Primitive Christianity, or, The religion of the ancient Christians in the first ages of the Gospel in three parts / by William Cave.

CHAP. II.

Of their admirable Love and Charity.

The excellent temper of the Christian Re∣ligion. The Gospel principally enjoyns kindness and charity. The Primitive Christians eminently of this spirit. They accounted all brethren, but Chri∣stians more especially. Their mutual love noted and recorded by their ene∣mies. Their mighty zeal and charity for the souls of men, to recover them from vice and errour to truth and ver∣tue. This the matter of their daily prayer, and most serious endeavours, even towards their greatest enemies. Pamphilus his charity in bestowing Bi∣bles freely upon the poor. Preachers maintained for converting the Gen∣tile Phenicians to Christianity. The fa∣mous story of S. John's hazarding him∣self for the regaining a young man de∣bauched by bad companions. Monica's care and sollicitude about S. Augustin. Some that have sold themselves for slaves, that they might convert their Heathen or Heretical Masters. Chri∣stians

not shy of communicating the knowledge of their Religion. Their Charity as it respected the necessities of the outward life. This noted in seve∣ral instances of charity. Their liberal providing for the poor. The bounty of particular persons. Divers instances of it. The immense charity of Epi∣phanius: exemplary vengeance upon some that abused it. The poor account∣ed the Treasure and Ornaments of the Church: represented in the case of Laurentius the Deacon, and a story re∣lated by Palladius. Their visiting and assisting the sick in their own persons: eminently noted in the Empress Pla∣cilla, and the Lady Fabiola. The Christians care of their brethren in a great plague at Alexandria. Persons appointed on purpose to cure and at∣tend the sick. The Parabolani, who. Their office and number. Redemption of Captives. Great sums contributed by Cyprian and his people for it. Church-plate sold to redeem Christians, nay, captiv'd enemies. Christians em∣bondaging themselves to redeem others. The strange charity of Paulinus Bishop of Nola, making himself a slave to ransom a poor widows son. Their care

about the bodies of the dead. Decent burial very fit and desirable. A piece of piety remarkable in the Christians of those times. Their abstaining from the common custome of burning the dead as barbarous. The great cost they laid out upon their funerals, in em∣balming, intombing, &c. The Co∣piatae, who: What their office and or∣der. The Decani or Deans in the Church of Constantinople; their number, and duty. Their providing fit places of Sepulture. Their Coemeteria or bu∣rying-places in the fields. Burying in Cities and Churches when brought in, and to whom first granted. Their Coe∣meteria under ground. What kind of places they were. The great number and vast capacities of them. A particu∣lar account of one out of Baronius, dis∣covered in his time. How the Christi∣ans were enabled to all these acts of charity. At first all in common: af∣ter, by usual contributions. The stand∣ing stock or treasury of the Church. This charity of Christians largely atte∣sted by Julian and Lucian. Their love and charity universal. Doing good to enemies. An excellency proper to Chri∣stians. This manifested in several re∣makable

instances. Plainly acknow∣ledged by Julian himself. The whole sum'd up in an elegant discourse of La∣ctantius concerning mercy and charity.

THat the Christian Religion was immediately designed to im∣prove and perfect the principles of hu∣mane nature, appears as from many o∣ther instances of it, so especially from this, that it so strictly enjoyns, cherishes and promotes that natural kindness and compassion, which is one of the prime and essential inclinations of mankind; wherever the Gospel is cordially com∣plied with, it begets such a sweet and gracious temper of mind as makes us humble, affable, courteous and chari∣table, ready and disposed to every good work, prompt to all offices of hu∣manity and kindness, it files off the rug∣gedness of mens natures, banishes a rude, churlish and pharisaical temper, and infuses a more calm and treatable disposition. It commands us to live and love as brethren, to love without hypocri∣sie, to have fervent charity amongst our selves, and to be kindly affectioned one towards another: It lays the sum of our duty toward others in this, to love our

neighbour as our selves. This our Saviour seems to own as his proper and pecu∣liar law, and has ratified it with his own solemn sanction, A new Commandment I give unto you, that you love one another, as I have loved you, that you also love one another; and then makes this the great visible badge of all those who are truly Christians, by this shall all men know that you are my Disciples, if you have love one to another.

And so indeed it was in those first and best ages of Religion, for no sooner did the Gospel fly abroad into the world, but the love and charity of Christians became notorious even to a Proverb, the Heathens taking notice of the Christians of those times with this particular remark,* 1.1 See how these Chri∣stians love one another. They were then united in the most happy frater∣nity (a word much used by Christians in those days, and objected against them by the Heathens) they liv'd as brethren, and accounted themselves such, not only as being sprung from one com∣mon Parent▪ (for in this respect that they had Nature for their common Mother,* 1.2 they acknowledged the very Heathens to be brethren, though other∣wise

little deserving the name of men) but upon much higher accounts, viz. that they had one and the same God for their Father, drank all of the same spirit of holiness, were brought out of the same womb of darkness and igno∣rance into the same light of truth, that they were partakers of the same Faith, and co-heirs of the same hope. This Lucian himself confesses of them,* 1.3 and that it was one of the great Principles that their Master instilled into them, that they should all become Brethren, after once they had thrown off the Re∣ligion of the Gentiles, and had embra∣ced the worship of their great crucified Master, and given up themselves to live according to his Laws. The truth is, so ready, intire, and constant was their kindness and familiarity, that the Heathens accused them for having pri∣vy marks upon their bodies,* 1.4 whereby they fell in love with each other at first sight. Indeed they never met, but they embraced one another with all the de∣monstrations of a hearty and sincere af∣fection, saluting each other with a•• holy kiss, not only in their own houses, but at their Religious Assemblies, as a badge and bond of that Christian fel∣lowship

and communion that was main∣tained amongst them.

But the love and kindness of those Christians of old did not lie only in a smooth complemental carriage, or in a parcel of good words, depart in peace, be you warm'd or fill'd, but in the real exercises of charity and mercy. Now because the two great objects of Cha∣rity are, the good of mens souls, and their outward and bodily welfare and happiness, we shall find that the Primi∣tive Christians were highly eminent and exemplary for both these. The soul being of a much higher and no∣bler nature, and consequently infinitely more precious and valuable than the body, they were accordingly infinitely careful and solicitous to save mens souls, to recover them out of the snare of the Devil, and the paths of ruine, by making them Christians, and bringing them over to the knowledge of the truth; for this they pray'd daily and earnestly. We Christians (says Cyprian to the Pro∣consul) serve the one and true Cod that made Heaven and earth,* 1.5 and pray to him night and day, not only for our selves, but for all men, and for the safe∣ty of the Emperours themselves. From

this no injuries or unkindnesses could discourage them.* 1.6 Justin Martyr tells the Jew, that they pray'd for them, and all others that unjustly were their ene∣mies, that repenting of their wicked∣nesses, and ceasing to blaspheme Christ Jesus, who by the greatness of his works, the uncontroulableness of the miracles performed in his name, the ex∣cellency of his doctrines, and the clear∣ness of the prophecies fulfilled in him, appeared to be altogether innocent and unblameable, and that rather believing in him, they might together with Chri∣stians be saved by him at his second glorious coming, and not be condemn∣ed by him to everlasting flames. We pray for you (says he) that Christ would have mercy upon you,* 1.7 for he has taught us to Pray for our enemies, to love them and be merciful to them. And af∣terwards, when he had reckoned up all those wicked and malicious artifices which the Jews had used both against Christ and Christians, yet notwithstand∣ing all this (says he) we are so far from hating either you,* 1.8 or those who at your suggestion believe these things of us, that we pray that all of you may repent, and obtain mercy from God, the gra∣cious

and compassionate Parent of the world. The Gnosticks were the great∣est scandal that ever was to Christianity, and the occasion of many of those per∣secutions, and most of those horrible calumnies which the Heathens brought upon the Christians, and yet see how Irenaeus treats them;* 1.9 We pray for them (says he) and beg of them not to con∣tinue in the pit which they have dig∣ged to themselves▪ but to depart from their sottish and idle vanities, to turn to the Church of God, that Christ may be formed in them, and that they may know the only true God, the Creatour of the world: This we beg of them, lo∣ving them to better purpose, than they think they love themselves: for our love is true and wholesome (if they will receive it) like a sharp plaister in∣deed, but it will eat away the proud flesh, take down the swelling and va∣nity of their minds, for which cause we will not cease by all means to ap∣ply it to them. The same Origen tells Celsus,* 1.10 that though both Jews and Gen∣tiles turn'd their backs upon the do∣ctrine of Christ, and charged them for being Impostors and deceivers, yet they would not give over thus honestly to

deceive men, to make them of loose persons to become sober and temperate, or to bring them on towards it; of dishonest to make them righteous, of unwise to make them prudent, at least to bring them into the way to these things; of fearful and timorous to ren∣der them hearty and couragious, espe∣cially as oft as they are to contend for their Religion and Piety towards God. How earnestly and passionately does Cyprian beg of the Proconsul Deme∣trian and the Gentiles to provide for their happiness and safety,* 1.11 to accept of the counsels and assistance which the Christians offered, who loved them not the worse for all the torments and suf∣ferings they laid upon them; that they returned kindness for hatred, and by the miseries they endured shewed to them the way to Heaven; that now was the time to make their peace with God, and to secure salvation; that there was no place for repentance on t'other side the grave, the stations of the other world being fix'd and unchange∣able; that therefore they should be∣lieve and live, that so they might eter∣nally rejoyce with them, whom they did now so afflict and persecute.

In pursuance of this design they spa∣red neither pains nor cost, that they might instruct men in the way to Hea∣ven.* 1.12 'Tis said of Pamphilus the Mar∣tyr, that amongst other instances of his charity, he used freely and readily to bestow Bibles upon all that were wil∣ling to read; for which purpose he had alwayes great numbers of those holy volumes by him, that as occasion serv'd, he might distribute and bestow them: By this means mercifully fur∣nishing those with these divine trea∣sures, whose purses could not other∣wise reach to the price of the Scri∣ptures, far dearer in those dayes, than they are since Printing came into the world.* 1.13 We find S. Chrysostome so zea∣lous for converting the Gentiles to Chri∣stianity, that for this very end he main∣tained many Presbyters and Monks in Phoenicia partly at his own charge, and partly by the assistance of pious and well-disposed persons, whose only work it was to Catechise and instruct the Hea∣thens in the Principles of the Christian Faith; and that the business might suc∣ceed more effectually,* 1.14 he procured a law from the Emperor Arcadius (yet ex∣tant in the Theodosian Code) directed to

Eutychian, Prefect of the East, that the Pagan Temples should be orderly taken down, that so they being destroyed, the whole matter of the Gentile super∣stition might be abolished. Upon the executing of which Law great muti∣nies were raised by the Country peo∣ple, many of the Monks wounded, and some slain, and the rest wholly dis∣heartned to proceed in the business, (these doubtless being those very Monks against whom Libanius so severely de∣claims for so mercilesly destroying the Pagan Temples:)* 1.15 Whereupon Chry∣sostome (who who then in banishment) writes to them to bear up with a Chri∣stian and invincible patience,* 1.16 encoura∣ges them resolutely to go on in so good a work; tells them that God would not be wanting to stand by them, and to re∣ward them in this and the other life, and promises them (though his incomes at this time were very small) that their former pensions should be paid them, and all things necessary provided for them. And indeed with how much care and solicitude the good mans mind was filled about this business,* 1.17 he sufficiently intimates in a letter written to another person whom he had em∣ployed

about this affair.* 1.18 Nor did they in those times regard case or fafety any more than they did▪ cost and charges in this matter,* 1.19 exposing themselves to any dangers that they might do good to the souls of men.

I might easily shew that this conside∣ration had a great influence upon the sufferings of the Primitive Martyrs, willingly running any hazards, chear∣fully enduring any miseries, that they might gain others to the faith, and pre∣vent their eternal ruine. But that fa∣mous story of S. John the Apostle shall serve instead of many,* 1.20 the sum of which is this; Coming to a place near Ephe∣sus in his visitation of the Churches, he espied a Youth of a comely shape and pregnant parts, and taking hold of him delivered him to the Bishop of the place with this charge (which he re∣peated once and again) I commend this person to thee to be looked to with all care and diligence, and that in the pre∣sence of Christ and the Church. The Bishop undertook the charge, received the young man into his house, instruct∣ed him, and at last baptized him. Which being done, he thought he might remit a little of the strictness of his care;

but the young man making an ill use of his liberty, fell into bad company, by whose arts and snares he was seduced into ways of riot and wickedness; till despairing of all hope of pardon from God, he let loose the reins to all man∣ner of exorbitancy, and agreeing with his confederates, they combin'd them∣selves into a society of highway-men, and made him their Captain, who quick∣ly became as far beyond the rest in fierceness and cruelty, as he was in pow∣er and authority. S. John upon occa∣sion returning some while after to the same place, after he had dispatched his other business, required from the Bi∣shop th•• pledge he had left with him; who wondring and not knowing what he meant; I mean (said S. John) the young man, 'tis the soul of my brother that I require. The old man with a de∣jected look and tears in his eyes, an∣swered, he's dead; and being de∣manded by what kind of death, an∣swered, he's dead to God; for alas! he's become a villain, and instead of the Church is fled with his companions to the mountains to be a thief and a rob∣ber. The Apostle renting his cloaths, and bewailing that he had so ill be∣trusted

his brother's soul, immediately call'd for a horse and a guide, and made haste to the Mountains; where being taken by those that stood Sentinel, he beg'd to be brought before their Cap∣tain, who stood ready arm'd some way off; but assoon as he perceived 'twas S. John that was coming towards him, he began to be ashamed & to run as fast as he could. The Apostle not regard∣ing his own age and weakness follow∣ed after with all his might; and when his legs could not overtake him, he sent these passionate exclamations after him; Why, O my Son, dost thou fly from thy aged and unarmed father? take pity of me, and fear not, there is yet hope of salvation for thee. I will undertake with Christ for thee; if need be, I will freely undergo death for thee, as our Lord did for us, and lay down my own life to ransom thine; only stay and believe me, for I am sent by Christ. With that he stay'd, and with a dejected look throw∣ing away his Arms, he trembled, and dissolved into tears; he embraced the aged Apostle with all possible expressi∣ons of sorrow and lamentation, as if again baptized with his own tears. S. John assured him he had obtain'd his

pardon of Christ, and having fasted and prayed with him and for him, and with all the arts of consolation refresh∣ed his shattered and disconsolate mind, brought him into, and restored him to the Church.

This story though somewhat long, I was the willinger to produce, both be∣cause so remarkable in it self, and so great a testimony of that mighty ten∣derness and compassion which they had for the souls of men; for whose sake they thought they could never do, ne∣ver venture far enough.* 1.21 S. Augustine tells us what infinite pains his Mother Monica took about the conversion of her husband Patricius, how unwearied∣ly she sought to endear her self to him, by all the arts of a meek, prudent and sober carriage, how submissively she complied with his rigorous and unto∣ward humours, how diligently she watched the aptest times of insinuati∣on, never leaving till at last she gained him over to the faith. Nor was her care and solicitude less for her Son Augustine, who being hurried away with the lewdnesses of youth, and in∣tangled with the impieties of the Ma∣nichean Heresie, was the hourly sub∣ject

of her prayers and tears; She plyed him with daily counsels and in∣treaties, implored the help and assist∣ances of good men, and importuned heaven for the success of all; not being able to gain any quiet to her mind, till S. Ambrose (with whom she had oft ad∣vised about it) sent her away with this assurance, that it was not possible that a child of so many tears should perish. No sooner was his conversion wrought, but her spirit was at ease, and she now desired no more.* 1.22 Himself tells us, that discoursing with her alone some few days before her death concerning the state of the blessed and the joys of heaven, she at last broke off with this farewel: For my part, Son, I have now no further hopes or pleasures in this world; there was but one thing for which I desired to live, that I might see thee a Ca∣tholick Christian before I died: This my good God has abundantly blessed me with, having let me see thee despising the selici∣ties of this life, and entred into his fa∣mily and service; so that what do I make any longer here? Nay, so great a zeal had they for the good of souls in those days, that many did not stick to engage themselves in temporal slavery for no

other end but to deliver others from spiritual bondage. Thus Serapion call∣ed Sindonites (because he never wore more than one poor Linnen garment) one of the Primitive Asceticks,* 1.23 sold himself to a Gentile-player that served the Theatre; with whom he liv'd & un∣derwent the meanest offices, till he had converted him, his wife and whole fa∣mily to Christianity, who upon their baptism restored him to his liberty, whereupon he freely returned them back the mony which he had receiv'd as the price of his servitude, which by mu∣tual consent was given to the poor. Com∣ing afterwards to Lacedaemon and hear∣ing that a principal person of the City, a very good man otherwise, was infe∣cted with the Manichean Heresie; one of the first things he did, was to insinu∣ate himself into his Family, selling himself to be his slave; in which con∣dition he remained for two years toge∣ther, till he had brought his Master and his whole Family off from that perni∣cious Heresie, and restored them to the Church; who did not only bless God for it, but treated him not as a servant, but with that kindness and reverence that is due to a Brother and a Father.

This was the good spirit and genius of those days, they intirely studied and designed the happiness of men, were willing and desirous freely to impart the treasuries of the Gospel, and wish∣ed that in that respect all mankind were as rich and happy as themselves. So far were they from that malicious imputation which Celsus fastned upon them, that if all men would become Christians,* 1.24 they would not admit it; to which Origen flatly returns the lie;* 1.25 and tells him the falseness of it might appear from this, that Christians as much as in them lay were not back∣ward to propagate their doctrine through the whole world; and that some of them had peculiarly under∣taken to go up and down not only in Cities, but in Towns and Villages, to bring over others to the true Religi∣on: and that they did not this out of any designs of gain or interest to them∣selves was plain, because they often refus'd to receive necessary accommo∣dations from others; or if they did, they were such only as were barely and absolutely necessary for the pre∣sent turn, when as far greater liberali∣ties have been offered to them. Nay,

some of the antient Canons expresly re∣quire,* 1.26 that no man, who has either He∣reticks or Infidels in his Family,* 1.27 shall be admitted to the order either of Bi∣shop,* 1.28 Presbyter or Deacon, who has not first converted those persons to the true Christian faith.

Having seen what kindness and cha∣rity they expressed to mens souls, we come next to that which respected their bodies, and the necessities of the outward life; this they shewed in se∣veral instances, we shall consider some of the most material. In the first place they took special care to provide for the poor, and such as were unable to help themselves;* 1.29 this Cyprian in his retirement gave especially in charge to the Presbyters and Deacons of his Church, that by all means they should mind the poor, and furnish them with whatever was necessary for them.* 1.30 Di∣onysius Bishop of Corinth testifies of the Church of Rome that they did not on∣ly eminently provide for their own poor, but with great liberality admini∣ster to the necessities of other Church∣es, plentifully relieving whatever in∣digent brethren came to them, or where-ever they were, though at the

greatest distance from them. And of the Church of Antioch Chrysostom tells us,* 1.31 that in his time, though the revenues of it were but small, yet besides its Clergy, besides strangers, lepers, and such as were in bonds, it daily main∣tain'd above three thousand Widows and Maids. Indeed the bounty of those times was almost incredible. S. Cyprian upon his turning Christian sold his estate to relieve the wants of others.* 1.32 and could not be restrained from it ei∣ther by the perswasions of others, or the considerations of what he might be reduced to himself. After his en∣trance upon the Ministry his doors were open to all that came, from whom no Widow ever returned empty; to any that were blind, he would be their guide to direct them; them that were lame, he was ready to lend his assistance to support them; none were oppressed by might, but he was ready to defend them.* 1.33 Caesarius, S. Basil's brother, made only this short will when he died,* 1.34 I will that all my estate be given to the poor. Nazianzen reports of his Father, that he was so kind to the poor,* 1.35 that he did not only bestow the surplusage of his estate upon them, but even part

of what was reserv'd for necessary uses;* 1.36 of his Mother, that an Ocean of wealth would not have filled her unsatisfied desire of doing good, and that he had often heard her say, that if it were lawful, she could willingly have sold her self and children, to have expend∣ed the price upon the uses of the poor; and of his Sister Gorgonia, that she was immensely liberal, Job-like her gate was open to every stranger, she was eyes to the blind, feet to the lame, and a mother to orphans; her estate was as common to the poor, and as much at their need, as every ones is to himself, dispersing and scattering abroad, and according to the counsel of our Savi∣our, laying up her treasure in heaven.

They gave not only according to, but beyond their ability; trusting to the goodness and fidelity of heaven to supply what wanted, which many times made the return with overplus by ways uncommon and extraordinary. Sozomen relates of Epiphanius Bishop of Salamine in Cyprus,* 1.37 that having spent all his own estate in pious and charitable uses, in relieving the needy, and such as were by shipwrack and the mercy of the sea cast upon the coast,

he freely dispensed and distributed the goods and treasures of his Church (which by the bounty of charitable persons from all parts, who thought they could not better lodge their e∣states than in the hands of so good a man, was very rich and wealthy) and that with so liberal a hand, that the Steward or Guardian of the Church finding its stock begin to grow very low, with some resentment told him of it, charging him as too profuse and open-handed; All which notwith∣standing he remitted nothing of his accustomed bounty to the poor. At length all being spent, a stranger on a suddain comes into the Stewards lodg∣ings, and delivers into his hand a great purse of gold, without any discovery either who 'twas that brought it, or who 'twas that sent it. And indeed so vast and universal was the charity of this good man, that it sometimes made him liable to be imposed upon by crafty and designing persons, whereof the Histo∣rian in the same place gives this re∣markable instance. A couple of beg∣gars meeting Epiphanius, and knowing the charitableness of his temper, to draw the greater alms from him, a∣greed

to put this trick upon him. One of them lies along upon the ground, feign∣ing himself to be dead, the other stand∣ing by him passionately bewailed the death of his companion, and his own po∣verty, not able to give him burial. Epi∣phanius pitied the man, perswaded him to bear his loss patiently, and not to expect that his companion should in this world rise any more, bid him take care for his burial, and withal gave him what was sufficient for it. No sooner was he gone out of sight, but the beggar comes to his companion, jogs him with his foot, and commends him for so ingeniously acting the cheat: Rise (said he) and with what we have got let's be merry and jolly to day. But alas! the Comedy was turned into a tra∣gick scene; the man was really dead, and could not be recovered by all his cries or stirring; which his companion no sooner perceived, but with all hast makes after the Bishop, cries and tears his hair, confesses the cheat, and begs that his companion might be restored to life; but all in vain: the Bishop bids him be content, and tells him that God would not undo what he had done. Leaving a fair warning to men (says the

Historian) that the great God who sees and hears all things, reckons those ••••••••k∣eries that are put upon his servants as if done to himself. But this only upon oc∣casion of that great charity which they then upon all occasions extended to the poor. The truth is, they then looked upon the poor as the treasure and orna∣ment of the Church, by whom as by bills of Exchange they returned their estates into the other world. When Decius the Emperour demanded of Lau∣rentius the Deacon of the Church of Rome the Churches treasures,* 1.38 he pro∣mised after three days to produce them; in which time having gathered together the blind and the lame,* 1.39 the in∣firm and the maim, at the time ap∣pointed he brought them into the Pa∣lace, and when the Emperour asked for the treasures he had promised to bring with him, he shews him his company, Behold (said he) these are the treasures of the Church, those eternal treasures, which are never diminished, but increase; which are dispersed to every one, and yet found in all. This passage brings to my mind (though it more properly be∣longs to the next instance of charity) what Palladius relates of Macarius,* 1.40 a

Presbyter and Governour of the Hospi∣tal at Alexandria; There was a Virgin in that City very rich, but infinitely co∣vetous and uncharitable: She had been oft attempted and set upon by the perswasions of good men, but in vain; at last he caught her by this piece of pious policy. He comes to her, and tells her that a parcel of Jewels, Emraulds and Jacinths, of inestimable value, were lodg'd at his house, but which the owner was willing to part with for five hundred pieces of mony, and advises her to buy them: She catching at the offer, as hoping to gain considerably by the bargain, delivered him the mony, and intreated him to buy them for her, knowing him to be a person of great piety and integrity. But hearing nothing from him a long time after, till meeting him in the Church, she asked him what were be∣come of the Jewels: He told her he had laid out the mony upon them (for he had expended it upon the uses of the Hospital) and desired her to come and see them, and if the purchase did not please her, she might refuse it. She readily came along with him to the Hospital, in the upper rooms whereof

the women were lodged; in the lower the men. He asked her which she would see first, the Jacinths, or the Em∣raulds; which she leaving to him, he brought her first into the upper part, where the lame, blind, and Cripple-wo∣men were disposed, and see, said he, the Jacinths that I spoke of: Then carry∣ing her down into the lower rooms he shewed her the men in the like condi∣tion, and told her, These are the Em∣raulds that I promised, and Jewels more precious than these I think are not to be found; and now, said he, if you like not your bargain, take your mony back again. The woman blushed, and was troubled to think, she should be hal'd to that, which she ought to have done freely for the love of God. Afterwards she heartily thanked Macarius, and betook her self to a more charitable and Chri∣stian course of life.

Next to this, their charity appeared in visiting and assisting of the sick; contributing to their necessities, re∣freshing their tired bodies, curing their wounds or sores with their own hands. The sick (says the antient Authour of the Epistle in Justin Martyr,* 1.41 if it be not Justin himself) are not to be neg∣lected;

nor is it enough for any to say, I have never learnt to serve and give attendance: For he that shall make his delicacy or tenderness unaccusto∣med to any hardness to be an excuse in this case, let him know it may soon be his own; and then he'l quickly dis∣cern the unreasonableness of his own judgment, when the same shall happen to him, that he himself has done to o∣thers. But there were no such nice and squeamish stomachs in the good Christians of those times. S. Hierom tells us of Fabiola a Roman Lady,* 1.42 a woman of considerable birth and for∣tunes, that she sold her estate, and de∣dicated the mony to the uses of the poor; she built an Hospital (and was the first that did so) wherein she main∣tained and cured the infirm and mise∣rable, or any sick that she met withal in the streets; here was a whole ran∣dezvouz of Cripples, hundreds of dis∣eases and destempers here met toge∣ther, and her self at hand to attend them: sometimes carrying the diseased in her arms, or bearing them on her shoulders; sometimes washing and dres∣sing those filthy and noysome sores, from which another woud have turn∣ed

his eyes with contempt and hor∣rour; otherwiles preparing them food, or giving them physick with her own hand. The like we read of Placilla the Empress,* 1.43 wife to the younger Theodo∣s••us, that she was wont to take all possi∣ble care of the lame or wounded, to go home to their houses, carry them all necessary conveniencies, and to attend, and assist them not by the ministery of her servants and followers, but with her own hands. She constantly visited the common Hospitals, attended at sick beds for their cure and recovery, tasted their broths, prepared their bread, reached them their provisions, washed their cups with her own hands, and underwent all other offices which the very meanest of the servants were to undergo. Thus also the Historian re∣ports of Deogratias the aged Bishop of Carthage under the Vandalic persecuti∣on,* 1.44 that having sold all the plate be∣longing to the Church to ransom the Captive Christans, and wanting places conveniently to bestow them, he lodg∣ed them in two large Churches, pro∣vided for the needy, took care of the sick, himself every hour visiting them both by day and night, with Physici∣ans

attending him to superintend their cure, and diet suitable to their several cases, going from bed to bed to know what every one stood in need of. Nay, how often did they venture to relieve their brethren when labouring under such distempers as seemed immediately to breath death in their faces? Thus in that sad and terrible plague at Alex∣andria,* 1.45 which though it principally raged amongst the Gentiles, yet seiz'd also upon the Christians, Many of the bretheren (says the Historian) out of the excessive abundance of their kindness and charity, without any re∣gard to their own health and life, bold∣ly ventured into the thickest dangers, daily visiting, attending, instructing, and comforting their sick and infected brethren, till themselves expired and died with them: Nay, many of them whom they thus attended recovered and lived, while they who had looked to them died themselves; as if by a strange and prodigious charity they had willingly taken their diseases up∣on them, and died themselves to save them from death. Thus 'twas with the Christians, while the Gentiles in the mean time put off all sense of huma∣nity,

when any began to fall sick a∣mongst them, they presently cast them out, shun'd their dearest friends and relations, left them half-dead in the high-ways, and took no care of them either alive or dead.

And that this work of charity might be the better managed amongst Chri∣stians, they had in many places (and particularly in this of Alexandria) cer∣tain persons whose proper office it was to attend and administer to the sick: They were called Parabolani,* 1.46 (because especially in pestilential and infectious distempers they did 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cast themselves into an immediate hazard of their lives) and were peculiarly deputed ad curanda debilium aegra corpora, (as the law of the younger Theodosius expresses it) to attend and cure the bo∣dies of the infirm and sick. Their num∣bers it seems were very great, insomuch that upon any tumultuary occasions they became formidable even to the Courts of Civil Judicature; upon com∣plaint whereof made to the Emperour, Theodosius reduced their number to five hundred; which being found too lit∣tle, by a second Constitution he enlar∣ged it to six hundred. The truth is,

these Parabolani were a kind of Clergy-Physicians, for that they were under an Ecclesiastical cognizance is plain, being reckon'd up with the Clergy, and ac∣cordingly by the latter Constitution of Theodosius are appointed to be chosen by, and to be immediately subject to the Bishop of the place.

A third instance of their Love and Charity (and which S. Ambrose calls the highest piece of liberality) was their care of those that were in captivity,* 1.47 groaning under the merciless tyranny and oppression of their enemies, to relieve them under, to redeem them out of their bondage and slavery. Cyprian in a letter to the Bishops of Numidia a∣bout this very thing,* 1.48 the redemption of those Christians amongst them that had been taken captive by the Barbarians, elegantly bewails their misery, and ear∣nestly presses their redemption, and as a help towards it sent them Sestertium centum millia nummûm;* 1.49 which Rigal∣tius computes to twenty five thousand pounds French,* 1.50 though others more truly reduce it to a much lower sum, viz. seven thousand five hundred, or two thousand five hundred Crowns; which he and his people had liberally

contributed to it. Of Acacius Bishop of Amida we read in Socrates,* 1.51 that when the Roman Army had taken seven thousand Persians captive, and would neither release them without a ransom, nor yet give them food to keep them alive; this good Bishop, with the con∣sent of the Clergy of his Church, caused all the Gold and Silver Plate and vessels that belonged to their Church to be melted down, ransom'd the wretches, fed them, and then freely sent them home to their own Prince: with which generous Charity the King of Persia (as he well might) was strangely amaz'd, finding that the Romans knew how to conquer an enemy by kindness, no less than by force of arms. The like S. Am∣brose relates of himself,* 1.52 that he caused the Communion Plate of his Church to be broke in pieces to redeem Christians taken captive by the enemy; for which though he was blam'd by the Arrian party, yet he elegantly defends the fact, as not only a justifiable,* 1.53 but a proper and eminent act of charity. And in∣deed 'tis the only case wherein the Im∣perial Constitutions make it lawful to sell or pawn the Plate and gifts belong∣ing to the Church, it being otherwise

made sacriledge to receive them, and the things absolutely forfeited by those that bought them. This was very great, but yet we meet with a stranger Cha∣rity than this in the Primitive Church, some that have parted with their own liberty to purchase freedome unto o∣thers; So S. Clemens assures us in his famous Epistle to the Corinthians,* 1.54 We have known many amongst our selves (says he) who have delivered themselves into bonds and slavery, that they might restore others to their liberty; many who have hir'd out themselves servants unto others, that by their wages they might feed and sustain them that wanted. Of which this one strange instance shall suffice. Under the Vandalic persecuti∣on many Christians were carried slaves out of Italy into Africk,* 1.55 for whose re∣demption Paulinus then Bishop of Nola had expended his whole estate;* 1.56 at last a widow comes to him, intreats him to give her as much as would ransome her only Son then slave to the King of the Vandals Son-in-law; he told her he had not one penny left, nothing but his own person, and that he would freely give her to make her best of, and to procure her sons ransome; this the wo∣man

look'd upon from a person of his quality as rather a deriding her calami∣ty, than a pittying of her case: but he assur'd her he was in earnest, and at last induced her to believe him; where∣upon they both took shipping for A∣frick, whither they were no sooner come, but the good Bishop addressed himself to the Prince, beg'd the release of the widows Son, and offer'd himself in his room. The issue was, the woman had her Son restor'd her, and Paulinus became the Princes slave, who imploy∣ed him in the dressing and keeping of his Garden. How he afterwards ingra∣tiated himself into the favour of his Master, and came to be discovered to him who he was, how the Prince set him at liberty, and gave him leave to ask what he would, which he made no further use of than to beg the release of all his Country men then in bondage, which was accordingly granted, and all joyfully sent home with their ships laden with Corn and Provisions, I omit as not pertinent to my purpose; they that are desirous to know more of it may read it in the Dialogues of S. Gre∣gory, from whence I have borrowed the story. This certainly was Charity with

a witness, an act that will find more to admire and commend it, than to imi∣tate and follow it.

A fourth instance of Primitive Cha∣rity, was the great care they took a∣bout the bodies of the dead, in giving them decent, and where they could, honourable burial; all men naturally have a kindness for their bodies, and therefore desire, that what has so long been the mansion of an immortal te∣nant, may upon its dis-lodging be or∣derly taken down, and the ruins of it laid up with honour and safety. Mans body besides that 'tis the cabinet of an invaluable jewel, is a curious piece of artifice, fearfully and wonderfully made, the excellent contrivance of the divine omniscience, and in that respect chal∣lenges not to be carelesly thrown aside, or rudely trampled in the dirt. This seems to be the common sence of man∣kind, it being the care and practice of almost all Nations in the world religi∣ously to enshrine the remains of their deceased friends in Tombs and Sepul∣chres; thinking it but reasonable to te∣stifie so much kindness to their departed friends, as to honour their memories, and to secure from rude barbarous vio∣lence

what they left behind them when they put off mortality. Sure I am this was eminently the care of Christians, no dangers or threatnings could affright them from doing this last office to their deceased brethren, especially such as had been Martyrs and Champions for the Truth.* 1.57 The Roman Clergy in an Epistle to them of Carthage reckons it as one of the greatest instances of Charity, above that of relieving the poor, mini∣string to the sick, or the rest which they there enumerate and reckon up; tells them that it could not be neglected without great danger, and that fidelity in this matter would be highly acce∣ptable to God, and rewarded by him. Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria speak∣ing of the Plague that raged there (which we mentioned but now) com∣mends the Christians for assisting their sick dying brethren,* 1.58 that they closed their eyes, laid them out, wash∣ed their bodies, dressed and adorned them up for burial, and carried them out upon their own shoulders, which they chearfully did, notwithstanding the imminent danger that attended it, and that it was not long before others were called to do the same offices for

them. Their bodies they decently committed to the ground, for they ab∣horred the custom so common amongst the Gentiles of burning the bodies of the dead; which they did, not (as the Heathens objected) because they thought that their bodies once burnt to ashes would be difficultly brought to a Resurrection (a doctrine which they strenuously asserted,* 1.59 and held fast as the main pillar of their comfort and confidence) but because they looked upon it as inhumane and barbarous, and contrary to the more ancient and bet∣ter usage of mankind in this matter. Tertullian calls this way of burial by inhumation a piece of piety,* 1.60 and tells us they abstained from burning the Corps, not as some did, because they thought that some part of the soul re∣mained in the body after death, but because it savour'd of savageness and cruelty. Therefore their enemies to do them the greater spite, did not only put them to death, but very often burn their dead bodies, and sprinkle their ashes into the Sea, partly to hinder them from a decent burial,* 1.61 and partly (as in that tumult at Alexandria under Julian) that nothing might be left of

them to be honour'd as the remains of Martyrs. As Christianity got ground, this more civil way of inhumation did not only take place, but rooted out the contrary custome even amongst the Gentiles themselves. For though the Emperour Theodosius the Great gives some intimation of it as remaining in his time,* 1.62 yet not long after it wholly ceased,* 1.63 as is expresly acknowledged by Macrobius, who liv'd in the time of the younger Theodosius.

Nor did they ordinarily content themselves with a bare interrment, but prepared the body for its funeral with costly Spices, and rich odours and per∣fumes, not sparing the best drugs and ointments which the Sabeans could afford,* 1.64 as Tertullian plainly testifies. They who while alive generally ab∣stained from whatever was curious and costly, when dead were embalm'd and entombed with great art and curiosity. Whence Eunapius (much such a friend to Christianity as Julian or Porphyry) derides the Monks and Christians of Egypt for honouring the season'd and embalm'd bones and heads of Martyrs,* 1.65 such (says he) as the Courts of Justice had condemned, and put to death for

their innumerable villanies. This cost the Christians doubtless bestowed up∣on the bodies of their dead, because they looked upon death as the en∣trance into a better life, and laid up the body as the candidate and expe∣ctant of a joyful and happy resurrecti∣on. Besides, hereby they gave some encouragement to suffering, when men saw how much care was taken to ho∣nour and secure the reliques of their mortality, and that their bodies should not be persecuted after death.

This their enemies knew very well, and therefore many times denied them the civility and humanity of burial, to strike the greater dread into them. Thus Maximus the President threatned Tharacus the Martyr,* 1.66 that although he bore up his head so high upon the con∣fidence, that after his death his body should be wound up and embalm'd with ointments and odoriferous spices, yet he would defeat his hopes by cau∣sing his body to be burnt, and sprink∣ling his ashes before the wind.

Thus after they had put Polycarp to death,* 1.67 they burnt his body out of spite to the Christians who had beg'd it of the Proconsul, only to give it a solemn

interrment; whereupon gathering his bones which the mercy of the fire had spared, they decently committed them to the earth, and there used to meet to celebrate the memory of that pious and holy man.

During those times of persecution they were very careful to bury the bo∣dies of the Martyrs, some making it their particular business by stealth to interr those in the night, who had suffer∣ed in the day; this they did with great hazard and danger, many of them (as appears from the ancient Martyrologies) suffering Martyrdom upon this very ac∣count. Afterwards when the Church was setled, there was a particular Or∣der of men call'd Copiatae, (either 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 from the pains they took, or else 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because they com∣mitted the bodies of the dead to the grave the place of ease and rest) ap∣pointed for this purpose,* 1.68 about the time of Constantine, or to be sure his Son Constantius, in two of whose Laws they are expresly mentioned,* 1.69 and in the lat∣ter said to be lately instituted. Their office (as Epiphanius tells) was to wrap up and bury the bodies of the dead, to prepare their graves, and to in∣terr

them: and because inhumation and giving burial to the dead was ever ac∣counted in a more peculiar manner, a work of piety and religion; there∣fore these persons were reckon∣ed if not strictly Clergy-men, at least in a Clergy-relation, being in both Laws of Constantius enumerated with, and invested in the same immunities with the Clergy. By the Authour in S. Hierom they are styled Fossarii,* 1.70 grave-maker, and by him plac'd in the first and lowest order of the Clerici, and exhorted to be like good old To∣bit in Faith, Holiness, Knowledge and Vertue. In the great Church of Con∣stantinople they were called Decani, or Deans (but quite distinct from the Pa∣latin Deans spoken of in the Theodosian Code,* 1.71 and freequently elsewhere; who were a military order, and chiefly be∣longed to the Emperours Palace) they were one of the Collegia or Corpora∣tions of the City. Their number was very great; Constantine is said to have appointed no less than M. C. of them: But by a Law of Honorius and Theodo∣sius they were reduc'd to DCCCCL;* 1.72 till afterwards Anastasius brought them back to their former number, which

was also ratified and confirmed by Ju∣stinian, their particular duties and of∣fices both as relating to the dead, and all other things are largely described in two Novell Constitutions of his to that purpose.* 1.73

Nor did they only take care that the body might be prepared for its funeral, but to provide it of a decent and convenient Sepulchre, wherein it might be honourably and securely laid up; a thing which had been always practised by the more sober and civiliz'd part of mankind. Their burying-places (call∣ed Polyandria, Cryptae, Arenaria, but most commonly Coemeteria or Dormito∣ries, because according to the notion which the Scripture gives us of the death of the Righteous, Christians are not so properly said to dye as to sleep in the Lord, and their bodies to rest in the grave in expectation of a joyful resur∣rection) were generally in the fields or gardens, it being prohibited by the Ro∣man Laws,* 1.74 and especially an ancient Law of the XII Tables to bury within the City walls. This held for some Centuries after Christianity appeared in the world, and longer it was before they buried within Churches; within

the out-parts whereof to be interred, was a priviledge at first granted only to Princes and persons of the greatest rank and quality.* 1.75 Chrysostome assures us that Constantius the Emperour reckoned he did his Father Constantine the Great a peculiar honour, when he obtained to have him buried in the Porch of the Church which he had built at Constan∣tinople to the memory of the Apostles, and wherein he had earnestly desired to be buried,* 1.76 as Eusebius tells us; and in the same many of his Successors were interred; it not being in use then, nor some hundreds of years after for per∣sons to be buried in the body of the Church, as appears from the Capitula of Charles the Great,* 1.77 where burying in the Church, which then it seems had crept into some places, is strictly forbid∣den.

During the first ages of Christianity, while the malice of their enemies per∣secuted them both alive and dead, their Coemeteria were ordinarily under ground, imitating herein the custome of the Jews, whose Sepulchres were in Ca∣verns and holes of rocks, though doubt∣less the Christians did it to avoid the rage and fury of their enemies; not so

much upon the account of secrecy; for their frequent retiring to those places was so notorious, as could not escape the observation of their enemies, and therefore we sometimes find the Empe∣rours Officers readily coming thither; but it was upon the account of that Sa∣credness and Religion that was reckon'd to be due to places of this nature, it being accounted by all Nations a piece of great impiety, Manes temerare Se∣pultos, to disturb and violate the ashes of the dead. They were large vaults dug in dry sandy places, and arched over, and separated into many little apartments, wherein on either side the bodies of the Martyrs lay in distinct Cells, each having an Inscription upon Marble,* 1.78 whereon his Name,* 1.79 Quality, and probably the time and manner of his death were engraven:* 1.80 Though in the heats of Persecution they were forced to bury great numbers together in one common grave (LX Prudentius tells us he observ'd) and then not the names, but only the number of the interred was written upon the Tomb.* 1.81 Indeed the multitudes of Martyrs that then suffered required very large conveni∣encies of interrment. And so they had,

insomuch that the last publisher of the Roma Subterranea assures us, that though those Coemeteria were under∣ground,* 1.82 yet were they many times double and sometimes treble, two or three stories one still under another.

By reason hereof they must needs be very dark, having no light from with∣out, but what peep'd in from a few lit∣tle cranies, which filled the place with a kind of sacred horror,* 1.83 as S. Hierom informs us,* 1.84 who while a youth, when he went to School at Rome, us'd upon the Lords day to visit these solemn places. Built they were by pious and charitable persons, (thence called af∣ter their names) for the interrment of Martyrs, and other uses of the Church; for in these places Christians in times of persecution were wont to hide them∣selves, and to hold their Religious As∣semblies, when banished from their publick Churches, as I have formerly noted.* 1.85 Of these about Rome only Ba∣ronius out of the Records in the Vati∣can reckons up XLIII, and others to the number of threescore. We may take an estimate of the rest by the ac∣count which Baronius gives of one,* 1.86 call∣ed the Cemeterie of Priscilla, discovered

in his time, An. 1578, in the Via Sala∣ria about three miles from Rome, which he often viewed and searched: It is (says he) strange to report, the place by reason of its vastness and variety of apartments appearing like a City under ground. At the entrance into it there was a principal way or street much lar∣ger than the rest, which on either hand opened into diverse other wayes, and those again divided into many lesser ways and turnings, like lanes and al∣lies within one another. And as in Ci∣ties there are void open places for the Markets; so here there were some larger spaces for the holding (as occa∣sion was) of their Religious Meetings, wherein were placed the Effigies and Representations of Martyrs, with places in the top to let in light, long since stopt up. The discovery of this place caused great wonder in Rome, being the most exact and perfect Cemeterie that had been yet found out. Thus much I thought good to add upon oc∣casion of that singular care, which Christians then took about the bodies of their dead. If any desire to know more of these venerable Antiquities, they may consult onuphrius de Coeme∣teriis,

and especially the Latin Edition of the Roma Subterranea,* 1.87 where their largest curiosity may be fully satisfied in these things.* 1.88

Many other instances of their Chari∣ty might be mentioned, their ready en∣tertaining strangers, providing for those that laboured in the Mines, marrying poor Virgins, and the like, of which to treat particularly would be too vast and tedious. To enable them to do these charitable offices, they had not only the extraordinary contributions of particular persons, but a common stock and treasury of the Church. At the first going abroad of the Gospel in∣to the world, so great was the Piety and Charity of the Christians, That the multitude of them that believed were of one heart and of one soul, neither said any of them, that ought of the things which he possessed was his own, but they had all things common; neither was there any among them that lacked; for as many as were possessors of lands or houses, sold them, and brought the prices of the things that were sold, and laid them down at the Apostles feet, and di∣stribution was made unto every man ac∣cording as he had need. But this com∣munity

of goods lasted not long in the Church; we find S. Paul giving order to the Churches of Galatia and Corinth for weekly offerings for the Saints,* 1.89 that upon the first day of week (when they never fail'd to receive the Sacra∣ment) they should every one of them lay by him in store according as God had pro∣spered him.* 1.90 This custome Justin Mar∣tyr assures us still continued in his time; for describing the manner of their as∣semblies on the Lords day, he tells us that those who were able and willing contributed what they saw good; and the collection was lodg'd in the hands of the Bishop or President, and by him distributed for the relief of Widows and Orphans, the sick or indigent, the imprison'd or strangers, or any that were in need. In the next age they were reduced to monthly offerings, as appears from Tertullian,* 1.91 who gives us this account of them in his time, That at their Religious Assemblies upon a monthly day (or oftner if a man will, and be able) every one according to his ability laid by somewhat for chari∣table uses (they put it into a kind of poor mans box call'd Arca, that stood in the Church) this they did freely, no

man being forced or compelled to it; leaving it behind them as a stock to maintain piety and religion; for 'tis not spent (says he) upon feasts or drink∣ing-bouts, or to gratifie gluttony and intemperance, but laid out in reliev∣ing the needy, burying the dead, pro∣viding for Orphans, supporting the a∣ged, recruiting the spoyled, supplying the imprisoned, and those that were in mines, bonds, or slavery for the pro∣fession of Christianity.

This was the fruit of Primitive de∣votion. Palladius tell us of two Bro∣ther,* 1.92 Paesius and Esaias,* 1.93 Sons of a wealthy Merchant, that their Father being dead, and resolving upon a more strict and religious course of life, they could not agree upon setling their E∣states in the same way; at last dividing their Estates, they disposed them thus. The one gave away his whole Estate at once, setling it upon Monasteries, Churches, and Prisons for the relief of such as were in bonds, and betaking himself to a Trade for a small mainte∣nance for himself, gave himself up to prayer and the severer exercises of Re∣ligion. The other kept his Estate in his own possession, but built a Mona∣stery,

and taking a few Companions to dwell with him, entertain'd all strang∣ers that came that way, took care of the sick, entertained the aged, gave to those that needed, and every Satur∣day and Lords day caused two or three tables to be spread for the refreshment and entertainment of the poor; and in this excellent way spent their life.

Now that this account that we have given of the admirable bounty and charity of the antient Christians is not precarious, and meerly what the Chri∣stians tell us of themselves, we have the testimony of two open enemies of Christianity, Julian and Lucian, both bitter enemies to Christians, and the fiercer, because both, as 'tis suppo∣sed, apostates from them, and their testimony is considerable upon a dou∣ble account, partly because having lived amongst the Christians they ex∣actly knew their ways and manners; and partly because being enemies to them they would be sure to speak no more in their commendation than what was true. Julian speaking of the Ga∣lileans,* 1.94 tells us that by their charity to the poor they begot 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the greatest admiration of their

Religion in the minds of men. And in an Epistle to the High-Priests of Ga∣latia,* 1.95 bewailing the desolate state of the heathen-world, the ruine of their Temples, and the great declension of Paganisme at that time, notwitstand∣ing all his endeavours to make it suc∣ceed under the influences of his Go∣vernment; he advises the High-Priest to promote the Gentile-interest by the same method, which the wicked Reli∣gion of the Christians did thrive by, i. e. by their bounty to strangers, their care in burying of the dead, and their holiness of life; and elsewhere, The poor (says he) having no care taken of them,* 1.96 the wicked Galileans know very well how to make their advantage of it, for they give themselves up to humanity and charity, and by these plausible and insinuative ways strengthen and encrease their wicked and pernicious party; just as men cheat little children with a cake, by two or three of which they tempt them to go along with them, till having got them from home, they clap them under hatches, transport and sell them, and so for a little seeming pleasure they are con∣demned to bitterness all their life; and no otherwise (says he) 'tis with them,

they first inveagle honest minded men with what they call their feasts of Love, banquets, ministry and attendance upon tables, and then seduce them into their wickedness and impiety. This as at once it shews his venom and malice ac∣cording to the humour of the man, so it openly bears witness out of the mouth of an emeny to the most excel∣lent and generous spirit of the Gospel. The other testimony is that of Lucian, (who if not a Christian himself, for Sui∣das his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 does no way intimate him to have been a Christian Preacher,* 1.97 notwithstanding what the generality of Writers have inferred thence; was yet however intimately acquainted with the affairs of Christi∣ans) who bringing in his Philosopher Peregrinus amongst other Sects joyning himself to the Christians,* 1.98 tells us what care they took of him, when cast into prison they improved all their interest to have him released: But when this could not be granted, they officiously used all possible service and respect to∣wards him; in the morning old wo∣men, widows, and children flock'd early to the prison-doors; and the better sort got leave of the Keepers to sleep

with him in the prison all night; then they had several sorts of banquets, and their sacred discourses: Nay, some were sent in the name of the rest even from the Cities of Asia to assist, and en∣courage him; who brought him great sums of mony under pretence of his imprisonment; it being incredible what readiness they shew, when any such matter is once noys'd abroad, and how little they spare any cost in it. After which he tells us of them in ge∣neral,* 1.99 that they equally contemn all the advantages of this life, and account them common, foolishly taking up their principles about these things without any accurate search into them; inso∣much that if any subtle and crafty fel∣low, that knows how to improve his ad∣vantage, come amongst them, he grows very rich in a little time, by making a prey of that simple and credulous people.

There's one circumstance yet behind concerning the love and charity of those times very worthy to be taken notice of, and that is the universal extent of it, they did good to all, though more e∣specially to them of the houshold of faith, i.e. to Christians; they did not con∣fine their bounty meerly within the

narrow limits of a party, this or that sect of men, but embraced an object of love and pitty where-ever they met it. They were kind to all men, yea to their bitterest enemies, and that with a charity as large as the circles of the Sun that visits all parts of the World, and shines as well upon a stinking dung-hil, as upon a pleasant Garden. 'Tis certainly the strange and supernatural doctrine of our Saviour, you have heard that it hath been said, Thou shalt love thy neighbour, and hate thine enemy: But I say unto you, love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, pray for them which despitefully use you and persecute you. This indeed is the proper goodness and excellency of Chri∣stianity, as Tertullian observes, it being common to all men to love their friends,* 1.100 but peculiar only to Christians to love their enemies.* 1.101 And Athenagoras I remem∣ber principally makes use of this Argu∣ment to prove the Divinity of the Chri∣stian Religion, and challenges all the great Masters of Reason and Learning a∣mongst the Heathens to produce any, either of themselves or their Disciples, of so pure and refin'd a temper, as could instead of hating, love their enemies, bear

curses and revilings with an undisturbed mind, and instead of reviling again, to bless and speak well of them, and to pray for them who lay in wait to take away their lives. And yet this did Christians, they embraced their ene∣mies, pardoned and prayed for them, according to the Apostles rule, when their enemy hungred they fed him, when he thirsted they gave him drink, and would not be overcome of evil, but over∣came evil with good.* 1.102 When Nazianzen (then Bishop of Constantinople) lay sick, a young man came to his beds feet, and taking hold of his feet, with tears and great lamentation passionate∣ly begg'd pardon of him for his wick∣edness; the Bishop asking what he meant by it, he was told that this was the person that had been suborned by a wicked party to have murdered him, and now being stricken with the con∣science of so great a wickedness, came to bewail his sin: The good man im∣mediately prayed to Christ to forgive him, desiring no other satisfaction from him than that henceforth he would forsake that Heretical party, and sin∣cerely serve God as became a Christian.* 1.103 Thus when Paul the Martyr was ha∣stening

to his execution, he only begg'd so much respite, till he might pray (which accordingly he did) not only for the peace and happiness of Christi∣ans, but for the conversion of Jews and Samaritans, for the Gentiles that they might be brought out of errour and ignorance to the knowledge of God and the true Religion; he prayed for the people that attended his executi∣on; nay, (such his vast goodness and charity) for the very Judge that con∣demned him; for the Emperours, and the very Executioner that stood ready to cut off his head, earnestly begging of God not to lay that great wickedness to their charge. Nay, they did not think it enough not to return evil for evil, or barely to forgive their ene∣mies, unless they did them all the kind∣ness that lay in their power.* 1.104 Polycarp plentifully feasted the very Officers, that were sent to apprehend him; the same which S. Mamas the Martyr is al∣so said to have done,* 1.105 treating the Soul∣diers with the best supper he had, when sent by Alexander the cruel Pre∣sident of Cappadocia to seize upon him. And we read of one Pachomius an Heathen Souldier in the first times of

Constantine, that the Army being well near starv'd for want of necessary pro∣visions,* 1.106 and coming to a City that was most inhabited by Christians, they freely and speedily gave them what-ever they wanted for the accommodation of the Army. Amazed with this strange and unwonted charity, and being told that the people that had done it were Chri∣stians whom they generally prey'd up∣on, and whose profession it was to hurt no man, and to do good to every man, he threw away his arms, became an Anchoret, and gave up himself to the strictest severities of Religion. This also Julian the Emperour plainly con∣fesses;* 1.107 for urging Arsacius the chief Priest of Galatia, to take care of the poor, and to build Hospitals in every City for the entertaining of poor strangers and travellers, both of their own and other Religions; he adds, for it's a shame (says he) that when the Jews suffer none of theirs to beg, and the wicked Galileans relieve not only their own, but also those of our party, that we only should be wanting in so necessary a duty: So prevalent is truth as to extort a confession from its most bitter and virulent opposers. Of this I shall on∣ly

add one instance or two more, pro∣per enough to be inserted here.* 1.108 Euse∣bius speaking of that dreadful plague and famine that happened in the East∣ern Parts under the Emperour Maxi∣minus, wherein so many whole Fami∣lies miserably perished, and were swept away at once; he adds, that at this time the care and piety of the Christi∣ans towards all evidently approved it self to all the Gentiles that were about them; they being the only persons that during this sad and calamitous state of things performed the real offices of mercy and humanity; partly in ordering and burying of the dead (thousands dying every day, of whom no care was taken) partly in gathering together all the poor that were ready to starve, and distributing bread to e∣very one of them. The fame whereof fill'd the ears and mouths of all men who extolled the God of the Christi∣ans, and confessed that they had shew∣ed themselves to be the only truly pi∣ous and religious persons. And in∣deed the charity was the more remark∣able, in that the Christians at this very time were under a most heavy per∣secution. Thus in the terrible plague

that in the times of Gallus and Volusi∣an raged so much through the whole world (and that more or less for fifteen years to gether) especially at Carthage, when innumerable multitudes were swept away every day, and the streets filled with the carcases of the dead, which seemed to implore the help of the living, and to challenge it as their right by the common Laws of humane nature; but all in vain, every one trembling, flying, and shifting for them∣selves, deserting their nearest friends and kindred, none staying unless it was to make a prey. In this sad and mise∣rable case Cyprian then Bishop of the place,* 1.109 calls the Christians together, in∣structs them in the duties of mercy and charity, puts them in mind, that it was no great wonder if their charity ex∣tended to their own party; the way to be perfect, was to do something more than Heathens and Publicans, to over∣come evil with good, to imitate the di∣vine benignity, to love our enemies, and according to our Lords advice to pray for the happiness of them that persecute us; that God continually made his Sun to rise, and his rain to fall not on∣ly for the advantage of his own chil∣dren,

but for all other mens; and that therefore they should imitate the ex∣ample of such a father, who professed themselves to be his children. Imme∣diately upon this they unanimously a∣greed to assist their common enemies, every one lending help according to his rank and quality. Those who by reason of their poverity could contri∣bute nothing to the charge, did what was more, they personally wrought and laboured, an assistance beyond all other contributions: By which large and abundant charity great advantage redounded not to themselves only of the houshold of faith, but universally unto all.

I shall sum up what hath been said upon this Argument in that elegant Discourse which Lactantius has con∣cerning works of mercy and charity.* 1.110 Since humane nature (says he) is weak∣er than that of other creatures, who come into the world armed with offen∣sive and defensive powers, therefore our wise Creatour has given us a ten∣der and merciful disposition, that we might place the safeguard of our lives in the mutual assistances of one ano∣ther. For being all created by one

God, and sprung from one common pa∣rent, we should reckon our selves a-kin, and obliged to love all mankind; and (that our innocency may be perfect) not only not to do an injury to another, but not to revenge one when done to our selves; for which reason also we are commanded to pray for our very ene∣mies. We ought therefore to be kind and sociable, that we may help and assist each other. For being our selves ob∣noxious to misery, we may the more comfortably hope for that help, in case we need it, which our selves have given unto others. And what can more effectually induce us to relieve the in∣digent, than to put our selves into their stead, who beg help from us? If any be hungry, let us feed him; is he naked, let us cloath him; if wronged by a powerful oppressour, let us rescue and receive him. Let our doors be open to strangers, and such who have not where to lay their head. Let not our assistance be wanting to Widows and Orphans: And (which is a mighty instance of charity) let us redeem the captiv'd, visit and assist the sick, who are able to take no care of themselves; and for strangers and the poor (in case

they die) let us not suffer them to want the conveniency of a Grave. These are the offices and the works of mercy, which who-ever does, offers up a true and grateful sacrifice to God; who is not pleased with the blood of beasts, but the charity of men; whom therefore he treats upon their own terms, has mercy on them whom he sees merciful, and is inexorable to those who shut up their bowels against them that ask them. In order therefore to our thus pleasing God, let us make light of mony, and transmit it into the heavenly treasures, where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt, nor thieves break through and steal, nor Tyrants are able to seize and take it from us, but where it shall be kept to our eternal advantage under the custody of God himself.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Tertul. Ap. c. 39. p. 31.
• * 1.2

  Id. ibid▪ M. Foel. p. 26.
• * 1.3

  De m••r••. Peregrin. p. 764. tom. 2.
• * 1.4

  M. Foel. ib. & p. 7.
• * 1.5

  Passio Cy∣prian. vit. ejus an∣nexa p. 17.
• * 1.6

  Dial cum Tryph. p. 254.
• * 1.7

  Ib. p. 323.
• * 1.8

  Ib. p. 333.
• * 1.9

  Adv. Hae∣res lib. 3. c. 46. p. 314.
• * 1.10

  Lib. 2. p. 110.
• * 1.11

  Ad Deme∣trian. p. 204.
• * 1.12

  Hier. adv. Ruffin tom. 2. p. 199. ex Euseb.
• * 1.13

  Theodoret. H. Eccl. lib. 5. c. 29. p. ••29.
• * 1.14

  Lib. 16 Tit, 10. de Pag. Sacrif &▪ Temp. l. ••7.
• * 1.15

  Orat. de Templis. p. 10.
• * 1.16

  Epist 123. tom. 4. p. 756.
• * 1.17

  Ad Ruffin.
• * 1.18

  Presbyt.
• * 1.19

  Ep. 126. p. 763.
• * 1.20

  Euseb. H. Eccl. lib 3. c. 23▪ p 9••.
• * 1.21

  Confess. lib. 9▪ c. 9. p. 155. tom. 1.
• * 1.22

  Ibid. cap. 10.
• * 1.23

  Pallad. Hi∣stor. Laus. c. 83. in vit. Serap. p. 182.
• * 1.24

  Orig. cont.
• * 1.25

  Cels. lib. 3. p. 116.
• * 1.26

  Concil.
• * 1.27

  Carth. 3.
• * 1.28

  Can. 18.
• * 1.29

  Epist. 5. p. 13.
• * 1.30

  Euseb. H. Ecc. lib. 4. c. 23. p. 145.
• * 1.31

  Homil. 67. in Matth. p. 586.
• * 1.32

  Vit. ejus per Paul. Diac. p. 11, 12.
• * 1.33

  Basil. ad Sophron.
• * 1.34

  Ep. 84. p. 156. tom. 3.
• * 1.35

  Orat. 19. p. 298.
• * 1.36

  Ibid. p. 299.
• * 1.37

  H. Eccl. lib. 7. c 27 p. 749.
• * 1.38

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.39

  Tom. 1.
• * 1.40

  Hist. Laus. c. 6 p. 22.
• * 1.41

  Epist. ad Zen. & Se∣••en. p. 514.
• * 1.42

  Epitaph. Fabiolae ad Ocean. p. 199. tom. 1.
• * 1.43

  Theodor. H. Eccl. lib 5. c. 18 p. 160▪
• * 1.44

  Vict. Ʋtic. de persecu. Vandal lib. 1. fol. 5. p. 2.
• * 1.45

  Euseb. H. Eccl. lib. 7. c. 22. p. 269.
• * 1.46

  Cod. Theod. lib. 16. Tit. 2. de Epis∣copis &c. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 42, 43.
• * 1.47

  Offic. lib. 2. c. 15▪ p▪ 42.
• * 1.48

  Epist 60. p. 96.
• * 1.49

  Rigalt. in loc.
• * 1.50

  Gronov. de pecun. vet. lib. 2. c. 2. p. 131.
• * 1.51

  H. Eccl. lib. 7. c. 21. p. 360.
• * 1.52

  Ibid. c. 28. p. 50.
• * 1.53

  Phot. No∣mocan. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. p. 43.
• * 1.54

  Pag. 70.
• * 1.55

  Greg. Mag. dial. lib. 3. c. 1. p. 98.
• * 1.56

  Edit. Col. 1610.
• * 1.57

  Epist. 2. in∣ter Ep. Cyp. p. 9.
• * 1.58

  Ibid. ubi supr.
• * 1.59

  Min. Foel. p. 9.—28.
• * 1.60

  De Anim. c. 51. p. 301.
• * 1.61

  Amm. Marcellin. lib. 22. p. 1627.
• * 1.62

  C. Theod. l. 6. Tit. 17. de Sep. viol. Lib. 9.
• * 1.63

  Saturnal. lib. 7. c. 7. pag. 514.
• * 1.64

  Apol. l. 42. p. 34.
• * 1.65

  De vit. Philos in vit. Aedes. p. 65.
• * 1.66

  Act. SS. Tharac. Prob & Andron. apud Ba∣ron. ad An. 299. tom. 2.
• * 1.67

  Euseb. H. Eccl. lib. 4. c. 15. p. 135▪
• * 1.68

  Cod Theod. lib. 13▪ Tit. 1. de Lustr. Conl. l. 1.
• * 1.69

  Lib. 16. Tit. 2. de Episc. l. 15. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 p. ••65.
• * 1.70

  De Sept. Ordin. Ecc. tom. 4. p. 81.
• * 1.71

  Lib. 6. Tit. de Decanis. l. 1.
• * 1.72

  Lib. 1. C. tit. 2. de SS. Eccles. l. 4.
• * 1.73

  Novel. Ju∣stin. 43▪ p. 114. & 59. p. 134.
• * 1.74

  Apud Cicer. de leg. lib. ••. p. 8••. vol. 4.
• * 1.75

  Hom. 26. in Cap 12. 2▪ ad Cor. p. 929.
• * 1.76

  De Vit. Const lib. 4. c. 71▪ p. 562▪
• * 1.77

  Lib. 1. Cap. 159. fol. 27. p. 1.
• * 1.78

  Prudent.
• * 1.79

  Peri Steph.
• * 1.80

  Pass Hip∣pol. Mart.
• * 1.81

  Hym. 11. p. ••39.
• * 1.82

  Lib. 1. c. 2. num. 9. p. 4.
• * 1.83

  Comment. in c. 40.
• * 1.84

  Ezekiel. tom. 5. p. 521.
• * 1.85

  Ad An: 226. tom. 2.
• * 1.86

  Ad an. 130 vid. ad an▪ 57. tom. 1. num. 112.
• * 1.87

  Edit. à Paul. A∣ringhio▪
• * 1.88

  Rom. 1651 & Col. 1659.
• * 1.89

  1 Cor. 16. 1, 2.
• * 1.90

  Apol. 2. p. 98, 99.
• * 1.91

  Apol. c. 39. p. 31.
• * 1.92

  Histor.
• * 1.93

  Lausiac. c. 15. p. 41.
• * 1.94

  Misapog. p. 99.
• * 1.95

  Epist. 49. ad Arsac. oper. par. 2. p. 203.
• * 1.96

  Fragm. E∣pist. par. 1. p. 557.
• * 1.97

  In voc. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.98

  De mort: Peregrin. p. 762, 763. tom. 2.
• * 1.99

  Ibid. p. 764.
• * 1.100

  Ad Scap. c. 1. p. 69.
• * 1.101

  Legat. pro Christian. p. 11.
• * 1.102

  Vit. ejus per Greg. Pres∣byt.
• * 1.103

  Euseb. de Martyr. Palestin. c. 8. p. 332.
• * 1.104

  Euseb. lib. 4. c. 15. p. 130.
• * 1.105

  Martyr. e∣jus apud Sur. ad 17. Aug. Tom. 4. ex. S. Metraph.
• * 1.106

  Meta∣phrast in vit. Pacho∣mii apud Sur. ad di∣em 14. Ma∣ii tom. 3.
• * 1.107

  Ʋbi prius.
• * 1.108

  H. Ecclesi∣ast. lib. 9. c. 8. p. 357.
• * 1.109

  Pont. in vit. Cypri∣an p. 13.
• * 1.110

  Lact. Epi∣tom. c. 7. p. 746.