out of the quick Stock which is intolerable, so as the question which now remains is whether the Shipping Trade of France is like to increase, upon which account it is to be considered, that France is stored with all kind of ne∣cessaries within it self, as Corn, Cattle, Wine, Salt, Linnen-Cloth, Rape, Silk, Fruit, &c. As they need little Shipping to import more Commodities of Weight and Bulk, neither is there any thing of Bulk exported out of France but Wines and Salt,

the Weight whereof is under 1000,000. Tun per Annum, yielding not imployment to above twenty five thousand Tun of Shipping, and these are for the most part Dutch and English, who are not only already in pos∣session of the said Trade, but also are bet∣ter fitted to maintain it then the French are, or perhaps ever can be, and that for the following Reasons, viz. Because the French can't Victual so cheap as the English or Dutch, nor Sayl with so few Hands. Se∣condly the French for want of good Coasts and Harbours, can't keep their Ships in Port under the charge that the English or Hollanders can. Thirdly by Reason of the pau∣city and distance of their Harbours one from another their Seamen and Tradesmen relating to Shipping can't correspond with, or Assist, one another so easily, cheaply, advantageously, as in other places; wherefore if their Shipping-Trade is not like to increase within themselves, and much less to increase by their beating out the English and Hollanders from being the Carriers of the World, it follows then, their Seamen will not be increased by their increase of their Trade, wherefore and for that they are not like to be increased by any of their several ways above spe∣cifyed, and for that their parts are not

fit to retain Ships of Burthen and quality fit for their purpose, and that by Reason of less fitness of their Ports then those of their Neighbours: I conceive that which was propounded has been competently proved.

The aforenamed Fournier has Laboured to prove the contrary to all this in the ninety Second and ninety eight Page of his Hydrography, unto which I refer the Rea∣der, not thinking his Arguments of any Weight at all in the present case, nor in∣deed does he make his comparison with English or Hollanders but with the Spaniards, who, nor the Grand Senior (the latter of whom has greater advantages to be Power∣ful at Sea then the French King) could never attain to any illustrious greatness in Naval Power, having after attempted but never succeeded in the same, nor is it easie to believe that the King of England should for so many Years have continued in his Title to the Soveraignty of the narrow Seas, against his Neighbours ambitious enough to have gotten it from him, had not their impediments been natural and per∣petual, and such as we say do obstruct the most Christian King.

CHAP. IV. That the People and Territories of the King of England are naturaly as conside∣rable for Wealth and Strength as those of France.

THe Author of the State of England a∣mong the many useful truths and ob∣servations he has, sets down the proporti∣on between the Territories of England and France to be, as thirty to eighty two; the which if it be true, then England, Scot∣land, and Ireland, with the Islands unto them belonging, will altogether be near as big as France; tho I ought to take all advan∣tages for proving the Paradox in hand, I had rather grant that England, Scotland, and Ireland, with the Islands before mentioned, together with planted parts of new Found-Land, new England, new Ne∣therland, Virginy, Mary-Land, Caulin, Ja∣maica, Barmuda's, Barbado's, and all the rest of the Carib Islands, do not contain more Territory then France, and what planted

Land the French King has also in America a. And if any man will be Heterodox in behalf of the French Interest, I could be contented against my Judgment to allow the French King's Territories to be a seventh, sixth, or fifth part greater then those of the King of England, believing that both Princes have more Land then they do imploy to its ut∣most use.

And here I beg leave among the several matters, I intend for serious, to interpose a jocular, and perhaps a Ridiculous digression, and which I indeed desire men to look upon rather as a Dream, then a rational Propositi∣on: Which is if that all the moveables and People of Ireland, and the High-lands of Scotland, were transported into the Kingdom of Great Brittain, that then the King and his Subjects, would thereby become more Rich and Strong; both offensively and defensive∣ly, then now they are.

Its true, I have heard many wise men say, when they were bewailing the vast Losses of the English, in preventing and suppressing Rebellions in Ireland; and considering how little profit has returned either to the King or Subjects of England for these five hundred Years doing and suffering in that Countrey; I say, I have heard Wise men in such their Melancholies, wish that the Peo∣ple

of Ireland being saved, that that I∣sland were sunk under Water. Now it troubles me that the Distempers of my Mind in this point, carry me to Dream, that the Benefits of these Wishes may Practically be obtained without sinking that vast Moun∣tainous Island under Water; which I take to be somewhat difficult, for altho Dutch En∣gineers may drein its Bogs, yet I know no Artists that could sink its Mountains.

If ingenious and Learned men, amongst whom I reckon Sr. Thomas Moore, and Des Cartes, have disputed that we who think our selves awake, are, or may be really in a Dream: And if the greatest absurdity of Dreams, is but a Preposterous and Tumul∣tuary Contexture of Reallities, I will crave the umbrage of these great Men to say some∣thing too, of this wild Conception, with Sub∣mission to the better Judgments of all those that can prove themselves awake: If there were but one man Living in England, then the benefit of the whole Territories could be but the third Lively-hood of that one Man: But if another man were added, the Rent or Benefit of the same would be double, if three triple; and so forewards until so many were Planted in it, as the whole Territory could afford Food unto; for if a man would know what any piece

of Land is worth, the true natural questi∣on must be; how many Men will it feed, and how many Men are there to be fed.

But to speak more Practically, Land of the same quantity and quality in England, is generally worth three or four times as much as in Ireland? And but one quarter, and a third of what it is in Holland; because England is four times so well Peopled as Ireland, and be a quarter so well as Holland: And moreover, where the Rent of Land is advanced, by reason of the multitude of People, there the number of years pur∣chase for which the Inheritance may be sold is also advanced, tho perhaps not in the ve∣ry same Proportion; for twenty Shillings per Annum in Ireland, may be worth but eight pound, and in England where Tithes are very sure about twenty pound, in Hol∣land about thirty pound, I suppose that in Ireland, and the Highlands of Scotland, there may be above 1800,000 People, or about ⅕ part of what is in all the three Kingdoms. Where∣fore the first question will be, whether Eng∣land, Wales, or the Lowland of Scotland, can't afford Food, that is to say, Corn, Flesh, Fish, and Fowl, to a ⅕ more People then are at present planted upon it; with the same Labour that the said ⅕ part does now take where they are, for if so, then what

is propounded is naturally possible. Second∣ly it is to be inquired into, what the move∣ables which upon such removable, must be left behind are worth; for if they are worth less than the advancement of the price of Land in England will amount unto, then the Proposal is to be considered.

3. If the relict Land and the immovables left behind upon them may be sold for mo∣ney, or if no other Nation shall dare to meddle with them without paying well for them, and if the Nation who shall be admit∣ted shall be less able to prejudice and annoy the Transplanters into England then before; then I conceive the whole proposal will be a pleasant Dream indeed.

As to the first part, whether England and the Lowlands of Scotland will mantain one fifth more then they now do, that is to say, nine Millions of Souls in all, I say, first that the said Territories of England, &c. con∣tain about thirty six Millions of Acres, that is four Acres for every Head, Man, Woman and Child, but the united Provinces do not allow ½ Acre, and England it self, rescind∣ing Wales, has but three Acres to ever Head according to the present State of Tillage and Husbandry. Now if so considered that Eng∣land having but three Acres to a Head, do so abound in Victuals as that it makes Laws

against the importation of Cattle, Flesh and Fish from abroad, and that the Drein∣ing of the Fens, improving of Forrests, in∣closing of Commons, Sowing of cinque-Foyl and Clover-Grass be grumbled against by Landlords, are the way to depress the price of Victuals, then it plainly follows, that till then three Acres improved, as it may be, will serve the turn, and consequently that four will Suffice abundantly. I could here set down the very number of Acres that would bear Bread and Drink, Corn, toge∣ther with Flesh, Butter, and Cheese, suffici∣ent to Victual nine Millions of Persons, as they are Victualled in Ships and regular Families; but I shall only say in general that 12,000,00. will do it, with supposing that Roots, Fruits, Fish, and Fowl, and the or∣dinary profit of Lead, Tin, Iron-Mines, and Woods would piece up any defect that may be found. As to the second I say that the Land and Housing of Ireland, and High∣lands of Scotland, at the present Merchant-Rates, are not worth ten Millions of money, nor would the actual charge of making the Transplantation amount to two Millions more; so then the question will be whether the benefit expected from this Transplanta∣tion will exceed two Millions.

To which I say that the advantage will

probably be six times the last mentioned Summ, or about seventy two Millions. For if the rent of England and Wales and the low Land of Scotland be above nine Mil∣lions per Annum; and if this fifth part of the people be Superadded unto the present inhabitants of these Countries; then the rent will amount to 10,800,000. and the number of Years purchase will rise from seventeen ½ to ⅕ more which is twenty one, so that the Land which is worth but nine Millions at seventeen ½ Years purchase mak∣ing an hundred fifty seven Millions and a half will then be worth 10,800,000. at one and twenty Years purchase, viz. 226,800,000. that is, 69,300,000. more then was before; and if any Prince willing to enlarge his Territories will give three Millions for the said relinquished Land and Housing, which were estimated to be worth ten Millions, then the whole profit will be above 72,000,000. or six times the value as the same was above computed; but if any man should ob∣ject that will be dangerous unto England to be put into the Lands of any other Nati∣ons, I answer in short that that Nation who ever shall purchase it being divided by means of the said purchase, shall not be more able to en∣joy England then now in it's united condition.

Now if any man shall desire a more clear

explanation how and by what means the Rents of Lands shall rise by this closer coha∣bitation of people above described, I an∣swer that the advantage will arise in Trans∣planting about eighteen thousand people from the Poor and Miserable Trade of Hus∣bandry, to more Beneficial Handicraft; for which the Superaddition is to be made, a ve∣ry little addition of Husbandry to the same Lands will produce a fifth part more Food; consequently the additional Hands earning but forty Shillings per Annum more, (as they may very well to eight pound per An∣num at some other Trade; the superlucra∣tion will be above 3,600,000. pound, which at twenty Years purchase is seventy two Millions. Moreover as the Inhabitants of Cities and Towns spend more Commodi∣ties and make greater consumption then those who live in wild thin Peopled Countries; so when England shall be thicker Peopled in manner before described, the very same peo∣ple shall then spend more then when they lived more sordidly, inurbantly and further asunder, and more out of the sight, obser∣vation and Emulation of each other; every man desiring to put on better Apparel when he appears in company, then when he has no occasion to be seen.

I further add to the charge of the govern∣ment,

Civil, Military, and Ecclesiastical, would be more cheap, safe and effectual, in this condition of close habitation then otherwise, as not only Reason, but the ex∣ample of the united Provinces do demonstrate. But let this whole digression pass from a meer Dream, I suppose will serve to prove that in case the King of Englands Terri∣tories should be a little less then those of the French King, that forasmuch as neither of them are over Peopled, that the diffe∣rence is not material to the question in Hand; wherefore supposing the French Kings ad∣vantages to be little or nothing in point of Territory, we come next to examine and compare the number of Subjects which each of those Monarchs do govern. The Book called the State of France makes the King∣dom consist of twenty seven Parishes; and another Book written by a Substantial Au∣thor, who profoundly enquires into the State of the Church and Church-men of France, sets down as an extraordinary case, that a Parish in France should have six hun∣dred Souls, where I suppose the said Author who has so well examined the matter, is not of opinion that every Parish one with a∣nother has above five hundred, by which reck∣oning the whole people of France are a∣bout thirteen Millions 500,000: Now the

people of England, Scotland and Ireland with the Islands adjoyning, by computation from the number of Parishes (which com∣monly have more people in Protestant Churches then in Popish Countries) as also from the Hearth-money, Post-money and Excise, do amount to above nine Millions; there are in new-England about fifty thou∣sand men mustered in Arms, about eighty thousand able to bear Arms, and conse∣quently about five hundred thousand in all; but this last I leave to every man's con∣jecture, and I see no Reason why in all the rest of the Plantations there should not be five hundred thousand more, and conse∣quently I suppose the King of England hath above ten Millions of Subjests, ubivis terra∣rum orbis. Altho it be very material to know the number of Subjects, belonging to each Prince; yet when the question is con∣cerning their Wealth and Strength, it is also material to examine how many of 'em do get more then they spend, and how many less: in order whereunto, it is to be considered, that in the King of Englands do∣minions there are twenty thousand Church∣men, but in France, as the aforementioned Author of theirs does aver who sets down the particular number of each Religious order, there are about 270000. viz. 250000.

more then we think are necessary; that is to say, two hundred and fifty thousand with-drawn out of the World; now the said number of adult and able-Bodyed Persons are equivalent to about double the same number of the Promiscuous Mass of Mankind; and the same Author affirms that the said Religious Persons do spend one with another above eighteen pence per diem which is Triple to what a Labouring man requires: Wherefore the said two hundred & fifty thousand Church-men, living as they do make the French King 13,500. thousand to be really no better then twelve Millions or thereabouts. In the next place it is to be considered that the inhabitants of the inner parts of France remote from the Sea can't be probably Superlucrators. Now if there be two Millions in the King of England's Dominions more then in the French Kings who earn more then they spend, or if ten men in England earn more then twelve in France, then the Subjects of England are as effective as to the gain∣ing of Wealth and Riches as those of France, and if Ten men can defend themselves as well in Islands as twelve men upon the Continent, then the said Ten being not con∣cerned to increase their Territory by the invasion of others are as effectual as the

twelve in point of Strength also; where∣fore that there are more Superlucrators in the English then in the French Dominions, we say as followeth. There be in England Scotland and Ireland about sixty Millions Seamen, in France about a quarter so many; but one Seaman earns as much as three com∣mon Husbandmen; wherefore this diffe∣rence of Seamen added to the account of the King of Englands Subjects, the equivalent of 90,500,000. Husbandmen.

There are in England, Scotland and Ireland six thousand Tuns of Shipping, worth a∣bout 4500,000. 4 ½. and the actual charge of maintaining the Shipping aforesaid by new building and reparation is about ⅓ of the said Summ, which is the wages of 150. Husbandmen, but it is not the wages of a∣bove ⅓ so many Artisans as are imployed upon Shipping of all sorts, viz. Ship∣wrights, Calkers, Joyners, Carvers, Paint∣ers, Blockmakers, Rope-makers, Mastmak∣ers, Smiths of several sorts, Flagmakers, Com∣passmakers, Brewers, Bakers, and all sorts of Victuallers, all sorts of Trades-men relat∣ing to Guns and Gunners-Stores; wherefore there being four times more of these Arti∣sans in England then in France, they further add to the account of the King of Englands Subjects the equivalent 80 m. Husbandmen more.

The Sea line of England Scotland and Ireland and the adjacent Islands is about 3,800. Miles, according to which length and the whole content of Acres the said Land would be an oblong or Parallelogram Figure of 3,800. long, and twenty five Miles broad, and consequently every part of England, Scot∣land and Ireland, is one with another but about twelve Miles from the Sea; where∣as France containing but about one thousand Miles of Sea line is like the computation above sixty five Miles from the Sea-side, and considering the paucity of Ports in compari∣son to what are in the King of Englands Dominions as good as seventy Miles di∣stance from a Port; upon which grounds it is clear that England can be supplyed with all Gross and Bulky Commodities of For∣reign growth and manufacture at far cheaper rates then France can be; viz. above four Shillings per Annum Rent cheaper the Land carriage; for the difference (betwen Eng∣land and France) of the distance from a Port being so much or near thereabouts, now to what advantage this convenience a∣mounts upon the importation and expor∣tation of Bulky Commodities, can't be less the Labour of one thousand of People, mean∣ing by Bulky Commodities all sort of Tim∣ber Blank and Staves for Cask, and all Iron,

Lead, Stones, Brick, and Tiles for build∣ing; all Corn, Sart and Drink, all Flesh and Fish, and indeed all other Commo∣dities, wherein the gain and loss of four Shillings per cent. is considerable. Where note the like Wines are sold in the inward parts of France for four or five pounds a Tun which near the Ports yield seven pound.

Moreover upon this principal the decay of Timber in England is no very formida∣ble thing; as the rebuilding of London, and of the Ships wasted by the Dutch-War, do clearly manifest: nor can there be any want of Corn or other necessary provision in Eng∣land, unless the Weather has been universally unseasonable for growth of the same, which seldom or never happens; for the same cause which makes dearth in one place, does after cause plenty in another, wet-weather being propitious to Highlands, which drown∣eth the low.

It is observed that the poor of France have generally less wages then in England, and yet their Victuals are generally dearer there, which being so, there may be more Superlucration in England then in France.

Lastly I offer it to the consideration of all those who have travelled through Eng∣land and France, whether the Plebeian of England, for they constitute the Bulks of

any Nation; do not spend one sixth more then the Plebeian of France; and if so it is necessary they must first get it, and conse∣quently that Ten Millions of the King of Englands Subjects are equivalent to twelve of the French Kings, and upon the whole matter to the thirteen ½ Millions, at which the French Nation was estimated.

It will be here objected that the Splendor and Magnificences of the French King ap∣pearing greater then those of the Kings of England, that the Wealth of France must be proportionably greater then that of Eng∣land, but that does not follow forasmuch as the apparent greatness of the King does de∣pend upon the quarter parts of the peoples Wealth which he levieth from them; for supposing the People are equally Rich; if one of the Sovereigns levy fifth part, and the other fifteenth, the one seems actually thrice as Rich as the other, whereas potentially they are both equal.

Having now dicoursed of the Territory, People, Superlucration and defensibleness of both Dominions, and in some measure of the Trade, so far as we had occasion to mention Ships, Shipping and nearness to Ports, we come next to enlarge a little further upon the Trade of each, some have esti∣mated that there are not above three hun∣dred

Millions of people in the whole World, whether that be so or no is not very material to be known; but I have fairer Ground to conjecture, and would be glad to have it more certainly, that there are not above eighty thousand with whom the English and Dutch have commerce, no Eu∣ropeans I know of Trading directly or in∣directly where they do not so as the whole commercial World or World of Trade con∣sists of eighty thousand of Souls as afore∣said.

And I further estimate that the value of all the Commodities, yearly exchanged a∣mong them, does not exceed fourty five thousand; now the Wealth of every Nati∣on consisting chiefly in the share which they have in forreign Trade with the whole com∣mercial World; rather then in the Do∣mestick Trade of ordinary Meat, Drink, Cloth, &c. And which brings in little Gold, Silver, Pearls and other universal Wealth; we are to consider the Subjects of the King of England (Head for Head) have not a greater share hereof then those of France.

To which purpose it has been consider∣ed that the manufactures of Wool, yearly exported out of England into sevesal parts of the World, viz. all sorts of Cloth,

Serg, Stuff, Cotton Bayes, Frize, or also Stockens, Caps, Rugs, &c. exported out of England, Scotland and Ireland; do amount unto five hundred thousand pound per Annum.

The value of Lead, Tin and Coals, to five hundred thousand pound.

The value of all Cloths, Houshold-Stuf•• &c. carried into America two hundred thousand pound per Annum.

Silver and Gold taken from the Spaniards sixty thousand pound.

The value of Sugar, Indico, Tobacco, Cottham, and Catao from the Southward part of America six hundred thousand pound.

The value of Wool, Butter, Hides, Beef, Herrings, Pilchers, Salmon, exported out of Ireland, eight hundred thousand pound.

The value of Coals, Salt, Linnen, Yarn Herrings, Pilchers, Salmon, brought out of Scotland and Ireland five hundred thousand pound.

The value of Salt-Peter, Pepper, Calli∣cots, Diamonds, Drugs, and Silks, brought out of the East-Indies, above what was spent in England, eight hundred thousand pound.

The value of Slaves brought out of A∣frica

to serve in the American Plantation twenty thousand; which with the freight of the English Shipping Trading into for∣reign parts being above fifteen hundred thousand makes in all Ten Millions and a hundred and eighty thousand.

Which computation is sufficiently justi∣fied by the Customs of three Kingdoms, whose intrinsick value are thought to be near about one Million per Annum: viz. Six hundred thousand Payable to the King, one hundred thousand for the charge of collecting, &c. two hundred thousand Smackled by the Merchants, and one hun∣dred thousand gained by the Farmers, ac∣cording to the common opinion and men saying; and this agrees also with that pro∣portion or part of the Trade of the whole World, which I have estimated the Subjects of the King of England to be possessed of, viz. for about Ten of forty five Millions; but the value of the French commodities brought into England (notwithstanding Mr. Fortree's estimates) are not above twelve hundred thousand per Annum, and the value of all the export into all the World besides not above three or four times as much, which computation also agrees well enough with the accompt we have of the Customs of France; so as France not exporting above

half the value of what England does, and for the commodities of France except Wines, Brandy, Paper, and the first Patterns and Fashions for Cloths and furniture, of which France is the mint, are imitable by the Eng∣lish, and having withal more people then Eng∣land it follows that the people of England &c. have Head for Head, near thrice as much forreign Trade as the people of France, and above two parts of nine of the Trade of the whole commercial World, and 2/7 of all the Shipping; notwithstanding all which is not to be denied that the King, and some great men of France, appear more Rich and splendid then those or the like quality in England; all which arises, rather from the nature of their Government, then from the intrinsick and natural cause of Wealth and Power.

CHAP. V. That the Impediments of England's Greatness are contingent and remo∣vable.

THe first impediment of Englands Great∣ness is, the Territories thereunto be∣longing are too far asunder and divided by the Sea into so many several Islands and Countries; and I may say into so many Kingdoms and different Governments, viz. There be three distinct Legislative Powers in England, Scotland and Ireland, the which of instead of uniting together do often cross one and others Interest, putting Bars and Impediments upon one and others Trades; not only as they were forraigners to each other, but sometimes as Enemies.

The Islands of Jersey and Guernsey and the Isle of Man are under jurisdictions diffe∣rent from those either of England, Scotland and Ireland.

The Government of New-England (both civil and Ecclesiastical) do so differ from

that of his Majesties other Dominions, that it is hard to say what may be the Consequence of it.

And the Government of the other Plan∣tations do also differ very much from any of the West, altho there be naturally sub∣stantial Reasons for the Situation, Trade and Condition of the People, why there should be such differences; from all which it comes to pass the small divided remote Governments being seldom able to defend themselves, the Burthen of the Protecting them all, must lye upon the chiefest King∣dom of England; and all the small King∣doms and Dominions, instead of being addi∣tions, are really diminutions.

The Wealth of a King is three-Fold, one is the Wealth of Subjects, the second is the quota parts of his Subjects Wealth given him for the Publick Defence, Honour and Ornaments of the people, and to man∣age such undertakings for the common good as no one, or a few private men, are suffi∣cient for.

The third sort are the quota of the last mentioned quota parts which the King may dispose of as his own Personal inclination and discretion shall direct; now it is most manifest that the aforementioned distance and differences of Kingdoms, and jurisdicti∣ons,

are great impediments to all the said several sorts of Wealth, as may be seen in the following particulars.

1. In case of War with forraign Na∣tions, England commonly beareth the whole Burthen and charge, whereby many in England are utterly undone.

2. England sometimes prohibiting the Commodities of Ireland and Scotland (as of late it did the Cattle, Flesh, and Fish, of Ireland,) did not only make Food, and con∣sequently Labour, dearer in England, but also has forced the People of Ireland to fetch these commodities from France, Holland and other places which before was sold them from England, to the great Prejudice of both Nations.

3. It occasions an unnecessary trouble and charge in collecting of Customs upon Commodities passing between the several Nations.

4. It is a dammage to our Barbadoes and other American Trades, that the Goods, which might pass thence immediately to se∣veral parts of the World, and be sold at moderate Rates, must first come into Eng∣land, and there pay Duties, and afterwards (if at all) passing to those Countries whi∣ther they might have gone immediately.

5. The Islands of Jersey and Guernsey

are protected at the charge of England, nevertheless the Labour and Industry of that People (which is very great) redound most to the profit of the French.

6. In New-England there are vast num∣bers of able Bodied English-men imployed chiefly in Husbandry, and in the meanest part of it (which is) breeding of Cattle, whereas Ireland would have contained all those Persons, at the worst would have afforded them Lands in better Terms then they have them in America, if not some other better Trade withal, then now they can have.

7. The Inhabitants of the other Plan∣tations, altho they do indeed Plant commo∣dities which will not grow so well in Eng∣land, it grasping at more Land then it will suffice to produce the said exotics in a suf∣ficient quantity to serve the whole World, they do therein but distract and confound the effects of their own Indeavours.

8. There is no doubt that the same peo∣ple far and wide dispersed must spend more upon their Government and Protection then the same living compactly, and when they have no occasion to depend upon the Wind, Weather, and all the Accidents of the Sea.

A second impediment to the greatness of England, is the different understanding of

several material points, viz. The Kings Prerogative, Priviledges of Parliament, the obscure differences between Law and Equity, as also between Civil and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, doubts whether the Kingdom of England has Power over the Kingdom of Ireland, besides the wonderful Paradox, that the English-men lawfully sent to suppress Rebells in Ireland should (after having ef∣fected the same) be (as it were) disfran∣chised, and loose that interest in the Legis∣lative Power which they had in England, and pay Customes as forraingers for all they spend in Ireland, whither they were sent for the Honour and Benefit of Eng∣land.

The third impediment is that Ireland be∣ing a conquered Country, and containing not the Tenth part of as many Irish Mastives as there are English in both Kingdoms, that natural and firm Union is not made between the two Peoples by Transplantation and proportionable Mixture, so as there may be a Tenth part of Irish in Ireland, and the same Proportion in England, whereby the necessity of maintaining an Army in England at the expence of the quarter of all the Rents of that Kingdom may be taken away.

The fourth impediment is that the Taxes in England are not levied upon the expen∣ces,

but the whole Estate, not upon Lands, Stock and Labour, but chiefly upon Land alone, and that not by any equal and indifferent Standard, but the casual Predo∣minacy of Parties and Factions; and moreo∣ver that these Taxes are not levied with the least trouble and charge, but let out to Far∣mers, who also let them from one to ano∣ther without explicit knowledge of what they do, but so are to conclude the poor people pay twice as much as the King re∣ceives.

Now the fifth impediment is the inequa∣lity of Shires, Diocesses, Parishes, Church-livings, and other Precincts, as also of the Representations of the people in Parliament, all which do hinder the operations of Au∣thority, in the same manner as a Wheel irregularly made, and excentrically hung neither moves so easily, nor performs it's work so timely, as if the same were duly framed and poised.

6. Whether it be an impediment that the Power of making War and raising money be not in the same hand much may be said; but that I leave to those who may more properly meddle with Fundamental Laws. None of these impediments are natural but did arise as the irregularities of Buildings do by being built part at one time and

part at another, and by the changing of the State of things from what they were at the respective times, when the Practice we com∣plained of were first admitted, and perhaps are but the warpings from the rectitude of the first institution.

As these Impediments are contingent so they are also removable, for may not the Land of Superfluous Territories be sold, and the people with their moveables be brought away? may not the English in the American Plantations who Plant Tobacco, Sugar, &c. compute what Land will serve their turns, and then contract their Habita∣tions to that proportion, for quantity and quality? As for the people of New England I can but wish they were Transplanted in∣to old-England or Ireland, according to Pro∣posals of their own, made within this twen∣ty Years, altho they were allowed more li∣berty of Conscience then they allow one ano∣ther.

May not the three Kingdoms be united into one, and equally represented in Parlia∣ment? might not the several Species of the Kings Subjects be equally mixt in their ha∣bitations? might not Parishes and other Pre∣cincts be better equaliz'd? might not juris∣dictions and Pretences of Powers be deter∣mined and ascertained? might not Taxes be

equally aplotted and directly applyed, to their ultimate use? might not dissenters in Religion be indulged, they paying a com∣petent force to keep the Publick-Peace? I humbly venture to say all these things may be done; if it be thought fit by the Sove∣raign Power, because the like has often and Succesfully been done already at Several Places, and Times.

CHAP. VI. That the Power and Wealth of Eng∣land has increased these last forty Years.

IT is not much to be doubted but that the Territories under the Kings Dominions have increased, for as much as New-Eng∣land, Virginy, Barbados, and Jamaica, Tangier, and Bombay, have since that time been ei∣ther added to his Majesties Territories, or improved from a desert condition to abound with the People, Building, Shipping, and the Production of many useful commodi∣ties.

And as for the Land of England, Scot∣land and Ireland as it is not less in quantity then it was forty Years since, so it is mani∣fest, that by Reason of dreining of Fens, Watering of dry Grounds, improving of Forrests, and Commons, making of Heaths and barren Grounds to bear Cinquefole, and Clovergrass, meliorating and multi∣plying several sorts of Fruits and Garden-stuff, making some Rivers Navigable, &c. I say it is manifest, that the Land in it's present condition is able to bear more pro∣vision and commodities then it was forty Years ago.

2. Altho the People of England, Scotland, and Ireland, which have Extraordinarily Perished by the Plague and Sword with∣in this last forty Years, do amount to about three hundred thousand, above what have dyed in the ordinary way, yet the ordina∣ry increase by Generation of Ten Millions, which doubles in two hundred Years, as has been shewn by the observations upon the Bills of Mortality, may in forty Years (which is a fifth part of the said Time) have increased near a fifth part of the whole number or two Millions. Where note by the way, that the accession of Negroes to the A∣merican Plantations, being all men of great Labour and little Expence, is not considera∣ble.

Besides it is hoped that New-England, where few or no Women are Barren, and must have many Children, and where peo∣ple live long and Healthfully, has produ∣ced an increase of as many people as were destroyed in the late tumults in Ireland. As for Housing these Streets of London it self speaks it, I conceive it double in value in that City to what it was forty Years since; and for Housing in the Country, they have increased at Bristol, New-Castle, Yarmouth, Norwich, Exeter, Portsmouth, Cowes, Dublin, Kingsale, Londondary, Coolervin in Ireland, far beyond the Proportion of what I can learn has been dilapidated in other places; for in Ireland where the ruine was greatest, (the Housing taken altogether) is now more valuable then forty Years ago; nor is this to be doubted, since Housing is now more splendid then in those days, and the number of Dwellers is increased by near a fifth part, as in the last Paragraph is set forth.

As for Shipping, his Majesties Navy is now triple, or quadruple to what it was forty Years since, and before the Sove∣raign was Built; the Shipping-Trading to New-Castle, which are now about eighty thousand Tuns could not then be above a quarter of that quantity; first because the

City of London is doubled; secondly be∣cause the use of Coal is also at least dou∣bled, because they were heretofore sel∣dom used in Chambers as now they are; nor were there so many Bricks Burned with them as of late, nor did the Coun∣try on both sides the Thames make use of them as now; besides, there are imployed in the Guinny and American Trades above forty thousand Tun of Shipping, which Trade in those days was inconsiderable, the quantity of Wines imported was not near so much as now, and to be short, the Customs upon imported and exported com∣modities did not then yield a third part of the present Value; which shews, that not only Shipping, but Trade it self has in∣creased somewhat near that Propor∣tion. As to money the interest thereof, was within these fifty Years at Ten pound per cent. forty Years ago at eight pound, and now at six pound, no thanks to any Laws which have been made to that purpose; for as much as those who can give good security may now have it less, but the natural fall of interest, is the effect of the increase of money.

Moreover if Rented Lands and Houses have increased, and if Trade has increased also, it is certain that money, which pay∣eth

those Rents and driveth on Trade, must have increased also.

Lastly I leave it to the consideration of all observers, whether the number and Splendor of Coaches, Equipage, and Hous∣hold Furniture have not increased since that time. To say nothing of the postage of Letters, which have increased from one to twenty, which argues the increase of Business and Negotiation; I must add that his Majesties Revenues is near tri∣ple, and therefore the means to pay and Bear the same has increased also.

CHAP. VII. That one tenth Part of the whole ex∣pence of the King of England's Sub∣jects is sufficient to maintain one hundred thousand Foot, forty thou∣sand Horse, and forty thousand men at Sea, and defray all other Charges of the Government; both ordinary, and extraordinary, if the same were re∣gularly Taxed and raised.

TO clear this point we are to find out what is the middle Expence of each Head in the Kings Dominions between the highest and the lowest; to which I say it is not probably less then the Expence of a Labourer, who earns about eight pence a day, for the wages of such men is four Shillings a Week without Victuals, or two Shillings with it; wherefore the value of his Victuals is two Shillings per Week, or five pound four Shillings per Annum. Now the value of Cloaths can't be less then wages given to the Poorest Maid-Servant in the

Country, which is thirty Shillings per An∣num, nor can the charge of all other neces∣saries be less then six Shillings per Annum more, wherefore the whole charge is seven pound.

It is not likely that this Discourse will fall into the Hands of any that lives at se∣ven pound per Annum; and therefore such will wonder at this Supposition; but if they consider how much the number of the Poor and their Children is greater, then that of the Rich, altho the personal Expence of some Rich men should be above twenty times more then that of a Labourer; yet the expence of a Labourer above menti∣oned, may well enough stand for the Stan∣dard of the expence of the whole Mass of Mankind.

Now if the expence of each man one with another be seven pound per Annum, and if the number of the Kings Subjects be Ten thousand; then the tenth part of the whole Expence will be seven thousand; but about five thousand, or a very little more will amount to a years pay for one hundred thou∣sand Foot; forty thousand Horse, and forty thousand men at Sea, Winter and Summer, which can rarely be necessary, and other ordinary charge of the Government in the time of deep and secute peace was not 600000 per Annum.

Where a People thrive there the In∣come is greater then the Expence; and consequently the tenth part of the Expence is not the tenth part of the Income. Now for men to pay a tenth part of their ex∣pence in a time of greatest exigency (for such it must be when so great forces is re∣quisite) can be no hardship, much less a de∣plorable conditon, for to bear the tenth part, a man must needs spend a twentyeth part less, and Labour a twentieth part more for half an hour per diem extraordinary; both which in common Experience are very Tolerable, here being very few in England, who do not eat by a twentieth part more then does them good: and what Misery were it, instead of wearing Cloaths of twen∣ty Shillings per Yard to be contented with that of nineteen Shillings, few men having skill enough to discern the difference?

Memorandum that all this while, I sup∣pose all of these Ten thousand of people are obedient to their Soveraign, and within the reach of his Power, for as things are otherwise, so the Calculation must be varied.

CHAP. VIII. That there are spare Hands enough a∣mongst the King of England's Sub∣jects to earn two Millions per An∣num more then they now do, and that there are also Imployments ready, proper and sufficient, for the purpose.

TO prove this point, we must inquire how much all the People could earn if they were disposed or necessitated to La∣bour, and had work whereupon to imploy themselves, and compare the Summ with that of the Total Expence abovemention∣ed; deducting the Rents and profit of their Land and Stock, which properly speaking saveth so much Labour. Now the proceed of the said Land and Stock in these Countries is about three parts of seven of the whole Expence; so as where the expence is seventy thousand, the Rent of the Land and profit of all Personal Estate, interest of money &c. must be about thirty thousand, and consequently the value of the Labour forty

thousand; that is, four pound per Head; but it is to be noted, that about a quar∣ter of the Mass of Mankind are Children Males and Females under seven Years old, from whom little Labour is to be expected; it is also to be noted that about another tenth part of the whole people are such as by Reason of their great Estates, Tythes, Dignities, Offices, and professions are ex∣empt from that kind of Labour; we now speak of their business being or ought to be to Govern, Regulate, and direct the La∣bours and Actions of others, so that of Ten Millions there be about six thousand & a half, or two thirds which if need requires might actually Labour, and of these some might earn three Shillings a Week, some five Shil∣lings and some seven Shillings, that is, all of them might earn five Shillings a Weak at a medium one with another, or at least Ten pound per Annum, allowing for Sickness and other Accidents whereby the whole might earn fifty six thousand pound per Annum, that is, twenty five more then the Ex∣pence.

The Author of the State of England saies that the Children of Norwich between six and sixteen Years old do earn twelve thousand pound per Annum more then they spend. Now for as much as the people of Norwich

are a three hundredth part of all the peo∣ple in England (as appears by the Accompt of Hearth-money) and about the five hundredth part of all the Kings Subjects throughout the World, it follows that all his Majesties Subjects between six and six∣teen Years old might earn five thousand per Annum more then they spend. Again forasmuch as the number of People above sixteen Years old are double the number of those between six and sixteen, and that of each men can earn double to each of the Children, it is plain that if the men and Children every where did do as they do in Norwich they might earn twenty five thou∣sand pound per Annum more then they spend; which estimate grounded upon matter of Fact and Experience, agrees with the for∣mer.

Altho as has been proved the people of England do thrive, and that 'tis possible they might Superlucrate twenty five thousand pound per Annum, yet 'tis manifest they do not nor twenty three which is less by two thousand herein meant; for if they did Su∣perlucrate twenty five thousand, then in a∣bout five or six Years time the whole Stock and Personal Estate of the Nation would be double, which I wish were true, but find no manner of Reason to believe; where∣fore

if they can Superlucrate twenty five, but not actually Superlucrate twenty three, nor twenty, nor ten, nor perhaps five, I have then proved what was propounded, viz. that there are spare hands among the Kings Subjects to earn two Millions more then they now do.

But to speak a little more particularly concerning this matter, it is to be noted, that since the fire of London, there was earned in four Years by Tradesmen (re∣lating to building only) the Summ of four Millions, or one Million per Annum with∣out lessening any other sort of Work La∣bour or Manufacture, which was usually done in other four Years before the said occasion; but if the Tradesmen relating to Building only, and such of them as wrought in and about London could do one Milli∣on-worth of Work extraordinary, I think that from thence and from what has been said before, that all the rest of the spare Hands might very well double the same, which is as much as was propounded. Now if there were spare Hands to Superlucrate Millions of Millions, they signifie nothing un∣less there were Imployment for them, & may as well follow their Pleasures and Specu∣lation as Labour to no purpose; therefore the more material point is to prove that

there is two Millionsw-orth of Work to be done, which at the present the Kings Subjects do neglect.

For the proof of this there needs little more to be done than to compute how much money is paid by the King of Eng∣lands Subjects to Forreingers for freight of Shipping.

2. The Hollanders gain by their Fishing-Trade Practised upon our Seas.

3. What the value of all the commo∣dities imported into and sent into Eng∣land, which might by diligence be produ∣ed and Manufactured, here to make short of this matter upon perusal of the most authentick accompts relating to these se∣veral particulars I affirm that the same a∣mounteth to above five Millions whereof I propounded but two Millions.

For a further proof whereof Mr. Samu∣el Fortry in his ingenious discourse of Trade exhibited the particulars, wherein it ap∣pears that the Goods imported out of France only amount yearly to 2600,000. pounds, and I affirm that the Wines, Pa∣per, Cork, Rosin, and Capers, and a few other Commodities which England can't produce, do not amount to one fifth part of the said Summ; from whence it follows that (if Mr. Fortry has not erred) the

two Millions here mentioned may arise from France alone, and consequently five or six Millions from all the three Heads last above specifyed.

CHAP. IX. That there is money sufficient to drive the Trade of the Nation.

SInce his Majesties happy Restauration it was thought fit to call i••, and now Coyn the money which was made it the times of Usurpation. Now it was observed by the general consent of Casheers that the said money (being by frequent revoluti∣ons well mixed with the Gold) was about a seventh part thereof, and that the said money being called in was about 800,000. pound, and consequently the whole 5600,000. pound or five Millions and a half, whereby 'tis probable (that some allowance being given for hoarded money) the whole Cash of England was then about six Millions, which I conceive is sufficient to drive the

Trade of England, not but that the rest of his Majesties Dominions have the like means to do the same respective fully.

If there be six Millions of Souls in Eng∣land, and that each spendeth seven pound per Annum, then the whole expence is forty two Millions or about 800,000. pounds per Week; and consequently if every man did pay his expence Weekly and that the money could circulate within the compass of a Week, then less then one Million could answer the ends proposed. But for∣asmuch as the Rents of the Lands in Eng∣land which are paid half yearly are eight Millions per Annum, there must be four Mil∣lions to pay them; and forasmuch as the Rent of Housing of England paid quarterly are worth about four Millions per Annum, there needs but one Million to pay the said Rent; wherefore six Millions being enough to make good the three sorts of Circulation above mentioned, I conceive what was pro∣posed is proved, at least till something better be held forth to the contrary.

CHAP. X. That the King of England's Subjects have Stock competent and convenient to drive the Trade of the whole com∣mercial World.

NOw for the further Incouragement of Trade, as we have shewn, that there is Money enough in England to manage the affairs thereof, so we shall now offer to con∣sideration whether there be not competent and convenient Stock to drive the Trade of the whole commercial World. To which purpose it is to be remembred, that all the Commodities yearly exported out of every part of the last mentioned World, may be bought for forty five Millions, and that the Shipping imployed in the same World are not worth above fifteen Millions, and con∣sequently that sixty Millions at most will drive the whole Trade abovementioned without any trust at all; but forasmuch as the Grovers of Commodities do commonly trust them to such Merchants or Factors as are worth but such a part of the

full value of their Commodities as may possibly be lost upon the sail of them which is rather to be expected; it follows then less then a Stock of sixty Millions, nay then half of the said Summ is sufficient to drive the Trade above mentioned; it being well known that any Tradesemen of good Reputation worth five hundred pound will be trusted with above one thousand pounds-worth of Commodities, where less then thir∣ty Millions will suffice for the said purpose, of which Summ the Coyn, Shipping and Stock already in Trade do at least make one half.

And it has been shewn how by the Poli∣cy of a Bank any Summ of money may be made equivalent in Trade unto near the double of the same. By all which it seems that even at present much is not wanting to perform what is propounded; but sup∣pose twenty thousand or more were want∣ing, it is not improbable that since the ge∣nerality of Gentlemen and some Noble-men do put their Younger Sons to Merchandise, that they will see it reasonable as they in∣crease in the number of Merchants so to in∣crease the Magnitude of Trade, and conse∣quently to increase Stock; which may effectu∣ally be done by in-banking twenty Mil. worth of Land not being above a sixth or seventh part of the whole Territories of England,

that is to say, by making a Bond of such value, to the security for all Commodi∣ties bought and sold, upon the account of that Universal Trade above menti∣oned.

And thus it having appeared, that Eng∣land having in it as much Land, like Hol∣land and Zealand, as the said two Pro∣vinces do themselves contain, with abun∣dance of other Land, not inconvenient for Trade, and that there are spare Hands enough to earn many Millions of money, more then they now do; and that there are also Imployments to earn se∣veral Millions (even from the Consumpti∣on of England it self) it follows from▪ thence, and what has been said in the last Pa∣ragraph about inlarging of the Stock both of Monies and Lands, that it is not impossible, may ••very visible matter for the keeping of Englands Subjects, to gain the Universal Trade of the whole Com∣mercial World.

Nor is it unseasonable to imitate this matter, forasmuch as the younger Bro∣thers of good Families of England, can't otherwise be provided for▪ so as to live according to their Birth and Breeding; for if the Lands of England are worth

eight Millions per Annum, then there be at a Medium about ten Millions. Fami∣lies of about eight hundred pounds per Annum, in each of which one with ano∣ther, we may suppose there is a young∣er Brother, who in less then two or three hundred pounds per Annum, will not main∣tain suitable to his Relations. Now I say that if neither the Offices at Court, nor Commands in our ordinary Army and Na∣vy, nor Church-preferments, nor the u∣sual gain by the profession of Law and Physick; nor the imployments under No∣ble-men, and Prelates will all of them put together furnish Livelyhood of above three hundred pounds per Annum, to three thousand of the said one thousand younger Brothers, wherefore it remains that Trade alone must supply the rest; but if the said seven thousand Gentlemen be apply∣ed to Trade, without increasing of Trade, or if the hopes to increase Trade with∣out increasing of Stock (which for ought appears is only to be done by in-Banking a due proportion of Lands and Money) we must necessarily be disappointed: where note that selling of Lands to Forraign∣ers, for Gold and Silver, would inlarge the Stock of the Kingdom.

Whereas doing the same between one and other does effect nothing, for he that turns all his Land into Money, dis∣poses himself for Trade, and he that parts with his money for Land does the contrary, but to sell Land to Forreigners increaseth both money and people, and consequently Trade; wherefore it is to be thought, that when the Laws denying Strangers to purchase, and not permit∣ing them to Trade without paying Ex∣traordinary Duties, were made, that then the Publick State of things, and Interest of the Nation were far different from what they now are.

Having handled these ten Principal Conclusions, I might go on with others ad infinitum; but what has been said already, I look upon as sufficient to shew what I mean by Political Arithmetick, and to e∣vince the uses of knowledge of the true State of the Peoples Lands, Stock, Trade, &c. Secondly that the Kings Subjects are not in so bad a Condition, as dis∣contented men would make them; Third∣ly to Demonstrate the greatest effects of Unity, Industry, and Obedience, in or∣der

to the common Safety, and each mans particular Happiness, other then which I have now.

FINIS.