Antiquitates apoitolicæ, or, The history of the lives, acts and martyrdoms of the holy apostles of our Saviour and the two evangelists SS. Mark and Lvke to which is added an introductory discourse concerning the three great dispensations of the church, patriarchal, Mosiacal and evangelical : being a continuation of Antiquitates christianæ or the life and death of the holy Jesus / by William Cave ...

THE LIFE OF S. JUDE.

[illustration]

S^t. Jude.

Matth. 15.55.

Is not this the Carpenter's son? are not his brethren James, & Joses, & Simon, & JUDAS?

Luk. 6.16.

Judas the Brother of James.

[illustration]

His Martyrdom.

Having preached y^e Gospel in Mesopotamia, he went into Persia, where after he had gained great numbers to Christianity, he suffered martyrdom. Martyrol. Rom. Oct. 28.

The several names attributed to him in the Gospel. Thaddaeus, whence. The custom of the Jews to alter their names, when bearing affinity with the great name Jehovah. The name Judas why distasteful to the Apostles. Lebbaeus, whence derived. His Parentage, and Relation to our Lord. The Question put by him to Christ. Whether the same with Thaddaeus sent to Edessa. In what places he preached. His death. His married condition. The story of his Grandchildren brought before Domitian. His Epistle, and why questioned of old. Its Canonicalness vindicated. The Book of Enoch, and what its authori∣ty. The contention between Michael and the Devil about Moses his Body, whence borrowed. S. Jude proved to be the Author of this Epistle. Grotius his conceit of its being written by a younger Jude, rejected. Its affinity with the second Epistle of S. Peter. The design of it.

1. THERE are three several names by which this Apostle is descri∣bed in the History of the Gospel, Jude, Thaddaeus and Lebbaeus, it being usual in the holy Volumes for the same person to have more proper names than one. For the first, it was a name common amongst the Jews, recommended to them as being the name of one of the great Patri∣archs of their Nation. This name he seems to have changed afterwards for Thaddaeus, a word springing from the same root, and of the very same import and signification, which might arise from a double cause: Partly from the superstitious veneration, which the Jews had for the name Jehova (the No∣men 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or name consisting of four letters) which they held un∣lawful to be pronounced by any but the High-Priest, and not by him nei∣ther, but at the most solemn times. Hence it was, that when any man had a name, wherein there was the major part of the letters of this ineffable title (and such was Jehudah or Juda) they would not rashly pronounce it in com∣mon usage, but chose rather to mould it into another like it, and of the same importance, or that which had a near affinity and resemblance with it: Partly from a particular dislike of the name of Judas among the Apostles, the bloudy and treasonable practices of Judas Iscariot having rendred that name very odious and detestable to them. To prevent therefore all possibility of mistake, and that they might not confound the righteous with the wicked, S. Matthew and Mark never call him by this, but by some other name; as no question for the same reason he both stiles himself, and is frequently called by others,* 1.1 Judas the brother of James; and that this was one great design of it, the Evangelist plainly intimates, when speaking of him, he says, Judas, not Iscariot. For his name Lebbaeus, it seems to have been derived either from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an heart, whence S. Hierom renders it Corculum, probably to de∣note his wisdom and prudence, or else from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Lion, and therein to have respect to old Jacob's prophecy concerning Judah, That he should be as a Lion, an old Lion, and as a Lions whelp, which probably might have a main stroke in fastning this name upon S. Jude. From this Patriarchal prophecy, we are * 1.2 told, that one of the Schools or Synagogues of Learned men among the Jews (who to avoid confusion were wont to distinguish themselves by diffe∣rent appellations) took occasion to denominate themselves Labii, as ac∣counting themselves the Scholars and descendents of this Lion-like son of Ja∣cob; and that S. Jude was of this society, and because of his eminency among them retained the title of Labius, or as it was corruptly pronounced, Leb∣baeus. I confess I should have thought the conjecture of a Learned * 1.3 man ve∣ry probable, that he might have derived this name from the place of his na∣tivity, as being born at Lebba, a Town which, he tells us, ‖ 1.4 Pliny speaks of in the Province of Galilee, not far from Carmel, but that it is not Lebba, but Jebba in all copies of Pliny that I have seen. But let the Reader please himself in which conjecture he likes best.

2. FOR his Descent and Parentage, he was of our Lord's kindred, * 1.5 Nicephorus truly making him the son of Joseph, and brother to James Bi∣shop of Jerusalem; that there was a Jude one of the number is very evident, Are not his brethren James, and Joses, and Simon, and Judas? which makes me the more to wonder at Scaliger, who so confidently denies that any of the Evangelists ever mention a Jude the brother of our Lord. S. Hierom seems of∣ten to confound him with Simon the Zealot, whose title he ascribes to him, though second thoughts set him right, as indeed common advertency could do no less, so plain is the account which the Evangelists give of this matter. When called to the Discipleship we find not, as not meeting with him, till

we find him enumerated in the Catalogue of Apostles; nor is any thing par∣ticularly recorded of him afterwards,* 1.6 more than one question that he pro∣pounded to our Saviour, who having told them what great things he and his Father would do, and what particular manifestations after his Resurre∣ction he would make of himself to his sincere disciples and followers, S. Jude (whose thoughts as well as the rest were taken up with the expectations of a temporal Kindom of the Messiah) not knowing how this could consist with the publick solemnity of that glorious state they looked for, asked him, what was the reason that he would manifest himself to them, and not to the World. Our Lord replied, that the World was not capable of these Divine manifestations, as being a stranger, and an enemy to what should fit them for fellowship with Heaven; that they were only good men, persons of a Divine temper of mind, and religious observers of his Laws and Will, whom God would honour with these familiar converses, and admit to such particular acts of grace and favour.

3. * 1.7 EUSEBIUS relates that soon after our Lord's Ascension S. Tho∣mas dispatched Thaddaeus the Apostle to Abgarus Governour of Edessa, where he healed diseases, wrought miracles, expounded the doctrines of Christia∣nity, and converted Abgarus and his people to the Faith: For all which pains when the Toparch offered him vast gifts and presents, he refused them with a noble scorn, telling him, they had little reason to receive from others, what they had freely relinquished and left themselves. A large account of this whole affair is extant in Eusebius, translated by him out of Syriack from the Records of the City of Edessa. This Thaddaeus ‖ 1.8 S. Hierom expresly makes to be our S. Jude, though his bare authority is not in this case sufficient evi∣dence; especially since Eusebius makes him no more than one of the seventy Disciples, which he would scarce have done, had he been one of the Twelve. He calls him indeed an Apostle, but that may imply no more than according to the large acception of the word, that he was a Disciple, a Companion, and an Assistent to them, as we know the Seventy eminently were. Nor is any thing more common in ancient Ecclesiastick Writers, than for the first planters and propagaters of Christian Religion in any Country to be honour∣ed with the name and title of Apostles. But however this be, at his first setting out to preach the Gospel, he went up and down Judaea and Galilee, then through Samaria into Idumea, and to the Cities of Arabia, and the neighbour Countries, and after to Syria and Mesopotamia. * 1.9 Nicephorus adds, that he came at last to Edessa, where Abgarus was Governour, and where the other Thaddaeus, one of the Seventy had been before him. Here he perfected what the other had begun, and having by his Sermons and Mi∣racles established the Religion of our Saviour, died a peaceable and a quiet death; though ‖ 1.10 Dorotheus makes him slain at Berytus, and honourably bu∣ried there. By the almost general consent of the Writers of the Latin Church he is said to have travelled into Persia, where after great success in his Apo∣stolical Ministry for many years, he was at last for his free and open re∣proving the superstitious rites and usages of the Magi cruelly put to death.

4. THAT he was one of the married Apostles sufficiently appears from his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Grandsons mentioned by * 1.11 Eusebius, of whom Hegesippus gives this account. Domitian the Emperor, whose enormous wickednesses had awakened in him the quickest jealousies, and made him suspect every one that might look like a corrival in the Empire, had heard that there were some of the line of David, and Christ's kindred that did yet remain. Two Grandchildren of S. Jude the Brother of our Lord were brought before him:

Having confessed that they were of the Race and posterity of David, he asked what possessions and estate they had: they told him that they had but a very few acres of land, out of the improvement whereof they both paid him Tribute, and maintained themselves with their own hard labour, as by the hardness and callousness of their hands (which they then shewed him) did appear. He then enquired of them concerning Christ, and the state of his Kingdom, what kind of Empire it was, and when and where it would commence. To which they replied, That his Kingdom was not of this World, nor of the Seigniories and Dominions of it, but Heavenly and An∣gelical, and would finally take place in the end of the World, when com∣ing with great glory, he would judge the quick and the dead, and award all men recompences according to their works. The issue was, that look∣ing upon the meanness and simplicity of the men, as below his jealousies and fears, he dismissed them without any severity used against them; who be∣ing now beheld not only as kinsmen, but as Martyrs of our Lord, were ho∣noured by all, preferred to places of authority and government in the Church, and lived till the times of Trajan.

5. S. Jude left only one Epistle, of Catholick and universal concernment, inscribed at large to all Christians. It was some time before it met with ge∣neral reception in the * 1.12 Church, or was taken notice of. The Author in∣deed stiles not himself an Apostle, but no more does S. James, S. John, nor sometimes S. Paul himself. And why should he fare the worse for his humi∣lity, only for calling himself the servant of Christ, when he might have ad∣ded not only Apostle, but the Brother of our Lord? The best is, he has added what was equivalent, Jude the Brother of James, a character that can belong to none but our Apostle; beside, that the Title of the Epistle, which is of great Antiquity, runs thus, The general Epistle of Jude the Apostle. One great argument, as ‖ 1.13 S. Hierom informs us, against the authority of this Epistle of old, was its quoting a passage out of an Apocryphal Book of Enoch. This Book called the Apocalypse of Enoch was very early extant in the Church, frequently mentioned, and passages cited out of it by Irenaeus,* 1.14 Tertullian, Clemens Alexandrinus, Ori∣gen, and others, some of whom accounted it little less than Canonical. But what if our Apostle had it not out of this Apocryphal Book, but from some prophecy currant from age to age, handed to him by common tradition, or immediately revealed to him by the Spirit of God? But suppose it taken out of that Book going under Enoch's name, this makes nothing against the authority of the Epistle; every thing, I hope, is not presently false, that's con∣tained in an Apocryphal and Uncanonical writing, nor does the taking a single testimony out of it any more infer the Apostles approbation of all the rest, than S. Paul's quoting a good sentence or two out of Menander, Ar••tus, and Epimenides, imply that he approved all the rest of the writings of those Heathen Poets. And indeed nothing could be more fit and proper than this way, if we consider that the Apostle in this Epistle chiefly argues against the Gnosticks, who mainly traded in such Traditiona∣ry and Apocryphal writings, and probably in this very Book of Enoch. The same account may be given of that other passage in this Epistle con∣cerning the contention between Michael the Archangel and the Devil about the burial of Moses his Body, no where extant in the holy Re∣cords, supposed to have been taken out of a Jewish writing cal∣led

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or the Dismission of Moses,* 1.15 mentioned by some of the Greek Fathers under the title of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or the Ascension of Moses, in which this passage was upon record. Nor is it any more a wonder that S. Jude should do this, than that S. Paul should put down Jannes and Jam∣bres for the two Magicians of Pharaoh that opposed Moses, which he must ei∣ther derive from Tradition, or fetch out of some Uncanonical Author of those times, there being no mention of their names in Moses his relation of that matter. But be these passages whence they will, 'tis enough to us, that the Spirit of God has made them Authentick, and consecrated them part of the holy Canon.

6. BEING thus satisfied in the Canonicalness of this Epistle, none but S. Jude could be the Author of it; for who but he was the Brother of S. James? a character by which he is described in the Evangelical story more than once. * 1.16 Grotius indeed will needs have it written by a younger Jude, the fifteenth Bishop of Jerusalem, in the reign of Adrian; and because he saw that that passage [the Brother of James] stood full in his way, he con∣cludes without any shadow of reason, that it was added by some Transcriber. But is not this to make too bold with Sacred things? is not this to indulge too great a liberty? this once allowed, 'twill soon open a door to the wildest and most extravagant conjectures, and no man shall know where to find sure-footing for his Faith. But the Reader may remember what we have elsewhere observed concerning the Posthume Annotations of that learned man. Not to say that there are many things in this Epistle that evidently refer to the time of this Apostle, and imply it to have been written upon the same occasion, and about the same time with the second Epistle of Peter, between which and this there is a very great affinity both in words and mat∣ter, nay, there want not ‖ 1.17 some that endeavour to prove this Epistle to have been written no less than twenty seven years before that of Peter, and that hence it was that Peter borrowed those passages that are so near a-kin to those in this Epistle. The design of the Epistle is to preserve Christians from the infection of Gnosticism, the loose and debauched principles vented by Simon Magus and his followers, whose wretched doctrines and practices he briefly and elegantly represents, perswading Christians heartily to con∣tend for the Faith that had been delivered to them, and to avoid these pernici∣ous Seducers as pests and fire-brands, not to communicate with them in their sins, lest they perished with them in that terrible vengeance that was ready to overtake them.

The End of S. Jude's Life.

Notes

• * 1.1

  John 14.22.
• * 1.2

  Bolduc. de Eccl. post leg. cap. 7 p. 47, 48.
• * 1.3

  Lightf. H. Hebr. in Matth. p. 147.
• ‖ 1.4

  Hist. Nat. lib. 5. c. 19.
• * 1.5

  H. Eccl. lib. 2. c 40. p. 202. Matth. 13.55. Animadv. in Euseb. Chron. ad Num. MMCXII. p. 205.
• * 1.6

  John 14.22.
• * 1.7

  H. Eccl. lib. 1. c. 13. p. 32.
• ‖ 1.8

  Comment. in Matth. c. 10.
• * 1.9

  Niceph. H. Eccl. l. 2. c. 40. p. 202.
• ‖ 1.10

  Synops de vit. & mort. App. in Bibl. Pp. Tom. 3. p. 148.
• * 1.11

  Apud Euseb. lib. 3. c. 20. p. 89
• * 1.12

  Euseb. lib. 2. c. 23. p. 66. & lib. 3. c. 25.
• ‖ 1.13

  De Script. Eccl. in Juda.
• * 1.14

  Scio Scripturam Enoch, quae hunc ordinem An∣gelis dedit, non recipi à quibusdam, quia nec in Armarium Judaicum admittitur. Opinor non pu∣taverunt illam ante Cataclysmum editam, post cum casum Orbis omnium rerum abolitorem. salvam esse potuisse. Si ista ratio est, recordentur, &c. Sed cum Enoch eadem Scriptura etiam de Domino prae∣dicarit, à nobis quidem nihil omnino rejiciendum est, quod pertineat ad nos. A Judaeis potest jam videri propterea rejecta, sicut & caetera fere quae Christum sonant. Eo accedit quod Enoch apud Ju∣dam Apostolum testimonium possidet. Tertull. de Cult. Foemin. lib. 1. c. 3. p. 151.
• * 1.15

  De quo in Ascensione Moysi (cujus libelli memi∣nit in Epistola Apostolus Judas) Michael Archan∣gelus cum Diabolo disputans de Corpore Moysi, ait Diabolo, Inspiratum serpentem causam extitisse praevaricationis Adae & Evae. Origen. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, lib. 3. c. 2. fol. 142. p. 2.
• * 1.16

  Annot. in init. Epist Jud.
• ‖ 1.17

  Bolduc. prae∣lud. in Epist. Jud. p. 106. ad calcem lib. de Eccl post leg.