The present state of England. Part III. and Part IV. containing I. an account of the riches, strength, magnificence, natural production, manufactures of this island, with an exact catalogue of the nobility, and their seats, &c., II. the trade and commerce within it self, and with all countries traded to by the English, as at this day established, and all other matters relating to inland and marine affairs : supplying what is omitted in the two former parts ...

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The present state of England. Part III. and Part IV. containing I. an account of the riches, strength, magnificence, natural production, manufactures of this island, with an exact catalogue of the nobility, and their seats, &c., II. the trade and commerce within it self, and with all countries traded to by the English, as at this day established, and all other matters relating to inland and marine affairs : supplying what is omitted in the two former parts ...
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Chamberlayne, Edward, 1616-1703.
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London :: Printed for William Whitwood ...,
1683.
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"The present state of England. Part III. and Part IV. containing I. an account of the riches, strength, magnificence, natural production, manufactures of this island, with an exact catalogue of the nobility, and their seats, &c., II. the trade and commerce within it self, and with all countries traded to by the English, as at this day established, and all other matters relating to inland and marine affairs : supplying what is omitted in the two former parts ..." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A31596.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 22, 2024.

Pages

CHAP. I. That a small Country and few People by Situation, Trade, and Policy, may be equivalent in Wealth, and Strength to a far greater People and Territories; and particularly that conve∣niencies for Shipping and Water-Carriage do most eminently and fundamentally conduce thereto.

THe first principal Conclusion by reason of it's Length I consider in three parts, whereof the first that a small Country and few People may be e∣quivalent in Wealth and Strength to a far greater People and Territories.

Page 2

This part of the first principal Conclusion needs little proof, forasmuch as one Acre of Land may bear as much Corn and feed as many Cattle as twenty by the difference of the Soyl, some Parcels of Ground are natu∣rally so defensible as that 100 men being possest thereof, can resist the Invasion of 500. Bad Land may be improved and made good, Bog may by dreining be made Mea∣dow; Heath Land may (as in Flanders) be made to bear Flax, and Clover-grass, so as to advance in value from 1. to 100. the same Land being built upon may centriple the Rent, which it yieldeth as pasture; one man is nimbler and stronger and more pa∣tient of Labour than another; one man by Art may do as much work as many, viz. one man with a Mill can grind as much Corn as 20. can pound in a Mortar, one Printer can make as many Copies as an hundred can write by hand; one horse can carry as much upon Wheels as five men upon their backs, and in a Boat, or upon Ice as 20; so that I say again the first point of this ge∣neral position needs little or no proof.

But the second and more material part of this Conclusion is, that this difference in Land and People arises principally from their Si∣tuation Trade and Policy.

To clear this I shall compare Holland

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and Zealand with the Kingdom of France.

Holland and Zealand do not contain above 1. Million of English Acres, whereas the Kingdom of France contains above 80.

Now the original and primitive difference holds proportion as Lands to Land; for it is hard to say that when these places were 1st. planted, whether an Acre of Land in Holland was better then the like quantity in France and Zealand: Now is there any reason to suppose, but that therefore upon the first Plantation the number of Planters was in proportion to the quantity of Land; wherefore if the People are not in proporti∣on as the Land the same must be attributed to the Situation of the Land, and to the Trade and Policy of the People.

The next thing to be shewn is that Holland and Zealand at this day is not only 80th. as rich and strong as France, but that it hath advan∣ced to the 3d. or thereabouts, which I think will appear upon the ballance of the following Particulars, viz.

As for the Wealth of France, a certain Map of that Kingdom set forth An. 1647. represents it to be 15 Millions, whereof six did belong to the Church, the Author thereof (as I sup∣pose) meaning the Rents of the Land only

Page 4

And the Author of a most judicious Discourse of Husbandry (supposed to be Sir Richard Weston) doth from reason and experience shew that Lands in the Netherlands, by bear∣ing Flax, Turnips, Clover-grass, Madder, &c. will easily yield 10 pound per Acre, so as the Territories of Holland and Zealand should by this account, yield at least 10 Millions per Annum; yet I do not believe the same to be so much, nor France so little as aforesaid, but rather that one bears to the other as about 7 or 8 to one.

The People of Amsterdam are one 3d part of those in Paris or London, which two Cities differ not in People a 20th part from each other as hath appeared by the Bills of Buri∣als and Christenings from each, but the va∣lue of the Buildings in Amsterdam may well be half that of Paris by reason of the Foun∣dations, Grafts and Bridges, which in Am∣sterdam are more numerous and chargeable than Paris: Moreover the Habitations of the poorest People in Holland and Zealand are twice or thrice as good as those of France but the People of the one to the People of the other being but as 13 to 1. the value of the Housing must be as about 5 to 1. The Ship∣ping of Europe being about 2 Millions of tuns I suppose the English have about 5000000, the Dutch 900 thousand, the French 100

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thousand, the Hamburgers and the Subjects of Denmark, Sweden, and the Town of Dantzick 250 thousand, and Spain, Portugal, Italy, &c. 250 thousand; so as the Shipping in our case of France to that of Holland and Zealand is about 1 to 9: which reckoned great and small one with another at 8 pound per Tun makes the worth to be 800 thousand pounds to 7 Mil∣lions, & 2000000 pounds the Hollanders Capital in the East-India Company is worth about 3 Millions where the French has little or nothing.

The value of the Goods exported out of France into all parts are supposed quadruple to what is sent to England alone, & consequent∣ly in all about 5 Millions; but what is ex∣ported out of Holland into England is worth 3 Millions; and what is exported thence into all the World besides is sextuple to that Summ.

The Moneys yearly raised by the French King, as the same appears by the Book inti∣tuled the State of France, dedicated to the King printed An. Dom. 1669. and set forth se∣veral times by Authority, is 82 Millions of French Livers, which is about ½ Millions of pounds Sterling, of which Summ the Author sayes that one 5th part was abated for Nonva∣luers or Insolvencies.

So as (I suppose) not above 5 Millions were effectually raised, but whereas some

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say the King of France raised 11 Millions as the ⅕ of the Effects of France, I humb∣ly affirm, that the Land and Sea forces, all the Buildings and Interleguments which we have heard by common Fame to have been set forth and made in any of these last 7 years needed not to have cost 6 Millions Sterling; wherefore I suppose he hath not raised more, especially since there were ⅕ insolven∣cies when the Tax was at that pitch.

But Holland and Zealand paying 67 of 100 pay'd by all the United Provinces, and the City of Amsterdam paying 27 of the said 67, it follows that if Amsterdam hath pay'd 4000 pound Flemmish per diem, or about 146000 per Annum, or about 80 thousand pound Ster∣ling, that all Holland and Zealand have paid above 2 Millions per Annum; now the Reasons why they pay so much, I think are these (viz) 1. the Author of the State of the Netherlands saith so.

2dly. Excise of Victuals at Amsterdam seems above half the Original value of the same (viz) ground Corn pays 20 Stivers the Bushel, or 63 Gilders the Last, Beer 113 Stivers the Barrel, housing ⅙ of Rent, fruit ⅛ of what it cost; other Commodities 1/7 ⅛ 1/9 1/12 Salt ad libitum, all weighed Goods pay besides the premises a vast sum: now if the expence of the People of Amsterdam at a Medium, and

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without Excise, were 8 pound per Annum, whereas in England 'tis 7 pound, then if all the several Imposts above named raise it 5 pound more, there being 160 thousand Souls in Amsterdam, the Sum of 800 thou∣sand pound Sterling per Annum will thereby be raised.

3dly. Though the Expence of each Head should be 13 pound per Annum, 'tis well known that there be few in Amsterdam who do not earn much more than the said Ex∣pence.

4thly. If Holland and Zealand pay per Annum 2,000,000 pounds, then all the Pro∣vinces together must pay about 3 Millions, less then which Sum per Annum perhaps is not sufficient to have maintained the Naval War with England, 72 thousand land Forces besides all other the ordinary charges of their Government, whereof the Church is there a part. To conclude, it seems from the Premi∣ses, that all France doth not raise above thrice as much from the publick Charge, as Holland and Zealand alone do.

5thly. Interest of Money in France 7 pounds per Centum, but in Holland scarce half so much.

6thly. The Country of Holland and Zea∣land, consisting as it were of Islands guarded with the Sea, Shipping and Marshes, is de∣fensible

Page 8

at ¼ the charge of a plain open Country is, and where the Seat of War may be both Winter and Summer, whereas in others nothing can be done but in the Summer only.

7thly. But above all the particulars hi∣therto considered that of Superlucration ought chiefly to be taken in, for if a Prince have never so many Subjects and his Country never so good, yet if either through sloath or extravagant Expences or oppression and injustice, what ever is gained, shall be spent as fast as gotten, the State must be account∣ed poor. Wherefore let it be considered how much, or how many times rather Hol∣land and Zealand are now above what they were 100 years ago; which we must also do of France; now if France hath scarce doubled it's Wealth and Power, and that the other have decupled theirs; I shall give the preference to the latter, even altho the 9 increased by the one should not exceed the one half gained by the other; because one hath a Store for 9 years, and the other but for 1. To conclude upon the whole, that though France being Peopled to Holland and Zealand as 13 to 1, and in quantity of good Land as 80 to 1, yet is not 13 times Richer and Stronger, much less 80 times, nor much above thrice, which was to be proved.

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Having thus dispatched the two first Branches of the first principal Conclusion, it follows to shew that this difference of im∣provement in Wealth and Strength, arises in particular from conveniencies for Shipping and Water-carriage.

Many writing on this Subject do so magni∣fie the Hollanders as if they were more, and all other Nations less then men, (as to the matter of Trade and Policy) making them Angels, and others Fools, Brutes and Sots as to those particulars, whereas I take the foun∣dation of their Atchievements to lie ori∣ginally in the Situation of the Country, whereby they do things inimitable to o∣thers, and have advantages whereof others are incapable.

First, The Soyl of Holland and Zealand is low Land, rich and fertile, whereby it is able to feed many men, and so as that men may live near each other for their mutual Assistance in Trade, I say that 1000 Acres that can feed 1000 Souls is better than 10000 of no more effect, for the following reasons to it (viz.) first suppose some great Fabrick were in building by 1000 men, shall not much more time be spared if that they lived all upon 1000 Acres, then if they were forced to live upon 10 times as large a Scope of Land?

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2dly. The charge of their care of their Souls, and the Ministry would be far greater in the one case then the other, as also of Mutual defence in case of invasion, and even of Thieves and Robbers; moreover the charge of the Ad∣ministration of Justice would be much easier where Witnesses and Parties may be easily Summoned, Attendance less expensive when mens Actions would be better known, when wrong and Justice would not be covered as in thin-peopled places they are.

Lastly those who live in solitary places must be their own Soldiers, Divines, Phy∣sicians and Lawyers, and must have their Hou∣ses stored with necessary provisions (like a Ship going upon a long Voyage) to the great wast and needless expence of such pro∣visions: the value of this first conveniency to the Dutch I reckon to be about 100 thousand pounds per Annum.

2dly. Holland is a level Country, so as, if in any part thereof a Wind-Mill may be set up, and by it's being moist and vaporous, there is always Wind stirring over it, by which advantage the labour of many thou∣sand hands is saved, forasmuch as a Mill made by one man in half a year will do as much labour as 4 men for 5 years together; this advantage is greater or less where im∣ployment and ease of Labour is so, but in

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Holland it is eminently great, and the worth of this Conveniency between near 100 and 150 thousand pound.

3dly. there is much more to be gained by Manufacture than Husbandry, and by Mer∣chandise than Manufacture, but Holland and Zealand, being seated at the Mouths of 3 long great Rivers, and passing through rich Countries do keep all the Inhabitants upon the sides of those Rivers but as Husbandmen, whilst themselves are the Manufactors of their Commodities, and do dispence them into all Parts of the World, making re∣turns for the same at what price almost they please themselves; and in short, they keep the Trade of those Countries through which the same Rivers pass, the va∣lue of this 3d convenience is 200 thousand pound.

4thly. In Holland and Zealand there is scarce any place of work or business one Mile distance from a Navigable Water, and the charge of Water-carriage is generally but the 15th or 20th part of Land-carriages, wherefore if there be as much Trade there as in France, then the Hollanders can out-sell the French 14/15 of all the Expence of all travel∣ling postage and carriage whatsoever, which even in England I take to be 300 thousand pound per Annum, where the very postage

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of Letters costs the People perhaps 50 thou∣sand pound per Annum, though farmed at much less, and all other Labours of Hor∣ses and Porters at least six times as much; the value of this conveniency I estimate to be above 300 thousand pounds per An∣num.

5thly. The defensibleness of the Country by reason of it's Situation in the Sea upon Islands, and in the Marshes, impassible ground, dicked and trenched, especially considering how the place is aimed at for it's Wealth, I say the charge for defending this Country is easier than if it were a plain Champion at least 200 thousand pound per Annum.

6thly. Holland is so considerable for keep∣ing Ships in Harbour with small Expence of men and ground-tackle that it saves them per Annum 200 thousand pounds of what must be spent in France.

Now if all these natural Advantages do amount to above one Million per Annum of profit, and that the Trade of all Europe, nay of the whole World, with which our Eu∣ropeans do trade, is not above 45 Millions per Annum; and if 1/50 of the value be 1/7 of the profit, it is plain that the Hollanders may command and govern the whole Trade.

7thly. Those who have their Situation

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thus towards the Sea, abound with Fish at home, and having also the command of Ship∣ping, have by consequence the Fishing Trade, whereof that of Herring alone brings more yearly profit to the Hollanders than the Trade of the West-Indies to Spain, or of the East to themselves, being as some say viis and modis of above 3 Millions per Annum pro∣fit.

8thly. It is not to be doubted but those who have the Trade of Fishing and Ship∣ping will secure themselves of the Trade of Timber, for Ships, Boats, Masts, and Casks, of Hemp for Cordage, Sails and Nets, of Salt, of Iron, as also of Pitch, Tar, Rosin, Brimstone, Oyl and Tal∣low, as necessary Appurtenances to Shipping and Fishing.

9thly. Those who predominate in Fishing and Shipping have more occasion then o∣thers to frequent all parts of the World, and to observe what is wanting or redun∣dant every where, and what each People can do, and what they desire, and conse∣quently to be the Factors and Carriers for the whole World of Trade, upon which ground they bring all Native Commodities to be Manufactured at home, and carried back to the Country where they grow, all which we see, for do they not work the

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Sugars of the West-Indies, the Timber and Iron of Baltick, the Hemp of Russia, the Lead, Tin, and Wool of England, the Quick-Silver and Silk of Italy, the Yarn and dying Stuffs of Turkey? &c. to be short in all the ancient States and Empires those who had the Shipping had the Wealth; and if 2 per Centum in the price of Commodities, be perhaps 20 per Centum in the Gain, it is manifest that they who can in 45 Millions under-sell others by one Million (upon Account of Mutual Interest and instrin∣sick Advantages only) may easily have the Trade of the World, without such Ange∣lical Wits and Judgments as some attribute to the Hollander.

Having thus done with their Situation I come now to their Trade.

It is commonly seen that each Country flourisheth in the Manufacture of it's own Native Commodity, viz. England for Woollen-Manufactures, France for Paper, Swihltand for Iron-ware, Portugal for Con∣fectures, Italy for Silks. Upon which princi∣ple it follows, that Holland and Zealand must flourish most in the Trade of Shipping, and so become Carriers and Factors to the whole World of Trade; now the Ad∣vantages

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of Shipping Trade are as follow∣eth, viz.

1st. Husbandmen, Sea-men, Souldiers and Merchants are the very Pillars of the Com∣monwealth, all the other great professions do arise out of the infirmities and miscarri∣ages of those: Now the Sea-man is 3 of these 4; for every Sea-man of industry and in∣genuity is not only a Navigator, but a Mer∣chant, & also a Souldier, not because he has of∣ten occasion to fight, and handle Arms, but because he is Mamilarized with hardship and hazards extending to Life and Limb; for Training and Duelling is a small part of a Soldier, in respect of his last men∣tioned Qualifications, the one being quickly and presently learned, the other not without many years most painful Experience, wherefore to have the occa∣sion of abounding in Sea-men is a vast con∣veniency.

2dly. the Husbandmen of England earn but about 4 s. per Week, but the Sea-man has as good as 12 s. in Wages, Victuals, Drink, and (as it were) Housing with o∣ther Accomodations, so a Seaman is ineffect 3 Husbandmen, wherefore there is little Ploughing or Sowing of Corn in Holland or Zealand, or breeding of young Cattle, but their Land is improved by building

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Houses, Ships, Engines, Dickes, Wharfs, Gardens of pleasure, extraordinary Flowers and Fruits, Dairy and feeding of Cattel, for Rape, Flax, Madder, &c. the Foun∣dations of several Advantagious Manufa∣ctures.

3dly. Whereas the imployments of other men is confined to their own Country, that of a Sea-man is free to the whole World; so as where Trade may (as they call it) be dead, here or there, now and then, it is certain that somewhere or other in the World, as Trade is always quick enough &c. and Provision is always plentiful, the Benefit whereof they who command the Shipping enjoy, and they only.

4thly. The great and ultimate effects of Trade is not wealth at large, but particularly abundance of Silver, Gold, and Jewels which are not perishable, but are wealth at all times and all places; whereas abundance of Wine, Corn, Fowl, Flesh, &c. are riches but hic et nunc: So as the raising of such Commodities, and the following of such Trade is not profitable before others, which do store the Countrys with Silver, Jewels, &c. but the labour of Seamen and Freight of Ships, of the Nature of an exported Commodity, the over-plus whereof a∣bove what is imported brings home Mo∣ney, &c.

Page 17

5thly. Those who have the command of the Sea-Trade may work at easier Freight, with more profit then others at greater, for as Cloth must be cheaper made, when one Cards, another Spins, another Weaves, ano∣ther Draws, another Dresses, another Pres∣ses, and Packs; then when all the Operati∣ons above mentioned were clunsily perform∣ed by the same hand; so those who com∣mand the Trade of Shipping, can build long slight Ships, for carrying Masts, Firr, Timber, Boards, Bolkes, &c. and that one is for Lead, Iron, Stones, &c. one sort of Vessels to Trade at Ports, where they need never ly aground, others where they must jump upon the Sand, twice every 12 hours, one sort of Vessel, and way of Manning in time of Peace, and for cheap gross Goods, ano∣ther for War, and precious Commodities, one sort of Vessel for the Turbulent Sea, another for Inland Waters and Rivers, one sort of Vessels and Rigging where hast is requisite, for the Maidenhead of a Market, another where ⅕ or 4/1 part of the time makes no matter, one sort of Masting and Rigging for long Voyages, another for Coasting, one sort of Vessels for Fishing, another for Trade, one sort for War, for this or the contrary, another for Burthen only, some for Oars, some for Poles, some

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for Sails, and some for draught by men or Horses, some for the Northern Navigations amongst Ice, and some for the South a∣gainst Storms, &c. And this I take to be the chief of several Reasons why the Hollanders can go at less Freight than their Neighbours (viz.) because they can afford a particular sort of Vessels, for each particular Trade.

I have shewn how the Situation has gi∣ven them Shipping, and how shipping in ef∣fects has given them all other Trade, and how Foreign Traffick must give them as much Manufactures as they can mannage themselves, and as for the over-plus make the rest of the World but as Work∣men to their Ships; it now remains to shew the effects of their policy superstru∣cted upon these natural advantages, not as some think the excess of their understand∣ings. I have omitted to mention that the Hollanders were 100 years since a poor and oppressed People, living in a Country natu∣rally cold moist and unpleasant, and were withal persecuted for their Etrodoxy in Re∣ligion.

From whence it necessarily follows that this People must labour hard, and set all hands to work, and Rich and Poor, young and old must study the Art of Number, Weight and Mea∣sure, must fare hard, provide for Impotents,

Page 19

and for Orphans, out of hope to make profit by their Labours, must punish the Lazy by Labours. I say all these particulars, said to be the subtile Excogitations of the Hollanders seem to me but with what could not almost have been otherwise.

Liberty of Conscience, Registry of Con∣veyances, small Customs, Banks, Lom∣bards, and Law-Merchant, rise all from the same Spring, and tend to the same Sea. As for Loans of Interest, 'tis also a necessa∣ry effect of all the premises, and not the fruit of their contrivance.

Wherefore we shall only shew in parti∣cular, the Efficacy of each, and first, of Li∣berty of Conscience; but before I enter upon these, I shall mention a practice almost for∣gotten, whether it refers to Trade or Poli∣cy is not material, which is, the Hollanders undermasting and sayling of such of their Shipping as carry cheap and gross Goods, and whose Sail doth not depend much upon Season.

It is to be noted that of 2 equal and like Vessels if one spreads 1600 yards of like Canvas, and the other 2500, their Speed is but as 4 to 5, so as one soon brings home the same Timber in 4 days, as the other will in 5, now if we consider that although those Ships be but 4 or 5 days under Sayl, that

Page 20

they are perhaps 30 upon the Voyage, so as the one is but 1/30 parts longer upon the whole Voyage than the other, tho ⅕ longer un∣der Sail; now if Masts, Yards, Rigging, Cables, and Anchors, do depend upon the quantity and extent of the Sails, and con∣sequently hands also, it follows that the one Vessel goes at 3/1 less charge losing but 1/80 of the time and of what depends there∣upon.

I come to the first Policy of the Dutch, viz, Liberty of Conscience, which I can con∣ceive they grant upon these grounds, (but keeping up always a force to maintain the Common Peace)

1st. They themselves broke with Spain to avoid the Imposition of the Cler∣gy.

2dly. Dissenters of this kind are for the most part thinking, sober and patient men, and such as believe, that Labour & Industry is their duty towards God, (how Erroneous soever their Principles be.)

3dly. These People believing the Justice of God, and seeing most licentious persons to enjoy most of the World and it's best things, will never venture to be of the same Religion and Profession with voluptua∣ries, and men of extreme Wealth and Pow∣er, who they think have their Portion in this World.

Page 21

4thly. They cannot but know, that no man can believe what himself pleases, and to force men to say they believe when they do not, is vain, absurd, and without Honor to God.

5thly. The Hollanders knowing them∣selves not to be an Infallible Church, and that others had the same Scriptures for guide as themselves, and withal the same Interest to save their Souls, did not think fit to make this matter their business, no more but to make Bonds of the Seamen they im∣ploy, not to cast away their own Ships and lives.

6thly. The Hollanders observe that in France and Spain, especially the Latter, the Church men are about 100 to one, to what they use or need, the principal care of whom is to preserve Uniformity, and this they take to be a superfluous charge.

7thly. They observe where most endea∣vours have been used to keep Uniformity their Exterodoxy hath most abounded.

8thly. They believe that if ⅕ of the Peo∣ple were Exterodox, and that if the whole quarter should by Miracle be removed, that within a small time 4/1 of the Remainder would again become Exterodox some way or other, it being Natural for men to differ in Opinions in Matters above sense and rea∣son,

Page 22

and for those who have less Wealth to think thry have the more Wit and Under∣standing, especially in the things of God which they think chiefly to belong to the Poor.

9thly. They think the case of the Primi∣tive Christians, as it is represented in the Acts of the Apostles, looks like that of the present Dissenters, (I mean externally) moreover it is to be observed that Trade does not (as some think) best flourish under popular Government, but rather that Trade is more vigorously carried on in every State and Government by the exterodox par∣ty of the same, and such as profess O∣pinions differ from what are publickly e∣stablished (that is to say) in India where the Mahumetan Religion is Authorized.

There the Banians are the most considera∣ble Merchants, in the Turkish Empire, the Jews and Christians, at Venice, Naples, Le∣gorn, Genica, and Lisbon Jews, and now Pa∣pists Merchants Strangers. But to be short, in the part of Europe where the Roman Catho∣lick Religion now has, or lately has had Esta∣blishment, there 3 qrs. of the whole Trade is in the hands of such as have separated from the Church, viz. The Inhabitants of Eng∣land, Scotland, and Ireland, as also these of the United Provinces, with Denmark,

Page 23

Sweden and Norway, together with the Sub∣jects of the Norman Protestant Princes, and the Hans-Towns do at this day possess a quarter of the Trade of the World, and e∣ven France it self the Hugonets are propor∣tionably far the greatest Trades, nor is it to be denyed but that in Ireland, where the said Roman Religion is not Authorized, but the professors thereof have a great part of the Trade, from whence it follows that Trade is not fixed to any Species of Religi∣on as such, but rather as before hath been the said, to the heterodox party of the whole; the truth whereof appears also in all the par∣ticular Towns of greatest Trade in England; nor do I find reason to believe that the Roman Catholick Seamen in the whole World are sufficient to man effectually a Fleet equal to what the King of England now has, but the now Papist-Seamen can do above thrice as much. Wherefore he whom this latter party does effectionately own to be their Head, cannot probably be wronged in his Sea-con∣cernments by the Author; from whence it follows, that for the Advancement of Trade (if that be a Sufficient Reason) indul∣gence must be granted in matters of Opinion, those Licentious Actings as even in Holland be restrained by force.

The 2d. Policy or help to Trade used by

Page 24

the Hollanders, is Securing the Titles to Lands and Houses, for although Lands & Houses may be called Terra firma et res immo∣biles, yet the Title unto them is no more certain then it pleaseth the Laws, and Authority to make them, wherefore the Hol∣anders do by Registries and other ways of assurance make the Title as immoveable as the Lands, for there can be no incourage∣ment to Industry where there is no Assu∣rance of what shall be gotten by it, and where by Fraud and Corruption one man may take away with ease and by a trick what another has gotten by extream labour and pains.

There has been much Discourse about introducing of Registories into England, the Lawyers for the most part do object against it, alledging the Titles of Lands in England are sufficiently secure already; wherefore omitting the considerations, of small and oblique Reasons, pro et contra, it were good that enquiry were made from the Officers of several Courts to what Sum or Value pur∣chasers damnified for these last 10 Yeahs, by such fraudulent conveyance as Registries would have prevented, the 10th part where∣of at a Medium is the annual loss which the People sustain for want of them, and then Computation is to be made, of the annual

Page 25

charge of Registring such extraordinary con∣veyances, would secure the Titles of Lands more by comparing these two Summs, the Que∣stion so much agitated, may be determined.

Their third Policy is their Bank, the use whereof is to encrease money or rather to make a small Sum equivalent to Trade in a greater, for the effecting whereof these things are to be considered: First how much Money will drive the Trade of the Nation, 2dly, how much current Money there is actually in the Nation. 3dly. how much will serve to make all payments of under 5 Pound, or any other convenient Sum throughout the year. 4thly. for what Sum the Keepers of the Bank are unquestionable security. If all these 4 particulars be well known, then it may be also known how much of ready Mo∣ney above mentioned, may safely and pro∣perly be lodged in the Bank, and to how much ready current Money the said deposi∣ted Mony is equivalent; (as for example) suppose 100 thousand pounds will drive the Trade of the Nation, and suppose there be but 60 thousand pounds of ready Mony in the same; suppose also the 20 thousand pound will drive one, and answer all pay∣ments made of under 150 pound, in this case 40 of the 60 being put into the Brank will be equivalent unto 80, which 80, and 20,

Page 26

kept out of the Bank, do make up 100, viz. enough to drive the Trade, as was purposed. Where note that the Bank-keepers must be re∣sponsible for double the Sum intrusted with them, and must have power to levy upon the General weight they happen to lose, unto particular Men; upon which grounds the Bankers may freely make use of the re∣ceived 40 pound, whereby the said Sum and with the like Sum in credit, makes 80 pound, and with the 20 reserved 100.

I might here add many more particulars, but being the same has already been noted by others, I conclude only with adding one observation which I think to be of conse∣quence; That the Hollanders do ridd their hands of 2 Trades, which are of great tur∣moil and danger, and yet of least profit. The 1st whereof is that of a common and private Soldier, for such they can hire from England, Scotland, and Germany to ven∣ture their Lives for 6 pence a day, whilst themselves safely and quietly follow such Trades whereby the meanest of them gain 6 times as much, and withal by this enter∣taining of Strangers for Souldiers their Country becomes more and more peopled, forasmuch as the Children of such Strangers are Hollanders, and take to Trades, whilst new Strangers are admitted in finitum; be∣sides,

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these Souldiers at convenient intervals, do at least as much work as is equivalent to what they spend; and consequently by this way of imploying of Strangers for Souldiers, they people the Country, and save their own Persons from Danger and Misery, without any real Expence; effecting by this Method, what others have in vain attemp∣ed by Laws for naturalizing of Strangers; as if men could be charmed to transport themselves, from their own native, into a forreign Country, meerly by words, and for the bare leave of being called by a new Name. In Ireland, Laws for Naturalizati∣on have had little Effect, to bring in Aliens; and 'tis no wonder if Englishmen will not go thither, without they may have the pay of Souldiers, or some other Advantage a∣mounting to Maintainance.

Having intimated the way by which the Hollanders do increase their People, I shall here digress to set down the way of com∣puting the value of every Head one with another, and that the instance of People in England; (viz.) Suppose the People of Eng∣land be six Millions in number, that their Ex∣pence at 7 pound per head be forty two Mil∣lions, suppose also that the Rents of Lands be eight Millions, and the profit of all the personal Estate be six Millions more, it must

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needs follow, that the Labour of the Peo∣ple have supplied the remaining thirty six Millions; the which multiplyed by twenty, (the mass of Mankind being worth twenty years Purchase as well as Land) makes five hundred and twenty Millions, as the value of the whole People; which number divi∣ded by six Millions, makes above eight Pound Sterling to be the value of each Head, Man, Woman, and Child, and of a dull Per∣sons twice as much: From whence we may learn to compute, the Loss we have sustain∣ed by the Plague, by the slaughter of Men in War, and by sending them abroad unto the Service of forreign Princes. The other Trade the Hollanders have ridd their Hand of, is the old patriarchal Trade of being Cowkeepers, and in a great measure of which concerns plowing and sowing of Corn, have put that Imployment upon the Danes and Polanders, from whence they have their young Cattle and Corn. Here we may take notice that as Trades and curious Arts in∣crease, so the Trade of Husbandry will de∣crease, unless the Wages of Husbandmen must rise, and consequently the Rents of Lands must fall.

For proof whereof I dare affirm that if 〈…〉〈…〉 andmen of England, who now 〈…〉〈…〉 Pence a day, or thereabouts,

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could become Tradesmen, and earn sixteen Pence a day, which is no great Wages, two Shillings, and two Shillings and six Pence being usually given; that then it would be the Advantage of England, to throw up their Husbandry, and make no use of their Lands, but for Grass, Horses, Milch-Cows, Gardens and Orchards, &c. Which if it be so, and that Trade and Manufacture have increased in England, (viz.) If a quarter part of the People apply themselves to these Faculties more then they did heretofore, and if the price of Corn be no greater now then when Husbandmen were more numerous, and Tradesmen fewer: It follows from the single Reason (tho others may be added) that if the Rents of Lands must fall: as for Example, suppose the price of Wheat be fifty or sixty Pence the Bushel; now if the Rent of the Land whereon it grew be the third Sheaf, then of the sixty Pence, twenty Pence is for the Land, and fourty Pence for the Husbandman; but if the Husbandman's Wages should rise ⅛ part, or from eight to nine Pence per diem; then the Husbandman's Share in the Bushel of Wheat, raised from fourty to fourty five Pence, and consequently the Rent of the Land must fall from twenty to fifteen Pence; for we suppose the price of the Wheat still re∣mains;

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especially since we can't raise it, for if we did attempt it Corn would be brought unto us as unto Holland, from Forraign parts, where the State of Husbandry was not changed.

And thus I have done with the first Prin∣cipal Conclusion, That a small Territory and even a few people may by Situation Trade and Policy be made Equivalent to a far greater, and that conveniences for Ship∣ping and Water-Carriage do most Eminent∣ly and Fundamentally conduce thereunto.

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