Primitive Christianity, or, The religion of the ancient Christians in the first ages of the Gospel in three parts / by William Cave.

Primitive Christianity;* 1.1 OR, THE RELIGION OF THE Ancient Christians In the first Ages of the Gospel. (Book 3)

PART III. (Book 3)

Of their Religion as respecting other men. (Book 3)

CHAP. I.

Of their Justice and Honesty.

Christian Religion admirably provides for moral righteousness. Do as you would be done by, the great Law of

Christ: This rule highly priz'd by Se∣verus the Emperour. The first Chri∣stians accounted honesty and an up∣right carriage a main part of their Re∣ligion. Their candor and simplicity in their words: Abhorring lies and mental reservations, though it might save their lives. Their veracity such, as no need to be put to thir oaths. Some few of the Fathers against all swearing: Allowed by the greatest part in weighty Cases: That they took oaths proved from Athanasius, and their taking the Sacramentum mili∣tare: The form of the oath out of Ve∣getius: The same expresly affirmed of the more antient Christians by Ter∣tullian. Why refusing to swear by the Emperours genius. Oaths wont to be taken at the holy Sacrament, upon the Communion Table, or the holy Gos∣pels. Some against all oaths only to pre∣vent a possibility of perjury. Bearing false witness condemned and strictly punished by the antient Church. A famous Instance of divine vengeance pursuing three false accusers. Christi∣ans careful in the conduct of their actions. Their integrity in matters of distributive Justice: In commuta∣tive

Justice avoiding all fraud and over-reaching. S. Augustin's instance. Nicostratus forced to fly to avoid the punishment of cheating and sa∣criledge. The Christians unjustly ac∣cused of Sacriledge by the Heathens: The occasion of it. Pliny's testimony of the Honesty of Christians. Theft and rapine severely condemned. Christians for doing all the good they could. Their care to right and relieve the oppressed. The Gentiles charged Christians with murder and eating mans-flesh. A brief representation of the several answers returned to it by the Christian Apologists. The true rise of the charge found to spring from the barbarous and inhumane practices of the Gnosticks mentioned by Irenaeus and Epiphanius.

HAving given some account of the Religion of the antient Christians, both as it respected their piety towards God, and their sober and vertuous carriage towards them∣selves; we come in the last place to consider it in reference to their carri∣age towards others, which the A∣postle describes under the title of righ∣teousness,

under which he comprehends all that duty and respect wherein we stand obliged to others; whereof we shall consider these following instances: their justice and integrity in matters of commerce and traffick; their mutual love and charity to one another; their unity and peaceableness; and their sub∣mission and subjection to civil Govern∣ment.

I begin with the first, their just and upright carriage in their outward dealings; one great design of the Christian Law is to establish and rati∣fie that great principle which is one of the prime and fundamental Laws of na∣ture, to hurt no man, and to render to every one his due, to teach us to carry our selves as becomes us in our relati∣ons towards men. Next to our duty towards God, the Gospel obliges us to be righteous to men, sincere and up∣right in all our dealings, not going be∣yond, nor defrauding one another in any matter, to put away lying, and to speak truth to each other as fellow-members of the same Christian brother-hood and society. It settles that golden rule as the fundamental Law of all just and equitable commerce, that all things

whatsoever we would that men should do to us, we should even do so to them, this be∣ing the sum of the Law and the Prophets; than which as no rule could have been more equitable in it self, so none could possibly have been contrived more short and plain, and more accommodate to the common cases of humane life. Upon the account of these, and such like excellent precepts, Alexander Se∣verus the Roman Emperour had so great an honour for our Saviour,* 1.2 that he was resolved to build a Temple to him, and to receive him into the number of their gods; and though he was over-rul'd in this by some who having consulted the Oracle, told him, that if it were done, all men would become Chri∣stians, and the Temples of the gods would be left naked and empty; yet in his most private Chappel he had the Image of Christ amongst those of many Noble Heroes and deified persons,* 1.3 to whom he pay'd religious adoration e∣very Morning; and particularly for this precept,* 1.4 that what we would not have done to our selves; we should not do to others (which his own Historian confesses he learnt either from the Jews or Christians, but most certainly

from the Christians, in whose mouths it so often was, and in whose Gospel it was so plainly written) he so highly valued it, that in all publick punish∣ments he caused it to be proclaim'd by a common Crier; nay, was so hugely fond on't, that he caused it to be writ∣ten upon the walls of his Palace, and upon all his publick Buildings, that if possible, every room in his Court, and every place in the City might be a si∣lent Chancery and Court of Equity.

So vast a reverence had the very e∣nemies of Christianity for the Gospel upon this account, that it so admira∣bly provides for the advance of civil righteousness and justice amongst men; which however it has been sleighted by some even amongst Christians un∣der the notion of moral Principles, yet without it all other Religion is but vain, it being a strange piece of folly for any to dream of being godly with∣out being honest, or to think of being a disciple of the first, while a man is an enemy to the second Table. Sure I am, the Christians of old look'd upon ho∣nesty and an upright carriage as a con∣siderable part of their Religion; and, that to speak truth, to keep their words,

to perform oaths and promises, to act sincerely in all their dealings, was as sa∣cred and as dear to them as their lives and beings. Speech being the great in∣strument of mutual commerce and traf∣fick, shall be the first instance of their integrity; They ever used the great∣est candor and simplicity in expressing their mind to one another, not pre∣tending what was false, nor concealing what was true; yea, yea, and nay, nay, was the usual measure of their trans∣actions; a lie they abhorr'd as bad in all, as monstrous in a Christian, as di∣rectly opposite to that truth, to which they had consigned and delivered up themselves in baptism, and therefore would not tell one, though it were to save their lives.* 1.5 When the Heathens charged them with folly and madness that they would so resolutely suffer, when a parcel of fair words might make way for them to escape, telling them 'twas but doing or saying as they were bid; and that they might secure their consciences by mental reservati∣ons; Tertullian lets them know that they rejected the motion with the highest scorn, as the plain artifice and invention of the devil. When we are

most severely examined (says Justin Martyr) we never deny our selves,* 1.6 counting it impious in any thing to dissemble or deny the truth, as we know the contrary is acceptable unto God: and though we could (as they told the Emperours) when questioned,* 1.7 evade or deny it, yet we scorn to live upon any terms, by which we must be forced to maintain our lives by lies and falshood.

This honest and ingenuous simplici∣ty they practised to that exactness and accuracy, that for a Christian to be put to his oath was accounted a disparage∣ment to his fidelity and truth.* 1.8 So Cle∣mens Alexandrinus tells us; he that approves himself and is tried (says he) in this [i.e. the Christian] way of pie∣ty and Religion, is far from being for∣ward either to lie or swear: For an oath is a determinative assertion, with a calling God to witness for the truth of it: But how shall any one that is faithful, so far render him∣self unfaithful or unworthy of belief, as to need an oath, and not rather make the course of his life a testimony to him as firm and positive as an oath, and de∣monstrate the truth of his assertion by

the constant and immutable tenor of his words and actions. It's enough therefore (as he presently after adds) for every good man either by way of affirmation or denyal to give this assu∣rance, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I speak truly, to sa∣tisfie any that apprehend not the cer∣tainty of what he says; for towards those that are without he ought to have such a conversation as is most worthy of belief, so as no oath should be re∣quired of him; and towards himself and those of his party to preserve such an even and equitable temper of mind, as is a piece of voluntary Justice. This and much more he discourses to the same purpose.

For this and some other reasons, but especially from some mis-taken places of Scripture, where 'tis said, swear not at all; some of the Antient Fathers held all taking of an oath unlawful; but besides that those few that did, were not herein constant to them∣selves, the far greatest part were of a∣nother mind, and understood the pro∣hibition either of swearing by crea∣tures (which was the case of the Jews, and which our Saviour and S. James principally aim at) or of light, rash,

and false swearing. For otherwise that the Primitive Christians did not think it unlawful to take an oath in se∣rious and necessary cases, is most evi∣dent.* 1.9 Athanasius speaking of his ac∣cusers, whom he desired might be put to their oath, tells us, that the best way to attest the truth of what is spoken is to call God to witness; and this (says he) is the form of swearing which we Christians are wont to use. And indeed though we had no other argument, it would be plain enough from hence, that they served in the Wars, and fre∣quently bore arms even under the Hea∣then Emperours, which 'tis evident they could not do without first taking a military oath to be true to their Ge∣neral, and to die rather than desert their station.* 1.10 And this, Vegetius an Heathen Authour, though living in the time of the younger Valentinian, expresly re∣ports of them, that when their names were entred upon the Muster-roll, they were wont to take an oath, the parti∣cular form whereof he there sets down, viz. That they swore by God, Christ, and the Holy Spirit, and the Ma∣jesty of the Emperour, which next to God is to be lov'd and honour'd by mankind:

This agrees very well with that ac∣count which Tertullian had long before given of the Christians,* 1.11 when being ac∣cus'd by their enemies of high Treason, amongst other reasons, because they re∣fused to swear by their Emperours; he answers, that though they would not swear by the Emperours genius, their genii or tutelar deities being nothing else but devils, yet they did swear by the Emperours safety, a thing more au∣gust and venerable than all the genii in the World: In the Emperours they own God's Institution and Authority & would therefore have that to be safe, which he had appointed, and accord∣ingly accounted it the matter of a law∣ful oath; but for the daemons or genii (says he) we use adjurare, to adjure them, so as to cast them out of men; non dejerare, not to swear by them, and thereby confer the honour of Divinity upon them. For the same reason they denied to swear by the fortune of the Emperour, because amongst the Heathens she was accounted a dei∣ty, and honour'd with religious worship.

Thus we see that they refused not to ensure and ratifie their faith by the formality of an oath, to which that they might add the greater reverence

and solemnity, they were wont many times to take it at the receiving of the holy Sacrament, as we find in the case of Novatus and his followers;* 1.12 for tak∣ing their hands wherein they held the Sacramental Elements within his own, he caused them to swear by the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ that they would not desert him. But be∣cause this may be thought to have been only the artifice of an Heretick to bind his followers the faster to his party;* 1.13 S. Chrysostom (though himself no good friend to taking oaths) sufficiently as∣sures us 'twas customary to come into the Church and to swear upon the Communion Table,* 1.14 taking the Book of the Holy Gospels into their hands. The same appears from the case proposed to Gregory Nazianzen by Theodore Bishop of Tyana,* 1.15 and by the instance of Eva∣grius,* 1.16 Nazianzen's Arch-deacon at Con∣stantinople, who had it reveal'd to him in a Vision that some persons lay in wait for him,* 1.17 and that therefore he must presently be gone; the person that revealed it assuring him he would knock off those fetters that were up∣on him, if he would swear to him up∣on the Holy Gospels that he would im∣mediately

depart, which was accord∣ingly done. And as their caution was great in taking of an oath, so their care was no less in making of it good; they knew that in this solemn trans∣action they did in a more peculiar manner call in God as a witness of what they said, and a revenger in case of falshood and the violation of it; this made them greatly afraid of per∣jury, which they looked upon as a sin of a deeper and more than ordinary dye; and one reason I conceive why some of the Antients were against all swearing (and Clemens Alexandrinus confirms me in it) was,* 1.18 because they would not come so much as within the danger or possibility of perjury. Such as have sworn rashly, or in unlawful cases, S. Basil earnestly exhorts to re∣pentance,* 1.19 and that they would not per∣sist in an obstinate defence of their impiety; and for such as are guilty of perjury he appointed that they should be suspended and banished the Com∣munion for eleven years together.* 1.20

The like severity, though not alto∣gether so great, they used in case of bearing false witness: If any Christian falsly accused another before the

Church (for in those days they allow∣ed no appeals to Heathen Tribunals) he was to be punished, i.e. suspended the Communion, the only punishment the Church in those days could inflict, according to the nature of the crime which he charged upon the other, ac∣cording to the decree of the Illiberine Council;* 1.21 if he made good his charge, yet if he had concealed it a considera∣ble time before he revealed it, he was to be suspended for two years; the rea∣son probably being, because by this delay the criminal person had had op∣portunity to infect others, by propaga∣ting his vitious example to them. But that they might not set the door open and give encouragement to busie and malicious tempers, they ordain'd, that although the person should be really guilty of the crimes he was charged with, yet if the accuser did not suffici∣ently prove it in conventu Clericorum before the Ecclesiastical Senate, he should be punished with a five years suspension; and because then they had an honour and veneration for Ministers above all other men, they ordain'd, that whosoever should falsly accuse a Clergy-man,* 1.22 a Bishop, Presbyter,

or Deacon with any crime, which he could not make good, should not be received into Communion even at the hour of death. The truth is, they were exceeding tender of any mans reputa∣tion, readier to add to it, than to de∣tract from it, or to fasten any undue imputation upon him.* 1.23 S. Basil com∣mending Gregory Thaumaturgus,* 1.24 has this of him amongst the rest; Out of regard (says he) to the threatning of our Lord he durst never call his Bro∣ther fool: no anger, wrath or bitterness proceeded out of his mouth: Slande∣ring he hated as a quality greatly op∣posite to a state of salvation: pride and envy were strangers to that innocent and guileless soul: He never approach∣ed the altar, till first reconciled to his brother: All false and artificial speech∣es, and such as are cunningly contrived for the slander and detraction of o∣thers, he greatly abominated; well knowing, that every lie is the spawn and issue of the devil, and that God has threatned to destroy all those that speak lies. And so indeed he oftentimes does even in this world, not respiting such persons to the tribunals of the o∣ther world; whereof we meet with

this memorable example. Narcissus Bishop of Jerusalem,* 1.25 a man of admira∣ble piety and holiness of life, shined with so glorious a lustre in the place where he lived, that the brightness of his conversation offended the sore eyes of other men: Three more especially not able to bear the eminent strictness of his life, and being themselves guilty of very great enormities, thought to escape themselves by accusing him. Whereupon they laid a very hainous crime to his charge, and to beget the greater credit with them that heard it, solemnly ratified it with their oaths: The first imprecating upon himself that he might be burnt, if it were not true; the second, that his body might be consumed by some noysom and pestilent disease; the third, that he might lose his sight. The good man though not∣withstanding all this he stood right in the thoughts of all true Christians, who knew his life to be too clear and unblameable to be sullied with the breath of such vile fellows, yet not be∣ing able to bear it, withdrew himself to an Eremits life in the wilderness. But the restless eye of the divine venge∣ance quickly overtook these perjured

wretches, and caught them in their own snares; the first by a little spark that casually, and whereof no account could be given, happened in his house, was in the night himself, family, and house universally burnt to ashes; the second was from head to foot over∣run and consumed by such a disease as he had wished upon himself; the third that saw all this, and feared the righte∣ous and inevitable vengeance of God upon himself, confessed the whole plot and combination, and testified his re∣pentance with so deep a sorrow, that with the multitude of his tears he lost his sight.

We have seen how exact the Christi∣ans were about their words, that they should be harmless and inoffensive, and the true conveyances of their minds; nor were they less careful a∣bout the conduct of their actions, whe∣ther of distributive or commutative Justice. For matters of distributive Justice, so far as it concerns a fair hear∣ing, and impartial determining of try∣als and causes, rewarding the good, and punishing the bad, they had little opportunity to shew themselves; Chri∣stians in the first Ages being seldom in∣vested

with any external Authority and power, till the Empire submitted to Christianity, and then we find them ex∣ecuting their places with the most un∣byassed uprightness and integrity.* 1.26 S. Basil speaking of an excellent person (though he names him not) who was sent to be Governour of Neocaesarea where he was Bishop, but presently undermin'd and outed by the ac∣cusations of some that could not bear his free and impartial carriage, and his temper so extreamly opposite to flattery, says this of him, that he was a most rigid observer of Justice, courteous and easie of access to them that were oppressed, but his presence se∣vere and terrible to the injurious and transgressours of the Law: He was the same to rich and poor, equally at leisure for both; of all men he ex∣ceedingly abhorr'd taking bribes, ne∣ver favouring any beyond the Equity of his Cause; and which was above all, he was one that designed to reduce Christianity to its antient dignity and perfection.* 1.27 The same Nazianzen re∣ports of his own father,* 1.28 and reckons it one of the excellent properties for which he accounted him a Christian

even before he embrac'd Christianity, that he so exactly observed justice him∣self, and so impartially administred it to others; that though he went through very great offices in the State, yet he made not one farthing's addition to his own revenue, though he saw some before his eyes, who with Briareus his hands laid hold upon the publick trea∣sures, and therewith filled, their own Coffers.

In matters of Commutative Justice, and ordinary transaction between man and man they observed the rule, to deal with others, as they would be dealt with themselves; they took no advan∣tage of any mans ignorance or unskil∣fulness, so as to grasp that commodity at a far under-rate, of which they knew the seller did not understand the true price and value, and that if he did, he would not part with it at such a price. To this purpose S. Augustine tells us he knew a man (probably he means him∣self,* 1.29 though out of modesty he con∣ceals it) who having a Book offered him to be sold by one that understood not the price of it, at a very small un∣der-rate, took the Book, but gave him the full price according to its just rate

and value, which was a great deal more than the seller asked for it. And the truth is, in such cases advantage cannot honestly be taken of mens weakness or mistake, because no man if he under∣stood the true worth and value of his commodity, can be supposed willing to part with it at a too-under rate. And if they were thus far from craftily over-reaching, much more from secret∣ly or openly invading of what was an∣others right and property; no cheat∣ing or couzenage, no acts of dishonesty and deceit were allowed or practised amongst them; or if any such were dis∣covered they were immediately pro∣tested against by the whole Society of Christians. Cornelius Bishop of Rome, giving Cyprian an account of Novatus the Heretick and his companions,* 1.30 tells him of one Nicostratus, that not only cheated his Lady and Patroness,* 1.31 whose estate and revenues he managed, but carried away a great part of the trea∣sures of the Church (whereof he was Chief Deacon) the portion and mainte∣nance of poor Widows and Orphans (a crime, says he, reserved for perpe∣tual punishment, i.e. for the judge∣ment of God in the other world, being

too great for any in this) whereupon he was forced to fly from Rome into Africk to avoid the shame and prosecu∣tion of his rapine and sacriledge; though when he came there, they did not only refuse to admit him into com∣munion, but openly exposed the wick∣edness of him and his confederates to the abhorrency of all men. By which may appear the falsity of that charge of Sacriledge which the Gentiles brought against the Christians; to which, though certainly it primarily respected their declared enmity against the Idolatrous Temples and worship of the Heathens; yet Tertullian answers; You look upon us (says he) as Sacrilegious persons▪* 1.32 and yet never found any of us guilty of wrong or injury, of any rapine and violence, much less of sacriledge and impiety: No, they are your own party that swear by, and worship your gods, and yet rob their temples; that are no Christians, and yet are found to be sa∣crilegious: And afterwards, he adds this further vindication of them;* 1.33 As for us (says he) we deny not any pledge that's left with us, we adulterate no mans marriage-bed, we piously educate and train up Orphans, and relieve the

necessities of the indigent, and render no man evil for evil: If there be any that dissemble our Religion, let them look to't, we disown them for being of our party; why should we be worse thought of for others faults? or why should a Christian answer for any thing but what concerns his own Religion, which no man in so long a time has prov'd to be cruel or incestuous? Nay, when we are burnt, and most severely dealt with, 'tis for the greatest Inno∣cency, Honesty, Justice, Modesty, for our Truth and Faithfulness, and our Piety to the Living God. And that these were not a parcel of good words which the Christians spoke in their own behalf, will appear, if we consider the testi∣mony which Pliny (who was far from being partial to them) gives of them; for being commanded by the Empe∣rour Trajan to give him an account of the Christians, he tells him, that after the strictest examination which he could make even of those that had re∣nounc'd Christianity,* 1.34 he found this to be the greatest fault that they were guilty of,* 1.35 that they used harmlesly to meet to wor∣ship Christ, and at those meetings to bind themselves by a Sacrament [or an oath]

that they would not do any wickedness, that thy might be firmlier obliged not to commit thefts, robberies, adulteries, not to falsify their words, or to deny any thing wherewith they were intrusted, when 'twas required of them.

Gregory Bishop of Neocaesarea in a Ca∣nonical Epistle,* 1.36 which he wrote to re∣ctifie several disorders and irregulari∣ties which had happened amongst the Christians of those parts by reason of the inroads and devastations which the Goths and other barbarous nations had made amongst them, does amongst o∣ther things especially take notice, how uncomely in it self, how unsuitable to Christians it is to covet, and to grasp what is another mans; how inhumane, to spoyle the oppressed, and to enrich our selves by the blood and ruines of our miserable brethren: And whereas some might be apt to plead, they did not steal, but only take up what they found; He tells them, this excuse would not serve the turn, that what∣ever they had found of their Neigh∣bours, nay though it were their ene∣mies, they were bound to restore it, much more to their brethren, who were fellow-sufferers with them in the same

condition. Others thought it warrant enough, to keep what they found, though belonging to others, having been such deep losers themselves: but this he tells them is to justifie one wick∣edness with another, and because the Goths had been enemies to them, they would become Goths and Barbarians unto others. Nor did they only keep themselves from doing injuries to o∣thers, they were ready to do them all the right, all the kindness that lay in their power, especially to vindicate the poor and helpless from the power and violence of those that were too mighty for them.* 1.37 Therefore when the Fathers of the Synod of Sardis took notice that some Bishops used to go to Court upon by-errands and private designs of their own, they ordain'd, that no Bishop should go to Court, unless either im∣mediately summoned by the Emperours letters, or that their assistance was re∣quired to help the oppressed, to right Widows and Orphans, and to rescue them from the unjust grasps of potent and merciless oppressors; and that in these cases they should be ready (either by themselves, or some deputed by them) to present their petitions, to plead their

cause, and to lend them all the assistance they were able to afford.

I should not in this place have taken any notice how far the ancient Chri∣stians were from murder, and offering violence to any mans life, but that it was a common charge brought against them by the Gentiles, that they used to kill and devour an Infant at their Chri∣stian meetings, especially when any was first to be initiated into their as∣semblies; the story is thus dressed up by the acute Heathen in M. Foelix;* 1.38 An Infant being covered all over with meal,* 1.39 (the better to deceive the unwary) is set before him that is to be initiated and ta∣ken in; he ignorant of what it really is, is appointed to cut it up, which he effe∣ctually does by many secret and mortal wounds; whereupon they greedily lick up the blood, and ravenously tear off and snatch away the several parts of it; and with this sacrifice their confederacy and combination is made, and by the con∣science of so great a villany they are mu∣tually obliged to silence: Such sacred rites as these being more horrid and barbarous, than the highest sacriledges in the world. To this monstrous and hor∣rid charge, the Christians returned

these answers; That they appeal'd to the common Faith of mankind,* 1.40 whether they could really believe them to be guilty of these things,* 1.41 so abhorrent to all the principles of Humane Nature, and to the Christians known Principles and practices in all other things; that they should measure the Christians by themselves, and if they themselves could not be guilty of such things, they should not suspect it by the Christians, who were endued with the same Prin∣ciples of humanity with other men; that they were so far from being friends to murder or man-slaughter,* 1.42 that they held it unlawful to be present at the Gladiatory sports, where mens lives were so want only sacrificed to the plea∣sure and curiosity of the people;* 1.43 that they accounted it murder for any wo∣man by evil arts to procure abortion, to stifle the embryo, to kill a child in a manner before it be alive, it being much at one to hinder life, as to take it away, to kill a man, or destroy what would be one, seeing he truly destroys the fruit that kills it in the seed;* 1.44 that it was not likely they should delight in mans blood, who never tasted any blood at all, abstaining from things

strangled and from blood: And that the very Heathens themselves confessed this, when amongst the several arts they used to discover whether men were Christians, they used to offer them bladders full of blood, knowing that they held it unlawful to taste any; and therefore it was mightily improbable they should thirst after humane blood, who abhorred even the blood of beasts: That they heartily believed the Resur∣rection of the dead,* 1.45 and therefore would not make themselves the Sepul∣chers of those bodies which were to rise again, and feed upon them, as they did upon other bodies which were to have no resurrection: that the truth was, if this charge was true of any, it was true only of the Gentiles themselves, amongst whom these things were daily allowed and practised: That Saturn one of their chief deities did not only ex∣pose, but eat his own children; to him infants in Africk were offered in sacri∣fice by their own parents, a custome that openly continued till the Procon∣sul-ship of Tiberius, which though he abolished it, yet it continued still in corners in Tertullians days:* 1.46 To his Son Jupiter they offered humane sacrifices

even in Rome it self, and that even to the time of M. Foelix as he himself te∣stifies;* 1.47 which is no more than what Por∣phyry himself (after he had reckoned up in how many parts of the world Humane sacrifices were in use) confesses was done at Rome in the Feast of Ju∣piter Latialis even in his time.* 1.48 Many other instances of such barbarous pra∣ctices are there produced by those two Apologists, which they urge with great advantage upon their adversaries, whom they challenged to make any such thing good against them.

And no sooner did discipline begin to be regularly setled, but their prin∣ciples herein were every where con∣firmed by the Canons of the Church,* 1.49 either private or publick; the woman that industriously made her self mis∣carry was adjudged to be guilty of murder,* 1.50 and condemn'd to the same punishment,* 1.51 a ten years penance; which was adjudg'd to be the case of any that brought forth upon the way, and ex∣posed her Infant. By the law of the State, made by the Emperour Valenti∣nian, whosoever, whether man or wo∣man, kill'd an Infant, was to be subject to the same capital punishment, as if he

had kill'd an adult person, which may very well be understood even of In∣fants kill'd in the womb, the punishment whereof was formerly for the most part no more than banishment. He that was guilty of wilful murder was by S. Ba∣sil's rule to undergo a twenty years pe∣nance before he was admitted to the Sacrament;* 1.52 though by several passages in Tertullian it appears that Homicides in his time were more severely treated by the Church, for they were not only bound to a perpetual penance, but were not absolv'd at death. But this se∣verity shortly after began to relax, and such persons though obliged to acts of repentance all their life, yet at death were absolved, and admitted to Com∣munion, as is expresly provided by the decree of the Ancyran Council.* 1.53

Thus clear did the Christians all a∣long stand from any just suspicion of that gross piece of inhumanity which their enemies so confidently charged upon them. As for the rise and occasi∣on of this malicious charge, it was doubtless of the same growth with that of their incestuous mixtures (spoken of before) both springing from the abo∣minable practices of some filthy Here∣ticks,

who sheltred themselves under the name of Christians, Epiphanius par∣ticularly reporting of the Gnosticks, what the Heathens generally charged upon the Christians; for he tells us of them,* 1.54 that at their meetings they were wont to take an Infant begotten in their promiscuous mixtures, and beat∣ing it in a mortar,* 1.55 to season it with honey and pepper, and some other spices and perfumes, to make it palatable, and then like swine or dogs to devour it; and then to conclude all with prayer;* 1.56 and this they accounted their perfect pass-over.* 1.57 I am not ignorant that a learned man will by no means believe that any of the ancient Hereticks did ever arrive to so much barbarousness and immanity, as to be guilty of such things, and conceives them to have been feigned meerly out of hatred to those pestilent hereticks; but there's little reason to suspect the truth of it, Epiphanius assuring us,* 1.58 that he had the account that he gives, from the mouths of the Gnosticks themselves; and that many of the women who were deceiv'd into those abominable errours did not only discover these things to him, but that he himself in his younger years

while he was in Egypt had been assault∣ed by them, and by all the arts of flat∣tery and perswasion, of wantonness and immdesty had been set upon to joyn himself to them. And certainly 'tis not imaginable that a person so venerable for learning and piety as Epiphanius was, should impose upon us by feign∣ing so gross and notorious a falshood. Besides, whoever reads Irenaeus, in whose time these heresies were most ri••e and predominant, and considers the account that he gives of them, which he mainly received from persons of their own party after they were re∣turned back to the Church, will see little reason either to think any wick∣edness too great for them to boggle at, or to doubt of the truth of what he re∣ports concerning them.

CHAP. II.

Of their admirable Love and Charity.

The excellent temper of the Christian Re∣ligion. The Gospel principally enjoyns kindness and charity. The Primitive Christians eminently of this spirit. They accounted all brethren, but Chri∣stians more especially. Their mutual love noted and recorded by their ene∣mies. Their mighty zeal and charity for the souls of men, to recover them from vice and errour to truth and ver∣tue. This the matter of their daily prayer, and most serious endeavours, even towards their greatest enemies. Pamphilus his charity in bestowing Bi∣bles freely upon the poor. Preachers maintained for converting the Gen∣tile Phenicians to Christianity. The fa∣mous story of S. John's hazarding him∣self for the regaining a young man de∣bauched by bad companions. Monica's care and sollicitude about S. Augustin. Some that have sold themselves for slaves, that they might convert their Heathen or Heretical Masters. Chri∣stians

not shy of communicating the knowledge of their Religion. Their Charity as it respected the necessities of the outward life. This noted in seve∣ral instances of charity. Their liberal providing for the poor. The bounty of particular persons. Divers instances of it. The immense charity of Epi∣phanius: exemplary vengeance upon some that abused it. The poor account∣ed the Treasure and Ornaments of the Church: represented in the case of Laurentius the Deacon, and a story re∣lated by Palladius. Their visiting and assisting the sick in their own persons: eminently noted in the Empress Pla∣cilla, and the Lady Fabiola. The Christians care of their brethren in a great plague at Alexandria. Persons appointed on purpose to cure and at∣tend the sick. The Parabolani, who. Their office and number. Redemption of Captives. Great sums contributed by Cyprian and his people for it. Church-plate sold to redeem Christians, nay, captiv'd enemies. Christians em∣bondaging themselves to redeem others. The strange charity of Paulinus Bishop of Nola, making himself a slave to ransom a poor widows son. Their care

about the bodies of the dead. Decent burial very fit and desirable. A piece of piety remarkable in the Christians of those times. Their abstaining from the common custome of burning the dead as barbarous. The great cost they laid out upon their funerals, in em∣balming, intombing, &c. The Co∣piatae, who: What their office and or∣der. The Decani or Deans in the Church of Constantinople; their number, and duty. Their providing fit places of Sepulture. Their Coemeteria or bu∣rying-places in the fields. Burying in Cities and Churches when brought in, and to whom first granted. Their Coe∣meteria under ground. What kind of places they were. The great number and vast capacities of them. A particu∣lar account of one out of Baronius, dis∣covered in his time. How the Christi∣ans were enabled to all these acts of charity. At first all in common: af∣ter, by usual contributions. The stand∣ing stock or treasury of the Church. This charity of Christians largely atte∣sted by Julian and Lucian. Their love and charity universal. Doing good to enemies. An excellency proper to Chri∣stians. This manifested in several re∣makable

instances. Plainly acknow∣ledged by Julian himself. The whole sum'd up in an elegant discourse of La∣ctantius concerning mercy and charity.

THat the Christian Religion was immediately designed to im∣prove and perfect the principles of hu∣mane nature, appears as from many o∣ther instances of it, so especially from this, that it so strictly enjoyns, cherishes and promotes that natural kindness and compassion, which is one of the prime and essential inclinations of mankind; wherever the Gospel is cordially com∣plied with, it begets such a sweet and gracious temper of mind as makes us humble, affable, courteous and chari∣table, ready and disposed to every good work, prompt to all offices of hu∣manity and kindness, it files off the rug∣gedness of mens natures, banishes a rude, churlish and pharisaical temper, and infuses a more calm and treatable disposition. It commands us to live and love as brethren, to love without hypocri∣sie, to have fervent charity amongst our selves, and to be kindly affectioned one towards another: It lays the sum of our duty toward others in this, to love our

neighbour as our selves. This our Saviour seems to own as his proper and pecu∣liar law, and has ratified it with his own solemn sanction, A new Commandment I give unto you, that you love one another, as I have loved you, that you also love one another; and then makes this the great visible badge of all those who are truly Christians, by this shall all men know that you are my Disciples, if you have love one to another.

And so indeed it was in those first and best ages of Religion, for no sooner did the Gospel fly abroad into the world, but the love and charity of Christians became notorious even to a Proverb, the Heathens taking notice of the Christians of those times with this particular remark,* 1.59 See how these Chri∣stians love one another. They were then united in the most happy frater∣nity (a word much used by Christians in those days, and objected against them by the Heathens) they liv'd as brethren, and accounted themselves such, not only as being sprung from one com∣mon Parent▪ (for in this respect that they had Nature for their common Mother,* 1.60 they acknowledged the very Heathens to be brethren, though other∣wise

little deserving the name of men) but upon much higher accounts, viz. that they had one and the same God for their Father, drank all of the same spirit of holiness, were brought out of the same womb of darkness and igno∣rance into the same light of truth, that they were partakers of the same Faith, and co-heirs of the same hope. This Lucian himself confesses of them,* 1.61 and that it was one of the great Principles that their Master instilled into them, that they should all become Brethren, after once they had thrown off the Re∣ligion of the Gentiles, and had embra∣ced the worship of their great crucified Master, and given up themselves to live according to his Laws. The truth is, so ready, intire, and constant was their kindness and familiarity, that the Heathens accused them for having pri∣vy marks upon their bodies,* 1.62 whereby they fell in love with each other at first sight. Indeed they never met, but they embraced one another with all the de∣monstrations of a hearty and sincere af∣fection, saluting each other with a•• holy kiss, not only in their own houses, but at their Religious Assemblies, as a badge and bond of that Christian fel∣lowship

and communion that was main∣tained amongst them.

But the love and kindness of those Christians of old did not lie only in a smooth complemental carriage, or in a parcel of good words, depart in peace, be you warm'd or fill'd, but in the real exercises of charity and mercy. Now because the two great objects of Cha∣rity are, the good of mens souls, and their outward and bodily welfare and happiness, we shall find that the Primi∣tive Christians were highly eminent and exemplary for both these. The soul being of a much higher and no∣bler nature, and consequently infinitely more precious and valuable than the body, they were accordingly infinitely careful and solicitous to save mens souls, to recover them out of the snare of the Devil, and the paths of ruine, by making them Christians, and bringing them over to the knowledge of the truth; for this they pray'd daily and earnestly. We Christians (says Cyprian to the Pro∣consul) serve the one and true Cod that made Heaven and earth,* 1.63 and pray to him night and day, not only for our selves, but for all men, and for the safe∣ty of the Emperours themselves. From

this no injuries or unkindnesses could discourage them.* 1.64 Justin Martyr tells the Jew, that they pray'd for them, and all others that unjustly were their ene∣mies, that repenting of their wicked∣nesses, and ceasing to blaspheme Christ Jesus, who by the greatness of his works, the uncontroulableness of the miracles performed in his name, the ex∣cellency of his doctrines, and the clear∣ness of the prophecies fulfilled in him, appeared to be altogether innocent and unblameable, and that rather believing in him, they might together with Chri∣stians be saved by him at his second glorious coming, and not be condemn∣ed by him to everlasting flames. We pray for you (says he) that Christ would have mercy upon you,* 1.65 for he has taught us to Pray for our enemies, to love them and be merciful to them. And af∣terwards, when he had reckoned up all those wicked and malicious artifices which the Jews had used both against Christ and Christians, yet notwithstand∣ing all this (says he) we are so far from hating either you,* 1.66 or those who at your suggestion believe these things of us, that we pray that all of you may repent, and obtain mercy from God, the gra∣cious

and compassionate Parent of the world. The Gnosticks were the great∣est scandal that ever was to Christianity, and the occasion of many of those per∣secutions, and most of those horrible calumnies which the Heathens brought upon the Christians, and yet see how Irenaeus treats them;* 1.67 We pray for them (says he) and beg of them not to con∣tinue in the pit which they have dig∣ged to themselves▪ but to depart from their sottish and idle vanities, to turn to the Church of God, that Christ may be formed in them, and that they may know the only true God, the Creatour of the world: This we beg of them, lo∣ving them to better purpose, than they think they love themselves: for our love is true and wholesome (if they will receive it) like a sharp plaister in∣deed, but it will eat away the proud flesh, take down the swelling and va∣nity of their minds, for which cause we will not cease by all means to ap∣ply it to them. The same Origen tells Celsus,* 1.68 that though both Jews and Gen∣tiles turn'd their backs upon the do∣ctrine of Christ, and charged them for being Impostors and deceivers, yet they would not give over thus honestly to

deceive men, to make them of loose persons to become sober and temperate, or to bring them on towards it; of dishonest to make them righteous, of unwise to make them prudent, at least to bring them into the way to these things; of fearful and timorous to ren∣der them hearty and couragious, espe∣cially as oft as they are to contend for their Religion and Piety towards God. How earnestly and passionately does Cyprian beg of the Proconsul Deme∣trian and the Gentiles to provide for their happiness and safety,* 1.69 to accept of the counsels and assistance which the Christians offered, who loved them not the worse for all the torments and suf∣ferings they laid upon them; that they returned kindness for hatred, and by the miseries they endured shewed to them the way to Heaven; that now was the time to make their peace with God, and to secure salvation; that there was no place for repentance on t'other side the grave, the stations of the other world being fix'd and unchange∣able; that therefore they should be∣lieve and live, that so they might eter∣nally rejoyce with them, whom they did now so afflict and persecute.

In pursuance of this design they spa∣red neither pains nor cost, that they might instruct men in the way to Hea∣ven.* 1.70 'Tis said of Pamphilus the Mar∣tyr, that amongst other instances of his charity, he used freely and readily to bestow Bibles upon all that were wil∣ling to read; for which purpose he had alwayes great numbers of those holy volumes by him, that as occasion serv'd, he might distribute and bestow them: By this means mercifully fur∣nishing those with these divine trea∣sures, whose purses could not other∣wise reach to the price of the Scri∣ptures, far dearer in those dayes, than they are since Printing came into the world.* 1.71 We find S. Chrysostome so zea∣lous for converting the Gentiles to Chri∣stianity, that for this very end he main∣tained many Presbyters and Monks in Phoenicia partly at his own charge, and partly by the assistance of pious and well-disposed persons, whose only work it was to Catechise and instruct the Hea∣thens in the Principles of the Christian Faith; and that the business might suc∣ceed more effectually,* 1.72 he procured a law from the Emperor Arcadius (yet ex∣tant in the Theodosian Code) directed to

Eutychian, Prefect of the East, that the Pagan Temples should be orderly taken down, that so they being destroyed, the whole matter of the Gentile super∣stition might be abolished. Upon the executing of which Law great muti∣nies were raised by the Country peo∣ple, many of the Monks wounded, and some slain, and the rest wholly dis∣heartned to proceed in the business, (these doubtless being those very Monks against whom Libanius so severely de∣claims for so mercilesly destroying the Pagan Temples:)* 1.73 Whereupon Chry∣sostome (who who then in banishment) writes to them to bear up with a Chri∣stian and invincible patience,* 1.74 encoura∣ges them resolutely to go on in so good a work; tells them that God would not be wanting to stand by them, and to re∣ward them in this and the other life, and promises them (though his incomes at this time were very small) that their former pensions should be paid them, and all things necessary provided for them. And indeed with how much care and solicitude the good mans mind was filled about this business,* 1.75 he sufficiently intimates in a letter written to another person whom he had em∣ployed

about this affair.* 1.76 Nor did they in those times regard case or fafety any more than they did▪ cost and charges in this matter,* 1.77 exposing themselves to any dangers that they might do good to the souls of men.

I might easily shew that this conside∣ration had a great influence upon the sufferings of the Primitive Martyrs, willingly running any hazards, chear∣fully enduring any miseries, that they might gain others to the faith, and pre∣vent their eternal ruine. But that fa∣mous story of S. John the Apostle shall serve instead of many,* 1.78 the sum of which is this; Coming to a place near Ephe∣sus in his visitation of the Churches, he espied a Youth of a comely shape and pregnant parts, and taking hold of him delivered him to the Bishop of the place with this charge (which he re∣peated once and again) I commend this person to thee to be looked to with all care and diligence, and that in the pre∣sence of Christ and the Church. The Bishop undertook the charge, received the young man into his house, instruct∣ed him, and at last baptized him. Which being done, he thought he might remit a little of the strictness of his care;

but the young man making an ill use of his liberty, fell into bad company, by whose arts and snares he was seduced into ways of riot and wickedness; till despairing of all hope of pardon from God, he let loose the reins to all man∣ner of exorbitancy, and agreeing with his confederates, they combin'd them∣selves into a society of highway-men, and made him their Captain, who quick∣ly became as far beyond the rest in fierceness and cruelty, as he was in pow∣er and authority. S. John upon occa∣sion returning some while after to the same place, after he had dispatched his other business, required from the Bi∣shop th•• pledge he had left with him; who wondring and not knowing what he meant; I mean (said S. John) the young man, 'tis the soul of my brother that I require. The old man with a de∣jected look and tears in his eyes, an∣swered, he's dead; and being de∣manded by what kind of death, an∣swered, he's dead to God; for alas! he's become a villain, and instead of the Church is fled with his companions to the mountains to be a thief and a rob∣ber. The Apostle renting his cloaths, and bewailing that he had so ill be∣trusted

his brother's soul, immediately call'd for a horse and a guide, and made haste to the Mountains; where being taken by those that stood Sentinel, he beg'd to be brought before their Cap∣tain, who stood ready arm'd some way off; but assoon as he perceived 'twas S. John that was coming towards him, he began to be ashamed & to run as fast as he could. The Apostle not regard∣ing his own age and weakness follow∣ed after with all his might; and when his legs could not overtake him, he sent these passionate exclamations after him; Why, O my Son, dost thou fly from thy aged and unarmed father? take pity of me, and fear not, there is yet hope of salvation for thee. I will undertake with Christ for thee; if need be, I will freely undergo death for thee, as our Lord did for us, and lay down my own life to ransom thine; only stay and believe me, for I am sent by Christ. With that he stay'd, and with a dejected look throw∣ing away his Arms, he trembled, and dissolved into tears; he embraced the aged Apostle with all possible expressi∣ons of sorrow and lamentation, as if again baptized with his own tears. S. John assured him he had obtain'd his

pardon of Christ, and having fasted and prayed with him and for him, and with all the arts of consolation refresh∣ed his shattered and disconsolate mind, brought him into, and restored him to the Church.

This story though somewhat long, I was the willinger to produce, both be∣cause so remarkable in it self, and so great a testimony of that mighty ten∣derness and compassion which they had for the souls of men; for whose sake they thought they could never do, ne∣ver venture far enough.* 1.79 S. Augustine tells us what infinite pains his Mother Monica took about the conversion of her husband Patricius, how unwearied∣ly she sought to endear her self to him, by all the arts of a meek, prudent and sober carriage, how submissively she complied with his rigorous and unto∣ward humours, how diligently she watched the aptest times of insinuati∣on, never leaving till at last she gained him over to the faith. Nor was her care and solicitude less for her Son Augustine, who being hurried away with the lewdnesses of youth, and in∣tangled with the impieties of the Ma∣nichean Heresie, was the hourly sub∣ject

of her prayers and tears; She plyed him with daily counsels and in∣treaties, implored the help and assist∣ances of good men, and importuned heaven for the success of all; not being able to gain any quiet to her mind, till S. Ambrose (with whom she had oft ad∣vised about it) sent her away with this assurance, that it was not possible that a child of so many tears should perish. No sooner was his conversion wrought, but her spirit was at ease, and she now desired no more.* 1.80 Himself tells us, that discoursing with her alone some few days before her death concerning the state of the blessed and the joys of heaven, she at last broke off with this farewel: For my part, Son, I have now no further hopes or pleasures in this world; there was but one thing for which I desired to live, that I might see thee a Ca∣tholick Christian before I died: This my good God has abundantly blessed me with, having let me see thee despising the selici∣ties of this life, and entred into his fa∣mily and service; so that what do I make any longer here? Nay, so great a zeal had they for the good of souls in those days, that many did not stick to engage themselves in temporal slavery for no

other end but to deliver others from spiritual bondage. Thus Serapion call∣ed Sindonites (because he never wore more than one poor Linnen garment) one of the Primitive Asceticks,* 1.81 sold himself to a Gentile-player that served the Theatre; with whom he liv'd & un∣derwent the meanest offices, till he had converted him, his wife and whole fa∣mily to Christianity, who upon their baptism restored him to his liberty, whereupon he freely returned them back the mony which he had receiv'd as the price of his servitude, which by mu∣tual consent was given to the poor. Com∣ing afterwards to Lacedaemon and hear∣ing that a principal person of the City, a very good man otherwise, was infe∣cted with the Manichean Heresie; one of the first things he did, was to insinu∣ate himself into his Family, selling himself to be his slave; in which con∣dition he remained for two years toge∣ther, till he had brought his Master and his whole Family off from that perni∣cious Heresie, and restored them to the Church; who did not only bless God for it, but treated him not as a servant, but with that kindness and reverence that is due to a Brother and a Father.

This was the good spirit and genius of those days, they intirely studied and designed the happiness of men, were willing and desirous freely to impart the treasuries of the Gospel, and wish∣ed that in that respect all mankind were as rich and happy as themselves. So far were they from that malicious imputation which Celsus fastned upon them, that if all men would become Christians,* 1.82 they would not admit it; to which Origen flatly returns the lie;* 1.83 and tells him the falseness of it might appear from this, that Christians as much as in them lay were not back∣ward to propagate their doctrine through the whole world; and that some of them had peculiarly under∣taken to go up and down not only in Cities, but in Towns and Villages, to bring over others to the true Religi∣on: and that they did not this out of any designs of gain or interest to them∣selves was plain, because they often refus'd to receive necessary accommo∣dations from others; or if they did, they were such only as were barely and absolutely necessary for the pre∣sent turn, when as far greater liberali∣ties have been offered to them. Nay,

some of the antient Canons expresly re∣quire,* 1.84 that no man, who has either He∣reticks or Infidels in his Family,* 1.85 shall be admitted to the order either of Bi∣shop,* 1.86 Presbyter or Deacon, who has not first converted those persons to the true Christian faith.

Having seen what kindness and cha∣rity they expressed to mens souls, we come next to that which respected their bodies, and the necessities of the outward life; this they shewed in se∣veral instances, we shall consider some of the most material. In the first place they took special care to provide for the poor, and such as were unable to help themselves;* 1.87 this Cyprian in his retirement gave especially in charge to the Presbyters and Deacons of his Church, that by all means they should mind the poor, and furnish them with whatever was necessary for them.* 1.88 Di∣onysius Bishop of Corinth testifies of the Church of Rome that they did not on∣ly eminently provide for their own poor, but with great liberality admini∣ster to the necessities of other Church∣es, plentifully relieving whatever in∣digent brethren came to them, or where-ever they were, though at the

greatest distance from them. And of the Church of Antioch Chrysostom tells us,* 1.89 that in his time, though the revenues of it were but small, yet besides its Clergy, besides strangers, lepers, and such as were in bonds, it daily main∣tain'd above three thousand Widows and Maids. Indeed the bounty of those times was almost incredible. S. Cyprian upon his turning Christian sold his estate to relieve the wants of others.* 1.90 and could not be restrained from it ei∣ther by the perswasions of others, or the considerations of what he might be reduced to himself. After his en∣trance upon the Ministry his doors were open to all that came, from whom no Widow ever returned empty; to any that were blind, he would be their guide to direct them; them that were lame, he was ready to lend his assistance to support them; none were oppressed by might, but he was ready to defend them.* 1.91 Caesarius, S. Basil's brother, made only this short will when he died,* 1.92 I will that all my estate be given to the poor. Nazianzen reports of his Father, that he was so kind to the poor,* 1.93 that he did not only bestow the surplusage of his estate upon them, but even part

of what was reserv'd for necessary uses;* 1.94 of his Mother, that an Ocean of wealth would not have filled her unsatisfied desire of doing good, and that he had often heard her say, that if it were lawful, she could willingly have sold her self and children, to have expend∣ed the price upon the uses of the poor; and of his Sister Gorgonia, that she was immensely liberal, Job-like her gate was open to every stranger, she was eyes to the blind, feet to the lame, and a mother to orphans; her estate was as common to the poor, and as much at their need, as every ones is to himself, dispersing and scattering abroad, and according to the counsel of our Savi∣our, laying up her treasure in heaven.

They gave not only according to, but beyond their ability; trusting to the goodness and fidelity of heaven to supply what wanted, which many times made the return with overplus by ways uncommon and extraordinary. Sozomen relates of Epiphanius Bishop of Salamine in Cyprus,* 1.95 that having spent all his own estate in pious and charitable uses, in relieving the needy, and such as were by shipwrack and the mercy of the sea cast upon the coast,

he freely dispensed and distributed the goods and treasures of his Church (which by the bounty of charitable persons from all parts, who thought they could not better lodge their e∣states than in the hands of so good a man, was very rich and wealthy) and that with so liberal a hand, that the Steward or Guardian of the Church finding its stock begin to grow very low, with some resentment told him of it, charging him as too profuse and open-handed; All which notwith∣standing he remitted nothing of his accustomed bounty to the poor. At length all being spent, a stranger on a suddain comes into the Stewards lodg∣ings, and delivers into his hand a great purse of gold, without any discovery either who 'twas that brought it, or who 'twas that sent it. And indeed so vast and universal was the charity of this good man, that it sometimes made him liable to be imposed upon by crafty and designing persons, whereof the Histo∣rian in the same place gives this re∣markable instance. A couple of beg∣gars meeting Epiphanius, and knowing the charitableness of his temper, to draw the greater alms from him, a∣greed

to put this trick upon him. One of them lies along upon the ground, feign∣ing himself to be dead, the other stand∣ing by him passionately bewailed the death of his companion, and his own po∣verty, not able to give him burial. Epi∣phanius pitied the man, perswaded him to bear his loss patiently, and not to expect that his companion should in this world rise any more, bid him take care for his burial, and withal gave him what was sufficient for it. No sooner was he gone out of sight, but the beggar comes to his companion, jogs him with his foot, and commends him for so ingeniously acting the cheat: Rise (said he) and with what we have got let's be merry and jolly to day. But alas! the Comedy was turned into a tra∣gick scene; the man was really dead, and could not be recovered by all his cries or stirring; which his companion no sooner perceived, but with all hast makes after the Bishop, cries and tears his hair, confesses the cheat, and begs that his companion might be restored to life; but all in vain: the Bishop bids him be content, and tells him that God would not undo what he had done. Leaving a fair warning to men (says the

Historian) that the great God who sees and hears all things, reckons those ••••••••k∣eries that are put upon his servants as if done to himself. But this only upon oc∣casion of that great charity which they then upon all occasions extended to the poor. The truth is, they then looked upon the poor as the treasure and orna∣ment of the Church, by whom as by bills of Exchange they returned their estates into the other world. When Decius the Emperour demanded of Lau∣rentius the Deacon of the Church of Rome the Churches treasures,* 1.96 he pro∣mised after three days to produce them; in which time having gathered together the blind and the lame,* 1.97 the in∣firm and the maim, at the time ap∣pointed he brought them into the Pa∣lace, and when the Emperour asked for the treasures he had promised to bring with him, he shews him his company, Behold (said he) these are the treasures of the Church, those eternal treasures, which are never diminished, but increase; which are dispersed to every one, and yet found in all. This passage brings to my mind (though it more properly be∣longs to the next instance of charity) what Palladius relates of Macarius,* 1.98 a

Presbyter and Governour of the Hospi∣tal at Alexandria; There was a Virgin in that City very rich, but infinitely co∣vetous and uncharitable: She had been oft attempted and set upon by the perswasions of good men, but in vain; at last he caught her by this piece of pious policy. He comes to her, and tells her that a parcel of Jewels, Emraulds and Jacinths, of inestimable value, were lodg'd at his house, but which the owner was willing to part with for five hundred pieces of mony, and advises her to buy them: She catching at the offer, as hoping to gain considerably by the bargain, delivered him the mony, and intreated him to buy them for her, knowing him to be a person of great piety and integrity. But hearing nothing from him a long time after, till meeting him in the Church, she asked him what were be∣come of the Jewels: He told her he had laid out the mony upon them (for he had expended it upon the uses of the Hospital) and desired her to come and see them, and if the purchase did not please her, she might refuse it. She readily came along with him to the Hospital, in the upper rooms whereof

the women were lodged; in the lower the men. He asked her which she would see first, the Jacinths, or the Em∣raulds; which she leaving to him, he brought her first into the upper part, where the lame, blind, and Cripple-wo∣men were disposed, and see, said he, the Jacinths that I spoke of: Then carry∣ing her down into the lower rooms he shewed her the men in the like condi∣tion, and told her, These are the Em∣raulds that I promised, and Jewels more precious than these I think are not to be found; and now, said he, if you like not your bargain, take your mony back again. The woman blushed, and was troubled to think, she should be hal'd to that, which she ought to have done freely for the love of God. Afterwards she heartily thanked Macarius, and betook her self to a more charitable and Chri∣stian course of life.

Next to this, their charity appeared in visiting and assisting of the sick; contributing to their necessities, re∣freshing their tired bodies, curing their wounds or sores with their own hands. The sick (says the antient Authour of the Epistle in Justin Martyr,* 1.99 if it be not Justin himself) are not to be neg∣lected;

nor is it enough for any to say, I have never learnt to serve and give attendance: For he that shall make his delicacy or tenderness unaccusto∣med to any hardness to be an excuse in this case, let him know it may soon be his own; and then he'l quickly dis∣cern the unreasonableness of his own judgment, when the same shall happen to him, that he himself has done to o∣thers. But there were no such nice and squeamish stomachs in the good Christians of those times. S. Hierom tells us of Fabiola a Roman Lady,* 1.100 a woman of considerable birth and for∣tunes, that she sold her estate, and de∣dicated the mony to the uses of the poor; she built an Hospital (and was the first that did so) wherein she main∣tained and cured the infirm and mise∣rable, or any sick that she met withal in the streets; here was a whole ran∣dezvouz of Cripples, hundreds of dis∣eases and destempers here met toge∣ther, and her self at hand to attend them: sometimes carrying the diseased in her arms, or bearing them on her shoulders; sometimes washing and dres∣sing those filthy and noysome sores, from which another woud have turn∣ed

his eyes with contempt and hor∣rour; otherwiles preparing them food, or giving them physick with her own hand. The like we read of Placilla the Empress,* 1.101 wife to the younger Theodo∣s••us, that she was wont to take all possi∣ble care of the lame or wounded, to go home to their houses, carry them all necessary conveniencies, and to attend, and assist them not by the ministery of her servants and followers, but with her own hands. She constantly visited the common Hospitals, attended at sick beds for their cure and recovery, tasted their broths, prepared their bread, reached them their provisions, washed their cups with her own hands, and underwent all other offices which the very meanest of the servants were to undergo. Thus also the Historian re∣ports of Deogratias the aged Bishop of Carthage under the Vandalic persecuti∣on,* 1.102 that having sold all the plate be∣longing to the Church to ransom the Captive Christans, and wanting places conveniently to bestow them, he lodg∣ed them in two large Churches, pro∣vided for the needy, took care of the sick, himself every hour visiting them both by day and night, with Physici∣ans

attending him to superintend their cure, and diet suitable to their several cases, going from bed to bed to know what every one stood in need of. Nay, how often did they venture to relieve their brethren when labouring under such distempers as seemed immediately to breath death in their faces? Thus in that sad and terrible plague at Alex∣andria,* 1.103 which though it principally raged amongst the Gentiles, yet seiz'd also upon the Christians, Many of the bretheren (says the Historian) out of the excessive abundance of their kindness and charity, without any re∣gard to their own health and life, bold∣ly ventured into the thickest dangers, daily visiting, attending, instructing, and comforting their sick and infected brethren, till themselves expired and died with them: Nay, many of them whom they thus attended recovered and lived, while they who had looked to them died themselves; as if by a strange and prodigious charity they had willingly taken their diseases up∣on them, and died themselves to save them from death. Thus 'twas with the Christians, while the Gentiles in the mean time put off all sense of huma∣nity,

when any began to fall sick a∣mongst them, they presently cast them out, shun'd their dearest friends and relations, left them half-dead in the high-ways, and took no care of them either alive or dead.

And that this work of charity might be the better managed amongst Chri∣stians, they had in many places (and particularly in this of Alexandria) cer∣tain persons whose proper office it was to attend and administer to the sick: They were called Parabolani,* 1.104 (because especially in pestilential and infectious distempers they did 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cast themselves into an immediate hazard of their lives) and were peculiarly deputed ad curanda debilium aegra corpora, (as the law of the younger Theodosius expresses it) to attend and cure the bo∣dies of the infirm and sick. Their num∣bers it seems were very great, insomuch that upon any tumultuary occasions they became formidable even to the Courts of Civil Judicature; upon com∣plaint whereof made to the Emperour, Theodosius reduced their number to five hundred; which being found too lit∣tle, by a second Constitution he enlar∣ged it to six hundred. The truth is,

these Parabolani were a kind of Clergy-Physicians, for that they were under an Ecclesiastical cognizance is plain, being reckon'd up with the Clergy, and ac∣cordingly by the latter Constitution of Theodosius are appointed to be chosen by, and to be immediately subject to the Bishop of the place.

A third instance of their Love and Charity (and which S. Ambrose calls the highest piece of liberality) was their care of those that were in captivity,* 1.105 groaning under the merciless tyranny and oppression of their enemies, to relieve them under, to redeem them out of their bondage and slavery. Cyprian in a letter to the Bishops of Numidia a∣bout this very thing,* 1.106 the redemption of those Christians amongst them that had been taken captive by the Barbarians, elegantly bewails their misery, and ear∣nestly presses their redemption, and as a help towards it sent them Sestertium centum millia nummûm;* 1.107 which Rigal∣tius computes to twenty five thousand pounds French,* 1.108 though others more truly reduce it to a much lower sum, viz. seven thousand five hundred, or two thousand five hundred Crowns; which he and his people had liberally

contributed to it. Of Acacius Bishop of Amida we read in Socrates,* 1.109 that when the Roman Army had taken seven thousand Persians captive, and would neither release them without a ransom, nor yet give them food to keep them alive; this good Bishop, with the con∣sent of the Clergy of his Church, caused all the Gold and Silver Plate and vessels that belonged to their Church to be melted down, ransom'd the wretches, fed them, and then freely sent them home to their own Prince: with which generous Charity the King of Persia (as he well might) was strangely amaz'd, finding that the Romans knew how to conquer an enemy by kindness, no less than by force of arms. The like S. Am∣brose relates of himself,* 1.110 that he caused the Communion Plate of his Church to be broke in pieces to redeem Christians taken captive by the enemy; for which though he was blam'd by the Arrian party, yet he elegantly defends the fact, as not only a justifiable,* 1.111 but a proper and eminent act of charity. And in∣deed 'tis the only case wherein the Im∣perial Constitutions make it lawful to sell or pawn the Plate and gifts belong∣ing to the Church, it being otherwise

made sacriledge to receive them, and the things absolutely forfeited by those that bought them. This was very great, but yet we meet with a stranger Cha∣rity than this in the Primitive Church, some that have parted with their own liberty to purchase freedome unto o∣thers; So S. Clemens assures us in his famous Epistle to the Corinthians,* 1.112 We have known many amongst our selves (says he) who have delivered themselves into bonds and slavery, that they might restore others to their liberty; many who have hir'd out themselves servants unto others, that by their wages they might feed and sustain them that wanted. Of which this one strange instance shall suffice. Under the Vandalic persecuti∣on many Christians were carried slaves out of Italy into Africk,* 1.113 for whose re∣demption Paulinus then Bishop of Nola had expended his whole estate;* 1.114 at last a widow comes to him, intreats him to give her as much as would ransome her only Son then slave to the King of the Vandals Son-in-law; he told her he had not one penny left, nothing but his own person, and that he would freely give her to make her best of, and to procure her sons ransome; this the wo∣man

look'd upon from a person of his quality as rather a deriding her calami∣ty, than a pittying of her case: but he assur'd her he was in earnest, and at last induced her to believe him; where∣upon they both took shipping for A∣frick, whither they were no sooner come, but the good Bishop addressed himself to the Prince, beg'd the release of the widows Son, and offer'd himself in his room. The issue was, the woman had her Son restor'd her, and Paulinus became the Princes slave, who imploy∣ed him in the dressing and keeping of his Garden. How he afterwards ingra∣tiated himself into the favour of his Master, and came to be discovered to him who he was, how the Prince set him at liberty, and gave him leave to ask what he would, which he made no further use of than to beg the release of all his Country men then in bondage, which was accordingly granted, and all joyfully sent home with their ships laden with Corn and Provisions, I omit as not pertinent to my purpose; they that are desirous to know more of it may read it in the Dialogues of S. Gre∣gory, from whence I have borrowed the story. This certainly was Charity with

a witness, an act that will find more to admire and commend it, than to imi∣tate and follow it.

A fourth instance of Primitive Cha∣rity, was the great care they took a∣bout the bodies of the dead, in giving them decent, and where they could, honourable burial; all men naturally have a kindness for their bodies, and therefore desire, that what has so long been the mansion of an immortal te∣nant, may upon its dis-lodging be or∣derly taken down, and the ruins of it laid up with honour and safety. Mans body besides that 'tis the cabinet of an invaluable jewel, is a curious piece of artifice, fearfully and wonderfully made, the excellent contrivance of the divine omniscience, and in that respect chal∣lenges not to be carelesly thrown aside, or rudely trampled in the dirt. This seems to be the common sence of man∣kind, it being the care and practice of almost all Nations in the world religi∣ously to enshrine the remains of their deceased friends in Tombs and Sepul∣chres; thinking it but reasonable to te∣stifie so much kindness to their departed friends, as to honour their memories, and to secure from rude barbarous vio∣lence

what they left behind them when they put off mortality. Sure I am this was eminently the care of Christians, no dangers or threatnings could affright them from doing this last office to their deceased brethren, especially such as had been Martyrs and Champions for the Truth.* 1.115 The Roman Clergy in an Epistle to them of Carthage reckons it as one of the greatest instances of Charity, above that of relieving the poor, mini∣string to the sick, or the rest which they there enumerate and reckon up; tells them that it could not be neglected without great danger, and that fidelity in this matter would be highly acce∣ptable to God, and rewarded by him. Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria speak∣ing of the Plague that raged there (which we mentioned but now) com∣mends the Christians for assisting their sick dying brethren,* 1.116 that they closed their eyes, laid them out, wash∣ed their bodies, dressed and adorned them up for burial, and carried them out upon their own shoulders, which they chearfully did, notwithstanding the imminent danger that attended it, and that it was not long before others were called to do the same offices for

them. Their bodies they decently committed to the ground, for they ab∣horred the custom so common amongst the Gentiles of burning the bodies of the dead; which they did, not (as the Heathens objected) because they thought that their bodies once burnt to ashes would be difficultly brought to a Resurrection (a doctrine which they strenuously asserted,* 1.117 and held fast as the main pillar of their comfort and confidence) but because they looked upon it as inhumane and barbarous, and contrary to the more ancient and bet∣ter usage of mankind in this matter. Tertullian calls this way of burial by inhumation a piece of piety,* 1.118 and tells us they abstained from burning the Corps, not as some did, because they thought that some part of the soul re∣mained in the body after death, but because it savour'd of savageness and cruelty. Therefore their enemies to do them the greater spite, did not only put them to death, but very often burn their dead bodies, and sprinkle their ashes into the Sea, partly to hinder them from a decent burial,* 1.119 and partly (as in that tumult at Alexandria under Julian) that nothing might be left of

them to be honour'd as the remains of Martyrs. As Christianity got ground, this more civil way of inhumation did not only take place, but rooted out the contrary custome even amongst the Gentiles themselves. For though the Emperour Theodosius the Great gives some intimation of it as remaining in his time,* 1.120 yet not long after it wholly ceased,* 1.121 as is expresly acknowledged by Macrobius, who liv'd in the time of the younger Theodosius.

Nor did they ordinarily content themselves with a bare interrment, but prepared the body for its funeral with costly Spices, and rich odours and per∣fumes, not sparing the best drugs and ointments which the Sabeans could afford,* 1.122 as Tertullian plainly testifies. They who while alive generally ab∣stained from whatever was curious and costly, when dead were embalm'd and entombed with great art and curiosity. Whence Eunapius (much such a friend to Christianity as Julian or Porphyry) derides the Monks and Christians of Egypt for honouring the season'd and embalm'd bones and heads of Martyrs,* 1.123 such (says he) as the Courts of Justice had condemned, and put to death for

their innumerable villanies. This cost the Christians doubtless bestowed up∣on the bodies of their dead, because they looked upon death as the en∣trance into a better life, and laid up the body as the candidate and expe∣ctant of a joyful and happy resurrecti∣on. Besides, hereby they gave some encouragement to suffering, when men saw how much care was taken to ho∣nour and secure the reliques of their mortality, and that their bodies should not be persecuted after death.

This their enemies knew very well, and therefore many times denied them the civility and humanity of burial, to strike the greater dread into them. Thus Maximus the President threatned Tharacus the Martyr,* 1.124 that although he bore up his head so high upon the con∣fidence, that after his death his body should be wound up and embalm'd with ointments and odoriferous spices, yet he would defeat his hopes by cau∣sing his body to be burnt, and sprink∣ling his ashes before the wind.

Thus after they had put Polycarp to death,* 1.125 they burnt his body out of spite to the Christians who had beg'd it of the Proconsul, only to give it a solemn

interrment; whereupon gathering his bones which the mercy of the fire had spared, they decently committed them to the earth, and there used to meet to celebrate the memory of that pious and holy man.

During those times of persecution they were very careful to bury the bo∣dies of the Martyrs, some making it their particular business by stealth to interr those in the night, who had suffer∣ed in the day; this they did with great hazard and danger, many of them (as appears from the ancient Martyrologies) suffering Martyrdom upon this very ac∣count. Afterwards when the Church was setled, there was a particular Or∣der of men call'd Copiatae, (either 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from the pains they took, or else 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because they com∣mitted the bodies of the dead to the grave the place of ease and rest) ap∣pointed for this purpose,* 1.126 about the time of Constantine, or to be sure his Son Constantius, in two of whose Laws they are expresly mentioned,* 1.127 and in the lat∣ter said to be lately instituted. Their office (as Epiphanius tells) was to wrap up and bury the bodies of the dead, to prepare their graves, and to in∣terr

them: and because inhumation and giving burial to the dead was ever ac∣counted in a more peculiar manner, a work of piety and religion; there∣fore these persons were reckon∣ed if not strictly Clergy-men, at least in a Clergy-relation, being in both Laws of Constantius enumerated with, and invested in the same immunities with the Clergy. By the Authour in S. Hierom they are styled Fossarii,* 1.128 grave-maker, and by him plac'd in the first and lowest order of the Clerici, and exhorted to be like good old To∣bit in Faith, Holiness, Knowledge and Vertue. In the great Church of Con∣stantinople they were called Decani, or Deans (but quite distinct from the Pa∣latin Deans spoken of in the Theodosian Code,* 1.129 and freequently elsewhere; who were a military order, and chiefly be∣longed to the Emperours Palace) they were one of the Collegia or Corpora∣tions of the City. Their number was very great; Constantine is said to have appointed no less than M. C. of them: But by a Law of Honorius and Theodo∣sius they were reduc'd to DCCCCL;* 1.130 till afterwards Anastasius brought them back to their former number, which

was also ratified and confirmed by Ju∣stinian, their particular duties and of∣fices both as relating to the dead, and all other things are largely described in two Novell Constitutions of his to that purpose.* 1.131

Nor did they only take care that the body might be prepared for its funeral, but to provide it of a decent and convenient Sepulchre, wherein it might be honourably and securely laid up; a thing which had been always practised by the more sober and civiliz'd part of mankind. Their burying-places (call∣ed Polyandria, Cryptae, Arenaria, but most commonly Coemeteria or Dormito∣ries, because according to the notion which the Scripture gives us of the death of the Righteous, Christians are not so properly said to dye as to sleep in the Lord, and their bodies to rest in the grave in expectation of a joyful resur∣rection) were generally in the fields or gardens, it being prohibited by the Ro∣man Laws,* 1.132 and especially an ancient Law of the XII Tables to bury within the City walls. This held for some Centuries after Christianity appeared in the world, and longer it was before they buried within Churches; within

the out-parts whereof to be interred, was a priviledge at first granted only to Princes and persons of the greatest rank and quality.* 1.133 Chrysostome assures us that Constantius the Emperour reckoned he did his Father Constantine the Great a peculiar honour, when he obtained to have him buried in the Porch of the Church which he had built at Constan∣tinople to the memory of the Apostles, and wherein he had earnestly desired to be buried,* 1.134 as Eusebius tells us; and in the same many of his Successors were interred; it not being in use then, nor some hundreds of years after for per∣sons to be buried in the body of the Church, as appears from the Capitula of Charles the Great,* 1.135 where burying in the Church, which then it seems had crept into some places, is strictly forbid∣den.

During the first ages of Christianity, while the malice of their enemies per∣secuted them both alive and dead, their Coemeteria were ordinarily under ground, imitating herein the custome of the Jews, whose Sepulchres were in Ca∣verns and holes of rocks, though doubt∣less the Christians did it to avoid the rage and fury of their enemies; not so

much upon the account of secrecy; for their frequent retiring to those places was so notorious, as could not escape the observation of their enemies, and therefore we sometimes find the Empe∣rours Officers readily coming thither; but it was upon the account of that Sa∣credness and Religion that was reckon'd to be due to places of this nature, it being accounted by all Nations a piece of great impiety, Manes temerare Se∣pultos, to disturb and violate the ashes of the dead. They were large vaults dug in dry sandy places, and arched over, and separated into many little apartments, wherein on either side the bodies of the Martyrs lay in distinct Cells, each having an Inscription upon Marble,* 1.136 whereon his Name,* 1.137 Quality, and probably the time and manner of his death were engraven:* 1.138 Though in the heats of Persecution they were forced to bury great numbers together in one common grave (LX Prudentius tells us he observ'd) and then not the names, but only the number of the interred was written upon the Tomb.* 1.139 Indeed the multitudes of Martyrs that then suffered required very large conveni∣encies of interrment. And so they had,

insomuch that the last publisher of the Roma Subterranea assures us, that though those Coemeteria were under∣ground,* 1.140 yet were they many times double and sometimes treble, two or three stories one still under another.

By reason hereof they must needs be very dark, having no light from with∣out, but what peep'd in from a few lit∣tle cranies, which filled the place with a kind of sacred horror,* 1.141 as S. Hierom informs us,* 1.142 who while a youth, when he went to School at Rome, us'd upon the Lords day to visit these solemn places. Built they were by pious and charitable persons, (thence called af∣ter their names) for the interrment of Martyrs, and other uses of the Church; for in these places Christians in times of persecution were wont to hide them∣selves, and to hold their Religious As∣semblies, when banished from their publick Churches, as I have formerly noted.* 1.143 Of these about Rome only Ba∣ronius out of the Records in the Vati∣can reckons up XLIII, and others to the number of threescore. We may take an estimate of the rest by the ac∣count which Baronius gives of one,* 1.144 call∣ed the Cemeterie of Priscilla, discovered

in his time, An. 1578, in the Via Sala∣ria about three miles from Rome, which he often viewed and searched: It is (says he) strange to report, the place by reason of its vastness and variety of apartments appearing like a City under ground. At the entrance into it there was a principal way or street much lar∣ger than the rest, which on either hand opened into diverse other wayes, and those again divided into many lesser ways and turnings, like lanes and al∣lies within one another. And as in Ci∣ties there are void open places for the Markets; so here there were some larger spaces for the holding (as occa∣sion was) of their Religious Meetings, wherein were placed the Effigies and Representations of Martyrs, with places in the top to let in light, long since stopt up. The discovery of this place caused great wonder in Rome, being the most exact and perfect Cemeterie that had been yet found out. Thus much I thought good to add upon oc∣casion of that singular care, which Christians then took about the bodies of their dead. If any desire to know more of these venerable Antiquities, they may consult onuphrius de Coeme∣teriis,

and especially the Latin Edition of the Roma Subterranea,* 1.145 where their largest curiosity may be fully satisfied in these things.* 1.146

Many other instances of their Chari∣ty might be mentioned, their ready en∣tertaining strangers, providing for those that laboured in the Mines, marrying poor Virgins, and the like, of which to treat particularly would be too vast and tedious. To enable them to do these charitable offices, they had not only the extraordinary contributions of particular persons, but a common stock and treasury of the Church. At the first going abroad of the Gospel in∣to the world, so great was the Piety and Charity of the Christians, That the multitude of them that believed were of one heart and of one soul, neither said any of them, that ought of the things which he possessed was his own, but they had all things common; neither was there any among them that lacked; for as many as were possessors of lands or houses, sold them, and brought the prices of the things that were sold, and laid them down at the Apostles feet, and di∣stribution was made unto every man ac∣cording as he had need. But this com∣munity

of goods lasted not long in the Church; we find S. Paul giving order to the Churches of Galatia and Corinth for weekly offerings for the Saints,* 1.147 that upon the first day of week (when they never fail'd to receive the Sacra∣ment) they should every one of them lay by him in store according as God had pro∣spered him.* 1.148 This custome Justin Mar∣tyr assures us still continued in his time; for describing the manner of their as∣semblies on the Lords day, he tells us that those who were able and willing contributed what they saw good; and the collection was lodg'd in the hands of the Bishop or President, and by him distributed for the relief of Widows and Orphans, the sick or indigent, the imprison'd or strangers, or any that were in need. In the next age they were reduced to monthly offerings, as appears from Tertullian,* 1.149 who gives us this account of them in his time, That at their Religious Assemblies upon a monthly day (or oftner if a man will, and be able) every one according to his ability laid by somewhat for chari∣table uses (they put it into a kind of poor mans box call'd Arca, that stood in the Church) this they did freely, no

man being forced or compelled to it; leaving it behind them as a stock to maintain piety and religion; for 'tis not spent (says he) upon feasts or drink∣ing-bouts, or to gratifie gluttony and intemperance, but laid out in reliev∣ing the needy, burying the dead, pro∣viding for Orphans, supporting the a∣ged, recruiting the spoyled, supplying the imprisoned, and those that were in mines, bonds, or slavery for the pro∣fession of Christianity.

This was the fruit of Primitive de∣votion. Palladius tell us of two Bro∣ther,* 1.150 Paesius and Esaias,* 1.151 Sons of a wealthy Merchant, that their Father being dead, and resolving upon a more strict and religious course of life, they could not agree upon setling their E∣states in the same way; at last dividing their Estates, they disposed them thus. The one gave away his whole Estate at once, setling it upon Monasteries, Churches, and Prisons for the relief of such as were in bonds, and betaking himself to a Trade for a small mainte∣nance for himself, gave himself up to prayer and the severer exercises of Re∣ligion. The other kept his Estate in his own possession, but built a Mona∣stery,

and taking a few Companions to dwell with him, entertain'd all strang∣ers that came that way, took care of the sick, entertained the aged, gave to those that needed, and every Satur∣day and Lords day caused two or three tables to be spread for the refreshment and entertainment of the poor; and in this excellent way spent their life.

Now that this account that we have given of the admirable bounty and charity of the antient Christians is not precarious, and meerly what the Chri∣stians tell us of themselves, we have the testimony of two open enemies of Christianity, Julian and Lucian, both bitter enemies to Christians, and the fiercer, because both, as 'tis suppo∣sed, apostates from them, and their testimony is considerable upon a dou∣ble account, partly because having lived amongst the Christians they ex∣actly knew their ways and manners; and partly because being enemies to them they would be sure to speak no more in their commendation than what was true. Julian speaking of the Ga∣lileans,* 1.152 tells us that by their charity to the poor they begot 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the greatest admiration of their

Religion in the minds of men. And in an Epistle to the High-Priests of Ga∣latia,* 1.153 bewailing the desolate state of the heathen-world, the ruine of their Temples, and the great declension of Paganisme at that time, notwitstand∣ing all his endeavours to make it suc∣ceed under the influences of his Go∣vernment; he advises the High-Priest to promote the Gentile-interest by the same method, which the wicked Reli∣gion of the Christians did thrive by, i. e. by their bounty to strangers, their care in burying of the dead, and their holiness of life; and elsewhere, The poor (says he) having no care taken of them,* 1.154 the wicked Galileans know very well how to make their advantage of it, for they give themselves up to humanity and charity, and by these plausible and insinuative ways strengthen and encrease their wicked and pernicious party; just as men cheat little children with a cake, by two or three of which they tempt them to go along with them, till having got them from home, they clap them under hatches, transport and sell them, and so for a little seeming pleasure they are con∣demned to bitterness all their life; and no otherwise (says he) 'tis with them,

they first inveagle honest minded men with what they call their feasts of Love, banquets, ministry and attendance upon tables, and then seduce them into their wickedness and impiety. This as at once it shews his venom and malice ac∣cording to the humour of the man, so it openly bears witness out of the mouth of an emeny to the most excel∣lent and generous spirit of the Gospel. The other testimony is that of Lucian, (who if not a Christian himself, for Sui∣das his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 does no way intimate him to have been a Christian Preacher,* 1.155 notwithstanding what the generality of Writers have inferred thence; was yet however intimately acquainted with the affairs of Christi∣ans) who bringing in his Philosopher Peregrinus amongst other Sects joyning himself to the Christians,* 1.156 tells us what care they took of him, when cast into prison they improved all their interest to have him released: But when this could not be granted, they officiously used all possible service and respect to∣wards him; in the morning old wo∣men, widows, and children flock'd early to the prison-doors; and the better sort got leave of the Keepers to sleep

with him in the prison all night; then they had several sorts of banquets, and their sacred discourses: Nay, some were sent in the name of the rest even from the Cities of Asia to assist, and en∣courage him; who brought him great sums of mony under pretence of his imprisonment; it being incredible what readiness they shew, when any such matter is once noys'd abroad, and how little they spare any cost in it. After which he tells us of them in ge∣neral,* 1.157 that they equally contemn all the advantages of this life, and account them common, foolishly taking up their principles about these things without any accurate search into them; inso∣much that if any subtle and crafty fel∣low, that knows how to improve his ad∣vantage, come amongst them, he grows very rich in a little time, by making a prey of that simple and credulous people.

There's one circumstance yet behind concerning the love and charity of those times very worthy to be taken notice of, and that is the universal extent of it, they did good to all, though more e∣specially to them of the houshold of faith, i.e. to Christians; they did not con∣fine their bounty meerly within the

narrow limits of a party, this or that sect of men, but embraced an object of love and pitty where-ever they met it. They were kind to all men, yea to their bitterest enemies, and that with a charity as large as the circles of the Sun that visits all parts of the World, and shines as well upon a stinking dung-hil, as upon a pleasant Garden. 'Tis certainly the strange and supernatural doctrine of our Saviour, you have heard that it hath been said, Thou shalt love thy neighbour, and hate thine enemy: But I say unto you, love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, pray for them which despitefully use you and persecute you. This indeed is the proper goodness and excellency of Chri∣stianity, as Tertullian observes, it being common to all men to love their friends,* 1.158 but peculiar only to Christians to love their enemies.* 1.159 And Athenagoras I remem∣ber principally makes use of this Argu∣ment to prove the Divinity of the Chri∣stian Religion, and challenges all the great Masters of Reason and Learning a∣mongst the Heathens to produce any, either of themselves or their Disciples, of so pure and refin'd a temper, as could instead of hating, love their enemies, bear

curses and revilings with an undisturbed mind, and instead of reviling again, to bless and speak well of them, and to pray for them who lay in wait to take away their lives. And yet this did Christians, they embraced their ene∣mies, pardoned and prayed for them, according to the Apostles rule, when their enemy hungred they fed him, when he thirsted they gave him drink, and would not be overcome of evil, but over∣came evil with good.* 1.160 When Nazianzen (then Bishop of Constantinople) lay sick, a young man came to his beds feet, and taking hold of his feet, with tears and great lamentation passionate∣ly begg'd pardon of him for his wick∣edness; the Bishop asking what he meant by it, he was told that this was the person that had been suborned by a wicked party to have murdered him, and now being stricken with the con∣science of so great a wickedness, came to bewail his sin: The good man im∣mediately prayed to Christ to forgive him, desiring no other satisfaction from him than that henceforth he would forsake that Heretical party, and sin∣cerely serve God as became a Christian.* 1.161 Thus when Paul the Martyr was ha∣stening

to his execution, he only begg'd so much respite, till he might pray (which accordingly he did) not only for the peace and happiness of Christi∣ans, but for the conversion of Jews and Samaritans, for the Gentiles that they might be brought out of errour and ignorance to the knowledge of God and the true Religion; he prayed for the people that attended his executi∣on; nay, (such his vast goodness and charity) for the very Judge that con∣demned him; for the Emperours, and the very Executioner that stood ready to cut off his head, earnestly begging of God not to lay that great wickedness to their charge. Nay, they did not think it enough not to return evil for evil, or barely to forgive their ene∣mies, unless they did them all the kind∣ness that lay in their power.* 1.162 Polycarp plentifully feasted the very Officers, that were sent to apprehend him; the same which S. Mamas the Martyr is al∣so said to have done,* 1.163 treating the Soul∣diers with the best supper he had, when sent by Alexander the cruel Pre∣sident of Cappadocia to seize upon him. And we read of one Pachomius an Heathen Souldier in the first times of

Constantine, that the Army being well near starv'd for want of necessary pro∣visions,* 1.164 and coming to a City that was most inhabited by Christians, they freely and speedily gave them what-ever they wanted for the accommodation of the Army. Amazed with this strange and unwonted charity, and being told that the people that had done it were Chri∣stians whom they generally prey'd up∣on, and whose profession it was to hurt no man, and to do good to every man, he threw away his arms, became an Anchoret, and gave up himself to the strictest severities of Religion. This also Julian the Emperour plainly con∣fesses;* 1.165 for urging Arsacius the chief Priest of Galatia, to take care of the poor, and to build Hospitals in every City for the entertaining of poor strangers and travellers, both of their own and other Religions; he adds, for it's a shame (says he) that when the Jews suffer none of theirs to beg, and the wicked Galileans relieve not only their own, but also those of our party, that we only should be wanting in so necessary a duty: So prevalent is truth as to extort a confession from its most bitter and virulent opposers. Of this I shall on∣ly

add one instance or two more, pro∣per enough to be inserted here.* 1.166 Euse∣bius speaking of that dreadful plague and famine that happened in the East∣ern Parts under the Emperour Maxi∣minus, wherein so many whole Fami∣lies miserably perished, and were swept away at once; he adds, that at this time the care and piety of the Christi∣ans towards all evidently approved it self to all the Gentiles that were about them; they being the only persons that during this sad and calamitous state of things performed the real offices of mercy and humanity; partly in ordering and burying of the dead (thousands dying every day, of whom no care was taken) partly in gathering together all the poor that were ready to starve, and distributing bread to e∣very one of them. The fame whereof fill'd the ears and mouths of all men who extolled the God of the Christi∣ans, and confessed that they had shew∣ed themselves to be the only truly pi∣ous and religious persons. And in∣deed the charity was the more remark∣able, in that the Christians at this very time were under a most heavy per∣secution. Thus in the terrible plague

that in the times of Gallus and Volusi∣an raged so much through the whole world (and that more or less for fifteen years to gether) especially at Carthage, when innumerable multitudes were swept away every day, and the streets filled with the carcases of the dead, which seemed to implore the help of the living, and to challenge it as their right by the common Laws of humane nature; but all in vain, every one trembling, flying, and shifting for them∣selves, deserting their nearest friends and kindred, none staying unless it was to make a prey. In this sad and mise∣rable case Cyprian then Bishop of the place,* 1.167 calls the Christians together, in∣structs them in the duties of mercy and charity, puts them in mind, that it was no great wonder if their charity ex∣tended to their own party; the way to be perfect, was to do something more than Heathens and Publicans, to over∣come evil with good, to imitate the di∣vine benignity, to love our enemies, and according to our Lords advice to pray for the happiness of them that persecute us; that God continually made his Sun to rise, and his rain to fall not on∣ly for the advantage of his own chil∣dren,

but for all other mens; and that therefore they should imitate the ex∣ample of such a father, who professed themselves to be his children. Imme∣diately upon this they unanimously a∣greed to assist their common enemies, every one lending help according to his rank and quality. Those who by reason of their poverity could contri∣bute nothing to the charge, did what was more, they personally wrought and laboured, an assistance beyond all other contributions: By which large and abundant charity great advantage redounded not to themselves only of the houshold of faith, but universally unto all.

I shall sum up what hath been said upon this Argument in that elegant Discourse which Lactantius has con∣cerning works of mercy and charity.* 1.168 Since humane nature (says he) is weak∣er than that of other creatures, who come into the world armed with offen∣sive and defensive powers, therefore our wise Creatour has given us a ten∣der and merciful disposition, that we might place the safeguard of our lives in the mutual assistances of one ano∣ther. For being all created by one

God, and sprung from one common pa∣rent, we should reckon our selves a-kin, and obliged to love all mankind; and (that our innocency may be perfect) not only not to do an injury to another, but not to revenge one when done to our selves; for which reason also we are commanded to pray for our very ene∣mies. We ought therefore to be kind and sociable, that we may help and assist each other. For being our selves ob∣noxious to misery, we may the more comfortably hope for that help, in case we need it, which our selves have given unto others. And what can more effectually induce us to relieve the in∣digent, than to put our selves into their stead, who beg help from us? If any be hungry, let us feed him; is he naked, let us cloath him; if wronged by a powerful oppressour, let us rescue and receive him. Let our doors be open to strangers, and such who have not where to lay their head. Let not our assistance be wanting to Widows and Orphans: And (which is a mighty instance of charity) let us redeem the captiv'd, visit and assist the sick, who are able to take no care of themselves; and for strangers and the poor (in case

they die) let us not suffer them to want the conveniency of a Grave. These are the offices and the works of mercy, which who-ever does, offers up a true and grateful sacrifice to God; who is not pleased with the blood of beasts, but the charity of men; whom therefore he treats upon their own terms, has mercy on them whom he sees merciful, and is inexorable to those who shut up their bowels against them that ask them. In order therefore to our thus pleasing God, let us make light of mony, and transmit it into the heavenly treasures, where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt, nor thieves break through and steal, nor Tyrants are able to seize and take it from us, but where it shall be kept to our eternal advantage under the custody of God himself.

CHAP. III.

Of their Unity and Peace∣ableness.

The Laws of Christ tend to beget a peace∣able disposition. This seen in our Sa∣viour himself, in his Apostles and the whole body of Christians. The ac∣count Justin Martyr gives of them. The world over-run with quarrels be∣fore Christ's coming: The happy alte∣ration that succeeded upon his appear∣ance in it. This particularly urged by Eusebius. How much Christians contributed to the peace and quietness of the world. Their unity among themselves. Canonical Epistles; the several sorts of them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉▪ What their nature and tendency. Differences presently endeavoured to be healed. The great care and sollicitude of Constantine that way. An eminent instance of condescention and self-denial in Gre∣gory Nazianzen for the peace of the Church. Difference in Rituals and lesser matters no hinderance of peace

and Christian Communion; manife∣sted in the case of Polycarp and Ani∣cetus Bishop of Rome. Christians not provoked by every trifling quarrel. The difference in this respect between them, and the best Philosophers.

THE primitive Christians being of such a meek, compassionate and benevolent temper as we have repre∣sented them, it cannot be thought but that they were of a very quiet disposi∣tion and peaceable conversation; and the having been so large in that, will excuse me for being shorter in this. When our blessed Saviour came to e∣stablish his religion in the world, he gave a Law suitable to his nature, and to the design of his coming into the world, and to the exercise of his Go∣vernment as he is Prince of peace, a Law of mildness and gentleness, of submis∣sion and forbearance towards one ano∣ther; we are commanded to follow peace with all men, to follow after the things that make for peace, as much as in us lies to live peaceably with all men; we are forbidden all feuds and quar∣rels, enjoyned not to revenge our selves, but to give place unto wrath, to let all bit∣terness,

and wrath, and anger, and cla∣mour, and evil speaking be put away from us, with all malice, to be kind one to ano∣ther, tender hearted, forgiving one ano∣ther, even as God for Christ's sake for∣gives us. These are the Laws of Chri∣stianity, which whenever they are du∣ly entertained produce the most gen∣tle and good natur'd principles, the most innocent and quiet carriage. This eminently appeared in the life of our blessed Saviour, who was the most incomparable instance of kindness and civility, of peace and quietness; we never find him all his life treating any with sharpness and severity but the Scribes and Pharisees, who were a pack of surly, malicious, ill-natur'd fellows, and could be wrought upon by no o∣ther methods; otherwise his mildness and humility, the affablity and ob∣ligingness of his conversation, and his remarkable kindness to his greatest e∣nemies were sufficiently obvious both in his life and death; and such was the temper of his Disciples and followers, this excellent spirit like leaven spreading it self over the whole mass of Christians, turning the brier into a myrtle-••ree, and the Vultur into a

Dove. See the account which Justin the Martyr gives of them.* 1.169 We who formerly valued our mony and estates before all things else, do now put them into a common stock, and distribute them to those that are in need: We who once hated each other and de∣lighted in mutal quarrels and slaugh∣ters, and according to the custom re∣fused to sit at the same fire with those who were not of our own tribe and party; now since the appearance of Christ in the world live familiarly with them, pray for our enemies, and endea∣vour to perswade those that unjustly hate us to order their live according to the excellent precepts of Christ, that so they may have good hope to obtain the same rewards with us from the great Lord and Judge of all things.

But for the better understanding of this it may be useful to observe, what a remarkable alteration in this respect the Christian Religion made in the world. Before Christ's coming the word was generally over-run with feuds and quarrels, mighty and almost implacable animosities and divisions reigning amongst Jews and Gentiles; the Jews looked upon the Gentiles, as

dogs and out-casts, refus'd all dealings with them, even to the denial of cour∣tesies of common charity and civility, such as to tell a man the way or to give him a draught of water;* 1.170 they re∣proached them as the vilest and most profligate part of mankind,* 1.171 sinners of the Gentiles,* 1.172 as the Apostle calls them according to the usual style and title.* 1.173 Nor did the Gentiles less scorn and de∣ride the Jews, as a pitiful and con∣temptible generation, stopping their noses, and abhorring the very sight of them if by chance they met them;* 1.174 they looked upon them as an unsocia∣ble people, as enemies of all Nations, that did not so much as wish well to any; nay, as haters even of mankind, as Tacitus and their enemies in Josephus represent them. The effect of all which was, that they oppressed and persecuted them in every place, trod them as dirt under their feet, till at last the Romans came and finally took away both their place and Nation. Thus stood the case be∣tween them till the arrival of the Prince of peace;* 1.175 who partly by his death, where∣by he broke down the partition-wall be∣tween Jew and Gentile, partly by the healing nature and tendency of his do∣ctrine,

partly by the quiet and peaceable carriage of his followers, did quickly extirpate and remove those mutual feuds and animosities, and silence those passionate and quarrelsome divisions, that were amongst men.

This Argument Eusebius particularly prosecutes,* 1.176 and shewes that while the Nations were under Paganism and Ido∣latry, they were filled with wars and troubles,* 1.177 and all the effects of barba∣rous rage and fury; but that after the divine and peaceable doctrine of our Saviour came abroad, those diffe∣rences and calamities began to cease, according to the predictions that were of him, that there should be righteous∣ness and abundance of peace in his days; that men should beat their swords into plow-shares, and their spears into prun∣ing-hooks; that Nation should not lift up sword against Nation, nor learn war any more; that this must needs be in some measure the effect of his appearance, his doctrine being so fitly calculated to soften the rough and brutish man∣ners of men, and to train them up in milder and more humane institutions. And a little after he makes it an uncon∣troulable argument of the truth and

excellency of the Christian doctrine, that it teaches men to bear the re∣proaches and provocations of enemies with a generous and unshaken mind, and to be able not to revenge our selves, by falling foul upon them with the like indignities and affronts; to be above anger and passion, and every inordi∣nate and unruly appetite; to admini∣ster to the wants and necessities of the helpless, and to embrace every man as our kindred and countrey-man, and though reputed a stranger to us, yet to own him as if by the law of Nature he were our nearest friend and brother. How much their Religion contributed to the publick tranquillity by forbid∣ing Pride, Passion, Covetousness and such sins as are the great springs of confusion and disturbance,* 1.178 Justin Martyr tells the Emperours, As for peace (says he) we above all men in the world promote and further it, forasmuch as we teach that no wicked man, no covetous or treacherous person, no good or vertu∣ous man can lye hid from the eye of God, but that every man is travelling either towards an eternal happiness or misery according to the desert and na∣ture of his works: and did all men

know and believe this, no man would dare for a few moments to deliver up himself to vice and wickedness, know∣ing 'twould lead him on to the con∣demnation of everlasting fire; but would rather by all means restrain him∣self, and keep within the bounds of vertue, that he might obtain the re∣wards that are dispens'd by God, and avoid the punishments that are inflicted by him. The truth is, our blessed Lord came not to inspire men with princi∣ples of revenge and passion, to teach them to return evil for evil, but to en∣courage love and gentleness, to teach men to overcome by suffering, and to obtain the reward by meekness and pa∣tience.* 1.179 Isidore the Pelusiote treating of that place, to him that smites thee on the right cheek turn the other also, has this short discourse upon it. The great King of Heaven came down from a∣bove, to deliver to the world the laws of an heavenly conversation; which he has proposed in a way of conflict and striving, quite contrary to that of the Olympick games. There he that fights and gets the better receives the Crown; here he that is stricken and bears it meekly, has the honour and applause:

there he that returns blow for blow, here he that turns the other cheek, is celebrated in the Theatre of Angels; for the victory is measured not by revenge, but by a wise and generous patience: this is the New Law of Crowns, this the new way of conflicts and contentions.

Such was the temper, such the car∣riage of Christians towards their ene∣mies, and them that were without; within themselves they maintained the most admirable peace and harmony, and were in a manner of one heart and soul. They liv'd in the strictest amity, and abhorr'd all division as a plague and fire-brand. But because mens under∣standings not being all of one size, nor all truths alike plain and evident, dif∣ferences in mens Judgments and Opini∣ons must needs arise; no Schism ever arose in the Church about any of the more considerable principles of Reli∣gion, but it was presently bewailed with the universal resentment of all pi∣ous and good men, and the breach endea∣voured to be made up; no ways left unattempted, no methods of perswa∣sion omitted that might contribute to it.

When Novatus, [or rather Novatian]

had made some disturbance in the Church of Rome concerning the recei∣ving the lapsed into Communion, Dio∣nysius the good Bishop of Alexandria writes to him to extinguish the Schism,* 1.180 tells him 'tis better to suffer any thing than that the Church of God should be rent in pieces; that it's no less glo∣rious, and probably more illustrious to suffer Martyrdom to keep division out of the Church, than to dye for not sa∣crificing to Idols; for in the one case a man suffers martyrdom only upon his own account, but in the other he suffers for the advantage and benefit of the whole Church.* 1.181 And Cyprian positive∣ly asserts (according to the Apostles re∣solution of the case) that without this unity and charity a man cannot enter in∣to Heaven; and that although he should deliver up himself to the flames, or cast his body to wild beasts, yet this would not be the crown of his Faith, but the punishment of his falshood, not the glo∣rious exit of a religious vertue, but the issue of despair; such a one may be killed, but he cannot be crowned.— He that rents the Unity of the Church, destroys the Faith, disturbs the Peace, dissolves Charity, and profanes the Holy

Sacrament. How severely they branded all schism & division in the Church, how industriously they laboured to take up all controversies amongst Christians, and to reconcile dissenting brethren,* 1.182 to main∣tain concord and agreement amongst themselves, and to prevent all occasions of quarrel & dissention, might be easily made to appear out of the Writers of those times. Hence those Canonical E∣pistles (as they called them) wherewith persons were wont to be furnish'd when going from one place to another; of which there were especially three sorts. First, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Commendatory Epi∣stles, mentioned by S. Paul, and were in use amongst the Heathens. They were granted to Clergy-men going into another Diocess by the Bishop that or∣dained them, testifying their ordinati∣on, their soundness and orthodoxy in the Faith, the innocency and unblame∣ableness of their lives: To those that had been under, or had been suspected of Excommunication, declaring their absolution, and recommending them to be received in the number of the faith∣ful: Lastly, they were granted to all, whether Clergy or Laity, that were to travel, as Tickets of Hospitality, that

whereever they came, upon the produ∣cing these letters they might be known to be Catholick and Orthodox, and as such received and entertained by them. A piece of prudence which Julian the Apostate admired in the Christian con∣stitution,* 1.183 the like whereto he endea∣voured to establish in his Pagan refor∣mation. The Second sort were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Letters Dimissory, whereby leave was given to persons going into ano∣ther Diocess, either to be Ordained by the Bishop of that place, or if ordain'd already, to be admitted and incorpo∣rated into the Clergy of that Church. Upon which account the ancient Coun∣cils every where provide that no stranger shall either receive ordination at the hands of another Bishop, or ex∣ercise any ministerial act in another Diocess, without the consent and di∣missory Letters of the Bishop of that place from whence he comes. The third were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, letters of Peace, granted by the Bishop to the poor that were op∣pressed, and such as fled to the Church for its protection and assistance: but esp;ecially to such of the Clergy as were to go out of one Diocess into another, it being directed to the Bishop of that

Diocess, that he would receive him, that so he might take no offence, but that peaceable concord and agreement might be maintained between them. By these arts the prudence of those times sought to secure the peace of the Church, and as much as might be, pre∣vent all dissentions that might arise. And where matters of any greater mo∣ment fell out, how quickly did they flock together to compose and heal them?

Hence those many Synods and Coun∣cils that were conven'd to umpire dif∣ferences, to explain or define Articles of Faith, to condemn and suppress the disturbers of the Church, and innova∣tors in Religion. What infinite care did the good Emperour Constantine take for composing the Arrian contro∣versies which then began first to infect and over-run the world? How much his heart was set upon it, his sollicitous thoughts taken up about it, how many troublesome days and restless nights it cost him, with what strong and nervous arguments, what affectionate intreaties he presses it,* 1.184 may be seen in that ex∣cellent Letter (yet extant in his Life) which he wrote to the Authors of those

impious and unhappy controversies. But when this would not do, he sum∣mon'd the great Council of Nice, con∣sisting of three hundred and eighteen Bi∣shops, and in his Speech at the opening of that Council conjur'd them by all that was dear and sacred to agree,* 1.185 and to compose those dissentions which were risen in the Church, which he se∣riously protested he looked upon as more grievous and dangerous than any war whatsoever, and that they created greater trouble and inquietude to his mind, than all the other affairs of his Empire. And when several of the Bi∣shops then in Council had preferred Libells and Accusations one against an∣other,* 1.186 without ever reading them, he bundled and seal'd them all up toge∣ther, and having reconciled and made them friends, produc'd the papers, and immediately threw them into the fire before their faces. So passionately de∣sirous was that good Prince to extin∣guish the flames, and to redeem the peace of the Church at any rate. Were any ejected and thrown out of the Church, of which there might be a suspicion of private grudges or de∣signs,* 1.187 the Nicene Council wisely pro∣vided,

That in every Province a Sy∣nod should be held twice a year, where all the Bishops meeting together might discuss the case, and compose the diffe∣rence. Or, as Joseph the Egyptian in his Arabick version of that Canon tells us, an Arbitrator was to be appointed between the differing parties, to take up the quarrel, that it might not be a scandal to Religion.

Nor did there want meek and peace∣able-minded men who valued the pub∣lick welfare before any private and per∣sonal advantage, and could make their own particular concerns strike sail, when the peace and interest of the Church called for it. When great con∣tests and confusions were raised by some perverse and unquiet persons a∣bout the See of Constantinople (then possest by Gregory Nazianzen) he him∣self stood up in the midst of the Assem∣bly and told the Bishops,* 1.188 how unfit it was that they who were preachers of peace to others, should fall out amongst themselves, beg'd of them even by the Sacred Trinity to manage their affairs calmly and peaceably; and if I (says he) be the Jonas that raises the storm, throw me into the Sea, and let these

storm and tempests cease. I am willing to undergo what ever you have a mind to; and though innocent and unblame∣able, yet for your peace and quiet sake, am content to be banished the throne, and to be cast out of the City; only according to the Prophets counsel, be careful to love truth and peace: And therewith free∣ly resigned his Bishoprick, though le∣gally setled in it by the express com∣mand and warrant of the Emperour, and the universal desires and acclama∣tions of the people.

The same excellent temper ruled in S. Chrysostome one of his successours in that See; when having elegantly pres∣sed the unity of the Church, and re∣futed those petty cavils which his ad∣versaries had against himself; But if you (says he to his people) suspect these things of us,* 1.189 we are ready to deliver up our place and power to whomsoever you will; only let the Church be preserved in peace and unity. This was the brave and noble disposition of mind, to which S. Clemens sought to reduce the Corin∣thians, after they had fallen into a lit∣tle Schism and disorder: Who is there among you (says he) of that generous temper,* 1.190 that compassionate and charita∣ble

disposition? Let him say, if this Se∣dition, these Schisms and contentions have arisen through my means, or upon my account, i'le depart and be gone whi∣thersoever you please, and will do what the people shall command; only let Christs sheep-fold together with the El∣ders that are placed over it, be kept in peace.

Nay, when good men were most zea∣lous about the main and foundation-articles of Faith, so as sometimes rather to hazard Peace, than to betray the Truth, yet in matters of indifferency, and such as only concern'd the rituals of Religion, they mutually bore with one another, without any violation of that Charity which is the great law of Christianity. Thus in that famous con∣troversie about the keeping of Easter, so much agitated between the Eastern and Western Churches, Irenaeus in a Let∣ter to Pope Victor (who of all that ever sat in that chair had raised the greatest stirs about it) tells him that Bishops in former times,* 1.191 however they differed a∣bout the observation of it, yet alwayes maintain'd an intire concord and fellow∣ship with one another, the Churches be∣ing careful to maintain a peaceable com∣munion,

though differing in some parti∣cular Rites and Ceremonies, yea even when their rites and customs seemed to clash by meeting together at the same place. Thus when Polycarp came to Rome from the Churches of the East to treat with Pope Anicetus about this and some other affairs, though they could not satisfie each other to yield the con∣troversie, yet they kissed and embraced one another with mutual endearments, received the Holy Communion toge∣ther; and Anicetus to do the greater honour to Polycarp gave him leave to celebrate and consecrate the Eucharist in his Church, and at last they parted in great peace and friendship; the dif∣ference of the observotion not at all hindering the agreement and harmony of the Churches, it being agreed a∣mongst them by common consent (says Sozomen speaking of this passage) that in keeping this festival they should each follow their own custom,* 1.192 but by no means break the peace and communion that was between them; for they reckoned it (says he) a very foolish and unreasonable thing, that they should fall out for a few rites and cu∣stoms, who agreed in the main Princi∣ples of Religion.

The Christians of those times had too deeply imbibed that precept of our Saviour, love one another, as I have loved you, to fall out about every nice and trifling circumstance; no, when highliest provoked and affronted they could forbear and forgive their enemies, much more their brethren, and were not like the waspish Philosophers amongst the Heathens, who were ready to fall foul upon one another for every petty and inconsiderable difference of opinion that was amongst them. So Origen tells Celsus,* 1.193 Both amongst your Philosophers and Physicians (say he) there are Sects that have perpetual feuds and quarrels with each other, whereas we who have entertained the Laws of the blessed Jesus, and have learnt both to speak and to do accord∣ding to his doctrine, bless them that re∣vile us, being persecuted, we suffer it; being defamed, we entreat; nor do we speak dire and dreadful things against those that differ from us in opinion, and do not presently embrace those things, which we have entertain'd: But as much as in us lies we leave nothing un∣attempted that may perswade them to change for the better, and to give up

themselves only to the service of the great Creatour, and to do all things as those that must give an account of their actions. In short, Christians were careful not to offend either God or men, but to keep and maintain peace with both; thence that excellent saying of Ephraem Syrus the famous Deacon of Edessae when he came to die;* 1.194 In my whole life (said he) I never reproached my Lord and Master, nor suffered any foolish talk to come out of my lips, nor did I ever curse or revile any man, or maintain the least difference or controversie with any Christian in all my life.

CHAP. IV.

Of their Obedience and Subje∣ction to Civil Government.

Magistracy the great hand of publick peace. This highly secured by Chri∣stianity. The Laws of Christ that way express and positive. Made good in his own practice, and the practice of his Apostles. The same spirit in suc∣ceeding Ages, manifested out of Justin Martyr, Polycarp, Tertullian and

Origen. Praying for Rulers and Em∣perours a solemn part of their publick worship. Their ready payment of all Customs and Tributes, and their faith∣fulness in doing it. Christians such, even under the heaviest oppressions and persecutions, and that when they had power to have righted and reveng'd themselves. An excellent passage in Tertullian to that purpose. The tem∣per of the Christian Souldiers in Ju∣lian's Army. The famous Story of Mauricius, and the Thebaean Legion under Maximinianus reported at large out of Eucherius Lugdunensis. The injustice of the charge brought against them by the Heathens, of being enemies to Civil Government. Accused of Treason. Of their refusing to swear by the Emperours genius. Their de∣nying to sacrifice for the Emperours safety, and why they did so. Their refusing to own the Emperours for gods, and why. Their not observing the so∣lemn Festivals of the Emperours, and the reasons of it. Accused of Sediti∣on and holding unlawful Combinati∣ons. An account of the Collegia and Societies in the Roman Empire. Chri∣stianity forbidden upon that account.

The Christian Assemblies no unlawful Conventions. A vast difference be∣tween them and the unlawful factions forbidden by the Roman Laws. Their confident challenging their enemies to make good one charge of disturbance or rebellion against them. Their Laws and principles quite contrary. The Heathens them selves guilty of rebellions and factions, not the Christians. The Testimony given them by Julian the Emperour. A reflection upon the Church of Rome for corrupting the doctrine and practice of Christianity in this affair. Their principles and policies in this matter. Bellarmin's position, that 'tis lawful to depose infi∣del and heretical Princes, and that the Primitive Christians did it not to Ne∣ro, Dioclesian, &c. only because they wanted power, censured and refuted. This contrary to the avow'd principles of honest Heathens.

HOw much Christian Religion transcribed into the lives of its professors contributes to the happiness of men not only in their single and private capacities, but as to the publick welfare of humane societies, and to the

common interests and conveniences of mankind, we have already discovered in several instances; now because Ma∣gistracy and Civil Government is the great support and instrument of exter∣nal peace and happiness, we shall in the last place consider how eminent the first Christians were for their Submission and Subjection to Civil Govern∣ment. And certainly there's scarce a∣ny particular instance wherein Primi∣tive Christianity did more triumph in the world, than in their exemplary o∣bedience to the Powers and Magi∣strates, under which they lived; ho∣nouring their persons, revering their power, paying their tribute, obeying their Laws, where they were not evi∣dently contrary to the Laws of Christ, and where they were, submitting to the most cruel penalties they laid upon them with the greatest calmness and se∣renity of soul. The truth is, one great design of the Christian Law is to secure the interests of civil Authority; our Saviour has expresly taught us, that we are to give unto Caesar the things that are Caesars, as well as unto God the things that are Gods: And his Apostles spoke as plainly as words could speak it; Let

every soul be subject to the higher powers; for there is no power but of God, the powers that be are ordain'd of God: Who∣soever therefore resisteth the power, re∣sisteth the ordinance of God; and they that resist, shall receive to themselves damnation: Wherefore you must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for con∣science sake; for, for this cause pay you tribute also, for they are Gods Ministers, attending continually upon this very thing: Render therefore to all their dues, tribute to whom tribute is due, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honour to whom honour: Where we may take notice both of the strictness and univer∣sality of the charge, and (what is main∣ly material to observe) this charge given the Romans at that time when Nero was their Emperour, who was not only an Heathen Magistrate, but the first persecu∣tor of Christians, a man so prodigiously brutish and tyrannical, that the world scarce ever brought forth such another monster,* 1.195 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as the Ora∣tor truly stiles him, a beast in the shape of a man. The same Apostle amongst o∣ther directions given to Titus for the dis∣charge of his office, bids him put the peo∣ple in mind to be subject to principalities

and powers, and to obey Magistrates. S. Peter delivers the same doctrine to a tittle, Submit your selves to every ordinance of man for the Lords sake, whether it be to the King as Supreme, or unto Governers as un∣to them that are sent by him for the punish∣ment of evil doers, and for the praise of them that do well; for so is the will of God, that with well-doing you may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men.

Such are the commands; and such was the practice of Christ and his Apo∣stles. When a tax was demanded of him, though he was the Son of God, he re∣fused not to pay tribute unto Caesar, even when it put him to the expence and charges of a miracle: When ar∣raigned for his life at Pilat's bar, he freely owned his authority, and chear∣fully submitted to that wicked and un∣righteous sentence, though able to command more than twelve Legions of Angels for his rescue and deliverance. The Apostles though unjustly scourged before the Council, yet made no tart reflections, but went away rejoycing. When Herod had cut off S. James his head, and consigned Peter in prison to the same butchery and execution, what arms did the Christians use, rise up and

put him out of the throne, scatter libels, raise tumults or factions in the City? Oh no, the Churches weapons were prayers and tears, their only refuge in those evil times.

Nor did this excellent spirit die with the Apostles; we find the same temper ruling in the succeeding Ages of Chri∣stianity: The Christians (says one of the Antients) obey the Laws that are made,* 1.196 and by the exactness of their lives go beyond that accuracy which the Law requires of them; they love all men, though all men study to afflict and persecute them. Are there any (as Athenagoras concludes his address to the Emperours) more devoted to you than we?* 1.197 who pray for the happiness of your Government, that according to right and equity the Son may succeed his Father in the Empire, that your dominions may be enlarged, and that all things may prosper that you take in hand; and this we do, as that which turns both to yours and our own ad∣vantage, that so under you leading a quiet and peaceable life, we may chearfu∣ly obey all those commands which you lay upon us.* 1.198 S. Polycarp a little before his Martyrdom wrote to the Christians

at Philippi, earnestly exhorting them all to obey their Rulers, and to exer∣cise all patience and long-suffering to∣wards them; and when he stood be∣fore the Proconsul,* 1.199 he told him, that this was the great Law of Christianity, that we are commanded by God to give all due honour and obedience to Princes and Potentates, such as is not prejudicial to us i.e. (for so doubtless he means) such as is not contrary to the principles of our Religion.* 1.200 Tertullian tells us 'twas a solemn part of the Church-service in his time to pray for the happiness and pro∣sperity of the Princes under whom they lived: We pray (says he) for the Emperours, for the Grandees and Ministers of State, for the prosperity of the Age, for the quiet∣ness of affairs, for the continuance of their lives and Government; that God would give them a long life, a secure reign, and undisturbed house, powerful Ar∣mies, faithful Senators, honest Subjects, a quiet people, and indeed what-ever they can wish for, either as men or Emperours. They that think (says he) that we are not sollicitous about the safety of Princes,* 1.201 let them look into the commands of God recorded in our Scriptures, which we freely expose to the view of all;

there they'l find that we are enjoyn'd to pray for the happiness of our very e∣nemies and persecutors; and who are so much such as they? And yet we are plainly and particularly commanded to pray for Kings, for Princes, and all that are in authority, that the state of things may be quiet and peaceable; a Christian being an enemy to no man, is much less so to his Prince.* 1.202 Thus when Celsus seemed to object as if the Christians refused to help the Emperours in their wars, Origen answers that they did re∣ally assist and help him, and that ra∣ther with divine than humane weapons, according to the command of the A∣postle, I exhort that first of all, supplica∣tions, prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks be made for all men, for Kings and all that are in authority: And he tells him that the more eminent any man is for piety and Religion, he will be able to afford greater assistance to his Prince, than a great many armed Souldiers, that stand ready to fight for him, and to destroy his enemies.

For all customs and tributes none ever paid them more freely than they. For your taxes and tributes (says Justin Martyr to the Emperours) we are above

all other men every where ready to bring them in to your Collectors and Officers,* 1.203 being taught so to do by our great Master, who bad those that asked the question whether they might pay tribute unto Caesar, To give unto Caesar the things that are Caesars, and un∣to God the things that are Gods: For which reason we worship none but God; and as for you in all other things we chearfully serve you, acknowledg∣ing you to be Emperours and Gover∣nours of men, and praying, that toge∣ther with your Imperial Power you may have a wise and discerning judge∣ment and understanding. If the Empe∣rour command me to pay tribute (says another of their Apologists) I am ready to do it;* 1.204 if my Lord command me to serve and obey him, I confess my obli∣gation to it: Man is to be serv'd with that respect that is due to man: but God only who is invisible and incom∣prehensible is to be religiously fear'd and honour'd: if commanded to deny him, I must dis-obey, and die rather than be found perfidions and ingrateful to him.* 1.205 So Tertullian tells them, that al∣though they refused to pay the taxes rated upon them for maintenance of

the Heathen-temples, yet for all other tributes they had cause to give the Christians thanks for so faithfully paying what was due, it being their principle to abstain from defrauding of others; insomuch, that should they examine their accounts how much of the assess∣ments was lost by the fraud and couzen∣age of them of their own party, they would easily find that the Christians de∣nial to pay that one tax was abun∣dantly compensated and made up in their honest payment of all the rest. The truth is, they were admirably ex∣act and conscientious as in all their acti∣ons, so especially in those that related to the publick, and concern'd their duty and obedience to their rulers and governours.

Nor were they thus only in Prospe∣rous times but under the heaviest per∣secutions, as indeed the rod was sel∣dome off their backs: The last menti∣oned Apologist bids their Judges go on to butcher them,* 1.206 and tells them they did but force those Souls out of their Bodies, which were praying to God for the Emperours happiness, even while their Officers were doing of it.* 1.207 And Cyprian tells the Proconsul, that as bad∣ly

as they were used, yet they ceased not to pray for the overthrow and ex∣pulsion of the common enemies, for seasonable showers, and either for the removing or mitigating publick evils, begging of God day and night with the greatest instance and importunity for the peace and safety of their perse∣cutors, endeavouring to pacifie and propitiate God who was angry with the iniquities of the age. Nor were they thus kind and good natur'd, thus submissive and patient for want of power, and because they knew not how to help it:* 1.208 Tertullian answers in this case, that if they thought it law∣ful to return evil for evil, they could in one night with a few firebrands plen∣tifully revenge themselves; that they were no small and inconsiderable par∣ty, and that they needed not betake themselves to the little arts of skulk∣ing revenges, being able to appear in the capacity of open enemies; that though but of yesterdays standing, yet they had filled all places, all Offices of the Empire; and what wars were not they able to manage, who could so willingly give up themselves to be slain? did not the law of Christianity

oblige them to be killed rather than to kill; nay, that they need not take up arms and rebel, for their party was so numerous, that should they but agree together to leave the Roman Empire, and to go into some remote corner of the world, the loss of so many mem∣bers would utterly ruine it, and they would stand amaz'd and affrighted at that solitude and desolation that would ensue upon it, and have more enemies than loyal Subjects left amongst them; whereas now they had the fewer ene∣mies for having so many Christians.

The Christians then opposed not their enemies with the points of their swords, but with solid Arguments, and mild intreaties.* 1.209 Thus when Julian the Emperour urg'd his army, which was al∣most wholly made up of Christians, to wicked counsels, and the practices of idolatry, they withstood him only with prayers and tears, accounting this (says my Author) to be the only reme∣dy against persecution. So far were they from resisting or rebelling, that they could quietly dye at the Empe∣rours command, even when they had power lying at their foot. I cannot in this place omit the memorable instance

of the Thebaean Legion, being so ex∣ceedingly apposite and pertinent to my purpose,* 1.210 and so remarkable as no age can furnish out such another instance; I shall set down the story intirely out of the Author himself, the account of their martyrdome written by Eucherius Bishop of Lyons, who assures us he re∣ceived the relation from very credible hands;* 1.211 and it is thus:

Maximianus Caesar (whom Dioclesian had lately taken to be his Colleague in the Empire) a bad man, and a bitter persecutor of the Christians, was sent into France to suppress a mutiny and rebellion risen there; to strengthen his Army there was added to it a band of Christians called the Thebaean Legion, consisting according to the manner of the Romans of Six thousand six hundred sixty six faithful, expert and resolute Souldiers. Coming to Octodurus (a place in Savoy) and being ready to of∣fer sacrifice to the gods, he causes his Army to come together, and commands them under a great penalty to swear by the Altars of their gods, that they would unanimously fight against their enemies, and persecute the Christians as enemies to the gods; which the The∣baean

Legion no sooner understood, but they presently withdrew to Agaunum (a place eight miles off, call'd at this day S. Mauritzs, from Mauricius the Commander of the Legion; a place equally pleasant and strong, being en∣compassed about with craggy and in∣accessible rocks) to avoid if it might be the wicked and sacrilegious command, and to refresh themselves, tyred with so long a march; but the Emperour taking notice of the Army as they came to swear, quickly miss'd the Legion, and being angry, sent Officers to them to require them forthwith to do it; who enquiring what it was that they were commanded to do, were told by the messengers, that all the Souldiers had offered sacrifices, and had taken the forementioned oath, and that Cae∣sar commanded them to return present∣ly and do the like: To whom the heads of the Legion mildly answered, That for this reason they left Octodurus, because they had heard they should be forced to sacrifice, that being Chri∣stians, and that they might not be de∣filed with the Altars of Devils, they thought themselves oblig'd to worship the living God, and to keep that Reli∣gion

which they had entertain'd in the East, to the last hour of their life: that as they were a Legion they were ready to any service of the war; but to re∣turn to him to commit sacriledge as he commanded, they could not yield.

With this Answer the messengers re∣turned, and told the Emperour, that they were resolved not to obey his Commands, who being transported with anger, began thus to vent his pas∣sion: Do my Souldiers think thus to sleight my Royal Orders, and the holy Rites of my Religion? Had they only de∣spised the Imperial Majesty it would have call'd for publick vengeance, but together with the contempt of me, an affront is offered to Heaven, and the Roman Reli∣gion is as much despised as I am. Let the obstinate Souldiers know, that I am not only able to vindicate my self, but to re∣venge the quarrel of my gods. Let my faithful Servants make haste, and dis∣patch every tenth man according as the fatal lot shall fall upon him: By this equal death let those whose lot it shall be to die first, know, how able Maximian is severely to revenge both himself and his gods. With that the command is given, the Executioners sent, the Emperours

pleasure made known, and every tenth man is put to death; who chearfully offer'd their necks to the Executioners, and the only contention amongst them was, who should first undergo that glo∣rious death. This done, the Legion is commanded to return to the rest of the Army. Whereupon Mauritius the General of the Legion, calling it a little aside, thus bespake them; I congratu∣late (most excellent fellow-souldiers) your courage and valour, that for the love of Religion, the command of Cae∣sar has made no impression upon you; you have seen your fellow-souldiers, with minds full of joy, undergoing a glorious death: how much afraid was I, lest being arm'd (and how easie is it for such to do so) you should under a pretence of defending them have en∣deavour'd to hinder their happy fune∣rals: —See, I am encompassed round with the bodies of my fellow-souldiers, whom the dismal Executioner has torn from my side; I am besprinkled with the blood of the Saints, my clothes died with the reliques of their sacred blood; and shall I doubt to follow their death, whose example I so much congratulate and admire? Shall I concern my self to

think what the Emperour commands, who is equally subject to the same law of mortality with my self?—I re∣member we once took this Military Oath, that with the utmost hazard of our lives we would defend the Com∣mon-Wealth; this we then engaged to the Emperours, though no Heavenly Kingdom was promised to us; and if we could promise this out of devotion to a Military service, what then is to be done, when Christ promises so much to them that engage with him? Let us willingly expose our lives to this most precious death; let us shew a mas∣culine courage, and an unviolated faith. Methinks I see those blessed souls stand∣ing before Christs tribunal, whom the Emperours Officer just now banished out of their bodies: that's the true glory which will recompence the short∣ness of this life with a blessed eternity: Let us by the Messengers unanimously return this Answer to the Emperour; We acknowledge, Caesar, that we are your Souldiers, and took up Arms for defence of the Empire; nor did we ever basely betray our trust, or forsake our station, or deser'd that the brand either of fear or cowardise should be set upon us; nor

should we stick now to obey your Com∣mands, did not the Laws of Christianity, wherein we have been instructed, forbid us to worship devils, and to approach the polluted altars of the gods. We under∣stand you are resolved either to defile us with sacrilegious worship, or to terrifie us with a decimation: Spare any further search concerning us, know we are all Christians, our bodies we yield subject to your Power, but our souls we reserve in∣tire for Christ the Author and the Saviour of them.

This was no sooner spoken, and uni∣versally agreed to by the Legion, but it was carried to the Emperour, who exasperated with such a generous reso∣lution, commanded a second decimati∣on, which was immediately executed, and the rest as before commanded to return to Octodurus; hereupon Exupe∣rius the Ensign catching up his colours, thus address'd himself to them; You see me, most excellent fellow-souldiers, hold∣ing these Ensigns of secular warfare; but these are not the arms that I call you to, these are not the wars to which I excite your courage and valour; 'tis another kind of fighting that we are to chuse; they are not these swords

that must make our way into the Hea∣venly Kingdom; we stand in need of an undaunted mind, an invincible de∣fence, a maintaining the Faith which we have given to God, to the very last.—Let the dismal Executioner go and carry this message to his bloody Master, and tell him thus: We are, O Emperour, your Souldiers, but withall (which we freely confess) the Servants of God; to you we owe military ser∣vice, to him innocency; from you we have received wages for our labours, from him we had our very lives and beings: we cannot herein obey the Em∣perour, so as to deny God, the author of our lives, yea and of yours too, whe∣ther you will or no. Nor is it, Sir, any despair (which is always stoutest in greatest straits) that makes us thus resolute against you; we have, you see, armes, and yet make no resistance, chu∣sing rather to dye than to overcome, and desirous rather to perish innocent, than to live rebellious and revengeful: If you have a mind to appoint us to any greater and severer torments, we are ready for them. Christians we are, and therefore cannot persecute those that are so. You must needs acknowledge

the unconquerable courage of this Le∣gion; we throw down our arms, your officer will find our right hands naked, but our breast arm'd with a true Ca∣tholick Faith: kill us, and trample on us, we undauntedly yield our necks to the Executioners sword; these things are the more pleasant to us, while set∣ting light by your sacrilegious at∣tempts, we hasten apace to the Hea∣venly Crown.

Maximianus being told this, and de∣spairing now to break their constancy, commands his whole Army to fall up∣on them and cut them off, which they did accordingly without any differ∣ence of age or person, mangling their bodies, and then taking the spoyles, the Emperour having so appointed, that whoever kill'd any of the Legion, should have the spoyles of him whom he killed. And thus they died with their swords in their hands, when they might have preserved their lives (espe∣cially in a place so advantagious) by force of arms, or to be sure have sold them at the dearest rate. This story I have been willing to set down the more at large, because so remarkable in all its circumstances, and containing

the most unparallel'd instance of Chri∣stian Piety and submission (next to that of our blessed Saviour) that I think was ever known to the world.* 1.212

This is the account of those Noble Martyrs;* 1.213 only to prevent mistakes we are to take notice, that there was ano∣ther Mauritius Commander of a Legi∣on in the East (mentioned in the Greek Menologies) who together with seventy of his Souldiers were condemned by, and suffered under his self same Em∣perour Maximianus,* 1.214 for refusing to do sacrifice; their Martyrdom being re∣corded by Simeon Metaphrastes; but the account quite different both as to persons and things from that which is here related.

By what has been said we may see the injustice of that charge which the Heathens sometimes laid upon the Chri∣stians, that they were disturbers of the Peace, and enemies to Civil Govern∣ment; an indictment so purely false, and without any shadow of a real pre∣tence to cover it, that the ingenious Heathen in Minutius Foelix (though raking up all the calumnies he could find, and putting the deepest dy upon every charge which wit and eloquence

could put upon it, yet) had not the face so much as once to mention it. But however, as groundless as it was, they were frequently charg'd with it. Some∣times they were accused of dis-loyalty and treason, either because they would not swear by the Emperous Genius, or not sacrifice for his safety, or not wor∣ship the Emperours as Divi, or gods, or not celebrate their festivals in the same way with others. For the first, their refusing to swear by the Emperours Ge∣nius, we have heard before what Ter∣tullian answers to it, That it was in ef∣fect to give divine honour to devils. To the second, their not sacrificing for the Emperours safety, the answers, That none sacrificed to so good purpose as they,* 1.215 for that they offered up prayers to the True, Living and Eternal God for the safety of the Emperours, that God whom the Emperours themselves did above all others desire should be propitious and favourable to them, as from whom they knew they deriv'd their government. For the third, their refusing to own the Emperours for gods,* 1.216 he tells them, they could not do it, partly because they would not lye in saying so,* 1.217 partly because they durst not

by doing it mock and deride the Em∣perour, nay, that he himself would not be willing to be styled God, if he re∣membred that he was a Man, it being mans interest to yield to God; that the title of Emperour was great enough, and that he could not be call'd God, without being denied to be Empe∣rour;* 1.218 that he was therefore great, be∣cause less than Heaven; and that if he would needs be a deity, he must first conquer Heaven, lead God in triumph, set Guards in Heaven, and impose tri∣bute upon that place. For the last, their not observing the solemn festivals of the Emperours,* 1.219 for which they were ac∣counted enemies to the publick, they pleaded that their religion and their conscience could not comply with that vanity, that luxury, and debauchery, and all manner of excess and wickedness that was committed at those times; that the publick joy was expressed by that which was a publick disgrace, and those things accounted honourable upon the solemn days of Emperours, which were unfit and uncomely to be done upon any days; and that there was little reason they should be accused for not observ∣ing that, where looseness of manners 〈◊〉〈◊〉

accounted loyalty, and the occasion of luxury a part of Religion.

Otherwhiles they were accused of sedition, and holding unlawful combi∣nations, which arose upon the account of their religious Assemblies, which their enemies beheld as societies erect∣ed contrary to the Roman Laws. That we may the better apprehend what these societies were (in the number whereof they reckoned the Christian meetings) and how condemned by the Roman Laws, we are to know, that in the infancy of the Roman Common∣wealth,* 1.220 Numa Pompilius, to take away the difference between the Sabines and the Romans, divided the people into Colledges and little Corporations (an∣swerable to which are our City-Compa∣nies) according to their several trades and occupations, Goldsmiths, Dyers, Potters, Curriers, &c. which together with the City encreased to a great number;* 1.221 (Panciroll out of both Codes gives us an account of thirty six) to these he assigned their several Halls, times of meeting, and sacred rites, and such immunities as were most proper for them. But besides these appoint∣ed by Law, several Colledges in imitati∣on

of them were erected in most parts of the Empire, partly for the more con∣venient dispatch of business, but prin∣cipally for the maintenance of mutual love and friendship. All these Socie∣ties had their solemn meetings, and customary feasts, which in time dege∣nerated into great excess and luxury,* 1.222 insomuch that Verra in his time com∣plained that the excess and prodigali∣ty of their suppers made provisions dear; and much more reason had* 1.223 Ter∣tullian to complain of it in his time. Answerable to these Colledges amongst the Romans, were the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or socie∣ties amongst the Grecians, who also had their stated and common feasts, such were the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 amongst the Cre∣tians, the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 at Lacedaemon, and so in other States of Greece. But these meetings (those of them especially that were not setled either by the decree of the Senate, or the constitution of the Prince) partly by reason of their number, and the great confluence to them, partly by reason of their luxu∣rious feasting, began to be looked up∣on by the State with a jealous eye, e∣specially after that the Commonwealth was turned into a Monarchy, the Empe∣rours

beholding them as fit Nurseries to plant and breed up treasonable and re∣bellious designs,* 1.224 and therefore frequent∣ly forbad them under very severe pe∣nalties. Thus Julius Caesar, who first laid the foundation of the Empire, re∣duced these Colledges to the antient standard,* 1.225 putting down all that were supernumerary and illegal; wherein he was also followed by his Successour Au∣gustus; and the succeeding Emperours very often put out strict Edicts against them, prohibiting them as dangerous and unlawful combinations.

Under the notions of these societies, it was, that the Christian Congregati∣ons came to be forbidden; several per∣sons confederated into a combination, and constantly meeting at a common feast rendring them suspicious to their enemies.* 1.226 Hence Pliny giving the Em∣perour an account of the Christians,* 1.227 and especially of their assembling at their solemn feasts of love, tells him, that they had forborn ever since ac∣cording to his command, he had pub∣lished an Edict to forbid the hetaeriae or societies. And indeed the Christian Assemblies, whereat they usually had the Lords Supper and their Love-feasts,

looking somewhat like those illegal meetings (especially as beheld with the eye of an enemy) it was the less wonder, if the Heathens accused them of hatching treason, and the Magistrates proceeded against them as contemners and violaters of the Law.

But to this the Christians answered, that their meetings could not be ac∣counted amongst the unlawful factions,* 1.228 having nothing common with them; that indeed the wisdom and provi∣dence of the State had justly prohibi∣ted such factions to prevent seditions, which might thence easily over-run and disquiet all Councils, Courts, pleadings, and all meetings whatsoever. But no such thing could be suspected of the Christian Assemblies, who were frozen as to any ambitious designs of honour or dignity, strangers to nothing more than publick affairs, and had re∣nounced all pretences to external pomps and pleasures: That if the Chri∣stian Assemblies were like others,* 1.229 there would be some reason to condemn them under the notion of factions; but to whose prejudice (say they) did we ever meet together? we are the same when together, that we are when asun∣der;

the same united, as is every single person, hurting no man, grieving no man; and therefore that when such ho∣nest, good, pious, and chaste men met together, it was rather to be called a Council than a Faction. To which Ori∣gen adds,* 1.230 That seeing in all their meet∣ings they sought nothing but truth, they could not be said to conspire a∣gainst the Laws, seeing they designed nothing but to get from under the pow∣er and tyranny of the devil; who had procured those Laws only to establish his Empire faster in the world. For elsewhere he bids Celsus or any of his party shew any thing that was seditious amongst the Christians:* 1.231 that their Re∣ligion arose not at first (as he falsly charg'd it) out of sedition, might ap∣pear in that their Legislator had so se∣verely forbidden killing and murder, and that the Christians would never have entertained such mild Laws, as gave their enemies opportunity to kill them like sheep delivered to the slaughter without making the least re∣sistance.* 1.232 Thus Arnobius confidently challenges the Heathens whether they could reject Christianity upon the ac∣count of its raising wars, tumults, and

seditions in the world. No, those were things which they might find nearer home:* 1.233 You defame us (says Ter∣tullian) with treason against the Empe∣rour, and yet never could any Albinians, Nigrians, or Cassians [persons that had mutinied and rebelled against the Em∣perours] be found amongst the Christi∣ans; they are those that swear by the Emperours genii, that have offered sa∣crifices for their safety, that have often condemned Christians, these are the men that are found traitors to the Em∣perours: A Christian is no man's ene∣my, much less his Princes; knowing him to be constituted by God, he cannot but love, revere, and honour him, and desire that he and the whole Roman Empire may be safe, as long as the world lasts. We worship the Empe∣rour as much as is either lawful or ex∣pedient, as one that is next to God; we sacrifice for his safety, but 'tis to his and our God; and so as he has commanded, only by holy prayer; for the great God needs no blood or sweet perfumes, these are the banquets and repast of devils, which we do not only reject, but expel at every turn. But to say more concerning this, were to light

a candle to the Sun. Julian the Empe∣rour though no good friend to Christi∣ans,* 1.234 yet thus far does them right, that if they see any one mutinying against his Prince, they presently punish him with great severities.

And here we may with just reason reflect upon the iniquity of the Church of Rome, which in this instance of Reli∣gion has so abominably debauched the purity and simplicity of the Christian faith: For they not only exempt the Clergy where they can, from the autho∣rity and judgment of the secular pow∣ers, whereby horrible enormities do a∣rise, but generally teach, that a Prince once excommunicate, his Subjects are absolv'd from all fealty and allegiance, and he may with impunity be deposed or made away. How shall such a Prince be thundred against with curses and de∣privations, every bold and treacherous Priest be authorized to brand his sa∣cred person with the odious names of Infidel, Heretick and Apostate, and be Apostolically licensed to slander and belibel him, and furnished with Com∣missions to free his Subjects from their duty and allegiance, and to allure them to take up arms against him? And if

these courses fail, and men still conti∣nue loyal, they have disciples ready by secret or suddain arts to send him out of the world. And if any man's consci∣ence be so nice as to boggle at it, his scruples shall be removed, at worst it shall pass for a venial crime, and the Pope perhaps (with the help of a limi∣tation that it be done for the interest of the Catholick cause) by his omnipo∣tence shall create it meritorious.

Cardinal Bellarmine (whose wit and learning were imployed to uphold a tottering cause) maintains it stiffly,* 1.235 and in express terms, that if a King be an Heretick or an Infidel (and we know what they mean by that, nay he parti∣cularly names the reformed Princes of England amongst his instances) and seeks to draw his Dominions unto his Sect; it is not only lawful, but necessa∣ry to deprive him of his Kingdom. And although he knew that the whole course of antiquity would fly in the face of so bold an assertion, yet he goes on to assert, that the reason why the Primitive Christians did not attempt this upon Nero, Dioclesian, Julian the Apostate and the like, was not out of conscience, or that they boggled out of

a sense of duty, but because they want∣ed means and power to effect it. A bold piece of falshood this, and how contrary to the plain and positive Laws of Christ, to the meek and primitive spirit of the Gospel! But by the Car∣dinals leave it could not be for want of power, for if, as Seneca observes, he may be Master of any man's life that undervalues his own,* 1.236 it was then as ea∣sie for a Christian to have slain Nero or Dioclesian, as it was of later times for Gerard to pistol the Prince of Orange, or Ravillac to stab the King of France. Nay, take one of his own instances, Julian the Apostate, a Prince bad e∣nough, and that left no method unat∣tempted to seduce his Subjects to Pa∣ganism and Idolatry, yet though the greatest part of his Army were Christi∣ans, they never so much as whispered a treasonable design against him, using no other arms (as we noted out of Na∣zianzen) but prayers and tears. Had S. Paul been of their mind, he would have told the Christian Romans quite another story, and instead of bidding them be subject to Nero not only for wrath, but for conscience sake, would have instructed them to take all oppor∣tunities

to have murdered or deposed him. But I shall not reckon up the villanies they have been guilty of in this kind, nor pursue the odious and pernicious consequences of their do∣ctrine and practice; thus much I could not but take notice of, being so imme∣diately opposite to the whole tenor of the Gospel, and so great a scandal to Christianity. And I verily believe that had the Primitive Christians been no better Subjects, than their Emperours were Princes, had they practised on them those bloody artifices which have been common amongst those that call themselves the only Catholicks, that barbarous dealing would have been a greater curb to the flourishing of the Gospel, than all the ten persecutions. For how could an impartial Heathen e∣ver have believed their doctrine to have been of God, had their actions been so contrary to all principles of natural Divinity. Sure I am Pagan Rome was in this case more Orthodox, and their Pontifices far better Doctors of Divinity:* 1.237 Their Lex Julia (as Vl∣pian their great Lawyer tells us) allot∣ted the same penalty to sacriledge and treason; placing the one the very next

step to the other; thereby teaching us that they looked upon treason against the Prince as an affront next to that which was immediately done against the Majesty of Heaven. And Marcel∣lus the great Statesman in Tacitus lays it down for a Maxim, that Subjects may wish for good Princes, but ought to bear with any. And shame it is that any should call themselves Christians, and yet be found worse than they, their principles and practices more opposite to the known Laws of God and na∣ture,* 1.238 more destructive to the peace and welfare of mankind.

CHAP. V.

Of their Penance, and the Dis∣cipline of the Antient Church.

This why last treated of. The Church as a Society founded by Christ has its di∣stinct Laws and Priviledges. What the usual offences that came under the Churches discipline. All immorality open, or confessed. Lapsing into Ido∣latry the great sin of those times. How many ways usually committed. The Traditores who, what their crime.

What penalties inflicted upon delin∣quent persons. Delivering over to Sa∣tan, what: this extraordinary coercive power why vested in the Church. The common and standing penalty by Ex∣communication. This practised a∣mongst the antient Gauls: an account of it out of Caesar. In use amongst the Jews. Thence derived to the Christi∣ans. This punishment how expressed by Church-writers: Managed accord∣ing to the nature of the fault. The rigour of it sometimes mitigated. Delinquent Clergy-men degraded, and never admitted but to Lay-communi∣on; instances of it. An account of the rise of Novatianism, and the se∣verity of its principles; styl'd Catha∣ri; condemn'd by the Synod at Rome. Offenders in what manner dealt with. The Procedure of the action described by Tertullian. Penitents how behav∣ing themselves during their suspension. The greatest not spar'd; the case of Philippus and Theodosius. This severity why used. Penances called satisfactions, and why. The use of the word, satisfaction, in the antient Fa∣thers. Penitents how absolved. Af∣ter what time. In the power of Bi∣shops

to extend or shorten these peni∣tentiary humiliations. Four particu∣lar cases observed wherein the time of penance might be shortned. In what sence communion is denied by some antient Canons to penitents at the hour of death. This discipline admi∣nistred primarily by Bishops. By his leave Presbyters and (in necessity) Deacons might absolve. The publick penitentiary when and why instituted; when and why laid aside. Penitents taken into communion by Martyrs and Confessors. This power abused to ex∣cess. Cyprian's complaint of the ex∣cessive numbers of Libells of peace granted by the Martyrs to the lapsed, without the knowledge of the Bishop. The form of these Pacifick Libells ex∣emplified out of Cyprian; other sorts of Libells. The Libellatici who. Thurificati. Several sorts of Li∣bellatici. The Libellatici properly so called. Their manner of address to the Heathen Magistrate to procure their exemption from sacrificing. That they did not privately deny Christ, proved against Baronius. The piety and purity of the Primitive Church matter of just admiration.

HAving travelled through the se∣veral stages of the subject I had undertaken; I should here have ended my journey, but that there one thing remains, which was not properly re∣ducible under any particular head, being of a general relation to the whole; and that is to consider what Discipline was used towards offenders in the antient Church; only premising this, that the Christian Church being founded and established by Christ as a Society and Corporation distinct from that of the Common-wealth, is by the very nature of its constitution (besides what positive ground and warrant there may be for it in Scripture) inve∣sted with an inherent power (besides what is borrowed from the Civil Ma∣gistrate) of censuring and punishing its members that offend against the Laws of it, and this in order to the maintaining its peace and purity. For without such a fundamental power as this, 'tis impossible that as a Society it should be able to subsist, the very nature of a community necessarily implying such a right inherent in it. Now for the better understanding what

this power was, and how exercised in the first Ages of the Church, we shall consider these four things: What were the usual crimes that came under the discipline of the antient Church; what penalties were inflicted upon delin∣quent persons; in what manner offend∣ers were dealt with; and by whom this discipline was administred.

First, What the usual crimes and offences were which came under the discipline of the antient Church; in the general they were any offences a∣gainst the Christian Law, any vice or immorality that was either publick in it self, or made known and made good to the Church. For the holy and good Christians of those times were infinitely careful to keep the honour of their Religion unspotted, to stifle every sin in its birth, and by bringing offenders to publick shame and penalty to keep them from propagating the malignant influence of a bad example. For this reason they watched over one another, told them privately of their faults and failures, and when that would not do, brought them before the cognizance of the Church. 'Tis needless to reck∣on up particular crimes, when none

were spar'd. Only because in those days by reason of the violent heats of persecution the great temptation which the weaker and more unsettled Christi∣ans were exposed to, was to deny their profession, and to offer sacrifice to the Heathen-gods, therefore lapsing into Idolatry was the most common sin that came before them, and of this they had very frequent instances, it being that which for some Ages mainly exercised the Discipline of the Church. This sin of Idolatry or denying Christ in those times was usually committed these three ways: Sometimes by expo∣sing the Scriptures to the rage and ma∣lice of their enemies, which was ac∣counted a virtual renouncing Christia∣nity: This was especially remarkable under the Diocletian persecution in the African Churches. For Diocletian had put forth an Edict that Christians should deliver up their Scriptures and the Writings of the Church to be burnt. This command was prosecu∣ted with great rigour and fierceness, and many Christians to avoid the storm delivered up their Bibles to the scorn and fury of their enemies. Hence they were styled Traditores (of whom

there is frequent mention in Optatus and S. Augustin) with whom the Ortho∣dox refusing to joyn after the persecu∣tion was over, the difference broke out into Schism and faction, and gave birth to that unhappy Sect of the Donatists which so much exercised the Christian Church. Otherwhiles Christians be∣came guilty of Idolatry by actual sa∣crificing, or worshipping Idols; these were called Thurificati, from their burning incense upon the altars of the Heathen Deities, and were the grossest and vilest sort of Idolaters. Others a∣gain fell into this sin by basely corrupt∣ing the Heathen Magistrate, and pur∣chasing a warrant of security from him to exempt them from the penalty of the Law, and the necessity of sacrifi∣cing and denying Christ: These were called Libellatici, of whom we shall speak more afterwards.

Secondly, What penalties and punish∣ments were inflicted upon delinquent persons, and they could be no other than such as were agreeable to the na∣ture and constitution of the Church, which as it transacts only in spiritual matters, so it could inflict no other than spiritual censures and chastisements.

'Tis true indeed that in the first Age especially, the Apostles had a power to inflict bodily punishments upon offend∣ers, which they sometimes made use of upon great occasions, as S. Peter did to∣wards Ananias and Saphira, striking them dead upon the place for their notorious couzenage and gross hypo∣crisie: And S. Paul punished Elymas with blindness for his perverse and ma∣licious opposition of the Gospel; and this doubtless he primarily intends by his delivering over persons unto Satan, for no sooner were they excommunicated and cut off from the body of the faith∣ful, but Satan as the common Serjeant and Jaylor seized upon them, and ei∣ther by actual possessing, or some other sign upon their bodies made it appear that they were delivered over into his power. This could not but strike a mighty terrour into men, and make them stand in awe of the censures of the Church; and questionless the main design of the divine providence in af∣fording this extraordinary gift was to supply the defect of civil and coercive power, of which the Church was then wholly destitute, and therefore need∣ed some more than ordinary assistance

especially at its first constitution, some visible and sensible punishments to keep its sentence and determinations from being sleighted by bold and contuma∣cious offenders. How long this mira∣culous power lasted in the Church, I know not, or whether at all beyond the Apostles age. The common and standing penalty they made use of was Excommunication or suspension from communion with the Church; the cutting off and casting out an offend∣ing person as a rotten and infected member, till by repentance and whole∣some discipline he was cured and re∣stored, and then he was re-admitted in∣to Church-society, and to a participa∣tion of the ordinances and priviledges of Christianity.

This way of punishing by excommu∣nication was not originally instituted by our Lord or his Apostles, but had been antiently practised both amongst Jews and Gentiles. 'Twas commonly practised by the Druids (as Caesar who lived amongst them informs us) who,* 1.239 when any of the people became irre∣gular and disorderly, presently suspend∣ed them from their sacrifices. And the persons thus suspended were ac∣counted

in the number of the most im∣pious and exercrable persons: All men stood off from them, shun'd their com∣pany and converse as an infection and a plague: they had no benefit of Law, nor any honour or respect shewn to them; and of all punishments this they accounted most extreme and severe. So far he; giving an account of this Discipline amongst the antient Gauls. In the Jewish Church nothing was more familiar; their three famous degrees of Excommunication 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Niddui, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cherem, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Shammatha, are so com∣monly known, that 'twere impertinent to insist upon them. From the usage of the Jewish it was amongst other rites adopted into the Christian Church, practised by the Apostles, and the Churches founded by them (where∣of we have instances in the New Testa∣ment) but brought to greater perfecti∣on in succeeding times. 'Tis variously expressed by the antient Writers, though much to the same purpose. Such persons are said Abstineri, to be kept back, a word much used by Cyprian, and the Synod of Illiberis; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to be separated, or be separated from the body of Christ, as S. Augustin

oft expresses it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to be wholly cut off from Communion,* 1.240 as 'tis in the Apostolick Canons. Sometimes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 1.241 as the Laodicean Synod calls it, to be thrown out of the Church; to be anathematiz'd, and without the Communion and pale of the Church,* 1.242 as the Fathers of the Council of Gaugra have it.

This suspension and the penance that accompanied it was greater or less, long∣er or shorter according to the nature of the crime, sometimes two, three, ten, fifteen, twenty or thirty years, and sometimes for the whole life; nay, in some cases it was not taken off at death, but persons were left to the judgment of God, without any testimony of their reconciliation to the Church. Though herein the severity was mitigated, not only by private Bishops, but by the great Council of Nice, which ordain'd that penitent persons should not be de∣nied the Communion at the hour of death: of all which cases, or the most material of them, we have in the fore∣going discourse produc'd particular in∣stances in their proper places. If the person offending hapned to be in Or∣ders,

he forfeited his Ministry; and though upon his repentance he was re∣stored to Communion, yet it was only as a lay-person, never recovering the ho∣nour and dignity of his office. Thus Cornelius Bishop of Rome giving Fabius of Antioch an account of the clancular and Schismatical Ordination of Nova∣tian,* 1.243 tells him, that one of the Bishops that ordain'd him return'd after to the Church, with tears bewailing his of∣fence, whom at the instance of the peo∣ple he receiv'd unto Lay-communion. The same Cyprian writing about this very case relates of Trophimus (who was either the very Bishop menti∣oned by Cornelius,* 1.244 or one of his Col∣leagues) that returning to the Church with great demonstrations of repen∣tance, he was re-admitted, but no o∣therwise than in the capacity of a Lay∣man:* 1.245 and speaking elsewhere of Basi∣lides his repentance, he tells us he had no thoughts of retaining his Bishop∣rick,* 1.246 making account he was very well dealt with, if upon his repentance he might but communicate as a Laick, and be received amongst the number of the Faithful. This S. Basil tells us was an ancient Canon and practice of

the Church, and accordingly ordains, that a Deacon guilty of fornication should be deposed from his office, and being thrust down into the rank of the Laity, should in that quality be admit∣ted to Communion.

Indeed they strove by all ways ima∣ginable to discourage sin, never think∣ing the curb strong enough, so they might but keep persons within the bounds of order and regularity; inso∣much that by some the string was stretched too far, and all pardon de∣nied to them that had sin'd. This un∣comfortable doctrine was if not first coin'd, yet mainly vended by the No∣vatian party. For Novatus S. Cyprians Presbyter being suspended by him for his vile enormities fled over to Rome, and there joyn'd himself to Novatian a Presbyter of that Church (these two names are frequently confounded by the Greek Writers) who ambitiously sought to make himself Bishop, and to thrust out Cornelius newly elected into that See;* 1.247 but not being able to com∣pass his design, between them they started this amongst other heretical opi∣nions, that the lapsed who through fear of suffering had fallen in the time of

persecution were not to be admitted to repentance, and that though they should never so oft confess their sins, and never so sincerely forsake them, yet there was no hope of salvation for them, at least-wise (for so I incline to understand them) that it was not in the power of the Church to absolve or give them any hopes of pardon, leaving them to the judgment of God; sty∣ling themselves (and not only as Bal∣samon affirms,* 1.248 ironically styl'd by o∣thers) by the name of Cathari, the pure and undefiled party. But they were herein presently condemned by a Sy∣nod of sixty Bishops, and more than as many Presbyters and Deacons gathered at Rome (and the Decree consented to and published by the rest of the Bi∣shops in their several Provinces) con∣cluding that Novatus and his party, and all that had subscribed to his most inhumane and merciless Opinion, should be cast out of the Church; and that the brethren who in that sad calamity had fallen from their profession, should be healed and restored by the arts and methods of repentance. Which brings us to consider, 〈…〉〈…〉

Thirdly, How and in what manner of∣fenders were dealt with, both as to their suspension and penance, and as to their absolution. This affair was usually ma∣naged after this order; At their pub∣lick assemblies (as we find in Tertul∣lian) amongst other parts of their holy exercises,* 1.249 there were exhortations, re∣proofs, and a divine censure; for the judgment is given with great weight, as amongst those that are sure that God beholds what they do; and this is one of the highest praeludiums and fore∣runners of the judgment to come, when the delinquent person is banished from the Communion of Prayers, Assemblies, and all holy Commerce. By this passage we clearly see, that the first thing in this solemn action was to make reproofs and exhortations, thereby to bring the offender to the sight and acknowledge∣ment of his faults; then the sentence or censure was passed upon him, whereby he was suspended, not only from the Communion of the Holy Eucharist, but from all holy commerce in any (espe∣cially publick) duty of religion. We cannot imagine, that in every person that stood under this capacity, a for∣mal sentence was always denounced a∣gainst

him, it being many times suffici∣ent that the fact he had done was evi∣dent and notorious, as in the case of the lapsed that had offered sacrifice, for in this case the offender was look'd upon as ipso facto excommunicate, and all re∣ligious commerce forborn towards him. 'Tis true, that in some cases the Mar∣tyrs (as we shall see more anon) finding such lapsed persons truly penitent did receive them into private Communion,* 1.250 so did those Martyrs Dionysius Alexan∣drinus speaks of in his Letter to Fabius Bishop of Antioch,* 1.251 they took the peni∣tents that had fallen into idolatry into their company, and Communicated with them both at Prayers and Meals; but to publick Communion they were never admitted till they had exactly fulfilled the discipline of the Church, which principally consisted in many se∣vere acts of repentance and mortifica∣tion, more or less according to the na∣ture of the offence.

During this space of penance they appeared in all the formalities of sor∣row and mourning,* 1.252 in a sordid and squalid habit,* 1.253 with a sad countenance, and a head hung down, with tears in their eyes, standing without at the

Church doors, (for they were not suffer∣ed to enter in) falling down upon their knees to the Ministers as they went in, and begging the prayers of all good Christians for themselves, with all the expressions and demonstrations of a sorrowful and dejected mind; reckon∣ing the lower they lay in repentance, the higher it would exalt them; the more sordid they appeared, the more they should be cleansed and purified; the less they spared themselves, the more God would spare them: at these times also they made open confession of their faults, this being accounted the very spring of repentance, and without which they concluded it could not be real,* 1.254 Out of confession (says Tertullian) is born repentance, and by repentance God is pacified; and therefore without this neither riches nor honour would procure any admission into the Church. Thus Eusebius reports,* 1.255 that when Phi∣lippus the Emperour would have gone in with the rest of the Christians upon Easter-eve to have partaked of the prayers of the Church, the Bishop of the place would by no means suffer it, unless he first made confession of his sins, and passed through the order of

the Penitents, being guilty of very great and enormous sins; which 'tis said he very willingly submitted to, te∣stifying by his actions his real and reli∣gious fear of the Divine Majesty. This story, though as to the main of it, it might be true, yet as fastened upon Phi∣lip the Emperour, I have formerly shew∣ed it to be false, and that it's rather meant of one Philippus who was Go∣vernour in Egypt, and professed him∣self a Christian; but however this was, 'tis certain that a person as great as he, Theodosius the Great, for his bloody and barbarous slaughter of the Thessalonians was by S. Ambrose Bishop of Millain su∣spended, brought to publick confession, and forced to undergo a severe course of penance for eight months together; when after great demonstrations of a hearty sorrow, and sincere repentance, not more rigidly imposed upon him, than readily and willingly received by him, after his usual prostrations in the Church (as if unworthy either to stand or kneel) crying out in the words of David, My soul cleaveth unto the dust, quicken thou me according to thy word, after having oft torn his hair, beat his forehead, water'd his cheeks with tears,

and humbly beg'd peace and pardon, he was absolved, and restored to Com∣munion with the Church; of which passage they who would know more, may find the story largely related by Theodoret.* 1.256

This severity was used towards of∣fenders, partly to make them more sen∣sible of their sins, partly to affright and deterr others, but principally to give satisfaction both to God and his Church concerning the reality and sin∣cerity of their repentance. Hence it is that these Penances, in the Writings of those times are so often called satisfa∣ctions; for whenever those Fathers use the word, 'tis either with respect to men or God; if to men, then the mean∣ing is, that by these external acts of sor∣row and mortification they satisfie the Church of their repentance,* 1.257 and make reparation for those offences and scandals which they had given by their sins: If to God, then 'tis taken for the acknowledgement of a mans fault, and the begging of pardon and remission:* 1.258 Thus Cyprian speak∣ing of the state of impenitent sinners, aggravates it by this, that they do pec∣care,

nec satisfacere, sin, but make no satisfaction, i.e. (as in the very next words he explains it) they do not pec∣cata deflere, confess and bewail their sins;* 1.259 and before, discoursing about Gods being the only object of tears and sorrow for sin, which is to be ad∣dressed to God and not man, he tells us 'tis God that is to be appeased by sa∣tisfaction, that he being greatly of∣fended is to be intreated by a long and full repentance, as being alone able to pardon those sins that are committed a∣gainst him. So that the satisfaction which they reckon'd they made to God consisted in seeking to avert his dis∣pleasure, and to regain his forfeited fa∣vour by a deep contrition and sorrow for sin, by a real acknowledgement and forsaking of their faults, and by an humble giving to God the glory both of his mercy and his justice.* 1.260 Thence con∣fession is called by Tertullian the Coun∣sel or Intendment of satisfaction: And a little after he describes it thus; Con∣fession (says he) is that whereby we ac∣knowledge our offence to God, not as if he were ignorant of it, but inasmuch as by confession satisfaction is forwarded, by confession repentance is produced, and by

repentance God is appeased. The same both he, Cyprian and others, frequent∣ly use in the same sence; which I note the rather, because of that absurd and impious doctrine, so currant amongst the Papists, and which they pretend to derive from these very Fathers, that by works of penance compensation is made to God for the debt of punish∣ment that was contracted, whereby at least the temporal penalties due to sin are meritoriously expiated and done a∣way. But this besides that it is flatly repugnant to the doctrine of antiquity, how much 'tis derogatory to the ho∣nour of divine grace, and the infinite satisfaction of the Son of God, I shall not now stand to dispute. To return there∣fore; This term of penance was usual∣ly exacted with great rigour, and sel∣dom dispensed with, no indulgence or admission being granted till the full time was compleated. Therefore Cy∣prian smartly chides with some Presby∣ters who had taken upon them to ab∣solve the lapsed before their time,* 1.261 and that whereas in lesser offences men were obliged to the just time of pe∣nance, and to observe the order of discipline, they in a crime of so heinous

a nature had hand over head admitted them to Communion before they had gone through their penance and con∣fession, and fulfilled the regular cu∣stoms and orders of the Church.

The time of penance being ended, they addressed themselves to the Go∣vernours of the Church for Absolution,* 1.262 hereupon their repentance was taken into examination, and being found to be sincere and real, they were openly re-admitted into the Church by the imposition of the hands of the Clergy, the party to be absolv'd kneeling down between the knees of the Bishop, or in his absence of the Presbyter, who lay∣ing his hand upon his head solemnly blessed and absolved him, whence doubtless sprang that absurd and sence∣less calumny which the Heathens laid upon the Christians, that they were wont Sacerdotis colere genitalia; so for∣ward were they to catch at any re∣proach which the most crooked and malicious invention could insinuate and suggest: The penitent being absolved, was received with the universal joy and acclamation of the people, as one returned from the state of the dead (for such 'tis plain they accounted them

while under a state of guilt, especially the lapsed, as Cyprian positively affirms them to be) being embraced by his brethren,* 1.263 who blessed God for his re∣turn,* 1.264 and many times wept for the joy of his recovery, who upon his absolu∣tion was now restored to a participa∣tion of the Lords Supper, and to all o∣ther acts of Church-Communion, which by his crimes he had forfeited, and from which he had been suspended, till he had given satisfactory evidence of his repentance, and purpose to perse∣vere under the exact discipline of Chri∣stianity. This was the ordinary way wherein they treated criminals in the Primitive Church; but in cases of ne∣cessity (such as that of danger of death) they did not rigidly exact the set time of penance, but absolved the person, that so he might dye in the peace and communion of the Church. The story of Serapion at Alexandria we have for∣merly mentioned,* 1.265 who being suddain∣ly surpriz'd with death while he was under the state of penance,* 1.266 and not be∣ing able to dye till he had received ab∣solution, sent for the Presbyter to te∣stifie his repentance and absolve him; but he being also at that time sick, sent

him a part of the Consecrated elements, which he had by him, upon the re∣ceiving whereof he breathed out his soul with great comfort and satisfaction that he now died in Communion with the Church.

The truth is, the time of these Peni∣tentiary humiliations often varied ac∣cording to the circumstances of the case, it being much in the power of the Bishops and Governours of the Church to shorten the time, and sooner to ab∣solve and take them into Communion, the Medicinal vertue of repentance ly∣ing not in the duration,* 1.267 but the manner of it, as S. Basil speaks in this very case. A learned man has observed to my hand four particular cases wherein they were wont to anticipate the usual time of absolution:* 1.268 The first was (what I observed but now) when persons were in danger of death;* 1.269 this was agreed to by Cyprian,* 1.270 and the Martyrs, and the Roman Clergy, and the Letters (as he tells us) sent through the whole World to all the Churches; this also was pro∣vided for by the great Council of Nice,* 1.271 That as for those that were at the point of death, the ancient and Canonical rule should be observed still, that when

any were at the point of death they should by no means be deprived of the last and necessary Viaticum, i.e. the Holy Sacrament, which was their great Symbol of Communion. And here for the better understanding some passages it may not be unuseful once for all to add this note, that whereas many of the ancient Canons (of the Illiberine Coun∣cil especially) positively deny commu∣nion to some sorts of penitents even at the hour of death, they are not to be understood, as if the Church merci∣lesly denied all indulgence and absolu∣tion to any penitent at such a time, but only that it was thought fit to deny them the use of the Eucharist, which was the great pledge and testimony of their communion with the Church.

The second case was in time of emi∣nent persecution, conceiving it but fit at such times to dispense with the ri∣gour of the discipline, that so Penitents being received to the Grace of Christ, and to the communion of the Church, might be the better armed and enabled to contend earnestly for the Faith. This was resolved and agreed upon by Cy∣prian,* 1.272 and a whole Council of African Bishops, whereof they give an account

to Cornelius Bishop of Rome, that in regard persecution was drawing on, they held it convenient and necessary, that communion and reconciliation should be granted to the lapsed, not only to those that were a dying, but even to the living, that they might not be left naked and unarmed in the time of battel, but be able to defend themselves with the shield of Christs body and blood. For how (say they) shall we teach and perswade them to shed their blood in the Cause of Christ, if we deny them the benefit of his blood? How shall we make them fit to drink the cup of martyrdom, unless we first admit them in the Church to a right of communication to drink of the cup of the blood of Christ? A third case wherein they relaxed the severity of this discipline was, when great mul∣titudes were concerned, or such persons as were likely to draw great numbers after them; in this case they thought it prudent and reasonable to deal with persons by somewhat milder and gent∣ler methods, lest by holding them to terms of rigour and austerity, they should provoke them to fly off either to Heathens or to Hereticks. This

course Cyprian tells us he took, he com∣plied with the necessity of the times,* 1.273 and like a wise Physician yielded a little to the humour of the patient, to pro∣vide for his health, and to cure his wounds; and quotes herein the exam∣ple of Cornelius of Rome, who dealt just so with Trophimus and his party;* 1.274 and elsewhere, that out of an earnest desire to regain and resettle the bre∣thren, he was ready to connive at many things, and to forgive any thing, and did not examine and exact the greatest crimes with that full power and severity that he might, insomuch that he thought he did almost offend himself in an over∣liberal remitting other mens offences. Lastly, in absolving penitents, and mi∣tigating the rigours of their repentance, they used to have respect to the per∣son of the penitent, to his Dignity, or Age, or Infirmity, or the course of his past life; sometimes to the greatness of his Humility, and the impression which his present condition made upon him. Thus the Ancyran Council impowers Bishops to examine the manner of mens Conversion and Repentance,* 1.275 and ac∣cordingly either to moderate,* 1.276 or en∣large their time of penance, but espe∣cially

that regard be had to their Conversation both before and since their offence, that so clemency and in∣dulgence may be extended to them. So for the case of persons of more than ordinary rank and dignity, or of a more tender and delicate Constitution,* 1.277 Chry∣sostome determines, that in chastising and punishing their offences they be dealt withal in a more peculiar manner than other men,* 1.278 lest by holding them under over-rigorous penalties they should be tempted to fly out into de∣spair, and so throwing off the reins of modesty, and the care of their own happiness and salvation, should run headlong into all manner of vice and wickedness. So wisely did the pru∣dence and piety of those times deal with offenders, neither letting the reins so loose as to patronize presumption, or encourage any man to sin, nor yet hold∣ing them so strait, as to drive men into despair.

The fourth and last circumstance concerns the Persons by whom this dis∣cipline was administred; now though 'tis true that this affair was managed in the Publick Congregation, and seldom or never done without the consent and

approbation of the people (as Cyprian more than once and again expresly tells us) yet was it ever accounted a mini∣sterial act, and properly belonged to them.* 1.279 Tertullian speaking of Church censures, adds, that the Elders that are approv'd, and have attain'd that ho∣nour, not by purchase but testimony, preside therein;* 1.280 and Firmilian Bishop of Caesarea Cappadocia in a Letter to S. Cyprian speaking of the Majores natu, the Seniors that preside in the Church, tells us, that to them belongs the power of baptizing, imposing hands, (viz. in penance) and ordination. By the Bishop it was primarily and usually administred, the determining the time and manner of repentance, and the conferring pardon upon the penitent sinner, being acts of the highest power and jurisdiction, and therefore reckon∣ed to appertain to the highest order in the Church. Therefore 'tis provided by the Illiberine Council,* 1.281 that penance shall be prescribed by none but the Bi∣shop; only in case of necessity, such as sickness, and danger of death, by leave and command from the Bishop, the Presbyter or Deacon might impose pe∣nance and absolve. Accordingly we

find Cyprian amongst other directions to his Clergy how to carry themselves to∣wards the lapsed,* 1.282 giving them this, that if any were over-taken with sickness,* 1.283 or present danger,* 1.284 they should not stay for his coming, but the sick person should make confession of his sins to the next Presbyter, or, if a Presbyter could not be met with, to a Deacon, that so laying hands upon him he might depart in the peace of the Church.

But though while the number of Christians was small, and the bounds of particular Churches little, Bishops were able to manage these and other parts of their office in their own per∣sons, yet soon after the task began to grow too great for them; and there∣fore about the time of the Decian per∣secution, when Christians were very much multiplyed, and the number of the lapsed great, it seem'd good to the prudence of the Church partly for the ease of the Bishop, and partly to pro∣vide for the modesty of persons in be∣ing brought before the whole Church to confess every crime, to appoint a publick penitentiary (some holy, grave, and prudent Presbyter) whose office it was to take the confession of those sins

which persons had committed after bap∣tism, and by prayers, fastings, and other exercises of mortification to prepare them for absolution. He was a kind of Censor morum, to enquire into the lives of Christians, to take an account of their failures, and to direct and dispose them to repentance. This Office con∣tinued for some hundreds of years, till it was abrogated by Nectarius (S. Chry∣sostomes predecessor in the See of Con∣stantinople) upon the occasion of a no∣torious scandal that arose about it.* 1.285 A woman of good rank and quality had been with the Penitentiary, and con∣fessed all her sins committed since bap∣tism; he enjoyn'd her to give up her self to fasting and prayer; but not long after she came to him, and confessed, that while she was conversant in the Church to attend upon those holy ex∣ercises, she had been tempted to com∣mit folly and leudness with a Deacon of the Church, whereupon the Deacon was immediately cast out; but the peo∣ple being excedingly troubled at the scandal, and the Holy Order hereby exposed to the scorn and derision of the Gentiles, Nectarius by the advice of Eudaemon a Presbyter of that Church

wholly took away the Office of the publick Penitentiary, leaving every one to the care and liberty of his own con∣science to prepare himself for the Holy Sacrament. This account Socrates as∣sures us he had from Eudaemon's own mouth; and Sozomen adds, that almost all Bishops follow'd Nectarius his exam∣ple in abrogating this Office.

But besides the ordinary and stand∣ing office of the Clergy, we find even some of the Laity, the Martyrs and Confessors, that had a considerable hand in absolving penitents, and restoring them to the communion of the Church. For the understanding of which we are to know, that as the Christians of those times had a mighty reverence for Martyrs and Confessors as the great Champions of Religion, so the Mar∣tyrs took upon them to dispense in ex∣traordinary cases; for it was very cu∣stomary in times of persecution for those who through fear of suffering had lapsed into Idolatry to make their address to the Martyrs in prison, and to beg peace of them, that they might be restored to the Church; who con∣sidering their petitions, and weighing the circumstances of their case did fre∣quently

grant their requests, mitigate their penance, and by a note signed un∣der their hands signifie what they had done to the Bishop, who taking an ac∣count of their condition, absolved and admitted them to communion. Of these Libelli, or Books granted by the Martyrs to the lapsed, there is mention in Cyprian at every turn, who complains they were come to that excessive num∣ber,* 1.286 that thousands were granted almost every day;* 1.287 this many of them took upon them to do with great smartness and authority, and without that respect that was due to the Bishops, as appears from the note written to Cyprian by Lu∣cian in the name of the Confessors;* 1.288 which because 'tis but short, and with∣all shews the form and manners of those pacifick Libells, it may not be amiss to set it down; and thus it runs; All the Confessors to Cyprian the Bishop, Greet∣ing: Know that we have granted peace to all those, of whom you have had an account what they have done, how they have behaved themselves since the com∣mission of their crimes; and we would that these presents should by you be im∣parted to the rest of the Bishops: We wish you to maintain peace with the holy

Martyrs: Written by Lucian; of the Clergy, the Exorcist and Reader being present. This was looked upon as ve∣ry peremptory and magisterial, and therefore of this confidence and pre∣sumption, and carelesness in promiscu∣ously granting these letters of peace,* 1.289 Cyprian not without reason complains in an Epistle to the Clergy of Rome.

Besides these Libells granted by the Martyrs, there were other Libelli grant∣ed by Heathen-Magistrates (of which it may not be impertinent to speak a little) whence the lapsed that had had them were commonly called Libellati∣ci, and they were of several sorts; some writing their names in Libellis in Books, and professing themselves to worship Jupiter, Mars, and the rest of the Heathen Gods, presented them to the Magistrate; and these did really sacrifice, and pollute not their souls on∣ly but their hands and their lips with unlawful sacrifices, as the Clergy of Rome expresses it in a letter to S. Cy∣prian;* 1.290 these were called Thurificati,* 1.291 and Sacrificati, from their having offe∣red incense and sacrifices. Some∣what of this nature was that Libell that Pliny speaks of in his Epistle to the

Emperour Trajan,* 1.292 presented to him while he was Proconsul of Bithynia, containing a Catalogue of the names of many, some whereof had been ac∣cused to be Christians and denied it, others confessed they had been so some years since but had renounc'd it; all of them adoring the Images of the gods, and the Emperours Statue, offe∣ring sacrifice, and blaspheming Christ; and were accordingly dismissed and re∣leased by him. Others there were who did not themselves sign or present any such Libells,* 1.293 but some Heathen-friends for them (and sometimes out of kindness they were encouraged to it by the Magistrates themselves) and were hereupon released out of prison, and had the favour not to be urged to sacrifice.* 1.294 Nay, Dionysius of Alexan∣dria speaks of some Masters, who to escape themselves compelled their ser∣vants to do sacrifice for them, to whom he appoints a three years penance for that sinful compliance and dissimulati∣on. A third sort there was, who find∣ing the edge and keenness of their Judges was to be taken off with a sum of money, freely confessed to them that they were Christians and could not sa∣crifice,

pray'd them to give them a Li∣bell of dismission, for which they would give them a suitable reward: These were most properly called Libellatici and Libellati. Cyprian acquaints us with the manner of their address to the Heathen Magistrate, bringing in such a person thus speaking for him∣self: I had both read and learnt from the Sermons of the Bishop, that the ser∣vant of God is not to sacrifice to Idols, nor to worship Images; wherefore that I might not do what was unlawful, having an opportunity of getting a Libell offered, (which yet I would not have accepted had it not offered it self) I went to the Magistrate, or caused another to go in my name and tell him, that I was a Christian, and that it was not lawful for me to sacrifice, nor to approach the altars of the Devils, that therefore I would give him a reward to excuse me, that I might not be urged to what was unlawful. These though not altogether so bad as the Sacrificati, yet Cyprian charges as guilty of impli∣cit Idolatry, having defiled their con∣sciences with the purchase of these Books, and done that by consent, which others had actually done.

I know Baronius will needs have it (and boasts that all that had written be∣fore him were mistaken in the case) that these Libellatici were not exempt∣ed from denying Christ,* 1.295 nor gave mo∣ny to that end; that they only request∣ed of the Magistrate, that they might not be compelled to offer sacrifice, that they were ready to deny Christ, and were willing to give him a reward to dispence with them only so far, and to furnish them with a Libell of security, and that they did really deny him be∣fore they obtained their Libell. But nothing can be more plain both from this and several other passages in Cypri∣an, than that they did not either pub∣lickly or privately sacrifice to Idols, or actually deny Christ; and therefore bribed the Magistrate, that they might not be forced to do what was unlaw∣ful. And hence Cyprian argues them as guilty by their wills and consent, and that they had implicitly denied Christ, how?* 1.296 by actually doing it? No, but by pretending they had done what o∣thers were really guilty of. Certain∣ly the Cardinals mistake arose from a not right understanding the several sorts of the Libellatici, the first where∣of

of (as we have shewn) did actually sa∣crifice and deny Christ.

And now having taken this view of the severity of discipline in the anti∣ent Church, nothing remains but to ad∣mire and imitate their piety and inte∣grity, their infinite hatred of sin, their care and zeal to keep up that strict∣ness and purity of manners that had rendred their Religion so renowned and triumphant in the world: A disci∣pline; which how happy were it for the Christian world, were it again resetled in its due power and vigour, which par∣ticularly is the Judgment and desire of our own Church concerning the solemn Quadragesimal Penances and Humiliati∣ons; In the Primitive Church (say the Preface to the Commination) there was a godly Discipline, that at the beginning of Lent, such persons as stood convicted of notorious sin were put to open penance, and punished in this world, that their souls might be saved in the day of the Lord; and that others admonished by their example, might be the more afraid to offend: Which said Discipline it is much to be wished might be restored again.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Part 3.
• * 1.2

  Lamprid. in vit. A∣lex. Sev. c. 43. p. 568.
• * 1.3

  Ibid c. 29. p. 540.
• * 1.4

  Ibid. c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. p. 577.
• * 1.5

  Tertul Apol. c. 27. p. 26.
• * 1.6

  Apol. 1. p. 43.
• * 1.7

  Ib. Apol. 2. p. 57.
• * 1.8

  Stromat. lib. 7. p. 728.
• * 1.9

  Apolog. ad 〈…〉〈…〉. 1. p. ••28.
• * 1.10

  De re mili∣••ar l••b. 1. c. 5▪ p. 33.
• * 1.11

  Apol. c. 32. p. 28.
• * 1.12

  Euseb. H. Eccl. lib. 6. c. 43. p. 245.
• * 1.13

  Ad Pop. Antioch. Hom. 15.
• * 1.14

  Tom. 1. p. 178, 179.
• * 1.15

  Epist 219. p. 908.
• * 1.16

  Sozom. H▪ Eccl. lib. 6. c. 30. p. 686. vid.
• * 1.17

  Annot Hen. Vales. p. 145. co••. 2.
• * 1.18

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. loc. su∣pr. laudat.
• * 1.19

  Epist. Ca∣non. ad Amphil. can. 29. p. 31. tom. 3.
• * 1.20

  Can. 64. p. 36.
• * 1.21

  Conc. Illi∣ber. Can. 74. p. 79. ubi vid. not. Albasp.
• * 1.22

  Ibid. Can. 75. p. 81.
• * 1.23

  Ad Cleric.
• * 1.24

  Eccles. Neo∣caesar. Ep. 63. p. 95. tom. 3.
• * 1.25

  Euseb. H. Eccl. lib. 6. c. 9. p. 210.
• * 1.26

  Ad Sa∣phron. Ma∣gist. Epist. 332. p. 325.
• * 1.27

  In Laud.
• * 1.28

  Patr. Orat. 19. p. 290.
• * 1.29

  De Trinit. lib. 13. c. 3. tom. 3. col. 407.
• * 1.30

  Epist▪ 48. p. 62. vid.
• * 1.31

  Resp. Cy∣prian. Ep. sequent.
• * 1.32

  Ad Scap. 2. p. 69.
• * 1.33

  Ibid. c. 4. p. 71.
• * 1.34

  Lib. 10.
• * 1.35

  Ep. 97. p. 290.
• * 1.36

  Can 2, 3, 4, 5. p. 119, 120.
• * 1.37

  Can. 7, 8.
• * 1.38

  Min. Foel. p. 8. vid.
• * 1.39

  Tertull. Apol. c 9. p. 9.
• * 1.40

  Tert. Apol. c▪ 9. p. 8.
• * 1.41

  M. Foel▪ p. ••5.
• * 1.42

  Athenag. l••g. pro Christian. p ••8. B▪ M▪ Foel. ibid.
• * 1.43

  Athenag. ib. M. Foel. ib. Tert ib. p. 9.
• * 1.44

  M▪ Foel. p. 26. Tertull. ibid. p. 10.
• * 1.45

  Athenag. Ibid.
• * 1.46

  Ibid.
• * 1.47

  Ibid.
• * 1.48

  De 〈…〉〈…〉 2. Sect. 56 p. 95.
• * 1.49

  Basil. Ep. Can Con. 2. p. 22.
• * 1.50

  Ib Can 33. p. 3••.
• * 1.51

  Cod. Theod lib. 9. Tit ••4. l. 1.
• * 1.52

  Can. 56. p. 36.
• * 1.53

  Can. 22.
• * 1.54

  Haeres. 26. p. 43. vid. de Phryg. seu Quin∣tilian.
• * 1.55

  Haeres. 48. p. 181. de Montani∣stis Zon. & Balsam. in Can. 7.
• * 1.56

  Conc. Con∣stant.
• * 1.57

  Desid. He∣rald. Not. ad Min. Foel. p. 76.
• * 1.58

  Ibid. p. 48.
• * 1.59

  Tertul. Ap. c. 39. p. 31.
• * 1.60

  Id. ibid▪ M. Foel. p. 26.
• * 1.61

  De m••r••. Peregrin. p. 764. tom. 2.
• * 1.62

  M. Foel. ib. & p. 7.
• * 1.63

  Passio Cy∣prian. vit. ejus an∣nexa p. 17.
• * 1.64

  Dial cum Tryph. p. 254.
• * 1.65

  Ib. p. 323.
• * 1.66

  Ib. p. 333.
• * 1.67

  Adv. Hae∣res lib. 3. c. 46. p. 314.
• * 1.68

  Lib. 2. p. 110.
• * 1.69

  Ad Deme∣trian. p. 204.
• * 1.70

  Hier. adv. Ruffin tom. 2. p. 199. ex Euseb.
• * 1.71

  Theodoret. H. Eccl. lib. 5. c. 29. p. ••29.
• * 1.72

  Lib. 16 Tit, 10. de Pag. Sacrif &▪ Temp. l. ••7.
• * 1.73

  Orat. de Templis. p. 10.
• * 1.74

  Epist 123. tom. 4. p. 756.
• * 1.75

  Ad Ruffin.
• * 1.76

  Presbyt.
• * 1.77

  Ep. 126. p. 763.
• * 1.78

  Euseb. H. Eccl. lib 3. c. 23▪ p 9••.
• * 1.79

  Confess. lib. 9▪ c. 9. p. 155. tom. 1.
• * 1.80

  Ibid. cap. 10.
• * 1.81

  Pallad. Hi∣stor. Laus. c. 83. in vit. Serap. p. 182.
• * 1.82

  Orig. cont.
• * 1.83

  Cels. lib. 3. p. 116.
• * 1.84

  Concil.
• * 1.85

  Carth. 3.
• * 1.86

  Can. 18.
• * 1.87

  Epist. 5. p. 13.
• * 1.88

  Euseb. H. Ecc. lib. 4. c. 23. p. 145.
• * 1.89

  Homil. 67. in Matth. p. 586.
• * 1.90

  Vit. ejus per Paul. Diac. p. 11, 12.
• * 1.91

  Basil. ad Sophron.
• * 1.92

  Ep. 84. p. 156. tom. 3.
• * 1.93

  Orat. 19. p. 298.
• * 1.94

  Ibid. p. 299.
• * 1.95

  H. Eccl. lib. 7. c 27 p. 749.
• * 1.96

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.97

  Tom. 1.
• * 1.98

  Hist. Laus. c. 6 p. 22.
• * 1.99

  Epist. ad Zen. & Se∣••en. p. 514.
• * 1.100

  Epitaph. Fabiolae ad Ocean. p. 199. tom. 1.
• * 1.101

  Theodor. H. Eccl. lib 5. c. 18 p. 160▪
• * 1.102

  Vict. Ʋtic. de persecu. Vandal lib. 1. fol. 5. p. 2.
• * 1.103

  Euseb. H. Eccl. lib. 7. c. 22. p. 269.
• * 1.104

  Cod. Theod. lib. 16. Tit. 2. de Epis∣copis &c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 42, 43.
• * 1.105

  Offic. lib. 2. c. 15▪ p▪ 42.
• * 1.106

  Epist 60. p. 96.
• * 1.107

  Rigalt. in loc.
• * 1.108

  Gronov. de pecun. vet. lib. 2. c. 2. p. 131.
• * 1.109

  H. Eccl. lib. 7. c. 21. p. 360.
• * 1.110

  Ibid. c. 28. p. 50.
• * 1.111

  Phot. No∣mocan. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. p. 43.
• * 1.112

  Pag. 70.
• * 1.113

  Greg. Mag. dial. lib. 3. c. 1. p. 98.
• * 1.114

  Edit. Col. 1610.
• * 1.115

  Epist. 2. in∣ter Ep. Cyp. p. 9.
• * 1.116

  Ibid. ubi supr.
• * 1.117

  Min. Foel. p. 9.—28.
• * 1.118

  De Anim. c. 51. p. 301.
• * 1.119

  Amm. Marcellin. lib. 22. p. 1627.
• * 1.120

  C. Theod. l. 6. Tit. 17. de Sep. viol. Lib. 9.
• * 1.121

  Saturnal. lib. 7. c. 7. pag. 514.
• * 1.122

  Apol. l. 42. p. 34.
• * 1.123

  De vit. Philos in vit. Aedes. p. 65.
• * 1.124

  Act. SS. Tharac. Prob & Andron. apud Ba∣ron. ad An. 299. tom. 2.
• * 1.125

  Euseb. H. Eccl. lib. 4. c. 15. p. 135▪
• * 1.126

  Cod Theod. lib. 13▪ Tit. 1. de Lustr. Conl. l. 1.
• * 1.127

  Lib. 16. Tit. 2. de Episc. l. 15. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 p. ••65.
• * 1.128

  De Sept. Ordin. Ecc. tom. 4. p. 81.
• * 1.129

  Lib. 6. Tit. de Decanis. l. 1.
• * 1.130

  Lib. 1. C. tit. 2. de SS. Eccles. l. 4.
• * 1.131

  Novel. Ju∣stin. 43▪ p. 114. & 59. p. 134.
• * 1.132

  Apud Cicer. de leg. lib. ••. p. 8••. vol. 4.
• * 1.133

  Hom. 26. in Cap 12. 2▪ ad Cor. p. 929.
• * 1.134

  De Vit. Const lib. 4. c. 71▪ p. 562▪
• * 1.135

  Lib. 1. Cap. 159. fol. 27. p. 1.
• * 1.136

  Prudent.
• * 1.137

  Peri Steph.
• * 1.138

  Pass Hip∣pol. Mart.
• * 1.139

  Hym. 11. p. ••39.
• * 1.140

  Lib. 1. c. 2. num. 9. p. 4.
• * 1.141

  Comment. in c. 40.
• * 1.142

  Ezekiel. tom. 5. p. 521.
• * 1.143

  Ad An: 226. tom. 2.
• * 1.144

  Ad an. 130 vid. ad an▪ 57. tom. 1. num. 112.
• * 1.145

  Edit. à Paul. A∣ringhio▪
• * 1.146

  Rom. 1651 & Col. 1659.
• * 1.147

  1 Cor. 16. 1, 2.
• * 1.148

  Apol. 2. p. 98, 99.
• * 1.149

  Apol. c. 39. p. 31.
• * 1.150

  Histor.
• * 1.151

  Lausiac. c. 15. p. 41.
• * 1.152

  Misapog. p. 99.
• * 1.153

  Epist. 49. ad Arsac. oper. par. 2. p. 203.
• * 1.154

  Fragm. E∣pist. par. 1. p. 557.
• * 1.155

  In voc. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.156

  De mort: Peregrin. p. 762, 763. tom. 2.
• * 1.157

  Ibid. p. 764.
• * 1.158

  Ad Scap. c. 1. p. 69.
• * 1.159

  Legat. pro Christian. p. 11.
• * 1.160

  Vit. ejus per Greg. Pres∣byt.
• * 1.161

  Euseb. de Martyr. Palestin. c. 8. p. 332.
• * 1.162

  Euseb. lib. 4. c. 15. p. 130.
• * 1.163

  Martyr. e∣jus apud Sur. ad 17. Aug. Tom. 4. ex. S. Metraph.
• * 1.164

  Meta∣phrast in vit. Pacho∣mii apud Sur. ad di∣em 14. Ma∣ii tom. 3.
• * 1.165

  Ʋbi prius.
• * 1.166

  H. Ecclesi∣ast. lib. 9. c. 8. p. 357.
• * 1.167

  Pont. in vit. Cypri∣an p. 13.
• * 1.168

  Lact. Epi∣tom. c. 7. p. 746.
• * 1.169

  Apol. 2. p. 61.
• * 1.170

  Joh. 4. 9.
• * 1.171

  Juvenal.
• * 1.172

  Satyr. 14. p. 439.
• * 1.173

  Gal. 2. 15.
• * 1.174

  Histor. lib. 5▪ c. 4▪ 5. p. 535. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.175

  Jos. Anti∣quit. Judaica•• lib. 11. c. 6. vid. Esther. 3. 8. vid. Cic∣pro Flac. p. ••68. Tom. 2.
• * 1.176

  Praeparat. Evangel. lib. 1. c. 4. p. 10, 11.
• * 1.177

  Vid. Atha∣nas. de verb. in∣••arnat. p. 78. tom. 1.
• * 1.178

  Apol. 2. p▪ 59.
• * 1.179

  Epist. 127. lib. 3. p. 269.
• * 1.180

  Euseb. H. Eccl. lib. 6. c. 45. p. 247.
• * 1.181

  De Vnit. Eccl. p. 184▪
• * 1.182

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.183

  Sozom, H. Eccl▪ lib. 5. c. 16▪ p▪ 617, Naz. in Jul. 1. p. 102.
• * 1.184

  De Vit. Constant. lib. 2. c. 64. & seqq. p. 473.
• * 1.185

  Ibid. lib. 3. c. 12. p. 489.
• * 1.186

  Theod. H. Eccl. lib. 1▪ c. 11. p. 25.
• * 1.187

  Can. ••.
• * 1.188

  Vit. Greg. Naz. per Gregor. Presbyt.
• * 1.189

  Homil. 11. in Ep. ad Ephes. p. 1110.
• * 1.190

  Epist. ad Cor. p. 69.
• * 1.191

  Euseb. •• Eccl. lib. 5. c. 24. p. 193.
• * 1.192

  H. Eccl. lib. 7. c. 19. p. 734.
• * 1.193

  Lib. 5. p. 273.
• * 1.194

  Vit. E∣phraem Syr∣per Gregor. Nyss. tom. 2. p. 1033.
• * 1.195

  Themist. O∣rat. 5. p. 134.
• * 1.196

  J. Mart. Epist. ad Diogn. p. 497.
• * 1.197

  Leg. pro Christian. p. 39.
• * 1.198

  Apud Eu∣seb. lib. 3. c. 36. p. 108.
• * 1.199

  Ibid. lib. 4. c. 15. p. 132.
• * 1.200

  Apol. c. 39. p. 31.
• * 1.201

  Ibid. c. 31.
• * 1.202

  Lib 8. p. 426.
• * 1.203

  Apol. 2. p. 64.
• * 1.204

  Tatian. Orat. contr. Graec. p. 144.
• * 1.205

  Apol. c. 42. p 34.
• * 1.206

  Cap. 30. p. 27.
• * 1.207

  Ad. Deme∣trian. p. 202.
• * 1.208

  Apol. c. 37. p. 30.
• * 1.209

  Nag. in∣vect. 1. in Julian. p. 94.
• * 1.210

  Martyr. SS. Mau∣ricii & so∣cior. ab Eu∣cher. Lug∣dunens. conscript. apud Suri∣umad diem 22. Sept. p. 220 &c.
• * 1.211

  Edit. Co∣lon. 1618.
• * 1.212

  Menol.
• * 1.213

  Graec. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. sub lit. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.214

  Apud Sur. ad diem 18 Jul. tom. 4.
• * 1.215

  Apol. c. 30. p. 27.
• * 1.216

  Ibid. c. 33. p. 28 Vid.
• * 1.217

  Theopb. An∣tioch. lib. 1. p. 76.
• * 1.218

  Ibid. c. 30.
• * 1.219

  Ibid. c. 35. p. 28.
• * 1.220

  ••••ut. in vit. Num. p. 71.
• * 1.221

  Append. ad Notit. Im∣per. fol. 197.
• * 1.222

  Collegio∣rum coenae immutabi∣les inten∣dunt anno∣nam. Var. apud Jac. Goth••fr. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Th. lib. 1••. Tit. 10. l. 20.
• * 1.223

  Apol. c. 39. p. 32.
• * 1.224

  Vid lib 47. ff. Tit 22. de Colleg. & Corpo∣rib.
• * 1.225

  Sueton. in vit. Jul. Caes. c. 42. p. 50. in August. c. 32. p. 155.
• * 1.226

  Lib. 10.
• * 1.227

  Epist 97.
• * 1.228

  Tertull. A∣pol. c. 38. p. 30.
• * 1.229

  Ibid. c. 39. p. 32.
• * 1.230

  Contr. Cels. lib. 1. p. 5.
• * 1.231

  Lib. 3. p. 115.
• * 1.232

  Adv. Gent. lib. 2. p. 20.
• * 1.233

  Ad Scap c. 2. p. 69.
• * 1.234

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ju∣lian. Fragm. Epist. Oper. p. 1. p. 528.
• * 1.235

  De Rom. Pontif. lib. 5. c. 7. Col. 891.
• * 1.236

  Epist. 4. pag. 9.
• * 1.237

  Lib. 7. de offic. Pro∣cons. in l. 1. ff. ad leg. Jul. maj.
• * 1.238

  Histor. lib. 4. c. 8. p. 489.
• * 1.239

  De Bell. Gall. lib. 6. p. 135.
• * 1.240

  Can. 28.
• * 1.241

  Can. 28.
• * 1.242

  Epist. ad Armen. E∣pisc. praefix. Conc. Gaugr.
• * 1.243

  Apud Eu∣seb. H. Ecc. lib 6. c. 43. p. 243.
• * 1.244

  Epist▪ 52. p. 69.
• * 1.245

  Epist. 68. p. 114.
• * 1.246

  Epist. Can. ad Amphil. Can. 3. p. 22. vid Zonar. & Balsam. in Can. 10. Conc. Ni∣cen.
• * 1.247

  Euseb. ubi supr. p. 242. Epiphan. Haeres. 59. contr. Ca∣tharos, p. 214.
• * 1.248

  In Can. 8. Conc. Ni∣cen.
• * 1.249

  Apol. c. 39. p. 31.
• * 1.250

  Euseb. H.
• * 1.251

  Eccl. lib. 6. c. 42. p. 241.
• * 1.252

  Tert. de poe∣nitent. c. 9. p. 127.
• * 1.253

  Vid. Euseb. lib. 5. c. 28. p. 197.
• * 1.254

  Ibid.
• * 1.255

  Ibid. lib. 6. c. 34. p. 232.
• * 1.256

  H. Eccl. lib. 5. c. 15.
• * 1.257

  Aug. Eu∣chirid. c. 65. tom. 3.
• * 1.258

  De Laps▪ p. 177.
• * 1.259

  Ibid▪ p. 173▪
• * 1.260

  Tert. de poe∣nitent. c. 8. p. 126, 127▪
• * 1.261

  Epist. 9. p. 21.
• * 1.262

  Cypr. Epist. 11. p. 24.
• * 1.263

  Id. Epist. 27. p. 39.
• * 1.264

  Vid. Epist. 46. p. 60.
• * 1.265

  Euseb. H.
• * 1.266

  Eccl. lib. 6. c. 44. p. 246.
• * 1.267

  Can. 2. ad Amphil.
• * 1.268

  Forbes. in∣struct. Hist.
• * 1.269

  Th. lib. 12. c▪ 7. p. 674.
• * 1.270

  Epist. 52. ad Anto∣nian. p. 67.
• * 1.271

  Can. 13.
• * 1.272

  Epist. 54. p. 76.
• * 1.273

  Epist. 52. ubi prius.
• * 1.274

  Epist. 55. p. 85.
• * 1.275

  Can. 5. vid.
• * 1.276

  Conc. Ni∣cen. Can. 12.
• * 1.277

  De sacer∣dot. lib. 2. c. 4. p. 18.
• * 1.278

  Tom. 4.
• * 1.279

  Apol. c. 39.
• * 1.280

  Inter Epist. Cyprian. p. 146.
• * 1.281

  Can. 32. p. 40.
• * 1.282

  Epist. 12. p. 25. Vid. Conc. 2.
• * 1.283

  Carthag.
• * 1.284

  Can. 4.
• * 1.285

  Socrat. H. Eccl. lib▪ 5. c. 19. p. 278. Con∣fer. Sozom. lib. 7. c. 16. p. 726.
• * 1.286

  Epist. 10. 11, 12. & alibi.
• * 1.287

  Epist. 14. p. 27.
• * 1.288

  Epist. 16. p. 29.
• * 1.289

  Epist. 22. p. 34.
• * 1.290

  Epist. 31. p. 44.
• * 1.291

  Ad Anto∣nian. Epist. 52. p. 66, 67.
• * 1.292

  Epist. 97. lib. 10.
• * 1.293

  Epist. 31. p. 44.
• * 1.294

  Can. 7. Sy∣nodic. Tom. 2. pa. 1. p. 12.
• * 1.295

  Annal. Ec∣cl. ad Ann. CCLIII Num. XX. & seqq. tom. 2.
• * 1.296

  De Lapsis, p. 176.