A commentary on Antoninus, his Itinerary, or, Journies of the Romane Empire, so far as it concerneth Britain wherein the first foundation of our cities, lawes, and government, according to the Roman policy, are clearly discovered ... / by VVilliam Burton ... ; with a chorographicall map of the severall stations, and index's to the whole work.

A COMMENTARY On the ITINERARY of ANTONINUS Concerning BRITAIN. According to the Editions of Aldus Manutius, William Harrison, Iosias Simler, Ierome Surita, &c.

ITER BRITANNIARUM.]

ITER] The first that ever wrote upon that Itinerary of the Roman Provinces, which goeth commonly under Antoninus Pius, the Emperor's Name (I mean that part there∣of which belongeth to BRITAIN) was one a 1.1 Robert Talbot, an Oxford Student, and Canon of Norwich, under HENR. IIX. a man very well skill'd in the Antiquities of this Island; as, besides the testimony of many b 1.2 Learned men, may appear by some Collections of his yet c 1.3 extant, and to be seen by such as can obtain the courtesie.

He then in his Annotations (so he calls them) upon the XVI Britain Iournies, containing the removes and distances from one Station or Garrison to another, is displeased with the very Epigraphe or Title before them, wishing for Iter, to read Itine∣rarium Britanniarum; and so to make this a distinct peice from the other before it, which is inscribed, Itinerarium Provinciarum omnium, &c. His conceit is, that the mistake arose at first from the curtail'd writing of the word IT. which the Calligraphus, or Transcriber might at his pleasure, he thinks, make Iter, or Itinerarium, or else he conjectures it might have been written abbreviated ITINER. which some smattering Copyer (it being a word which did never light in his way) might cor∣rect into Iter, although Itiner is a word used by good d 1.4 Au∣thors, and namely by e 1.5 Minilius, a Writer in the time of Au∣gustus, and had in high repute with the Learned'st, in this Verse.

Fecit & ignoti•…•… Itiner commercia terris.

And Travels, 'twixt strange Lands, fix'd mutuall Trade.

But in very deed there are some good reasons, which might seem to confirme this conjecture of his, by which he divides the whole Work into II severall Itineraries. For besides that the Voyages, or Places which they usually accustomed to touch at in their expeditions by Sea, set down after the recension of our Britain Stations, have the Inscription of Itinerarium mari∣timum, not Iter, for the Britains indeed were generally accoun∣ted by the Romans themselves, during the severall Ages they continued Masters of them, to be, f 1.6 toto divisi orbe, and their Countrey likewise g 1.7 diducta Mundo, wholy severed from the World; and therefore not onely by their Poets, but by their graver Writers also, thought worthy to be termed h 1.8 Alter, or i 1.9 Al us O•…•…, and k 1.10 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, another habitable World. And that not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 flourish only, but in very good earnest; in so much that l 1.11 Di•…•…, a Consular Historian, tels us, That upon the apprehension hereof, A. Plautius his Souldiers were very un∣willing to follow him out of Gaul in his expedition hither, se∣riously imagining it to be some service quite out of the World. So that the Britains might very well seem to deserve a Notitia, or Survey, by themselves apart in the Description of the whole World; Nature having first separated them by the vast, and (sometime thought) m 1.12 unpassable Ocean.

More I could say by way of enlarging this Argument, but I purposely forbear, and refer it rather to another place: Only this I add in this behalf, that the word Iter doth not so fitly serve the turn in this place. For first of all observe, that here it doth no way exactly agree with what either the great n 1.13 Lawyer, or o 1.14 Varro, make the signification or meaning of the word to be: in the latter of whom, by the By, I cannot choose but take notice of a Paradiorthosis, or false emendation of Ver∣tranius in that very place, where he tels us what Iter is, reading militare iter, for limitare; by which Varro understands nothing else but a small Path made in the confines of several mens Land, ordered by a p 1.15 Law of the XII. Tables, to be not above V. Foot broad. For had he meant those publick Through-fares, or Waies, which the Souldiers raised by uncessant and toilsome labor, for their more convenient march from Station to Station, (call'd by Ammianus and others, Aggeres itinerarii, and actus pub∣lici; q 1.16 by Herodian 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and * 1.17 Strata by Beda, and such kind of Writers) he would not have sayd Iter militare, but via militaris, the usuall word indeed; Via, as r 1.18 Iustinian teaches us, containing in it, both iter, and actus; and in anci∣ent Authors iter militare, is only quantum uno die militari gradu, as Vegetius speaks, conflci possit, or One dayes march; by Caesar and others call'd justum iter; and by barbarous Writers, † 1.19 dieta.

In the second place we may consider, that here are XVI. se∣verall Itineraries, or set marches (not to be expressed by the

singular Iter) described from so many Garrisons to Garrisons, (it is likely of more * 1.20 esteem and concernment) through o∣thers perhaps of less note, here also set down; to signifie all which, Itinerarium must needs be thought far the more proper and significant notion, by them that understand what it means, and know besides to what excellent purpose such Itineraria were first instituted and appointed.

For they that are conversant in Antiquities of this nature, cannot but take notice, that to set down in writing, & likewise publish their particular Journeys and Marches by the several Camps, Stations, Mansions, and Mutations (so they were called by the Romans, being places from which, in after ages, great Towns and Cities took their Originals) was a thing, for divers useful respects, alwaies observed amongst the better mana∣ged and disciplin'd Nations; and it was a business that tended to extraordinary advantage, especially in great Empires and Do∣minions. The people of Israel, who had GOD for their Lea∣der through the Wilderness to the Land of Promise, most heed∣fully observed this course in their whole pilgrimage, even from t 1.21 Romeses, the place of their departure out of Egypt, to the ve∣ry Banks of Iordan; and that not without the speciall Com∣mandment u 1.22 of GOD himself. These are, saies Moses, the Iour∣neys of the people of Israel, which went forth out of the Land of Ae∣gypt, with their Armies under the hand of Moses and Aaron. And Moses wrote their goings out according to their Iourneys, by the Com∣mandment of the LORD; and these are their Iourneys according to their goings out. And then he sets down no less then two and forty Journeys, from the beginning of the Chapter to the 50. verse, which S. x 1.23 Ierom calls Catalogum omnium mansionum, per quas de Aegypto egrediens populos pervenit usque ad fluenta Iordanii. Having passed over Iordan, and under the Conduct of their victorious General, either destroyed, or dispossest the Inhabi∣tants beyond it: y 1.24 Three men are appointed out of each Tribe to go through the Land and describe it. And the men went and passed through the Land, and described it by Cities, into seven parts in a Book, and came again to Joshua to the Host at Shiloh.

As for the Kings of Persia, we learn from z 1.25 Herodotus, that they had the distances from Station to Station, exactly set down through their great and vast Territories. This is to be seen in him by that accurate enumeration of the severall Man∣sions, from the Sea Coast in the lesser Asia, even to Susa the Roy∣all Palace; containing in all C and XI. Mansions: All which described in a brazen Table, with the * 1.26 Parasangs they were distant one from another, Aristagoras the Militian brought to Cleomenes King of Sparta, intending to urge the advantage he might gain thereby, as a chief Argument to work him to the invasion of Persia. Although indeed he miss'd of his aime, by

unadvised and over-hastily telling him it would prove an ex∣pedition of some three months Journey, before he had made it appear to him with what ease he might perform it; his Mar∣ches and Quarter being by that Table before-hand scored out for him. a 1.27 Buchanan therefore needed not to have sought so low for the antiquity of Draughts of this kind, as the authori∣ty of b 1.28 Propertius, Maps and Chorographicall descriptions being of so long standing. And for Alexander the Great, we may not imagine that so great a Commander would neglect so requisite and necessary a piece of Souldiership, especially when we find that the Commentaries of his Marches were extant in c 1.29 Plinies time, described by Diognetus and Beton, whom he calls mensores itinerum Alexandri; and he tells us a little before in the same Chapter, that [Comites Alexandri M.] his followers di∣ligently numbred and set down the Townes of that Tract of India which they had conquered: and out of some of their Commentari. s, it is very likely, was taken the summe of the 57. Chap. in Solinus, inscribed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Indicum.

Having spoken of •…•…lexander, I may by no meanes leave out his great parallel, Iulius Caesar, who though he hath left little to this purpose in those immortall Commentaries of his owne expedition; yet there are (a) that will tell you, they have seen an Itinerary of his, or Description of the World: in which d 1.30 Gentes & civitates singulae cum suis distantiis in itinerario anno∣tatae essent. But because their Witness may perchance be ex∣cepted against by some, being but late Writers, we will there∣fore hear what Aethicus in his Cosmography sayes to it, who is in∣deed an Author ancient enough, as being transcribed in some places by Paulus Orosius, in his Histories dedicated to S. Austin. Iulius Caesar, saith Aethicus, Cum Consulatus sui fasces erigeret, ex S. C. censuit, &c. So soon as he began to exercise his Office of Con∣sul, made an Order, confirmed by a Decree of the Senate, that the whole Roman World should be surveyed and measured by Learned men, and well seen in all parts of Philosophy. In his Consulship, therefore, with M. Anthony the World began to be measured; from which time to the * third Consulship of Augustus which was with Crassus, being * XXI. years V. Months, and IX. dayes, Zenodotus was taking a survey of the whole East. From that Consulship of Caesar likewise to Augustus, his being the X Cos. in * XXIX. years VIII. months and X. dayes time, the Survey of the Northern part of the Empire was brought in by Theodotus. From the very same Consulship also of Cae∣sar, * 1.31 to the Consulship of * 1.32 Saturninus and Cinna, the Southern part was measured by Policlytus in * 1.33 XXXII. years I. month and X. dayes: So that in about the space of * 1.34 XXXII. years, the whole World was survey∣ed, and a generall account thereof brought in to the Senate. Thus far Aethicus: From which relation, we may deservedly observe the greatness and vast extent of the Roman Empire, whose

Notitia, or Survey, was not taken under such a time, although just exception may be made against the account of years here, as also in respect of the Consuls Names; in both which he is fouly out: And out of this very place of Aethicus, I presume (else I am to seek whence) is taken that which I find in a Farrago of divers things, published when Printing first began among us, as you may easily see by the English of it; * 1.35 Iulius Caesar used in his time to insearche and mesured the World in lengeth and breede, and did make therof grete Bokes, and of all the Partyes, Contrays and Provinces, and Wondres in him contayned; and that Boke acorded to Bartylmew, and to Marcus Paulus, and to Claudius Tholomeus, and to the grete Arystotell that went with ston∣dynge, and ben proved tre•…•…e be many dyvers resonable provynges, &c. We make use of * 1.36 Simlers Edition, which we conceive the best as bad as it is, till such time as we shall have the good hap to meet with Salmasius his Aethicus, † 1.37 great hopes of which he gives us in more then one place. In the mean while, see Ba∣ronius in the * 1.38 Apparatus to his Annalls.

Now that which here chiefly we shall take into our cog∣nizance, will be, first, To examine who this Aethicus was; and secondly, Whether Cuspinian, and Malleolus, and others, who take upon them to have seen an Itinerary, or Description of the World under Iulius Caesars name, do not mean this very peice of Aethicus, with Antoninus's Itinerary, as they are com∣monly joyned together.

For Aethicus, he is called by some Sophista, ex Istriâ oriundus; by our most admired f 1.39 Francis Bacon, he is stiled Astronomus. But you must take notice that they have two distinct Cosmo∣graphicall Works, which bear the name of Aethicus: this vul∣gar one, which hath often been Printed, and another never yet published, joyned to the other Aethicus in Thuanus's MSS. but I have seen it in the Bodleian Library in the same Volume with an ancient Solinus in Parchments. In some Copies it bears this Title, Incipit liber Aethici Philosophico editus oraculo, ab Hiero∣nymo presbytero translatus in latinum, ex Cosmographiâ & mundi scripturâ. In the Preface you shall find, Hic Aethicus Istria re∣gione Sophista claruit, primusque codices suos Cosmographiam nun∣cupavit. And yet Aethicus Ister philosophus is often urged in this very Book, which is the same, I dare boldly say, which Bacon and others mention, and it is cited by g 1.40 Lilins Giraldus, under the Title of Antiquitatis Historiae, quae ab Hieronymo in Latinum sermonem è Graeco conversae creduntur: A Book indeed containing many things fabulous, and foolish, and unworthy S. I•…•…romes pains in the translating, if he ever did it. The vulgar printed Aethicus, whom we have now to do withall (termed Monstro∣sorum vocabulorum auctor, by * 1.41 Ortelius) in Thuanus his ancient written Copy, is called Iulius Orator (a Writer mentioned by Cassiodorus) as h 1.42 Salmasius, who had the use thereof, Wit∣nesses

in more then one place. And this name Julius, which Cuspinian perhaps, and Malleolus found before their Books (for they mention not the name of Aethicus) as also their finding of the Senates Decree procured by Julius Caesar for the surveying of the Roman Empire, in the very Preface of this Work, made them (as it is very likely) inscribe it with the following Iti∣nerary, which goes usually under Antoninus's, to Julius Caesars name. For that these two peices are joyntly intended by them, appears plainly by the words of one of them before cited: [Gentes, & civitates singulae in Itinerario] We referring the word Gentes to Aethicus, in whom you have Oceani Orientalis gentes. Oc. Occid. Gentes, &c. And Asiae situs, cum suis papulis, &c. And the Civitates cum suis dist intiis, to Antoninus's Itine∣rary. And indeed i 1.43 Flodoardus the Presbyter seems to make both these but one mans work; For Aethicus is quoted by him for two severall Journeys, which are not to be found other∣where then in Antoninus. In like manner is Ethicus cited by the learned Welchman * 1.44 David Powell (for Nemo contrarium saith he) which is in Antoninus's second Journey. And again, before that Iti∣nerary, in a very ancient Copy, the Preface concerning the Di∣mension of the Earth, belonging to Aethicus, was found prefixt, as * 1.45 Simlerus informs us. And in a word, * 1.46 Caspar Barthius, the flourishing Philologer of this age, tells us plainly, he had ob∣served, that Aethicus was the Author of both Peices.

Now from the foregoing Discourse, all that we can con∣clude, comes to thus much; That, although the Title of Ae∣thicus be exploded and utterly cashired from having any thing to do with these Writings, as Salmasius (contrary to what Bar∣thius imagines) will have it; yet for all that we cannot (with Felix Malleolus) absolutely say, that Julius Caesar was the Author of them, or Antoninus Pius of the latter part, as most do; and that (not to urge other reasons) because the names of many Cities and Places are to be found in both of them, which had not any Being till long after their times. However, we being none of those who dare Litterarum monumentis consecrata, as k 1.47 he sayes, Perinde ac vana refugere. Though we have the testimo∣ny but of an l 1.48 uncertain Author, we are bold from thence to affirm, that some such Description, or Itinerary was publish∣ed by Caesars authority, and in following times by Antoninus also, collected and framed; out of which, after many alterations and additions, and interpolations by the injury of time, and bad hands, we have only continued to us these unperfect, and cor∣rupted Peices, which in some Copies may perchance have re∣tained their names, by whose appointment such Works were first instituted and begun, though now in a manner wholly changed, and different from their first Originalls. So in like manner the most learned m 1.49 Scaliger was of opinion, that

those Chorographicall, or military Tables, as some call them, drawn out meerly for the use of the Roman Armies, in regard of their Marches and Quarters, and * 1.50 found out and illustra∣ted with Notes, by the Noble Mark •…•…lser of Auspurg, were no∣thing else but a Description of Stations and Cities out of Anto∣ninus, and Ptolemies Geography.

But that we should any farther question Caesar's care and provision in this respect, Suetonius will not suffer us; who plainly tells us, n 1.51 That he never led his Army by any dange∣rous waies, but where he had formerly diligently surveyed and observed the Situation of places. And to confirm it, Suetoni∣us here sayes, It is very observable out of his own * 1.52 words, that when in his expedition against Ariavistus the German, not only his Followers, and Friends, Centurions and Com∣manders of Horse, but beaten Souldiers would out of Cow∣ardize have abandoned the Service; yet pretending, among o∣ther things, angustias itineris, the troubles and casualties of the March, he roundly takes them up and answers them, That they dealt saucily to cloak their fears with a false conceit of the difficulty of the waies; that it was his duty to look to that, which they ought by no means to make question of; Haec sibi curae esse: de itinere Ipsos brevi tempore judicaturos; They should ere long see that he had well enough provided for that. Which he could not do better, then by sitting and preparing Itinerary Tables and Descriptions to that purpose. This wariness and forecast we see practised by Augustus Caesar his Successor, when he sent his eldest Son Caius with an Army into Armenia to com∣pose the Parthian and Arabian affairs, dispatching before him Dionysius the Geographer, ad commentanda omnia, as o 1.53 Pliny tells us, to describe and measure the distances of such Towns and Stations, as he was to march by. This Dionysius he calls Terrarum orbis situs recentissimum autorem: and yet p 1.54 he men∣tions besides a Table of the World, which M. Agrippa descri∣bed out of his own Commentaries, and intended to set it forth in a Po•…•…ticus for the publick view; which being begun by his Sister, and left imperfect, was afterwards finished by Augustus himself. Under whom when a Description was taken (for it is not well translated Taxing in our Bibles, Luke 2. 2.) of Judaea, (Quirinius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the holy Text calls him, or Procu∣rator) being then President, and indeed of the whole World subject to the Roman power; Proculdubio, faith Simler, q 1.55 sin∣gula oppida provinciarum omnium diligentissimè descripta fuerunt: For truly the Text saith, they went to be listed, or enrolled, r 1.56 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Every man unto his own City.

Such kind of Itineraries, or Journying Tables, with the re∣moves and distances from place to place, accurately (for the most part) set down, were exceedingly usefull, as I said be∣fore,

and advantageous in severall respects. To let pass the great use that Students, and men of Sedentary lives, made thereof, as often as in the reading of Histories they chanced to meet with forraign Expeditions, long Marches, Battelis, Sie∣ges, and Descriptions of Cities, and Countries, and the helps likewise that may be gained from thence, for the illustration and correction of Geographicall Writers, such as Strabo, Mela Pliny, Ptolemie, &c. The direction and benefit was extra∣ordinary much, which Merchants, Pilgrims, * 1.57 and all kind of Wayfaring persons received thereby; But especially they were intended for the use of Generals and Armies; the trouble and danger of marching in strange Countries, being accounted the * 1.58 first and greatest care by wise men in Cicero's judgment, who was Commander enough to know that, and the neglect thereof gave Sp. Posthumius the Consul, w^th all his Forces, an ig∣nominious overthrow by the Caudini, as Livy relates. The use & benefit of such Tables, we shall best learn & find in Fl. Vegetius, as in its most proper place, he being almost the only ancient Roman Writer that is come to our hands, concerning Military matters. s 1.59 Primùm, saith he, Itinerariae omnium Regionum quibus bel∣lum geritur, plenissimè debet habere prescripta: ita ut locorum inter∣valla, non solùm passuum numero, sed & viarum qualitate, perdiscat. •…•…er compendia, diverticula, montes, flumina, ad fidem descripta con∣sideret: Usque eò ut solertiores duces Itineraria Provinciarum in qui∣bus necessitas gerebatur, non tantùm annotata, sed etiam pict a babu∣isse firmentur, ut non solùm consilio mentis, verùm etiam aspectu o∣culorum viam profecturus eligerat. He tells us that wise and provident Commanders, had not only Itinerary Tables, where∣in the distances of places were noted by the number of miles, such as this in our hands, which bears Antoninus's name, but exact draughts also, wherein the windings of Wayes, Rivers, and Hills also were lively describ'd & exprest, such as that t 1.60 Table (〈◊〉〈◊〉) is, whereof we spake even now; which being curiously cut in Brass, was by the care and directions of Ortelius first publish∣ed at Antwerp, and since by Bertius joyned to his Edition of Pto∣lemie, the latest and very best.

To this place of Vegetius, I will only add another out of S. Ambrose, who indeed was some time after him, the one flou∣rishing with the Title and Dignity of a Comes at CP. under Va∣lentinian, to whom he inscribes his Works, the other being Arch-bishop of Millain under Theodosius the elder; It is a place very pertinent, and will better then any, illustrate our present Discourse, by informing us to what purpose such Lineraries were first instituted, and in this regard it will make amends for the length of it; for I cannot forbear but transcribe all of it hither u 1.61 Miles qui ingreditur iter, saith that Nectarian Do∣ctor; viandi ordinem non ipse disponit sibi, nec pro suo arbitrio vi∣am

carpit, nec voluntaria captat compendia, ne recedat à signis, sed Itineratium ab imperatore accipit, & custodit illud: praescripto in∣cedit ordine, cum armis suis ambulat, rectaque via cenficit iter, ut in∣veniat commeatuum parata sibi subsidia. Si alio ambulaverit itinere, annonam non accipit, mansionem paratam non invenit, quia impera∣tor iis jubet haec praep•…•…rari omnia: qui sequuntur, nec dextrà nec sini∣strâ à praescripto itinere declinant; meritoque non deficit, qui im∣peratorem suum sequitur. Moderatè enim ambulat, quia impera∣tor non quod sibi utile, sed quod omnibus possibile, considerat: id•…•…o & siativa ordinat, triduò ambulat exercitus, quarto requiescit die. Eliguntur civitates in quibus triduum, quatriduum & plures inter∣ponantur dies si aquis abundant, commerciis frequentantur, & ita sine labore consicitur iter, donec ad eam urbem perveniatur, quae quasi regalis eligitur, in qua f•…•…ssis exercitibus requies ministratur. I will not be farther troublesome by translating; onely instead thereof observe, that Itineraria among the ancient Latines, are in Greek Writers called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. The Discrip∣tions, or Annotations of Mansions: particularly in x 1.62 Strabo more then in one place. Divers Grecians have set forth Books inscribed simply * 1.63 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of the Eastern Countries. As Amyn∣tas, mentioned by y 1.64 Athenaeus and z 1.65 Aelian, with others: Their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 were the Roman Mansions, the one borrow∣ing the name from a word that signifies * 1.66 to stand, the other from a word that signifies to stay a 1.67 manere, which most anciently signified as much as Cubare, to lye, or rest all night. Sometimes in long Journeys, I mean, they reckoned not so much by the number of miles between Mansion and Mansion, as by the number of the Mansions themselves, which we learn by this * 1.68 old Inscription.

Martina chara conjux quae venit de Gallia per Mansiones L. Ut commemoraret memoriam mariti sui: Bene qu'eseas duleissime mi Marite.

They called them also Stationes. The Grecians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Eustathius interprets by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by which word the Greek Lawyers, and later Historians do constantly render the Latine Mansio, which contained in it usually some three or four Mutations, although the * 1.69 ancient Hierosolymitane Itinerary hath not, most and end, for every Mansion above two Mutationes, by which word the Wri∣ters after Constantines age, signified as well † 1.70 the Post-horses themselves, as the set places where they were kept and provi∣ded for the use of the Empire. I may add here likewise, that in the same age Itinerarium signified the charge given, in token the Army was presently to march; Itinerarium so∣nare l•…•…tuos jubet, being in Ammianus l. 24. just as much as is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Pollux. But to have spoken so much

concerning Itineraries and Mansions, by way of Preface to the whole, will be thought sufficient, if not more then enough.

BRITANNIARUM] Britanniarum here in the plural number is not so to be understood, as if thereby were meant all those British Islands which by one general name were called Britanniae, according to that of a 1.71 Pliny [Albion ipsi nomen fuit, cùm Britanniae vocarentur omnes.] But by an Archivism, or antick manner of speaking, we must take it for the greatest among them, containing in it at this day England, Wales, and Scotland, and named, as he saies, to difference it from the others, Albion: & that by b 1.72 Aristotle, or c 1.73 Theophrastus, or who ever was the Author of that Book * 1.74 Of the World; Apul•…•…ius the Translator thereof, d 1.75 Marcianus Heracleota, and e 1.76 Eustathius, follow∣ing f 1.77 Ptolomie in his Geography, for in his Mathematicall, or Great g 1.78 Syntaxis, which the Arabians call the Almagest, it is named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Great Britain, to distinguish it from Ire∣land, which there also he calls * 1.79 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, if at least the same Pto∣lemie be Author of both works, which I see h 1.80 some have questioned, but certainly without cause, † 1.81 as Sir H. Savile thought.

There are examples enough for this manner of speaking to be found both in later and more ancient Writers, but the names of Provinces were especially so expressed, as well in Prose as Poets: In i 1.82 Propertius.

Dic alias iterum navigat Illyrias.

Let him once more other Illyria's find.

k 1.83 Solinus of the best Edition, Graecias cogitamus. And the Grecians themselves seem to have used it: to confirme which, as Homer (H' 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.)

And this Verse of Euripides is urged also.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Ilanders and Europe afar of.

For certainly he means Europe, which not onely in Holy Writ is described by the l 1.84 Isles of the Gentiles; but in m 1.85 Plu∣tarch also the Inhabitants there are called Insulares, or Ilanders: As for Britain in particular, these places out of the learned n 1.86 Catullus may be sufficient.

Hunc Galliae timent, timent Britanniae.

Let him the Gauls fear, and the Britains too.

And again,

o 1.87 Mavult quam Syrias, Britanniasque.

Rather then th' Syrians or the British Stem.

Neither may we possibly imagine, that by this Plurall expres∣sion any division of Britain into smaller Provinces is meant in this place, such as that Quadripartite, in Sextus, p 1.88 or rather Festus Rusus (Camden in naming but three out him was deceived by a false Copy) into Maxima Caesariensis, q 1.89 Flavia Caesarien∣sis, Britannia prima, and Britannia secunda: of which divisi∣on they make Constantine the Author; Or into five Provinces afterward by Valentinian r 1.90 adding Valentia in honour of his Brother Valens; namely,

• Britannia I.
• Britannia II.
• Maxima Caesariensis.
• Flavia Caesariensis.

For both these you see were of later time. Neither may we understand that partion of it, which we find in s 1.91 Dion Cas∣sius, into the * 1.92 Higher, or neerer part of the Province, and † 1.93 Lower, or more remote, and Northern, called Britanniae pars interior, in t 1.94 Caesars language; except any one have a mind to read interior in that place, which would not indeed so well answer to maritima, by which he distinguishes the neerer part, and known to the Romans, but would better agree with Dio's expression, according to whose division, we read in u 1.95 He∣rodian also, that Severus distributed [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] The administration of government in the Nation into two Pre∣sident-ships. But least of all may we imagine that division (which the Britain History onely is Author of) into Lhoegria, Cam∣bria, and Albania; although Cambria seems to * 1.96 Ponticus Vi∣•…•…ius to be well known to the Romans, as mentioned by Ju∣venal in this Verse of his VII. Satyr.

Occidit miseros * 1.97 Cambre repetita magistros

Cambre did butcher her returned Lords.

But whether for this conjecture (among others) he may de∣serve the Title of eruditissimus both in Greek & Latin literature from the Learned Gosner's hand, I leave our Friends of Wales to be Judges. And for the division of Britain in former time, I shall have occasion elsewhere to discourse more at large.

If in the mean while any one shall be desirous to know more exactly the Chorography thereof about the time that this Iti∣nerary was written, if that be true which * 1.98 Ierom Surita, a learned Spaniard, goes about to perswade us, namely, that it was published by the command of Antoninus Caracalla, the Son * 1.99 of Severus (making the recension of our Britain Mansions there∣in, sited so far Northerly, and conquered anew by them, as a

ground of this his assertion:) he cannot do better then to joyn thereunto Piolemic's y 1.100 annumeration of the severall Provinces, or People that then inhabited Britain, their more noted Cities, Rivers, Promontories, Havens, Islands, &c. he living not very long before the time that Caracalla was Emperour. And some∣what after Ptolemies age, you have the number of them all set down to your hand, I know not how exactly, by z 1.101 Marci∣anus Heracleota, a Greek Writer also. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, saith he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That is, Albion or Britain containeth in it, XXXIII. distinct Provinces, noted Ci∣ties LIX. famous Rivers XL. IV remarkable Promontories, I * 1.102 Pe∣ninsula, of more then ordinary note, V notable Bayes, besides III principall Havens. The number of Cities here exactly agrees with that in Ptolemy, to whom I conceive he is beholding for the rest also: for that he was after him, evidently appears by his citing him; as he was also junior to the other Marcianus, of Heraclea also (a Writer of the same subject) whose 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Iambick Verse we have published by Fred. Mcrellus.

In our Antoninus, the names of the Mansions or Townes, if you please to call them so, are well neer double that number, there being reckoned no less then CXIV. in this Itinerary through the XV. Journeys. We may say then, that Antoninus set down all he took in his way; Ptolemy onely the more no∣ted. In the Notitia of the Western Empire † 1.103 under Theodosius the younger, you shall find not above XLVI. Garrisons in the whole Island, whereof IX. were kept on the Sea-coast, to hin∣der the frequent Attempts and Invasions of the Saxon Pirats, under the Command of the Comes Littoris Saxonici per Britanni∣am. XIV others more in-land were commanded by the Dux Britanniarum (who had the Title of Spectabilis, as had also the other) whereof York is the first, under the notion of Legio VI. Besides XXIII. more Per Lineam Valli, who had most of them their Stations very neer the Wall, to keep off the continuall As∣saults and Irruptions of the Scots, and Picts, and other barba∣rous people. But the inland of the Country I believe was sto∣red with many other flourishing Cities, which being named by Antoninus and Ptolemie, I cannot think were therefore sackt and ruined before this Notitia, or Survey was taken, because we find them not mentioned there: And this we may the more probably suppose, because that after the Romans had abandoned the Island, we find many of them still remaining in good con∣dition, however, in succeeding times, and not long after their departure, we find not but XXVIII. Cities in Britain. But certainly they were of principall note, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Ptole∣mie's expression is; and such indeed are they described to be by Venerable Bede, the ancient glory of this Nation. Erat, sayes

he, b 1.104 [Britannia] viginti & octo civitatibus quondam nobilis∣simis insignita, praeter Castella innumera, quae & ipsa muris, turri∣bus, portis ac seris erant instructa sirmissimis. He had for his Au∣thor our Countryman Gildas, who in his Epistle c 1.105 (the an∣cientest Writing of any Britain that is now extant) tells us, That Britain was adorned, Decorata bis denis bisque quaternis civi∣tatibus, That is, with d 1.106 eight and twenty Cities. The Catalogue of whose British names collected by Ninnius the old Historian, being compared with the best Copies that are to be found thereof at this day, is published and illustrated (as well with the Roman names, as such as they are known by at this day) by the Reverend and most Learned e 1.107 Primate of Ire∣land. Having nothing therefore in my own poor store, to add to so great abilities, and exact diligence, it is high time for us to bethink our selves of our passage from the Coast of France, where the most usuall Port to set sayl for the Island, while the Romans had the Command thereof, was Gessoriacum; whence also our Autoninus begins his Itinerary as followes.

A GESSORIACO DE GALLIIS, RITUPIS IN PORTU BRITANNIARUM STADIA NUMERO CCCCL.

A GESSORIACO DE GALLIIS.] From Gessoriacum out of Gaul; for which in the Sea-Itinerary, whereof we spake before, you have A Portu Gessoriacensi, as Simlerus mends it: for in the Venetian Edition of Aldus and others, it is Printed Geso∣rigiagensi, as if the name of the place had been also called Gesso∣rigia; of which more anon: as for the last g. in this word, for c. against the ordinary making, that is to be imputed to the frequent mistake of Transcribers, who most usually confound these two letters, as all know that handle written Books, and we shall see variety of examples for it, before we have done with Antoninus. Among divers others of the Ancients, Pliny also mentions this Port, calling it, Gessoriacum c 1.108 Morinorum littus; which else where he expresses by d 1.109 Portum Morino∣rum Britannicum: for of this place I understand him there, ra∣ther then with (〈◊〉〈◊〉) Chiffletius that he should mean Portus Ic∣cius; for indeed in his time, and some while before him, Ges∣soriacum * 1.110 was the onely known accustomed Port, whence they set say I for Britain, as may appear by a place in Pomponius Me∣la, who wrote some what after the time that Claudius undertook his expedition hither, taking Shipping at this very place. f 1.111 Nec Morini, saith he, portu, quem Gessoriacum vocant,

quicquam habent notius. They have nothing of greater note then their Haven Gessoriacum, which g 1.112 Ptolemy also confirms, in whom you find 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Gisorriacum, the Haven of the Morini; in whom by the Transcribers heedlesnes [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] I•…•…cium the Promontory (for he mentions not the Haven) is got into the place that Gessoriacum should be in, as the learned Camden hath observed. And yet we deny not but that Iccius, * 1.113 or I•…•…us, was a Port also of these extremi hominum Morini, as † Virgil calls them. Strabo * 1.114 expresly witnesseth it; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Although Ortelius h 1.115 make it belong to the Caletes, a People neighbouring upon them, vouching for it the very same Strabo's authority. Besides Florus i 1.116 tells us, That Caesar set sayl à Portu Morino, which himself in his Com∣mentaries k 1.117 calls Iccius, ex quo commodissimum in Britanniam transjectum esse cognoverat: Whence he had observed the most conve∣nient passage was over into Britain. However, because in after∣times, Gessoriacum was thought to be so too; (Iccius perhaps being stopt up and become less frequented) we may not there∣fore with Cuverius l 1.118 (having no more ground for it then his bare word) conclude that they were the same, which, he indeed, doth very resolvedly, without once question made thereof: Portus Gessoriacus, saith he, Qui antea itius, & postmodùm Bono∣nia, nunc Boulogne; for this assertion hath as little proof for it, as Dempesters * 1.119 wilde conceit, that the Inhabitants of Gessori∣acum were the most valiant people of Gallia, because he deduces the name from Gesum, a Weapon, by old Authors of both Lan∣guages peculiarly appropriated to the Gauls.

After Julius Caesars expedition hither, Strabo under Augustus and Tiberius sets down four severall places, from which they then used to put forth to Sea for this our Island from the Continent m 1.120 [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] From the severall mouthes of the Rhene, the Seyne, the Loir, and the Gironne, where also he tells us, that they that took Shipping from any place neer upon or about the Rhene, sail'd not directly out by the mouth of the River, but from the Mo∣rini. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sayes he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, among whom also is Itium; na∣ming it here onely occasionally out of Caesar's own description of his passage (for he principally cites Casar's self about his own affaires, and the condition of things at that time in Gau•…•…) but by the context of his words, he may seem to intimate also some other Haven upon their Coast, which sure enough was Gessoriacum, though not yet used in his time: for from thence within a very little while after Claudiur took his Voyage into Britain, as Suetonius relates: n 1.121 A 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gessoriacum usque pedestri itinere consecte, inde transmis•…•…: After a land march from Marseilles, he passed •…•…ver his Army from hence; and not he himself onely, but such also as at any time he imployed hither

with Command, Aul. Plautius, P. Ostorius, Fl. Vespasianus, and o∣thers made use, it is most likely, of this very same Haven.

Neither doth that conjecture want great shew of probabi∣lity, that immediatly before him the stupid Caligula put his mighty Army in Battalia upon this very * 1.122 littus Gessoriacum, as Pliny calls it: For in a Bravado and meer flourish of a seeming attempt against o 1.123 Britain, at an •…•…bbing Sea he commanded the Souldiers upon the sounding of a charge to fill their Bosoms and Helmets with Shels, as spoiles of the Ocean, whilst him∣self, and some selected Friends launched out in their Gallies. To perpetuate the memory of which so vainglorious (or ra∣ther ridiculous) an action, he built upon the place (o) altissi∣mam turrem, an exceeding high Tower, appointing it also for a Sea-mark, with •…•…e on the top by night, in imitation, no doubt, of that Pharus at the Port of Alexandria. Out of this Tower, if not the very same, there are learned men, who suspect that that was raised, which the Dutch and we call The old man of Bullen, but the French name it Tour d'ordre, at this day, standing very high upon the Port of Bologne, or Bononia, which they will have to be a later name of Gessoriacum, as we shall see in what followes. Neither doth it any whit hinder that the In∣habitants entitle Julius Caesar to be the Author thereof, for be∣sides that in the Fasti Capitolini, Caligula is expresly entred Caius Julius Caesar Augustus, &c. We know full well from instances to be made at home, * 1.124 how uncertain and groundless the reports are, which are given out upon tradition, concerning Caesars structures. Moreover, the words of Dio, and Xiphilint out of him, concerning this mock-show [Caligula † 1.125 came to the Ocean as to war in Britain] compared with his intention, do, in the judgment of a most p 1.126 learned man, seem to carry his encamp∣ment and towring structure, far enough off from Holland, where notwithstanding * 1.127 the most do place it; And he himself, as mad as he was, could not but know by Julius Casar's example, there were neerer cuts over hither then so. However it is very remarkable, that the Seat of so notorious a peice of Masonry should become questionable to Posterity: the works of foolish Princes, as well as their Councels, most commonly comming to nothing.

In succeeding times likewise, when Britain was now become a Province of the Romans, this was the onely frequented place for taking Sea thither. To say nothing of Nero's Ge∣neralls: For Julius Agricola's passage over under Vespasian, (whose Pro-praetor, or President he was in the Island) me-thinks I could out of q 1.128 Tacitus corrected, prove it was from hence; of which more, when I shall speak of Rutupiae. And for Hadri∣ans Voyage hither, we do not once imagine that it was begun from any other place; especially Gessoriacum being mentioned

by an Author of that time, who made himself pastime * 1.129 in Verse with his expedition hither, for which he was then thought worthy of no other payment, then in the same coyne from the Emperours own hands. It is L. Florus (whose elegant Breviary we have of the Roman History) where he takes a view of the military actions of the Common-wealth in its Infancy, compared with its well-grown habit and constitution in his time, and somewhat before. r 1.130 Idem hunc Fregellae, sayes he, quod Gessoriacum: By which he means that in elder time to have attempted by Armes Fregellae, a small Town of the La∣tines, was accounted of equall hazard to the conveying over an Army from Gessoriacum in his daies, for the setling of the Affaires of Britain; which it is well known Hadrian did do. And upon the mentioning this passage, I list not now to make stay to enquire what occasioned that foul mistake in learned Hadrian Junius his additions to his Nomenclator, out of Ortelius's Theatrum, whereby Iccius Portus is here said to be called Fre∣gellae, by Florus: and instead thereof we shall add in this place, that Albinus Caesar also did here land his British Forces against Severus; which I conclude from his marching directly to Lug∣dunum, or Lions: For seeing we are told by s 1.131 Pliny that Polybius (I know not whom he should mean, except the Historian) took the measure of distance from the Alps to the Portus Morinorum Britannicus (which I think we have proved to be this Gessoriacū; and Camden, I am sure, thought so) by the way of Lions, where else should he, that was to give Battell at Lions to Severus, land out of Britain, but at G••ssoriacum? And Herodian means no o∣ther then this very Port, by his t 1.132 [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] Gaul just over against; which expression [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] at large, as they say, he uses; not onely for the arrivall of Albinus at this place, but of Severus's Sons also with their Fathers ashes, which they landed here to be conveyed to Rome; where after the solemne Obsequies performed, they made him a God, whose Body the Britains a little before had seen consum'd in flames. As for any other place to arrive at besides, the memories of this age, and of the former are utterly silent.

And in following ages also the same Haven was continued during the time the Romans had command of Britain, as a Pro∣vince; however, they say the name was changed, and that, it seems, somewhat before Constantius Chlorus had the Govern∣ment here assigned to him. We learn this by a u 1.133 Writer of those times, whose name is lost, though not his History, wherein he relates, that Constantine his Son making his way with all speed through Italy, to escape Severus, created Caesar by Maximianus, who pursued him, hockt all the Post-horses he left behind him in the publick Mutations, or Innes, and so came safe to his Father [Apud Bononiam, quam Galli prius Ges∣soriacum

vocabant] to Bononia, which the Gauls former y •…•…led Gesoriacum. Zozimus also u 1.134 remembers the fact in his new History, as also Aurel. Victor: and though they add nothing a∣bout the names of the place, yet others observe the very same concerning the change of them. The Author of this Military Itinerary Table found in Peutinger's Study, formerly mention∣ed: Gessoriacum, quod nunc Bononia. But we need not seek for more Authorities of this kind, nor yet too exactly urge the di∣stance of miles between the old Ambiani, and G•…•…ssoriacum, in our x 1.135 Antonius, which is the very same, as it is said, at this day between Amiens and Bullen; most certainly the same with Bo∣nonia in ancient times; for [Quod instar omnium est] saith y 1.136 Camden, that which out-weighs all arguments, to prove that Bononia and Gessariacum were [necessario unum idemque opidum] the very same Town, is this, That the piraticall faction of Ca∣ransius his raising, which is said, in one z 1.137 Panegyrick, spoken to Constantius, to be shut up and defeated by him, Gesioriacensi∣bus muris (the last Edition which I now use, for want of a bet∣ter, hath Gessorigiam, censibus, muris, very corruptly, as indeed the whole Pericope;) is by a 1.138 another to his Son Constantine said, Bononiensis oppidi littus insedere. And it is not to be thought, as he adds, that men of that quality, speaking to so great Princes, should either of them be mistaken in the place, or its name, the memory of the Victory being as yet fresh. I here∣fore to him the name seems changed in Constantine's daies.

Yet as resolved as he concludes the business b 1.139 Scaliger will by no means have it believed. Ne credas unquam Bononiam Gessoriacum dictam, semper enim eam appellationem habuit. Thinks not, sayes he, that ever Bononia was called Gessoriacum; for it never had any other name. B•…•…nonia indeed, he tells us, was anciently c 1.140 Pagi Gessoriaci (as Pliny calls it) by which he un∣derstands that whole Tract, Qui pertinet à Normannis Belgis ad Bononiam; and in which even at this day, a Town remains, yet called Gissore from thence, the word Pagus, being not oftener ta∣ken for a Village, or Town, then for a great Lordship, or Territory. Neither doth he see any reason, as he sayes, why we should give it any other name besides Bononia, seeing it is so ancient, as appears by Amm. Marc•…•… (whose authority however is some deal lower, which we may observe by the way, then that before out of the Panegyrick) in his XX. Book: Notarius Bo∣noniam mi•…•…titur observaturus sodicitè, ne quisquam fretum Oceani transir•…•… perm•…•…tteretur; that is, into Britain: and there he tells us also, that L•…•…p cinus dispatched by Ju•…•…ian, to compose the Bri∣tish affairs took shipping at the same place, & elswhere; that d 1.141 Theodos. did so likewise, being sent by Valentinian. They likewise which returned hence back again to the Continent, made this their constant landing-place. Of Constantine the III, com∣monly

called the Tyrant e 1.142 Zosimus, beares witness; as also Olympiodorus Thebanus, who wrote the History of Honorius the elder, Theodosius, and Honorius the younger; out of one of whom, or both, f 1.143 Sozomen the Ecclesiasticall Historian relates the same thing, saving that his Text is corrupt; for you have there 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which the dexterity of the Editioner, or Inter∣preter hath turned into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whence is the Latine Burbonia, which is just nothing in that place.

But by this time we have almost lost Gessoriacum, indeed a∣bout the ancient Site whereof, there hath not been a little more ado among learned men, so far are they from agree∣ment where it might have been. g 1.144 Hermolaus Barbarus thought it to have been Brugge, a famous Mart-town of Flanders: like∣wise h 1.145 H•…•…ctor Boethius places it in Flanders; but at Sluys, both, truly, with no little mistake, not observing the distance between Gessoriacum and Britain, set down by Pliny, and here also; of which anon. Our Countryman i 1.146 Talbot, and k 1.147 Rob. Cornalis the Frenchman, assign C•…•…letum, or Callis for it: but the Noble and Learned l 1.148 Michael Hospitalius sufficiently dis∣proves them, shewing that it was not anciently, but a poor lit∣tle Village, till such time as within a few Ages, Philip one of the Earls of Bologne enlarged it, and strengthned it with a Wall. m 1.149 Adrian Turnebus (that the consent may be as little as may be) makes it to have been at St. Omars, in vico Soaci dicto; But besides that it is a new Town, as Ortelius tells us; he sayes, That Gessoriacum by the ancients being described a Haven Town, he dare not seek for it in any inland place, though there be some allusion to the same: Our famous Antiquary John Leland most judicially places it at Bologne, or Bononia, which the Dutch call Bennen; And him doth Camden follow. * 1.150

Hence then in good time let us set sayl for Britain; for we cannot stay here to dispute the question, Whether BRITAIN were not from antiquity, as remote as the Flood rent from the main land of Gaul, Velut a corpore, majore impetu superioris maris, quod toto undarum onere illue invehitur, n 1.151 as he speaks of the Island Sicily; for which that it was so torn from Italy (o) Sa∣lust, Trogus Pompeius, p 1.152 Virgus, q 1.153 Pliny, and others do seem to have credited. Albeit r 1.154 Thueydides refers you only to the Poets for it, as if himself believed it not. And s 1.155 U pian the Lawyer tells us, That Siciliam m•…•…gis inter Continentis a•…•…ci∣pere nos oportet, que modiro freto Italia dividitur. For Aristotle him∣self tells us, t 1.156 that Islands neer to the Continent, are parcell of the Continent. But as for BRITAIN, that it was at a∣ny time so separated from the Contin•…•…nt, the first that ever 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 affirmed it, that I can tell of (since Servius upon Virgi•…•…'s

Et penitus toto divisos Orbe Britannos,

And Britanny divided from the World. J. O.

Whom he mistakes, as learned * 1.157 Mr. Selden thinks; as that also of Claudian.

—Et nostro diducta Britannia mundo,

And our Britannie parted from the World.

Is mis-understood) was * 1.158 Dominicus Marius Niger, the Ve∣netian Geographer, whom Antonius Volsius, an Italian like∣wise, with Bodine, hath followed. Mr. Speed, besides these; brings one Vinianus for this opinion. Upon search who he should be, I found since it is Vivianus the Lawyer, for whose testimony he is beholding to Richard White * 1.159 of Basingstoke, as he is for all the rest of his authorities almost to the learned Caniden. He, discoursing concerning the Presidentships of se∣verall Provinces, hath these words by way of instance: a 1.160 Anglia & Gallia fuit divisa in duas Provincias, & ambae posteà fue∣runt sub duobus Praesidibus constitutae. Nam Anglia & Gallia fuit una terra ab initio. Interpreting which, unam terram appellat Vivi∣anus Continentem, saith White. And from his division from the Continent, he conceives BRITAIN, had its name corrupt∣ed from the Hebrew 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Perad-cain; learning it, b 1.161 as him∣self tells us, from his Collegue at Doway, Joannes Pallas a Ger∣man, and Regius Professor there of that Language. But since our own Countrymen at home took the question in hand, it hath found many to hold the Affirmative; among whom, the most confident for the maintaing of it, is c 1.162 John Twyne, de∣riving the name of the Island after the same signification from Brich, which, as he sayes, is as much as Guith, i. A separa∣tion in Welsh, whence the Isle of Wight was so called: Guith, and Wight, being soon made of each other. And next to him is Richard Verstegan in his Restitution of decayed intelligence in Antiquities. As for our other Antiquaries, they are such, who following the opinion the one of the other, as the same Verstegan well observes, are rather content to think it some∣time to have been, then to labour to find out by sundry preg∣nant reasons, that so it was indeed. I alwaies except the learned Camden, whose resolution herein is very grave and dis∣creet, making it a high matter of Religion, De divinis operibus Supinè sententiam ferre: adding moreover, that lands scattered in the middle of the Ocean (the Divine Providence seeing it good it should be so) do confer no less to the ornament of the Universe, then great Lakes and Meers disperst up and down in the firm Land do, as huge Mountains neer unto vast Plains. But Antonine calls us aboard: and as I said before we cannot stay.

Di•…•… nobis facilemque viam, ventosque ferentes.

Grant us, yee Gods, faire way, and prosperous Winds.

RITUPIS, or Ritupiis, IN PORTU BRITANNIARUM.] And now are we, in good time, arrived in BRITAIN, at Ritupiae, or Rutupiae, a 1.163 as Ptolemie calls it, making it one of the two (for London is misplaced there for a third) principall Cities of the CANTII, or Kent, not of the Atrebati•…•…, as Surita, by a foule over-sight, tells us, they being far more inland. In our Voy∣age from Gaul, we have passed over a boysterous and surging Sea, Attolli horrendis aestibus adsuetu•…•…, b 1.164 saith Ammianus of it, and therefore not without cause described such by Lucan in these brave Verses.

—c 1.165 Veluti mediis qui intus in arvis Sicaniae, rapidum nescit latrare Pelorum: Aut vaga, cum Tethys, Rutupinaque littora fervent, Unda Caledonios fallit turbata Britannos.

As who in midst of Sicily safe dwell, When rough Pelorus barks can never tell: As Northern Britains cannot hear the roare Of flowing Seas against the Kentish shore. T. M.

d 1.166 Juvenall expresses it by Rutupinus fundus, calling it so from this famous Haven-town standing upon the shore, where he ce∣lebrates the Oysters taken there, and conveyed thence to Rome, among other farfetcht Dainties, and commends Montanus the Roman Senators judicious palate in the tasting of them.

—Nulli major suit usus edendi Tempestate mea; Circeis nata forent, an Lucrinum ad sax•…•…m, Rutupinone edita fundo Ostrea, callebat primo deprendere morsu: Et semel aspecti littus dicebat Echini.

—in all My time, his tast was most authenticall. If Lucrin Rocks or Circe's th'Oysters bred Or were they with * 1.167 Richborough water fed He found at the first tast, and by the look Of Crabfish told upon what Coast 'twas took. Sir R. Stapylton.

And truly we are not to understand Val. Maximus, where he speaks of Fishes e 1.168 Ab Oceani littoribus, & infusae culinis O∣streae: or Senica's f 1.169 Conchylia ultimi maris ex ignoto littore, of any other then Oysters taken upon these shoars. For g 1.170 Pliny expresly mentions Ostrea Britannica out of Mu•…•…ianus, making them indeed somewhat less luscious then those of the Lucrine

Lake, as likewise they were not so large as those of Cyzicum: his words are, Cyzicena majora Lucrinis, suaviora Britannicis. But in after ages Ausonius the Poet seems to have admired them above others in these words.

Sunt & Aremorici qui laudent ostrea ponti, Et quae Pictonici legit accola littoris: & quae Mirae * 1.171 Caledonius nonnunquam detegit aestus.

Some do the Guien Oysters highly fame; Some those are gather'd by a Scottish Dame: Some those the Flood leaves on the British shore.

They are in his IX. Epistle to Axius Pontius the Rhetorician; in which you have variety of good Oysters: thither therefore I send you for better satisfaction, or else to Apicius, and the Doctors of his School, the Gulae proceres; for we must return to Rutupiae.

To pass by therefore the Interpreter, as it is pretended, of the British History, who tells us, that not onely * 1.172 Julius Caesar lan∣ded here [in Rutupinum portum] at his third entrance (of which yet himself * 1.173 makes no mention) but also that Vespasian, be∣ing sent hither by Claudius to make all quiet; Cum ad Rutupi por∣tum applicare incaepiss•…•…t, was hindred from landing here, and so forced to wheel about as far as Totnes in Cornwall: In an un∣questionable Writer, Cornelius Tacitus, we find this place called Portus Rutupensis: for not onely all learned men in generall be∣yond the Seas approve this correction of that place by B. Rhe∣nanus; but Sir Henry Savile also his most accurate Interpreter; whereas indeed before it was read h 1.174 Et simul classis secunda tempestate ac fam•…•… Trutulensem portum tenui•…•…, unde proximo latere Britanniae tecto * 1.175 redierat. i.

And withall, the Navy with prosperous wind and success arrived at the Port Trutulensis, from whence it had departed, coasting along the neerest side of Lr. tanny, and so returned thither again.

By which it is plain, that here was the usuall Harbour where the Romans Na∣vy rode at Anchor, and consequently that this was the ordi∣nary landing-place from Gissoriacum, or Bononia, in those times, as it was in after ages also, which we shall shew. As for this place of Tacitus, if it be not so to be mended, Trutulensis will sound nothing, and be no where to be found.

But Ammianus will make it good; A Writer who began his History of the Roman Emperours, just where Tacitus left off; and indeed he is the first after him (except Juvenall) who mentions Rutupiae; the name of it being lost for so long toge∣gether, with the former part of his History, even to the times of Constantius and Julian) under whom Lupicinus, being dis∣patch't

into Britain to repulse the inrodes of the Scots, and Picts, i 1.176 Bononiam venit, & observato statu secundo, ventorum, ad Rutupias, sitas ex adverso defertur, petitque Lundinium. And elsewhere he tells us, That Theodotius appointed also hither by Valentinian, k 1.177 cùm venisset, ad Bononiae littus, transmeato lentiùs freto defertur Rutupias, stationem ex adverso tranquillam: Was carried to Rutupiae, a calm Harbour over against; and there∣fore fittest for the Roman Fleet constantly to lye there,

Decius Ausonius the Poet, who under Valentinian l 1.178 as him∣self tells us, had the Praefectura of Gaul and Britanny, hath also preserved the memory of this famous Station in his Parentalia, where he celebrates the Funerall of his Fathers Brother Claudi∣us Contentus, who having put out to use, and improved a Mass of money in strangers hands in Britain, lost it all by his sudden death in this very place; if Ausonius do not rather by tellus Rutupina, mean Britain in generall, which some have thought.

Et patruos Elegia meos reminiscere cantu; Contentum; tellus quem Rutupina tegit. Magna cui, & variae quasita pecunia sortis, Haeredis nullo nomine tuta, perit. Raptus enim l•…•…tis, & adbuc florentibus annis Trans mare, & ignaris fratribus oppetiit.

My Kinsman muse, in mournfull Nots deplore Contentus buried on the Kentish shore; T' whom Fortune gave great store of riches where He without Issue dy'd, and left no Heire: In foraign Land Fate him depriv'd of breath In's prime, whose Brothers knew not of his death.

For Clemens Maximus the Tyrant (who vanquished two Empe∣rours) slaying Gratian, and making Valentinian abandon Italy, being called Rutupinus latro by the same Ausonius; many have from thence, as also from a place of m 1.179 Socrates misunder∣stood in his Translation (to speak nothing of our own Coun∣try n 1.180 Writers in old time, and what they thought of him) concluded him a Britain, although in very truth he were of Spanish birth and extraction, as both o 1.181 Zofimus witnesseth, and may most evidently be collected out of Latinus Pacatus his Panegyric to Theodosius. All indeed that can he concluded from this Epithet, given him by Ausonius, is onely this, That in Britain he first put on the Imperiall Purple, and so passed into Gaul, as Socrates is to be understood, and p 1.182 Aurel. Victor plainly writeth. Neither doth that want some good shew of probability, which Mr. Camden hath, that Maximus perhaps had the Government of this Station, and of what forces else

lay neer upon this place; and therefore was so called by him in this Verse:

Punisti Au•…•…onio q 1.183 Rutupinum marte latronem.

By thee the Kentish Rebel was subdu'd.

For besides that, Ausenius himself in his forenamed Parentalia mentions such a Presidentship there sometime sustained by Fl. Sanctus his own Wifes Sister's Husband (whom there he hath asserted from oblivion, in this Epitaph; so that we may see they do not wholly dye, who have a Poet to friend.

Tranquillos Manes, supremique mitia Sancti, Ore pio, & v•…•…rbis advenerare bonis: Militiam nullo qui turbine sedulus egit: Praeside laetatus quo Rutupinus ager. Octoginta annos •…•…ujus tranquilla senectus Nullo mutavit deteriore die.

With pious Lips, and holy Prayers thou must Adore blest Sanctus Soul, and quiet dust, Who made War easie, and whilst he did Raign Gave peace and plenty to th' Rutupian Plain. Full eighty years he liv'd with happy fate, Then humane life chang'd for a better state.

The Notitia also, or Survey of the Western Empire, thought to be taken not long after this time, lets us know, that the Praepositus of the II. Legion, called Victrix Augusta, resided [Rutupis] at Rutupiae, sub dispositione V•…•…ri spectabilis Comitis Littoris Saxonici per Britanniarum, to hinder the Piracies and inrodes of the Sax∣ons, r 1.184 Guid. Pancirolus in his old Book found Praefectus for Praepositus, which is the better, being the usuall word. As for the Legion it self, we shall have fitter occasion to speak of it elsewhere in this very work.

s 1.185 Paulus Aurosius. the Spanish Priest, calls it a Pity, as well as a Haven: Britain, saith he, hath Gaul on the South, Cujus proximum littus transmeantibus civitas aperit quae dicitur Rhu∣tubi portus. Out of whom Beda adding moreover the site thereof, and name also in his daies: t 1.186 Britannia habet à me∣ridie Galliam Belgicam, •…•…ujus proximum littus transmeantibus ap•…•…∣rit civitas, quae dicitur Ruthubi portus, qui portus à gente Anglorum nunc corruptè 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vocata, interposito mari à Gessoriaco Mori∣norum gentis, littore proximo trajectu miliarum quinquaginta, sive, ut quidam scripsere stadiorum quadringentorum quinquaginta. He sayes, That the Saxons in his time corruptly called it Bepta∣e•…•…ster, which afterwards was altered into Ruptimuth, and Rich∣bery,

and of late ages into Richborow, all, no doubt, from the old Rutupiae. which also before Bede in the Military Tables was cor∣rupted into Ravipis and Ratupis. As for the deduction of the name, Camden I see is not (as usually his manner is) so confident in deriving it from the ancient Britain Language: I would, sayes he, t 1.187 if I durst, bring it from Rhyd Tufith, which is as much as A Ford stoptwith sand. The denomination indeed is at this day very suitable to the place, considering not onely the ob∣struction of the old Haven, but of that too which belongs to the new Town, risen of late ages out of the ruines of Rutupiae, and called indeed Sandwich, from the store of Sand forceably by the Sea cast up from the Godwin upon this shore. But that an∣ciently it should be from thence so called, when it was an Har∣bour for the Roman Navies, I would faine have some body to satisfie me therein, how it might be, except they then had some foresight of what in after ages would come to pass. Be∣sides, if this be the Etymon, I would be told also, by them that can, whence u 1.188 Portus Rutubis a Haven on the Coast of Bar∣bary, mentioned by Pliny, was so called; for to allude to the same Pliny's words in another place, x 1.189 Pudet à Britannis Africae rationem mutuari: We may by no means out of our old British Tongue seek the Originations also of Townes names in Africk: y 1.190 Will. Lambard had rather derive it from the British word, which signifieth a Net, in token that it stood by Fishing; or of Rwyd, which signifieth Speed: because from thence, as some thought, was the most short and speedy course over the Seas.

The Island indeed which stands situate over against Rutupiae, retains yet some parcel of the old name thereof in our British, being called z 1.191 Ynys Rhuochim, that is, the Rutupian Island, as Humphr. Lhoyd interprets it; But whether Rhuochim were the British name for this Rutupiae, in that famous History, the Trans∣lator of which Geffrey of Monmouth (B. afterwards of S. Asaph, and Cardinall a 1.192 as some say) makes himself; to be where it is related, That King Arthur, returning from his expedition against I know not what Emperour of Rome, with an Army of CC. and LXX. M. men, arrived in b 1.193 Rutupum portum; as also in those places before mentioned: they onely can tell us, who have lookt into a British Copy thereof; one of which c 1.194 Mr. Lambard sayes he had in his possession. We call it Thanst, of which Jul. Solinus in his Polyhistor thus, being the first of the Ancients that mentions it: d 1.195 Thanatos insula alluitur freto Gal∣lico, à britanniae continenti aestuario te•…•…ui separata, selix srument•…•…∣riis campis, & gleba ub•…•…ri. Nec tantum sibi soli, verùm, & aliis salubris locis. Nam cùm ipsa nullo serpatur angue, asportata inde terra, quoquò gentium inv•…•…ctasit, angues necat. All which is ve∣ry true, saving his last observation, That not so much as a Snake creeps in this Isle; and that the Earth of it conveyed from

hence, killeth them wheresoever they are found elsewhere, which proving nothing so, Isidore doth trifle, who sayes, It was so called b 1.196 from the death of Serpents brought thi∣ther. Aldus Printed it Athanatis. But Salmasius finding Adtanatis in a very ancient book, mended it, At Tanatis, assuring us that is the true name of the Isle; about which c 1.197 Camers and Del∣rio * 1.198 so much trouble themselves, and of whom the former sur∣mises it might be d 1.199 Etta corrupted in Antonine; or else (but in that he is the whole Seas wide) to be Ptolemies Agatha, which he places in the Mediterranean Sea, over against Languedoc, and Province: whereas the site of Tanet is well known out of Solinus, distant enough from thence. With far more probability doth our Camden conjecture it to have been Ptolemies Toliapis, espe∣cially finding it written Toliatis in some old Copies. Beda calls it Tanatos, and exactly describes it, as it was an Island in his daies; whose words I will here set for better satisfaction of them that seldome handle him: e 1.200 Est ad Oriensalem Cantii plagam Tanatos insula non modica, idest, magnitudinis juxta cort∣suetudinem aestimation is Anglorum familiarum D C. (It is falsely Printed miliarium in all Editions I have seen) quam à conti∣nenti terrae secernit Vantsumu, qui est latitudinis circiter trium stadiorum, & duobus tantùm in locis est transmeabilis. Utrumq•…•… enim caput protendit in marc.

That is, On the East of Kent is Thanet, no small Isle, able to maintain six hundred Families, which the River Wantsum divides from the main Land, a∣bove a quarter of a mile over, and fordable onely in two pla∣ces, being brancht two severall waies, it runs into the Sea, making it an Island.

But at this day it is but a Peninsula, or By-land, one of the streams being dryed up f 1.201 some hun∣dred years ago, or somewhat more, which parted it from the Continent of Britain.

Now whereas Bede in the same place relates, That Augustine minor (for so g 1.202 Fabius Ethelwerd calls him, to difference him from S. Augustine of Hipps) the Monk, who first conver∣ted the Saxons to the Christian Religion landed with his Com∣pany in this Island, and that Ethelred the King of Kent came into the Island to visite him: and also, that ancient * 1.203 Writers likewise report, That Ethelred had his Palace at old Rutupiae; I cannot tell how Leland, h 1.204 Lambard, and i 1.205 Harrison could make it good, that Rutupiae stood in the Island; but that since, as they say, the water changing its course, hath shut it clean out. Contrary to what Camden seems to have thought, and delivers concerning the ancient situation of the place: Ad au∣sirale Wantsumi ostium, quod alveum mutasse credunt, è regione insulae apposita fuit urbs, quae Ptolemaeo Rutupiae, &c.

At the mouth of Wantsum Southward (which some suppose, sayes he,

hath changed its Channell) quite over against the Isle was a

City, by Ptol. called Rutupiae, &c.

And so likewise long be∣fore him Talbot, whose conjecture also it is, that Ptolemie there∣fore places it among the inland Cities k 1.206 Quod propter obje∣ctum Thanati, sive Tenedi, insulae pauso interrùs sita videatur; Because it seemed to stand more inwardly, by reason the Island Tanes was placed just over against it. As for Ethelred's Palace, that it was Rutupiae, no man will question their authority that writ it, who shall once understand, that the old Saxon Kings through all Britain, constantly held their residence in Roman Stations, which afterwards by that meaas grew into great and frequented Townes and Cities, as will easily appear to the not indiligent Reader of Beda, and that in more then one place. And although I conceive much may be said to prove that Ru∣tupiae stood alwaies on the main land, yet I, of purpose, forbeare to bring any thing of mine own the more to confirm it, till such time as some good opportunity shall give me leave to visit the place, and to become an eye-witness of the situation thereof. My main undertaking here is onely to illustrate the names in this Itinerary, with what I find in most ancient memories, and Monuments of remotest times concerning them.

However in the mean while, we may do well to observe the strange and dismall effects of the powerfull execution of Time. Valleys exalted into Mountaines, and l 1.207 great Hills abased into Valleys; firm Land become a Sea, and the Sea again turn∣ed into dry land: and in all things so great and various a change, that if our fore-Fathers, who lived some Ages ago, could awake now for a time out of their Graves (as they say Epimenides did out of his long sleep) they would meet with so far a grea∣te•…•… alteration then he, that they would either not at all find, or else not know their own Country, and the very Land in which they were born, and drew their breath so long toge∣ther: So true is that of the excellent Poet. m 1.208

Eputae variant faciem per secula gentes; Necse cognoscunt terrae vertentibus annis.

Th' Epulans still their Garb and Fashions change, Whose Land, in time, unto it self growes strange.

And this is that Station, or City.

—Rutupiae notissima fama,

—Rutupia most renown'd:

Dives opum Veteri Roma dum regna manebant; Nunc tantùm simus & statio malefida carinis.

Rich whilst old Rome did the Worlds Empire sway; Now a wild Road for Ships, and dang'rous Bay.

So famous in old time while the Roman name and power was able to manage its own Victories and greatness. Now it hath little more to boast of then its Ruines, which are themselves too m 1.209 almost perished; Some Roman Coynes, as well Gold as Silver; The draught of its streets crossing one another, which appear in the •…•…eilds, and are known to have been so by the thinness of Corn in them after it is come up; the remainder of some Walls of a Castle, of a rough Flint, and long British Bricks, in form of a Quadrant: scarce, all put together, a shadow of its former Glory. And after so many arguments both from the name, and other antiquities, to prove that Rutupia had here its being, we shall have no need to confute them, who did so mor∣dicu•…•… •…•…en re (as Mr m 1.210 Floyd•…•… words are) Tooth and Nail main∣tain, that Dover was anciently so called, any other waies than by a bare relating of their opinion; although indeed Dover was a famous Haven-town, even in the Roman time, and named Dubris in this same Itinerary, in which it is one of the three noted Havens upon this Coast. But of that in its place; here, I am afraid, of Rutupiae too much.

STADIA] There have scarce been more great Nations in the World of ancient times, then there have been also dif∣ferent Measures, thereby to know, not onely in Journeying the exact distance from place to place; but withall, the quan∣tities and space of Lands and Possessions. This we learn from Herodotus in his second Muse, where he tells us, That the poorer sort among the Aegyptians, and such as had the smallest Posses∣sions, used to measure by the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Passus, that is, by paces, which contained five Feet. They of a better condition by the Stadium, which we take for our Furlong; of which more anon. They that had larger Demeasnes then ordinary, by the Para∣sang. But the Owners of great Lordships and Territories, measured altogether by the Schoenos. Now of the two last, the former is by Grammarians said peculiarly to belong to the Persians, the other properly to the Aegyptians. But that indeed they were promiscuously used by both Nations, appears not onely by this Verse of a 1.211 Challimachus,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Nor measure Wisdome by the Persian Schoenes.

But by the Authority of b 1.212 Pliny also, and other good Wri∣ters.

However the SCHOENOS was most properly the E∣gyptian measure, and it contained two Parasangs, or threescore Stadia; as Herodotus also tells us in the same place. Pliny ob∣serves how ancient Authors differ about the quantity of its

measure, as doth c 1.213 Strabo likewise before him out of Art•…•…mi∣dorus. But for further satisfaction in this, the more exact and learned Reader may have recourse to the anciently admired d 1.214 Ptolemie, in whom you find it to consist not of above thirty Stadia. e 1.215 S Ierome, it should seem took it not for an Egyp∣tian word (neither indeed have I it in my Catalogue of such, collected out of old Writers) for he renders it by 〈◊〉〈◊〉, making it signifie from the Greek: In Nilo flumine, sayes he, solent naves sunibus trah•…•…re, certa habentes spatia, quae appellant fu∣niculos; they use to tow, or hale their Ships with Ropes, for certain limited and distinct spaces, which they call 〈◊〉〈◊〉, along the shoars of Nilus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying a Rope, but espe∣cially such a one as is made of Bul-•…•…shes.

The PARASANGA was, apud Persas viarum 〈◊〉〈◊〉, a measure of waies among the Persians, saith Feslu•…•…. The Ety∣mologists deduce it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Parash, A Horsman, and * 1.216 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Angari, which in Hesychius, is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a Persi in word; and he interprets it, The Kings Messengers, or Letter-Carriers (called also in the same Language f 1.217 Astande) placed in equidistant Stations, or Mansions; as doth Suidas also, following g 1.218 Herodo∣tus, and h 1.219 Iosephus. This measure consisted of XXX. Stadi•…•…, as Herodotus writes in the place before cited, i 1.220 and elsewhere. So k 1.221 Xenophon, l 1.222 Agathias, Hesychius, Suidas. But Strabo is very inconstant, according to the divers Authors he uses in severall places, making it sometimes thirty (as the most) sometime forty, sometime sixty Stadia. Agathias, though he follow the former authority for the measure, yet he uses not the word, but for it sets down 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, somewhat answerable to it, which signifies resting, or baiting places. And for Hesychius, though he grant thirty Stad. for the measure, yet you shall find in him moreover, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Parasang contains four miles. But then he counts but seven Stad. and an half to the mile, and so it agrees exactly with his former reckoning, thirty Stadia; of which measure more anon, it having in the mean while occasioned the mentioning of these others. And here I may by no means omit, That by the Persians even to this day it is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Farsang; the name not yet quite corrupted, or abolisht; as also by m 1.223 Abulseda the Geographer, who sayes it was esteemed but three miles by the Ancients, as well as Mo∣derns: Which observation we owe to the exactly learned Ma∣thematitian n 1.224 Mr. Iohn Greaves of Oxford. But that I my self may observe some measure, and have done with it; I will refer them that desire to know more, either concerning the Arabian Parasangs, in the Nubian Geography of George Elmacinus, or the Iewish Parasangs, in Benjamin Tudelensis his Itinerary, and how they differed one from the other, to what he shall find in

Constantinus, L' Emperour's discourse, by way of Preface there∣unto. And so much in this place of the Persian Parasang.

The ancient Gaules journyed by the LEUCA, or LEU∣GA; which o 1.225 Ammian. M•…•…rcellinus in plaine words doth witness, where he describes the beginning of Gaul: Exindeque, saith he, non •…•…enis, passibus, sed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Itinera metiuntur: From thence they measure not their Journeys by Miles, but by Leagues. Now the Leuca or Lea•…•…ue, as we call it, was exactly a mile and halfe, or M D. paces. Iornandes sets it so plainly downe, Leuga Gallica mille & quingentorum passuum 〈◊〉〈◊〉. A Gallic league is a thousand and five hundred paces. And we may as plainly collect just so much out of the same p 1.226 Ammi∣anus, where, speaking of the Wars which Iulian. Ca•…•…ar made in Gaul, he hath these words, A loco unde Romana promota sunt signa, adusque val•…•…um Barbaricum, quarta l•…•…uca signaliatur & de∣•…•…ima; idest, unum & viginti millia passuum: From the place, whence the Roman Ensignes were advanced, to the Wall (so it is in English) or Fortress of the Enemies, were fourteen leagues; that is, one and twenty miles. Such another pas∣sage is in the Acts of the Martyrdome of S. 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which I forbear not to transcribe hither; Ab Aurelianense Urbe usque 〈◊〉〈◊〉 civitatem, quae III. •…•…ugdunensis 〈◊〉〈◊〉, perhibentur stadia 〈◊〉〈◊〉, milliaria sep•…•…a, inta quinque; 〈◊〉〈◊〉, quae adhuc ve∣teri Gal•…•…rum 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, quinquaginta: From Orleance to Tour•…•… are said to be six hundred Stadia, seventy five miles, fifty leagues, as they are yet called in the old Gallic Language: Although this supputation agrees not with what it is at this day. Besides if you look into this very same Itinerary of Antoninus in our hands, you shall find some Journeys in Gaul, which indeed have the miles set down, but resolved into leagues: others reckon it onely by leagues, (neither of which he doth in any other Roman Province) and it exactly observeth the forenamed proportion, as Lunna M. P. XV. l•…•…ng. X. &c. as far as Gessoriacum over against our shoar, of which you have former mention. So that q 1.227 Isidorus by all means is to be corrected, and read, Luca finitur mille passibus quingentis; in the Printed book mille being left out, either by the oversight of the Transcriber of the Copy, or else of the Composer. This was observed before me, by one who was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Concerning the leagues of later people, and times, I refer you to the very same most industri∣ous and judicious r 1.228 Antiquary.

The measure which the Germanes of old times used, was the RASTA: s 1.229 Viarum spatia rastas appellat universa Germania. All Germany calleth the spaces of waies, Rastae. What quanti∣ty of way this contained, we cannot know better then from the old Agrimensores, or Surveyors of Land, among the Gro∣maticall

Authors, where you read pag. 14. t 1.230 M l•…•…iarius & di∣midius apud Gallos Leuvam facit, habentem passus mille quingentos. Duae Levae, seu milliarii tres, apud Germanos unam rastem efficiunt. A mile and half among the Gauls makes a league, which con∣tains M D. paces; two leagues, or three miles make a R•…•…sta a∣mong the Germanes.

To these we might add some other Dimensions of distances. intended for the benefit of Travellers, as the DEXTRI: but to what people they belonged is uncertain. The old u 1.231 Papias renders them, Passus mensurandi apud quosd•…•…m; but he tells us not whom: you shall meet with them also in Floren∣tius concerning the Acts x 1.232 of the Martyrdome of S. Felix; A loco isto usque ad Castrum Toringum habentur dextri ducenti. From thence to Toring Castle are reputed two hundred dextri. We may take notice likewise of the MIGERIA among the Spaniards of old time, three of which, as you may learn out of the Partita, being the second Volume y 1.233 of the ancient Spa∣nish Lawes, made a League; So that it was some half a mile, and not much more.

But the Mile was Roman, called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by * S. Matthew Plu∣tarch, D•…•…o, &c. by Pae•…•…nius the Greek Metophrast of Futropius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and commonly MILLIARIUM, mille passus, from a thousand paces, of which exactly it did consist, every pace containing five feet Roman, somewhat larger then ours. This measuring by feet was called Podismus, of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, was to measure by paces, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the Stadium; by which they computed their miles, as well as by the Passus, as Polybius witnesseth, speaking of their miles z 1.234 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That is, heedfully, but how heedfully we shall see anon. The Stadium also con∣sisted of paces, as an old Author urged by a 1.235 Salmasiu•…•…, tells us; Per passus stadium, per stadium milliarium. At every miles end exactly, as I said, laid forth, they used to set up a b 1.236 small Pillar of stone, first ordered so by the appointment of the Gracchi, as we find in Plutarch; whence the usuall expression grew, Ad tertium ab Urbe lapidem, ad IV. ad V. &c. That is, so many miles from the City. And from these Pillars which also were called Cippi, we find in Strabo, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because in the high waies from Rome, such 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Pillars, were placed at each miles end: which c 1.237 Rutilius Numatianus, an Heathen Poet, hath very quaintly expressed.

Intervalla viae fessis praestare videtur, Qui notat inscripius millia crebra Lapis.

The Weary well are pleas'd to see that Stone Tells them how many miles 'tis to the Town.

Now the Romans took their account of miles from the c 1.238 Milliarium aureunt, set up by d 1.239 Augustus in Rome, in the head e 1.240 of the Forum, under f 1.241 Saturn's Temple, in unibilico urbis; the count of their Journeys through all Italy beginning at it, and ending there, as it is commonly delivered. Howbeit we are told by an old Lawyer, Aemil. Macer, that g 1.242 Mille pas∣sus non à mulliario urbis, sed à continentibus adificiis; numerandi sunt. At new Rome too, or Constantinople, W^ch imitated all things that were in the old, was also a milliarium aurium; you may see for it in Cedrenus the Greek Chronicler: yet by him, as al∣so Suidas, it is described rather as an Edifice; when as the o∣ther is expresly called h 1.243 A Golden Pillar. For the very same purpose, as the Learned Camden is of opinion, was that Stone set up with us in Canning-street, called London-stone, alledging to confirm his conjecture, the placing of it in the midst of the City, where it runs on in length, and within that way the old Roman Street or High way did lead, which, forth with going a∣long from it, is called Watling-street; of which elsewhere I shall have more occasion to speak. In the mean while I must by no means let pass, that the miles used in this Itinerary, are much shorter then the shortest this day in Italy, or any where else; they being but precisely M. paces, as aforesaid: which in more places then one in this ensuing work, we shall be put to it to remember you of. For whereas the ordinary league now a daies is accounted three miles, it may not be understood of these in the Itinerary, but the usuall ones, according to the measure of later ages; This will appear by the intervalls of Stones re∣maining even to our times, with their Inscriptions yet legible in divers places; especially in Portugall, wherein the Military, or High-way to Emerita Augusta (so called from the Emeriti placed there by Angustus, now )Merida the severall Pillars in∣scribed, do distinguish the severall miles, and they that have taken a dimension of the space (among others is i 1.244 Charolus Clusins a very learned man) do affirm that four of them do make up one league, as it is considered now a daies: And for the Mile so much.

The STADIUM (which occurring in this place, hath given us occasion to mention the foregoing measures) was the more especiall dimension of the Grecians in ancient times, and also in later, as well by Sea, as Land. For the use of it by Sea, this Itinerary in this very place doth shew it; so that I need not much to urge that place in S. Iohns Gospel: k 1.245 And putting forth about five and twenty, or thirty [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] Furlongs, as we translate it. Nor that neither in Cicero l 1.246 A portu Cor∣cyraeorum ad Cassioperi stadia CXX. processimus: But that it con∣tains the description of a Voyage of his from beyond the pro∣montary of Leucas in Epire to Brundusium in Italy; not unlike

to that of S. Paul, by Sidon from Caesarea to Puteoli, and so to Rome, most accurately set down by n 1.247 Luke the Historian of the Acts of the Apostles, neither of them unsuitable to this dis∣course. The Sea-stadium seems to have differed from that by Land, which we observe from o 1.248 Thucydides, where he tells us, that the compass of Sicily is little less then eight daies sayl for a Ship, and though so great, is yet divided with no more then twenty Furlongs, Sea measure, from the Continent. We cannot seek beyond Herodotus to learn the measure of the sta∣dium, which thus he expresseth, p 1.249 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Interpreters thus render it; Centum autens justi passus sunt stadium unum sex jugerum turnius: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by Pas∣sus, which indeed is described by q 1.250 Pollux to be the measure, or space, from the extremity of each long Finger cross the breast, when both armes are stretched out, which in English we call a Fathome; and about that quantity Herodotus expres∣ses it to be in the next words, Passus inquam mensurae sex pedum, sive quatuor cubitorum. So then it is mensura pedum sexcentorum. Herodotus his stadium will be of a hundred and twenty ordina∣ry paces, and just so many doth Maximus Planudes, or whosoe∣ver else translated Caesars Commentaries into Greek, allow, resolving his miles into stadia, as appears. Commonly they make a Stadium to be a hundred and twenty five paces, and so eight of them will be just M. passus, or a mile; yet others reck∣on but seven and a half to it; as r 1.251 Dio. Cassius, s 1.252 Chryso∣stome, t 1.253 Julianus Ascalonita, u 1.254 Hero the Surveyor x 1.255 Geor∣gius Syncellus, Suidas, &c. Hence it is we read in Plutarebs Grac∣ohi, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i. A mile is little less then eight stadia. And this shall be enough to have spoken concern∣ing the stadium, and other measures of waies, if not perhaps more then enough. But I alwaies think of that of Pliny, y 1.256 Satius est supervacua dici, quam non dici necessaria. It followes.

STAD. NUMERO CCCCL.] In the Maritine Itinera∣ry of Simlers Edition, which followes this, you have but CCCCI. Certainly it should be mended from hence, for it is right so in that of Aldus. We will here take a view of the se∣verall passages in old time, and how they differed, according as severall Authors have set them down. And first Caesar, who had the credit first of any Roman to sayl hither, tels us, that not onely z 1.257 brevissimum a portu Iccio, but also Commodissi∣mum in Britanniam transjectum esse ignoverat, circiter millium pas∣suum XXX. à continenti; the shortest, and most convenient cut, into Britain was from Portus Iccius. In Caesar's best Copies you have XL. as Merula witnesseth, which, sayes he, according to our reckoning at this day, will be thirteen leagues, or German miles: and much about such a distance between the shoars by

Gessoriacum, or Bononia (West of which, and very neer, he sup∣poses Itius to have been; but Cluverius, as you have heard, thought them the same) and the nearest Coast of England. This Iccius in Ortelius is Sithien, as it were, Sinus Itius: and in Camden, it is Vitsan. But De Portu Iccio, there is extant a parti∣cular discourse of one Jacobus Chiffletius; and the learned b 1.258 Doctor Casaubon gives us hope, we shall ere long see a Discerta∣tion of the same subject by Master William Somner, an accute and industrious Antiquary of Canterbury; and so clear those doubts which have so long held us incertain, notwithstanding studious and diligent disquisition about it. The correction of this place the learned c 1.259 Is. Casaubon the others Father (for Casaubon is nothing but a name of great learning) much ap∣proves of, especially because it was so in that Book of his, which Strabo used so long agoe 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he arrived the next day having sayled CCCXX. Stad. which will make XL. miles. Neither doth d 1.260 Eustathius his setting down, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is three hundred Stadia; or thirty seven miles and a halfe, where he in relating Caesars passage, word for word almost followes Strabo, trouble us at all, as knowing that he, as well as other good writers, makes use of the round or even, little minding the overplus number: except any one will say it is the Transcribers, or Composers heedlesnesse, who for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, might copy out 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which yet I think not. Now indeed the same Strabo writes, that there were, as I told you before, IV. passages, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which they commonly make use of going into the Iland; From the mouths of the Rhene, of the Sein, of the Loire, and of the Garonne. He tells us also in the same Book, that the passage, from the Lexobii and Casetes into Britain, is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, l•…•…sse then a dayes sayling. Yet admitting that, whereas he sayes that the passage from Rhene, and Sequana, is but 320. Stadia, the very distance, (according to him) from Itius, or the shoares of the Morini, surely therein he mistakes himself, being able to speak more exactly, would he but have remembred him∣self. For the Sein is much remoter from the Coast of Britain, and e 1.261 Zosimus the Greek Historian affirmes, that from the parts ly∣ing by the mouth of the Rhene to this Iland, are 900. Stadia, which resolved into English miles, make 112, and a half.

But others make the nearest passage into Britain X. miles fur∣ther then Caesar. As f 1.262 Plinie; Britannia abest a Gessoriaco Mori∣norum gentis littore proximo trajectu L. millium minimum: Britain is distant from Gessoriacum (which was Iccius, as you heard, or very near it) fifty miles at least. Take notice of that minimum, for others, as Antoninus here, make the distance 56. miles and a quarter. So g 1.263 Dio Cassius, speaking of Caesars first expe∣dition, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the very shortest cut is CCCCL. Stadia, that is

56. miles and a quarter. Venerable Beda, the ancient glory of our Nation, puts together, for better satisfaction, both the summes. His words are, speaking of Rutupiae: h 1.264 Interposito mari a Gessoriaco Morinorum gentis littore proxima trajectu millia∣rium quinquaginta, sive, ut quidam scripsere, stadiorum quadringen∣torum quinquaginta. In the former he followes Pliny, in the lat∣ter, I am confident he had his eye upon this very place of Anto∣ninus. For Dio was an Author scarce known, if at all, in his age. Later times made us acquainted with him, and with what ancient memorialls of ours he hath happily reskued from the devouring jawes of oblivion and time, which soonest consume the best and noblest Monuments. But I had wel-nigh forgotten the distance in i 1.265 Diodorus Siculus: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The least cut over is from the Fore-land of Kent, which they say is di∣stant from the Continent about a 100. Stadia, that is 12. miles, and an half. What to think of it, I know not, but that the number is corrupted in this place. It is to be greived therefore that we have lost Diodorus his fortieth Book of his Histories, in this here mentioned by him, wherein he tells us he would set down the British matters, or Caesars invasion; out of Caesar it is most like∣ly (for in his age he lived) and so the losse comes to be so much the lesse.

And now, having after an uneven passage, arrived safe in the Island, let us more luckily, if we can, begin our journeying up∣on sure ground, which yet we shall not doe from this very place where we first landed. We must take our way then in the Inland, as we see it set down, and scor'd out for us.

THE FIRST JOURNEY.

A LIMITE, ID EST, A VALLO, PRAETO∣RIUM USQ. M. P. CLVI.] This first Journey is from the LIMES, or bound of the Roman Empire in the North part of our Britain, XIV. miles beyond the Picts Wall, as they call it, or Severus his Valum; to Patrington, an old Haven∣town upon the Yorkeshire-side of Humber, called by Ptolemie, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or a 1.266 Aestuarium Abi.

ID EST, A VALLO.] The learned Camden, by a right conjecture, advises to exclude these words [id est a Val∣lo] as a glossema foisted in by some sciolus, who indeavouring to illustrate the text, hath made it more obscure, and the site of the first station in this Journey, and so of the rest, lesse easily to be guessed at. And yet two very learned men, but strangers

indeed to our Affaires, have still retained and asserted them: so much could the fame of Severus Wall do. Itinerarium, Val∣lum, imperii limitem, appellat (saith b 1.267 Guidus Pancirolus: (The Itinerary) he means this in our hands) makes the Wall, the Li∣met, or boundary, of the Empire in Britain. And Jerom Surita the Spaniard, who hath written a Commentary upon this very Itinerary (which yet in c 1.268 Thuanus judgment might better have been intitled Variae Lectiones) tells us, that ratio ipsa docet, reason it self sheweth, Bremenium opidum in Valli limite, that Bre∣menium, a Town by the Wall, was made choice of, as a set place to begin this Journey at. Whereas by this Itinerary, Bremenium which is the Limes, must needs stand XIV. miles beyond the Wall, as we shall see hereafter.

Now seeing among the severall sorts of the LIMETS of the Roman Empire; as c 1.269 Seas, d 1.270 greater Rivers, e 1.271 Mountaines, f 1.272 Desert Lands, and unpassable, such as be in this Tract: g 1.273 Trenches, with their h 1.274 Rampiers, i 1.275 Mounds of Trees cut down or plashed, k 1.276 Castles were ever thought of most efficacy, and serviceablenesse to repell the E∣nemy; and there remaining, yet the carkasses, or ruines, of ma∣ny to be seen hereabout, we may well place the Limes, or bound of the Empire here, about the time this Itinerary was publisht, in this place; the unreduced Northern people ha∣ving made their impression neere so far, bearing down Antoni∣nus Pius his Wall in Scotland.

And yet, though we cannot admit, that the Vallum was the Limes in this place, we grant however it was built and already reared up at that time, as appears by the next journey, which begins at Blatum bulgium, or Bulnesse, an old Station at the end of the Wall in Cumberland. And had Bremenium been so neare the Wall, he would have begun this Journey A VALLO, as well, and rather, then the next, without A LIMITE; or else in the next to have added A Limite also. But if any shal by way of objection urge that place out of the Novell Constitutions of Theodosius the Emperour: M•…•…jorum dispositione Vallo Limitis ab incursione Barbarica defensatur, quicquid intra Romani nominis concluditur potestatem: Whatsoever was Roman in old time, was kept with the rampier of a Limet from the incursion of enemies; we have nothing then to say for our selves, but that Bremenium was one of those Agraciae stationes, which Vegetius speaks of, used in the Roman warfare, to be placed in solo Bar∣barico, upon the Enemies ground, to descry and reveal what new attempts and stirs they made: such as were those Explo∣ratores, I may render them Scouts, placed at Bremenium for that purpose, as we shall see by the following Inscription.

These Grounds and lands recovered from the Enemies, Alex∣ander Severus, the Emperour bestowed on the Captaines [Limi∣taneis

ducibus] and Souldiers of the Marches, so that they be∣came their propriety, if their heires served likewise there as Souldiers, supposing they would provemore heedfull and wary in defence of what they supposed to be their own, Verba haec velim notes, saith judicious Camden, nam hinc vel species feudi, vel origo feudorum. But have recourse to himselfe at thy lea∣sure, Gentle Reader.

And here, having taken notice of Theodosius his Testimony concerning the ancient fencing of the Limites of the Empire, we may do well to give notice of those severall Stations in his time, placed per lineam Valli, to keep off the frequent inrodes of the more Northernly Britains, called the Picts, as also of the Scoti Attacotti, and others. But a more speciall survey of them, standing much neerer the Wall then Bremenium, will be taken more conveniently elsewhere out of the Notitia Occidentalis Imperii, written not long before the power of the Empire be∣gan to decline in Britain; and because it containes the State of the Roman Affaires here in his dayes, it is called by Andr. Alciat, the famous Lawyer of the last age, Theodosii Breviarium, as is already said in what goes before. Concerning the Limes Saxonicus in Britain, you may see more in * 1.277 Pancirol.

M. P.] Mille passus. A thousand paces, or an Italian Mile, exactly measured, and marked out, as I have shewed before. Wherefore Surita, where he sets down M. P. Apud Antoninum quid significet: deservedly, as well as sharply, censures the stu∣pidity and illiteratenesse of him, who in all Copies before his time, one onely a very old one excepted, interprets these marks M. P. by Millia plus minus: so many, or so many Miles, more or lesse, under or over: Very sencelessely. Nor is our f 1.278 Tal∣bot, of whom in the beginning, free from this joculary conceit, or rather foule mistake. See the old Valerius Probus de Notis Antiquarum Literarum.

M. P. CLVI.] From the Limes, or Bound, to Praetorium, or Patrington, are set down in the foot of the Account 156. miles: and to so many do the particular numbers arise, if with Aldus, and Simlerus, we make the distance from Isurium to York to be 17. miles, not as in Surita's edition, 14. but he notes withall that he found 17. in two of his Copies: And that is the di∣stance between these two Stations in the next Journey of his Edition: although in Aldus and Simler it be 18. The Interpo∣lation, and corruption, of numbers, not in Ptolemie onely, but in our Antoninus also, hath been the maine cause of doubt and difficulty in assigning the right places to many mansions in them both. But now we come to examine, after this preamble, the particulars of the Journey it selfe:

	Editio
Aldina.	Suritana.	Simleriana.
Ab Remaenio	A BREMENIO COR∣STOPILUM. M. P. XX.	Bramenio Cor∣stopitum.
	VINDOMORAM. M. P. IX.
	VINOVIAM. M. P. XIX.	Viconia.
	CATARACTONEM. M. P. XXII.
	ISURIUM. M. P. XXIV.
Ebur—17.	EBORACUM LEG. VI. VIC∣TRIX. M. P. XVII.	Ebur—17
	DER VENTIONEM. M. P. VII
	DELGOVITIAM. M. P. XIII.
	PRAETORIUM. M. P. XXV.

A BREMENIO.] Here then we begin at Bremenium, some XIV. miles beyond the Wall. The name of this Station hath met with much interpolation, whether through the tran∣scribers fault, or Composers at the Presse, or both, it much matters not. Aldus hath Ab Remaenio; but that may be soon mended. Simler Prints it Bramenio; which Ortelius seems to accept of, and our a 1.279 William Harrison followes him. Bre∣menio, as it appears, was constantly written in all those old Books, and they not a few, which Surita used; otherwise, he would have noted it. So likewise all Ptolemies Copies have it, which I have seen [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] except that, which otherwise is accounted the very best, published by Petrus Bertius out of the Palatin MS. where you have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Aremenium; doubtlessely by the Printers mistake. In him b 1.280 it is a City of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Otadeni. And certainly the true name is Bremenium; which the Inscription of an old Altar makes unquestionable, taken up at c 1.281 Rochester in Northumberland, standing upon the brow of a steep rising Hill (whence it is named) not far from the spring or head of the Rhead, where it was found buried among the rubbish of an ancient Castrum, or Camp.

D. R. S. DUPL. N. EXPLOR. BREMEN. AR AM INSTITUERUNT N. EJUSC. CAEP. CHARITINO TRIB V. S. L. M.

It meanes thus much: The Companies of Scouts recei∣ving double pay; or rather, the Souldiers of the Band or

Company of the Scouts receiving double pay, dedicated an Altar at Bremenium to his Majesty (you must conceive some Roman Emperour:) When they made good this their Vow willingly, as by him deserved: Caepio Charitimus (for so it must be read) was then their Tribune, or cheif Commander.

) It is a peice of Antiquity highly to be valued, almost near veneration, which having still preserved the name and memory of the de∣cayed Station, may now be instead of a Tombstone to it fallen into 'its own ashes, as well as it was formerly erected for a Mo∣nument to the Emperors honor, and for his safety. And if Cicero could make such boast for finding out the Grave of the Mathematician d 1.282 Archimedes, humilis homunculi, as he saith, a very mean man, not full two hundred years after his Buriall, yet quite unknown to his Country men the Syracusians, how much more deservedly might our Camaen have taken upon him, who, after thirteen hundred years at least, discovered the name and ruines of the most valiant and resolute Garrison of Britain, the Bulwarke sometimes, and defence of the Natives, as well as the Provincialls. Wherefore to illustrate it a little, in behalf of the Youth of this Island, studious of glorious things long before their own times, I shall account no losse of time, or my pains.

DUPL.] There were in the Roman Malitia, Duplares; such as received double pay, double provision of Corne, ray∣ment, &c. and Simplares; who had onely single pay. The Du∣plares were also named Duplicarii; quibus ob virtutem duplicia ci∣baria ut darentur institutum est, e 1.283 saith Varro. The Greeks called them f 1.284 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (for Hesychius is to be mended in whom you find 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉:) from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Souldiers allowance in Homer, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Cowards and valiant men have all one pay.

So that from him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifies in Vegetius his words; g 1.285 qui binas annonas consequitur. Such was that Cohort in Caesar: h 1.286 Cohortem duplici stipendio, fiumento, veste, pecunia (so the exact An∣tiquary, Ant. Augustinus reads; others otherwise) militaribusque donis amplissime donavit. To add here, though not to my pur∣pose, that Cassius Scaeva, i 1.287 whose valour so extraordinarily appear'd upon the British Coast, in Caesari time, and whose name is so rife in our History, was the Centurion of this Cohort, I hope will offend no body. But of him enough elsewhere. You have not far from k 1.288 hence another Stone likewise inscribed Duplares Alae l 1.289 Sabinia•…•…ae. Such as exposed their lives to grea∣test hazard and danger, as every where here about upon the Li∣met, by excellent reason deserved double pay, and encourage∣ment.

N.] Numeri. In the ages of the declining Empire, the Legi∣ons themselves by little and little came to be called Numeri. There is a speciall place in Sozomenus his Ecclesiasticall Histo∣ry; m 1.290 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (by which word, as also by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, not onely the Auxiliae, and the greatest Companies, and num∣bers whatever, but the Legions also are to be understood in Zo∣simus, and others.) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which now they call Nu∣meri. And the command over such a Body of men, could not but be thought very honorable, when as Valentinian the Em∣peror having made Fraomarius King of a Nation of the Al∣mains, somewhat over-run with warr, to make him amends for his harassed Kingdome, he dispatches him into Britain, and be∣stowes upon him the Tribune-Ship of the Numerus Alemanno∣rum there, n 1.291 multitudine viribusque ea tempestate florenti, excel∣ling at that time for multitude, and strength. The Tribune here, is C. Caepio Charitimus; of whom we know nothing else.

EXPLOR.] They were the Scout-watch, alwaies upon the Guard, to learn and discover, what inrodes and invasions were attempted by the Enemies upon the Frontiers. By the an∣cient Greeks they were called o 1.292 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who were sent out todescry the motions of the Enemy. But I conceive they were no others, then such as by stealth, and in a skulking way, did what they did; as the Spies, which Rahah entertained at p 1.293 Jericho; Ulysses, and Diomedes; as also Dolon, in q 1.294 Homer, upon whom Eustathius, expounding the word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] (for in him Hector is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Troiae; that is, Defender, and Guardian: and such are they, whose carefull watching preserves the people:) he doth it by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, interpreting it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they that are sent to the Enemies; that is, to spie out and discover their doings. Hence have you in Cicero ad Atticum, and r 1.295 Plutarch, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Exploratoria navigia; and Catasco∣pum, perhaps in s 1.296 Hirtius. Literis celeriter in siciliam conscrip∣tis, & per Catascopum missis: for such a Boat, or Vessell, as wai∣ted upon the courses of the Enemy. We will see elsewhere.

But these Exploratores here, were whole Bands, Troops, or Regiments at least, still lying between home and the Ene∣my, to give intelligence; by t 1.297 Plutarch called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. By u 1.298 Amm. Marcel•…•…inus, sometimes, Speculatores sometimes, Excursatores; as in the XXIV. Book: Excursatores; quin∣gentos & mille sensim praeire disposuit, qui cautius gradientes ex utroque latere, •…•…idemque à fronte, ne quis repentinus irrueret, prospectabant. x 1.299 Dio Cassius, they say, calls them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, but searching out the place, in the speech which Ltvia hath to her Husband Augustus, I find that nothing is there meant, but domestick spies and Informers; the very plagues of great Courts: and that in allusion to the Persian custome,

where the King had his Eares, and Eyes; of which Officers what the Ancients have spoken, y 1.300 Brissonius hath exactly collected. However the same z 1.301 Dio, in his Fragments which Fulr. Ursinus set forth, calleth these Explaratores, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and seperates them from Tabellarii, or Letter-carriers, with whom learned men not withstanding have confounded them: but of them more, when we come to Ptolemies ALATA CASTRA. The Glosses upon the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Imperiall Con∣stitutions: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who were sent, ad explorandum si qui hostium motus existerent, as a 1.302 Aurel. Victor speakes. And Ammianus Marcellinus thus accurately de∣scribes his Speculatores Areani, or Exploratores; removed from their Stations in Britain by Theodosius upon a charge of Trea∣son: * 1.303 Id illis erat officium, ut ultrò citroque p•…•…r long•…•… spatia discur∣rentes vicinarum gentium strepitus nostris ducibus intimarent. He saies there that they were genus hominum a veteribus institutum, but why so cal'd not a word. † 1.304 Perhaps he had done it in acti∣bus Constantis, whither he refers us; but they are utterly lost. In the very later times of the Empire, Constantinus Porphy∣rogeneta the Emperour b 1.305 calls them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and c 1.306 else∣where, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, corruptly. In the former place the learned Meursius mends it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and renders it Exploratores. In the later place Bon. Vulcanius restores 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which at that time was usuall for Auscultatores, of which see especially the ad∣mired d 1.307 Cujacius, besides Meursius in his Greek Glossary.

But to have done. In severall places else there is mention of the Exploratores in Britain; perhaps in, or neer upon the same age. In the next Journey of Antoninus there is, Castra Explora∣torum. And in the Notitia, or Survey of the Westerne Empire, Praefectus Numeri Exploratorum Lavatre; a place on this side the Wall. And Praepositus Numeri Exploratorum Portu Adurni, sub dis∣positione V. Spectabili; Comitis littoris Saxonici per Britanniam; an Haven in Sussex-coast; all which you shall meet with, by that we leave off. Briefly, and not be troublesome, the Stations appointed for the purpose we have all this while spoken of, are handsomely called * 1.308 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, i. Towns of view or disco∣very, by Aristides the Orator in his Panegyrick of the City Rome. Many of this kind did Dioclesian, after other Emperors, out of his providence appoint upon the Limets of the Empire, as a 1.309 Zosimus relates, all which that Constantine the Great did afterward dismantle, I have some good reason, from the wri∣ters no good effection to him, not to believe. And thus much for this Inscription, so highly to be valued, as I said before; without which we had never known for Antonine where Bre∣menium was to be found; though Ptolemie indeed afford some light thereto, the situation well enough agreeing with the numbers in him; and yet for all that among so many severall

ruines of old Campes, and Fortresses neer one another, hardly otherwise to have been pointed out from the rest. That it was therefore at Rochester, besides what hath been said, the name at this day, as is before hinted, will evidently conclude; it signifying as much as Castrum in Rupe, the Camp or Station on the Rock; a fit place for the purpose it was here placed. And indeed it is to be observed that all places ending in Chester, fashioned in the Saxon times, arise from the ruines of the old Roman Castra; and therefore the ancient Stations about the Wall, the carkasses of many of which at this day appear, are called Chesters by the Country people. Besides, all the Roman Colonies, Towns, Stations, or Forts, generally were set upon Hills: b 1.310 which Manilius the Poet doth elegantly in these verses expresse.

Ac veluti nudis surgunt cum moenibus Urbes, Conditor & vacuos muris circundare Colles Destinat—

And as great Cities rise with Turrets Crown'd, Whose Hills when Builders skilfully surround, With spacious Walls—

But it is a pittifull thing to see how other learned men have mis-placed this Garrison, and in vain searcht for it. Talbot looks for it at the East-end of the Wall: but at last resolves it was at Bamborough Castle near Berwick. Mich. Villanovanus, and Paulus Jovius will have it at Berwick. Jos. Moletius sets down Brevish (a Town I am yet to seek for in the Map.) to his Ptole∣mie, whom our Wil. Fulke, a studious Antiquary, as well as a great Divine, dissents not from: but to Antonine he noted Bambarow, as Talbot had done before. And Camden himself had pitched upon Bramton in Northumberland likewise, til he had the good hap to light upon this Stone. And so much of Bremeni∣um. We go forward.

CORSTOPILUM M. P. XX.]

Robert Talbot, though Preist and Canon, yet scarce shewes himselfe to be Sacerdos ad Grammaticam, as he said, when he tells us, c 1.311 that in this Itinerary, ferme est perpetuum, ut nomen loci, ad quem sit motus in Dativo ponatur. Surita, though a better Grammarian, as putting the name of the place, whereto mo∣tion is, in the d 1.312 Accusative case, according to rule, not the Dative, yet therein also is he far mistaken in these writings, and others. And though he lay the fault, for that it is otherwise,

in omnibus codicibus, upon the inscitia librariorum, qui in summa earum rerum ignaratione, temporum vitio, versabantur; yet truly therein he doth but discover his own inanimadvertency; not taking notice, that from the age Solinus lived in (not long af∣ter Pliny) and so downward, by a custome they had, they pronounced the names of Cities in the sixt, or Ablative case; that is as Monootes, or undeclined. Testimonies there are enough of this Vopiscus in the life of Aurelian: Copto & Ptolema∣ide urbes cepit; and Salmasius desires you to see what he sayes to that place. Solinus, though falsly corrected in vulgar Prints, otherwise then in the old written Books a 1.313 Ibi Olysipone Ulyxi condituni: where you see no Concord. Fronto, the famous Orator, in an Epistle to Hadrian the Emperour, cited by the Grammarians: Durocortono Athenae vestrae, where you are to look for no Apposition. As neither in the old Book De Colonijs, where you constantly find, Opidum Corseolis. Colonia Veiis, &c. So that good b 1.314 Surita needed not so earnestly to contest, and chafe himselfe, about Popleto fiumen, in Antonie. But lest my credit should not be enough (for alas what can a poor Country Schoolmaster doe?) heare him, whose authority is unquestionable, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. c 1.315 Itinerarium, quod Antonini Augusti nomine publicatur, saith Salmasius, sic omnia fere urbium vocabula concipiebat; quod mutatum non oportuit à doctis viris. We should then by this read here: Bremenio Corstopilo. But all editi∣ons, and MSS. having it in the Accusative Case; and Salmasius himselfe, as you see, dispencing some-what with the generall Rule, as it ordinarily happens; take your pleasure, for me, which way you will have it written; However I must not omit to note here, that all other Editions, as many as I have seen, except that of Aldus, have Corstopitum; with little change of one letter; And Surita denies not but that it was so in one of his Manuscripts.

By the distance, and site, it seemed to the learned Camden to be the same with Ptolemies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Curia; though indeed for∣merly for Corstopitum, he had pitched upon Morpith. Which conjecture, as it may be countenanced perhaps by the distance from Bremenium, and also by a like sound of both names upon the close; yet hath it not to shew any Roman Antiquity now appearing. Be it therefore Curia (or rather 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Bertius his Ptolemy;) and then it will be Corbridge on Tine, which here is laid over with a Bridge: But in Corstopitum, what the last syllables signifie, I am to learne; and which is worse, have none to teach me. Henry of Huntington calls it Cure; so Antoni∣nes Curia among the Rhoeti, is at this day called Chur; by the Italians Coira. Hoveden names it Corobrigg; to have recourse to whom will be worth ones pains. And yet not precisely Corbridge neither; but rather Rotchester, a place hard by, well furnished

with store of Roman ruines, and rubbish; which declare what it hath been formerly; called most likely by the Saxons Cor∣chester, from this Coria; but in processe of time, as he said, † 1.316 As∣pera mutata est in lenem tempore longo.

And from the ashes and carkasse of this, had the present Towne its rise. Besides the termination from Castrum, that is, a Garrison; take notice, that almost all our great Cities, and Towns in Britain and elsewhere, had their beginnings from the Roman Casira; but were not alwaies placed in the very same site, but at some distance, though not very remote; as S. A∣bane, f•…•…om Verulamium; and most others. As for the account of distance here M. P. XX.] It will be sufficiently conveni∣ent, and suitable, reckon which way so ever you are pleased.

VINDOMORAM M. P. IX.]

Surita, telling us he could not elsewhere find any mention concerning Vindomora, addes moreover, that all his written Books agreed in hanc auserendi casu lectionem; which confirmes what we said e'rewhile. From Corstopitum to this Station are IX miles set down: and toward Newcastle, along by the Wall, at that distance is situate, as the learned Pausanias of Britain tells us, a small Village called Walls-end, which now seems to have possession of the Room of this Station. The signification, saies he, of the old, as well as the modern name, is the same: for Vindomora, in the Provinciall Language of the Britains at that time, was nothing but Finis Muri, or, The end of the Wall. For beyond it no Vestigia of the ductus, or tract thereof appearing ever to have been there; the River Tine, it is to be thought, served for a Rampier, or antemur•…•…le, to keep off the Enemy. Neither doth Vindobala (another ancient name of the same Village, and of a like composition, mentioned in the Notitia Occidentis:) signifie otherwise then so. Wherefore from hence (besides that the Wall in Salmasius his MS. Aethicus is called Ballum Britanniae:) we must take notice of that fraudu∣lent distinction in the learned Presbyter Beda: * 1.317 [Murus de la∣pidibus; Vallum de cespitibus, &c.] which so deceived the good man, that he beleived this Work of Severus (even where he re∣lates the thing done:) To be of Turfs, in which were great stakes fastened, not of Stone. But if we compare Eutropius, Je∣rom, Orosius, Cassiodorus, and Aurelius Victors Epitone de Caesaribus, where they use Vallum, speaking of this structure of Severus; with Aurel. Victor set forth by Andrias Schottus; and others, which have Murus, we shall certainly see, that they are but Synonima to expresse the same thing. Spartinus, as the place in him is rightly restored by the famous Salmasius, hath it plaine:

Severus post Murum aut Vallum missum in Britannia: And Bede himselfe makes mention of a Royall Towne, † 1.318 qui vocatur ad Murum, aee Palle, as King Alfred renders it; because it was pla∣ced by Severus Wall; and at this day therefore called Walton. So likewise our Antonine reckons up among the Townes of Pannonia prima, or Hungary, a place called Ad Muro. which Wolfanyus Lazius takes for the same with Murocincta * 1.319 in Am∣mianus; I beleive for no other cause, or reason.

Now, as it is needlesse to bring authority from the ancients, to prove that this structure was of stone, every one that at this day hath been in the least way an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or eye-witnesse there∣of, certainly knowing it; so shall it serve for enough to demon∣strate that Murus and Vallum, signified the very same thing: con∣trary to what the Venerable Bede beleived and wrote; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And consequently, that Vindomora, and Vindobala, though somewhat differing names, do yet belong to the very same Mansion.

And for what Camden saies, that they were so called in the Provinciall Language of the Britains, the studions Youth is to take notice, that, as the Provinciated part of the Roman Em∣pire was Civitate donata, or made free of the City; and out of them their old a 1.320 Legions recruited, and new ones also rai∣sed, the un-reduced serving for Auxiliaries; and that by a Law of Antoninus Pius the Emperor, thus cited by Ulpian. b 1.321 In Orbe Romano qui sunt ex Constitutione Imp. Antonini cives Romani effecti sunt. Which c 1.322 Claudian the Poet, speaking of Rome, and instancing in Britain in particular, hath neatly, as his manner is, thus expressed.

Nec stetit Ociano, remisque ingressa profundum, Vincendos alio quaestvit in orbe Britannos. Haec est in gremium victos quae sola recepit, Humanumque genus communi nomine fovit; Matris, non dominae ritu, civesque vocavit Quos domuit nexuque piolong inqua revinxit.

Nor stops she there but crost the Sea with Oares, Britain, a new unconquer'd World, explores: Then in her lap receives whom she did tame, And to all Nations gives one common name; She as a Mother not a Victresse calls Them hers, the distant joyning to her Walls.

So likewise in the Provinces (a constant course put in pra∣ctise, by what ever Conqueror, among a people newly subdu∣ed:) was the Roman tongue every where commended, and urged for publick use to the Natives: Imperiosa illa civitas &c.

That domineering City, * 1.323 sayes S. Austine, not onely put a yoke of servitude upon the conquered Nations, but injoyned their Language also. As for Britain, there is a notable place of Tacitus in his Agricola, where he speaks of the courses he took to civilize them: Iam vero principum filios liberalibus artibus crudire, & ingenia Britannorum studijs Gallorum ante ferre, ut qui modo linguam Romanorum abnuebant, eloquentiam concupisce∣rent: inde etiam habitus nostri honor & frequens toga. That is, Moreover the Noble-mens sons he took and instructed in the liberall Sciences, preferring the wits of the Britains before the Students of Gaul, as being now curious to attain the eloquence of the Roman Language, whereas they lately rejected the speech. After that our at∣tire grew to be in account, and the Gown much used among them. Thus far Tacitus, and so fully, that I need not bring in hither that of Juvenall in his 15. Satyr.

Gallia Causidicos docuit facunda Britannos. Eloquent Gallia Britains taught to plead.

Neither did the nobler sort onely thus liberally imploy their studies and endeavours, but the meaner also generally had their Language interpolated, and mixt with the Latine; which though now left and abandoned, yet there remain of it in the British, those reliques, that time it selfe will not easily wipe away, and deface. Of some words therein Humfrey Lhuyd, a singular Ornament of his own Wales and Britain in generall, hath gathered a list; and William Salisbury in his British Glossa∣ry, and Doctor David Powell, in his accurate writings, by no meanes deny it; men as learned as any of the Nation.

Vindobala, as this Station was otherwise named in the Notitia of the W. Empire, had its being, Sub dispositione Viri Spectabilis Ducis Britanniarum per lineam Valli, where there lay in Garrison Tribunus Cohortis primae Frixagorum. For whom why Camden substituted the Cohors II. Thracum, who are placed indeed in the same Notitia at Gabrosentum, or Gateshed against Newcastle, not quite three miles off, I know not; except I say it is a light 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or oversight of his, such as may well be excused. But of what people these here were, I must take day to tell you: Neither name of the Station hath had the luck, to have the right site found out, till Camden came. For Talbot making it his businesse to illustrate Antonine, being come to Vindomora, he sends us to Vandnara in Scotland, meerly for some very small consonancy in the names: though truly he confesses upon lesse extravagant thoughts, that so we take the wrong way: Pancirolus upon the Notitia would have Vindobala to be the * 1.324 same with Vindogladia in Antonine, placed Westward in the Island far away, whereas this is per lineam Valli in the North,

or else, which is as bad, he tells us that some read it Vindolana, which indeed followes after in this very Notitia, and is a di∣stinct Mansion, where the Tribune of the IV. Cohort of the Gaules resided. Now what should be said of them both, but what I remember Ortelius saies of one in a like case? Non toto tantum coelo, sed & terra quoque errarunt. The next Station is Vinnovia.

VINNOVIAM. M. P. XIX.]

It is not easily to be said, whether the ignorance of Monkes, * 1.325 and other such Librarii, or Transcribers; or the heedlessenesse of the Composers for the Print, hath caused more foule faults, and errors, in old Writers. Of the oscitancy of both, this work in our hands, if any other, will give sufficient evidence. And particularly the name of this Mansion; which Simler's Copy had written Viconia. Surita's written Books, had Vinovia and Vinnovia; as it should be. Lhuyd, or his Printer, for Vin∣novium in Ptolemy, published Bimonium, and Binionium: from whence Alex. Nevill a deale worse Bynionum. Camden, Binovia; and our Speed, Benovium. The School-boys know, that V. consonant, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. and 〈◊〉〈◊〉. are sororiae literae, and of a neere sound•…•…: and what to Ptolemy is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is to other Writers 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Albi∣on and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, otherwise spelt. What then in Ptolemy is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Antonine expresses Vinnovia. As for the difference in Gender, we are to note, that the Ancients pleased themselves in dealing licentiously therein, yea, and in number two: so, Luguvallum and Luguballia; Tyana, Tyanae, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for Lugdunum; Megara, Megarae, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And here we have mutuum muti. For as the right reading, which had been corrupted into Viconia, is restored and asserted to Antoni∣ne by Ptolemie: so from Antonine is the right posture of the Sta∣tion recovered in Ptolemy, who makes it to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a City of the Brigantes. For in him, saith Camden, it is so shov'd out of its place, that it had allwayes lain obscure, and undisco∣vered, except the other had pointed it out. By this direction then it seems Humfrey Lhuyd first found it in the Bishop wrick of Durham (a part of the Brigantes) upon the brow of a Hill, which over-looks the Were, not far from Bishops-Auckland, which stands on the other side of it; ond now, from the old name of it, is called Binchester; In comparison of its former celebrity, at this time it scarce deserves the name of a petty Village: yet great store of rubbish of the old Buildings, and some remainder of the Walls yet to be seen. So true is that of Mercury, to old Charon in Lucian: * 1.326 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. I tell thee, Ferrimam, that Cities dye as well as men. And what appeares of it at this day, being but what is left of a

City, plus quam mortuae, as Camden sayes, it was most freindly done of him, to gather, as it used to be done in the a 1.327 Ossi∣legia of the Ancients after the funerall fire, the scattered bones, as it were, and reliques of its former glory. Of his rescuing therefore from Oblivion, and not falling into the same grave, which hath quite overwhelmed the City it selfe, are these In∣scriptions Arguments of its out-worne splendor, and mag∣nificence.

DEABUS
MATRIB. Q. LO—
CL. QUIN—
TIANUS—COS.
V. S. L. M.

This first was reared up by Claudius Qnintianus, Consull un∣der Maximimis the Emperour, about the year CCXXXVI. ac∣cording to Cassidorus, upon performance of his Vow made to the Mother-Goddesses. But in the Fasti Consulares, more com∣monly received, and esteemed; with L. Catilins Severus, you have the name of L. Ringorius Urinatius inscribed before that yeare. And I cannot say that all these names belonged to one man.

Besides this Stone, and another, the fairest and greatest Altar that hath been digged up in Britain, found out at Coccium, or Rible-chester, in Lancashire, there is none else extant, among the Volumes of Inscriptions gathered through the whole World, that mentions these Goddesses, so far as I remember, saith learned Camden. But since his time, this age, so curious after the inquiry of the defaced steps of Antiquity, we meet * 1.328 with divers. This other stone was set up by M. Ingenuus Asia∣ticus, a Decurio of a wing of the Astures, a people of Spain resi∣ding here in the Roman service, and dedicated DEIS MA∣TRIBUS, somewhat differently; of which I can onely ob∣serve this, That the more ancient used abus, in Ablatives and Datives plurall, rather then is: not onely to distinguish the fe∣male sex; but in other words also signifying no sex at all: as, portabus, ol abus, &c. in Salust, and others, affecters of archaismes, and taken notice of for it by the ancient Grammarians, to whom, if you please, you may have recourse. Joseph Scaliger indeed upon Varro quite contrary makes Dijs, pro Deabus, and e∣quis pro equabus, an archaism. See also in COCCIUM in the X. Journey.

Industrious Camden tells us, that with all his searching he could not find out, what these Deae Matres were. However he cites a place out of † 1.329 Plutarch very much for their antiquity, which would not be omitted here: There is, saith he, a City

in Cicilie called Engyium: it is no great thing, but a very ancient City of name, by reason of the traffick thither, for that there are cer∣tain Goddesses to be seen, whom they worship, called the * Mothers. Some say the Cretans were the first Builders and founders of the * 1.330 Temple there, where you shall see Speares and Helmets of Copper, and upon them are graven the name of Meriones: (He meanes the asso∣ciate of Idomeneus, the King of Creet in Homer. Camden, and his Translator also, hath Metio; but amisse: I beleive by the Prin∣ters fault:) and upon others Ulysses name also, which are consecra∣ted to these Goddesses. Varro also hath made mention of some such Deities, as I find by a place of his urged by a 1.331 Augustine: Dijs quibusdam patribus, & Deabus Matribus, sicut hominibus, ignobili∣tatem contigisse. If it were worth my while to conjecture, and without the offence of the severe ones, I should easily guesse them to be the three famous Goddesses, highly worshiped by the Romans; yet deduced from ancient originall among the Grecians; Vesta, Matuta, and Tellus: among whose indigitamen∣ta, or severall names and appellations, you shall frequently find Mater or Mother. And therefore it is likely that they may be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 at least; that is, worshiped upon the same Altar, and in some respects the very same Goddesses. For Vesta, b 1.332 Cicero is my Author; Vestaeque Matris ceremonijs. And Vir∣gill;

c 1.333 Dij Patrij Indigites, & Romule vestaque Mater.

Our Countrys Gods, Vesta and Romulus.

She is of that antiquity, that the d 1.334 God of Poets makes her the Daughter of Saturne, the Father of the Gods. As for Ma∣tuta, besides e 1.335 Livies testimony, which were enough to prove her called Mother, I might add out of Verrius Flaccus, that her name is to be derived no way better, then from Mater. Matuta, sayes he, potius a Matre, quae est originis Graecae. He meanes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or as the Dorics pronounced it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And for Tellus Mater, it were putid to heap Testimonies for it hither. Who knows not Homers 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; The Mo∣ther of Gods, or Earth, Mother of all; or that Vesta and Mater Tellus were the same Deity; as Plutarch, Ovid, and others say. Now having thought thus much long ago, meerly by way of conjecture; and making farther enquiry, whether Stata Ma∣ter, whom I found mentioned by Festus Pompeius, and whose Image he sayes was worshipped in Foro, were not the same Deity with Mater Deum, or Mater Tellus (as most probably it is) I luckily, after some good space of time, resuming into my hand the so much admired Syntagmata de diis Syriis, of M. Selden, that incomparable M. Selden I say (who was to borrow Ennius his words,

Multarum veterum Legum, Divumque Hominumque Prudens—

There many ancient Lawes of Gods and men Well understood—

If any one man ever were: I found out of * 1.336 Apuleius, that Deum Mater, called also Tellus Mater, was the same with Astarte, or Dea Syria: and withall satisfaction sufficient for any man, concerning these Deae Matres from so learned a Pen, that to what I have blotted the paper with, thou maist, favourable Reader, use thy spongia deletilis, if by chance thou so pleasest.

But let us heare himselfe, who in all doubts is our Apollo A∣perta: e 1.337

In Britain also, sayes he, there is an inscription, now shattered indeeed, dedicated to the DEA SURIA, or Syrian Goddesse by Licinius a Commander under Auto∣ninus the Philosopher, extant at this day in Sir Thomas Cot∣tons Gardens at Conuington in Huntingtonshire. I am not igno∣rant that the Mother of the Gods was called also Terra by the Ancients: So Lucretius in his second Book explaines the matter: And there is no body but knows that Heaven and Earth were wont to be confounded by the worshipers of Idolls. Seing therefore Astarte or the Syrian Goddesse, was the same who at first was the Mother of the Gods, but after∣wards called by many names; from hence perhaps may con∣jecture be made, who those Mother Goddesses were mentioned in old Altars, never taken notice of untill this age. For as many names as there were, so many Goddesses were there accounted to be; so many Mothers.

Then instancing in those two places, brought before out of Plutarch and Pausanias, and taking notice how this age, inquisitive after the remain∣ders of Antiquity; hath found out in Europe many Altars so inscribed, as also others to the Junones, all to be seen in Gruter and Smetius; and mentioning these two already spoken of at Riblechester, and here at Pinnovia, or Binchester, he brings us a third taken up likewise in Britain, and communicated unto him long since by M. Camden.

DEABUS MATRIBUS. TRAMAI VEX CERMA, &c.

It is to be seen at Louther in Cumberland.

What TRAMAI means, sayes he, I dare not once to guesse: But now if A∣startae were the Deum Mater, it doth needs follow that the Astarte were the Deae Matres; for so were they called in the Plurall number, Astartae: even as there were many Junos, many Venus's, many Syrian Goddesses, by the reason of the

multitude of their Images. So also there were many 〈◊〉〈◊〉; which perhaps they meant, who observing as well the Asia∣tick, as their own Countrey Rites, did dedicate Altars to the Mother Goddesses;

at least it is very likely so. S. Austin indeed hath sayd almost as much in this that follows: f 1.338 Juno with∣out doubt is called by them (the Paeni) Astarte: And b•…•… those Dial•…•…cts (the Punic, and Phaenic•…•…an) do not much differ, the Scriptu•…•…e is not amisse beleeved to speak this of the people of Israel, that they served Baal & Astartibus, quia Jovi & Junonibus. N•…•…∣ther ought it to m•…•…ve you, that he sayd not Astarti, that is 〈◊〉〈◊〉: but as if there were many Juno's, he put this nam•…•… in the Plu•…•…ll number: For be would have the understanding refer'd to the •…•…∣tuide of their Images, because every Image of Juno was call•…•… Juno, and hereby he would have so many Juno's understood as •…•…r w•…•…re Images of her. So farr the all knowing Selden. But of this more then too much. For the wise men of the age will laugh broad at these nice and fruitlesse enquiries, and I am loath to offend: Things, thi•…•…gs! say they; not words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

The other Inscription taken up at Binchester is this; but thus by time shattered and broken,

Tantum aevi longinqua valet mutare vetustas:

So much doth time alter the state of things.

TRIB. COHOR. I.
CARTOV—
MAR TI VICTORI.
GENIO LOCI.
ET BONO.
EVENTUI.

The name of the Tribune of the first Cohort of the Cartovii, who erected this, is quite lost: And so might well the name of the people be too, except we had better information and intelligence concerning them, out of Geography or History. The Dedication was made to Mars the C•…•…nqueror; every one knows him: next to him to the Genius or Tutelar Spirit of the Place, of whom a word. Servius the learnedst Grammarian of the Ancients, interpreting h 1.339 Virgil: Genium dicebant anti∣qui, naturalem Deum uniuscujusque loci, aut hominis. The one is that Genius, which being born with every man, still waits upon him, either for his good or ill Fortune; and of this Menander the Comick in these two Senaries, as they are cited by i 1.340 Ammianus.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Each man his Genius protects, And in all Affaires directs.

Or for his hurt, say others; and hence is that expression, Male advocatus Genius. Pomp. Festus, the Abbreviator of Verrius Flac∣cus speaks generally, Genium appellabant Deum, qui vim obtine∣ret rerum omnium gerendarum, where you may better read gig∣nendarum; as I see S. Austin did of old; or else genendarum out of: Censorinus. the Verb of which Participle is to be restored to Lucretius in these Verses.

Nobis est ratio solis, lunaeque meatus, * 1.341 Qua fiant ratione, & qua vi quaeque genantur.

Reasons there are, how the illustrious Sun And Moon, their courses through the Zodiac run.

Before it was likewise read amisse—quaeque gerantur: See k 1.342 Censorinus De die Natali. And if you be further curious, consult the severall old Interpreters upon that in the Acts l 1.343 It is his Angel. But that which we shall oftenest meet with here is the Genius of any Place or City. Festus, Alii Genium esse puta∣runt uniuscujusque loci Deum. Hence it is that in m 1.344 Arnobius we read, Civitatum Genios. They also bestowed names on them. And of this kinde are those they called Dii Topici; Such as were here in Britain, Deus Viterineus, Deus Moguntis, Deus Mounus. Dui Civitatis Brigantum. Camulus Deus Sanctus. Gadu∣nus, &c. which we find in the Inscriptions taken up here. Such was Besa in Ammianus: n 1.345 Opidum est Abydum in Thebaidis parte situm extrema; hic Besae dei localiter appellati oraculum quon∣dam futura pandeb•…•…, priscis circumjacentium regionum ceremoniis solitum coli. It will be worth your while to have recourse to that excellent Schollar Peter Pithon, in his o 1.346 Adversaria, con∣cerning the interpretation of this place. The Image of the Genius was sometime exhibed by a Boyes visage; most com∣monly by a Serpent; and that for some mystery, not here to be discoursed of. When any City was besieged, the enemies that lay against it, used to call forth the Gods or Genii thereof; which if it were to be taken, straightway issued forth: of which see p 1.347 Macrobius out of others. In short, they that worshiped according to Pagan superstition, thought that as men had soules given them, when they were born, so Nations and Cities had their Genii bestowed on them when built. And thus thought Symmachus a Heathen, and a man of great esteem with the Emperours of his time: q 1.348 Suus cuique mos, suus cuique ritus est, varios custodes Urbibus cunctis mens divina di∣stribuit, ut animae nascentibus, ita populis fatales Genii dividun∣tur. Et obsessis Hierosolymis audita vox est, numen urbis alio mi∣grare, id est, Genium. But this opinion of his is stoutly impugned by Prudentius a Christian Poet, whose brave Verses I cannot but set down, and then I will beg pardon for my being trouble∣some.

Romans dico viros, quos mentem credimus Urbis, Non Genium, cujus frustra simulatur imago. Quanquam cur Genium Romae mihi fingitis unum? Quam portis, domibus, thermis, stabulis soleatis Adsignare suos Genios, perque omnia membra Uibis, perque locos Geniorum millia multa Fingere, ne propria vacet angulus ullus ab umbra.

That Rome a Genius hath we do maintain, Nor stands its Statue there set up in vain. Why do you think her Walls one Genius hath? When every Portall, Stable, House and Bath, Their Guardians have; Her Alleys, Streets, and Rodes, Deities boast, and many thousand Gods. No Nook nor Hole, wants a peculiar soule.

Next to the Genius of the place, Bonus eventus, or happy successe, is here invocated by the Tribune: For the Ancients worshipped this Deity (so infinite was their 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉) among others which were not Gods, but the fond conceits of their own distempered brains, and lesse beneficiall and usefull then Stocks and Stones, Gods the works of mens hands. How∣ever they worshiped them, which Varro witnesses, g 1.349 Nec non etiam precor Bonum Eventum; quoniam sine successu & Bono even∣tu frustratio est, non cultura. The Image of it h 1.350 Pliny hath set down: Simulacrum Boni eventus dextra pateram, sinistra spi∣cam & papaver tenens. Neither do the Coynes describe it other∣wise; in that of Titus it hath in the right hand a Charger or broad peice, in the left it holds some Popy onely, with Bonus Eventus Augusti. In that of Severus it stands robed, with corne in the Charger; Popy and an eare of corne in the left, accor∣ding to Pliny. Whether it were the same with Fatum Bonum in a like inscription found at OLENACUM, or Elenbo∣rough in Cumberland, I will leave to the Reader to bethinke him, till I shall have occasion to speak of it elsewhere. If in the meane while I have been somewhat tedious to you, this saying will in some part excuse me: i 1.351 Primus sapientiae gra∣dus est, falsa intelligere.

I have sayd nothing at all of the distance of the places, for it was not needfull; onely this I may not omit, that there is a world of Roman Coyne taken up in this place, which the neighbouring people of the Countrey call BINCHESTER PENNIES.

CATARACTONIUM. M. P. XXII.]

So the best Copies. The Neapolitan had Catorastorium. O∣thers

Cataractone, and Cartoni, abbreviatum pro Cataractonio, saith Talbot. Besides Antonine, Ptolemie also mentions it in the second Book of his Geography, among the Cities of the Bri∣gantes, calling it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Catarractonium; and elsewhere in the same Work; a 1.352 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Cataractonium maximum diem habet horarum XVIII. & distat ab Alexandria versus occa∣sum horis II. & triente. From this place of Ptolemie, as also another in his b 1.353 Great Construction (the Arabians call it Al∣magest, from their Particle Al, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and so do they also compose with it many o∣ther words from the c 1.354 Greek (as Alchymy, Alembik, Alma∣nak; &c.) we may easily guesse the celebrity and fame of this place in elder times. There he takes an observation of the positure of the Heavens, setting downe, or describing the XXIV. through Cataractorium in our Britain, and making it distant from the Aquator LVII. Degrees. But whether this place may not receive light and correction, from that we brought before out of his Geography, as hath been formerly hinted by our learned Antiquaries let them look to it whom it more concerns. The place it selfe I would have transcribed hither for the Readers better satisfaction, but the Book at this time is not in my hands.

The next time you find it, is not till Venerable Beda, in whom it is called Vicus Cataracton, and Vicus juxta Cataractam. In the d 1.355 one place he tells us that Wilpapes-dun was neer ten miles distant from it, the site of which place if we did now know, we should have little cause to doubt of Cataractonium: Remisit ergo [Rex Oswinus] exercitum. quem congregaverat, ac singulos do•…•…um redire praecepit à loco, qui vocatur Wilfares-Dun, id est, Mons Wilfari; & est à vico Conteractone decem ferme milia passuum contra solstitialem occasum secretus. In the other place it is expressed by a Periphrase; The Village by the Cataract or Waterfall: His words are these, where he tells, Paulinus flying out of these parts, was by King Edbald wel∣comed into Kent with the Bishoprick of Rochester: e 1.356 Reli∣querat autem in Ecclesia sua Eboraci Jacobum Diaconum, virum u∣tique Ecclesiasticum & Sanctum, qui multo ex hinc tempore in Ec∣clesia manens, magnas antiquo hosti praedas docendo & baptizando eripuit. Cujus nomine vicus in quo maxime solebat habitare juxta Cataractam usque hodie cognominatur. I would I understood this place better, but however our great Antiquary tells us, the place hath its name from a Cataract, i. e. a Waterfall; and that (letting us know first that by this Station, as we shall see a∣non, Catarick upon the Swale is meant) there is such a one somewhat higher in the River toward Richmond; which doth there, to use his owne words, rather ruere then fluere, rush

down violently, then run. Which if so, the reading methinks [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] might have been righter in Ptolemie; none know∣ing better then he, what the meaning of the word was.

In Matthew of Westminster it is named Civitas Cataracta; where he sayes it was burned by Beornred the Tyrant-King of the Mercians, who afterward perished in the same manner by a just talio, Anno gratiae, DCCLXIX. Cataracta civitas igne cremata est à Beornredo tyranno rege Merciorum deposito. Sed ipse infelix eodem anno, justo dei judicio, incendio periit. But it re∣vived again out of its embers, as I could shew; but that it is my maine undertaking to illustrate, especially, the Roman times.

It hath been the study and trouble of learned Men, forren and domestic, in the last Age, as well as this of ours, so busie in new enquiries, to designe and set out the place where an∣ciently it stood; but the greater part are quite wide of it. Paulus Jovius makes it to be Allerton, not much wide I confesse in this: but how far his fashion is otherwise to be out in the ancient Chorography of this Nation, makes me think of the witty, though sharp, censure of the Author of Amadis de Caul, which I am sure I met with when I was a Boy, concern∣ing his other Writings; though the World took his Roman∣ces, as indeed they are, to be but the fictions of his own braine, yet he doubted not but with after Ages they would finde as much credit, as his Histories of his owne Times. Michael Vil∣lanovanus thinks it was Carlile; which, whether he had from Jos. Moletius, who hath so set it down to his Ptolemie, I know not. Yet every one knows that Carlile was Antonines Lugu∣vallum, or Luguballia. But the vanity, not to say imposture, of Hector Boetius the Scottish Historian (and he hath his fol∣lowers) is notorious and shamelesse, who with I know not what Helktique Instruments (unknown I beleeve, to Vitruvius or our late famous Architect Inigo Jones) have removed Cata∣ractonium out of Yorkshire, many scores of miles Northward, as far as the Baillery of Corict in Scotland: Carictonium (for by that he means this very place, or else just nothing) opidum in Caricta, vulgo Carik regione, cujus pauca vestigia restant: olim Scotorum regia fuit; and he tells us moreover, that it was called Caractorium, because Caractacus [gaza, & thesaurus] wealth and treasure was kept there; who indeed never came neerer it then the Brigantes; f 1.357 when being treacherously used by Cartismandua their Queen, on whose protection he had thrown himselfe after a long resistance of the Roman power, to gaine favour and defence for her shamelesse Adultery, was by her more shamefully delivered up to them. g 1.358 Polydor Virgil, Boe∣thius his Schollar, with more shew of truth, as one who had read Tacitus with more diligence, brings it rather from Caricta

the Region, in which, say they, sometime it stood. There are who would tolerate this device of Boethius in a Poet, but in an Historian (and thought no mean one abroad) who can excuse it; except you mean by an Historian one utterly unskild in Geography? But wonder not at him. Solens facile; for he hath with the same sleight brought Camalodunum, the famous Colony sometime at Maldon in Essex, as farr as the Banks of Carron in Galloway, where likewise it is Pictorum Regia, and hath its quaedam vestegia too. So hath he drawn the Ordovices out of Wales, and placed them in his own Countrey, where the old Annals for sooth call them Ordaci. But I have onely this to say of him, Had not his Countrey-man Tho. Dempster a Mu∣risk written the Scotish History after him, he had been the lyingest Historian that I knew of in the World. * 1.359 He out∣goes him, and is indeed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Raph Hollinshed conceited it to be Darlington. I have not ought to say to Cryton, or Cry∣ton-bridge noted to Cataractonium in Antonine by the Learned Fulke: But to the same Station in Ptolemie he had set downe Catarick-bridge. Very right; for so thought Talbot before him; and after him the learned Camden. The name it selfe sayes as much, and its Site upon the Military way, which here leads over the River, where it divides it selfe. If the distance from Binchester hither, seem not to agree with the number here, then think that the Italian miles used in Antonine, are a great deale shorter then the Northerne with their Wey-bits; and that they took the Street way then, not the shortest cut they might, as we do at this day.

Of this difference in wayes, observed by the Romans, I could give divers instances: and hence it is, that h 1.360 Julian the Emperor opposes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or compendious wayes, to pub∣lick Roads, raised and layd with Causies by the labour of the Souldiers.

I might add for the great antiquity of this place, which Camden doth observe, what a world of Rubbish is to be seen every where about in the Countrey neer: Besides more East∣ward hard by the River, a mighty Mount, and four Bulwarks, raised as it were with exceeding great labour, up to a great height: But now it is viculus pertenuis, a very poor Countrey Village; and as famous as it was of old times, we may at this day seek it in its ruines, and scarce, or not at all, find it. I have done with it therefore, and will shut up all in the words of the Psalmist, Come, sayes he, behold the works of the Lord; what desolations he hath made in the Earth. Thus much shall be sayd * 1.361 of Cataractonium.

ISURIUM. M. P. XXIV.]

The distance between Catarick and Aldburgh (which is put

for Isurium) will well agree with the number XXIV. here be∣tween that, and Cataractonium, if you doe but remember and observe, what I said e're now concerning the distances of old times, and those at this day; Taking notice also of the course they then took in their journeying; which quite tho∣row this Itinerary is to be heeded. In the 11. Journey, this Station is called Isuria: and in the fifth Isubrigantum, that is, Isurium Brigantum: for Ptolemie also makes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to be one of the Cities of the Brigantes. They say * 1.362 it had its name from the Confluence of the Isis, and the Urus; a little above which it stood, not far from Burrowbridge, a place very famous of later ages: but of old for three Roman Trophees, set up not far * 1.363 from thence like Pyramids, a 1.364 saith Leland, a little from the High-way. The Saxons called them, both met together, by one name the Ouse, or Uyan.

That the old Britains had knowledge of Isis, not onely as acquainted with the Romans worshipping her, but otherwise also by their bearing armes for them in Egypt, where she was most adored, is to be made good by clear record: The Noti∣tia of the Provinces of the East. Sub dispositione viri Spectabi∣lis ducis Thebaidos Ala quarta Briconum Isui. In the Itinerary it is Isiu. Both places are to be mended Isij out of Plutarch; in whom, as also in c 1.365 Heliodorus you have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, signifying the City, and Temple of Isis, of which Stephanus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 witnesses, you have such large circuits of her Travellors in Cumens Alex∣andrinus, that it were no more wonder to hear of her name in these Northern Climates, then in Aegypt. Hence it is sayd the d 1.366 Suides, and Angles, and Eudoses, and other Germans in old time worshipped her. Tacitus particularly of the Swedes. e 1.367 Isidi sacrificant, &c. What reason they have to use that strange Sacrifice I know not saith he; unlesse it be that the Image of that Goddesse, being fashioned [in modum liburnae] in forme of a kinde of Boat, doth declare that their Religion hath been brought them from a strange Countrey. And therefore we wonder not now, that we have f 1.368 three noted Rivers of her name among us. For by the testimony of † 1.369 Pausanias, and an old Coyn published by g 1.370 Golizius, she hath also the Title of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Isis of the Sea. And truely the indigitaments of old Deities were often inscribed to Rivers; as * 1.371 Belisama, a name of Minerva, to the River Rible in Lancashire, and others: as the names of Saints are usually to divers places abroad at this day. Now whereas they say the Aegyptians alwayes fashioned and Painted Isis with h 1.372 hornes, some may conceit that done, because her name is attributed to Rivers; all Rivers being described horned by the Poets; I, and some called i 1.373 Hornes, * 1.374 by reason of the windings of their Channels. But the Fable affords a better reason, which tells us Jo (that is Isis) the

Daughter of the river Inachus, was by Jupiter turned into a Cow; and so conveyed into Aegypt, where, it should seem, she and Apis were horned Deities.

But truly I must tell you, I had rather have met with one an∣tient authority out of Ptolemie or some other of old time, where∣by I might be assured these rivers were so called sometimes by the Romans, then all that either Leland or Camden have wittily said: for Leland seems to me, one who had rather devise hand∣some names himself for any place, then diligently tread the ve∣ry and certain steps of Antiquity.

The Town out of its ruines is, as I said, called Aldburgh; the name signifying, The old Borough, or Town. On the very ground, where Isurium sometime stood, you may at this time see, either cornfields, or pasture: l 1.375 Et campos ubi Troja suit. m 1.376 Laborat annalium fides, ut Veios fuisse credamus; says the elegant Histo∣rian, concerning the old Veii. And our Antiquary saies, that such Writers, as mention Isurium, would have much ado to make us believe it had once a being here, were it not for the propor∣tionable distance from York, here set down; and the great store of Roman coin found daily hereabout.

EBORACUM LEGIO SEXTA VICTRIX. M. P. XVII.]

The distance here from Aldburgh to York is various, accord∣ing to the variety of Copies, and the severall journeys in which we meet with it. In the first journey you have seventeen miles, in some books sixteen; in the second, eighteen, and in this four∣teen, according to Surita; but in his divers readings, he takes notice of seventeen also: which Aldus, Simlerus, and Har∣rison admit; and this will make the generall number in the foot of the reckoning, to agree with the particulars, as is before ob∣served. Neither will the distance at this day unhandsomely sure; if you conceive, as you must, that the antient site is some∣what altered.

The first mention you meet with of this place, is this in Anto∣nine, except you make Ptolomie antienter, as indeed he should be, if it be true that he wrote in Antoninus Pius dayes, as the common Chronologie gives it out. Truly, as it is already ob∣served, the time when this Itinerarie was published, though commonly it bears Antoninus Pius name, is not certain: neither is it likely it was extant till under Severus: For Britain indeed, being by Julius Agricola, the Pro-Pretor under Domitian, a 1.377 wholy reduced, and falling a way by little and little under Ha∣drian, the Antonini, and Commodus; so that in b 1.378 Hadrian's time, who * 1.379 in person did what he could to restore all, the Romanes having not much c 1.380 above one half thereof, and that not very

usefull, or beneficiall to them, and in Antoninus Pius time the (d) Brigantes, of whom Eboracum was a principall city, revolt∣ing from them; things, me thinks, could not be at this passe, as * 1.381 they are represented in this Itinerary, till Severus time: especi∣ally if you consider the stirs and turmoiles at home for the Em∣pire, immediately before his arrivall here: the Britains from thence taking ground for their defection.

But omitting here a more exact enquiry after the just time when either of them wrote; we are to take notice, that the VI. Legion that had the Title of Victrix from it's conquests, brought over out of Germany, saith Camden (and yet for all Seve∣rus coin, which follows, he dare not assure it, by reason of this former mention of it, as he saies, in Ptolemie) by Severus, had it's residence at Eboracum. It is plain in Antonine, as well as Ptolemie too. But in Ptolemie then you must recover him from a violent luxation, (which he suffers in some common e 1.382 Editions, where 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Camalodunum, which should come after, is interposed, between 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Legio VI. Vict. which number also Z. as Surita mis-cites him, is to be corrected: But Talbot * 1.383 using a right Copy, of Ptolem•…•…, as it appears he did, I wonder how he could make any question here about it.

There are many such in Ptolemie: as where 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is turned out of it's place; and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or London made a City of the Cantii, and others. But far worse are they out, who from abu∣sed Copies, would have that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. as the all learned Selden hath taken notice; to belong to Camalodunum, next to Eboracum (of which see more in CAMBODUNUM in the II. Journey:) and it to be the f 1.384 Colony placed by Clan∣dius the Emperor so long before in Essex, and so far away short of Eboracum: contrary to the evident testimony of a Coyn of Severus in the averse of which we read:

COL. EBORACUM. LEG. VI. VICTRIX.

Of nine Cities of the Brigantes, named by Ptolemie in the se∣cond of his Geography, Eboracum is reckoned the eighth in order of naming: But there they are placed according to their situations, not dignity. He mentions it likewise again in the eighth Book of this same Work, in these words. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i e. Eboracum maximum diem habet horarum: XVII. cum dodrante, & distat ab Alexandria versus occasum horis II. & triente. In his Astronomicall Canons you shall finde it somewhat differently written. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Euoracum; whence perhaps the Saxons speld it, Euo•…•…pic, adding their own pic, or vicus, of which else∣where enough. In the Almagest, or his g 1.385 great Construction published in Greek at Basil, it is named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Brigantium; as you would say, The chief City of the Brigantes, saith our

learned Antiquary: but withall he suspects the Copy to be corrupted. And not without some cause: For, as we are taught by the most admired Primat of Armagh, that word is quite wanting in the Greek MS. of the Library at Lambeth, (as in a Latine Copy likewise in New Colledge at Oxford, there is no word answering 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.) for which notwithstanding there is to be found in the printed Latine Translation of the same Work out of the old Arabick, Bericanas. For which in the MS. of All-Soules Colledge in Oxford you may finde Bencanas. You shall have the whole pericope, as it is in the Translation of Ptolemie from the Arabick; and just as it was written in the copy I speak of, transcribed thence for me by the singular cour∣tesie of my excellently learned friend, D^r. Gerard Langbaine, the worthy Provost of Queens Colledge, then whom I know no man alive, who furthereth Learning and good Letters more, either at home, or abroad; or with the like pains: yet take first Pto∣lemies own Greek; and that after, Ptolemie, Lib. 11. Cap. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. The Latine out of Arabick in the MS. thus, Et linea equidistans, 22. est, in qua longitudo † 1.386 diei longioris est 17. bore, & quarta here: Et ejus elongatio ab equatione diei 55. partes; descripta super Bencanas terre Britannie majoris, &c. Beri∣canas, or Bencanus here, are words that signifie Mirmantum, i. e. Eboracum.

Yet for this we may give you some satisfaction in what fol∣lows; I mean, discover the mistake: But for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, I fear how well I may do it, (against more then the single authority of the Lambeth Gr. MS.) except you will read * 1.387 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and so take it for York as the chief City of them; which yet I like not: for then would there remain some vestigium of that word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 rendred into Arabick, had it been ever in the Greek. What I hoped for from my Arabick friends, that by chance in this flourishing age of those studies, and books, they might light upon a Copy of Ptolemie in that Language, I now utterly despair of. Or if perchance this might happen, yet I fear the genuine reading in the Greek, may but very obscurely be re∣stored, in proper Names, which the most * 1.388 learned hath suf∣ficienly taught us. Neque est, sayes he, quisquam literis hijce [Ara∣bicis] non prorsus alienus, qui nesciat etiam notissima nomina in idi∣otism•…•…s Orientales deformata, obscura nimis solere reddi. Etiam & nomina ipsa Aegyptiaca, Africana, & alia, quae originis non sunt La∣tinae aut Graecae, quamplurimum à nominibus Graecis ac Latinis in usu, saepius desidere. It were to be wished, that Dr. Bainbridge, the learned Professor of Astronomy in Oxford, (whom I have heard from his chaire seriously commending a new Edition of Ptolemie to the free Beneficence of some great Prince:) when he

collated the Gr. printed Text, with the Lambeth MS. and ex∣actly noted the various lections, in which the want of this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is taken notice of by him, had also given us a note of his conjecture upon this place. For, I cannot see, to speak truly, how 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or some such word, can at all be mis∣sing here, that signifie just nothing. And yet, perhaps, as much as that we finde in the Glosse upon an old h 1.389 Ninnius; in that place, I mean, where it is added: Cair segint, i. e. Eboracum. Mirmantum, i. e. Eboracum.

There are besides these, certain other appellations, or ex∣pressions rather, as indeed they are, of this most famous place; which perhaps you would not I should omit. Ninnius, the an∣tientest Historiagrapher of the Britans, as who wrote about DCCC. years ago, in his Catalogue of the Cities of Britain; names it according to the best Copies compared, i 1.390 Cair Ebrauc, al. Cair Brauc. Ge•…•…ffry of Monmouth, the Author, or Translator of the British History, which you will, will have it named Ebrauc, by a K. of Britain descended of Trojan race, and him∣self so named. k 1.391 Condidit Civitatem de nomine suo, Caer Ebrauc. And yet the old Britains call it at this day, Caer-Effroc, as the English now York, the Saxons Euoppic; for U•…•…dwick, saith Leland, more contractedly indeed, and also more corruptly. For Leland saith, Ortelius stifly maintains, that York is called Uroricum, à Graecis & Latinis scriptoribus. For the Greek, truly I have little to say; as much as nothing, who I beleeve, scarce knew what Vicus was. For the Latine, he was good at it; hear him therefore, I pray, what he sayes himself in these writings of his, which now I have under my hand, l 1.392 Sunt qui suspicen∣tur, nec temere illud, flumen quod urbem alluit, Isurum olim dictum suisse ab Iside & Uro superius confluentibus. Ise Fluvius à Saxoni∣bus Ouse, dictus. Argumento sunt Ouseforde, id est, Isidis vadum. Ousebourne, id est, Isidis aqua. Si haec conjectura valet, ut certe plurimum valere videtur; Isurovicum aptum, elegans, rotundum etiam urbi nomen erit. Isurovicum, saies he, would be a fit, ele∣gant, an trim name for the City. Camden does countenance this conceit of his, but with more judgement, and likelihood; he addes, That Eburacum, should fi•…•…fie, upon, or by the river Urus. So saies he the Eburovices in France, were seated by the river Eure; neer unto m 1.393 Evreux in Normandie. The Ebu∣renes in the Low Countries neer the river Ourt, in the Diocess of Luick; the French call it Liege. And Eblana in Ireland stands hard by the river Lefny. But here in deducing the name of Ebu∣racum, if I would, I might wonder, why n 1.394 Hect r Boethius, the bold forging Scot, and from him, for I dare confidently say it, Floriano de Campo the Spaniard, bringing the Brigantes of Britain from the City Brigantia in Spain, by the way of the Brigantes of Ireland, of which in another place, why they did not likewise

derive Eboracum from Ebora, a City also in Spain; and that they had three Cities there, whose names were 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, one of which Ptolomie calls, o 1.395 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Hermolaus Byzantius, the contractor of Stephanus Book, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is my witnesse. But perhaps they never did light upon this Work: for as Accursius used to say, Graecum est, non potest legi. The p 1.396 Writer of Severus life, calls it Civitatem, by way of excellencie, (so they use to speak) as ap∣pears in these words: Et in Civitatem veniens quum rem divinam vellet facere: But the most glorious name, if we may beleeve q 1.397 William Harrison, a very learned man of the former Age, was Altera Romae, another Rome. By which, saies he, it was called, because of the beauty and fine building of the same. The conceit indeed may be liked, if we consider withall, that Bri∣tain was of old time commonly called Alter, and Alius orbis: and then shall Fboracum be its Rome. But what shall we say then of France? Must that be Alter orbis too, because we finde, that Burdegala, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉, was honoured there with the same Title, or Appellation. You shall hear the Monk r 1.398 of West∣minster: 〈◊〉〈◊〉, dicta Altera Roma, Viri civitatis, diducto pulvere, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 scriptum.

Dic tu qui transis, & portae limina tangis, Altera Roma vale, nomen geris Imperiale.

Say whosoe're shall to this City come, Thou bearst th'Imperiall name, farewell old Rome.

Scribebantur autem ibi hi versus ante mille annos. But these rimedoggrill verses, not Leonine, as I think they are usual∣ly called, confute the Monks count of time; for they want many ages of it. The same s 1.399 Harrison hath delivered, that it was named Victoria, of the Legion Victrix, that lay there some time. We want antienter record and authority for it. And though Ptolomie hath an antient City of the Britains, of that name, * 1.400 [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] yet it stands too too far Northerly, that we can by no means deem it to sute with Eboracum. Later ages, after the very declination of the Empire, by changing the termination of the name, as next before Isuri, Isurium, a thing indeed very usuall, and therefore scarce worth observing, ex∣pressed it Eboraca, as Gregory the t 1.401 Great, or first Pope so named in his Epistles to the sanguinary Monk, Augustine of Canterbury. And from hence, I beleeve, saith our Giraldus Cambrensis, u 1.402 Eboraca, quae nunc Eboracum dicitur, XII. Suffra∣ganeos 〈◊〉〈◊〉, &c. And in his Words, not far before these; you have; Previn•…•…ia quarta Maxima, id est, Eboraca, ab Imperatore Maximio dicta: as if † 1.403 Maxima Caesariensis (so he means) one of the five portions, or Provinces into which Britain was divi∣ded

by the Romans, containing all, they say, from Tine to Humber; were otherwise named EBORACA; which yet seemeth not to me. To have done; we finde in a very antient and credible Writer, Sextus Aurelius Victor, who hath succinct∣ly written the lives of the Emperors, that Eboracum, which is known by all, to have been a Colony, was a Municipium too, or Free Town, which two have no coincidencie, or suteable∣nesse. It is in Severus life, where he speaks of his death, which all agree was at York; Neque multo post Britannia Municipio, cui Eboraci nomen, annis regni duo deviginti morbo extinctus est. A Municipium was, as x 1.404 Agellius, one of the antients, teaches us, where the inhabitants lived, as so Rome, making use of their own Laws and Constitutions, capable onely of Honorarie Title in the State of Rome, and thence called, Municipes, otherwise bound to no duties by any Law of the people of Rome. It dif∣fered from a Colony, saith all-knowing y 1.405 Selden most of all, in that a Colonie was a Progenie of the City, and this of such as were received into State-favour, and friendship by the Ro∣mans. But of a Municipium more fully, as in its more proper place: see VERULAMIUM, or, Caer Municip. by which name St. Albans was antiently known to the Britains. And yet here too, let me tell you, that it was of old a thing frequent enough, that Colonies were changed into Municipia, and con∣trary. Camden out of A. Gel•…•…ius, instanced in the Case of Praeue∣stint. And we may adde the Puteoli very antiently z 1.406 a Colony, which not withstanding, in Ciceroes days, was a Municipium, as ap∣pears out of his Oration; for M. Coelius. Afterwards it was made a Colonie again by Augustus, a 1.407 as Frontinus witnesses. Though Tacitus relates that they obtained the priviledge and name of a Colony from b 1.408 Nero. But that Eboracum was ever such a Colonie, or turned into a Municipium, it is not this place of Aurelius Victor; nor these precedent places alledged, can in∣duce me to be perswaded. Camden truly our learned Antiqua∣ry tells us; that this difference of names in the History of the Emperors, is not altogether so exactly observed, but that one and the same place may be found indifferently called both a Municipium. and a Colony; which if so, I judge it rather the Historians oscitancie, and supine negligence, then so in the ve∣ry nature of the thing. But to expedite and clear the whole businesse: We are to know, that there were two sorts of Co∣lonies; one civil, drawn out from among the gowned Citizens, as well as the miscellane sort of people. The other Military, taken out of Legions, and cohorts, when they were past service, and settled in towns, or elsewhere, for a reward of their blood spent for the Commonwealth. The former of these became many times Municipia or free Burroughs, but the later not so; it being thought derogatory, that such as had born arms,

should admit of an inferiour, and lesse glorious condition. Much lesse when a whole Legion had, by the Emperours bene∣ficence and large indulgence, sate down any where; as here at Eboracum. Yet they were called out upon any service, as exi∣gency of affairs required, and after returned to their quarters again. As this Legion, after their assisting to raise the Wall, (which not long before his death, Severus reared from Sea to Sea, to divide the Provinciated part of the Iland from the barba∣rous:) which we may very well conclude from an old Inscripti∣on digged up there by, LEG. VI. VIC. P. F. F. that is, Pia felix fecit. Concerning the Wall, there is a place of Aelius Spar∣tianus, an old Writer, in his life: Post Murum, aut Vallum mis∣sum in Britannia, quam ad proximam mansionem rediret, non so∣lum victor, sed etiam in aeternum pace fundata. He saies, that Severus, after his Wall drawn in manner aforesaid, (the place is no way questionable;) retired into the next mansion. That this proxima mansio was * 1.409 Carliel, appears, in that it was at that time, not only the chiefest Mansion, and so continued quite along to be of a durable fate; but was also indeed, as neer as any other to the Wall, even when in after ages they had placed frequent stations about it. Now, that the VI. Legion attend∣ed him hither to Carliel, having dispatcht the work they had been about, themselves have left a clear monument, and testi∣mony, a Stone there inscribed thus, with very fair and large letters:

LEG. VI. VIC P. F. G. P. R. F.

That they also departed thence with him to York, where not long after he died, is a probability, as good as certainty. Great was the trust which Severus reposed in them; great was the opi∣nion he had of their valour and service in the affairs of the Iland: no lesse, perhaps, then Iulius Coesars of the X. Legion, a 1.410 which he brought thither along with him, and had made his Praetorian guard, because, Et indulserat praecipue, & propter virtutem confidebat maxime, as himself gives testimony of them in his own writings: but if you will hear him speak in Dio, b 1.411 he makes his boasts of them, that if there were occasion, they would venture naked thorow the fire for his sake.

This gallant Sixth Legion remained an Age or two, if not more, at York. This Inscription, as Camden hath transcribed it, witnessing its residence there, seems not to me to be of the earliest antiquity; that is, very suddenly after the Legions coming thither:

M. VEREC. DIOGENES * 1.412 I 1111 I VIR COL. EBOR. * 1.413 IDEMQ. MORT. † 1.414 CIVES BITURIX. HAEC SIBI VIVUS FECIT.

The faults of the Quadrator, or Stone-cutter, being mended, as you see, the meaning thereof is easily to be understood, and the state of the Colony learnt; which, as all others, was a lesser model of the great City it self. Therefore, as at Rome they had their Quatuorviri c 1.415 for repairing their High-wayes; so also at York, till the declining of the Empire, the same Of∣fice was kept up here: he that waited upon it at this time, with his other three partners, was M. Verecundus Diogenes, a native of Berry in Guascoign; who, by wisely providing himself a Monument in his life-time, hath had the good hap, to out-live the memory of his fellows.

Some fourscore years after the death of Severus, we meet with this Legion again in its own room in Britain, mentioned by Dion. Cassius the Consular Historian in his recension of the Legions of his time, shewing what alteration had happened unto them since the age of Augustus. These his words: * 1.416 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 * 1.417 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. There are, sayes he, Two fixt Legione, of which one is placed in the Lower Britain, named one of the conquering ones; the other in Iudaea, called the Iron one: or Ferratensis, as it appears by a Column in Rome inscribed with the Legions names of the Empire. Guidus Pancirolus d 1.418 understands the businesse, as if the VI. Leg. were divided into two parts, which argues the fulnesse and great reputation of it of old. As for the division of Britain here into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Higher and Lower Britain, it was done without doubt by Severus, after he had vanquished Albinus Caesar, and his party, who met to op∣pose him by Lyons in Gallia. Herodian e 1.419 of Alexandria, in the History of the Caesars of his own times, is our Author for it, whose own words I willingly transcribe hither, that so the much famed Translation of Angel. Politianus may be noted: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Politian: Rebus igitur Britanniae ordinatis, cum totius insulae administratio∣nem bifariam dispertisset. Did he mean, think you, by that totius, that the whole Iland was under the power of the Romans? sure enough no. Or else that it should 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or be redun∣dant, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is to be understood in the Gospel f 1.420 of Saint Mark, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Matthew, as the g 1.421 Greek Interpreters, and others of Homer, observes doth very often; and omnis in Latin. as in Hieroms Translation of a piece of Clemens Romanui•…•… 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Hieron. Dominus Iesus Christus non venit in jacta•…•…ia superbiae, cum possit omnia, sed in humilitate. But let others look to it I

would not willingly be laughed at for making good anothers mistake, or oversight. Herodians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is not also so well translated, by bifariam despertivit. Therefore h 1.422 Richard White our Countreyman, and sometimes Professor of the Civil Law in Doway, will have it turned: Dispertivit in duo regimenta gentis illius potestatem. Which I translate, President-Ships, Praefe∣fectos, saith he, Regimenta Reipublicae Arcadius Charisius titulo, i 1.423 De •…•…fficio Praefecti Praetorii vocat. And hence perhaps we have the Original of our Regiments at this day: As Colonel from Colonia: Shall we therefore (and so set back the time, according to vul∣gar count, wherein Ptolemy wrote his Geography, where is men∣tion of this Legion in Britain: for there is no exact proof that he published it under Antoninus Pius; though I forbear to define any thing peremptorily, till learned men have agreed, whether the same Ptolemy who is Author of the Almagest, and who indeed wrote k 1.424 it then, be also of the Geography; which I see for good reasons questioned:) Shall we, I say, then, to constitute this double President-ship, ordained by Severus, place one of them at York with the VI. Legion Victrix in Lower Britain; and the other in the Higher Britain (as m 1.425 Dio also directly saies) at l 1.426 DEVA, or Chester, with the XX. Legio Victrix? Perhaps not amiss. But how long this bipartite, or joint power, continued, or whether it were not straitway dissolved by the arrival of Se∣verus himself (it being not usual among them to dispose the main charge of their affairs in the Provinces into more hands than ones:) it will be worth our considering. After Clodius Albi∣nus his revolt, and defeat, we meet not with any Propraetor, or Legat of Severus in Britain, save Virius Lupus, whom he appoin∣ted to that undertaking about the time that moving against Al∣binus, he took his eldest son Aurel. Antoninus to share in command, and Empire with him. This we learn from an old n 1.427 inscripti∣on, or two, digged up in the North, in which he is called Lega∣tus o 1.428 eorum pro Praetore: but p 1.429 Ulpian, the famous Civil Law∣yer names him Praeses, or President of Britain. Of any other I am quite ignorant. For whereas the learned Camden names with him Heraclianus (he is diversly written Heraclius and Heraclitus:) I am sorry to say he was very much deceived therein to make him a Legate in Britain, being led indeed thereto by a corrupted Copy of q 1.430 Spartianus where he read, Severus Heraclitum ad ob∣tinendam Britanniam misit. For Britaniam, you must by all means read Bithyniam: Casaubon offered very fair at this emendation, but Salmasius ventured upon it in good time. Neither can it be otherwise, will you say, if you heedfully read the same Author in Severus life, as also in the life of Pescennius Niger; in the first of which you have this, which confirms it: Bithyniam vero oc∣cupare non potuit Heraclius, Byzantium jam tenente Nigro. Besides Heraclius was sent to Bithynia before Severus had yet vanquished

Niger, or thought of Albinus, who was Caesar, and governed Britain at this time; no suspition yet appearing between them.

Neer upon CC years after the Consulship of the same Dion Cassius, if you will admit of Poetical Authority, and theirs that interpret Poets, you shall find this Sixt Legion departing out of Britain to serve Fl. Stilicho in his War against Alarichus King of the Gothes. It is the flourishing and neat Poet Claudian who saith so much, if his Expositor, one learned enough, Antonio Del Rio, be not too far out in his conjecture. The Poet of the two may best be excused, in whom you read: r 1.431

Venit & extremis Legio praetenta Britannis, Quae Scoto dat fraena truci, ferroque notatas Perlegit exanimes Picto moriente figuras.

The Legion on the British Borders lay, Which curb'd the valiant Scot, and did survey The steel-cut figures on the dying Pict.

Upon which of his, the other hath these Words: Sexta vide∣licet Britannica, ex eventu, vi•…•…ricis nomen adepta. He is out truely by taking the Poet too much at his word. He should have done better to have remembred the great s 1.432 Cruiques censure of him: Ignobiliori materia depressus, quod deerat de materia, addidit de in∣genio. Which is true here. For this Legion is found in Britain afterward, some good many years; if that be true, which Al∣ciat, Pancirolus, Camden, and others say, that the Notitia of both Empires was set out by Theodosius the younger, as most proba∣ble. For that War against the Gothes was about the year CCCCIII. in the Consulships of Theodosius Junior Aug. and Fl. Rumoridus, before Theodosius was sole Emperor. The mention thereof you have thus in the Notitia of the West: Sub disposi∣tione Viri spectabilis Ducis Britanniarum Praejectus Legionis Sextae. As there were under his disposing also, and command, XIII. more Praefecti, in convenient stations: besides XXIII. other Prefects, Tribunes of Cohorts, &c. per lineam Valli, along the * 1.433 Wall, which was raised to keep the barbarous off from the Bri∣tains. Pancirolus to these last words [Praefectus Legionis Sextae] blunders fowly, and dreams of some yet unknown place, cal∣led Sexta, setting it down so; and of a Legion that had lost it's name. But at length he falls right upon the Legio VI. which, that it constantly resided at Eboracum, or York, somewhat above CCC years, I suppose is very sufficiently demonstrated, and made good. And now to tell you after all this, that, about the time of the Norman Conquest, this so antient and magnificent a * 1.434 City, and seat of the Roman Greatness in the Province, was cal∣led † Civitas Fborunt, will be as perhaps needless after the tedi∣ousness, so fruitless and long a discourse hath moved, so quite

besides my institutum and purpose, who would sain confine my self in this whole business within the limit of those ages where∣in the Romans bore sway among us, and not lower. And yet there remaining still, within the limits of that time which I have prescribed to myself, some goodly memories of the glo∣ry and splendour of this so antient a City, and to this day flori∣shing (which argues the strong and sound constitution thereof;) quite untoucht some of them, others very slightly handled by such as have undertaken to set forth our affairs of old time, and to adorn them; I shall here gather and sum up to what is said what else I have met with, and conceive conducing to the lustre of the place; and that in the behalf of the Favorers and Admi∣rers thereof; among whom I willingly profess my self for very good reasons, though not in this place to be mentioned, or thought of.

It makes not the least for the fame and glory of it, that Septi∣mius Severus the Emperor of Rome, and Master of the World; one deservedly equalled with the greatest Martialists of any age, not only had his Palace and residence for so many years, * 1.435 but also here breathed his last. His Actions here, and manner of his death, we shall leave to History, and a greater Work. His dying speeches are memorable, and full of brave spirit. One in a 1.436 Dio argues his earnestness and dispatch of business: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Lets see, my Masters, what else have we to do? His last words related in Spartianus, contain excellent and wise counsel to his Sons: † 1.437 Firmum imperium Antoninis meis relinquo, si boni eritis, imbecillum, si mali. Together with an exact survey of what he had done; so well becoming a man of so great per∣formance: Turbatam Rempublicam ubique accepi; pacatam etiam Britannis relinquo. Neither may that in the same Author be o∣mitted, which showes a gallant despiciency in him of all human affairs, how great and glorious soever they were which himself conceived thus in Greek: * 1.438 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For though an African born, he was an admirable Master in b 1.439 both Languages of the Empire. When he saw there was no other way, but death, he called for the Urn, wherein he had appoin∣ted his ashes should be put, after the c 1.440 Ossilegium, and viewing it very heedfully: d 1.441 Thou shalt hold, said he, the man whom the whole World could not contain. It was of e 1.442 Porphyrite, or Red Marble Stone, saith Dio; of f 1.443 Alabaster, as Herodian, of gold g 1.444 as others: but Dio, for good reasons, is to be thought in the right. Being at length dead (I will use the Poets words, concerning Achil•…•…es, of Severus, who as far exceeded him, as true History doth Romance or Errantry;)

h 1.445—De tam magno restat Achille Nescio quid, parvam quod vix bene compleat Urnam:

At vivit totum quae gloria compleat Orbem. Hac illi mensura viro respondet—

And of that great Achilles scarce remains So much, as now a little Urn contains. Yet still he lives; his glory lightens forth, And fills the world: this answers his full worth.

His i 1.446 body was carried forth in a military manner by the Sol∣diers, and so placed upon the fire: So the Latine of Dio, which though it may be so, yet Dio's own words mean somewhat more: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. id est, his body attired in the habit of a Souldier was laid on the Rogus, or Pile to burn him on; and honored with the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, decursion, or running round it, by his Sons and Souldiers. This custome is to be fetcht down from the ages of the Heroes in a 1.447 Homer, and from Vir∣gil also in the Funeral rites of Pallas, and others, Aen. XI.

Ter circum accensos, cincti sulgentibus armis, Decurrere rogos: ter maestum suneris ign•…•… Lustravere in equis— Thrice round about the burning Pyres they go, Girded in shining arms, thrice fires of wo, Mounted on mourning Horses, they surround.

Concerning the place where the Bustum was, our learned Antiquary tells us out of Radulfus Niger, a writer of ours some ages ago, that by Ackham, not far off, west from the City, is a place called Sivers, from Severus; and that it was there, a huge heap of earth, yet to be seen, as he saies, is a token to prove it so. And truly that doth not differ which you find in my Lord of Armaghs Chronology, joined to his Primordia of the Britain Churches. Corpus ejus rogo est impositum, in loco qui ad hunc usque diem. Severs hill, sive Severi collis nomen retinet. Such kind of Monuments called tumuli, or cumuli, were with no small cost and pains, raised by the Romans to the memory of their dead, especially if they were of better note. We learn this expres∣ly from a 1.448 Seneca: Caetera quae per constructionem lapidu•…•…, & marmoreas moles, & terrenos tumulos, in magnam eductos alti•…•…udi∣nem constant, non propagabunt longum diem: quippe & ipsa intere∣unt. The former times have wondered at so great heaps, caussa parum gnara, saith a learned man, to be met withall every where almost, and yet were they ignorant, for what cause they were so cast up. In several places with us they are to be shewed. I have seen a very notable one as you go to the Bath, in the Plains be∣yond Malborough. Barbarous Nations seem to have imitated the Romans herein, as they did the more antient Greeks, among whom * 1.449 you have Sarpedon King of Lycia buried

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

With Tomb and Pillar-stone, which are the dead mans meed.

And these had it from the antienter c 1.450 Jews. But return we to Severus.

Among divers presages, or bodements of his death, taken notice of by the Historian Spartianus, this one may not go unre∣membred here, because from thence we are informed that Bello∣na, the famous Goddess of War, Sister or Wife to Mars, had a Temple then at York. His words are: Et in civitatem veniens, quumrem divinam vellet facere, primum ad Bellonae Templum ductus est errore aruspicis rustici, deinde hostiae furvae sunt applicitae. Quod cum esset aspernatus, atque ad Palatium se reciperet, negligentia mi∣nistrorum nigrae hostiae usque ad limen domus Palatinae Imperatorem sequulae sunt. It were to be wished that those two learned men, or at least one of them, whose lucubrations are extant upon * 1.451 these lesser Writers of the Augustian History (authors not eve∣ry where so perspicious, and plain) had not passed over this place so in silence: then perhaps they had removed some dif∣ficulties therein, and cleared them, which have occasioned great suspence to the ordinary reader, such I mean as my self is. As first, (for I am not skilled in the a 1.452 Tuscan Tages, his A∣r•…•…spicina; what might be conceived of this aruspex rusticus, how he differed from those os the City. That he was a cogging cheating knave, as all the b 1.453 rest of them were, is easie to ghess; and enough like them we have in our daies. How much their knowledge was, in what they professed, appears by a re∣lation of c 1.454 Dio Cassius, telling how after some strange prodi∣gies seen in Rome, the Aruspices, or Soothsayers, busying them∣selves, forsooth, in disposing what should be done to the Tem∣ples, to pluck down some, let others stand; among them that were suffered to remain, the * 1.455 Temple of Bellona was one, which straitway fell down of it self, and they never the wiser; and for this they are noted by the wise Historian. I once thought, and perhaps was right, he might be one of the Ministers of Bellona, called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by d 1.456 Strabo, and by others serv•…•…; as in that place of e 1.457 Minulius Felix. Bellona servum suum haustu •…•…ruoris humans imbuit. As also that of Ael. Languidius in Commodo: Bellona ser∣vientes vere exsecare brachium pracepit, studio crudelitatis. By which it appears sometimes they forbore this cruelty. These Hierodu∣li, or sacred Servitors of hers, called otherwise Bellonarii, were no where more famous, or frequent, than at Comana in Cappado∣cia, in the valleys of Antitaurus, where, as an Author as old as Caesars time writes, f 1.458 was a most antient, and most venerable Temple of the Goddess; and so much reverenced, that her chiefest Priest by the consent of the whole Nation, was accoun∣ted

next to the King in Majesty, command and power: It was called also by the Cities name Comana, according to Strabo: who saies he found there, men and women, not less then DCM. who all professed themselves to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or divinely inspired by Bellona. Strabo saies not here indeed, that any of them were dispersed about the Countrey, or so much as that in their mad frantick fits they rambled and raved out up and down their dreary predictions. Yet we must conceive it so: For that was most frequent and usual with them in their assumed distem∣pers. Testimony enough there is of that: take one, or two, which come next to hand. The Heathen Poets:

—g 1.459 Sed, ut fanaticus aestro Percussus, Bellona, tuo, divinat—

—For he Divin'd, Bellona, as inspir'd by thee.

After whom it is not to be thought that eloquent Christian Lactantius can bely them: h 1.460 Alia virtutis, quam eandem Bel∣lonam vocant; in quibus ipsi sacerdotes non alieno, sed suo cruore sa∣crificant. Sectis namque humeris, & utraque manu districtos gladios exe•…•…entes currunt, * 1.461 esseruntur, insaniunt. But Tertullian is plain that the Bellonarii of Carthage (and sure they had all every where the same tricks and fegaries) had their place of recourse, or rendezvouz, when they acted their seeming extasies, which he calls Bellona montes; and not far from the City as it is very like∣ly. i 1.462 Cum ob diversam affectionem tenebricae vestis, & cetrici supra caput velleris in Bellonae montis fugantur. There are two French men, of as great name and credit in learning, as any who∣ever of the last or former ages, which notwithstanding about this place, and divers others as often as they can lay hold of occasion, sometimes in their own, sometime under forged names, they have wounded, worse then ever the Bellonarii did them∣selves. They are Dionysius Petavius, and Claudius Salmasius. The laters reading of it matters not here. Petavius defends the former in these words k 1.463 Erant haud procul Carthagine, quantum suspicari licet, montes ita nominati; forte quod Bellonae, ac Bellona∣riis sacrati, in quibus insanis illis cursitationibus operabantur. And backs it with the like place, wherein, saies he, there is menti∣on of one of those mountains, out of the l 1.464 Acts of the Purga∣tion of Caecilian and Felix, at Carthage: Victor respondit; Fuge∣ram hanc tempestatem: & si mentior peream. Cum incursum pateremur repentinae persecutionis, sugimus in montem Bellonae. In a word, (for I perceive by this time the Reader is weary of me, as well as of these mad fellows:) as they were not unlike to the old Galli Sacerdotes of Cybele, or the Mother of the Gods; so do they much resemble our Toms of Bedlam; or among the Turks their Torlacchi, as they

are described by the best writers: whose respect was such with all sorts, that one of them being admitted neer the person of Bajazet II. he had almost slain him, but the blow failing his aim fell on his horse, and wounded it: for which the whole gang was suppressed for a time, but since have raised their head as much as ever. Marinus Barlerius in the life of Scanderbeg, mistakes the Deroises, by far a more civil sect, for these ruffling Franticks, and Assassins.

And now, if after all this, there be any Reader, that enter∣tains not satisfaction concerning this Aruspex rusticus; let him then please himself, and follow his own fancy, by thinking, that this Temple of Bellona at York served for the same purpose as that at Rome did, namely to denounce war against the Enemies from a Pillar standing before it, which is reported by Sextus Pompeius: m 1.465 Bellona dicebatur dea bellorum ante cujus templum erat colum•…•…lla, quae bellica vocabatur, supra quam hastam jaciebant, cum bellum indicebatur. Although, that in Rome was put also to o∣ther uses; as for Embassadors, from foreign Nations, whom they would not admit farther into the City, here they gave them hea∣ring; likewise here they entertained their Generals returned from service abroad. And that Sylla here held a Senate, we learn from Seneca, whose words deserve transcribing: n 1.466 Cum Sylla in vicino ad aedem Bellonae sedens exaudisset conclamationem tot millium sub gladio gementium, exterrito Senatu; Hoc agamus, in∣quit; seditiosi pauculi jussu meo occiduntur. And then I must request such Readers to teach me, what is meant by a Countrey Wizards lighting upon the Emperour, being in a humour to sacrifice, as he entred into the City; how he came to lead him to Bellona's Temple, and what he was to do there; wherein did appear this Wizards Error, or mistake, and lastly in what of all this consi∣sted the presage of Severus death? If any one of them can give me content in all these, they shall find me a man who never will be unwilling to confess per quae profecerim; which every good man of duty is bound unto as he is ingenuo•…•…s.

But if perhaps I was right, in what I thought before, then will I interpret that [errore] in the Historian, by fanatica ex∣cursiones, with Petavius: for what else doth it mean? And gra∣tify the favourable and candid, with a corrected reading of the whole Pericope, or passage in him, thusz: ductus est errore aruspi∣cis rustici. Deinde hostiae furvae sunt applicitae: Quod cum esset asper∣natus. &c. putting a period, or full point after rustici. where was onely a Comma. That which follows [Deinde hostiae] by any means beginning a new Presage. For what had Bellona to do with black Sacrifices, or indeed with any colour else? her Priests alwaies sacrificing, as you have been taught in what goes before; non alieno, sed suo cruore? A new, as I said, and another distinct Presage it is, exhibiting black sacrifices, which ever

were accounted unhappy, except offered to infernal Deities, and such as they were proper to: which the very boyes of the Chappel know. Where this Temple of Bellona was sited at York, perhaps is utterly unknown at this day. That in o 1.467 Rome where it stood, though I could tell you, yet it is nothing to our purpose. We will not therefore have any more to say to either of them.

p 1.468 Herodian in his History writes, that Severus presently af∣ter his arrival here; himself with his eldest son Antoninus going forth to finde out the Enemy, left his youngest son Geta in that part of the Island which was obedient to the Romans (he must needs mean YORK:) to administer civil affairs; appointing him for counsel and Guides the gravest of his Friends. More then three years after, he and his son Antoninus sate also at York about common business, and gave their judgement in ordinary cases, as in that of Caecilia about recovery of right of posses∣sion. Their Rescript, or Law, thereabout is still preserved in the CODE, to the great glory and renown of this City, and dated as you see from thence, with the names of the Consuls of that year: neither can I forbear to publish it here, as the gal∣lantest monument of Antiquity which it hath.

* 2.1 Etiam per alienum servum, bona fide possessum, ex re ejus, qui eum possidet, vel ex operis servi acqui∣ri dominium vel obligationem placuit. Quare si tu quoque bona fide possedisti eundum servum & ex nummis tuis mancipia eo tempore comparvit, po∣tes secundum juris formam uti defensionibus tuis. Mancipium autem alienum mala fide possidenti nil potest acquirere, sed qui tenet, non tantum ipsum, sed etiam operas ejus, nec non ancillarum partus & animalium foetus reddere cogitur.

PP. III. Non. Maii Eboraci. Faustino & Rufo Coss.

That is,

It seems just that a man may have right of Lordship and propriety in a foreign slave (possessed (bona fide) as of his own proper goods,) and also of his services. So that if thou hadst possession of the said Servant; and he, with thy money, in the time of his servitude, purchased any estate, thou mayest be relieved by the Law. But he that possesses a strange servant unlawfully, can have no remedy, but shall be forced not only to restore him, but also his servi∣ces, and all the increase both of the women and cattel.

What the learned a 2.2 Cujacius of Great Britain hath noted to this Law, I had rather you should have from his own hand, than mine. This was the very year, wherein Severus built his Wall, which Spartianus calls maximum ejus imperii decus, The greatest renown, and ornament of his Empire: for which, he also saies, he was surnamed b 2.3 BRITANNICUS; and not so only, but c 2.4 MAXIMUS BRITANNICUS too, as some old Stones do yet witness. Of this Wall I have said something already: to the next journey I have much more to say.

But in my judgement the greatest ornament, not onely of Eboracum, but of Great Britain also in those times, was Aemi∣lius Paullus Papinianus. d 2.5 Forcatulus, a French Antiquary, and not indiligent, affirms that the Praetorium, or Tribunal at York, was very happy in that it heard Papinian, the Oracle of Right and Law. So Camden out of him: for his own book is not now at hand. What special Authority therefore Forcatulus had for this, I cannot sufficiently tell. But confidently I be∣lieve, that here he was, and one of those grave Friends of Se∣verus, whom Herodian told even now, he joined to his son Geta, for assistance in Civil matters. That Forcatulus was in the right herein, that also doth prove, that Severus on his death Bed left Papinian a kind of Guardian to both his Sons. Now it is not to be thought, that so wise a Prince would bequeath them to the care of an absent Tutor, who could not receive instructions and directions what to do from his own mouth. But e 2.6 Dio puts all out of doubt, where he relates an undutiful and unna∣tural attempt of Antoninus upon his Fathers life: It is fit I set it down, as he tells it.

Antoninus riding along with his Father, the Army also following, in sight of the Enemy checkt his horse backward, and saying nothing, with a slight, drew his sword, aiming at his Fathers back: they seeing, that were in company, suddenly cryed out; at which Antoninus affrighted, held his hand. Severus, turning about at the cry, saw his Sword. But making no words of it, from thence he repaired to the Tribunal; where dispatching some necessary business, he retired to his Pavillion. Then calling for his Son, Papinian, and * 2.7 Castor; he commanded a sword to be placed before him: Here he chides him; first, because he had formerly made the like attempt: next, that he durst assay so haynous a fact, his friends, as well as Enemies, looking on. Lastly, saies he, if thou desirest to have me slain: here do it, for thou art of strength to do it; I being both old and a decrepit man, do besides ly here fair for thee. But if thou refusest it, or art afraid of it; here is Papinian f 2.8 the Praefectus Praetorio, whom thou mayest command to s•…•…e it done. For being Emperour, he will not disobey you.

You may read the rest in Dio. There is another relation in S. Aurelius Victor de Caesaribus (him

that Andreas Schottus published; not the Epitome of the Caesars, formerly set forth under the same name) which because it is different from others, take here; yet for which without doubt he had his Authors, as himself tells: g 2.9 Quae victoria (he means the the Assassination upon the person of Geta, by his bro∣ther:) Papiniani exitio soedior facta, ut sane putant memoriae curi∣osi: quippe quem ferunt illo tempore h 2.10 Bassiani scrinia curavisse, moni•…•…umque, uti mos est, destinando Romam quam celerrime compo∣n•…•…ret, dolore Getae dixisse: HAVDQUAQUAM PARI FA∣CILITATE VELARI PARRICIDIUM, QUAFI∣ERET. Idcirco morte affectum. By which words they out of whom Victor took them, seem to have believed, that not only the murder committed upon Geta, (it is likely, by this, at York:) but that brave saying also uttered by Papinian, were both be∣fore their return to Rome. Those words shew it [destinanda Romam] saies learned I•…•…. Casaubon, and maintains that reading good. And yet the same Victor writes out of others, confestim s•…•…cessere; they departed hence straitwaies. There is such a pas∣sage also in Spartianus life of Geta, which sayes as much as Vi∣ctor doth in effect, that Geta was slain after his Fathers death, before their return to Rome: [Geta prius rebus humanis exemplus est, quam cum sratre tenerti imperium.] Yet their Father left them joint Partners of the Empire, as we see by the History of his death: * 2.11 Antoninis meis sirmum imperium relinquo, &c. Nei∣ther seem those disorders, which the same Writer saies hindred Antoninus departure out of the Iland, to proceed from any thing more than Geta's murther. Denique nisi querelis de Geta editis, & animis militum delinitis enormib. etiam stipendiis datis, Romam Bussianus redire non potuit. Which makes the same learned man judge, that Spartianus was not the Author of both the Brothers Lives; the contrary being related in Antoninus life out of Hero∣dian and Dio as it is to be guessed. This observe, that not Vi∣ctor onely, but those other Writers also of the Augustean Story, huddle together what ever they meet with in former Authors, though never so contrary one to another; never endeavouring reconciliation; which will appear in other business, besides this. Victor then, and Spartianus, had the same Authors, though but obscure ones. Whereas Salmasius indeavours to compose the difference between the Writers of these two Brothers lives, telling us, that of the two Sons of Severus, one was made Em∣peror by his Father, the other Oeta saluted so by the Army, and that Geta was judged as an enemy, me thinks he saies nothing: For how can I think that he who more then once assayed to de∣prive his own Father of life (I say nothing of his Brother, it is so well known) and that too in the presence of his victorious Army, could spare his Brother but for an hour, especially ha∣ving brought the Army so much to his side, that they published

Geta, both his, and the States Enemy. However Herodian, saith Salmasius, a writer of those very times, and Dio Cassius twice Consul of Rome, both Grecians, say Geta was killed at Rome in the Palace, and almost in the bosom of his Mother. Were it not for other and more weighty circumstances in the whole narrati∣on, considering withall Antoninus his violent temper, I could easi∣ly be enclined to favour this suspition of Geta and Papinianus be∣ing put to death at York. For there also was a Palatium, or domus Palatina: and their mother Iulia was there in Britain at the same time. Out of a 2.12 Herodian this is not obscurely to be gathered, but b 2.13 Dio witnesses it with a pretty passage, which he tells happened between her, and a high spirited British Lady, the wife of Argencecoxus. But here we will omit farther disquisiti∣on, though it be not impertinent at all to this place.

The fame, and known wisdom of Papinian, wherever dead, procured so high Elogies to his Name, that nothing can be con∣ceived above them. c 2.14 Zosimus saies he was a most just man, and one that excelled all Roman Lawyers both before his time, and ever since, as well in the right interpretation, as knowledge of the Laws. But d 2.15 Spartian calls him the Asylum, or San∣ctuary of Right, and the very Magazine of Law-learning Now concerning the cause of his death, and the maner thereof, Au∣thors do somewhat differ. e 2.16 Zosimus tells us, that when he was Captain of the Guard, (if at least we do well in rendring Prae∣fectus Praetorio in those words) he was held in great suspition by Antoninus, for no other cause, but for that he, observing him to bear a deadly disaffection toward his Brother Geta, did what he could to hinder his designs, and preserve Geta. Therefore that Antoninus to remove this block out of his way, by the Souldi∣ers plotted Papinians death; and so having gained opportunity slew also his Brother. Spartian writes he was beheaded with an Ax in Antoninus sight, because he would not excuse Geta's death: by which relation, his murther should seem to precede Papinians; contrary to what Zosimus delivers. f 2.17 Dio tells us that Antoninus was much offended with the Soldier who put Papinian to death with the Ax, being ordred to do it with the Sword. In old time Ma∣lesactors were beheaded with the Ax; afterwards with the Sword. This punishment seemed the lighter, and more honorable. Hear Boethius: Papintanum diu inter Aulicos patentem militum gladiis An∣toninus objecit, He exposed Papinian to the Swords of the Soldiers.

For SEVERUS times, thus much of EBORACUM. Which whether it became polluted with the blood of this brave and innocent man, and a great part of that Sacred JUSTICE which yet remained upon earth in his dayes; or else Rome, hath not now, as you see, been first of all brought in question. But for us, let Rome, as it had rather, take all the glory thereof to it self; and for joy it quits us of such bloody deeds, I leave

those infected times, if first you will give me leave a little to parodize:

g 2.18 Gratulor extremo, nostro jam gratulor orbi; Gratulor hinc terrae, quod abest regionibus illis, Quae tantum fecere nefas—

I joy for you Ismarians; for this Clime; This World of ours; so distant from that Earth, That gave to such a cursed Monster birth.

AFTER SEVERUS, for the space of about one hun∣dred years, there is no mention in antient memories made of EBORACUM; onely as I shewed, in this mean while the VI. Legion still continued their old abode there. •…•…l. Val. Constan∣tius, surnamed Chlorus, whose residence was more h 2.19 constant∣ly in Britain, made it again an Imperial Seat, having i 2.20 reco∣vered Britain from servitude to liberty; having been first long usurped by the thirty Tyrants, (whence the famous k 2.21 Porphy∣ry called it, fertilem provinciam tyrannorum:) after by Carausius and Allectus; the later of whom he vanquished, sending before him Asclepiodotus, who had the command of the Guard, or Prae∣torian Souldiers, with part of the Navy and Legions. Concern∣ing their Passage hither, who pleases may read the nameless * 2.22 Panegyrick made to him, being the tenth amongst them, by Liveneius reckoning. He was where ere he came a great Favo∣rer of Christianity, and those that professed it. Therefore the Scottish l 2.23 Historians censure of him is very unchristian, and ar∣gues their ignorance or malignity, or both; who asperse him in this respect, and would make us think he persecuted them of Our Religion: Contrary to the general testimonies of Christi∣ans themselves, who lived either in his own time, or at least in the ages next to him. For his Actions in the Province, as also for the time for which he was Augustus, or Emperour (about which there is no light mistake even among the learned) * 2.24 I will refer you to a work, and place, more proper for them. Onely till then take what follows out of the Panegyrist con∣cerning his expedition into Britain: Dies me ante deficiet quave oratio; si omnia patris tui facta vel hac brevitate percurram. That is, If I should but thus concisely mention all thy fathers Gests, the day would sooner come to an end than my oration. (They make Eumenius an Orator of Augustodium or Flavia in France, to speak this to Constantine the Great, the Son of this Constantius, of whom here we treat) Cujus & jam suprema illa expeditio non Britannica tropaea (ut vulgo * 2.25 certum est) expetivit, sed, Diisjam vo∣cantibus, ad intimum terrarum limen a•…•…cessit: neque enim ille tot tantisque rebus gef•…•…is, non dico Caledonum, aliorumque Pictorum silvas & paludes, sed nec Hiberniam proximam, nec Thulen ulti∣mam,

nec ips•…•…s (siqua sunt) Fortunatorum insulas dignabatur ac∣quirere; sed (quod eloqui nemini voluit) iturus ad Deos genitore•…•… il∣lum Deorum, ignea coeli astra refoventem, prospexit Oceanum, ut fruiturus exinde luce perpetua, jam videret illic diem poene continu∣um. Vere enim profecto illi Superum Templa patuerunt, receptusque est consessu Caelitum, Iove ipso dexteram porrigente. That is, And now whose last expedition was not to the British Tropaea's (as it goes current commonly) but by the call of the Gods he came to the innermost Port of the Countreys; for he, having per∣formed so many Acts, neither deigned (I do not say the Chaledo∣nian and •…•…icton Woods and Moors, but not) so much as to at∣tempt Ireland that lay next, nor Thule the furthest, nor those (if there be any such) fortunate Islands; But (which he would tell no body) being on his journey to the Gods, saw that Fa∣ther of the Gods Oceanus recruiting the fiery Stars of heaven, as being about to enjoy continual light; and now he ob∣served that it was almost perpetually day there. For indeed to him did the Temples of the Gods truly ly open, and he was received by the consent of all the heavenly inhabitants, Iupiter himself giving him his right hand. In this place, and elswhere too, surely he speaks of the Apothesis of Constantius celebrated in Bri∣tain; which the coyns also do witness, saith our diligent and lear∣ned Antiquary. Whether that which follows be any of the fashi∣on he had, I cannot certainly affirm. It was digged up lately within a mile of Kingstone upon Thames, at the end of Comb∣lane in a gravel-pit. The U•…•… in which it was, contianed more of his, as also of Dioclesian, the Maximiani, Constantinus Cae∣sar, who afterward was called the Great, Maximinus, &c. It seemes by this, that on Comb-Downes, or Hill, was a Camp, or station of Roman Souldiers; and of such especially, as I may well conjecture, who following Asclepiodotus from * 2.26 Portsmouth up toward London, might sit down here, and continue still till after Const•…•…ntius daies, to keep all here away quiet. But see the Coyn, stamped, as appears at London.

[illustration] obverse side of a coin

DIVO CONSTANTIO PIO

[illustration] reverse side of a coin

MEMORIA FELIX PLN

I have since light upon another coyn of his, with the very same inscription in the periphery, or compass of it: but the let∣ters, in the bottom of that Tabulatum, or structure (which also

it self somewhat differs from this:) you have somewhat chan∣ged: C. for N. so that you are to read, Pecunia Londinii cusa, for Notata: as I think it is here. Let the studious youth take the pains to compare these with the Apotheosis of Severus at Rome, described by a 2.27 Herodian, according to the fashion of those daies Some difference will be found: as his having but one Eagle, and that to convey the Soul upward, in the top of the † 2.28 Stru∣cture; which he compares to a Light-house, commonly a Pharos: In these you have on each side one. Other differences are not material. I am confident there may be more remaines * 2.29 of Antiquity found hereabout: it would be perhaps not un∣worthy the pains and cost. The noble * 2.30 Gentleman, whose the place is, might be by his acquaintance easily perswaded to a farther search; being one (publick fame reports it:) that doth nothing unwillingly for the common Good; which he lately let the world know in that Honorable and free service, which with so much gallantry he sustained for his Countrey.

Rome in the height of its greatnesse had not a more glorious and gallant shew to exhibite, then what this poor piece of Cop∣per would express. But before I mention Constantius his Dei∣fication, I should have acquainted you with the place of his death which was Eboracum. Not onely b 2.31 St. Hieron, but Eu∣tropius also, an Heathen Roman Historian, affirmeth it: Obiit in Britannia E•…•…oraci, principatus anno tertio decimo, atque inter di•…•…os relatus est. If therefore he dyed at York, most certainly there also was his body solemnly burnt. And if so; how comes it to pass, that so many ages after we find his body again in Wales, and so far remote too? The good Monk of Westminister is Au∣thor for it, where he Chronicles matters of Edward 1. times: c 2.32 Apud Caernarvan * 2.33 prope Snoudunam, corpus maximi Principis, Patris Imperatoris nobilis Constantini, erat inventum, & rege juben∣te in Ecclesia honorifice collocatum.

But the credulous Monk was abused: as we should be also, if we gave credit to one far antienter then he, Nin•…•…ius the old British Historian, who relates that this mans Grandchild, Con∣stantius the Son of Constantinus, had his Sepulcher near Caernar∣van; as saith he, letters inscribed upon his Tomb-stone there do witness: When as we know, by unquestionable circum∣stance; as well as authority, that he breathed his last in Cilicia, at Mopsocrenae, or * 2.34 Mopsuestia, of a feaver in his expedition d 2.35 against Iulian his Kinsman, who in Gaul had taken upon him the Name and Title of Augustus.

That which our learned Antiquary saith, he was told by ve∣ry credible men of this City, carrieth greater shew of probabi∣lity; That when in the age before this, the Religious houses there were dissolved and ruined in a kind of grot, or vault, where constant fame reported the Reliques of Constantius were laid, a

burning Lamp was found. And withall he adds, that the Anti∣ents used to preserve in the Sepulchres, especially of greater persons, by artificial dissolving of Gold into a fatty substance; fire still continuing for many ages: And for this he bringeth the testimony of Wolfagius Lazius. Div•…•…s other writers might have been consulted about this custome; I will onely name two for the Readers satisfaction; Bernardus Scardeonius, a diligent Italian Antiquary, and Fortunius Licetus, an excellent Philosopher of Pa∣dua. The death of Constantius happened about the year CCCVI when as at York also his eldest Son Constantinus of British extra∣ction by Helen his first Wife, much opposing and gain-saying it, had the Imperial Robe put upon him by the Army, which at length he could not but accept of. He that especially urged him to it was e 2.36 Erocus King of the Alma•…•…es, and auxiliary to his Father in Britain. Hear the f 2.37 Panegyrist speaking to him; Imperator transitum facturus in coe•…•…um, videt quem relinquebat haere∣dem: illico enim atque ille terris fuerat, exemptus, universus in te consedit exercitus; te omnium mentes oculique signarunt: & quan∣quam tu ad Seniores principes de summa reipub. quid fieri placeret re∣tulisses, praevenerunt tamen studio, quod illi mox judicio probaverunt. Purpuram statim tibi, quum primus copiam tui fecit egressus, milites, utilitate publicae magis quam tuis affectibus servi•…•…ntes, injecere lacry∣manti; neque enim fas erat diutius s•…•…eri principem consecratum. Dice∣ris etiam, Imp. invicte, ardorem illum te deposcentis exercitus fugere conatus equum calcaribus incitasse: quod quidem (ut verum audias) adolescentiae errore fac•…•…ebas: Quis enim te Cylla•…•…us, aut Arion, posset eripere, quem sequebatur imperium? Illa, inquam, illa majestas, quae Iovis subjecta nutu nec Iridi Deum nuntiae, sed prius commissa victo∣riae, tam facile te comitata est, quam cito ad terras coelo missa 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Sic, modestiam tuam atque pietatem, & differendi imperii co•…•…atus ostendit, & reip. felicitas vicit. O fortunata, & nunc om∣nibus beatior terris Britannia, quae Constantinum Caesarem prima vi∣disti. That is, When the Emperour was about to pass from earth to heaven, he saw whom he left his heir; for presently up∣on his being taken from the Earth, the whole Army pitcht upon thee, the eyes and hearts of all designed thee for the place: and although thou repairedst to the Senior Princes for the ordering (as they pleased) the chief dignity of the Commonwealth; yet they came prae-resolved, by study, of what they soon acted in the Counsel. Presently when thy first going out made plen∣ty, the Souldiers, serving the Commonwealth more than thy fancy, cast the purple upon thee, whilest weeping: nor was it meet that a consecrated Prince should be any longer bewailed. And they say also, O unconquered Emperour, that thou didst spur thy horse to have avoided the importunity of the Army, when they moved for thee, which (to tell you truly) was done but weakly, and as a youth. For what Cyllarus or Arion could

deprive him whom the Empire followed? That, I say that, Majesty which is subject to the nod of Jove was not committed to Iris the Messenger of the Gods, but first to Victoria, so easi∣ly did she accompany thee, as soon as things sent from Heaven come to Earth. So did th•…•… endeavour of avoiding that digni∣ty shew, and the felicity of the Common-wealth overcome thy modesty. O Fortunate, and now of all Nations most happy Britain, who first sawst Constantine Emperour. These last words our Britains produce, to assert the birth place of Constantine, neither without great probability; notwithstanding that a 2.38 Joannes Livineius doth urge this additament [Caesaris] against them: b 2.39 quod illum ipsum premit maxime, saith my most learned Lord of Armagh. For although Constantine were declared Imperator in Britain, both † 2.40 by his Father, and the British Ar∣my; yet not Britain but Gallia saw him first CAESAR: which Liveneius his c 2.41 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 proves at large. Somewhat before, he makes his addresses to him in these Words: Sacrum istud Palatium, non candidatus Imperii, sed designatus intrasti; confestimque te illi paterni Lares successorem videre legitimum. Neque enim erat dubium quin ei competeret haereditas, quem primum Imperatori filium fata tribuissent. Te enim tantum ille, & Impera∣tor in terris, & in coelo Deus, in primo aetatis suae flore generavit, to∣to adhuc corpore vigens, illa praeditus alacritate ac fortitudine, quam bell•…•… plurima, praecipue campi Vindonis idonei testes declararunt. In∣de est quod tanta ex illo in te formae similitudo transivit, ut signate Natura vultibus tuis impressa videatur. Thou entredst that sacred Pallace not dignified with, but designed to the Empire: And thy Fathers Lares presently saw thee to be his right and lawful Suc∣cessor. Nor was it any doubt but the Inheritance should belong to him whose fortune it was to be first Son to the Emperor. For he, that Emperor, on earth, and God in the heavens, begot thee in the very flower of his youth, whilst his whole body was vividand strong, indued with alacrity and fortitude, which many wars, es∣pecially that of the Vindonian Camp, have fitly testified. Hence it is that thou retainest so perfect a similitude of him, that thy original is even plainly stamped in thy face.

It hath been the strange fate of two Roman Emperours, the one as bad as the very worst, (I except not Nero:) the other to be ranked with the best, That their birth-places are excee∣ding questionable; not yet quite cleared by the diligent enqui∣ry and search into antient Memories by learned men. They are Caius Caligula, and this Constantine, called the Great. Of the for∣mer see Justus Lipsius to the famous Annals. The long enter∣tained belief of this others Britain-birth and original, was first of all made doubtfull, and impugned too by the same g 2.42 Lipsi∣us, and such as follow him, h 2.43 Joannes Livineius, i 2.44 Stepha∣nus Claverius, Dionysius Petavius, with some others. But the

authorities of those they make use of among the antients, being * 2.45 Writers, either fowly corrupted, as Julius Firmicus, which ap∣pears plainly by the old MSS. or of little or no credit for their standing, l 2.46 are so answered, weakned, and disproved: and the te∣stimonies of old Panegyrists of the same age with him and others, so cleared in that rich a 2.47 Storehouse of Universal knowledge, profane as well as sacred, that there is nothing left, either for another to reply, or for me to add thereto. To him therefore I refer you; and if you please, also to b 2.48 him, then whom no man ever knew antient things better, whether domestique, or forreign.

Yet before I have done, let me acquaint you, that such Stran∣gers, as from best & most remote authority (for what are a brace of your Graeculi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Chroniclers but of yesterday?) besides undeniable Circumstance, do assert Constantines birth to be from Britain, make also the time thereof to be about the latter end of Aurelian's Empire. The whole number of the years of Constantines life, assigned by the Writers of that age, must needs make this good. And the British History is so far to be mended, as that it become suitable to this Account. I would commend but two especially to you hereabout; The most Eminent Cardinal c 2.49 Baronius, to whom it is worth your while to have recourse. The other is Abraham Bucholtzerus in his Chronology; by which, saith the great * 2.50 Thuanus, he gained great glory; and his words are these to the CCLXXII. year of Christ: Constantinus Magnus hoc anno in Britannia natus, patre Constantio, & matre Helena. No man hath need to doubt, that at this time Constantius, who was most an end or alwaies in e 2.51 Britain, as you have heard, was employ∣ed here also under f 2.52 Aurelian. His nobility, and neer alli∣ance with Claudius, formerly Emperor, not to speak of his prowess, and graceful personage, d 2.53 becomming a Commander, argues how fit he was to bear rule in so turbulent a Province: And it is not to be thought that Aurelian, who restored every where the limits of the Empire, East and West too; (For he was Restitutor Galiiarum, saith Vopiscus: Atque pacatis Galliis undique terris terrorem injecit; like another Alexander the Great, or Julius Caesar, saith e 2.54 Victorinus:) it is not to be thought, I say, he would neglect so considerable a Province, as Britain was. But that also he sent aides at the same time hither, witness the Mau∣ri Aureliani; so called from him, saith f 2.55 Paucirolus lying far beyond York at Appleby in Westmerland.

But that his birth was at York, directly and not any place else∣where, though we have no express proof that I know of, I mean among the Antients; yet that authority seems to be drawn from them, which the Embassadors of England made use of; and that in the hearing of the learned World then, both at the Council of Constance, in the year MCCCCXIIII. as also that at

Basil MCCCCXXXI. At the Council of Constance, there being a Contest about precedency between the French and English Embassadors, the English hath these words: Domus regalis An∣gliae sanctam Helenam, cum suo filio Constantino Magno Imperatore nato in urbe regia, Eboracensi, educere comperta est. The Royall house of England, it is known for certain, brought forth Helena, with her Son Constantine the Great, Emperour, born in the Royall City E∣boracum. The English at Basil opposing the precedency of Ca∣stile, say thus: Constantinum illum magnum (qui primus Impera∣tor Christianus (so are their words) licentiam dedit per universum orbem Ecclesias constituere; immensa ad hoc conferens bona▪) Pe∣ternnae natum in Eboracensi civitate. That Constantine (who being the first Christian Emperor, gave leave to build Churches through the world:) was born at Peterne in the City York. By this they mean Bedern a Colledge of Vicars there, sometime serving the Quire; which, as also Christ-Church (called in antient Char∣ters, Ecclesia Sanctae Trinitatis in Curia Regis:) is varily thought to have been part of the Imperial Palace in old time.

After all this, the ingenuous Reader, and not captious, may easily yield way to the formerly alledged weighty testimonies (in the Panegyricks spoken to himself) for Constantines being born here; and among them give room likewise to these two: The first is, g 2.56 Liberavit ille Britannias servitute: tu etiam nobi∣les illic oriendo fecisti. (i. e.) He freed the Britains from servi∣tude, and thou hast enobled them by thy birth amongst them: Which our men do as well apply, by Petavius leave, to his birth here, as he doth to his first being made Emperour in Britain. The other this: h 2.57 Dii boni, quid hoc est, quod semper ex aliquo supremo fine mundi nova Deum numina universo orbi colenda descen∣dunt? Sic Mercurius à Nilo, cujus fluminis origo nescitur, sic Liber ab Indis prope consciis solis orient•…•…s, deos se gentibus ostendere praesentes. Sacratiora sunt profecto mediterraneis loca vicina coelo, & inde proprius a Diis mittitur Imperator, ubi terra finitur. (i. e.) Good gods, how comes it to pass, that alwaies new Deities do come from some utmost part of the World to be worshipped by all? So Mercurius from Nilus, the head of which River is un∣known; So Bacchus came from India a place near neigbouring with the rising Sun, and shewed themselves to be Gods whilest conversant with the Nations. Certainly those places being near∣er the heavens are more sacred than our in-land Countreys, and from thence, it being the Lands end, and so nearer the Gods, our Emperour was sent unto us.

And now, when I shall have spoken a few words concerning the Ecclesiastical glory of Eboracum, as I have already many, ten∣ding to the Civil and Military renown thereof, I will have quite done with it. That it was adorned with an Episcopal Seat by Constantius, whom we formerly mentioned, our learned Anti∣quary

tells us ex patriis scriptoribus, as himself gives in his wit∣nesses: quorum nullum adhuc mihi vid•…•… contigit, saith my Lord of Ar•…•…agh. But how then could i 2.58 Faganus (the Companion of Duvianus:) sent hither by PP. Eleutherus to King Lucius, to plant Christian Religion, be the first Archbishop thereof, which yet is related? Or how then could King Lucius place here one k 2.59 Theodosius; which yet William Harrison affirms? or lastly, how could Sampson under the same King be Bishop of York, as, it appears by Godwin, some have written? The first beginnings of all things are full of obscurity, and uncertainty. In all these Narrations there is no 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, nothing to perswade a credit of any of them. For that of the last, Godwin himself holds it suspected, because at the first entertainment of Christianity a∣mong us, nor Hebrew, nor Greek names of the New Testament were so rise among the Britains. Again, this Sampson is more ge∣nerally reserved to some ages after till King Arthurs time. As for the testimony concerning Theodosius, and the other, is so 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, without Author or Abettor of sufficient age, that it will be cast forth and rejected. Besides, though we by no means reject the story of King Lucius, and know, that here the Ro∣mans did permit, and had, reges, instrumenta servitutis, as l 2.60 Tacitus speaks, Kings in Britain, as instruments to keep the people slaves, and themselves no better; as Cogidunus, Venutius, Prosutagus, &c. Yet, though Lucius were such a one, (for we want sufficient au∣thority for it) we may not reasonably think, that either his Ter∣ritories, or jurisdiction was so large, as in the presence of the Romans he might constitute Bishops, and Episcopal Seas; espe∣cially at York, the Imperial City then of Britain. And there∣fore there are, who referring the History of Lucius almost to Severus time, do leave him no place in Britain, except the more Northern parts beyond Antoninus Pius his Wall, which he made of Turfe to sever, and shut out the barbarous and un∣reduced Britains from the Province: induced perhaps thereto, by the authority of Tertullian, who indeed wrote under Seve∣rus and in whom you have these words: m 2.61 Britannorum inac∣cessa Romanis loca Christo subdita. Places in Britain not to be come at by the Romans yet made subject to Christ. And for Constantius Chlorus to do any such thing, seems to me very improbable, as who died a Heathen, as you have heard formerly; albeit it is very certain he favoured the Christians, and suffered no rigour to be used toward them.

We must then seek for the first Bishop of York but not 'till Constantines daies; and we shall find him at Arles in the Coun∣sel there held about the year CCCXIV. whither as himself writes in his Epistle to * 2.62 Chrestus Bishop of Syracuse, he sum∣moned, to hear the Cause of the Donatists, many Bishops from divers, almost infinite places. In the last Edition of this Coun∣cel

published by Jacobus Sirmondus at n 2.63 Paris, among other Subscriptions thereunto, you have these out of Britain.

Eborius Episcopus, de civitate Eboracensi, provincia Britannia.

Restitutus Episcopus, de civitate Londinensi, provincia superscripta.

Adelfius Episcopus, de civitate Colonia Londinensium, exinde Sacer∣dos Presbyter, Arminius Diaconus.

Not but that they were put to former Editions, but they were such as were set forth out of corrupted Copies, that nothing could be made of the Subscriptions, till compared with this by the admired Selden, whose words I had rather transcribe for you then translate: for he that cannot understand his Latin, will make nothing of them in my English: o 2.64 In Editionibus Syno∣di Arelatensis anterioribus plerisque, veluti Suriana, ac Crabbiana (qui∣bus male Concilio secundo Arelatensi praefiguntur; uti etiam in Isi∣doriana, nomina quae primam spectant:) atque etiam Biniana, secu∣ti sunt Restitutum Episcopum Londinensem, Ex provincia Biza∣cena Civit. Tubernicen. Eburius Episcopus, ex eadem Provin∣cia, Civitate Culucitana Adelphius; quasi uterque saltem prior, ex Africa fuisset. Sed proxime praecedunt Galli; sequunter Hispani. Et dein subjiciuntur perse Africani. Adeo ut loca ibi corrupta esse vix dubitandum sit. Nec sane adeo difficile est, ut ab imperitioribus li∣brariis, Britannia fieret Bizacena, & ex Eboracensi, Tuberni∣censi; Etiam & Culucitanae initium à Colonia videtur. Certe Sub∣scriptiones Conciliorum depravatissimas passim habemus. Nec prae∣ter eundem, in Isidoriana collectione illa veteri, cui deest omnino Re∣stitutus, reperiri Ex Bitania Eburius Episcopus; Ex civitate Culina Adelfius. Ubi Culina & Bitania, Britanniae & Coloniae satis proximant.

I call this Fborius the first Bishop of Eboracum; who indeed was never heard of by the nameless writer of the lives of the Bishops of York; Thomas Stubbs in his Chronicle of them, or Godwin himself who wrote the Catalogue of our Bri∣tish and English Bishops. This last reckons Taurinus placed here by Constantius, the father of Constantine. I believe he was deceived by Harrison, or both certainly by a corrupt Copy of p 2.65 Vincentius Belluacensis, and as heedlesly read, where you have misprinted Eboracensis, for q 2.66 Ebroicensis in Gallia. This error is found likewise diffused into the Writings of two good old Chronicling Germans; r 2.67 Wernerus Roulwinke de Laer, and s 2.68 Hartman Schedel, who no doubt took it from Vincentiu•…•…, who was more then two ages before them both. But that which deserves to be noted in Schedel, is that among those, that he writes flou∣rished in Trojans time; Thaurinus Episcopus Eb•…•…racensis is set down by him.

In the Subscriptions to that Council brought ere while, there

are some things may be observed: As first that York was no Archbishoprick in these times, as neither was Rome it self, whence since notwithstanding we have had all Dignities, and Titles in the Church. Our t 2.69 Malmesbury confesses, that in the antienter times of the Britans, it was unknown where the Archbishoprick was. At this very Councel, as appears by the Nomenclature, of those that were at it, Sylvester the Pope is but Plain Bishop: v 2.70 The High title of Archbishop was long time in use in the Eastern Church, before it came into the West. For whereas our * 2.71 Beda tells us, that Augustine was ordained Archbishop of the English nation by Etherius Archbishop of Arles, he followes the manner of speaking in his own times: for Gregory the Pope then, in his several letters written to them, affords neither of them that Title; no not when he bestows the Pall upon Augu∣stine, and gives him precedency and priority in respect of York, and all the other Bishops of Britain.

In the next place we may take notice, that Eborius Bishop of York, at this Council takes place of Restitutus Bishop of London, where the Primacy alwaies remained till translated to Canter∣bury, as our Writers please to affirm, I know not upon what grounds. The uncomparable Usher y 2.72 interprets the forego∣ing words of Malmesbury so, as that they did not quite deny Archbishops among the old Britains, (for he proves they had:) but that all memories were lost, where the Archiepiscopal, or Patriarchical seat resided. For although London be at this day, and hath been for many ages the chiefest of Bri∣tain, and were neer ∞ CCC years ago accounted z 2.73 vetus opidum an antient Town, and Augusta; and commended long before that, a 2.74 as of great fame and renown, for the concourse of Merchants, and provision of all things necessary; yet a great Scholler of late years b 2.75 Philip Berterius sets down YORK as the more antient Metro∣polis of the Diocess of the Britainnies And that not only because it was a Roman Colony, which London was not, c 2.76 as Unuphrius, contrary to so great and plain Authority of Tacitus, doth af∣firm: but also the Emperours Palace, and Praetorium likewise, Tribunal, or chief Seat of Judgement was there. Whence by the old d 2.77 Historian it was called Civitas, by way of excellence or pre-eminency. Concerning the two other Subscriptions, I shall also take occasion to observe something, when I come to the places they belonged to. In the mean while, the name of the e 2.78 Deacon here, who accompanied these Bishops is worthy the taking notice of, because it remaineth entire still in York∣shire, in a very noble and religious family, after so many ages: And I wish it may continue till time be no more. I remember not at this present, the Name of any family in Europe I can compare with it, except it be the family of Paeciaeci of Spain, of which famous men in Caesars time, and the age after, have

f 2.79 made mention for above ∞DCC. years ago: and that it hath continued till our age, Manutius and Stephanus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 do witness. And now I am more enclined, than I was before, to embrace the learned Casaubons conjecture, that Adminius, the name of a Britain Prince in Suetonius, is to be mended, and read Arminius. Forte etiam in nomine Adminius d pro r irrepsit: Nam * 2.80 in Germania & Belgio, atque, ut puto, etiam in Britannia usitatum jam olim, ut nunc quoque, nomen fuit Arminius: vide h 2.81 Tacitum. Names, either common to the Germans, Gauls, and Britains, or not much differing, would prove a fit study to take up the time of a good Antiquary: here is no place for such speculation.

As these British Bishops were at the Council of a 2.82 Arles, so is it more than probable, that they were also at the great Coun∣cil of b 2.83 Nice; which was held not above ten years after, or as others say, not so much; that they were at the General Synod, (so they called it) at c 2.84 Sardica, d 2.85 Athanasius witnesses, who himself was one of them, speaking of the Bishops who met to∣gether there, saies expresly that some were present 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 out of the Province of the Britains: although in the Ti∣tle of the Epistle of the Synod it self to them of Alexandria, Bri∣tain be left out among the Provinces there reckoned up. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Restitutus also is named there, but, as many others, with∣out the place set down whereunto he belonged: yet very likely it was Restitutus Bishop of London, mentioned before at the Council of Arles. It is probable also that Eborius Bishop of York, might be there too; though with others he be quite left out.

And now, saith the most learned e 2.86 Selden, can it seem cre∣dible to any man, that Bishops out of Britain should be present in two Synods, the one not so long before that of Nice, the o∣ther not so long after it: and yet that in this famous one at Nice between them both, they should have no place: unto which notwithstanding, by the Emperours Edict, all the Bishops through the Christian World were called. f 2.87 Hilarius Bishop of Poictiers in France, not very many years after this Council, writ a Book in Phrygia, where he was then banished, of the Synods held against the Arians, which begins thus: Dominis & beatissi∣mis fratribus & Coepiscopis provinciae Germaniae primae & Germa∣niae secundae, &c. Et Provinciarum Britanniarum Episcopis; Hila∣rius servus Christi in Deo & Domino nostro aeternam salutem. (i. e.) Hilarius, a servant of Christ in God and our Lord, sends greeting, to the Rulers, and our blessed brethren and fellow Bishops of the Provinces of the first and second Germany, &c. and to the Bishops of the Province of Britain. The next year after this, the Bishops of Britain were likewise at the g 2.88 Council of Ariminum in Italy, called by Constantius the son of Constantine: Our Author for it is Sulpitius Severus, from whom we may make a conjecture, what kind of men the forenamed at Arles were, and Sardic•…•…, by hear∣ing

the description of these, who he saies met at h 2.89 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Quo acciti aut macti quadringenti, & aliquanto amplius, Occi∣dantales Episcopi: quibus omnilus annon•…•…s & cellaria dare Impera∣tor praeceperat. Sed id Aquita•…•…s, •…•…allis, ac Britannis indecens visum; repudiates 〈◊〉〈◊〉 us, propr•…•…s sumptibus vivere maluerunt. Tres tantum ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉, inop•…•…a proprit, i 2.90 publico usi sunt, cum oblatam à caet•…•…ris Collationem respuissent: sanctius putantes fiscum gravare quam singulos. (i. e.) Whither four hundred Eastern Bishops, and odde, were summoned, or, indeed, compelled; to all of whom the Emperour commanded provision to be apportioned, and Storehouses: which to those of Aquitain or •…•…uyan, France and Britain seemed not decent; who, refusing the Kings stipends, chose rather to live upon their own purses: Only three out of Britain, for want of maintenance of their own, made use of the publique •…•…llowance; having first refused the contribution the rest offered them: thinking it fitter to ly upon the publique stock, than these private m•…•…n.

How they were provided for at the Council upon the Empe∣rours cost, I cannot tell: But it seems at home their allowance was not much better than those IrishBishops, which was nomore than three Milch Cowes, and in case any of them became dry, the Parishoners supplyed them again; as their own relation was to Adam of Br•…•…me in Germany; whom they took in their way from Italy homeward. I may fit both with that excellent cha∣racter of those poor Countrey Bishops of Italy in Ammianus Mar∣cellinus, an Heathen Historian k 2.91 Quos tenuitas edendi, potandique p•…•…rcissime, vilitas etiam indumentorum, & super•…•…ilia humum spe∣ctan•…•…a perpetuo Numini verisque ejus cultoribus, ut puros commenda∣bant, & verecundos; (i. e.) Whom their spare diet and most abste∣mious drinking, the meaness of their apparel, their countenances conversing so much with the ground, and alwaies looking to God, and his true Worshippers, commended as pure and meek. Not but that then there were swaggering Bishops, and far unlike these, as appears also in him.

Thus much, (upon occasion of mentioning EBORIUS Bishop of York, hitherto unknown to our History) Concerning the antient Britain Bishops; men of a more golden, and godly age, then we have known.

But these are dangerous examples to urge for imitation, or practise in our daies. I have therefore instanced in them but sparingly, and scarce let them speak in English. What have we to do with Bishops? will they say, who I fear are neither so painful, or so poor; I am sure not so humble.

I will have done because I will not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. If they therefore, or any other whatsoever, think this last part, or a∣ny else, in this Discourse; which I have intended to recover the old glory of Eboracum, too tedious; let them read nothing at all of the whole, and by that means make it the more com∣pendious. I ever thought with the wiseman: l 2.92 and vulgus non tam Coronam, quam Chlamydatos appello.

—Equitem mihi plaudere curo.

To my applause a Herauld do provide.

DERVENTIONE M. P. VII.]

Upon the River Derwent, some seaven Miles from York, there is seated a Village, called at this day Aldby. And in the Itinera∣ry, you have just at that distance from Eboracum, a Roman Man∣sion, or rather Station, called Derventio. That it was placed, where now the village stands, or not far from thence, we have sufficient assurance. This place a long while after this, conti∣nued a station of Roman Souldiers, with their Commander, who also had their Title, or Denomination, from it, about the time of the Declination of the Roman glory in Britain, under Theodosius the younger. This we learn from the Notitia, or Survey of the Western Empire: Sub dispositione Viri Spectabilis Ducis Britanniarum, Praefectus Numeri Derventionensis Derventione. * 2.93 We have observed out of our Beda in several places, that those Stations, which were left unruined after the Romans time, be∣came the Palaces and residing Houses of the former Saxon Kings: As this for one; and Beda tells us this story. a 2.94 In the year of Christ ICXXVI. Eumerus, as an b 2.95 Assassin was dispatched by William King of the West-Saxons, to Edwin King of Northum∣berland, with an intent to deprive him of Kingdome, as well as life; having with him a two-edged weapon * 2.96 empoisoned; that if the wound would not speed him, the poison might. He came to him, saies he, juxta amnem Doroventionem, ubi tunc erat Villa Regalis; and pretending a Message to him, drawing his tool when he saw his time, he made an attempt upon the Kings person with that violence, that he wounded the King through the very body of one of his Guard, who stept between for his safely, yet without any danger of the Kings life: the faithfull Souldier lost his, and the * 2.97 Assassin or Murtherer was soon dis∣patched by the rest of the Guard.

You see here, how Beda names this River Doroventio, which other wise is Derventio, or Derwent; as he doth likewise Canter∣bury, Dorobernia; which to Ptolemy, and Antonine, is Darvernum, or Durarvernum. However our Antiquaries deduce the name so, as that it signifies The White Water. For that Dour-guent, is

as much as aqua alba, the learned Cambro-Britan, a 2.98 Hum phrey Lhuyd, is sufficient witness: though indeed when he saies so, he speaks not of this, but of another Derwent, which runs by Darby. But there are stranger readings of it, then this of Beda, and in old Books too: By b 2.99 Ninnius an old Britain Hi∣storian, in a written Copy, it is called Fluvius de Revent, by a mistake undoubtedly: as you have it likewise printed in an old c 2.100 Edition of G•…•…ffrey of Monmouth, d 2.101 Deriment: Vor•…•…uerus, saith he, pugnabat contra Saxones super fluvium Deriment. Indeed there were, saith he, many Rivers in Britain of the same, and a like name, which as the onely cause, hath made e 2.102 learned men, as we shall see, wide the whole Heaven and Earth in search of this station; never observing the account of Itinerary distance, a thing most to be observed: though the numbers truly sometimes are very corrupt.

But that it is no where to be found, but here, divers good reasons meeting together do more then perswade. First, The almost exact distance, and constantly so written down in the I∣tinerary, as it is observed to be at this day. Next, the station, and Rivers being both of the same Name, a thing not strange to † 2.103 either Greeks or Romaens: and frequently to be taken notice of in old Chorographical Descriptions. Then the present name at this day Aldby; which our Antiquary renders out of the Saxon, Antiqua habitatio, argues that in much elder times there was here some antienter City, or Station; as you may also see in Aldbo∣row, next before York, as this is next after, formerly called Isuri∣um: and many places besides in this work. I might very well adde hereto, among other reasons, such remains of Antiquity, as do yet appear about the place, which do yet plainly testifie the residence of a Praefectus here, and company of Souldiers, in the Romans time; which the Notitia also mentions: The words of our learned Antiquary, who also was an eye witness, are these: Ibi nonnulla vetustat is indicia, & in Editiori ad flumen colle antiqui castri extant adhuc rudera.

All this put together, serves to disprove the Wild and extra∣vagant dreams of such, f 2.104 as search for Derventio at Darby, for some small agreement in the first syllable of the names; when (besides the irreconcileable distance:) according to the old writing of the English [Deoraby] in Fabius Ethelooerdus, there is no consonancy at all. Yet this opinion is followed by Talbot, and Lhuyd. Harrison hath set down Tadcaster to Derventio, in both his Editions of Antoninus: and it seems he followed Leland. No reckoning to be had of such Conjectures. All being fowly out.

DELGOVITIA M. P. XIII.]

This Mansion hath not sped so well as the foregoing Derven∣tio; none of the Antients, except here, making any mention of it. No not so much as our good Beda. Our learned Anti∣quary therefore hath shewed very good judgement in descry∣ing the ground, where-nigh it stood of yore. And though the name be lost in Beda; yet by the light he borrows out of him, we have a neer ken of the place where some time of old it had its being. Let us therefore first hear Beda, and by some obser∣vations taken from him, I hope we shall find out Delgovitia. He then tells his story thus briefly: g 2.105 Eadwin King of Northum∣berland entring into a serious Deliberation with his Noblemen, and other his chief Subjects, concerning the entertaining of the Gospel, preached in these parts by Paulinus, the first Bishop of York among the Saxons, he that shewed himself most for ward to abolish Idolatry, was Coyfi a chief Priest, and observer thereof, having first gained liberty of the King for the same purpose. The place where he first executed this his so earnestly sought for po∣wer, to the great astonishment of the vulgar, who thought he had been mad. Beda thus describes: Ostenditur, autem locus il∣le quondam idolorum non longe ab Eboraco ad Orientem amnem Do∣roventionem, & vocatur hodie Gotmundin Gaham, ubi Pontifex ille; inspirante Deo vero polluit ac destruxit eas, * 2.106 quas ipse sacrave∣rat, aras, Observe first from his words, that it was locus quondam Idolorum; and they may be meant as well of Roman Idols as Saxon. Now Delgovitia, being rightly deduced, as our learned Antiqua∣ry informs us, of the old British word Delgive, which signifies Deorum Gentilium statu•…•…s, (and I find elsewhere in their language delio for an image or Statue:) we may well collect, that it was this place of Idols described in Beda, especially if we consider the situation of both in the same distance and Tract: That of Del∣govitia in Antonine somewhat about XX. miles from York: VII thence to Derventio, then XIII. to Delgovitia: and that in Beda, non procul ab Eboraco ad Orientem amnem Doroventionem. Here note, that York was the best known place by which to find out that place he aimes at; which he, as you see, calls in his times Godmundingham, at this day Godmanham, almost in the same sense as Delgovitia: rendred Deorum Fanum, sive Habitatio. And whereas he sets down the site thereof by the River Der∣ventio running from the East, we are, (the place being indeed a good way distant from it:) to make no more of that, but that it was the notedst River neer it. Neither was Beda any more, then I, any diligent 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or eye-witness, of his own Cho∣rographical Descriptions. Every one knowes, how constantly close he kept to his Monastery: But well may his non procul be

excused for denoting XX. miles, when far longer distances are expressed by Not far. One notable one I bear in mind out of the a 2.107 Greek Historian of the Emperours. It is where he gives notice of Severus fear, least while himself being busied with Wars in the East, Albinus, then in Britain, might take possession of Rome, not far, saith he, distant thence. And yet this distance; I know not how well measured by some, is made neer upon a b 2.108 thousand Miles. The even distance, and upon the matter quite answerable by Itinerary account, suites exceedingly well here: which it would by no means do, if Delgovitia had ever been Wenbridge, (be it where it will; for I know not yet:) which c 2.109 Harrison however, and that upon second thoughts too, hath not doubted to publish; I am afraid, too unad∣visedly.

PRAETORIUM M. P. XXV.]

It will be required, that I speak in the first place concerning the various acceptions of the word, or name; whereby this Mansion is called. Praetorium then was in the Roman Camp the place where the Generals Pavilion was pitched, whether he were Consul, or as Praetor: the Preparation and Furniture of which, after their excessive enrichment by the Conquest of Asia, was such, that their very d 2.110 Poets scoffed at the Musive work of the pavements, the Canopies, the looking glasses, and other unnecessary implements carried up & down with the Baggage of the Army: Josephus com∣pares it to a Temple for magnificence. And when it signified so, Polybius, and the Greek Historians, render it by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Out of the like affectation of magnificence they came at length to call their Country houses, or dwellings for pleasure, Praetoria also. In former times they named them villae. In e 2.111 Seneca you may see the description of such a one belonging to Servilius Vatia, whom thence he stiles divitem Praetorium. This may elsewhere appear. For Spelunca, a Mannour House of Ti∣berius by the Sea side, which is termed plainly Villa in f 2.112 Taci∣tus, is the very same in g 2.113 Swetonius, according to the use of that age he wrote in, called Praetorium. And so were all the nearer villae, and not of rustical employment.

Praetorium, in another sense, is as much as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a place of Judicature, or, as in our English Bibels you have it translated, A Judgment H•…•…l, from * 2.114 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (called also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in more Barba∣rous writers:) retained in the Greek Text both by S. John, and Luke in the later of whom you shall find h 2.115 Herods 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (if we should not rather understand the Prison-house belonging thereto:) as he was made King of the Jewes by Augustus; o∣therwise he had nothing to do with the Roman affairs in the Province: How great a favour it was in the Provinces to be

graced with the stile of King, either by the Senate, or the Prince, every one knows, that doth also the History of Massinissa, or i 2.116 Ari•…•…vistus; or else at home, the relations in Tacitus of k 2.117 Prasustagus, and l 2.118 Cogidumus; (if perhaps, as some have thought they be not the same:) For, as Tacitus doth truly observe, the Romans had every where instrumenta servitutis etiam Reges. But the chief power was Roman, which resided in the person of Pontius Pilatut, who had likewise his m 2.119 Praetorium, being then Governour of Judea, [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] saith the Text; which the old Interpreter renders by Procurare, contrary to his custome: who still uses to translate 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 into Prasidem: except you will say his Copy had 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which we find by the divers Rea∣dings to remain yet in some books. For indeed Palate was not in Judea, with the power of a Praeses, or Leg•…•…tus pro Praetore, which are all one; but onely as a Steward, or Procurator: as it was u∣sual also in other less considerable Provinces, which the autho∣rity of Tacitus sufficiently confirms: n 2.120 Auctor nominis eius Christus, qui Tiberio imperitante, per Procuratorem Pontium Pi∣latum supplicio affectus erat. True it is the Government of the Provinces was divers, accordingly as they were either belong∣ing to Caesar, or the Senate. Let us hear Tacitus concerning Britain reduced into the form of a Province: in firm the Britans thus complain: o 2.121 Singulos sibi olim Reges •…•…uisse nunc binos impo∣ni, è quibus Legatus insanguinem, Procurator in bona viret: aeque discordium praepositorum, aeque concordiam subjectis exitiosam: alte∣rum manus, centuriones, alterum vim & Contumelias misc•…•…re:

That whereas in former times they had onely one King, now were there two thrust upon them, The Lievtenant to suck their blood, the Procurator their substance, whose disagreeing was the torment of the Subjects, their agreement their un∣doing; the one vexing by Souldiers and Captains; the other by wrongs and indignities.

Now whereas we have sufficiently shewed, in the foregoing discourse about EBORACUM, both out of Spartian and otherwise, that the Chief Praetorium in britain, from before Se∣verus times and long after, was at York under the power of the several Legati Augg. for the time being; I cannot see what should hinder us, why we may not think, that the respective Procuratores also may not have had their residence here at Praeto∣rium. And that not without very good reason too. For, as Ulpian the Lawyer tells us, all waies and journeys ending most commonly at the Sea, or at least great Rivers; and the whole ductus, or Tract of this journey leading to the Sea side, (which others not observing have fowly mist their way:) whom may I better conceive to have had his abode there, then the Procu∣rator, notwithstanding that all memories thereof are quite ex∣tinguished by the all-whelming deluge of Time. All yearly

Pensions, T•…•…tes, or Customes, from this part of the Island being by this j•…•…urney, from the very Bound of the Empire, conveyed hither unto him, as to the most convenient place for exportation, and dispatch to Rome. And therefore with very good reason, as I believe, did our great Antiquary assign the an∣tient being of Praetorium at Patrington in Holdern•…•…ss, neer to the Sea side, neer upon the a 2.122 Promontory now called the Spur∣•…•…ead. And whereas formerly he thought b 2.123 P•…•…tuaria in Ptolemy the same with this Praetorium, upon second thoughts he let quit this conjecture: which I believe he needed not; but rather to have suspected •…•…myes text for some corruption, not unlike that in the English. That Praetorium was at Patrington the pro∣portionable distance from Delgovitia, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 very po∣werfully argues. There is indeed some difference in the num∣ber of miles, but those copies which have XXV. best serve to make the particular numbers to agree with the Summary in the head of the journey: the others have but XXII. less suiting with the distance from Delgovitia to Patrington. Which name, if it seem to any not handsomly made from Praetorium, let them consider also, saith Camden, that the Italians from Praetorium there have made Petrouina. I might adde that c 2.124 Praetorium in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, hath its name at this day far worse interpolated into Predanich. In the Provinces both East, and West, very many Stations that bear this name, are to be met with. The Natives of the place glory much of what our Praetorium hath been in old time, and no less of the antient commodiousness of the Haven. Now they may also of the prospect into the most pleasant green fields in Lincoln-shire on the other side the water, and the open view of the main Ocean; into which d 2.125 Ptolemies Abus, which at this day we call Humber, in great state exposes it self.

To tell you how pittifully learned men have been mistaken in assigning the ground where this Praetorium of old had its stan∣ding, without having the least heed to Itinerary distance, which shamefully most an end they neglect, were to press upon your patience. My own pains however I will not spare: perhaps it may delight some to know this too. Talbot then in the first place would have it to be Chester; e 2.126 contrary to what you shall see his judgement to be in the following journey: next upon other thoughts he will have it to be Coventry: it being called so, as he deemed, from the Procurators, or some other Magistrates, meeting there ad Coventus agendos. I save confuting him, onely repeat his own words: Haec conjecturarum nostrarum som•…•…a prodinius, non in its se•…•…uri, sed libentius cessuri, assurrecturique siquis 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 •…•…lidiora protulerit. (i. e.) I onely deliver these things by conjecture, not affirming them as certain, but ready to yield and joyn with any that shall find out more solid and sub∣stantial ground•…•…. Harrison, in both the Copies of Antoninus pub∣published

by him, hath Tudford, whereto indeed I cannot rea∣dily direct you. The learned Fulk and others, have Liecester, Burton-Stader, &c. of which this I must say, they so much al∣most are distant from Praetorium,

f 2.127 Dissita, quod Phrygibus distant procul arva Mysorum.

As Phrygia distant from the Myssian Plains.

And thus have we restored this first Journey, beginning be∣yond the WALL, where the Limit of the Empire was in the Island; and ending here.

ITER. II.

THis second Journey is begun from the Western end of the Wall, which is reported to have been drawn by Severus, when he saw he could do no more good upon the Northern Britains, some good way beyond Carlile, neer upon the mouth of * 2.128 Ituna; and it hath its ending in the East of the Island at Rutupiae, or Richborow, now called Sandwich in Kent. It is as it were the Diametre of the whole Island, however of so much, as the Ro∣mans held subject to them.

The way this Journey takes, as Talbot thinketh, is by the Watlingstreet, or, as he saies he met with it written in an old Book, Waeclyng-street, so called because it passed thorough Watlingce∣ster, by which name among the Britans, † 2.129 as well as Saxons, Veru∣lamium of old was known, and for which at this day we have S. Albans. The chief antient waies, or thorough-fares of Bri∣tain, are by the Interpreter, or Author, chuse you whether you please, of the a 2.130 Britain History, ascribed to Dunwallo Mal∣mutius; which afterward his Son Belinus confirmed. Their courses are differently reported, and in some part their names also: They are commonly made four in number; thus called, and briefly described?

• I. Watling-street, Out of the South East into the North East, from Dover to Cardigan in Wales at the Irish Sea.
• II. The Fosse, from the South to the North, from Totness in Cornwall, to Lincoln.
• III. Ermingstreet, Out of the West North West, unto the East South East, beginning at S. Davids, to Southamp∣ton.
• IV. Iknel-street, by Worcester, and so by York, unto Tinmouth.

So commonly, I say,

To endeavour certainty in all these, were to obtrude (saith * 2.131 one, who was, if ever any one else among us, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉:) unwarrantable conjectures, and abuse both time, and the Reader. Of Watling it is said, that it went from Dover in Kent, and so by the West of London (yet part of the name seems to this day left in the middle of the City:) to S. Albans, and thence having crossed the Fosse in a crooked line, through Shrop∣shire (where yet also the name abideth:) by Wrekin hill unto b 2.132 Cardigan by the Irish Sea side. But c 2.133 others say from S. Albans to C•…•…ester; and whereas all is referred to Belin, and his Father, by the d 2.134 British Historian, and Polychronicon; another e 2.135 tells you, that the Sons of (I know not what) King Wetle, made and denominated it. Now whereas our Talbot thinketh, that the course which this journey took was along the Watling street, sure he meaneth it not of the whole Journey from the beginning: for Chesler being the utmost bound, that we have set down, of the Watling, he hath not any authority for what he saith, neither is it probable there should be any elsewhere found. The Fosse is derived, by one consent, out of Cornwal in∣to Devonshire, through Somerset, over Cotes-wold by Tewksbury, along neer Coventry to Liecester, through Lincoln to Berwick, and thence to Cathness, the utmost of Scotland. Our Antiquary sup∣poseth the ditching of it on either side, was the reason of the name. Of Restitution of the other you may be desperate. Rickneld street is to be found in Randall of Chester, and by him derived from S. Dewies in Pembroke into Hereford, and so through Worcester, Warwick, Derby, and Yorkshire to Tinmouth; which upon the credit of the learned Poet Michael Drayto•…•… reporting it, is also justifiable by a very antient deed of Lands, bounded neer Bermingham in Warwickshire by Rickneld. In Henry of Hun∣tingdon, no such name is found, but with the first two, Ickenild, and Ermingstreet. Ickenild, saith he, goes from East to West; Ermingstreet, from South to North: Another tells us that Er∣mingstreet begins at S. Dewies, and conveys it self to Southampton, which others attribute to Ichning, begun (upon the words com∣munity with the f 2.136 Iceni) in the Eastern parts. It's not in my power to reconcile all these, saith the most knowing Selden, or elect the best. I onely add, that Ermingstreet being of Eng∣lish Idiom) seems to have had its name from 〈◊〉〈◊〉, in that signification, whereby it g 2.137 interprets an universall pillar wor∣shipt for Mercury (others say h 2.138 Mars; however some Viacus or one of the Lares Viales) President of Waies: and is like e∣nough (if Huntingdon be in the right, making it from South, to North:) to have left its part in Stanstreet in Surrey, where a way made with Stones and Gravell, in a Soile on both sides very dif∣ferent, continues neer a mile; and thence neer the Easternshore in Sussex, or some places seeming as other Reliques of it. But I here determine nothing about the publick waies of Britain in old time, either as set forth by King Belinus, or since drawn out

and described by our Monks, We see nothing therein but ob∣scurity, and great uncertainty; We rather adhere to what our learned Antiquary supplies us with, where he informs us with more polite conceit, and judicious authority, that they were a work of the Romans, for the better and more convenient mar∣ching of their Souldiers, from Station to Station, and therefore called by them, Militares viae; as also Consulares, Praetoriae, Pub∣licae, &c, This we may easily beleeve if we do but think how untaught, how uncivilized, how little seen and furnished they were in regard of publick conveniencies any way. The Britains themselves make it their complaint, by the mouth of their gal∣lant Prince Galgacus, in his brave a 2.139 Oration for Liberty, that such hard service as rearing, or making wales, was first impo∣sed on them by the Romans: Corpora ipsa (saith he) ac manus sylvis ac paludibus emuniendis, verbera inter ac contumelias, conte∣runt. And such was the course they took in every Province where they bore sway. Vias publicas & militares stratas ubique lapide aut glorea scimus, saith b 2.140 one well skilled in such matters, atque ita aequabiles, & sine salebris, faciles & meabiles curribus fuisse. Whence these Waies or Streets, were called Stratae, of which we have spoken in what goes before. And now it being war∣ranted (for indeed so it must) that the High-waies of Britain were of the Romans raising, it cannot seem likely that in a Pro∣vince so abounding with Stations, or Camps, Fortresses, and Ci∣ties, to be seen in this Itinerary and elsewhere, should have so few as four waies of any note in it; the Stations being very ma∣ny of them to be marched into by courses, no way holding with these principal Waies; whereof they speak so confusedly.

I may adde that we have sufficient testimonies by our eyes from the ruins of many such, which yet visibly remain and ap∣pear to the Traveller; besides such as we read of. As of * 2.141 Ju∣lia Strata in Monmouthshire, mentioned by Alexander Neckham, our old Poetaster, in these verses:

Intrat, & auget aquas Sabrini fluminis Osca Praeceps: testis erit Julia Strata mihi.

Osca who entring, swells the Severne Flood Clearly sets forth to me the Julian Road.

And from the very name it is the conjecture of learned Cam∣den, that this way was raised by order from Julius Frontinus, who by c 2.142 Tacitus is called vir magnus, and he tells us besides, that he brought under with his power validam & pugnacem * 2.143 Silurum gentem, super virtutem hostium, locorum quoque difficultates elucta∣tus. I might here also mention Strata Marcella, which we find in d 2.144 Giraldus Cambrensis, at no very far distance from thence in his journey of Wales, which with the same probability we

may denominate from U•…•…pius Marcellus who was Propraetor here among us in Brit•…•…n under Commodus, not very long after Fronti∣nus; & whose strictness & extraordinary severity in Military dis∣cipline the excellent Roman e 2.145 Historian so much celebrateth.

A VALLO] This Vallum here, said to be raised bv Seve∣rus the Emperour, cutting through the higher part of Cumber∣land, called also, as our learned Antiquary hath collected the several •…•…nonyma thereof, Vallum Barbaricum, was a Clusura, or Mound of defence to the Provinciated part of the Island. The Roman Writers call it thus commonly, as we see here in Antoni∣nus, besides C•…•…ssiodorus, and some others; some Murus, as S. Aurelius Victor: some by both names, as Aelius Spartianus in the life of Severus. The old Britains named it Gual. Sever, and Gal. Sever, from the founder of it, and also Mur Sever. The Scots called it Scottish-Waith. The English generally gave it the name Picts or P•…•…hits Wall, calling it so from the unreduced Britains, that were excluded thereby: and they were named Picti, for that not being civilized by the Romans, they still retained their antient Countrey manner of painting their naked bodies; of which writers say enough But to such as neighbour not far from it, it is known by being called The Keep-Wall, or plainly The Wall, by a transcendant way of expression, called in Greek commonly 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

That huge bulk of the Body of the Roman Empire, being now come to its 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and to that vastness, that it became unweildy and cumbersom to it self, the wiser Princes began to think of setting it some boundaries and limits. Hence it is that Cornelius Tacitus a 2.146 speaks thus of Augustus: Addiderat consitium coercen∣di intra terminos imperti: incertum metu, an per invidiam. And some deale plainer, he speaks b 2.147 elsewhere: After the death of Julius Caesar, saith he, mox bella civilia, & in rem publicam ver∣sa principum arma, ac longa oblivio Britanniae etiam in pace. Consi∣lium id Divus Augustus vocabat, Tiberius praecipue. Augustus called it Advice or Policy to bound in the Empire, especially Tiberius: except you will read in Tacitus, for praecipue, according as Fulvius Ursinus tells us it was in his old book, praeceptum; and so interpret it, as a lessi•…•… which Tiberius had learnt from his Pre∣decessor. Now for the bounds of the Empire set by Augustus, the same Tacitus will tell you, neer the foregoing place out of the I. Annal, what they were: Mart, Oceano, aut amnibus longin∣quis, septum Imperium. For the Ocean, he never, either in person or otherwise, troubled it; whatever some c 2.148 Grammarians, from a few places of Horace and Virgil misinterpreted, with such like impertinent authorities have unadvisedly concluded; and for those amnes longinqui, himself will tell you what they were in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de Caesaribus, not without arrogating to himself something for his moderation in this kind. They

were d 2.149 Euphrates and the Danow; and he glories, that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. not giving way to unmeasurable desires of conquering still more and more, I contented my self with those two li∣mits, as it were appointed by nature. The diligent Student may also if he please see what the e 2.150 Historian saies to this very pur∣pose, concerning him.

Concerning the several kinds of Limets used sometimes in the Empire, enough hath been said in what f 2.151 goes before. There∣fore having first acquainted the ordinary Reader, with the fre∣quent use of the several sorts of such, let me tell him too, that they were by a peculiar name called Praetenturae, as by us in Eng∣lish Boundaries, Fore-fences, Munitions, or the like: And not onely by the Romans made use of against the neighboring Bar∣barians, but by themselves also all along: for since Constantines time we often read of them; as under g 2.152 Iulian of a Vallum Barbaricum in Germany: And we read likewise of a long Wall raised from the Great Sea (so the h 2.153 author speaks) by the Em∣perour * 2.154 Anastasius Dicorus even to Selybria; to keep off the In∣cursions of the Mysians, Bulgarians, and Scythians. Nay of very late years in comparison of any remote antiquity, i 2.155 the eloquent Spaniard will tell us in the story of Emanuel King of Portugal, that those ingenious people, whom they called the Chinois, did with a Wall of many hundred miles hinder the hostile irruptions of the barbarous and inhumane Tartarians; but of late years in our memory, it was demolished by a deluge of the same barbarous people, to the unspeakable grief of the more civilized world. Now whether the antients borrowed this kind of fence from the Murus Decelicus at Athens; or rather, to go higher from the * 2.156 Grecians Wall, which they made for safety of their Navy, a∣gainst the violent impression of Hector, and his associates, I per∣mit to others, whose leasure is more then mine, to take it into consideration. In this place then I shall onely refer the more in∣dustrious Student in this whole business, to the excellently learned Frenchman, the honour of his Countrey, Pierre Pithou, in his first Book of his Adversaria cap. XIV. not forgetting in the mean while those two notable places of the neat and smooth Poet Claudian, in the former of which, he doth most accurately raise us a Vallum:

k 2.157 Tum dupli•…•…i fossa non exuperabile Vallum Asperat alternis sudibus, murique locatum In speciem.—

There Trenches were, and Bulwarks made, Well strengthned with a Pallasade.

And in the latter he describes to us that living Praetentura of

men, alwaies by good reason thought the more substantial and effectual:

V•…•…nit & extremis Legio praetenta Britannis * 2.158 Quae Scoto dat frena truci.

The Legion to the Britain Borders came, Proud Scots to tame.

And I urge it the rather, because it is such a Praetentura, as first occurs in order, in the recension of such as we shall meet with∣all in the Island.

The first Praetentura, or Fore-fence, that we read of, placed here in the Island by the Romans, was a Guard of Souldiers ap∣pointed by Iulius Agricola to keep the narrow passage between the two Seas or Friths, against the unconquered Britains, by Sterlin in Scotland. But concerning it, it is better to hear Taci∣tus in the life of that famous man his Worthy Father-in-law: Quarta aestas obtinendis quae percurrerat insumpta; ac si virtus exer∣ci•…•…uum & Romani nominis gloria pateretur, inventus in ipsa Brit∣tannia terminus. Nam Glota & Bodotria diversi maris aestu per immensum re•…•…cti, angusto terrarum spatio dirimuntur, quod tum praesidi•…•…s firmabatur, atque omnis proprior sinus tenebatur, summotis velut in aliam insulam hostibus. All which in English you shall take from him, who in the age of our Fathers was deser∣vedly accounted another Tacitus both for gravity and wis∣dome.

The former Summer was spent in perusing and or∣dering * 2.159 that, which he had over run: and if the valiant minds of the Armies, and glory of the Roman name could have per∣mitted, or accepted it so, they needed not to have sought other Limets of Britanny. For i 2.160 Glota and k 2.161 Bodotria, two arms of two contrary Seas, shooting mightily into the land, are onely divided asunder by a narrow partition of ground; which passage was guarded and fortified then with a Garrison and Castle: so that the Romans were absolute Lords of all on this side, having cast out the Enemie, as it were, into another land.

This happened not while Vespasian was yet Emperour, by whom, saith that famous Benedictine Monk Witichindus, some seven hundred years ago, m 2.162 this Island was reduced into the form of a Province.

The next, but the first that ever drew a Wall-fence in Bri∣tain, was Hadrian the Emperour; for before his time, as we have sufficient authority from approved good Writers, the Romans made use of Camps and Stations, instead of Walls: Herodian wit∣nesseth this of Augustus: a 2.163 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Tacitus using the peculiar Word proper to express a Wall drawn along: Et quicquid Castrorum Armaeniis praetenditur.

Aurelius Victor, speaking of Trajan: Castra suspectioribus & op∣ortunis locis extructa. Besides many other places. But Hadrian being Emperour, as the b 2.164 Historian tells us. Frequenter in plu∣rimis locis, in quibus barbari non fluminibus sed limitibus dividun∣tur; stipitibus magnis in modum muralis sepis funditus jactis atque connexis, barbaros seperavit. There are, who in this place for muralis sepis, would have, militaris sepis, read. I say not how well; yet a place in c 2.165 Varro comes into my mind: militare sepimentum est fossa, & •…•…erreus agger: which may seem to confirm it. He did frequently in many places rear such Walls as we mean here. And for Britain he speaks expresly. For having been put to it by his Predecessors, who had let all of late go to ruine here, either by Domitian's stupendious carelesse∣nesse, or else by Nerva and Trajans being elsewhere employ∣ed. Britanni teneri sub Romana ditione non poterant. There was no keeping the Britans in subjection, saith the same Historian. He then having ordered the City affairs, took a Journey a∣broad to view what state the Provinces stood in, and to visit them, which he did rigorously enough, as appears, and going into Britain: d 2.166 in eo multa correxit, murumque per octoginta millia passuum primus duxit, qui barbaros Romanosque divideret. This Wall was raised of Turfs, such as were even now described: between the Mouths of the Rivers, Tine and the Esk. Then was he fain to draw back the Roman forces about an hundred miles: so that I know not how true that was of him in Britain, which S. Au∣stine saith of him in the East. e 2.167 Deus Terminus, qui non cessit Iovi, cessit Hadriani voluntati, cessit Iuliani temeritati, cessit I•…•…vi∣niani necessitati. He had not so good luck here, as to have God Terminus give place to him, but was fain to give way himself, and retire back. Yet where he did sit down, he left a World of Monuments of his memory behind him, as will appear all a∣long by his Wall, upon the foundation of which, most deal, that of Severus in after times was built: for learned men direct us to * 2.168 think so: I might very well adde in this place, in behalf of the studious youth, that these kind of Walls are called by the later Grecians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which signifies just as much as cespes.

The very next to this of Hadrian, was one raised under An∣toninus Pius reign, by Lollius Urbicus, who also did excellent ser∣vice in the Island for him; which because it was managed by his Lieutenant, Fronto, that Romanae eloquentiae ron secundum sed al∣terum decus, f 2.169 thus tells Antoninus,

That though like a Master at the Helm, he sate in his Palace at Rome all the while, yet having given out the main order for the War in Britain, he had deserved the whole glory of the voyage.

He did parti∣cularly conquer for him the Brigantes, as we readout of g 2.170 Pau∣sanias in his Arcadicks. But concerning the whole let us hear

the testimony of Iulius Capitolinus in his life: Et Britannos per Lollium Urbicum Legatum vicit, alio muro cespetitio, submotis bar∣baris, ducto. In which words Io. Livineius would faign turn alio, into aleo such are our great Criticks, or rather 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: when as by alio the Historian would have that other Wall of Hadrian understood: distinct and quite another from this. For that there were several Walls in Britain, and raised by several men, upon several occasions, I could produce the authority of Eumenius the Rhetor, where a little before he had mentioned Britain; h 2.171 Quot ubique muri, vix repertis veterum fundamentorum vestigiis excitantur? Of the ruins of this, or the former, or both, is Dio, or rather Xiphiline out of him to be understood. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Murus qui dividit Brit∣tannos, & Romanorum castra. And very likely Aristides the Orator alludeth thereto: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i 2.172 Hic etiam opposuistis muros, & urbes exploratorias condidistis. Beyond Sterlin most certainly was not this Wall made, as will appear by inscriptions found thereabout to be seen in Camden: and that either for the conveniency of the strait passage between the two Friths: or else for that the Land beyond was not worth owning, the Romans having already the better part of the Island, and * 2.173 that too, not so useful, as an k 2.174 Author then living in Antoninus daies puts it out of all question. However * 2.175 Lollius Urbicus, the undertaker for the whole here, was certainly a most gallant man, and Commander; and I remember in Apuleius his Apolo∣gy I find him Lollius Urbicus V. C. Praefectus Urbis. And in an∣tient Coines I find that he deserved the Title of BRITAN∣NICUS.

The Romans after Commodus; (as if by him they had not had loss enough:) falling out at home among themselves, oc∣casioned in the Britains some attempts neer to a revolt, and from thence another Wall far exceeding the former, in fame, as well as magnificence, was erected. For Albinus Caesar, some∣times Governour of Britain, being slain at Lyons in Gallia, by Severus the Emperour; he afterward made an expedition, with both his Sons, into Britain; where lately l 2.176 Virius Lupus the Pro∣praetor had been put to the worst by the Maeatae, and Caledonians. Being come to York, leaving his younger Son Geta there, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; to administer justice and the Civil affairs of the Empire, taking his other son Antoninus (called other wise Bassianus Caracalla:) along with him, and pas∣sing over the Rivers and m 2.177 Rampiers which disterminated the Fron∣tiers of the Romans from the Britains, he overrun the whole

Countries of the Maeatae and Caledonii, (that was the † 2.178 general name of most of the Northern Britans, with * 2.179 Dio:) with the loss of about fifty thousand men; and then having made a league with the natives, on condition they would agree to re∣tire so far, he then began to erect a Wall, of which hear n 2.180 Spar∣tianus speaking of him: Britanniam (quod maximum ejus Imperia decus est) muro per transversam insulam ducto, utrinque ad sinem Oceani munivit: unde etiam BRITANNICI nomen accepit. And elsewhere in his life. Post Murum aut Vallum missum in Bri∣tannia, quum ad proximam mansionem rediret, non solum victor, sed etiam in aet•…•…rnum pace fundata. o 2.181 Aurelius Victor also seems to have taken what he saies, out of the same Author, which Spar∣tian made use of. His majora aggressus, Britanniam, quae ad ea utilis erat, •…•…u sis hostibus, muro munivit, per transversam insulam ducto, ulrinque ad finem Oceani. The learned Casaubon reads it: quo ad ea utilis: which I onely note here, but the discreet Rea∣der may follow his own judgment in whether reading he please. And I may adde hither also that testimony of Dio concerning the Wall, where he tells us that the Maeatae had their being about it: p 2.182 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Maeatae, saies he, dweil by the very Wall, which divides the Island in two parts. Now the place where that was, if it be true which we find all men affirm, is where Hadrians Wall was first raised, for on the foundation of that, they say, was this Wall of Severus built, and neer the whole way along too from Sea to Sea, save that this had its ending towards the West or Irish Sea, in Itunae aestuario, or Sol•…•…ey Frith, the other in the Mouth of the Esk, called by some Scots Wa•…•…h: and that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Wall was led strait along tramite dir•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 speaks; Ha∣drians Wall in somewhat an uneven passage or draught, as they can tell that have seen such ruins of it as are at this day extant. This being cleared, and confessed on all hands, there remain yet two doubts: First, whether this Pr•…•…tenture, or Wall, was made of Stone, or of Turss: and secondly, what the length thereof was, and how the numbers, for that, are to be read in old Writers? First then the common opinion among our Saxon Authors, and some others less antient, is, that it was Vallum CCespititium, or made of Turses, and slakes: our Writers follow Beda, and so doth the learned Camden seem to do, whom we worthily call our chief Antiquary; to him therefore have recourse, for what they say. The famous Salmasius also, a man thou•…•…ht by many to know all that is to be known, saies so too of •…•…is Wall, q 2.183 Murus ille Cespititius suit, nec •…•…ovum est vocari Vallum murum Cespititium. He tells us besides that inter Oceani Occidentalis famosos montes, in A•…•…hicus his Cosmography, that where in the printed ones you have Trienum, Alpes plucimas, Ap∣penninum Balearem; in his written Copy, much differing from

those extant, for Balearem, there is to be found Ballum Britan∣niae; quod de hoc vallo manifesto accipiendum est, saies he; and tells he will plurimis ad ipsum Aethicum docere. But we have not yet had the luck to see his edition of Aethicus, neither indeed know I, whether it be yet abroad; and therefore can say yet very little to it. The place of Beda is very much noted; and it will be worth the while for us to take notice of his learned Criticism: r 2.184 Severus, saith he, receptam partem insulae, à cae∣teris indomitis gentibus non muro (ut quidam aestimant) sed Vallo distinguendam putavit. Murus etenim de lapidibus; Vallum ve∣ro (quoad repellendam vim hostis cum castra muniuntur) fit de Cespitibus, quibus circumcisis è terra, velut Murus exstruitur altus super terram, ita ut f 2.185 in ante fiat fossa, de qua levati sunt cespites, supra quam sudes de lignis fortissimis praefiguntur. Itaque Severus magnam fossam sirmissimumque Vallum, crebris insuper turribus communitum, à mari ad mare duxit. But now on the other side, with this whole passage here is the most discerning t 2.186 Dr. Usher directly offended, imputing it to ignorance, that the good old Presbyter never heard of Hadrians Wall, which * 2.187 occasioned his mistake, to erect Severus Wall of Turfs: and that the Latine word Vallum (in like manner as the English Wall, and the British Gual, both thence derived:) doth signifie and mean the very same that Murus, which yet Salmasius doth readily acknow∣ledge: and hence it is that he mends Spartianus, as you see be∣fore, thus: Post murum aut Vallum missum: of which, saith Usher, recte restituit: for formerly, saith Salmasius himself, what is Murum apud Vallum mittere? Again he tells us that Beda was deceived by the fallacious distinction between Murus and Vallum: For I know no good authority for it out of any La∣tine Writer: v 2.188 Varro will tell you, that they used to call Murum, aggerem sine fossa. A mound without a ditch. Which by no means suites with the Vallum they think of here, where they dream of their sossatum magnum, and that on both sides sometimes. But neither do the Elogia bestowed on this Vallum by antient Historians, any whit suite with it, were it but sim∣ply raised with Turf, and Earth. His majora aggressus, saith Victor before. Maximum ejus Imperii decus, saith Spartian of this Wall. Did he nothing then to out value a dirt Wall? Was his Septizonium of no greater esteem? Well then might Aethicus rank it among the Western Mountains. But I recommend the inquisitive Reader to the very place, where the learned Doctor urges his irrefragable arguments to prove that Severus his Wall was set up of firm Stone. And will see what I can do to recti∣fy the numbers of its length from shore to shore. To let passe therefore Fordon, who as he is not antient enough to be corrup∣ted, so he was not too old to be deceived, defining the length of this Wall to have the space of but XXII. Miles. Aurelius Vi∣ctor

(I mean the ordinary one; not that of Schottus Edition fore∣mentioned:) may well be numbred among the antients, and yet he is as fouly out almost: Hic [Severus] in Britannia Vallum per triginta duo passuum millia a mari ad mare deduxit. Eutrop•…•…s in his * 2.189 Roman History hath little mended the matter: speaking of Severus. Novissimum bellum in Britannia habuit: utque recep∣tas provincias omni securitate muniret, Vallum per * 2.190 Triginta quin∣que millia passuum a mari ad mare deduxit. But his most antient Copies a great deal farther exceeded, then these now adaies come short of the true number, for they had the note of a Cen∣tenary C. set before this number here, as may be concluded from old Latine Writers who had him for an Author, and exscribed him, as Hierom in his Edition of Eusebius his Chronicle, common∣ly called Eusebius his Libellus Temporum in some MSS. Severus in Britanniam transfert bellum, ubi ut receptas provincias ab incursi∣one Barbarica faceret securiores, Vallum per CXXXII. M. P. à mari ad mare duxit. So likewise z 2.191 Paulus Orosius the old Spa∣nish Historian. Severus victor in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de•…•…ctu 〈◊〉〈◊〉 omnium sociorum trahitur. Ubi magnis gravibu que prae'•…•…is saepe gestis, rece∣ptam partem insulae à caeteris indom•…•… •…•…bus Vallo distinguen∣dam putavit. Itaque magnam fossam sirmissimumque Vallum crebris insuper turribus comminutum [leg] communitum, per centum tri∣ginta & duo millia passuum à mari ad mare duxit. And generally too all that follow him as Cassiodorus, Ado Viennensis, our Beda; whom hear, if you please: y 2.192 Severus in Bri•…•…nnias bellum transfert. Ubi ut receptas provincias ab incursione barbarica faceret securiores magnam fossam, fir missimumque Vallum crebris insuper turribus communitum, per CXXXII. mallia passuum à mari usque ad mare duxit. But what need I trou•…•…le your patience in alledg∣ing these testimonies? That his most antient Copies had it so, is plain out of •…•…anius, the Greek Metaphrasi of Futropius, in whom you read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Two and thirty besides an hundred m•…•…es: and Georgius Syncellus who in a 2.193 Scaligers Eusebius in Greek hath, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: assigning to every 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Paeanius speaks, or an Italian Mile (with b 2.194 Dio Cassius, c 2.195 Ju∣lianus Ascalonites, d 2.196 Hero the Land-Measurer, and others) se∣ven Stadia and an half. So then by this time we may easily g•…•…s at the ground of the mistake of the Librarius or Transcriber, whence this Errour proceeded. It was first truly written LXXXII. now the note of fifty L. appearing but obscurely, yet appearing in some Copies it was made CXXXII the L. (which might easily be done) being turned into C. espe∣cially if we consider the fashion it was of in old time 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by o∣th•…•…r Libraries, the L. scarely appearing, it was quite left out, and so the number became XXXII. That by this means and oc∣casion the error happened in so many Authors, I presume we may be very consident. And more then that e 2.197 middle number

LXXXII. the space of the place between Sea and Sea doth not afford. As for f 2.198 Buchana, we mind him not, who would men O•…•…sius, and for CXXXII. would have it read onely XXXII

And this is all that shall be spoken in this place of Severi Val∣lum; onely this may be added, and that me seems very confi∣dently, that it remain•…•…d till after ages, wherein Theodosius the youngers time there lay neer by it, per Lineam Valli, saith the Notitia Occidentis, V. Spectabilis Dux Britanniarum, with no lesse then XXIII. Tribunes of Cohorts, and Praefecti Alarum, &c. dis∣posed up and down as he thought most convenient.

The next Praetentura, or Rampier, we meet with in the Roman History, pertaining to Britain, is that which C. Carausius made in the narrow passage where formerly Julius Agricola had placed his Watch or Garrison between the two Friths of Edenbrough and Dunbritton against the Inrodes of the barbarous Britans. This Carausius being g 2.199 Menapiae Civis (whether an h 2.200 Irishman, or a i 2.201 Flemming, I leave it to learned men to agree upon: in k 2.202 Ptolem•…•…, I must needs say is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Ireland, and the people of the Countrey about are called thereafter, but whe∣ther in other Copies it be Menapia, as some think, I do 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to affirm any thing till farther search; knowing no City of that nam•…•… save l 2.203 Menapia in Bactriana. For as Doctor Usher hath truly noted, there is not any City of that name among the m 2.204 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Belgica, theirs being by him named Castellum:) yet for all that Camden, or Usher have alledged, he may be of Bel∣gick etraction, being plainly called by Eumeins the Rhetor ter∣rae Batav•…•…ae alumnus. This Carausius, I say, about the III. year of Dioclesian, being brought up a Seaman from his youth, was by him employed to guard the British Seas against the roving Pirates Franks and Saxons, and being for some attempts threat∣ned with death by Maximinian Augustus, n 2.205 assumed to him∣self the purple, and power that came thereby, in Britain. But when no good could be done upon him by the Emperours, he was let alone with his Government. o 2.206 Postquam p 2.207 jussi•…•…ac m•…•…mento incolarum contra gentes bellicosas opportuntor habitus. During the time of his sway in the Island, say the q 2.208 memo∣ries and records of our own Nation, if perchance not excepted against; that the Scythians having been formerly invited by Ful∣genius to oppose the Emperour Severus, this Carausius granted to the portion of them, yet remaing room among the Britains, in Caledonia; and that he shut them out from the other inhabitants of the Island with a Wall, as is aforesaid. Our authority for this is to be had out of r 2.209 Ninnius, or his Interpolator at least, who ever he was: Carausius Postea Imperator reaedisicavit, & septem castellis munivit, inter utraque ostia: domumque rotundam politis lapidibus super r•…•…pam fluminis Carun, quod à sua nomine no∣men

accepit, fornicemque triumphal•…•…m in victoriae memoriam eri∣gens, construxit. Besides that Aurelius Victor doth hint at it in his foregoing words. This Wall at this day is called Grahams∣dyke, and the house Arthurs Oven, and Julius H•…•…ff: Which Bu∣chanan s 2.210 conceited to be a Temple of the God Terminus; as you may see by his Words. Id opus nonnulli falso prodid•…•…runt templum Claudii Caesaris fuisse. Nos, quantum conjectura possumus assequi, Aedem Termini suisse credimus. Erant item in ejusdem s•…•…∣minis ripa sinistra duo tumuli terreni in modica plaitie, manu (ut satis apparet) congesti. Minoris, qui magis ad occasum vergit, bona pars alluvione amnis est ablata. Dunos pacis adhuc accolae vo∣cant.

Besides, now we must take heed that from hence, or the like passages, we do not with strangers & foreiners feign to our selves that usual and acknowledged separation and division, wont to be for very many ages between us and Scotland; as Ioannes Sichar∣dus hath noted to that of Eusebius [Carausium sumpta purpura Bri∣tannias occupavisse.] these words: Hic puto Scotiam ab Anglia primum divisam: And with the like judgement Henricus Glarea∣nus on Eutropius; when he, speaking of Severus Wall, the other very learnedly, you will say, observes upon him: & sic bodie separatur Scotia ab Anglia.

The next after him; for I forbear to mention Dioclesian, al∣though Zosimus t 2.211 highly praises him, for that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 every where in the limets of the Empire, he did so provi∣dently fence the whole * 2.212 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For he never having been in Britain, the Historian meant, it is likely, the Em∣pires bounds elsewhere. And I may make neer as good an ex∣cuse, for leaving out Constantine the Great: for though he were sometimes resident here, and ordered things exceedingly well in the Island, yet is he by the same Historian much traduced, as who broke down such Munitions and defences as were for∣merly made; that he removed the Souldiers from praesidiary Towns that stood on the borders, to such as needed no garrison; and finally laid open to the enemies incursions, such as were already frequently alarum'd and assaulted by them. Such and more heynous, if might be, are the criminations wherwith that lying Historian doth asperse Constantine, whose parallel in such suffering in future ages I only name Iustinian; a worthy gallant Prince, standered by a v 2.213 blackmouthed relater of his great and glorious actions.

The next then, as I was saying, after Carausius, was Theo∣dosius, who strengthned and fenced Britain, and whose prowess and gallantry I had rather you were made acquainted with in * 2.214 Marc•…•…llirus his words, then mine: Hinc ad corrigenda plura conversus & necessaria, periculo peni•…•…us dempto, eum aperte constare nulla ejus caepta propitiam deseruisse fortunam, instaura∣bat

urbes & praesidiaria ut diximus castra, limitesque vigi•…•…is tuebatur & Praetenturis 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 provinciam, quae in di•…•…nem conces∣serat ho•…•…um, ita reddiderat sta•…•…ui pristino: ut eodem referente, & rectorem haberet Legitimum, & Valentia deinde vocaretur arbitrio Principis. And here I cannot moderate my self, but bring out of the same Historian the very y 2.215 next words, giving a clear testimony of his provident care for preserving the limets, in pu∣nishing the Areani then fallen into foul neglect and abuse of their office: Areanos, saith he, genus hominum a veteribus inst•…•…utum, super quibus aliqua in z 2.216 actibus Constantis retulimus paulatim pro∣lapsos in vitia à stationibus suis removit: aperte convictos, accepto∣rum pr•…•…missorumque magnitudine praemiorum allectos, quae apud nos agebantur aliquotiens barbaris prodidisse. Id enim illis erat officium ut ultro citroque per longa spatia discurrentes vicinarum gentium strepi∣tus nostris ducions intimarent.

So deserving a Commander (for a 2.217 Marcellinus compares him with Domitius Carbulo in Nero's time, whom the b 2.218 wi∣sest Historian so surpassingly advanceth:) whose Tropaees and triumphs were every where extant and conspicuous, and whose providence for the safety of the whole Empire was not inferior to, but exceeded, that of the best Princes, came by * 2.219 free Election at length to take charge of all, being a man, both for his excellent Natural Endowments, as well as for his won∣derfull stately comelinesse, born and made to command the whole World. And had I not said enough of him out of Mar∣cellinus, I would recommend to the studious youth, (and yet however I will do it) the excellent and eloquent c 2.220 Ora∣tion of the Panegyrist, made to him personally at Rome, when he was now compleat and sole Augustus; for in that too you shall finde his extraordinary care, for the Welfare of d 2.221 Britain. And that learned Author, who ever he was, who wrote the Book De Rebus Bellicis, ad Theodosi∣um & filios, seems not to me so much to have directly ad∣vised them, to what was fitting in this kind for them to do; as to have expressed lively the Imitable practise and perfor∣mance of so renowned a Chief and Souldier.

And the Younger Theodosius also directly trod in the steps of so glorious •…•…an example; as may be seen by the Lawes of his time; enjoyning * 2.222 Magister Officiorum yearly to acquaint the Emperour in what case the Rampiers, Garrisons, and Souldiery in Generall every where stood; as the Studious Reader may see at his pleasure.

And here in a discourse De Limitum cura & custodia; and that in Britain too, is it possible I can omit the glorious name of Flavius Stilicho, whose 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here, peace I mean and security in this Island, the brave Poet Clau-Claudian

doth so highly advance in verse, which shall outlive time, and a worse vermin then Mothes, ill men. For thus he brings in Britain, speaking by a Prosopopoeia:

e 2.223 Me quoque vicinis pereuntem gentibus, inquit, Munivit Stilicho, totm quum * 2.224 Scotus Iernen Movit, & infesto spumavit remige Tethys. I lius effectum curis, ne bella timerem Scotica, ne Pictum tremerem, ne littore toto Prospicerem dubiis venturum Saxona ventis.

Me also, thou, O Stilicho, didst aide, By neighbouring Nations overran, she said; When Scots brought Irish to my fertile shores, And Thetis foam'd, plow'd with invading Oars. Yet I not fear'd the Scots, nor Pictish Hoast, Nor Saxons sayling to invade our Coast.

Elsewhere he affirms the same thing, as thus:

f 2.225 Venit & extremis Legio praetenta Britannis, Quae Scoto dat fraena truci; ferroque notatas Perlegit exanimes Picto moriente figuras.

The Legion on the British borders lay, Which curb'd the valiant Scot, and did survey The steel-cut figures on the dying Pict.

And again in another place.

g 2.226—domito quod Saxone Tethys Mitior, aut fracto secura Britannia Picto.

The waves to beaten Saxons were more milde, Or Britannie the Picts by force exilde.

I know well enough, that the actions of Sti•…•…cho are diversely related by others, from what you meet with in Claudi•…•…n, and therefore what he saies, h 2.227 is reputed but for Poetical sigments. But as wise men as them think not so; for whatever you read of in Claudian about him, depends upon sure grounds, and gran∣ted by such, whose knowledge of the Saxons outgoes Hengists time. For that they a long while before, in the beginning of Valentinians Empire, annoyed the Britans and their Coasts, we have good authority. Saxones Brittannos •…•…nis vexavere continuis, saith Ammianus lib. XXVIII. In * 2.228 Theodosius his time they are neer spoiled at Sea, where they used to rove. And with∣in not so long after, we find that to keep off their violence and

fury from the Island, i 2.229 Comitem littoris Saxonici per brittanniam placed here, with forces assigned him for that purpose, so that I need not to look for further proof, out of the forenamed Pane∣gyrick, or else out of Sidonius Apollinaris, or any where else, to defend our good Poet: sure I am there are far worse fictions told by some of our Historians in prose.

I more hearken after them, who cry out, Enough of this Val∣lum. There is more than sitting said of it already. Well then be it so. We will therefore have the less to say to Gallio Raven∣nas, and his Legion, with the Wall he built here for the Britans safety: for which I refer you to Paulus Diaconus, Blandus, and others. As I would also have you, for those raised afterwards by the Britans themselves, for the same purpose to go to Gildas in his Epistle, in which you have the miseries of those, and the times neer thereupon lively described, And to him you may adde the Vene∣rable Bede, who as is well known, hath most out of him, in the twelfth Chapter of his first Book of his Ecclesiastical History of the Engl••sh, as it is vulgarly intituled. As for Gildas his Latine, because it is generally harsh and forced, I let it alone, and com∣mend the Reader to his English, which is commonly to be had in Pauls Church-yard. Take Beda then, as smoother, and easier to be dealt withall, by the ordinary English man, if ever he were at the Latin School.

Exin Britannia, saith he, omni armato milite, militaribus copiis universis, tota floridae ju∣ventutis alacritate spoliata, quae tyrannorum temeritate ab∣ducta, nusquam ultra domum rediit, praedae tantum patuit, utpote omnis bellici usus prorsus ignara. Denique subito duabus gentibus transmarinis vehementer saevis, Scottorum à Circio, Pictorum ab Aquilone multos stupet gemitque per an∣nos. Transmarinas autem dicimus has gentes, non quod ex∣tra Britanniam essent positae, sed quia à parte Britonum erant remotae, duobus finibus mari interjacentibus, quorum unus ab Orientali mari, alter ab Occidentali, Britanniae terras longe lateque irrumpit, quamvis ad se invicem pertingere possint. Orientalis habet in medio sui urbem Guidi. Occidentalis su∣pra * 2.230 se, hoc est, ad dextram sui habet urbem Alcluith quod lingua eorum significat Petram Caith: est enim juxta fluvium nominis illius. Ob harum ergo infestationem gentium, Bri∣tones Legatos Romam cum Epistolis mittentes, lachrymosis precibus auxilia flagitabant, subjectionemque continuam, dum∣modo hostis imminens longius arceretur, promittebant. Qui∣bus mox Legio destinatur armata, quae ubi in Insulam adve∣cta, & congressa est cum hostibus, magnam eorum multitu∣dinem sternens, caeteros sociorum finibus expulit, eosque in∣terim à dirissima depressione liberatos, hortata est, instruere inter duo maria trans Insulam Murum, qui arcendis hostibus posset esse praesidio: sicque domum cum triumpho magno re∣versa

est. At Insulani Marum, quem jussi fuerant, non tam lapidibus, quam cespitibus construentes, utpote nullum tanti operis artificeth habentes, ad nihil unlem statuunt. Fe∣cerunt autem cum inter duo freta, vel sinus (de quibus dixi∣mus:) maris per millia passuum plurima. Ut ubi aquarum munitio deerat, ibi praesidio Valli fines suos ab hostium irrup∣tione defenderent. Cujus operis ibidem facti, id est, Valli la∣tissimi & altissimi usque hodie certissima vestigia cernere licet. Incipit autem duorum firme millium spatio a monasterio * 2.231 •…•…burcurnig ad Occidentem, in loco qui sermone Pictorum Peanuahel, lingua autem Anglorum Penueliun appellatur, & tendens contra Occidentem terminatur juxta urbem Alcluith. Verum priores inimici ut Romanum militem abiisse conspex∣erant, mox advecti navibus irrumpunt terminos, caeduntque omnia, & quasi maturum segetem obvia quaeque metunt, calcant, transeunt. Unde rursum mittuntur Romam l•…•…gati, flebili voce auxilium implorantes, ne penitus misera patria deleretur, ne nomen Romanae provinciae, quod apud eos tam diu claruerat, exterarum gentium improbitate obru∣tum vilesceret. Rursum mittitur Legio, quae inopinata tem∣pore autumni adveniens magnas hostium strages dedit, eosque qui evadere poterant omnes trans maria fugavit, qui prius anniversarias praedas trans maria, milite nullo obsistente, coge∣re solebant. Tum Romani denunciavere Britonibus, non se ultra ob eorum defensionem tam loboriosis expeditionibus posse fatigari, ipsos potius monent arma corripere, & certan∣di cum hostibus studium subire, qui non ob aliam causam, quam si ipsa inertia solverentur, eis possent esse fortiores, quin etiam quia & hoc sociis, quos derelinquere cogebantur, aliquod commodi allaturum, putabant, Murum a mari ad mare recto tramite inter urbes, quae ibidem ob metum hosti∣um factae fuerunt (ubi & Severus quondam Vallum fecerat) firmo de lapide locarunt. Quem videlicet Murum hactenus famosum atque conspicuum, sumptu publico privatoque ad∣juncta secum Britannorum manu, construebant, a 2.232 octo pe∣des latum, & duodecim altum, recta ab Oriente in occasum linea, ut usque hodie intuentibus clarum est. Quo mox con∣dito, dant fortia segni populo monita, prebent instruendo∣rum exemplaria armorum. Sed & in littore Oceani ad meri∣diem, quo naves eorum habebantur, quia & inde Barbaro∣rum irruptio timebatur, turres per intervalla ad prospectum maris collocant, & valedicunt sociis tanquam ultra non rever∣suri; Quibus ad sua remeantibus; cognita Scotti Pictique re∣ditus denegatione redeunt confestim ipsi, & solito confidenti∣ores facti, omnem Aquilonarem extremamque Insuli partem * 2.233 pro indigenis ad Murum usque capessunt. Statuiter ad haec in adito arcis acies segnis, ubi tremente corde stupida diu * 2.234

noctuque marcebat. At contra non cessant uncinata hostium tela. Ignavi propugnatores miserrime de Muris tracti solo allidebantur. Quid plura? relictis civitatibus, ac Muro, fu∣giunt, disperguntur: Insequitur hostis, accelerantur strages, cunctis crudeliores prioribus. Sicut enim agni a feris, ita mi∣seri cives discerpuntur ab hostibus.

But not long after the sudden demolishing of this last Wall, a miserable appearance of all things was to be seen in Britain; in expression of which, good Gildas a 2.235 plays the Tragaedian; and mentioning their Letters to the Romans for aid, which yet they sent not, Aetio tertium Consule, he tells us they were thus inscribed: Gen•…•…us Britannorum, containing such lamentable complaints as these: Repellunt Barbari ad mare, repellit mare ad Barbaros. Inter haec duo genera sunerum, aut jugulamue, aut mergimur. This sad misfortune, and comfortless condition, happened to the Britans during the Consulship of Aetius the III. time, and Symmac•…•…us his Collegue, in the twenty and third year of the Reign of Theod•…•…sius the younger; and in the 446 of Christ; ac∣cording to b 2.236 Beda out of him.

If any, with our (〈◊〉〈◊〉) Camden, following d 2.237 Baronius, be of∣fended * 2.238 either with the Consuls name, (for in the most copies of Beda, I mean not the best, you have Boetio for Aetio, which Camden seems to maintain:) or with the account of years, he shall find Beda justified and cleared by the incomparable e 2.239 U∣sher. I shall adde no more therefore, after that I have ex∣plained and set down the draught and course of the Vallum, here principally intended, and that from as sufficient f 2.240 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 inspectores, as any ever beheld it, since the first raising thereof.

The course of the Vallum then began at Blatum-Bulgium, or Bullness, by the Irish Ocean, and goes along the Frith, or mouth of Eden, by Burgh upon Sands to Carlile, where it passeth the Eden, from thence it goes along, and having on one side the River Irthing, it passeth over the small River Cambeck which hath in it many windings, and where many reliques are of an old Castle, afterwards passing the Irthing and Poltrosse, it enters Northumberland, and amongst the frequent heaps of hills hold∣ing on along the river, which they call the Southern Tine, (on∣ly divided by the Northern Tine, making a breach in it, where of old time a Bridge was laid over it:) it goes on even to the German Ocean.

AD PORTUM RITUPIIS.

Of this Station I have spoken enough at the very begin∣ning of this Itinerary. It is the very last of this J•…•…ney.

CCCCLXXXI. M. P.] The whole sum of the miles in this Journey, is in the vulgar Copies of Antoninus 481. set in the beginning thereof, and it is mended in some 491. But neither number will neer agree with the particulars, if you sum them up together; for they come to 510. Surita the Spaniard, who used good store of Manuscripts, of which yet we are wholly destitute, brings us here among his Var. Lectiones (for so Thua∣nus had rather call them, then Commentarii, as himself doth:) no help, or direction by them. That no fault should happen among so many worthy Transcribers, was a thing not to be ex∣pected. But our good Antoninus hath been so unlucky (which is the complaint of all that have had to do with him:) as to be corrupted in things least curable by the very Chirons of Criticism, yet most proclive to error in such un∣learned and heedless hands, Numbers I mean, and proper Names, of which yet he only consists.

Have the whole Journey therefore, as it is in the vulgar E∣ditions. As we go along, we will take notice of what may be rectified, in hope to reconcile the particular numbers, with the summary, if possibly it may be.

ITER. II. Editio

Aldina.	Suritana.	Simleriana.
	ITER A VALLO AD
	PORTUM RITUPAS.
	M. P. CCCCLXXXI. sic;
Ablato Bulg.	A BLATO BULGIO CASTRA	Ablat.
	EXPLORATORUM. M. P. *XII	*10, & 15.
Lugu-vall.	LUGUVALLUM. M. P. XII.	Lugu-vall.
	VOREDAM. M. P. XIIII.
	BROVONACIM. M. P. XIII.
	VERTERIM. M. P. *XIII.	*al. 20.
	LAVATRIM. M. P. XIIII.
*16.	CATARACTONEM. M. P. *XIII.	*16.
Isuriam.	ISURIUM. M. P. XXIIII.	Isuriam.
Eburacum. 18.	EBORACUM. M. P. XVII.	Eburacum. 18.
Cacaria.	CALCARIAM. M. P. IX.
Cambodun.	CAMULODUNUM. M. P. XX.	Cambodun.
	MAMUCIUM. M. P. XVIII.	Mammuc. & Manuc.
	CONDATE. M. P. XVIII.
*Vici.	DEVAM. Leg. XX *Victrix M. P. XX	*Leg. XXIII. CI.
	BOVIUM. M. P. X.
	MEDIOLANUM. M. P. XX.
	RUTUNIUM. M. P. XII.
Urio, Con.	VIROCONIUM. M. P. XI.	Urio, Con.
	UXACONAM. M. P. XI.
Penno-Cruc.	PENNOCRUCIUM. M. P. XII.	Penno-Cruc.
	ETOCETUM. M P. XII.
Mandues-Sed *16.	MANDUESSEDUM. M. P. *VI. †	†16. Mandues-Sed.
	VENONIM. M. P. XII.
Bennavent. 16.	BENNAVENNAM. M. P. XVII.	Bennavent. & Bann.
	LACTODORUM. M. P. XII.	Lactorod.
	MAGIOVINTUM. M. P. *XVII.	Magint. *12.
	DUROCOBRIVIM. M. P. XII.	Duro-Cobr.
Vero Lam.	VEROLAMIUM. M. P. XII.	Vero-Lam.
Sullonac.	SULLONIACIM. M. P. XI.	Sullomac. 9.
	LONDINIUM. M. P. XII.	Longidin.
	NOVIOMAGUM. M. P. X.
	VAGNIACIM. M. P. XVIII.
Duroprovis.	DUROBRIVIM. M. P. IX.	Duro-brov.
*16.	DUROLEVUM. M. P. *XIII.
Durorvern.	DUROVERNUM. M. P. XII.
	AD PORTUM RITUPAS. M. P. X.

BLATUM BULGIUM.] This Station was not di∣stant a full mile from Severus Wall; whose foundations are easily discerned in Ituna at an ebbing tide. So is Eden cal∣led by Ptolemy, by which this place of old stood; so that Ro∣bert Talbot was quite out, seeking for it by Glota or Edenbo∣rough-Frith. Some part of the old name being yet preserved, it is at this day called Bulnesse, which is said to be but a very small village, yet hath it to shew what it was, a Bulwark yet remaining, besides the draught of the old Streets, and antient Walls; as our Antiquary witnesses; who also derives Bulgium from a word among the old Britains Bulch; signifying a partiti∣on, or Separation; because the Wall being somewhat like some God Terminus, as he speaks out of the Poet;—* 2.241 Ausonii signet divortia regni; or seperates the Roman power from the rest of the Island not yet fully reduced. Iosias Simler mistakes it for Aballaba, a Station also in Cumberland: of which see more out of the Notitia of the Western Empire. As I know not what Blatum means; so I know that to read it Blotum, with Holyoke is against the Authority of all Copies. This and the like is noted for Schooles, that young men there may not be deceived, what ever the word Blatum stands for.

CASTRA EXPLORATORUM. M P. XII.]

The remotenesse of this Station from Blatum Iulgium is eve∣rally set down: as XII. M. P. in Aldus, and others: which is altered into X. and XV. as not onely appears by Simler, but by the severall Manuscripts which Surita brings. The distance here however, where (as I must elsewhere also often warn:) the way is not alwaies by the shortest cut, but most an end by the more noted Garrisons; doth suite well, as well from Bulness, as Carleil, to make it, as our Antiquary, an eye-witnesse of the Situation of the place, and that upon se∣cond thoughts, is perswaded, to have been that which we now call Burgh upon Sands; for he waves their opinion, as be∣sides the mark, who would have it to be Drumbough Castle. And we may also neglect Talbots conceit, who was quite wide, when he dreamt this to be Alata Castra in a 2.242 Ptolemy. Castra indeed was the usuall word for a Camp, or place of re∣fidence of Souldiers. But these Castra being called Explorato∣rum, they are in all likelihood to be sought for upon the Fron∣tiers. The Grecians called them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Limitaneae Urbes: as Aristides the b 2.243 Oratour; after whose time also they began to name them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. One of these two words must necessarily be restored in c 2.244 Menander the Rhe∣torician, for it is read in him hitherto without any sence, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: which being turned into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 would clear all doubt.

For nought else in this place of the Author can be meant. Not to defraud any man of his due right, the emendation is learned d 2.245 Isaac Casaubon's.

Many else of this kind may be observed to have been in Bri∣tain, to watch the courses of the Enemy. Besides the Areani, spoken of erewhile out of e 2.246 Marcellinus; you may remember the Numeri Exploratorum mentioned in an old Stone in BRE∣MENIUM in the first Journey beyond the Wall. On this side the Wall too you have at Lavatres sub dispositione V. Spe∣ctabilis Ducis Britanniarum Praefectum Numeri Exploratorum. So that I need not have recourse to the South of the Island, to ADURNI PORTUS; where also was usually a f 2.247 Praepositus Numeri Exploratorum sub Dispositi∣one Viri Spectabilis Comitis Littoris Saxonici per Brittan∣niam.

The situation of the place is round about here, saith Cam∣den, who was there, ad explorandum commodissimus, and gives good reason for it, as you may please to see. To speak a word or two at large my self to the youth concerning these Exploratores.

In Greek they were called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which Eustathius ren∣ders g 2.248 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Thereby he also interprets Homers 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Andromache intitles her husband Hector, a Protector or Defendor, that carefully lookt about for the safety of Troy. It signifies a Scout then h 2.249 commonly in Greek, and it is as well used as a Latine Word for a Post, who speedily conveys news of Importment: i 2.250 A. Hirtius, if it be not ra∣ther Oppius: Literis, saith he, celeriter scriptis, & per Catasco∣pum missis. Whom Plutarch in the life of Galba names 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, those Marcellinus calls Speculatores one while, ano∣ther while Excursatores: as who had the office to look after the courses the Enemy took, and to learn out their counsels; and their place was alwaies to k 2.251 march before the Army. In l 2.252 Dio they are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who in the same Writer m 2.253 elsewhere are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And he likewise, distinguishes between their order, or rank, and them who are commonly called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Tabellarii, which notwithstanding learned men sometimes confound. Glos∣sae 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which I will interpret by n 2.254 Victors words. Ad explorandum missi nun∣ci andumque si qui hostium motus existerent.

You have in o 2.255 Constantinus Porphyrogenneta the Emperour 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: and p 2.256 elsewhere in him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In the former place Io. Meursius hath restored 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and renders it Ex∣ploratores. In the other place Bon. •…•…ulcanius restores it

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, nomine, saith he, ea tempestate usitata pro Auscultato∣res; But of these, not to hold the Reader weary any longer, let him see the incomparable q 2.257 Lawyer at his leasure, when he thinks good.

As Cumberland, of all the shires we have, is accounted the best furnished with Roman Antiquities, so doth this portion of it hereabouts supply us with the knowledge of somewhat in our affairs, whereof in books there is altum silentium. As some mat∣ters of Commodus the Emperour. First Fuscianus II. Silanus II. Coss. Then how Atticus and Praetextatus being Coss. under Gordi∣an, that Nonnius Philippus was Propraetor or Legate in Britain, and Aemilius Crispinus, an African, was Commander of the Ala Au∣gusta Gordiana. Next there may be seen Inscriptions to M. Juli∣us Philippus the Emperour, and his Son; neither the same with Gordians Legat here: yet both succeeded in the Empire. There were found Inscriptions also to some Topicall Gods; as r 2.258 Deo Sancto Belatucadro, and Deo Ceai: of which in another place better.

LUGUVALLUM M. P. XII.] That Luguvallum here, or Lugubalia among the Monks, was Carleil, is past all doubt, by the affirmation of all ages down along. The diffe∣rence in the names hath already been satisfied for, as where you say Ballum for Vallum, and s 2.259 elsewhere too. So there will be no trouble about that. But rather about the origination of the name, wherein Leland doth fowly boggle, and yet not clearly expedite himself. Camden some deal better, as who was far more skilled in learned Antiquities. He then deduces it from the famous Vallum neer which it was, and Lugos, or such a like word, which signifies a Tower, and concludes it so, by comparing t 2.260 Ptolemy with v 2.261 Pomponius Mela. For in the for∣mer the place that is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is in the later named x 2.262 Turris Augusti. So that Luguvallum must signify the Tower or Muniment by the Vallum. And had the French Antiquaries taken this course in deriving the names of their two antient and principal Cities Lugdunum, and y 2.263 Lucotetia; they had not made themselves so ridiculous to strangers, deducing the one from Lu•…•…um, Dirt; and the other from Lugdus, I know not what imaginary King who built it; which I will as soon believe, as the building of Turonunt, by Turonu•…•…, in z 2.264 Geofrey of Monmouth, vouching for it Ho•…•…ter; but it is not my good lucke to know where. I like better the origi∣nation thereof, which I finde in a 2.265 Plutarch if he be the Author of the Book 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, where he saies out of Clitophon's 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I•…•… that Lugdunum was so called be∣cause * 2.266 the foundations of the City being laid, the Crows sud∣denly appearing with fluttering wings, filled all the Trees there∣about. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. saith he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So that * 2.267 Lugdunum by this must signifie the Crows hill. And truly as many Cities of Gaul and Britain as end in Dunum, and there are not a few, are found placed upon hills, or rising grounds. The Grecians called such kind of higher places 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which word the Grammarians b 2.268 out of Herodotus say, is Liby∣an. See more in c 2.269 Eustathius upon Homer. But much rather do I like that which is to be had, set before the Itineraries pub∣lished by Andr. Schottus being a short glossary out of P. Pithaeus Library, expounding certain Gallique words, among which you have Lugdunum, Desideratus mo•…•…s, wherein you have likewise the signification of Dunum asserted and made good. For though other Writers consent not with Plutarch, concerning the dedu∣ction of the former part of the name, as we see, and may do also by Henricus Benedictus Altissiodorensis, who wrote neer eight hundred years agone, in the age of Carolus Calvus, in a 2.270 the life of St. German, in these verses.

Lugduno celebrant Gallorum famine nomen Impositum quondam, quod sit Mons lucidus idem.

The antient Gaul, thy noble Pile, From thy bright Hill, Lugdunum stile.

Yet they do generally in the hinder part thereof. As besides o∣thers b 2.271 Seneca, in that Epistle where he tells of the burning of Lugdunum: Civitas (saith he) uni imposita & huic non altissimo monti. Wherewith the learned c 2.272 Vossiu•…•… with very good judg∣ment mended that place in Strabo d 2.273 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, rea∣ding it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Such being the situation of the place. Now whereas it cannot be denyed, but that Luguvallum was a Sta∣tion or place neer the Vallum, give me leave to speak freely what I think of it, namely that Ael. Spartianus in the life of Severus doth intend no other Mansion but it, in these words. Post Murum aut Vallum missum in Britannia, quum ad proximam Mansionem rediret, non solum Victor, sed etiam in aet•…•…rnum pace fundata, vol∣vens animo, quid ominis sibi occu•…•…reret; Aethrops quidam è numero militari, &c. The very situation leads me to think, that he means none other by that Proximam Minsionem, then Luguval∣lum, or Carleil. Besides, that which mainly induces me to be∣leeve so, is that the Sixth Legion, having dispatched the service Severus set them upon, the rearing of the Wall, left behind them here a remembrance of themselves, yet to be seen, in large and elegant Characters.

LEG. VI. VIC. P. F. G. P. R. F.

There is to be seen here likewise another Inscription, but of a later age, made to preserve the memory of Marcus Trojanus, set up by his Dearest Wife, which they that will, may see in Camden.

About the times of William II. William of Malmesbury, spea∣king, hath these Words. Visum erat triclinium Romanum ex la∣pidibus forntcibus concamtratum, quod nulla unquam tempestatum contumelia, aut ignium flamma labe factari potuit, in cujus fronte in∣scriptum erat MARII VICTORIAE. The Wits of the former age, did severally exercise themselves, to know what the meaning might be; some contending it belonged to Arvi∣ragus, who in the British story is called Marius; others thought it that * 2.274 Marius, who in Gallienus his time was saluted Empe∣rour. But much amiss. Our Antiquary informs us that the best Copies of Malmesbury had written MARTI VICTO∣RI: and that he likes best, as I do also. Such Inscriptions are not difficultly to be come by every where. And having no Manuscripts of Malmesbury at hand, I must be content. So much therefore of Luguvallum shall be said at this time. Adding this onely, that Lugubalia, from which contracted the Saxons name * 2.275 Luel, by which they called this Town, was written at the Monks pleasure, with a single or double L. but the later is the best. The Reader I hope will of himself take notice of the Enallage genetis: and why, with others, I refer him not to Lu∣copibia in Ptolemy, he shall know, when I come to it.

VOREDA M. P. XIIII.] The distance of this Stati∣on from Luguvallum (though a long while I thought it to be in∣certae positionis and that for the very names sake it self:) is such that I can better confute Talbot in assigning where it was, then positively affirm any thing my self. He would have it be Pto∣lemies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, far away remote among the Venicon•…•…s, a people in old time of that we now call Scotia, which he with others say was Newcastle, but that too is too too much distant, then that it can agree with the number of miles set down here. But more of that God willing to Ptolemy.

Camden in his Catalogue of the antient Cities of Britain, sets down to this •…•…oreda, Old Perith, and saies nothing else of it in his great work; of which I know not what to say, but that it was an 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of his: for Old Perish is elsewhere cal∣led

by him Petriana, mentioned in the Notitia, called so either from the river of a like name running neer or from the Ala Pe∣triana residing there, as is to be seen by an old Inscription, which might occasion the alteration of the name Voreda into Petriana, I list not here to determine. However look for Petriana as you were before directed.

The learned Fulk will have Voredae to have been Wede∣ruud, not without some kinde of agnomination; but because I know where it hath its being, I will say no more of it.

BROVONACIS. M. P. XIII.] So here. But in the fift Journey Brocavo; as Talbot and Surita read it, but Brocovo, as Aldus and Simler. They are both the same Mansion: for in both Journeys you finde it between Luguvallum and Verterae; sa∣ving that here Voreda interposes between it, and Luguvallum. Yet is not Talbots conclusion so sure: f 2.276 Porro quae hic est Voreda inter Brovonacas, & Luguvalium, illic est omissa; & numeri aut hic aut illic sunt mendosi, & depravati. Nam cum hic sit Lugu∣valio Voredam, XIV. & Voreda Brovonacas XIII. si in sum∣mam redigas, habebis. XXVII. Quamobrem aut illic esse debet Bro∣vo. Luguvalium XXVII. aut hic duo particulares numeri sunt minuendi, aut certe eorum alter; sic ut simul uniti non nisi XXV. faciant. For some miles may be gained, in not taking in a Town by the way, but directly going on. For they usually marched not strait forward, but wheeled about sometimes, as we see plainly; according as their occasions required. In the V. Journey Talbot would have it read Brovo, the syllable ca be∣ing superfluous, Debetque esse, saith he, Brovo, quod est brevia∣tum pro integro Brovonacis Itin. II. That it was the same Station with Brocovicus in the Notitia, our Harrison hath observed after Simler; but both are overseen in the name. But plainly it was the same Station with Bravoniacum there, where it is also pla∣ced next to Verterae, as not only Surita, Camden, and Pancirolus (who amiss names it Broconiacum) have observed: but even the matter it self tells us. The very words of the Notitia are: Sub dispositione V. Spectabilis Ducis Britanniarum Praefectus Numeri Defensorum Braboniaco. At this day it is called Brougham in West∣merland, in which some reliques of the old name yet remain. Besides Roman Coyns here often digged up, it is taken notice of for an antient Camp or Castra; other Antiquities age it self hath consumed.

VERTERAE. M. P. XIII.] But the emendation which Talbot brings, is XX. and that is confirmed by two of Surita's Manuscripts in the other it is XIII. as here. But in the fift Jour∣ney it is XX. miles from Brovonacae to Verteris: and it is thought the better reading, because as they say; a 2.277 Eadem est via A∣thenis Thebas, & Thebis Athenas. Verterae, it is thought, stood not far off Ituna or Eden in Westmerland; where it joines it self

with other Streams. Now it is decayed into a small village, and its name is turned among us into Eurgh. For our Countrey men call it Burgh under Stanemore; or as our Monks name it Burgus sub Saxeto. Vegetius b 2.278 tells us that under the later Empe∣rours, small Castles, convenient for War, and well stored with Corn for provision, began to be called * 2.279 Burgi, and that the Burgundians had their name from living in such, c 2.280 Paulus Orosi∣ur is sufficient Author. Burgundionum qu•…•…que novorum hostium novum nomen, qui plusquam octoginta millia ut ferunt armatorum, ripae Rheni sluminis insederunt. Hos, qu•…•…ndam subacta interiore Germania à Druso & Tiberio, adoptativis filiis Caesaris, per castrae dispositos, aiunt in magnam coäluisse gentem, atque ita etiam nomen ex opere praesumpsisse, qui•…•… crebra per limitem habitacula constituta, Burgos Vulgo vocant: eorumque esse, praeva•…•…idam & perniciosam manum, Galliae hodieque testes sunt: Camden does boldly assure that this Burgh was this Verterae; both in regard of the exact distance from the next Stations on both sides Brovoniaca, and Lavatrae, our miles being resolved into the Italick; as also because it stands upon the High Way, whose ridge here plainly appears. The Notitia also of the West, mentions this Station: Sub dispositione Viri spectabilis Ducis Brittanniarum Praefectus Nume∣ri Directorum Verteris. The name of this Station in the Notitia had quite perished, had it not been recovered out of this place; for before it was Veneris, Veterum, without sense or probabili∣ty of tolerable meaning. But finding it here it seems to me to have lasted so long, till the Roman power expired in the I∣land.

LAVATRIS. M. P. XII•…•…I.] The Military Port way hence tending somewhat more S•…•…uthernly, brings you to old Lavatris, as it is called here. So in the V. Journey it is Leva∣tris; yet the same distance there between Verteris and it, exact∣ly as is here. That which principally shews forth its Antiqui∣ty is a brave Stone (such sure the Parson and Parish thought it, when they used it for an Altar in their Church:) found out there inscribed to Hadrian the Emperour thus:

Imp. Caesari Divi Trajani Parthici Max. Fi•…•…io Divi Nervae Nepoti Trajano Hadriano Aug. Pont. Maxm.—Cos. I—P. P. Coh. IIII. F.—Io. Sev.

There was another Inscription likewise taken up here, but somewhat maimed; yet thereby it appears that I. Cohort of the Thracians resided here under the command of one Frontinus, Neither lest they the Island so. For again under Severus we find in the same place, that the same Cohort who are said to have rebuilt the Bath there consumed with fire under the over∣sight and care of Val. Fronto Commander of a wing of the c 2.281 Vettones (a people of Spain:) d 2.282 Virius Lupus being at that

time Lega•…•… or Propraetor. The dedication of this piece * 2.283 of Antiquity is DEAE FORTUNAE. If any doubt concerning the word Ballineum, let them have recourse to e 2.284 Sosipater, f 2.285 Aldu•…•…, and others. Much less let him marvel to find Baths in garrisoned Towns, who shall take notice of such infinite numbers of them both publick and private, in g 2.286 Rome, whose exam∣ple was every where proposed abroad to imitate, but notalwaies in the use of Baths: Stricter times and Com∣manders sometimes forbad them, and would not ad∣mit them either for cleanliness of healths sake. For h 2.287 Polyanus speaking of Scipio, and his restraint of corrupt discipline in his Army, tells us, he forbad that not any body should either use a silver drinking cup, or bathing among them. And i 2.288 Xiphilin in his Epitome of Dio relates concerning Caracalla, that affecting a see∣ming austerity he marching along with the Souldiers never made use of any Bath. And hence is that of k 2.289 I. Chrysostome. The Souldier minding Baths, is censured as one that runs away from his colours. And that judgement of the Wisest l 2.290 Historian concerning the more civiliz∣ed Britains, and reduced to the Roman fashion of fea∣sting and bathing is very home and free. * 2.291 For after that, saith he, our attire grew to be in account, and the Gown much used among the Britains: Paulatimque disc•…•…ssum ad delinimenta vitiorum, porti•…•…us, & balnea, & convit iorum elegantiam idque apud imperitos humanitas vo∣cabatur, •…•…um pars servitutis esset. There is farther men∣tion of this Station as in the Notitia Occidentis: Sub di∣spositione Viri Spectabilis Ducis Britanniarum Prafectus Numeri Exploratorum Lavatris, of whom before I have given notice. And yet our learned Antiquary, though his mind run too much upon the Balineum here vi ignis ex ustum, had rather deduce the name of the Mansion from Laver, a stream that runs by very neer, then à Lav•…•…ris. However he is confident upon good reasons, the sit distance from the next place already spo∣ken of, and his finding it upon the Military Way, to af∣firm that it is at this day called Bowes: but the reasons for the name, I had rather you should have from him then me: and indeed, which is my rusticity, I understand not old British or W•…•…lsh so well.

CATARACTONI. M. P. XVI.] This Station is written so curtail'd for Cataractonium, or if you will Cataracto∣nio. As this is the distance here from Lavatris, so in the first Journey from Binovia it is distant XXII. M. P. of this I have already spoken.

ISURIAM. M. P. XXIV.] The very di∣stance in the first Journey, save that there it is set down Isurium.

EBURACUM. M. P. XVIII.] In the first Journey it wants a Mile of this distance. You have also there added Leg. VI. Victrix.

CALCARIA. M. P. VIIII.] It is otherwise cal∣led Cacaria. Our Antiquary placeth it by m 2.292 Verbeia, at Tadcaster, agreeing therein with Robert Marshall, politi judi∣cii Viro, whom he names, as he saies, honoris causa. The same before them thought Humphrey Lhuyd: yet therein he is out, that he delivers it to be Ptolemies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which is rather An∣toninus his Gallacum. But the former opinion is confirmed by the distance from York, for it is just IX. Italick Miles thence, which is the number also here. Again the nature of the Soyl, and the very account of the Name, makes it good. For it was called Calcaria a colce, a place well sto∣red with Chalk. That Calcaria signified so much, there are suf∣ficient Authorities. Tertullian de carne Christi cap. VI. de Cal∣caria ad carbonariam. Ammianus lib. XXVII. Libentius se vino proprio Calcarias extincturum, quam ad venditurum preciis quibus sperabatur. That to these Calcariae offending persons were condemned n 2.293 Ulpian is our Author; whence is it that in the o 2.294 Code we read of the Calcarienses. From the Calcariae therefore, or Limekills here (as also to a place neer to Marsilia in this very book, and elsewhere also;) was this name Calcaria given, and there is no reason we should doubt of it: for Chalke scarce any where else in this whole Tract is to be found; yet about this Town it is still plentifully digged up, and for building conveyed to York, and the whole Countrey round.

Nor want there other Arguments to prove its Antiquity, to let alone the Situation by the Rode way, Coynes of the Roman Caesars, are often turned up, there remaines the Reliques of the Foss or Ditch, with which it was enviro∣ned, and the ruines of an old Castle, of which the Bridge was whilome made, which when the River Wherf had past under, it mingleth its Water with the Ouse, besides a Hill by the Town called Kelk-bar, seemeth yet to retain some part of the old Name.

After Antoninus p 2.295 Beda also maketh mention of it, out of whom take the story too, if you will, which he relates. Heina re∣ligiosa Christi famula, qu•…•… prima foeminarum fertur in provincia Nordanbumbrorum propositum vestemque sanctimoniablilis ba∣bitus consecrante Aidano Episcopo suscepisse, secessit ad civitatem

Calcariam, quae agente Anglorum Calca-cester appellatur, ibique mansionem sibi instituit.

CAMBODUNO. M. P. XX.] Besides Antoninus you shall find mention also of this Mansion in our Beda. Paulinus, saith he, in provincia Deirorum, baptizabat in fluvio Sualva qui vicum juxta Cataractam praeterfluit. Non enim Oratoria vel Bapti∣steria in ipso exordi•…•… nascentis Ecclesiae poterant aedificari. Attamen in Campo Dono (ubi nunc etiam villa Regia erat) fecit Basilicam, quam postmodum pagani, à quibus Edwinus Rex occisus est, cum tota eadem villa succenderunt. But he writes it with a P. in the second syllable, as Strabo writes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which Munster renders Cam∣pidona, that City of Vindelicia which in ptolemy is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: moreover Beda divides the word Campo-dona, whence it is that of old K. Alfred. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, who translated his Ecclesiastical History into the Saxon or old English language above DCCC. years agone, renders it Dona-•…•…eloa; although it was written in the Manuscript Copy of Beda, which was in the hands of that excellent Divine, Doctor Samuel Ward, Professor at Cambridge, Campadono, as we are taught by our Learned Friend Abraham Wheclocke, the Pro∣fessor of Arabick at Cambridge, and publick Library keeper there.

In Ptolemy amongst the Cities of the Brigantes it is printed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 * 2.296 Camulodunum, for which in the Palatine Copie you have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; so that none now may wonder with r 2.297 Or∣telius whence Ferdinand. Pintianus had that reading. Which Ortelius notwithstanding not onely much thinks amisse, where∣in he takes this Cambodunum here to be the same with s 2.298 Pliuies Camulodunum, which he saith was distant from Mona about CC. miles: but also that he affirms that Talbot, and a man of singular learning, as he calls him, William Camden, did think that it was of old time called West-chester. For Camdens part he thought long agoe that the Situation of this Cambodunum was in old time neer the right hand bank of the River Calder in Yorkshire by Almondbury, and that from the distance on oneside from Mancunium, on the other side from Calcaria, which Antoninus himself sets down. Neer this vil∣lage, saith he, Cambodunum sate, upon an hill sufficiently enough steep, to which there was no accesse, but upon one side onely: on it were some ruines of Walls, and manifest signes of a Camp. But Secula vicerunt, as the l 2.299 Poet saies. That it was indeed seated upon an Hill the very name sufficiently shewes, for all Towns, for the most part begin∣ning or ending in Dunum, are placed upon Hills. For in the old Gallick Tongue, the same with our British, Dunum signifies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a hill or rising peice of ground, as I have ere while told you out of Plutarch.

In the first Saxon times it flourished in great honour, as the place before brought out of Beda sufficiently witnesseth. But whereas he writes that the Church which Paulinus built, and dedicated to Saint Alban (whence the place was called Alban∣bury, at this time corrupted into Almondbury:) was burnt by the Pagans. Camden who was an eye-witness affirms that to this day the colour of burning remains in the stones. William Fulks Antoninus to Cambodunum had Camborough noted: of which place yet, as unknown, we can sodainly determine nothing.

MANUCIO. M. P. XVIII.] The reading of the name of this Station is very diverse. Manucio here. Otherwise Mam∣mucio, Mammunccio, Mamutio, Manutio, Mancinto, as may be seen out of Surita and others, in whom yet there is no difference in matter of distance of the Miles: and in the X. Journey there is another Station set before it, there is the right name of it to be found Mancunio: of which see there. It is doubtless neer Manchester in Lancashire, which though it be said to belong to the old Brigantes, yet was not Mancunium one of their u 2.300 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for we miss it in Ptolemy, and we may judge it to be that which at this day we call Mancastle, a Park neer the Town belonging sometimes to the Earl of Derby, where are to be seen antiqui propugnacul, radices quadrata forma; although our Antiquary is unwilling to say so much because of its angustum spacium or narrow continent. Dr. De•…•… the famous Interpreter of •…•…uclide, who lived there communicated to our learned Anti∣quary what Monuments of the Roman times remained, found there: among which one m•…•…ns the first r 2.301 Cobor•…•… of the Frisingenses, who it seems resided sometimes here: those in him you may s•…•…e. Nor have I ought else to say to it, save that Maunguid or Mauchguid in Nin•…•… his Catalogue of British 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the recension of the Incomparable * 2.302 Dr. Ushur, and compa∣red with the best Manuscripts is by him thought to be M•…•…uni∣um: in case it be not rather Manduessedum in Warwickshire, or Manchester, which he seems more enclined unto.

CONDATE. M. P. XVIII.] Congleton is a Town gene∣rally noted in Cheshire. That it hath its standing where condate, celebrated of old by Antoninus XX. miles from Deva, had its be∣ing is unanimously agreed upon by Talhot, Camden, and others, as we see; save that Dr. Fulk hath set down to it Standish a Town it should seem not far from thence. As for C•…•…date there is great probability that it was in antient times a Colony deduced from Condate in Gallia, on the hither side of it. It was a place famous for the Exequies of Saint Martin: for a 2.303 Suspicius Se∣verus is our Author: Illum apud b 2.304 Condatensem Dioecesis suae vicum excessisse è vita; that he dyed at Condate a Town of his own Diocesse. Ptolemy assigns the situation of it more plainly calling it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Rhedonibus, and it was by the L•…•…geris or Loir.

The probability of it as I said will appear out of c 2.305 Caesar: for even in his time out of that part of Gaul they translated them∣selves into Britain; omnesque tis civitatum nominibus appellaban∣tur, quibus orti civitatibus eo pervenerunt.

I might here say something concerning the corruption of Condate into Congleton But what is obvious to every eye I trou∣ble not my self withall, as knowing the truth of that say∣ing of the old d 2.306 Orator; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

DEVA. LEG. XX. VICT. M P. XX.] From Condate, we pass on twenty Miles to Deva, now Westchester, where as by Antoninus appears here, the XX Roman Legion had its abode. So Ptolemy saies also in the second of his Geo∣graphy, if you mend him first, as you must: The C•…•…rnavii [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] whose Cities are, saith he, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Deunana it is printed; and there is in him anot•…•… of a like name be∣longing to the Texali of our Britain, but far more Northern:) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For whereas the ordinary Latine Copies have Devena. Et Legio XX. they are to be mended out of the Greek, and Antoninus, not to be expressed so as distinct pla∣ces. Dion Cassius the Consular Roman Historian in his notable recension of the Legions from Aug•…•… his time to his own, hath by no means omitted this Legion, we will bring his own e 2.307 words, because in them there is some obscurity, which by this means I hope may be better cleared: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…rum & Vi∣ctrix, in Brittannia superiori versantes: quos ipsos, ut mihi videtur, cum ea Legione, cui nom nest •…•…gesimae, ac Hiberna in superiori sunt Germania, ac non ab om•…•…bus Vale•…•…an 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dicitur, neque bodie idnomen retinet, ipse acceptos servavit. This place, as I said is obscure, and by no means easily intelligible. And indeed the Translator himself Gulielmus Xylander thought it not to be locum integrum; nor it seems Stephanus, who came after him and reviewed what he had done. Quoid verbum referendum est? saith he: Whither∣to shall we refer that verb 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Yet though the cure seem past our skill at present, thus much we may learn from the place. That the Twentieth Legion was in the Upper Britain in his time; That they were in the opinion of some called the Valeriani: but that in his judgement the Twentieth Legion was not ever generally called Valeriana, no not to his daies. The learned f 2.308 Savile to whom also this place in Dio savoured of some corruption, tells us from it (for he can mean none else:) that there were two Legions of that name continued from Augustus I. to his time, which whether it be the meaning of the words you see, I leave to others to judge, I am sure there are neither two Vicessimae, or a Vale∣riana

Legio among the old ones, that appear in a g 2.309 Column yet remaining at Rome, or any newer recension of them. How∣ever the Roman Antiquaries, very knowing men, of late have imposed it upon our belief, that h 2.310 Vigesima Valeriana & Vi∣ctrix in Britannia superiori versabatur, and this is done hand over head, never minding withall the Historians words, who was bound in a double respect, both as a learned man, and then as a Consul, not to be ignorant of what he said Of the division of Britain into Upper and Lower here mentioned, we have said * 2.311 enough before out of this same Dio, and Herodian. As for the Inscription found among us, although I think not made use of by these Antiquaries, I will make such answer as may be receiv∣ed for very good and sufficient. And thus it is, as it was taken up at Crowdundale-waith in Westmorland.

VARONIUS—ECTUS LEG. XX. V. V.

By this we understand, that Varronius was Praefectus of the Twentieth Legion, which had the Titles of Victrix and Valens. For the second V. meaneth nothing else, as can be proved by Va∣lerius Probus, or any other examples to be produced from any whereelse; so that we cannot think that Valeriana is intended thereby. Again the learned a 2.312 Casaubons judgement is of this place of Dio, that though he with others admit of two Vicessimae Leg•…•…ones, whereof the one had their Campin in the Upper Ger∣many, but was named by few, and before G•…•…rman, Xylander leaves out 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: yet doth he not press upon us that either were called Valeriana, there being none such, as we said, to be found any where. And therefore Camden said truly, where he tells us that they who call the XX. Britannicam, atque Valerianam Victricem, do falso dite•…•…e: but that to them he addes also Va∣lentem, that indeed I marvel at, when as himself had the serious view of this stone.

That Chester flourished with the Honour of a Colony, if the authorities which I have already produced were not suffici∣ent, I could prove it by a Coyn of Septimius Geta the Son of Severus, which is in our learned Antiquary, and on the ad∣verse side whereof you have these Characters:

COL. DIVANA LEG. XX. VICTRIX.

But I would that other Testimonies of the antiquity and glo∣ry of the place came from such abetters as could cause a belief in us, as well as we are prepared to hear any thing that might enlarge its lustre and fame. Such I mean as our Monks are. A∣mong whom William of Malmesbury deserves the principal place:

Hear the most honoured b 2.313 Selden in his Annotations upon the Polyolbion:

You have largely in that our most learned An∣tiquary, the cause of this name Caerlegion from the Tents of Roman Legions, there, about Vespasians time. I will onely note, that Leland hath long since found fault with c 2.314 Willi∣am of Malmesbury, for affirming it so called; quod ibi Emeriti Legionum Iulianarum resedere: whereas it is plain that Iulius Caesar never came neer this Territory. Perhaps by Iulius, he meant Agricola (then Lieutenant here) so named, and then is the imputation laid on that best of the Monks, unjust: to help it with reading Militariu•…•… for Iulianarum, as the printed book pretends, I find not sufficiently warrantable, in respect that my Manuscript is very antient, as neer Malmesbury's time as (it seems) may be, and hereto fore belonging to the Prio∣ry of St. Augustines in Canterbury, evidently perswades the contrary.

Now if, as it fares among good fellows, our Monks might pass their words one for another, then would not Malmesbury want a surety and witness for what he saies of Iulius Caesars ha∣ving some knowledge of Chester: it is Ranulphus Cestre•…•…sis, who tells you of his coyn dig'd up there: Viae sunt hic subterraneae lapideo opere mirabiliter testudineatae, triclinia concamerata, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 * 2.315 lapides praegrandes antiquorum nomina praeferentes, hic & numisma∣ta Julii Caesaris aliorumqui illustrium inscriptione insignita quando∣que sunt eff•…•…ssa.

But they are onely sit to study Arcadique Antiquities, who hold us in hand that this Chester, by the British called Caerlegion, or Cair Lheon•…•…ar d•…•…ur an•…•… [i. e. The City of Legion upon the River Dec.] was so named from a Gyant the builder thereof, I nor they knew not who he was, or when he lived, or indeed whe∣ther he came down out of the Moon, or no. Far more learned∣ly have the Spaniards done, who enquiring for the Antiquity of that Town which gave name to the Kingdome of Leon among them, and particularly from the Seventh Roman Legion quar∣tering there under the Emperour Nerva. And indeed Roger a good Monk of Chester, being ashamed of such fabulous narra∣tions as ascribe, and truly he might, the origen of his City to other than Roman beginning: hear him: Intuenti funda∣menta lapidum in viis enormium videtur po•…•…ius à Romano, sive * 2.316 Giganteo labore, quam Brittannico •…•…udore fundata.

But in very good earnest, the most famous Cities of Europe, as is before proved, taking their original from Roman Camps and Stations, it is most probable, not to say sure, that Deva or Chester here had such beginning: for that the Roman Souldiers were better builders than Gyants we may be all very confident. But at what time precisely it became so, that shall be our en∣quiry. We are then to seek at what time they first arrived in

the Island. We find mention of them before in Tacitus, speaking of them in the Lower Germany, and their boisterous behaviour there: and this could not be long before their coming hither. So he in his first Annal, in Tiberius time: Primam ac Vicessimam Legiones Caecina Legatus in civitatem Ubiorum reduxit, turpi agmine, cum sisci de Imperatore rapti inter signa interque aquilas ve∣herentur. You have heard even now that Selden saies, they were here about Vespasians time. Our great Antiquary Camden writes, that they were conveyed hither in Galba's second Consulship with Titus Viniu•…•…, which being troublesome both to the Consu∣lar and Praetorian Legates, at length received from Vespasian, Julius Agricola for their Governour, and sate down in this City, after, as he thought, they had lain heavy upon the necks of the Ordovices. But before this in Nero's time we find their good ser∣vice in the memorable overthrow which the valiant Suetonius Paulinus his Propraetor gave to the numberlesse forces under Queen Boadicia. Read Tacitus after her death, almost in the * 2.317 very next words, and before he mentions the Vexillar•…•…i Vicessi∣mar•…•…i. Afterward the same Tacitus tells us in another place, that Roscius Coelius was Legate of the XX. Legion; a bold man, that out baffled the then Propraetor here, Trebellius Maximus, and made him flee to Vitell•…•…us for refuge. In Vespasians time he was eased of his office by Julius Agricola that deserving Roman, sent at length to take upon him the charge of all, but first of his place; of this the same Author: Is (that is Mucianus, who had the command at Rome for Vespasian,) missum ad dilectus a∣gendos Agricolam, integreque ac strenue versatum, Vicesimae Le∣gioni * 2.318 tarde ad sacramentum transgressae praeposuit, ubi * 2.319 decessor sedi∣tiose agere narrabatur: quippe Legatis quoque consularibus nimia ac formidolosa erat. Nec Legatus Praetorius ad cohibenoum potens, in∣certum suo an militum ingenio: ita successor simul & ultor electu, ra∣rissima moderatione maluit videri invenisse bonos, quam fecisse.

And concerning the affairs of the Twentieth Legion, as also Deva, the principall place of their quarters while their abode was in the Island, thus much may serve to be spoken; being all that is to be found in Roman memories, whether Latine or Greek.

If you please we descend to the age of Beda, a faithful Trea∣surer of some Roman matters, neer decayed among us; you shall find this City, when he hath occasion to mention it in his History, onely called a 2.320 Civitas Legionum, qua à gente Anglo∣rum Legacester; à Eritonibus autem rectius Cairlegion appellatur. Whom the general current of our Latin Writers follows. But our English at this day name it Westchester (sure in respect of the VI. Legion at York, theset wo being 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, into which Seve∣rus, as b 2.321 Herodian tells us, disposed the whole jurisdiction of the Island in his time;) and Chester, by reason of Excellency, as

the Saxons judgement was; according to the common verse,

Cestria de Castris nomen, quasi Castria, sumpsit.

Thou Chester from a * 2.322 Camp received'st thy Name.

Now whereas Florilegus, or Matthew of Westminister, to the year DCCCCLXXXV. saies, this City, or Legacestria, was somtime Anglic•…•… WIRHALE dicta; as I studied upon the cause thereof, I received satisfaction at length from the lately most learned, and still admired Doctor. Usher, my kinde and ever honoured friend, that it proceeded from a place in the c 2.323 old Saxon Annals joined to Beda, not rightly understood by Florilegus: and this it is. Hie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on anne werene cearone on 〈◊〉〈◊〉 healum. 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 le•…•… dearene •…•…ehaven. But why as the same Au∣thor writes; it was also of old time named Cynenge Cestria that indeed I am yet to inquire after.

Again I am not well satisfied in that peice of Antiquity, which we have produced by a learned man of the former age d 2.324 Wil∣liam Harrison, who me seems too confidently delivers, that Deva was builded by the famous Roman Propraetor under Claudius Caesar, e 2.325 P. Ostorius Scapula: for to spare other reasons, his being here was before the XX. Legion landed in the Island: and they in all good reason seem to me the Founders, whose Seat it was and constant abode; except occasions now and then drew a∣nother way.

Much more do I marvell at that slip of memory, and it is a notable one, of so great an antiquary among us, John Balaeus, who f 2.326 confounds the two Caerleons, that upon Usk in Wales, where the Legio 11. Augusta bore the sway, and this here upon the D•…•…e: whence Deva doubtlessly had its denomination: Ci∣ties g 2.327 and Rivers, as may be observed in most Countries, be∣ing found to be many times cognomines. For truly Ptolemyes books must be mended, in which you shall find 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for the Ri∣ver here: which must indeed have been 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or some such thing.

But h 2.328 they are quite out too, and they are not a few, (for errour gets followers apace:) that say Deva was Don∣caster, more in the North; when as by that the old Station Danum in Antoninus is meant, far away distant, as may be seen in its place.

The curious may know, that they owe their Original of their City from the great Gyant Leon of yore, to Henry Brad∣shaw some ages ago; except the Citizens had rather own it them∣selves, and so be thought to be of the Gyants race.

BONIUM. M. P. X] It is in some Copies, but falsly,

read Bovium, and Bomium. Talbot acknowledgeth this reading of the name to be righter: though he could not divine where the place was; Harrison too mends it so and Camden approves it in both. This without any controversie is that, which at this day we call Banchor, or Bangor in Flintshire. There remains sufficiently express marks of the old name still therein. And if you heed i 2.329 Guido Pancirolus, he will tell you, that the Numerus Bonensium, so called hence, did reside with their Praefectus in the Island at Derventio; though I confesse the vulgar reading there is differing.

But the former conjecture is very probable: if you change the fourth vowell into the first; then which nothing is more easie or usuall. Neither can any scruple be raised at the distance from Deva; here just ten Miles. Hear then Renul∣phus * 2.330 Cestrensis. Tradunt nonnulli Pelagium fuisse Abbatem apud fa∣mosum illud monasterium de Bangor, quod per decem milliaria à Le∣gecestria distat. Now this Monastery Ranulpbus speaks of is by our k 2.331 Beda called Bancornabyrig lingua Anglorum, in quo, saith he, tantus fertur fuisse numerus monachorum, ut cum in septem por∣tiones esset cum praepositis sibi rectoribus monasterium divisum, nulla harum portio minus quam trecentos homines haberet, qui om∣nes de labore manuum suarum vivere solebant. An example which these times abhor to imitate; though these good souls I believe followed therein no worse, then * 2.332 Saint Pauls own practise. But certainly these were such foolish Monks, as in the I∣sland Capraria by Italy, the Heathen m 2.333 Poet pleasantly lets fly at.

Squallet lucifugis insula plena viris. Ipsi se Monachos Graio cognomine dicunt, Quod soli •…•…ullo vivere teste volunt. Munera fortunae metuunt, dum damna verentur: Quisquam sponte miser, ne miser esse queat? Quaenam perversi rabies tam stulta cerebri, Dum mala formides, nec bona posse pati?

Men hating strangers fill the Ile, From which themselves thy Monks do stile; Least any might their customes know, They fear what Fortune doth bestow She should resume; With certain woes content, Th' uncertain future to prevent. Strange frensie sure his weaker Brain infects,

who fearing storms, a Halcion calm rejects.

See the rest in him. For this is no place for them, as neither for those of Aegypt, men of most strict severity, and outgoing the Essens rigidness among the Iews. Leland, and Camden, agree in deducing the Monasteries name in Beda from Bonium, Chorus, and Burgis, as if it signified Burgum Chori Bonii, yet Leland hath a fetch beyond him, making the syllable Ban in that word to signifie a high noted place, easie to be seen. Now it lies all wast, and is at best but arable Land: but the fame of the place is not with all decay∣ed. For Ranulphus of Chester, as you see, beside others, say Pelagi∣us, that Arch Heritique, was Abbot here. Truly that he was a Britain, n 2.334 St. Augustine, o 2.335 Prosper Aquitanus, p 2.336 Paulus Oro∣sius, who lived in the same age with him, do affirm. This is that Pelagius, who under Honorius and Arcadius, about the year CCCC. q 2.337 contra auxilum gratiae supernae venena suae perfidiae longe lateque dispersit; So far, and wide went his fame, that the Jewish r 2.338 Rabbins themselves let him not scape their censure for one speaking of him, uses this expression: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 They make him to have but one eye, and say at home he was cal∣led Morgan, which indeed in old British signifies Merigenam, or pelago ortum, that is Pelagius.

That Gildas, the most antient of our British Writers, was an inhabitant of this place, I could easily believe, saith Iohn Leland. But it is certain out of s 2.339 Beda, that Dionothus was the Abbat there, and sent for to meet Augustine that sanguinary Monk, and Pseudo-Apostle, at the Synod which he called here in the Island. See the whole story in Beda.

The antient magnificence of the place, the store of ruins in former ages enough witness. To which let us take Malmesbu∣ries words: Tot enim superfuerant hic antiquitatis indicia, tot semi∣ruti parietes, tot anfractus portarum, tanta turba ruderum, quantum vix alibi cernas. Yet hath it nothing left of its wonted lustre, but the bare names of two Gates, distant the one from the other some half a Mile; that more North, called Port-Hogan; that on the South Port-Clais. In the mid-place between, the River Dee runnes along; the old buildings being wholy ruined, and corn fields now onely seen in their rooms. * 2.340 William Harrison, and Leland relate, that the ploughmen usually find, as they are at Work, Monks bones, and vestures (much they should ly so long in the earth:) squared stones, and Roman Coyn.

But by no meanes may we let passe that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of Malmesbury, which through heedlessnesse hath happened in his † 2.341 writings, making this Monastery the same with the Episcopall Seat which was sometime at Bangor in Caer∣narvonshire: and so followes a vulgar errour: when as

this latter was like a Colony drawn out of the former. But see that nobile par eruditorum, Selden upon the Polyolbion Cant. XI. and Usher in his Antiquities of the British Church, cap. VIII. Holyoke, as elsewhere also, following the vulgar mistake, hath Bomium. But the prodigious carelessness in publishing such kinde of Authors is a business deserves the publick Magistrates inspection, and severity withal, (if it be only the Printers fault:) rather than mine.

MEDIOLANUM. M. P. XX.] This very Stati∣on is also mentioned in Ptolemies a 2.342 Geography, called by him 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Mediolanium; whence there is great light to Antoninus in the finding out, where this place was situate of old: for Ptolemy makes it belong to a people in Britain, whom he names 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Ordovices, ad extremum Occidentis: spoken of by b 2.343 Tacitus too, in more than one place: And in the way or journey, which passeth through their Territories, we meet with it in Antoninus. The learned c 2.344 David Powel of Wales, following some others judgement, as well as his own, will have it to have been Ma•…•…rafal in Montgomery shire: Ma•…•…rafal, saies he, quod praecipuum erat totius Provinciae palatium. Hic Mediolanum (quod Ptolemaeus & Ethicus, ad Occidentem per Ordovices po∣suerunt:) olim fuisse nonnulli affirmant. Extant ibidem adhuc (prae∣ter constantem incolarum asseverationem 〈◊〉〈◊〉 parentibus ad posteros transmissam:) quamplurima venerandae antiquitatis monumenta, quae urbis ejusdem vestigia maniseste indicant. Here take weno∣tice, that by Powel, for Antoninus, the name of Aethicus is set down, (a thing whereof we have spoken enough in the begin∣ning of this work:) And whereas, by our Historians we learn that the Princes of Powis land had their Palace here, we the ra∣ther incline to believe that this was sometime Mediolanum; be∣cause in the perusal of Beda up and down, we see that British, as well as Saxon Princes, had their Palaces, where formerly Roman Stations had their situation and being.

But our great Antiquary goes a little farther, and out of the strait way, in respect of the number of miles in the journey, though not of the Itineraria ratio; often before observed in this work; to Lan-vethlin, a market Town not full three miles off, in the same shire; for Methlin, by a peculiar Idietism of the British tongue: whereby also they say Caer-Verden, for d 2.345 Caer-Merden; Ar-von, for e 2.346 Ar-mon; Lhan-Vary, f 2.347 for Lhan-Mary, and the like. And this cognation in the name, comming as neer to Mediolanum, as either Millano in Italy; Le Million in Xan•…•…ign in France; or Methlen in the Low▪ Countries; he thinks it sufficient to strengthen his conjecture; modestly leaving the censure touching the truth of the whole, to the judicious Rea∣der.

Mediolanum in Italy, as the g 2.348 Roman Historians affirm, was

a Plantation of the Gauls; but how later ages came to give the original of the name from an Hog found there in the foundati∣ons, whose skin bare half wool, I am nothing at all solicitous. And I should not be troubled with Claudian's saying it, where he calls Millain.

h 2.349—Maenia Gallis Condita, lanigeri suis ostentantia pellem.

—The Gauls A Swines skin found building thy Walls.

As neither other Poets, Ausonius, k 2.350 Sidonius, Gunterus Li∣gurinus, &c. If I did not find it also so set down by St. Ambrose l 2.351 himself, the eloquent Archbishop, so they call him, there∣of. And I might well let pass m 2.352 Andreas Alciatus, the learn∣ed Lawyer of that City, who with the first laboured, and with good praise too, the refinement of the study of the Civil Law, he brings quite another deduction of the name:

Quam Mediolanum sacram dixere puellae Terram: nam vetus hoc Gallica lingua sonat.

Mediolan the Virgins call'd thy sacred Pile, According to the antient Gallick stile.

For I list not at all to mention the suppositions and forged fopperies of n 2.353 Ioannes Annius, the Viterbian Monk; who brings it from I know not what Leaders, Medus and Olanns, men I dare say boldly that never were yet in the nature of things: or o 2.354 Becanus his foolish Origenes; who makes Mediolanum to be as much as regio virore camporum delectabilis: as if at first it were Meyland, from the Month May. I learned a better lesson from a far later p 2.355 Author, and of greater modesty; whom in such matters I heedfully mean to follow: Ego sane ignorare Origines ejusmodi vocabulorum multo malo, quam ridicule in eorum enodati∣one ineptire, ac turpiter errare. This then have I to say for our Mediolanum in Britain, that the name and inhabitants of it were at first deduced out of Gaul, according to q 2.356 Caesars authori∣ty; which I have more than once alledged to this purpose in this book; and to seek farther is for them, who have a minde intemperately to abuse their pretious time and pains. See CONDATE in what goes before.

The never sufficiently praised Usher out of r 2.357 Ninnius Col∣lection of the antient British Cities, restored by him out of the several Manuscripts, lets us know, that this Mediolanum in Pto∣lemy and Antoninus, was sometimes called by the old Britains

Cair Meguaid, aliter Metguod; or as commonly Meivod in Mont∣gomeryshire. As for other Antiquaries of the inferiour bench; who swallow all without chewing, it will be enough to name them; for they need not much confutation; such are Cooper, who to Mediolanum sets down Manchester; as also Lhuyd, and Nevil with Fulk; who both follow him, and with as little heed and judgement note to it Lancaster.

RUTUNIUM. M, P. XII.] There are the Ruines of a very antient Castle, lying on the Western side of Shropshire, and not far from the Seaverne, called at this day Rowton. In the Romans time, when it flourished, saith our Antiquary, it was named Rutunium by Antoninus, nec in hoc falsi esse possumus, saith he; (you see how confident he is:) seeing both the name and distance which he sets down from Uriconium, a generally known Station, doth most exactly agree. I have no more then to say of it, but that the divers reading of the old name [Rutimio] which is found in the s 2.358 Neopolitan Manuscript, is as much as comes to nothing, and that the ordinary or common one is to be acknowledged and followed.

So that now whereas consuming Time hath wrought all its other usual despites upon it, according to that of the Poet:

Aevum cuncta rapit, furtivaque tempora mutant; Naturam, sortem, nominaque & faciem.

Age and incroaching time makes all things strange, And doth their natures, names, and faces change.

Yet doth its Name still survive, a happiness which but with a few other Stations, this can yet boast of: But let it have been as great as it will, there onely remains now the shadow of a Name. And there will be a time, when that too shall expire: howe∣ver; if that be any comfort, it will be the last thing left.

URIOCONIUM M. P. XI.] Me thinks they do not amiss, who mend the name of this place in Antoninus in this Journey out of Ptolemy, and read it Viroconium. For so indeed he: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; Viroconium: making it the second of the two chief Ci∣ties of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Cornavsi: and so indeed it is printed in the XXII Journey of the same Antoninus in Aldus edition; though in that of Simler it be somewhat faulty Viriconium. And the writ∣ten books which Surita made use of do maintain as much. This City, none of the meanest in old time, as appears by Ptolemy, neer four miles on this side Shrewsbury, stood by the hither side of Seavern; even where the river Tearn exposeth it self into it. In Ninnius you finde it is named Caer Vrach; which though it come neer enough, it differs yet from Usher's Ninnius, to the which you have that rich Magazine of human, as well as divine,

learning noting this: Caer Urnach quae Camdeno, Uriconium Autonini, Viroconium Ptolemei, & Salopiensium Wroxceter suis∣se creditur. And in another place: Cair Guricon, vel Guorichon quae vel Warwicum est; vel Ptolemei Uriconium. Wroxceter in Salopiensi Comitatu. But his other conjecture perhaps will hold best. In the Anglo-Saxon time it was 〈◊〉〈◊〉. from whence our Wroxceter at this day comes; neerer, me seems, in sound to the old Roman Name, as who would say, Uriconii Castra, vel Urbs.

It was an usuall peice of Policy among the Romans, and that frequently beyond Sea observed, as upon the Rhene, and other Rivers, as well as in Britain, to fortifie the banks of Rivers that were inmost to them, and to place gar∣risons for better fence upon them, as here, where most danger of the irruption of the enemy was; the water not being more easily fordable then here even to the mouth of the Seavern, what ever of Magnificence it had, the hostile Saxon in the Island left untouched, that the furious and savage Dane quite harrased, and laid waste: so that now it is but a small village, having nothing that remains of that state it enjoyed in former ages save some disorderly ruins of Walls, which the by-inhabitants call, The old Work of Wrockcester. And although I my self have formerly viewed the place, yet it is so long ago, before I intended any such work as I am now about, and observed nothing then be∣sides the sight of a few Urnes lately taken out of the ground, which have not already been taken notice of, and set down by Cambden our learned Antiquary, I will save my self the labour and give you all out of his words. That which he speaks con∣cerning the Roman Emperors Coines found here by the Plough, is very true, for I my self have had divers presented to me while I was there, so long after. For the Ruins of the Walls yet re∣maining, he saies they were, è lapide structili septemplici Britan∣nicorum ordine exterius distincta, interius arcuato opere extructa fuerunt. Where all this appears, he conceives was a Castle, or Fortress by the unevenness of the ground, and raising thereof; as also by the rubbish and decay of the Walls there to be seen. The place where sometime the City stood, and that too spati∣ous enough, hath the ground blacker than elsewhere, where most excellent Barly comes up plentifully. And here I could not, but remember, what I have sometime read of Pomponius Laetus, the great Roman Antiquary, who when he saw any part of the ruins of the CITY digged up, he would strait fall a * 2.359 Weeping, and being asked why; he used to answer, Admonitu meliorum temporum ploro. But to speak seriously, we have rea∣son to rejoice, that we by the Divine Providence are cast upon this present Age, had we but the wit to make right use of so many golden opportunities, and advantages. About this Stati∣on

did the famous Roman Way, commonly known by the name of Watling-street, pass either by foard or by bridge not far off: but the ridge appears not any where to be seen; the foundati∣on yet, as they say, being detected by laying a Weere in the Wa∣ter. However express reliques of the antient name, are yet left in the neer adjoining Mount, which some call Gilberts, com∣monly called Wrcken-Hill, quasi Uroconii Mons; of extraordi∣nary height, if you think of meaner hills; and a notable Land∣mark to the whole Country round about.

And now having said all I have to say concerning Uroconium, Longnor, being upon the Seavern a little higher between it and Shrewsbury, the dwelling and House of my neer and very good Kinsman Francis Burton, Elquire, I shall beg leave of the not fa∣stidious Reader, to remember a piece of Antiquity, not, it is very true, of any remote time, and so less suitable to the rest here, but yet touching our own Family: and here I could not moderate my self from setting it down: and some perhaps will say I did well in it.

The Burtons were of Shropshire, a family sometime, for no ordinary relations, not to be mentioned in this place, very gra∣tious with the several Princes of the Royal House of York; and we have yet some memories that Sir Edward Burton Knight ser∣ved that side in fourteen set Battels. From him line•…•…y descen∣ded Edward Burton Esquire, a Religious Assertor of the Gospel in Q. Maries time, and by the Author of the Acts and Monu∣ments of the Church of England named among those that escaped the Persecution then for that cause. But the whole story is this: He was a man indeed, who by many waies and courses he took for his safety (too long to be told here:) and to evade the hands of such as lay in wait for him: When one day sitting a∣lone in his upper parlour at Longnor, in meditation no doubt of Gods deliverance of his people; he heard a general Ring of all the Bells in Shrewsbury, whereunto in St. Ceadda's Parish his house belonged, when strait his right-divining soul told him, it was for Q. Maries death, yet longing to know the truth more certainly, and loath to trust his Servants therein for some rea∣sons, he sent his Eldest Son, my Grandfather, being then but a boy of sixteen years of age, willing him to throw up his hat, if it were so, so impatient was his expection: Who finding it, and doing accordingly as he was directed, the good man reti∣ring presently from the window, and recovering his Chair, for extremity of joy which he conceived, for the deliverance of the Saints of God, he suddenly expired. And this was his Nunc dimittis, Domine. But neither was the storm of persecu∣tion so quite blown over hereby, but that still some scatterings did fall upon the Servants of God, for they suffered some grie∣vances still, among which was their being debarred from Chri∣stian

interment in Churches. But facilis jactura sepulcri: His friends made a shift to bury him in his Gardens by the Fish∣ponds, and set a Monument over him, which being defaced by time and rain, it happened in the year ∞. DC. XIV. that Edward Burton Esquire his Grandson, inviting to Dinner the no∣ble Sir Andrew Corbet, then Lieutenant of the Shire, with di∣vers other Gentlemen of quality; that the good Baronet, desi∣rous to see the place which preserved the reliques and memory of that excellent man: as good men are still inquisitive after them, whose vertues they honour: but finding it much decay∣ed by the weather, after a friendly correption of his Host, and serious injoynment to repair the Tomb, whereby the memory of his most deserving Grandfather was kept alive; he without any ado, effected what he spake for, and promised himself to be∣come the Poet for an Epitaph. And this is it which follows, tur∣ned also into Latine verse: but ex Anglicanis bonis, Latina non item bona.

Haec mihi non vani (nec erat cur fallere vellent:) Narravere Senes.—

Here lieth the body of Edward Burton Esquire who de∣ceased Anno Domini 1558.

Was't for denying Christ, or some notorious fact, That this mans body Christian burial lackt? O no: his faithful true profession, Was the chief cause, which then was held transgression. When Pop'ry here did reign, the Sea of Rome Would not admit to any such a Tomb. Within their Idol-Temple Walls, but he, Truly professing Christianity: Was like Christ Iesus in a Garden laid, Where he shall rest in peace; till it be said, Come faithful Servant, Come, receive with me A just reward for thy Integrity. 1614.

In Agro Salopiensi, Longnorae, ad Sabrinam Fl. ad Piscinas in Horto Iuxta Aedes patruelis mei Francisci Burtoni, Proavi mei Epitaphium.

Quod scelus? an Christi nomen temerare quod ausus, Huic vetitum sacro condere membra solo? Dii melius: sincera fides nec tramite veri Devia, causa: illo tempore grande nefas. Urbibus insultat nostris dum turbida Roma; Rasaque gens sacris dat sua jura locis:

Noc sa•…•…ri ritus, nec honores suneris; intra Moenia Christicolis, heu malesancta 〈◊〉〈◊〉 piis. At referens Dominum inculptae munere vitae, Ad Domini exemplar funera •…•…actus eret: Ille •…•…t odorifero tumulatus marmore inhorto: Ossa etiam redolens hortus & hujus habet. Hic ubi & expect at, felix! solantia verba; Euge age! mercedem jam; Bone Serve, Cape.

And now have we done with Wrokcester, and Long•…•…or, the former whereof, I have finished as part of my task undertaken: what I have said concerning the other, the great respect I had of my worthy Progenitours memory would not let me omit. And I might also take my leave of Shropshire, but that Usoco∣na, an old Station in Antoninus, and thought sometimes to have been neer the limits thereof, makes me some short stay.

USOCONA M. P. XI.] Not very far from the foot of the Wrekin, in somewhat a low bottom, stands a small village, called Oken-Yate, not famous at this Day for any thing, except it be for the much frequented Coal-pits. Of old time that it was Usocona, (written also according to the variety of copies Usoc∣cona, and Uxacona:) a Roman Station mentioned here in Anto∣ninus, is the conjecture of our great Antiquary, for these rea∣sons: First, that it is by the Military, or antient Roman High∣way; an infallible sign in his judgemeut, especially if there ac∣company it any proportionable distance; which he next ob∣serves. The equidistance between Wroxcester, and this village on the o•…•…e side, and Pencridge on the other, agreeing with that in the Ininerary exactly confirms it; so that he concludes it with that peremptoriness, that there is no cause, saith he, our quis∣quam dubitet. He addes then, nec abnuit ipsum nomen, deducing it, as his manner is, from the old British; the ignorance of which I have more then once in this Work openly professed. Nam haec dictio Y S, saith he, Britannis inferius notat: and is, it seems, added to notify the Low situation. And though the Lan∣guage of the antient Britains endured not an X. as is some∣where else taken notice of, yet the reading of the Name so [Ux∣acona] among the Romans, it being frequent in old books, is thereby nothing hindered at all.

PENNOCRUCIUM M. P. XII.] The divers rea∣dings in a 2.360 Surita, are not worth the heeding. Talbot first of all assigned it to Pencridge in Staffordshire, where is the notable Horse-•…•…air. Both names, as well that which was in use in the Romans time, as that which is at this day, seem to be derived from the River there, named Penck; by a stone bridge over which, the Military way; which being there parted asunder, is in a manner thereby joined again. The distance of Miles

in Antoninus, from Uxacona also, doth very handsomely suit.

ETOCETUM. M. P. XII.] The divers readings of the Name are to be taken notice of; for besides that set down, you have in some old Copies Etoretum, in others Erocetum: But we follow the most common. The learned Antiquary Camden con∣fesseth he was out in his conjecture, in the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of his great Work, entituled BRITANNIA; conceiving it to have * 2.361 been U•…•…exeter or U•…•…r: which is also the mistake of William Fulk in his time. Yet I dare say boldly, they two conferred not notes: The errour I am perswaded was the sooner entertained, because of some light consonancy in the Names, as if the late one had signified as much as Etoceti Urbs. But he upon farther Enquiry, and second thoughts, is confident he hath found it, there being the karcass of an old City, as he saics, lying by the antient Roman High-way, distant from Lichfield, which is South of it, scarce a whole mile. At this day it is called the Wall in Staffordshire, from the ruins of Walls, there yet to be seen, and which at this day enclose some two acres of ground, which they call Castlecroft, as it were Castri Campum. To this the inhabitants of the place, by constant tradition, say, an old City was joined, standing on the other side of the way, guessing by the rubbish in such store, the place where a Church some∣time stood, and which is the best proof of Antiquity, they pro∣duce to shew the Caesars coines found here. So that to borrow a 2.362 Tacitus words: Veteris famae latae vestigia manent, spatiumque cujus ambitu nunc quoque metiaris molem. Or if you had rather take that of b 2.363 Veleius Paterculus the Court-Historian concern∣ing the very old City Cumae: Vires veteris ejus Urbis hodieque mag∣ni. udo ostentat moenium. The distance from Manduessedum in the Itinerary suits well with the places now; and what ought to move also; the old Highway, with a fair, visible, and continu∣ed ridge comes from the Pen•…•…ks bank, even hitherto.

MANDUESSEDUM. M. P. XVI.] Manduessedum was sometime a famous Roman Mansion, as appears by Antoninus. To find out the place where of old it stood, among our many Antiquaries, is not worth the while, for even Talbot confesseth, and so must they, that he can neither divine nor devise, where∣about it should be, and yet he tells us that Man•…•…field in Sh•…•…wood comes the neerest. The difficulty in discovering it proceeds, I conceive, from not following a certain course for the finding it out: next the uncertainty of distance: Talbot telling us that the book he used having XVI. M. P that the notes in the end would have it mended VI. the contrary of which was in the Longo•…•…an Manuscripts, in which as Surita witnesses, was to be found M. P. VI. & XVI. corrigitur. Our very learned Antiqua∣ry Camden taking a sure course in these parts along Watlingstreet, hath light uponit most luckily, at a proportionable distance from

Etocetum, and thereby hath he found it, not far from the River Anker, where it is laid over with a stone-bridge: Neither is the English Name at this day so totally dissonant from the old one, but that it still retains some part of it: for it is called Mancester; in which what the addition of chester betokens, you have for∣merly had notice given you. In Ninnius his Catalogue of our old Cities, it is named Mauncega•…•…d; and the all-knowing Usher a∣grees to all that is said here, onely as he was more plentifully accomodated with Copies of Ninnius, he produceth more vari∣eties of reading Cair Maunguid alias Mauchgnid; which whether at all material, our friends the old Britains have most reason to know best. Now whereas there is a Quarry of stones here by, whence they have supplyed their need formerly cutting thence; and seeing we are informed by the Glossaries of the British Lan∣guage, that as Main is a Stone; so Fosswad in the Provincial speech, hath the signification of digging: from which two words joined together, as they may easily produce Manduessedum; so do they to the life expresse the Nature of the place. The other course I was thinking on to find out the meaning of Manduesse∣dum, was to learn if possible I might meet with any one who could tell me, what that sedum might signifie, as I had seen the terminations of other Stations made significative: for ex∣ample, dunum, durus, briga, magus, and divers others. The stu∣dious youth may think of it, as besides this here, M•…•…iosedum c 2.364 in Caesar, and elsewhere more. For my part I surcease all farther enquiry, except I were better furnished with helps and means wherewithall to effect it. And whosoever shall attempt it, let him alwaies have this in his minde, that the old Gallique tongue, and the British were the very same. How great soever it was in old time, I know not; now it makes shew of nothing antient, praeter antiquam molem, saith Camden, which they call Aldbury, and is as much as Antiquus Burgus. The Town consists not of above fourteen houses, Atherstone, a Market Town on one side, and Nonmeatus on the other side, having, in a manner, exhau∣sted it.

VENNONIS. M. P. XII.] alias Bennonis; for so it is other wise called. Take therefore what is to be said concerning this Station from an eye-witness thereof after Camden, the dili∣gent and judicious William Burton Esquire, in the LXXII. page of his Description of that Shire.

Cleybroke, in the Hundred of Guthlakeston, standing upon the edge of Warwickshire neer Watlingstreet. Neer unto this Town (many ages since) stood a great Roman City (out of the ruines whereof this might seem to spring) of the station called Benno∣nes, but by the Saxons after called Claycester, through which went the great street way called Watlingstreet; for on both sides of the Way, have been plowed and digged up many antient

Roman Coyns, great square stones and bricks, and other rub∣bish of that antient Roman building: not far from a Beacon, stan∣ding upon the way now called High Cross, of a cross which there stood sometimes, upon the cross meeting of another * 2.365 Great way. Many of these coines here found have been delivered to me, of which I will onely set down two, the one the antientest, the other the latest; though that the rest (being well viewed) might give light perhaps to some other passages; for as that excellent Graecian d 2.366 Geometrician, that finding the length of Hercules foot upon the sand of the Hill Olympus, drew all the lineaments of his whole body, by the proportion of that one onely part: So by the learned and judicious, out of the observances of these small Coyns, Inscriptions, and such other Reliques, may be found the Antiquity, continuance, greatness, and other cir∣cumstances of this antient City, now utterly perished and ex∣tinct.

The first and antientest of these Coyns here found is of the Emperor Caius Caligula in Copper, stamped as Occo setteth down, An. Dom. 42. upon the one side the Emperour with a Lawrel wreath, with this Inscription, viz.

C. CAESAR. DIVI. AUG. PRON. AUG. P. M. T. R. P. IIII. PP.

Upon the reverse:

VESTA. S. C.

Vesta sitting in a chair, holding in her right hand a dish.

The other Coyn is of Constantine the Great, Emperour, in Copper, stamped An. Dom. 306. upon the one side, the face with a Lawrel wreath, circumscribed, viz.

CONSTANTINUS. P. F. AUG.

Upon the reverse:

SOLI INVICTO COMITI. T. F. P. R.

The figure of the Sunne.

The Roman Emperours (as Marguard Frehere in his Diatribe upon a piece of Coyn of Constantine Palaeologus, the last Empe∣rour of Constantinople well observes:) were very carefull in the graving and stamping of their Coines, holding it no small lustre and ornament to their Majesties, to have their devices neatly cut, and their faces made to the life, which was performed with that exquisite Art, that though many of them (of several sorts)

were mingled together; yet by a judicious beholders view of the favour and Physiognomy, without reading the inscription, they might very easily be distinguisht: which curious observance of theirs continued from the time of Julius Caesar, untill about the reign of Constantine the Great; at which time it began to de∣cline, and was not revived again, untill many hundred yeares after. Of these Coines many have written, as Levinu•…•…, Hulsi∣us, Abraham Gorleus, Aeneas Vicus; but chiefly Adolfus Occo, a Physitian of Ausp•…•…rge in Germany, who hath set down the In∣scriptions of them, and in words hath described the devises. O∣thers have caused the Coyns to be cut, and printed, as neer to the medagle it self as they could; as namely Erizzo an Italian, Jacobus a Bre, from Julius Caesar to Valentinian, printed 1611. but more general and curious are Hubert 〈◊〉〈◊〉, whose large The∣saurus of them, in several Tomes, shew his industry and genius therein. And Octavius de Strada, a Rosberg Courtier, and Anti∣quary in Ordinary to the last Rodolf, Emperour, who from Ju∣lius Caesar hath written briefly the Lives and genealogies and set down the Coyns and medaglies of all the Emperours, both of the East and west, unto Matthias the Emperour, curiously cut in Copper, and printed 1615.

Of the Roman Inscriptions have written M•…•…us Vels•…•…r, Johan∣nes Gruter, Martin Smetius, Justus Lipsius in large Volumes, and John Boissard in six Volumes, with the Prints in Copper, prin∣ted 1600. And for our own Country, the right worthy, judi∣cious and nobly descended Sir Robert Cotton, Knight and Baronet, hath collected together so many as hitherto have been found or discovered in this land.

BENNAVENNA. M. P. XII.] It is read here also, ac∣cording to the variety of Copies Bennaventa, or Benneventa: see Surita. You have it twice again repeated in this Itinerary, but with much interpolation of the name. For in the VI. Journey from London to Lincoln, you have Isannovantia; for it is that very same Station. And in the VIII you have it called Banna∣vantum in that from London to York; thence also you must mend the number here saith, Talbot, and make it XIX. see the reasons thereof in him on those two places following.

That Northampton stood where this sometime had its being, John Lel•…•…nd, a painful Interpreter of our British affairs, and Walliam •…•…ulk also thought: whose opinion Camden at first thought good of; but upon second cares and more diligent ob∣servation of the place, he sets it VI. miles thence, where now Wedon on the street is: so called because it stands upon that Prae∣torian Way which the Romans built, and along which Antoni∣nus deseribes his Stations. Moreover this is confirmed by the exact account or tale of Miles to the Mansions on both sides, an undoubted argument: Not to make that one, saith our Anti∣quary,

that the springs of Avon hard by here seen, and are, be concluded in the composition of the name Bennavenna. As for the first part of it, I know not what to say to it. Perhaps some bold Britain would have added Pen, for which yet you see Ben: because we say in Latine, as well as in English, Caput flu∣minis. You know formerly that I am not skilled in, and less taken in such deductions of names. Therefore though I could tell you that Benna in the Gallique Language, and consequently in the British, did signifie as much as e 2.367 Vehi•…•…ulum, yet doubting I should not please the best therein, any more then if I should say this B•…•…neventa was a Colony deduced from Beneventum in Ita∣ly; I forbear both; the first, because I have no cause or reason for it: the second, because I have no authority, or sufficient warrant to make it good; neither is it likely I should. This though an antient City hath not much to set forth its memory, or which can assert it much from the injury of oblivion, but the very name onely thrice mentioned in this Itinerary. Yet if our conjecture hath any verisimilitude, those Camps and muni∣ments were neer upon this ground, wherewith P. Ostor•…•…us Sca∣pula the Propraetor here, under Claudius, Antonam fluvium, fin∣xit quibusque Petilius Cerealis defensus est •…•…um à victore Britanno fusa Legione nona, & quod erat pedi•…•…um interfecto, huc •…•…um equiti∣bus evasisset.

When the Roman power in the Island was come over and gone, K. Wolpher had his palace here; the miracles of whose daughter Werburg a virgin, are much celebrated by our Wri∣ters. Which I take notice of, not so much that I am taken with such relations, as to bring in an observation, that the Roman Sta∣tions here became afterward the dwelling of the Saxon Princes. And this is not the first place where that hath been done.

LACTODORO M. P. XII.] Our Antiquary had ra∣ther read it Lactorodum, as it is in the written books. Ort•…•…lius hath it both waies by U. Lactorudum: the Neapolitan Manu∣script, had it Lactodrodo M. P. XII. as the rest have it. In the VI. Journey it is constantly read Lactodorum: see there. To the name saith Robert Talbot, alldunt Lutt•…•…rworth & L•…•…ughborow. But the distance from other Mansions here, will by no means suffer it. Though some Folk would have it to be the latter, yet, he mends it for Bedford as doth Camden also set it down so; in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of his excellent Work. But it could not be Bedford, for that stands not upon the military High-way, which is certissi∣mus index ad stationes & mansiones ab Antonino memoratas repe∣riendas, nor hath it any token else of Roman Antiquity. Al∣though sometime he thought it to be so by reading it Lectodo∣rum, and deducing it from Lettui, that is in British, diversoria, Inne•…•…; and dur aqu•…•…; as if the name had been Lett•…•…dur, or Di∣versoria ad aquam. f 2.368 Lact•…•…rate the old Town in Gaul differs

as you see in the termination only: perhaps this may have had some relation, or dependance thereupon, like others in Britain. See CONDATE in this same Journey. But in his last edi∣tion thereof; he takes it rather to be Stony-Stratford. The pro∣portionable distance perswaded him to it. And its standing upon the famous Strata, thoroughfare, or street, as it doth: he concludes all, in giving the signification of both names together, which are suitable and alike: for he lets us know that in the old Bri∣tish tongue Stones are called Leach: now you were acquainted but now that it stands upon the Watlingstreet; and ryd, signifies a ford: So you have, he being the interpreter, Lactodorum, i. e. Stony-stratford.

MAGIO VINIO M. P. XVI.] Commonly XII. in the publick Books. You have this Station twice again in this Iti∣nerarv, the VI. and VIII. Journeyes. There we will speak of the divers readings of the names, and look to the numbers of Miles. We find Magioninium, Migiovinium, Magiovintum, Ma∣gintum. But the first seems most likely to be the right. Dunsta∣ble is a Town well known upon the rode, standing upon the Chiltern in Bedfordshire, every bodie knows it. That this was so many ages ago named Magiovintum, our Antiquary is so confi∣dent, as nothing can be more. For besides its standing upon the Military Roman-way, the Caesars Coyns are usually found by the Swineheards, saith he, in the fields about, which they to this day call Ma•…•…ning Money, reserving still some reliques, though corrupt, of the antient name. And hard by at the very de∣scent of the Chiltern Hills, there is a Military Fence for the space of IX. acres made round, such as g 2.369 Caesar and h 2.370 Strabo, de∣scribe the Britains Towns to be commonly called Mading-bower, and Madinbour by the By-dwellers: in quo nomine, they are the words of that learned man, parum vitiato nomine Magintum se planissime ostendit. However it was ruined by time, or otherwise * 2.371 King Henry I. repaired the Town, rooting out thence Dun, and his fellow robbers. He had his residence there sometime him∣self. By this you know the original of the name of Dunstable. But in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or former edition, he puts down Ashwel in Hert∣fordshire for it.

DUROCOBRIVAE M. P. XII.] This station is re∣peated twice again in what follows, alike in all, save that in the VI. and IIX. Journeys it is corrupted into Du•…•…ocobrius. Our former Antiquaries are foully out, setting down to this Dunsta∣ble, Stony-Stratford, &c. all which we have already past. But our Antiquary with better judgement places it at or about Redb•…•…urne, which if interpreted is as much saies he, as aqua ru∣bra, although the water that runs by it is no redder than that of the i 2.372 Red-Sea. The place, they say, is famous for the Reliques of Amphibalus, as formerly for his Martyrdome. The story is

in k 2.373 Beda, thus:

Alban as yet a Pagan, when as the com∣mands of cruel Princes raged against the Christians, gave en∣tertainment to a certain Clerk running away from the pursu∣ers. Whom when he saw day and night employed in conti∣nual praying and watching; suddenly being visited by the di∣vine Grace, he began to imitate him as an example of faith and piety; and by little and little being instructed by his wholsome exhortations, leaving the darkness of Idolatry, he became a Christian from his whole heart. Now when as the aforesaid Clark remained some daies with him, news came to the ears of the wicked Prince, that this Confessor of Christ, lay lurking with Alban, having not as yet any certain place appointed for his Martyrdome. Whence the Souldiers were commanded with more diligence to search him out. Who comming at Albans dwelling; he presently for his ghuest and Master, yielded himself to the Souldiers, arrayed in his ve∣ry habit, and l 2.374 dress, and so was brought bound before the judge.

So far Beda; Cui quidem cum Clerici istius nomen plane ignorabile videretur; aut certe quod ab eo omissum, prorsus intercidis∣se; & quoniam, ut ait ille apud Poetam,

m 2.375 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Mortales inter nullus sine nomine vivit Ex quo na•…•…us erit primum, pravusque bonusque.

Aliud illi affine & veterum aliquis, qui Domino n 2.376 Armachano non alius fuisse vide•…•…ur, quam ipse Galfridus, in •…•…ujus Historia Britan∣nica (sive Gildam ille parum à se intellectum corruperit, quod quidem verisi milius est; sive, quod le•…•…ssime dici potest, vitiosis exemplari∣bus usus fuerit:) Amphibali nomen primum occurrit, lib. 5. cap. 5. Locus autem Gildae •…•…a ab eo effectus est: [Sub sancto Abbate Am∣phibalo] quam lectionem & Polydoro-Virgiliana Gildae editio secuta est: ex quo etiam errore & alterum Amphibalum, Wintoniae ad Amphibali martyris Abbatem extudit nobis Iohannes •…•…alaeus. Atqui in vetustissimo Gildae codice [sub sancti Abbatis Amphibalo] uti a Ios∣selino est ed•…•…um, adject a glossula, id est, byrro vel dubio, scriptum se vidisse testatur idem Dominus Armachanus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Primord. Ec∣cles. Brit. pag. DXXXIX. Est autem Amphibalum [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] (an∣tiquae Graeciae 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dictum) vestis externa genus, quod & nomen indicat, qua clerici olins, & monach•…•… utebantur. Sul∣pitius Severus Dialogo II. qui est de virtutibus B. Martini. Sanctus paupere non vidente, intra Amphibalum sive tunicam latenter eduxit, pauperemque contectum discedere jubet. Videndu•…•… est Cl. Sal•…•…asius ad Vopiscum, praeter Ioannem M•…•…ursium, aliosque in Glossariis. Ita homo ingeniosus, & fortasse minime malus, ex cucullo

& pannis monachum nobis effinxit; non secus ac simia, ut habetur in Graecorum fabulis, ex Piraeo Athenarum portu, hominem sibi amicum & familiarem?

Confictojam, atque indito à veteribus huic Clerico nomine, de patris ipsius quaedam orta est controversia, dum alii transmarinum suisse, & saviente Diocletiani persecutione, in Britanniam trans•…•…isse, alii Isca sive Urbis Legionum, civem affirmant. I•…•…annes Caius Urbis Schola∣rium Cantabrigiae Rectorem fuisse scribit, auctorem seculus Nicol•…•…um Cantelupum in Historiola Cantabrigiae. Non procul Verolamio ex parte una, & Annable opido (quod ab Amphibalo nomen accepit) ex altera, sita est Redburna, Antonino Dorocobrivae nuncupata, ubi Amphibalum martyrio vitaem finiisse narrant; Gesta autem Amphibali ex monachorum scriptis,

(—Signis tamen haec quoque, signis Captus amore leget:—)

Plena manu digessit toties jam nobis laudatus Dominus Armachanus, quem quidem 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ut de Eustathio Thessalonicensi olim o 2.377 Nicetas Choniates, boni quidem omnes, etiam mali inviti, agnoscunt. But enough I think of this learned Clerk. We return to our old Station Duroco∣brivae or Redbourne.

At this day it is taken notice of for standing upon the Wat∣ling-street, and for the brook Weamer hard by it, which never bubbles up or rises, but against a dearth of Corn, or hard times, as the neighbours say, and believe. Hereby stood that antient station Durocobrivae, though the distance seems to say no such thing; now Redburn, for they both signifie the same aquam Ru∣bram, or Red-water. For ancient places are most an end best di∣scovered, either by old Inscriptions, by the course of Journeys, by the likeness and significations of names, by Rivers and Lakes adjoined, when otherwise the numbers and distance in the Iti∣nerary do not so well suit, as which may easily be corrupted, as here too often, and the short cuts in waies quite lost. And XVI. is not so hardly made of VII. Besides Rivers themselves dye and decay in time, as you have been formerly told. And therefore whether it should be briva or briga rather, which p 2.378 Strabo saith among the Gauls signified a City, at least such a one, as had in it a water passed over with a bridge: the word in all modern languages almost for pons comming from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And therefore we will take Cluverius observation in his Geography: That Briga signifieth what pons doth, among the old Celtae. And that, omnia opida per Galliam pariter ac Hispaniam & alias regio∣nes ita desinentia ad sluminum ripas posita sunt. Hence is it that in q 2.379 Caesars severall copies you read Samarobriga, and Samarobri∣va; as it is also in Ptolemy 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In Antoninus •…•…riva Isarae,

which Simler otherwise calls Briga Isarae, for Pontoise in France. So by this Durocobriva will be as much as Pons seu Trajectus aqua Rubrae, i. e. The pass of the Red water, or Redbou•…•…n. However I cannot dissemble, but that the same great Antiquary, in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, the first edition of his BRITANNIA, be∣lieved it to be Hertford. His words are: Hertfordiam semper Du∣rocobrivas esse credidit Durioh, i. e. Rubra aqua. H•…•…rudford, i. e. The Redford; distantia convenit. But since he hath changed his opinion.

VERULAMIUM. MP. VII.] Had I had the For∣tune, which I remember good Robert had by the courtesie of St. Albans ghost, to be carried up and down, and acquainted with what ever concerned the Town, r 2.380 de maeniis dirutae civi∣tatis, de amne diminuto, de strata communi adjacente civitati. I might save my labour in turning over other mens books: but seeing that will not be, take in good part what I have col∣lected, and got to know, by perusing the Writings of other men before me.

First, then take we notice of the name, which is thrice re∣membred in this Itinerary, but somewhat faulty the best: Ver∣lamio, Verulami, and Verolamo; for Verulamio. Ptolemy also would be noted, in whom you find, but amiss 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, making it one of the Cities of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Catyeuchlani, It stood in∣deed neer where the famous old Town St. Albans now flouri∣sheth, which grew by its ruines; in Caishow Hundred, which place the Cassii, mentioned by s 2.381 Caesar, without doubt saith our Antiquary sometimes possessed. Of these then, saith he, the famous Commander Cassibeltamus had his name. Among the Britain Cities, which we have set down by Ninnius, it is called Caer-Municip. Because it had been a Muncipium in the Romans times, as you shall hear anon: though for it you find in t 2.382 Hun∣tington, Caer-Mercipit; but corruptly. And our Antiquary needed not to have made any doubt, that this was Caer Municipi∣um which Golizius found in old Inscriptions. By the Sacons it was called Wenlam cester and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from the Watlingstreet Way, and at this day it is still called Verulam, though thereof nothing remains, but the ruins, to say that ever it was. Hence had the truly Noble St. Francis Bacon his Honors, Lord Verulam Vicont S. Albans. A man, as one saies of him, Uno omni laude & invidia major; acerrimi ju•…•…icii, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ingen•…•…i, eruditionis v•…•…ro minime vulgaris, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 inter mori•…•…ura post se r•…•…liquit orna∣menta: qui seculi sui ingenia longe supergressus, cum omni antiqu•…•…ta∣te certainen habuit. But what our Comes Municipii was, if our learned Heralds cannot tell, as I fear they will be to seek, I re∣fer them to u 2.383 Galfridus in his British History: Comes ergo oppi∣di Municipii, qui ipsum prae caeteris diligebat, praeceptis illius parere non distulit. But his followers, because they understood not

him, cared not that we should understand him, for what means one of them by (x) Comes quidem sub municipio oppidi * 2.384 &c.

The whole current of our Antiquaries, and those too such as would not take it well to have their judgement slighted, thought this Verulamium, to be that Cassi bellani opidum, which we find in y 2.385 Caesar, speaking of his conquest of it, Syivis pa∣ludibusque munitum, quo satis magnus hominum pecorumque numerus convenere. Oppidum autem Britanni cum sylvas impeditas vallo atque fossa munterunt quo incursionis hostium vitandae causa convenire consueverit. Locum reperit egregie natura atque opere munitum. I confess I was not at first so much resolved as to think so, yet bet∣ter inclined to it, since I understood that Camden himself thought it probable: Neither have I met with other Antiquities of it till Nero's time; seeing that the same learned Antiquary, thought that the vallum, which now is commonly called Oister hills, was of old in Claudius time the Castra or Camp of z 2.386 P. Osterius Sca∣pula, his Propraetor here.

But in Nero's time it met with a sad fate: The story out of Tacitus is thus: Under Nero then, the Britains intolerably loaden with weight of the Roman government, and especially the Icens (now Norfolk and Suffolk men) provoked by that cruel servitude into which not themselves, but the wife also, and daughters of their King Prasutagus were, even beyond right of victory, con∣strained: at length, breathing for liberty (and in a further con∣tinuance of War, having for their General a 2.387 Boadicia, b 2.388 Bou∣dicia, c 2.389 Voadica, or d 2.390 Bunduica, (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as the Poet saith, of another:) their Queen, rebelled against their forrein Conqueror, and in Martial opposition committing a slaughter of no less then LXXX. M. (as Dio hath, although Tacitus miss CMC. of this number:) ransackt and spoiled Maldon (then Camalodunum:) a Colony of which in the IV. Journey; and also this Verulamium which were the two chief Towns of the Isle; for so is Suetomus understood by learned men; if London be not meant by one of them; his words are: e 2.391 Accessit tantis ex Principe malis clades Britannica, qua duo pr•…•…cipua oppida magna civium Romanorum sociorumque cade dirept•…•…. And though no body hath questioned this: yet there want not, who make it a doubt, whether this Free Borough Verulam, having tasted of the same miserable Fortune, which London it self did, which Corn. Tacitus witnesses, were first or in suffering rather last, in the order as Tacitus ranks it. For how say they, doth that reason hold good, Suetonius Pauliuus rendred as the finall cause of his quitting London, by the loss of one Town to save the whole residue, if Verul•…•… here were overwhelmed after? But being it is clear for the disorder of the fact, the strife, or doubt concerning the order of the time, may very well cease, and we

may follow what we find. But we were best take a view of Ta∣citus words, as corrupt as they are. f 2.392 Eadem clades municipio Verulamio fuit: quia barbari omissis castellis praesid•…•…sque militari∣•…•…, quod uberri•…•…um spoliant & deserentes intutum, laeti praeda & aliorum insignes pet•…•…bant. Ad Septuaginta milia civium & sociorum, iis quae memoravi locis, occidisse constitit. Neque enim capere aut ve∣nundare, aliudve quod belli commercium, sed caedes, patibula, ignes, cruces, •…•…anquam reddituri supplicium, ac praecepta interim ultione fe∣stinabant. Nothing did more unmask the covetous, corrupt, and in wardly most vitious intents of the followers of Boadicia, then the injury done hereunto. For in Camalodunu•…•… the main body and stock of the people were Romans, and London like∣wise was full of them, which ministred some colour for their mercilesse carriage; but why they should deal in that manner with Verulamium, the Magistrates and communalty whereof were Britains, no tolerable cause can be well assigned. True it is they had the dignity and benefit to be free of Rome, but were not otherwise Roman. A principal difference between the per∣sons of a Colony and those of a Municipium, this; that in a Colony they were evermore drawn out of the Corporation it self of the people of Rome, as members before, but in the other, they were not any part of that Imperial body till favourably received by municipial priviledge into the freedom; men generally forrein else, and but by admission capable. You may if you please see Agellius and other Roman Writers, but if you have not leisure, Camden alone will be enough. However in this very work have recourse to •…•…boracum, for that too by Aurelius Victor is said to have been a Municipium. The Verulamians therefore were Bri∣tains, though now they smarted as Romans; and found their riches to be their undoing. It might be supposed (if Histories were places for supposals:) that King Cogidunus (of whom there is already sufficient spoken) was Lord of the Soil about, which being upon the frontier of the revolted Trinobantes, the Town for that cause suffered mischief, in hatred and despite of his constant friendship to his great Benefactors the Romans. And here among many others the like, in the g 2.393 CORNELIAN Annals, the infelicity of the Text, corrupted by transcription, breeds con∣fusion. Nor doth the Surgery of Criticks so heal it, but that new Galls and Blisters may still arise. What Tacitus would prin∣cipally say is not obscure: For he hath told us; That the Bri∣tains, omitting Castles and Garrisons, as tedious and trouble∣some to conquer, ranged loose about, and made booty or havock of that which was most of worth abroad; and although disor∣dered shufflings of the vulgar Text, which is, that the follow∣ers of Boadicia carried their pillage and robberies to places of safety, (whether Woods or Boggs, or whatsoever else) and full of gladnesse for their chevisance, did then come again to

fetch more, which every man will repute reasonable to sup∣pose) yet those h 2.394 learned masters from other conjectures; are best to be seen in their own writings. The most judicious of them agree in this to be the sense, that Boadicia's men sought for that which was most gainfull to themselves, and withall un∣safe for the owners to defend; a people forward to Boot-hale, and consume, but backward to the duties of War. A censure they well deserved, and extends to all others, who propoun∣ding to themselves no laborious nor honest means of life, long for civil confusions, that they might have what to lavish, though but for never so short a while, and with whatsoever lasting mi∣sery to the innocent and industrious.

But after this storm and stound, as great as it was, it flouri∣shed again, and attained to much fame and renown. Among other things, there is a Coyn, extant, stamped here, as they say, and is most probable, having on the one side TASCIA; on the other VER: let the learned judge when they see it:

[illustration] obverse side of a coin

VER

[illustration] reverse side of a coin

TASCIA

The learned Divine of Wales, and Antiquary too, David Po∣wel, a man well skilled in British memories of old time, per∣swaded Mr. Camden, one upon whom you could not easily put a false die, that in their antient Language this piece TASCIA denoted and signified as much as Tributi d•…•…arius, as Tastyd was praecipuus Tributi col•…•…ector. So that this Coyn meant as much as the Tribute money of Verulaminum; Now whereas many will have these Coyns antienter than the Romans coming in hither, the learned Antiquary will not hear of it: Money indeed from all Antiquity was tributurary here, and abroad, either by the poll, or quantity of Land: but before them to whom should the Britains pay tribute? And yet they had money: ask Caesar else, speaking of their money.

The reading of late, whether from Scaliger or Lipsius, it mat∣ters not which, hath taleis ferreis, for annulis ferreis: Howe∣ver our Speed makes his boasts of having so many Iron Rings lying by him, remainders of Caesars times. But for this place, being as perplexed as any in Caesar, I refer you to my Britanniae Romanorum, where we illustrate what he hath concerning our affairs. There are many interpolations, it must be confessed,

both before and since Julius Celsus his recension of him, and his times; but we do not therefore disavow and reject with Fran∣ciscus Floridus, or a 2.395 Ludovicus Carrio, and others, those im∣mortal Commentaries, which deserve the •…•…ading and memory of all ages.

But return we to Verulam••um, in which the first Letters VER, should seem somewhat to sound honourably in the British tongue, because b 2.396 VER-gobret was the name of a chief Ma∣gistrate among the Galls (whose language was the same with the Britains:) and their most heroick Champion was called Verringecorix: But this is more easie to imagine, then to prove: That it signified the same with Mawr, is probable, if the sense of Ver, or Vawr in some British dialect, be likewise equivalent in English as Mawr is. Great and apt additions in these parti∣culars.

Humphrey Lhuyd one of the learnedst late Antiquaries among us (I ever except the Trium-viri:) will have it, that the petty stream that runs thereby was denominative of the place, and Verham to have been Ver-•…•…han; the F•…•…e or Temple upon the Water Werr, he supposing that to be the name thereof.

That the Thames once held its course by this Town, and that Ships of great burthen passed by, many have delivered. But the cause why some thought so, is for that, Gildas, speaking of St. Albans martyrdome, and his miraculous passing through the River at Verlamcester calls it iter ignotum trans Thamesis fluvii al∣veum: so by collection they guest that Thames had then his first course this Way, being thereto further moved by Anchors, and such like, here digged up. This Conjecture hath been follow∣ed by that Noble Muse thus, in the person of Verlam.

And where the Chrystall Thamis wont to slide * 2.397 In Sylver Channel down along the Lee, About whose flowry banks on either side, A thousand Nymphs, with mirthfull jollity, Were wont to play from all annoyance free There now no Rivers course is to be seen, But Moorish Fens and Marshes ever green. There also where the winged Ships were seen, In liquid waves, to cut their foamy way; A thousand Fishers numbred to have been In that wide Lake, looking for plenteous prey Of fish, with baits which they us'd to betray, Is now no Lake, nor any Fishers store, Nor ever ship shall saile there any more.

But for this matter of the Thames, those two great Antiqua∣ries, Leland and Camden, have joined in judgement against it:

and for the Anchors, they may be supposed of Fish boats in large Pools which have here been, and yet are, left Reliques of their name.

Of such a great pool there, hear what an antient Historian saith: the Ruines of Verulam are a Wall of Flints and Bricks, eaten down into the earth with age and weather, and deep dou∣ble Trenches about, which remain at this day looking sadly with an overgrown face upon the Town of St. Alban, and yet retains the antient name:

Alfricus Abbas Piscinam magnam & prosundam Ecclesiae S. Albani nimis nocivam & vicinam, quae Fishpole dicebatur, magno pretio com∣paravit. Erat autem Regum piscaria, fueruntque regii ministri & piscatores molesti coenobio, & oneri Coenobitis, Equa ille aquam aliquan∣do derivavit, & aridam redegit.

Personating the Genius of Verlam, that ever famous c 2.398 Spenser sung.

I was that City which the Garland wore Of Britains pride, delivered unto me By Roman Victors, which is won of yore; Though naught at all but ruines now I be, And lie in mine own ashes, as you see: Verlam I was; what boots it that I was, Sith now I am but weedes and wastefull grass?

As under the Romans, so in the Saxon times afterward, it en∣dured a second ruin, and out of its corruption, after the Ab∣bey erected by K. Offa, was generated that of Saint Albans; whi∣ther, in later times, most of the stone-works and whatsoever fit for building was by the Abbots translated. So that,

d 2.399—Now remains no Memory Nor any little monument to see, By which the Traveller that fares that Way, This once was she, may warned be to say.

And now if to this place of our English virgil, concerning the decay of Verulamium, I bring as paralel the overthrow of Carthage, out of e 2.400 one, who if any other, had his genius as well as house, I know no reason why any one should be offended: for my part I am delighted in it:

—Qua devictae Carthaginis arces Procubuere, jacentque i•…•…usto in Littore turres Eversae. Quantum illa me•…•…us, quantum illa laborum Urbs dedit insultans Latio, & Laurentibus arvis, Nunc passim vix relliquias, vix nomina •…•…ans,

Obruitur propriis non agnoscenda ruinis. Et querimur, genus infelix! humana labore Membra avo, cum rogna-pal•…•… mariantur, & urbes.

So wealthy Carthage Walls did fall before, And ruined Bulwarks on that haplesse shore. What Wars, what troubles might she boast? She brought on Rome, and the Laurentian Coast. Now scarce her reliques, nor her name is known Nor the uncertain ruins of that Town. And we complain of our sad lives short date, When Realms and Kingdomes perish by like fate.

Si quanta Romanorum numismatum copia, quot imagines ex auro, & argento consiatae, quot vasa, quot columnae marmoreae, quot episty∣lia, quotque antiqui operis miracula hic eruta fuerint, ex vulgi rela∣tione percensore velim, omnem fidem superaret oratio! saith our An∣tiquary. But he thinks Verulamiuns, was equally famous for nothing, as for that in Dioclesian the Emperours time, under a grievous persecution of Christians it produced Alban the Proto∣martyr of the Britains, a stout Champion of the Gospel: to him therefore have recourse for his Story; but especially to the never to be enough praised Dr. Usher, lately Archbishop of Armagh, who therein hath detected many errours and mistakes, cleared all doubts, and set right the whole Narration of his life and death; and a 2.401 as Salomon saies, what shall the man do that cometh after the King? even that which hath been already done.

SULLONIACAE M. P. IX.] The Watlingstreet way goes on from Verulamium to London, &

b 2.402—Longarum territor Regina viarum;

As he said of the Appian. But there is some deflection in the course now, which gave cause to Harrison to mistake Barnet for Sulloniacae. But Talbot, I know not what reason he had for it, rather puts Edgeworth for it: And Fulk Shelney, between St. Ste∣phens and Ilstree; if by this he means Ellestr•…•…e, perhaps he is not much out of the Way; for much about this distance from Lon∣dinium is Sulloniacae to be found: and our Antiquary hath light upon it at Brockley hill, where are the remains of an old Station and very much rubbish digged up. The Roman power at length expiring in the Island, and all being set on fire by the Sa∣xon with War, an universal face of Barbarism over-run all, and among the rest all that lay between the Chiltern was all over∣grown with trees and bushes, and almost to London, and not restored again, nor the way quitted, till by Leoftan the twelfth

Abbot of S. Albans a little before the Normans entrance: c 2.403 Ille, saith the Historian, opaca nemora, qu•…•… à limbo Ciltri•…•… usque Lon∣donium fere, a p•…•…rte Septentrionali ubi pracipue Strata Legia, quae Watlingstratu dicitur, fecit resecari, salebras explanari, pontes fabri∣cari, & abrupta via•…•… in planitiem redigi tutiore•…•…. But this old way being again restored, was again deserted, another by the licence of the Bishops of London, between three and four hun∣dred years ago, through High-Gate and Barnet being laid open, as is already observed, by our learned Countreyman and dili∣gent Antiquary.

LONDINIO. M. P. IX.] Many glorious, and very high, are the expressions which they of old time used concerning R•…•…me. * 2.404 Poleman the Sophist called it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Sum∣mary, or extract of the whole world. In d 2.405 M•…•…rtianus of He∣rac•…•…ea, you find it stiled, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the common Star of the whole Earth:

Terrarum dea, gentiumque Roma, Cui par•…•…st nihil & nihil secundum.

Rome Empresie of the World alone, Thou art without comparison.

As old Martial saith; and little less we find said of the a 2.406 new City, Byz•…•…ntium, or b 2.407 CP. And as for the gallant City Athens, to omit those common ones, in which it is called c 2.408 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or, the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Gr•…•…ce: and elsewhere, d 2.409 the other eye of Greece; that methinks of e 2.410 Hegesias in Strabo, speaking of it, is very brave; where he calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Edifice of the Gods, and gallant men in former time. Now though this may very truly be said of London, yet let me adde, that the Piety, Justice, Wisdome, and other Virtues, have more preserved this City then ever the Ancilia Martis did Rome, or the Palladium did Athens it self; and rendred the Genius there∣of so vital as we see. For in that very respect it is wondred at by learned men.

Truly such hath been the Fate of this our great and famous City, that it hath not onely survived the memory of many her Neighbors, mentioned by Antonine, Ptolemy, the f 2.411 Notitia of the Western Empire, &c. whose burial places our Antiquaries of late have made such search and enquiry after; but for the space of above one thousand five hundred fourscore and six years (for so long it is since the Consulship of Caesonius 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and Petronius Turpilia•…•…us, in whose time London was accounted g 2.412 maxime celebre by an unquestionable Author: and my intent is not to insist upon any Antiquity much beyond this:) hath flourished more for the stateliness and magnificence of her goodly buildings: for

the large extent of her bounds and jurisdiction: for the religion and civility of her inhabitants; for the wisdom and honor of her Magistrates, whose * 2.413 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 have abundant witnesses, and appear in most Towns of the Kingdome: for the profession of Arms, all good letters and arts; not to speak of her Traffique and commerce with all Countries, and Ports of the known world, more then any other whatsoever throughout all Chri∣stendome. And notwithstanding it hath often met with those common calamities, Fire and the sword of Enemies, both do∣mestique and forrein, yet what hath usually proved utterly de∣structive to others, to this hath been a cause of gaining more splendour and greatnesse, and she hereby, like the Kingly Oak, to speak in the Poets words, (or rather c 2.414 Horaces, that I may not offend against the Imperial Rule of d 2.415 Justinian.)

Per damna, per caedes ab ipso Duxit opes anima•…•…que ferro:

Slaughter, losse, and civil strife Gave her wealth, and weapons, life.

Or in Seneca's: e 2.416 ita cecidit, ut 〈◊〉〈◊〉 surgeret, & in majus. Her frequent Schathfires have rendred her not less magnificent, but more famous. And her enemies have had the same cause of grief, that •…•…imagenes, an enemy to the Welfare of Rome, con∣fesseth himself to have had, as often as it chanced to be set on fire; Roma sihi incendia ab hoc 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dolori esse, quod scire•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 refurrectura, quam arsissent: He knew they would be built more stately after the burning. All which argues and confirms thus much, that London is a body well complexioned: or if you had rather have so much in Latine from the most polite, but unim∣itable f 2.417 Lipsius speaking of it: Londiniu•…•…, saith he, upon oc∣casion of firing it under Nero, by the incomparable woman B•…•…∣dicia, urbs nobilissi•…•…a, vitali genio condi•…•…a, hodieque celebre. The place which I mean is to be found in his Commentaries upon the Immortal Annals of Cornelius Tacitus, wherein is almost the an∣tientest mention of Londinium, which we may by no means neg∣lect to bring in here: At Suetonius mirae constantia medios inter ho∣stes Londinium perrexit, cognomento quidem colonia non 〈◊〉〈◊〉, sed copia negotiatorum & commeatu maxime celebre. Ibi a•…•…biguus a•…•… il∣l•…•… sede•…•… bello detigeret, circumspecta insrequentia •…•…litis. Satis∣que magnis documentis temeritatem Petilii coercita•…•…, •…•…nius op•…•…di damno serv•…•…re universa statnit. Neque fletu & lachrimis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ejus orantium flexus est, quin daret profectionis signum, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in partem agnimis acciperet. Si quos imbellis sexus aut fess•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉, vel loci dulcedo attinnerat, ab hoste oppresse sunt. Here the name of London, as said, is first to be found in any antient authentick wri∣ting,

and that for the calamities sake, which at this time it suf∣fered most extream. But that violence which could abate, and desolate happiness for the time, advanced the name thereof to immortal remembrance by g 2.418 Cornelius Tacitus, her principal Historian, and witnesse. Tragicall effects the most naturall matter of renown. Prosperous successes vanish in the warmth of their own fruition. His memorie therefore deserves a spe∣cial honour there. And if ever the most Civil, pompous, and thankfull uses of the magnificent Acts of Statuarie, Founding, Mowlding, Musive, and Graving, prevail to come up here, as among the Greeks and Romans, both he and others shall un∣doubtedly enjoy it. In the words last cited the excellent Hi∣storian telleth how the Roman General, or Pro Pretor, out of an apprehension of the scarcity of his Souldiers, not daring to stand Boadicia's Forces, quite abandoned and deserted London to the cruelty and rape of the enemies, neither would be perswa∣ded otherwise by any tears or intreaties of the Citizens. And out of his positive words, we may know that London was not a Colony, Londinium cognomento quidem Coloniae non insigne: wherefore h 2.419 Onuphrius can be no way excused, who expresly against Tacitus words, saith, there was a Colony there. But there are two several translations, each of them in Print, who out of that very place of Tacitus would make London seem a Colony. If there be any hope, that he could have such a mea∣ning; it must shine from out of other words in his Agricola, where summing the hurts, and mischiefs of Boadicia's da∣rings, he speaks plurally, as if Colonies were destroyed, and not one Colony alone. That reading of the place being lite∣rally urged, London then may best put in for that title, with Camalodunum. But some of the most learned neither read the Latin Word as in the number of multitude, and there is also another commodious answer; figure of speech; which not rarely admits a plural for a singular, as a gracefull excesse. London was never said to be a Colony. The honour so much the more, that having no such support, it should grow so super∣latively eminent. These are some few among the infinite in∣novations of Translators. Description of Places is an express office of History, as the clearing of doubts, a necessary right of description.

As for the word commeatu, besides which there is no difficul∣ty in the Text, you may render it, if you please, for the great company of Merchants, and multitudinous passages, that is to say, for great resort and flocking too and again by Sea: but if this word of his will not properly bear this meaning, then are we to substitute in the room thereof this, or the like English, A Town abounding with all sorts of victuals, or provisions so that he may mean what i 2.420 Salust doth, speaking of the City

Vacca in Africa, because it was forum rerum venalium totius regni 〈◊〉〈◊〉 celebratum: for it was ever famous frequentia negotiato∣rum. And voyages, fleets, embarquements, and passages u∣sually made, as we see in this present journey, do necessarily imply an overflowing plenty in the station. Both interpreta∣tions are true concerning it. Now I am not ignorant, that the date of Londons building was very much more of yore, accor∣ding as it assigned in the k 2.421 British History: and more anti∣ently inhabited then Rome it self, according to some. It was built saith Galfridus under Brute: his own words are, Condidit∣que, civitatem, eamque Trojam novam vocavit; & hoc nomine multis postmodum temporibus appellata: tandem per corruptionem vo∣cabuli Ternovantum dicta fuit. Which name may seem to be de∣rived from the Trinobantes in Caesar and •…•…olemy, to which people it most certainly belonged: yet we find it constantly expressed by Troinovant or N•…•…w Troy: not unlike to the conceit in the Hi∣storian, who deducing the name of the City Tralleis, conceives it to be, as much as l 2.422 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 so fond were our fore-fathers in foolish affecting relation to Troy, and scraping kindred thence. But that it was inhabited by Julius Caesars daies, may well be true, as is thought, according to reason; and that it is known in him, by m 2.423 prope fir•…•…issima earum regionum civitas, may well be believed; albeit we will understand, what civitas means in him: and though he in his Commentaries, with * 2.424 Strabo, and such as follow him in them, may seem to infer the contrary; As if none of the Britains had any other Towns, but woods or thickets, ditcht and bankt about. The clearing of which savage deformi∣ty, by competent proofs, and reasons, would be an office of honour well bestowed upon the most noble of Islands. And there is a very n 2.425 learned man, who doubteth not to have un∣dertaken the business; but that he had at that time formerly engaged himself in another subject. But it is most of use for the present and most certain for the story, that the estate and quality of London, immediately before the burning under Nero, was most flourishing; at leastwise comparatively with all other places of Britain, for the points of Trade, resort and plenty. And those few words of Cor. Tacitus, formerly cited, confess some∣what either of a wrong, or wonder; that London being worthy in∣deed to enjoy the title, and privileges of a Colony, it was left not∣withstanding under the inferiour name of but onely a Town a∣mong the Romans. A City among the Britans and their princi∣pal. The very last joints in the composition of the name Lon∣dinium (if nothing else) would prove it well. For the word Dinas in antient British, signifies (as they say) a city. Among Ca•…•…∣dens Roman Copper coyns touching our Country, there is one in honour of Britannicus, the son of Claudius Caesar, which hath nothing legible upon it, but

[illustration] obverse side of a coin

....ΒΡΕΤΑΝΝΙΚΟΣ—ΜΗΤΡΟΠΟΛΙΣ ΕΤΙΜΙΝΑΙΟΥ ΒΑ...

[illustration] reverse side of a coin

METROPOLIS ETIMINII BA. that BA. (in short writing) standing for BASILEOS, KING, of which manner of speaking, if any one doubt, he shall find store of the like and same Latin among the Diplomata of the Elder Saxon Kings amongst us. THE CHIEF CITY OF KING ETIMINIUS. The name of the City fretted out and quite worn away with age.

But Octavius o 2.426 Strada, a Gentleman of Knightly degree, un∣der the Emperour Rodolphus the second, with the honourable Title of being his Antiquary, hath published one of those inva∣luable Medals much more entire. A most fortunate jewel to Britain, better worth being but Copper, then obrize Gold, or Paragon stones, not simply a simple peice of money, but it self an entire Treasure. For without the least alteration of Cha∣racters, METROPOLIS ETIMINII BALO being the visible remain of the circumferential inscription upon the reverse, a most easie distinction (by supply of points decayed) reads, METROPOLIS ETIMINAEI BA. LO. That is to say, METROPOLIS ETIMINAEI BASI∣LEOS LONDINIUM. For in the very letter L. and much more in the Syllable LO, all men (though but slightly conversant in antiquities) will readily confess, that after the name of the King, the name of the place in Britain did com∣mence. THE MOTHER-CITY, or PRINCIPAL CHIEF TOWN OF KING ETIMINIUS, LON∣DON. Whether this * 2.427 Etiminaeus might not have been p 2.428 Adminius the son of q 2.429 Cunobelinus King of Camalodunum in the daies of Caligula the Emperour, who might after wards have in∣gratiated himself with Britanicus, the next Emperours son, and so have been declared King of London, as his father had been be∣fore of Camalodunum, is a question proposed by our learned An∣tiquary, to which we have nothing to answer, but that it may probably be so, till we find out better to conjecture. But others quite except against the Coyn it self, lightlyesteeming the autho∣rity thereof, because it hath a word in it [Metropoli,] not known before the Christian times: but these good men sure will not

be angry, if we chance not to believe them, or will they them∣selves if they please to peruse that in the Antigone of Sophocles:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

And divers other Greek Writers before Christs time. But hear how my Author gratulates to his own good luck this dis∣covery, and wonderfully pleaseth himself thereat. And, if nothing shall hereafter infirm it, Great BRITAIN must no longer incur the barbarous note, of being City-lesse in CAE∣SARS daies; and then also must LONDON undoubted∣ly owe, the best proof, and clearest light, as well for dignity as Antiquity, that hath hitherto been seen among us, unto me, who first of Mortals have duely asserted the honourable name thereof into the title of a civil Metropolis, till this present hour overwhelmed in the rubbidge of BRITAINS ruin. For though OCTAVIUS STRADA (to whose memory immortal thanks are due;) hath afforded the Medalia, he hath not medled with the life of the thing, the meaning: that is on∣ly mine. Special History depends upon the rare argument of the Coyn; for both the which, one act of exposition shall serve in their more proper place and time. And that LO. being the initial Letters of the name, should in STRADA'S coyn signifie LONDON, cannot seem strange either to the lear∣ned, or the ignorant; when in other Coyns concerning Britain, the meer r 2.430 single L. it self imports as much. Nor will it be the fortune of any man to find a Town in Britain, whose name beginning s 2.431 with those letters, can be fit to bear the stately title of a Metropolis, but this alone.

London to say the truth (say those famous Annals:) was not enobled with the surname of a Colony. The Romans therefore who had setled their housholds in London (for as wise Seneca ob∣serves, they made their Country every place where they over∣came) were so many, that nothing wanted to erect it into a Co∣lony, but an act of the Senate of Rome to authorise the title, and rights; their numbers appearing to be already sufficient for sup∣port of the charge, and dignitie. They therefore and their fel∣lows, the natural Britains, together with the ordinary sequels of their persons and professions, who dwelt therein, amounted to an extraordinary multitude, which made the place not more po∣pulous then full of houses. For the proportion of habitations an∣swers the proportion of inhabitants. How many the Londoners were of either kind, is a matter less known then how far every way the buildings went, which neither could be narrow, nor ig∣noble; but large as for copious Merchants, and magnificent as for magnifico's. For as the most learned Carolus Sigonins observes

out of Cicero, the Gentlemen and Knights of Rome, dealt in merchandize at home, and abroad, and were members of the Colledge of Mercury, whose stately Seat was upon Mount Capi∣toline it self, and whose limbs and parts were spread through the Roman world. One of the suburbs of Nero's London abutted upon the Fields t 2.432 which are at this day termed of the neigh∣bour Spittle, as Nero's Coyns, and the Coyns of other Emperors digged up there, among the Monuments of the dead, do abun∣dantly witness.

Our learned Antiquary Camden adds to Nero's, some of Clau∣dians and Vespasians Coyns also; and besides other Crockets and earthen Vessels, he mentions glass vials, in which remains still some liquid matter, which he thinks, might be either of the libations, of milk and wine, which in the burning of bodies, the antient Romans used at Funerals; or else of the odoriferous liquors, whereof Statius speaketh:

—Vidaeque liquores Arsuram lavere comam.

The whole place of the Poet was read amiss, at least I may say, corruptly published by him; as it is also yet in the Author.

a 2.433 Quodque Arabes, Phariique, palam est, vidique liquores Arsuram lavere comam.

Salmasius reads it right thus:

Quodque Arabes, Phariique Palaestinique liquores.

But undoubtedly, he owes the emendation to b 2.434 one the learnedst of this last age, who long before him, though he ac∣knowledge it not, first descried the errour, and very luckily corrected it, as he doth leamedly make it good by producing a paralel place out of the d 2.435 same Writer.

—Palaestini simul, Ebraeique liquores.

That this burial place was then quite without the City, may be confirmed by the Law of the XII. e 2.436 Tables, which orde∣red, that the dead, and the rites performed to them, should be removed thence. See Servius upon that verse of Virgil, Aenerd. Lib. V.

Sedibus hunc refer ante suis, & conde sepulchro.

Bring to my house, and with my own inter.

The very bigness of London a cause why Paulinus forsook it the rather, as having not men enough to keep it. So antient a City of the Britains, the same in like sort so new a Seat of the Civil Romans, could neither want Temples, Bains, Aquaeducts, Courts of Counsel, and Justice, nor other Publique works to render it compleat in it self, and afar off worth the beholding. The River full of Ships (for Merchants and Ships do alwaies suppose one the other) the rivage full of sea-faring men, the In nsfull of strangers. Here was the staple of Trade, and the capital Mart of Britain, the Bower of the Noble (for they had no where else to be so furnisht) the bliss of the thrifty (for they had no where else to be so enriched) the delight of all. Here al∣so, or no where rather, the publique store-houses, granaries, and Magazines, the safest stowage of gotton spoils, the Souldi∣ers packs, and baggage the hostages of the British States, the publique Records (as at Samarobriva under Julius Caesar in Gallo∣•…•…elgick) and whatsoever stuff, or provisions Suetonius Paullinus in his aspiring spirit, might design for a triumphal, or an ovant shew at Rome; For by his good service in Britain he atohieved as great glory & fame, as ever he had done in u 2.437 Africa. His care to reach to London before the cruel Rebels, an argumet of the premisses, and of this also, that it was the top it self of all the Roman in∣terest in Britain. His purpose moreover to erect the same into the seat of War, makes it credible, that it was not without a Wall even then, but every way defensible; had it met with a season more favourable, or with a Captain as firm as the faith of the people. Within it the splendour of arms, and the furnitures of peace, which till the most fierce Boadicia struck up for bat∣tle, was every where most deep and still. And whereas the place of store had evermore a strong guard within it, as at x 2.438 Sama∣robriva beforesaid, where 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Legion lay in defence, so here (if my divinations fail me not) either the y 2.439 valorous fourteenth kept, or some large portion thereof, as in the main stay, or seat of the Empires part in Britain, it self also the key or gate of the Pro∣vince, which lay beyond the River from Surrey-side towards Cornwall. An argument hereof, that though London for the territory was Trinobantish, yet for the jurisdiction was Cantian, at leastwise, in z 2.440 Ptolem•…•…ns daies under Adrian. And the in∣frequency of Souldiers which is alledged in Tacitus for a cause why Suetonius did dislodge from thence, was the infrequency (if conjecture hits right) of that brave bold Legion, whose bands and troups were not full as then, by reason of absences by

leave, or far dispersion of the parts, which all came in before the battle, though wanting at the musters. Thus richt, thus populous, thus great, thus strong, thus goodly, and thus a∣bounding with the necessaries, and pleasures of life, Suetonius Paullinus possessed London at his return from Mona, for the ser∣vice of Caesar, and of Caesars Roman-Britain. And the utter desertion of it by him, to the merciless cruelty of the incensed and victorious Britains, you have, in what followes in the same judicious and acute writer. For such, both here and elsewhere is all that proceedeth from him.

Now if you please in the mean while take a neerer notice of the names of this great City, by way of Etymology, and dedu∣ction thereof, being very likely from thence to confer somewhat to the illustration of so antient and famous a place. Here in An∣toninus it is read Londinium: but saepius Londonium, saith Talbot in the old Copies: and in the written Copies as Simler and Su∣rita both witnesse: it is likewise read * 2.441 Longidinium. In Ptole∣mies Geography there is a people mentioned neer upon Sweden, called by him Longididuni: but between whom and Longidinium I know no more relation either of old time, or now; then I believe that our Londinum or Londinium was so called from Linden a † 2.442 Town of Hols•…•…in, which yet we find said to be so in the great Theatrum Urbium: or else from the City Lindos in the Iland Rhodes which is the far fetcht conceit of the great a 2.443 Erasmus, who I thought had reason to have known us far bet∣ter. Nam Lindus civitas in Rhodo est, saith he, teste Stephano, à qua deductum videri possit Londinum apud Britannos, quam ur∣bem Stephanus Lindonium vocat, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Marcianum anctorem. Siquidem utraque insula est, Rhodus & Britannia, ac vetus ejus gen∣us lingua, quae nunc Wallica dicitur, satis i•…•…eat eam aut profectam à Graecis, aut certe mixtam suisse. Ne •…•…ores quidem admodum dis∣sident à Graeca•…•…icis. To make that good, which he quotes out * 2.444 of Stephanus, these words of his are sufficient: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. As for Marcianus whom he cites; we must know that there are two Writers extant of that name, both of Heraclea: the elder who wrote a Geography called also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Iambic Greek verse, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 forth by Frederick Morellus at Paris: the later who wrote this very 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, mentioned here by Stephanus, and hath compiled his whole Work out of Ptolemy; whence it is that I conjecture, & very rightly I believe, that finding * 2.445 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 constantly printed, the word in him is by Marcianus, or his Transcribers corrupted in∣to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; and so to be no more taken notice of then † 2.446 Leodunum, and * 2.447 Laodunum, which likewise we meet with in later Authors,

for the right name L•…•…ndinium, as it is written here, and also in •…•…tur, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 we see. Neither may we have any other thought, con•…•…ning Ptolemies own authority to the contrary. For wher∣•…•… you may find it written c 2.448 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 also, in his MS. Canon 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, joined with his Astronomical Canons not yet Printed, what can you say else, but that it was the supine neg∣lige•…•…e and oscitancy of the Libra•…•…s; And truly in my weak judgement, as great a Clerk as Erasmus was, he might, with a deal •…•…ado, have brought the name of the City from d 2.449 Lin∣dum in this very Island. But neither place is to be thought on here.

Let us descend a little lower to the age of Constantius; and in a Panegyrick to him, we shall find Oppidum Londiniense, the La∣tine Gentile name, which must needs confirm what we say: but for the Courteous Readers sake we shall not think it much to transcribe hither the whole place of that eloquent writer: d 2.450 E•…•…imvero, Caesar invi•…•…e, tanto Deorum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tibi est ad∣dicta consensu victoria omnium quidem, qu•…•…s ador•…•… sueris hostium; sed praecipue internecio Francorum, ut illi quoq•…•…e milites vestri, qui per errorem nebulosi maris abjuncti ad oppidum Londiniense pervenerant, quidquid ix mercenaria illa multitudine Barbarorum pralio superfuerat, cum direpta civitate sugām capessere cogitarent, pas∣sim tota urbe consecerint; & non so•…•…um provincialibus vestris in caede hostium dederint salu•…•…em, sed etiam in spectaculo voluptatem. O victo∣ria multijuga, & innumerabilium triumphorum, qui Britanniae re∣stituta, qua gentes Francorum penilus excisae, qua •…•…is praeterea gentibus in conjuratione il•…•…us sceleris deprehensis, imposita est neces∣sitas obsequendi, denique ad perpetuam quietem maria purgata sunt! He means here the utter rout and overthrow given to the Franks by Constantius his men, after they had plundered the goodly Ci∣ty: but concerning this, I shall refer you to our History of Bri∣tain. But the last words of Fumenius put me in mind, of the Naval strength and glory of Britain in those daies, and withall of Camdens Etymologie of Londinium, which be pleased to take in his own words: where he tells us, that this City, unde cele∣britatem, inde & appellationem consecutam esse; a Navibus scilicet; quas Britanni sua singu•…•… Lhong vocant, •…•…a ut Londinium sonet Navale, vel urbs Navium. Urbem enim Dinas, unde Latini Dinium deflexerunt, •…•…pant Britanni. Hinc est quod alicubi e 2.451 Longidini∣um dicitur, & in Naenia antiquissimi Bardi Britannici Lhong∣porth, i. e. Navium Portus: & hoc ipso vocabu•…•… Bononia Gal∣liae, quae Ptolemaeo Gessoriacum Navale, in Britannieo Glossa∣rio Bolung-Long vocatur. Urbes enim plurimae à Navibus nomina tu•…•…uat, uti Naupactus, Naustathmos, Na•…•…plia, Navalia Au∣gusti, &c. In the very next age to Constantius, unless, you shall find Londinium again in the best Editions of Ammianus Marcelli∣nus, and Lundinium too by the fault of the Librarii; which

gave occasion, I do not say sufficient, to Fr•…•…derick Lindenbrogius to Print it so in all the three places of the Historian wherein it is mentioned, as is in the first place, where under Julian he tells us that * 2.452 Lupicinus the Migister Armorum was sent into Britain ad rationes componendas, thus: adulta •…•…yeme dux Lupicinus Bono∣niam venit: quas•…•…tisque novigiis, & omni imposito milite, observa∣to f•…•…u secundo ventorum, ad Rutupias sitas ex adverso defertur, pe∣titque Lundinium: ut exinde suscepto pro rei qualitate consilio, festi∣naret ocyus ad procinctum. The f 2.453 next is where he speake of the famous Theodosius his coming hither: Egressus tendensque ad g 2.454 Lundinium vetus oppidum, quod Augustam posteritas appellavit, di∣visis plurifariam globis, adorius est •…•…gantes bostrum vistaterias ma∣•…•…: And lastly speaking of the same h 2.455 theodisius, Vero dux no∣minis inclyti, animo vigore collecto ab Augusta prosectus, quam ve∣teres appellavere Lundinium. And in N•…•…nius his Catalogue of British Cities it is accordingly written Caer-Lundei•…•…. And here by no means may I leave out that which the same Historian there relateth, concerning this gallant General, who presently after the landing here, and in his march up to London, dividing his strength into divers bodies, set upon the stragling and boot∣haling Companies of such as had lately plundered London, en∣cumbred with their booty: & propere sus•…•…, pradam excussit, quam tribut arii perdidere miserrimi. Denique restituta omni, prater par∣tem exiguam impensam militibus fessis, mersam difficultatibus suis an∣•…•…ac civitatem, subito que solus sperari po•…•… recreatom, in o∣vantis speciem latissimus introi•…•…t. You hear that in Ammianus time it was thought Vetus Oppidum: but then it was of new cal∣led Augusta. A name full of the highest Dignity, full of Ma∣jesty. And the builders or restorers of Cities when as either they hoped or desired that their Cities might become flourishing and powerful, they headfully looked to it, that they had lucky names imposed. Now amongst the lucky, and most fortunate there was none more lucky or auspicate, to borrow a word then that of Augusta. For that best and greatest Emperour Octa∣vius, did not without the Judgement of the learnedst assume this name to himself Augusius, saith a 2.456 Dia [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] who was so called as it were somewhat larger then humane nature. Qua e•…•…im 〈◊〉〈◊〉 diguiss•…•…ma 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sanctissima Augu∣sta dicuntur, saith b 2.457 suetonius, and goes on thus: Augusti cognomen assumpsit Munatii P•…•…anci sententia: cum quibusdam ce•…•…sentibus, Ro∣•…•…m appellari oportere, quasi & ipf•…•… conditorem urbis, praevalu∣iss•…•…t ut Augustus potius uocaretur, non tantum •…•…ovo sed etiam amplio∣re cognomine: quod loca quoque religiosa, & in quibus augurato quid consecratur augusta d•…•…untur, ab a•…•…ctu, vel ab avium gestu gusiu∣ve; s•…•…ut etiam Ennius docet 〈◊〉〈◊〉:

Augusto Augurio postquam inclyta condita Roma est.

Great Rome by sacred Augury was built.

Neither had any the priviledge or power to impose that name without leave or license obtained from the Augustus then being: whereunto Virgil also alludes in that verse in the fifth of his Aeneis:

Urbem appellabant, permisso nom•…•…ne, Acestam.

By leave, the City they Acesta call.

Idest, ipso permittente Aceste. Otherwise the free c 2.458 power to give way remained in the Senate. There are store of exam∣ples every where to be found hereof; the learned Saint d 2.459 Hie∣rom: Samaria in honorem Augusti ab Herode Graco sormone Augusta est nominata. And again elsewhere: e 2.460 Samariam Herodes rex Antipatri filius in •…•…onorem Augusti Caesaris Graco nomine vocavit Se∣bastem, id est Augustam. But Augustus his indulgence thereunto is still to be preconceived. As for the thing done, Hierom, I pre∣sume, had his authority from f 2.461 Strabo, a very good Author, or else Josephus as is most likely in more then one place. The same g 2.462 strabo relates how that Pythodor•…•… a most wise woman, how that when her husband Pol•…•…mo by the special grant of Augu∣stus and Antonius had obtained the Kingdome of Colchis, she re∣paired and enlarged the City Diospolis, built by Ptolemy the great, and altered the name to Augusta, making it the Royal Seat. And the Romans themselves that they might gain the Gods to them∣selves and so deal more happily by their favour and assistance, call them too as they did their Caesars also Augustos as they were Prastites Imper•…•…: Hence it is that we frequently meet with such inscriptions as these.

Caeseri Augustae Matri Agrorum. Genio Augusto, & lari∣bus. Jano Augusto Sacrum. Issidi Augustae sacrum. Libero Aug. S. Lunae Aug. &c. In nummis quoque, Herculi Romano Augusto, &c.

Now whereas it is reported by Symeon of Durham, and other Writers of our own Countrey, that Constantine the great, at the suit of his Mother Helena, did first of all fence this City with Walls, and that as Camden witnesses, many Coyns of her•…•… are often found about the Walls; I am brought to believe, that it was called Augusta by Constantinus himself, in honour of his Mother H•…•…na. For he exceedingly honoured her, in so much

that he gave order that she should be styled Augusta Regina. And for this we have h 2.463 Eusebius•…•… a suffici•…•… Author. And Ammia∣nus himself under Iulian, and calls himself one inter protectores Principis, before cited where he tells of the alteration of the name of the City, doth not seem to me to speak otherwise then of a thing lately done. Although indeed i 2.464 William Harrison saith it was called so from the famous Roman Legion here, na∣med in inscriptions as well as old Writers. Augusta secunda. But he hath no reason nor authority for it. For that that Legion ever was resident at London, there is no testimony at all extant. That it lay indeed sometime a•…•… Sandwich in Kent, or Bu•…•…upiae, the No•…•…ia Imperii Occidentis sufficiently informs us. And that some part thereof at least had sometime their being neer about Ster∣ling in Scotland, we are taught by inscriptions digged up there.

But that the main body of the Legion kept its constant ren∣devouz at Isca, or Caer-Leon in Monmouthshire, is as certain, as it is most uncertain that ever it was at Exce•…•…r: though Ptolemy seem to say so: but it is one of those many mistakes to be taken notice of in him.

In the forenamed Notitia, you shall light upon the Praepositus Thesaurorum AUGUSTENSIUM in brita•…•…, sub disposi∣tione viri illustris Comitis sacrarum Largi•…•…ionum Occidentis. Such kind of Praeposita with their Officers, are called by k 2.465 Valenti∣n•…•… the Emperour Thesaurentes, and are thought to have tran∣sported in Ships such species as were counted fit for the sacred or Imperial Largitians, or Beneficence. It is the learned Camdens conjecture, that this Praepositus here, was over some officina mo∣netaria, instituted by Constantine the Great: for we read, saith he, in his coyns, which he stampt in honour of his Father Con∣stantius, and others also, P. LON. S. that is to say, Money stampt at London.

Peter de Natalibus, out of the Martyrologies of the Antients, records one Augulius Pontifex Augustae Civitatis Britanmae, in the year 304. which is before Constantine came to the Empire two years. I know not of what esteem the word of Petrus De Nata∣libus is among learned men: as also of Gilbert Genebrards, who alike also on the seventh of February celebrates the departure of Augurius (so he calls him:) Bishop of Ireland, in the year CCCLXI. under Valentinian (he means Iulian.) But let others look to that: I shall refer my courteous Reader for-better sa∣tisfaction to the all-knowing l 2.466 Usher, of late that worthy Primate of Ireland, now with God Certainly Restitutus, who ten years after him was present at the first Councel at Arles, as also at that at Sardica, as may be collected out of m 2.467 Athanasi∣us, is not stiled Augustae Episcopus, but Fx provincia Britanniae, Ca∣vitate Londinensi, Restitutus Episcopus; as appears by the n 2.468 Subscriptions of that Councel. But there is a later edition of

that Councel, together with all the Councells of Gallia, which we owe to the care and diligence of that excellently learned man Jaques Sirmond, a French Jesuit: thus then there they are o 2.469 subscribed:

Eborius Episcopus de Civitate Eboracensi, provincia Bri∣tannia.

Restitutus Episcopus de Civitate Londinensi provincia supra∣scripta.

Adelfius Episcopus de Civitate Colonia Londinensium; exinde Sacerdos Presbyter, Arminius Diaconus.

So that out of Britain, besides this Restitutus of London, there were present at the first Councel at Arles, Eborius Bishop of York, and Adelfius Bishop de Civitate Colonia Londinensium, as he is called here, with Sacerdos, a Priest; and Arminius, a Deacon.

But what means Civitas Coloniae Londinensium, in this place saith the excellent p 2.470 Selden? That signifies nothing at all in the Topography of Britain. I know not what credit may be given to the book of the Abby of Corbey; neither have I ever heard of what antiquity it is. Yet if so be the subscriptions out of it are to be admitted, I can scarce doubt at all, saith that great Schollar, however q 2.471 others conjecture otherwaies (he under∣stands the most excellent Usher:) but that this Adelfius was Bi∣shop of the Colony Camalodonum, or Camalodunum. For we are to take notice that this Colony was of old time famous amongst us, so long as the Roman power and sway prevailed here. For the name thereof, which, whereas perhaps it was written curtail'dly (as Col. or Colon. Camalodun. or as sometimes it is found, Camalo∣don:) might be by the Transcribers, unto whom London, and the name thereof was very well known, and in the mean while, that of the Colonia, Camalodunum altogether unheard of both by the cognation of the sound, as also the unskilfulness of reading, be changed into Colonia London, or Londin. So the great Selden. And now to have done with Restitutus, Athanasius, where he speak∣eth concerning the Bishops which met at the Council of Sardica; where himself also was present; not only expressly saith, that were there * 2.472 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (although in the title of the Epistle of the Synod it self to them of Alexandria, among the Provinces there reckoned up, the Britains are left out) but also among the Bishops that were present there, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is found without a place added to him, as many others are; who very likely was that same of London, mentioned in the Councel at Arles: and therefore the learned man named by us ere-while, concludes it a thing very improbable, that Bishops should be present out of Britain, at a Counsel but a little while before;

he means that at * Arles: and also at another not so long after he means that at * Sardica: and yet none to be heard of at that * 2.473 at * Nice, which was called between them both: when as not∣withstanding all the Bishops through the Christian World were by Constantines Edict summoned hither: and that too, out of a Province whereon the Emperour had no trivial or ordinary En∣gagements. And I might here as well mention the Britains, which were at the Synod of Ariminum. r 2.474 Sulpitius Severus, an Ecclesiastical Writer, is my Author for them under Constantius. Acciti numerative quadringenti & aliquanto amplius Occidentales E∣piscopi, Ariminum convenere: quibus omnibus annonas & cellariae dare Imperator praeceperat, sed id nostris, id est, Aquitanis, Gallis ac Britannis indecens visum: repudiatis fiscalibus, propriis sumpti∣bus vivere maluerunt Tres tantum ex Britannia inopia proprii, publi∣co usi sunt, cum oblatam à caeteris collationem respuissent: sanctius pu∣tantes siscum gravare, quam singulos. Hoc ego Gavidium episcopum nostrum, quasi obtrectantem referre solitum audivi. Sed longe aliter senserim: landique attribuo episcopis, ta•…•…i pauperis fuisse, ut nihil proprium haberent, neque ab aliis potius, quam fisco sumerent, ubi neminem gravabant, ita in utriusque egregium exemplum. For there being but three Bishops onely, reckoned at the Synod out of Britain, it is more then very likely, that one of them was of London: especially we having so good testimonies of Bishops there in those Primitive times, and particularly called to the Councells abroad. But surely I should be highly censured, by the admirers of certain who would be accounted principall Antiquaries among us, if I should leave out in this recension of London Bishops, Fastidius, who they say, sate there, making him, some an a 2.475 Arch-bishop, others a b 2.476 Metropolitan. When as, good men, they have not any antient authority for it, save on∣ly that he was a Bishop in Britain, no seat assigned him And there is but one Author for it, Gennadius: Fastidius Brittannorum Epis∣copus, scripsit ad Fatalem quendam de vita Christiana librum unum, & altunde viduitate servanda, sana & Deo digna doctrina. This Gennadius was in the antient times of the Church a Presbyter of M•…•…ssilia, or Marseils; who wrote a Catalogue of Ecclesiasticall Writers, which were before him. Fastidius is said to have li∣ved in the dayes of Honorius and Theodosius, Anno Dom. CCCCXX. Not only Honorius Augustodunensis in his Catalogue hath all in a manner out of him: but also, whatever our Antiquaries have concerning Fastidius, which is not in him, is not all worth a chip. Now concerning the c 2.477 difference, which is observed to have been formerly in the inscriptions of his writings, and * 2.478 especially of his book De vita Christiana: let me inform the stu∣dious Reader, that it is of late years published at Rome, with the Annotations of a very learned man Lucas Holstenius, and with the very same Title, and dedicated by the Cardinall

Francisco Barbarino to Charles last King of Britain.

And very such men as these, whereof I speak, will expect as consequent, after this my discourse of the most antient Bishops of London, something also to be said of their Church, which is also very antient. I shall have no need to mention old King E∣theldred; Alas they can tell us that it was sometimes formerly a Temple of Diana. But what 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and probabilities, the learned d 2.479 Camden brings for it. I had rather the studious Rea∣der would fetch out of his own book, then that I should trans∣fer them hither. For neither do I here institute any dispute concerning the lawfulness of making use of heathen Temples to the service of the true God. For he being only sufficiently wor∣shipped in spirit and truth, I cannot see, how any place can be so much polluted, by either Pagan or other idolatry; but that he both can and will hear the prayers of such as truly serve him. But seing that men will have it so, and are wholly bent upon it, let them if they please then, make a right and holy use of places dedicated in Christianity, according as conveniency shall best di∣rect them. Onely this much troubles me, that formerly I have seen, and do still see among Christians, so many Pagan super∣stitions rites and customes; among them I say who have given up their names to Christ. Concerning the occasion, which ur∣ged so much from me, I onely add this; that Diana indeed was worshipt here in the Roman time, and had Temples here too, this inscription will witness abundantly: d 2.480

T. FLAVIUS POSTUMIUS VARUS V. C. LEG. TEMPL. DIANAE RESTITUIT.

But this Tradition (for I may call it no better:) that St. Pauls Church was formerly a Temple of Diana, was believed by many: I by no means mean Mr. Selden among such; e 2.481 yet he is pleased to sport (for I have no reason to say he was in good earnest:) his wit, which he had extraordinary, and in most weighty matters surpassing other men, in deriving the name of London; and conjecture being free, as he saith, he could im∣magine, it might be called at first Lhan Dien, id est, the Tem∣ple of Diana: imitating the conceit of Humphrey Lhuid, which you heard even now, deriving Verulamium from Verlhan, that is the Church upon the River Wer: Now, saith he, that the antique course was to title their Cities ost times by the name of their power adored in them, is plain by Beth-el among the He∣brews, Heliopolis (which in holy Writ is called f 2.482 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉:) Aegypt, and the same in Greece, Phoenicia, elsewhere; and by Athens, named from Minerva. But especially from this sup∣posed Deity of Diana (to whom in substance Homer no less gives

the Epithet of i 2.483 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 then to Pallas:) have diverse had their titles: as Artemisium in Italy, and Eubaea, and that h 2.484 Bubastis in Aegypt, so called from the same word, signifying in Aegyptian both a Cat and Diana.

The same may be said concerning the Temple of Apollo, on the Ruines of which, the report is, St. Peters in Westminster was founded not very far off, (for though the houses be quite contiguous now, yet heretofore in our Fore-fathers daies, as I find it * 2.485 written, it was accounted from London thither, two miles) but I find no sufficient authority in any remote Antiquity for the Temple of Apollo.

The main testimony, worth speaking of, alledged for it, is out of a Monk, and he too, but of obscure name and credit. And the learnedest man I have known this last age in England tells us plainly, that in his turning over of g 2.486 Succardus his Book on purpose, he could find no such thing; as hath nei∣ther Ioannes Fleet, who after him and by the inspection of his work, wrote a book of the Foundation of the same Church. I could cite unto you, if I thought it had any better credit, the book of the Bishop of S. Asaph, h 2.487 Ieffrey of Monmouths Britain History for another Temple of Apollo, against which King Bladud dasht out his Brains at Bath, when he was in one of his flying humours forsooth; And as the story of Bladud is an∣tienter then Iulius Caesars, or the Romans being here: so doth Caesar himself say that Apollo was esteemed a i 2.488 God before his comming hither. Golunt Apolinem: saith he: de eo eandem fere quam reliquae gentes habent opinionem, •…•…um morbos depellere. Vide Plinium lib. XVI. cap. 44. Caesar indeed speaks of the Gauls: but we must understand, that they and the Britains were the same for matter of their Sacra, as well as their language: their rites they came to learn here most an end, if you hear Caesar: k 2.489 Dis∣ciplina, inquit, Druidum (illi rebus divinis intersunt, sacrificia publica ac privata procurant, religiones interpretantur:) in Britan∣nia reperta atque inde in Galliam translata esse existimutur, & nunc qui diligentius eam rem cognoscere volunt, plerumque illo, discendi causa proficiscuntur. And truly unquestionable testimonies out of the Monuments of the antients are yet extant, which teach us that Apollo was worshipped in this Island by the name of l 2.490 Bela∣tucadrus; as of m 2.491 Abellio also in Gaul, and n 2.492 Bele•…•…s or Beli∣•…•…us, both among them: and here too. Hence it is that in o 2.493 Ausonius, who himself was a Gaul, the Sexton, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of this Deity being by a very suitable name called

called Phaebitius, and said to be stirpe satus Druidum: it self is na∣med Belenus. Hence is it also that the Herba Apollinarea, wherwith the antient Gauls are said to have tainted their arrows, was also named p 2.494 Belenium. In Tertullians Apologetic. cap. XXIII. Beli∣nus is Nericorum Deus, as Pierre Pithou reads it. But where ever you find him, he is still rendred by Apollo. He was the Aqui∣leians 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Countrey-God, saith Herodian in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i. e. They call him Belis, and worship him in extraordinary manner, thinking him to be Apollo. But by all means you must mend the Author, and make it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Iulius Capitolinus in the lives of the Maximini, tells us, that Menophilus and Crispinus, two men of Consular dignity willing to have it so, because they knew that the God Belenus had given assurance by the Southsayers, that Maximinus should be overcome. Whence also afterwards the Souldiers, Maximi∣nus being slain, are said to have given it out, that Apollo fought against him; and that that victory was not Maximus's, or the Senates, but of the Gods themselves. There are many Vota of the antients made to Apollo Belenus Augustus, inscribed up∣on four-square Altars, which are to be seen in the Hercules Prodi∣cius of Stephanus Pighius, and also Gruter. The visible foot-steps of this name are to be found in Cassibelin, and Cunobelin, two Britain Kings mentioned in Caesar and Dio. And the very name whole in the British History in King a 2.495 Belinus, the Brother, as it is said of Brennus'; and from whom our Antiquaries will have Belins-gate in this great City so called. Perhaps also thence was Beleus, an antient King of the Cimbri, or Gau's, b 2.496 conquered by C. Marius; for c 2.497 Lhuid saies, that the name is familiar among his Countrey-men to this day. Now whether Belinus be to be derived, from the British word Belin, which sounds as much, as flavus, or yellow, accordingly as Apollo is both by Latin and Greek Poets so called, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 frequently; or else from some Asiatick original, I will not stand now to determine. Truly in Hesychius we read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. and which I may by no means omit, in Cynobelinus his Coyn Belinus is d 2.498 impres∣sed, playing on his harp, that you may know that Apollo is meant: And now when I have taken notice, that the learned Peter Pithou would deduce the name from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a frequent Epithet of this Deity in Homer: (but I know not with how great judgement:) as also acquainted the Reader with the much e 2.499 celebrated In∣scription of Apollo f 2.500 Grannus found in the North of Britain, I will have done this discourse.

Besides what hath been said hitherto concerning this famous City, matters gallant and magnificent enough, there remain many other great and glorious things concerning it, which de∣servedly challenge, as their due, room also in this place; but that I have formerly, wherewith too I have acquainted the Reader in more then one place, confined my self to the limet and bound of a certain set time, while the Romans exercised their power and bore sway here in the Island. I have all along for that space been very scrupulous and circumspect what au∣thorities I made use of: Hence it is, that where I found not suf∣ficient proof for what I met with, were it never so specious for the honour and interest of Britain, I rejected it as unvalid. As where Constantine the Greats birth place is assigned to be London: and that by no mean Authors, among whom is Willi∣am Stephanides or Fit-stephen, an Author who above 400 years ago wrote the Description of the City of London in Latin, a very learned man for that age, whose Book, though it be of late left out of the Catalogue of his works by Ioannes Pitseus, yet is he mentioned with good credit by as antient a Writer and better thought of than he, Ranulph of Higden in his Polychronicon Lib. 11. cap. 25. Neither for some stately structures in London and else-where could I bring my belief to fancy him for the founder, who is commonly delivered and believed so: I here intend es∣pecially * 2.501 Iulius Caesar, said to be the builder of the Tower, and other stately Edifices abroad; of which the same last cited Au∣thor in the same work thus: Habet (he speaks of this flourish∣ing City:) ab Oriente arcem Palatinam, maximam & fortissimam, cujus & area, & muri à fundamento profundissimo exurgunt: ce•…•…∣to cum sanguine animalium temperato. I could seriously with that that piece were better mended in the hands of men, or at least better understood, then I presume it is by the Translation thereof, published in the last large edition of Stowes Survey of London.

I have somewhere given free way to conjecture, giving it, where authority of Writers was wanting, equal strength, espe∣cially if the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 thereof required it so: As I think we may in that ingenious one of our learned Antiquary Camden, who conceives, that the great stone pitcht in Canning-street, did answer to the Miliarium Aureum in Rome, and this the rather perswaded him to believe it, because the antient thorow-fare of the City passed here, as may be collected from the Watling-Street, to the end of which this is neer joined. And then will the distance between Verulamium, and London, set down XXI. miles in Antoninus, very well suite; if we withall reckon to this great stone, and consider too that S. Albans is so much on this side Verulamium; accounting it but twenty miles thither at this day, and those but very short ones. I g 2.502 have spoken for∣merly

enough I suppose concerning the Miliarium Aureum: Nei∣ther am I yet satisfied about an antient Law concerning it of Macer, or as other Editions call him Martianus: h 2.503 Mille passus non à miliario urbis, sed à continentibus aedificiis numerandi sunt. For that Gloss, or Scholion, which to miliario urbis, some doe annote 〈◊〉〈◊〉, doth in my apprehension do nothing. For i 2.504 Plu∣tarth and other good Authors seem to say otherwise, whom the diligent Readers may peruse at their leasure.

I cannot think therefore of any thing else proceeding from the Romans times here or Equavous to their greatness, in so great a decay of antient memories, except it be the Thames; which as it hath exceeded the original of this brave place in time and being, so deserves it to have a few words spoken of it.

Having therefore brought first a very pertinent place out of k 2.505 Tacitus, which I cannot well let pass me here, concerning the Rivers up and down Britain, and consequently the Thames, as the chiefest among them, I shall have done in few words: Na∣turam Oceani atque aestus neque querere •…•…ujus operis est, ac multi retu∣lere: •…•…um addiderius nusquam latius dominari mare, multu•…•… stami∣num •…•…c atque illue ferre, nec littore te•…•… accrescere ac rescrberi, sed •…•…ere penitus atque ambire, etiam jugis atque montibus inseri vel•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 s•…•…. Now because it is not the fashion in these daies, for all English Gentlemen to understand Latin, either through the ri∣diculous fondness of the Parents, or the easily palpable igno∣rance of the Masters or the Teachers, who if he be thought well of, he is like the German Priest in the story, Sacerdos in∣deed, but non ad Grammaticam: for such I say I bring the inter∣pretation thereof: and that by a Gentleman too, whose various and profound learning, the proudest and most fastidious Sir need not think, if he were wise, any whit a disgrace to him: Th•…•… th•…•…n he: To examine the nature of the Ocean, and tides, pertaineth not to this work, and many have done it before: One thing I will adde, and may safely avouch, that the Sea no where in the world rangeth and ruleth more freely, carrying by violence so much River water hither and thither, and is not con∣tent to flow and to ebb so far as the banks, but inserteth and windeth it self into the land, shooting into the mountains and cliffs as to his own channel. Ninnius the old British Historian, I remember calls this River and the l 2.506 Severn, duo brachiatoria Britanniae. I am sure of this last it may be said, what the anti∣ents did of Euphrates: Britanniam s•…•…t & rig•…•…; and that for more then fourscore miles; more then threescore of which it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and flows twice in •…•…ur and twenty hours. Iulius Caesar is the very first that makes mention of it, calling it m 2.507 Tha∣mesis. By Dio lib. 40. it is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 n 2.508 Ptolemies Copies are very much corrupted: For in some of them you shall have Ia∣missa put for this River. In the edition of Ioannes Noviomagus I

find Hymensus set down. In the Palatine MS. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quasi Imensae aestuarium, and so heretofore Petrus Bertius published it in his Geography. Curtius Pichena, a learned Italian, in his o 2.509 Notes hath restored the name of Thames there, reading it thus out of the Florentine Copy. Visam speciem in aestuario Thamesae notam esse subversa coloniae: And as the name of this goodly Ri∣ver is thought to be well restored to Tacitus; so is it by the autho∣rity of the p 2.510 best written books to be obliterated out of our q 2.511 Gildas, as hath been r 2.512 formerly shewed; Caesar observes that this River was fordable in one place only, which some think was at s 2.513 Kingstone: others at t 2.514 Windsor; others, and they more probably at u 2.515 Coway-stakes by Oatlands. Of them hear what x 2.516 Beda saith: Quarum vestigia sudium ibidem usque bodie visuntur, & videtur inspectantilus, quod singulae earum ad modum humani femoris grossae & circumfusae plumbo immobiliter hareant, in profundum fluminis infixae. The same forenamed learned Geo∣grapher Cluverius, finds fault with Caesar, for that he sets down the Thames to be A mari circiter millia passium LXXX. and repre∣hends him, that he is interdum negligens Geographus, etiam in iis locis, quae ipse adiit. But let the care of that be, as indeed it be∣longs, in the hands of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 among us. And the manner of writing the Rivers * 2.517 name also, seems not to admit of the usual composition of the name from Tama and Isis: but to that let the learned Camden see, and other diligent antiqua∣ries. But I am sure they speak more to the purpose, and are rather to be hearkned to, then the y 2.518 Author of that Greek Etymology, who deduces the name of the River from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, because it separated, or cut in sunder the land where it went: except you will say he sported with our youth, as did somtime that z 2.519 great Abbat, who deriving the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, tells us it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and so brings it from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dorsum: because men, when they are dead, are laid upon their backs. Much better could I bear with that late a 2.520 Graecian, who neerer our common pronuntiation of Tems, hath written the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So much evident lucre, and a certain sense of gain, could effect with some men among us, to suffer our Schools to be fur∣nished with any thing, it matters not what.

Et succus pecori, & lac subducitur agnis.

The Ewes of juice, the Lambs of milk deprive.

But I said I would have done with the Thames in a few words:

—At ille Lavitur & habetur in omne volubilis aevum.

—But it o're-floated rides, And still doth keep its constant tides.

The state of London, and the Trinobantes, whose chief City it was, at the comming of Julius Caesar, and after him, was thus, as himself hath left recorded. Cassibelaunus, so he calls him, had lately made War upon them, and slain Imanuentius, the chief Governour and Commander: Whereupon M•…•…ndubratius his Son, b 2.521 Orosius and Beda after him, name him Androgorius; but others Androgeus, applying himself unto Caesar, and he having brought Cassibelaunus to terms of yielding, he received likewise from him special Command, at his last quitting of the Island, that he should not presume to annoy Mandubratius, or the Tri∣nobantes, as friends of the Roman State and Caesar. c 2.522 Thus much himself. As for the gallant City, I will take my leave of it, and its admirers, in the words of Otho, out of that wise Ora∣tion of his (for d 2.523 Tacitus made it for him:) a little before he became Emperour, and his words concerning Rome very little altered:

Quid? vos pulcerrimam hanc urbem, domibus & tectis, & congestu lapidum stare creditis? Muta ista & inanima interci∣dere, ac reperari promiscue possunt. Aeternitas rerum, & pax reipublicae, incolumitate urbis firmatur.

NOVIOMAGO. M. P. X.] Besides in Antoninus here' this station is likewise mentioned by Ptolemy, who calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and names it as the chief City of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Regni, or the Surrey-men; as Camden pleaseth; but Cluverius makes them to be Caesars Bibroci rather: The most probable conjecture we can make concerning the old name of this place, is, that it was brought from beyond sea, out of Gallia Belgica: we have e 2.524 formerly produced authority sufficient for practice and custome here in this kind. It seems to be very antient, for it is taken notice of by that antient Geographer Marinus Tyrius, as Ptolemy witnesses, f 2.525 calling him n•…•…vissimum Geographorum finilimis hisce temporibus, and reprehends him, that he had placed Novio∣magum of Britain by Climates more Northern then London, and more Southern by Itinerary account. But why may not we have Ptolemies own words? see, there they are: g 2.526 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 * 2.527 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Military Tables published out of Con•…•…. Pen∣tingers Study, have Madus a Towns name: of which the lear∣ned h 2.528 Mark Velser of Auspurg, not knowing what to make, did by a slight conjecture, conceive it to be the same with Novioma∣gus;

the first half of the word being worn out and lost; in the other G. being turned into D. But Camden refers it to h 2.529 Maid∣stone in Kent. For old Marinus, I know not how to excuse him: but sure I am that our Chorographers are a great deal farther wide then he, while some of them will have Noviomagum to have been, where (i) Chester now stands; as Sir Thomas Eliat: others at i 2.530 Iuckingham, as George Lilly, in his book of the Names of antient places: some again at Guildsord, as k 2.531 Hum∣frey Lhuid. But worst of all (i) William Harrison, who derives this Towns name from the first founder Magus, the Son of Sa∣moches, the second King of the Celts, that reigned in this Island. two presumptuously! when as from l 2.532 better authority by far, we may learn, that Magus amongst the old Gouls, and so conse∣quently the Britains, signified oppidum, or a Town. Camden, our learned Antiquary, seems in his opinion to have lighted pat up∣on the place, where this old station sometime stood, in Surrey, at Woodcote, two miles Southward of Wimbledon, on an hill, in quo modicae urbis manifesta visuntur vestigia, saith he. And he thinks he is in the right, both from the situation, as also distance from London. And before him a learned man Robert Talbot, sought for it neer there about at Croydon, adding, that juxta Ptolemae∣um non potest longe remota esse à Londino, cum nec in longitudine, nec in latitudine plene dimidiatum gradum: And it is well known how easily and frequently Ptolemy both is, and may be corrupted. But a very rational m 2.533 Gentleman is not pleased with either of these; and he saies he cannot conceive how Noviomagus should be a stage for this Rode (A Londinio Rutupias:) and lye wide of London, as Woodcote doth, so many miles, and consequently set the Traveller at as great a distance from the place whither he is bound * 2.534 Richborough as when he first set out of London. Considering this, and the distance between London and Rochester, by the Itinerary, I should rather place it about Crayford, much about ten miles from London, upon or along some Hill or Down, since it is otherwise called Noviodunum. Thus far he; very judicially as he doth other things. Yet we may be permitted to request satisfaction in some doubts, which cause us not to give such assent to his words, as we would be willing otherwise to do. As first, what we shall say to Ptolemy, who places it a∣mong the Regni, not amongst the Cantii: and it is not likely, that he there, where he reprehendeth the want of care in n 2.535 another about the position of this place, would himself be so overseen: neither may it be said that the Cautian Territories were more contract then, than they are at this day: we would know likewise, what ground or place may be the likeliest to be assigned and set forth for this station in old time to have stood upon: for it cannot be that there are no vestigia, or so much as the very ruines to say, Here once it was. We would gladly

know likewise where these divers readings are to be found, which tell us that Noviomagum is otherwise called Noviodunum. We know very well what Dunum signified among the old Bri∣tains and Gauls in composition of the names of Towns and Ci∣ties. We have heard also, but never in Britain of Noviodunum among the Aedni in France or old Gallia; for we have it descri∣bed by o 2.536 Caesar himself, and it is at this day called p 2.537 Niver∣nium, as one tells us, then whom no body could tell better. We might also question q 2.538 Iohn Twines judgement and authori∣ty, whom he allegeth for the straitness alwaies and directness of the Roman waies in the Island; when as we have already diverse times shewed, that observation to be faulty, and shall again when occasion offers it self, do the like. Talbot, whom I named erewhile, to answer for the Travellers much going a∣wry, and out of his way, that setting out of London, and bound for Sandwich, or Rutupiae, goes first 8. or 10. miles wide of London, to Woodcote: or as himself pleaseth, to old Croydon, and from thence to Maidston, and so forward, speaks of two several waies, whereof the one was r 2.539 via longior quidem, sed per loca in∣habitatiora planioraque, & prorsus aptiora ad conductum exercitus: Haec autem directior, magisque compendiaria. He adds moreover that Croydon, being the possession of the Archbishops of Canter∣bury, with other Towns was assigned, per quas commodius parvis itineribus ad Concilia Regum ascendere Londinum, & descendere inde possent. Sic prima die veniant Londino Croydonam; secunda Otfordi∣diam, quae super eandem viam sita est; tertia Maidstonam; quarta Charingas; quinta demum die Cantuariam: Quo vel uno die expidi∣tiores properantioresque pervenire possent perviam Rochesiriensem. Now he saies that he means old Croydon; for that neer there is shewed a place, which is called The old Town, taking up almost a mile in length, and farther off London then new Croydon; so ceking out the way, for the better consonancy of the distance.

VAGNIACIS. M. P. XVIII.] This is a station of very uncer∣tain positure, and therefore Lhuid, a knowing Antiquary, lets it pass with these words only. Quod nomen hoc tempore habet penitus ignoro. The corruption of the numbers of the miles is to be thought the cause of this ignorance and difficulty. And therefore Talbot considering that at this day it was but •…•…7. miles from Lon∣don to Rochester; he mends the number in his journey and of •…•…8. he makes 8. reckning thus: from London to Noviomagus 10 from Noviomagus to Vagniacae 8. from Vagniacae to Duroprovae or Duropro∣nae (for the reading of this name is very divers:) 9. which small numbers being put together make up the fore spoken number. Now he takes no notice of the obliquity of the way, for some∣where he saith, that Croydon is not multum extra viam Cantuarium versus: but so have others done. s 2.540 Will. Harrison, another Anti∣quary of ours, complaining much of the depravation of the

numbers here; lets us know, that in one copy which he used to better his edition of Antoninus, he found after Vagniacis only VI. miles; and that perhaps faulty, though not so much as XVIII. on the other side: Talbot thinks that Vagniacae is now Wrotham a Village at the foresaid distance. And he hath to back him that prudent and learned Lawyer, who lived not long after him, and who also wrote the description of his own Country Kent, Will. Lambert, sometime of Lincolns Inn. The reason why I say what I do, is because upon my knowledge Talbots book was in great re∣quest with him; besides that he cites him divers times in his Xe∣nagogus or Perambulation of Kent. But I could have wished that ei∣ther of them, had brought us some reasons or grounds for what they say. This later indeed tells us that the English name is cor∣ruptly written Broteham in Doomsday book: and t 2.541 that he sup∣poseth that Wyptham is the very right name, given for the plen∣ty of worts and good herbs there.

But Camden, who lately was known to have been K. of Heralds, and is reputed still by many of the best K. of our English Antiqua∣ries, is thought to mistake, by keeping to the old number of miles XVIII. and so concluding it to be Maidston, a noted Town, cal'd antiently by the Saxons Pebpea•…•…on; induced thereto, as he confesseth himself, by the answerable distances set down in the journey; there being something sounding like the first sillable of Vagniacae in the Saxon name; though he take no notice of it to the Reader; but say some the journey will prove enormiously awry, and out of the way to travel from Maidston to Rochester, and thence to Lenham, and so to Canterbury. And even so it may be said, that to go up to London, from York through Wales, is no straight or direct journying, if we would be judged by any Northern Carrier, and yet so is all the former part of this very Journey, as is to be seen. And although there be, who think that Durobrovis or Rochester, is rather intended by Ninnius in his Catalogue of British Cities by his Caer Medwag, then Maid∣stone; yet can no body deny him this, that in the declining time of the Roman power in Britain, Maidstone was antiently called v 2.542 Madus.

DUROPRONIS. M. P. IX.] This Roman station is scare met withal, I mean in any antient author, except it be in this Itine∣rary again. But here also so various is the reading of the name, as well in regard of the several Copies, as the journeys here, which you would take to be the right, is thereby rendred most difficult. In regard of the journys there is this difference: in this second journey you find Durobrovis: in the third Dubobrus M. P. XXVII. in the fourth, Durobrius, and again M. P. XXVII. That the same place is intended in all three, there need no doubt to be made at all; and for the two last, Simler a meer stran∣ger, could say so too by finding the same distance from

Darvernum, or Canterbury. In regard of the several copies Hie∣ronimus Surita, the Spaniard, who diligently compared many of them, and diverse others will acquaint you: for he found Duroprovis, Duropronis, Durobrivis, Dubobrius, Durobrovis. In the Peutingerian Militarie Tables you have written Ro•…•…bis for it, con∣cerning which see Petrus Bertius his edition. From that contra∣cted and the Latine word Castra, a Camp, changed into Cea•…•…, signifying to our fore-fathers a City, or an assembly of men en∣joying the same rites, and privileges, Rofchester hath proceeded, and at this day Rochester: Venerable Beda conceited it to be so called from one Roffus, it is not known, who he was; and to me it is uncertain whether ever. Hence is it that we have these words in him: x 2.543 Et justus quidem ad civitatem Rhofi, cui praesu∣erat, rediit. And before these, this is also cited out of him, but not mended: y 2.544 Justum vero in ipso Cantio Augustinus ordinavit Episcopum in civitate Doroverni, quam gens Anglorum à primario quondam illius qui dicebatur Rotschester cognominat. Distat autem à Doroverno milibus passuum ferme viginti quatuor ad Occidentem, Be∣da calls it also Castellum Cantuariorum. And in an old book z 2.545 be∣longing to Rochester you read, Dabo unam villam * 2.546 quod nos Saxo∣nice An Haga dicimus in Miridie Castelli Hrobi; whence often in Deeds H•…•…oue coa•…•…; the R. it seems having an aspirate before it, like'p in Greek. Harrison, Camden, and Ortelius seem to have found among them Durobrevis. Yet our Talbot witnes∣seth, that in the Charter of the foundation of the Monaste∣ry, it was called expresly, and, as his own words are, di∣sertis verbis, Durobrivae. Hear his own words: Quod Rochester olim Durobrivaevocabatur, Charta Fundationis Monasterii, quim Pri∣or, qui nunc Decanus est ibidem mihi aliquando ostendit; And he de∣duces the name from Dorbryf i. e. Quick-stream: for here indeed the current of the Medway is very impetuous and violent. But this as I remember, he owes to Leland.

DUROLEMO. M. P. XIII.] The distance otherwise is set down 16. miles. Many learned men have busied their brains about this station. I will barely deliver their opinions at this time; others, as Lhuid, will not venter upon it.

First Talbot, who dreams of Charing; and another time of Seethingbourn; and knowing, that the first part of the name might come from Dour, which in British signifies water; and al∣so that Bourn in the Saxon noted a torrent or stream increased with rain water; and seeing there a large Channel sometime re∣plenished therewith; he would if he had had a little more Welch, and known what Leve had signified in that language, have concluded something: but however he saies it is Aqua levis, and so speaks nothing at all to the purpose. But the old name of it in the Peutingerian Military Table, Burolevum, confirms his reading the Name by V. though indeed that B. hath crept in for D.

But Camden, the next that saies any thing, who reads the name Duro lenu•…•…, thinks it Lenham: and that it signifies, The dwelling, ad Lenu•…•… aquam; telling us that at this Town a Water meets with the Medway. Besides the reliques of the name, as he pleaseth, the distance he saith also, from Du•…•…overnum and Durobrovis make it good that this is Durolenum: to say nothing that it is sited by the Roman Consular Highway, which from Dover, through the midst of Kent, is continued on still; for which he brings Higden of Chesters testimony.

The last is William Somner, a knowing Gentleman, who for his Courtesie, and love to antient studies, I singularly respect, who, it being distanced by the Itinerary XIII. miles from Duro∣brovis, takes it to have been seated not far from Newington, a Village on the road between Rochester and Canterbury. In this particular not a little strengthened and upholden in his conje∣cture, by the multitude of Roman Urns lately found in digging there, at such place as is already discovered, and discoursod of, by the learned Meric Casaubon, his ever honored friend.

If any shall stumble at the disproportion of miles between it and Durovernum, let them know, saith he, there is even as great between Lenham and Canterbury.

He goeth on: Why it should be called Durolevum, I am alto∣gether ignorant. What if I conjecture, (because the Itinerary laies out the rode from London to Richborough, and not è contra) from having the River or Water of Medway on the * 2.547 left hand of it, as by the inhabitants tradition, Newington sometime had, and within about two miles of it yet hath?

If any looking for better Remains of a Roman station, shall object the mean condition of the present village, such may know that Newington hath been a place of more note in time past, then now. I read of a Nunnery there of antient time, &c. and he quotes his a 2.548 Author for what he saith. But having had such thoughts my self that way many years ago, ever since the first publication of Antoninus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 by that incomparable man, the generally acknowledged Heir of his Fathers vertues, and great learning, I could not temper my self, with the Readers good leave, from causing his discourse to be transcribed hither, being so suitable to the present business, and coming from so learned an hand: He therefore, having out of Lucian de Luctu, cited a place treating of the severall sorts of burial used by sundry na∣tions: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i. e. The Grecian did burn; the Persian burie; the Indian doth anoint with Swines grease; the Scythian eat; and the Aegyptian powder, or imbalm. Begins that discourse thus:

When Antoninus then saith, (either an imbalmed carkasse, or ashes;) he doth allude to the custome of his daies among

the Romans, which was either to bury (the bodies of the richer sort being first imbalmed:) or to burn: though indeed the later, through the increase of Christians, began soon after An∣toninus his time to grow much out of use every where. Now they that burned, used to gather the reliques of the dead corps, consisting of bones and ashes, and to lay them up in Urnis, Ollis, Ossuariis, in Pots, Urns, Crocks, and the like earthen Vessels made of purpose; and so to bury them. I would not note it, (I must confess) as a thing that I thought worth noting (for I think there can be nothing more common:) but that I am glad to take this occasion to impart unto the Reader a memorable curiosity in matter of antiquity, which by the learned Anti∣quaries beyond the Seas, I am sure, would be much esteemed. Some two or three miles beyond S•…•…tingborn in Kent, West, as you go to London, there is a litle Village in the way called Newing∣ton. It hath not been my luck hitherto in any either later book or antient Record, to find any thing concerning this Village worth the noting. All that I can say of it, is, that the inha∣bitants shew a place, to which they say that in former times the water came, as indeed by many circumstances it is very pro∣bable: and that Milton (a Town before the conquest of great fame, and of very great antiquity) is not above two miles from it. About a quarter of a mile before you come to Newington, not much above a stones cast from the high-way, on the right hand as you come from Sittingburn, there is a field, out of which in a very little compass of ground, have been taken out by digging within these few years, Roman Pots and Urns, almost of all sizes and fashions, and in number very many: some thousands, I have been told upon the place; but many hundreds I am sure I may say, and speak within compass. And though so many have already been found, and carried away, yet doth the field afford them still (as I am told) now and then, according as you prove either skilful or lucky in the digging. The figures of some of them I have here caused to be represented to the Reader.

[illustration] Roman urn

[illustration] Roman bowl

[illustration] Roman amphora

The first and greatest, with an Inscription graven and cut in and about the neck of it SEVERIANUS, &c. was a∣bove a year ago by the pious and ingenious Vicar of that Pa∣rish, Mr. Henry Dearing, bestowed upon me, which I keep as a great Treasure: as also was the last not long after, with the cover of it over it, so severally represented of purpose, that the form of either might the better appear. The words of the Inscription of that first (as neer as they could be imitated) are these:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 * 2.549 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

In the writing of which words although something may be observed not ordinary, as Ola, for Olla, and those kind of A. and L. &c. yet is there nothing so singular, but a learned An∣tiquarie well versed in Gruters Thesaurus of Inscriptions, will soon find examples of it. As for the sense and meaning of the words, though not so obvious perchance as might be wished, yet must I (because few words will not serve) suspend my opinion till some fitter opportunity. That in the middle, with the Inscription COCCILLIM * 2.550 was by the means of a worthy friend, M. Dr. Winston, (that great ornament of his profession)

procured unto me from the Right Honourable (for his worth, and love to learning as well as by his place,) Richard, Earl of Portland, Lord High Treasurer of England, &c. whom, with some other rare Antiquities it was sent unto, some years ago. I was desirous to compare these that I had (for the In∣scriptions sake especially) with some others of the same kind. But I find this difference, That whereas mine were much peri∣shed and worn by age, such was the brightness and smoothness of this middle (of the cover of it I mean, which is of a read coloured earth) as that it rather resembled pure Coral, then ordinary red earth: and as for the Letters of the Inscription, that they were not as mine rudely ingraven in with the hand, but in the same mould, and at the same time when the cover it self was formed, very artificially printed, or imbossed ra∣ther? as by these figures, that are represented you may in part perceive. Since that, when I passed last by Newington coming from London, among many other fragments of Antiquity in M. Dearings Garden I found the pieces of just such another Cover (but that the color of it is nothing so fresh) with this Inscription in the middle likewise, PRISCIAN. Now as the multitude of these Newington Urns (for I do not remember that ever so ma∣ny in so narrow a Compass of ground were found: is observa∣ble; so is the manner of their laying in the ground. They that have been present often at their digging up, have observed, that where one great Urn is found, divers less vessels are; some within the great, some about it: all covered either with a pro∣per cover of the same Earth and making as the pot it self is; or more coursly, but very closely stopped up with other Earth. Of all those small vessels of what fashion soever that are found either in or about these Urns, I know no other use (to satisfy in some part their curiosity, that wonder at them when they see them) that was ordinary among the Romans, but either to contain some fragrant odoriferous liquor, and durable con∣fection; or that libatio of wine and milk, that they used a∣bout their dead; or lastly (not to speak here of those burning Lamps that have been found in some antient Urns and Monu∣ments, which so many have largely written and disputed of) to receive and preserve the tears that were shed by the friends of the deceased for grief of their death, as for the difference of the greater and lesser Urns, Fabricius in his Roma, and Mar∣lianus in his Topographieal description of the same, are of opi∣nion, that when Urns of different bigness are found in the same place; the greater were for the greater and richer, as the Ma∣sters and Patroni; and the lesser, for the poorer and inferiour, as the Servants and Clients. In things of th•…•… nature, which were I mean altogether arbitrary, there is 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 but different fashions were used in different places▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…nd likely in the

same place, as every mans particular conceit or humor served him. And therefore it were hard to determine any thing as certainly and generally true. But as for these Newington Urns this seems to have been the custome there used. One great Urn was appointed to contain the bones and ashes of all one, either houshold or kindred. As often therefore as any of them dyed, so often had they recourse unto the common Urn, which so of∣ten was uncovered. To prevent this, I find that the fashion hath been in some places, to let in the ashes through some holes made and fitted for that purpose See Gruter fol. 814. Now besides the great and common Urn, it is likely that every particular per∣son that dyed, had some less Urn or Vessel, particularly dedi∣cated to his own memory, whereby both the number of the de∣ceased, and the parties themselves might the better be remem∣bred. There might be also another use of these lesser pots, in my judgement very necessary, and that is, that by them the common great Urns, might the better be known and discerned one from another, which being so neer, in so small a compass of ground, and not much unlike one another, might otherwise easily be mistaken. And this is the more likely, because of those many hundreds that have been taken up of the lesser sort, scarce have there been found any, of one and the same making, I hear not of any thing that hath hitherto been found, in these Newing∣ton Urns besides bones, and ashes: and sometimes clear water. And so do I read of Urns or Earthen Vessels plenis limpidissima aqua, that have been found elsewhere, as that which is mention∣ed in Gruterus, fol. 927. I doubt not but many would be glad as well as I) to know certainly what this place hath formerly been. But alass, how should we (who are of yesterday and know nothing) without the help of ancient Records, recall the memory of things forgotten so many hundred years ago? Thus much we may certainly conclude: First, from the multi∣tude of these Urns, that it was once a common burying place for the Romans. Secondly, from the History of the Romans in this land, that no Urn is there found, but is 1200. or 1300. Years old, at the least: so many ages of men have these poor Earthen Vessels (of so much better clay for durance then hu∣mane bodies are) outlasted both the Makers of them, and the persons to whose memory they were consecrated. Lastly, from the place, which is upon an ascent (and for a good way beyond hilly,) not far from the Sea, and neer the High-way: we may affirm in all probability, that it was once the Seat of a Roman Station. If any man can teach me more of it, I shall heartily thank him. Since this was written, I made another journey to the place, and spent some time there in digging, but with no success. However, that I might not return home empty, the same Mr. Dearing gave me a piece of Urn, which hath this Inscription, FUL. LINUS.

DUROVERNO. M. P. XII.] It is also written according to the diverse Copies of Antoninus Durorverno, and Duroverno; as Simler and Surita have noted, and in the 2. next journys, Durarven∣no: in Ptolemy too not much unlike in the a 2.551 best edition 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as in that verse:

Darvernumque vetus, •…•…itrato culmine gaudens.

Old Durorverno, of her thatcht roofs proud.

For in the common ones, it is corruptly 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Darvenum. In the Military Tables of Conradus Peutingerus you find it named Duraverus, corruptly I suppose. In Beda and other of our Wri∣ters, it is Dorobernia; later Writers have given it the name Cantuaria, as by the Saxons it was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the Bri∣tains Caer-Kent. What and how great its fame was in the Ro∣mans time, is now unknown and forgot; but for its modern splendour and glory, I refer you to courteous Mr. Somner's De∣scription thereof, not leaving out among others the great b 2.552 Erasmus. I had almost forgot, to acquaint the Reader that Do∣roverni (Doruverni my old friend Abraham Wheelock prints it:) is in c 2.553 Beda to be changed into Durobrovis, or Durobrivis: the whole place as it is usually extant, you shall find if you look back to Rochester. Out of the long list of the Metropolitans of this famous City; I only mention Theodorus, a man unlike the Sanguinary Monk Austen, his predecessor; and that not so much because he is antient, or Countreyman to Saint Paul, born at Tarsus in Cilicia; as for that he was in his time a great d 2.554 re∣storer of the Greek studies, in this Island; of whose Greek books we have divers yet extant, after a thousand years in our well furnished Libraries at Cambridge.

The River Stour, somewhat violently passeth by this City whence it is, that our learned Antiquary derives the name, as his manner is, from the British Durwhern, which is, saies he, as much as Fluvius rapidus: Lhuyd before him, and a natural Bri∣tain saies, that Dury•…•…hern, in his language was plainly what aqua ex alueto fluens: but Talbot who was before them both writes, that a Welchman rendred Darvernum to him, Dour arguern, qu•…•…si Aqua juxta paludem, aut Marisium: and thence he deduces it.

AD PORTUM RITUPUS. M. P. XII.] And so have we done with this journey. For we have spoken concerning this station, and haven likewise, somewhat largely in the head or ve∣ry beginning of this same journey. If you desire to have more of it, you had best have recourse thither.

ITER. III. Editio

Aldina.	Suritana.	Simleriana.
XIIII.	ITER A LONDINIO AD POR TUM DUBRIM. M. P. LXVI. sic;
† Dubobrus.	† DUROBRIVIM. M. P. XXVII.	† Dubobrus.
* Durarvenno. 15.	* DUROVERNUM M. P. XXV.	* Durarvenno. 15.
	AD POR TUM DUBRIS. M. P. XIV.

THis third journey is from London to Dover: the two sta∣tions in the way Durobrivis and Durovernum, are already, sufficiently to my instutum and purpose, spoken of. It remains then, that we speak of Dubris, or Dever. Which though it be very antient, as appears well by finding it in this Itinerary: yet they seem to me, either not throughly sequainted with the studles of old time, or else very ill advised, e 2.555 who to make it more antient, have devis•…•…d that Julius C•…•…sar was the founder of the Castle there. I have elsewhere taken notice, how the Antiquaries both at home and abroad, have pleased themselves with ascribing and entitling to him their stately and magnificent Buildings; when as in the mean while, they have none the ve∣ry least authority for it: a thing which neither learned men should commit themselves, or admit of, done by others. But they, who did this for the credit and greater fame of Dover, ad∣ded likewise that Arviragus fortified it against the Roman pow∣er, and particularly against Vespasian: which though it be pro∣bable enough, yet I would be held excused from peremptory delivering any thing, for which I had not sufficient good au∣thority, and witness from approved Writers. And especially for Arviragus, I am much at a stand, because I find so little men∣tion of him, in any Writer, whose word I dare safely take. I hear of him onely by f 2.556 Juvenal, and that too in an abusive way, where the Satyrist scowls at the Roman Senates abject and base flattery of Domitian; and among the rest Fabritius Veiento gives in his verdict concerning the great Turbot presented to the Emperour, thus?

Non cedit Veientoo, sed in fanaticus astro Percussus, Bellona, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, divinat, & ingens. Omen habes, inquit, magni clarique triumphi; Regem aliquem capies, aut de temone Britanno Excidet Arviragus, peregriua est bellua, cernis Erect as in terga sudes.—

Veiento came not short of him, for he Divin'd, Bellona as inspir'd by thee. A mighty Omen, Sir, this Fish must bring Of some great Triumph, or some captive King. Or from the Pole of's British Chariot Arviragus shall fall; perceive you not It is a Foreign Monster by the scales Prickt up on's back?—

The old g 2.557 Scholiast upon the Poet, saies this King was called Arbiba. But a coyn among the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Cottonian Library makes him rather to be called h 2.558 ARIVOG. of him, we shall have occasion to speak elsewhere. Camden though he think it no better than a dream, to say that Julius Caesar was the foun∣der: yet he conjectures that it was first built by the Romans, and that by reason of the British tiles, or bricks, in the Chap∣pel, wherewith they used to lay their ground-works. That after the times of this Itinerary the Romans had a garrison here, the No∣titia of the Western Empire gives a large and unquestionable te∣stimony: There quartered, saith it, at Dubris, that is Dover, Pra∣positus Militum Tungricanorum sub dispositione Viri spectabilis i 2.559 Co∣mitis Littoris Saxonici per Britanniam. These Milites Tungricani were reckoned among the Auxilia Palatina: called so from the Tungri, a people of Germania secunda: but now we call it Bra∣bant. It would be worth any ones while to peruse k 2.560 Tacitus concerning them. By Ammianus their l 2.561 Civitas is said to be am∣pl•…•…, & copiosa. Belonging to the Magazine of arms of this Garri∣son, were those great Arrows, used to be shot out of a Basilisk, and now adaies shewed strangers for rare things, as Camden tells us. But enough of them. That at Dubris there was Portus, or an Haven to land in Britain in those daies, Antoninus his witness is a sufficient proof After the Romans dayes, the Saxons na∣med it Do•…•…a: and hence it is, that you have it constantly cal∣led Dosris in Eadmerus his Historia Novorum, published by the learned Selden; and out of the same Monk they bring the reason of the name, quia clau•…•…us & impeditus erat. But Will. Lambert more probably deduces it from Dusyrrha, which in British signifies a steep place. Of the later Haven, so many have already spoken, I may save my self a labour. The steep cliffs there by the Sea side are called by m 2.562 Cicero Moles mirificae, as by n 2.563 Appian also 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And Britain it self was antiently expressed by a woman sitting upon a great Rock, or Cliff, in the Main, as may be seen in Antoninus Pius, and Severus his Coyns, and for that * 2.564 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, unpassable Ocean, which washeth upon, and encompasseth this Island, the Queen and Commandress thereof, I shall request the Reader to take so much pains, as to read over these few o 2.565 verses, made upon the expedition hither of Claudius the Emperour:

Oceanus nunc terga dedit, nec pervius ulli Caesareos fasces, Imperiumque tulit. p 2.566 Semota, & vasto disjunct a Britannia ponto, Cinctaque inaecessis horrida littoribus. Quam pater invictis Nereus vallaverat undis, Quam fallax aestu circuit Oceanus. Aspice contundit populos impervia tellus: Conjunctum est, quod adhuc Orbis, & Orbis erat.

Now waves thy Empire bound, nor Caesar can, Carry his power beyond the Ocean: And Britainy divided from all Lands, Hem'd in with Seas, rough Shores, and swallowing sands, Which Nereus wall'd with waves on every side, And circled in with a deceiving Tide; Thou mayst strange lands with people mixt behold Now a great World, and was a World of old.

For two reasons Antiquity conceited this Sea most dangerous, and unpassable. First, for the great abundance of huge Sea-Monsters, believed to be bred therein; which not only q 2.567 Horace intimates in these words:

—Belluosus, qui remotis Obstrepit Oceanus Britannis.

The Monster bearing Sea, which roares About the dangerous British Shoares.

But Iuvenal also in his Tenth Satyr:

Quanto Delphinus Balana Britannica major.

—As our Dolphins faile To match the hugeness of the British Whale.

Festus Avienus, r 2.568 who lived under Theodosius, and is mentioned with good credit by S. Hierom, borrows the former expression, speaking like wise of the Ocean Sea:

Non usque navibus turbidum late fretum, Et Belluosi gurgitem Oceani secant.

Yet through the Monster-bearing Ocean they, Had not with winged Vessels cut their way.

And I may well think both places were in his mind, s 2.569 who wrote that gallant verse, (and such are all his:)

Sensit Arar, sensere maris fera monstra Britanni.

Arar, and British Seas fell Monsters knew.

A singular ornament indeed he was to the last age, and antient Poetry it self, t 2.570 who as he enjoyed, not only the Dwelling, but the Muse also of the Prince of Poets while he lived, so had he the happiness after he was dead to lye neerest his Reliques. The second reason was, not only unexpected Tempests and Storms suddenly arising thereon, but the unusual violence also of the Tides, which if we hear Pytheas of Marseils in Plinie u 2.571 (for Strabo x 2.572 hath utterly exploded his credit in what he relates of the Britannies:) make it swell fourscore cubits higher than the land. Marc, attolli horrendis aestibus adsuetum, saith * 2.573 Amm. Marcellinus speaking of it. Caesar y 2.574 himself had dear experience of the roughness of it, when he neer lost his whole Navy upon our coast. Maxima coorta tempestate, prope omnes naves afflictae, atque in littus ejectae, quod neque anchorae, funesque subsisterent, ne∣que nantae, gubernatoresque vim tempestatis pati possent; and he found to his charges, to use his own words a little further z 2.575 Longe aliam esse navigationem in concluso mari, atque in vastissimo ac a per∣tissimo Oceano. And certainly the danger which he conceived, and feared might happen, either in or after his passage, made him very wary, and provident in making choice of a fit season for it; which indeed a 2.576 Appian tells us he did Neither did time, or improvement of skill in Navigation, lessen this fear∣full apprehension with after ages concerning the certain perill and hazzard which they underwent that sail'd this Sea. Hear we Tacitus: Quanto violentior, cetero mari Oceanus, &c. Annal. 1. Basil the great calls it, b 2.577 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; which S. Ambrose renders, c 2.578 mignum & inausum navigantibus, atque in∣tentatum nautis mare, quod Britannias d 2.579 frementi includit aequore, atque in ulteriora & ipsis fabulis inaccess•…•… secreta porrigit. Libanius also the famous Sophist, and Master unto Julian, living in the same age with S. Basil, and describing with what jeopardy Con∣stantius the Emperour crossed this Sea into Britain, he calls it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, (the very word that Clement useth before:) unpassa∣ble; e 2.580 esteeming more danger to be in this passage, then in a Sea-fight elsewhere; and the performance thereof with safety to deserve no less then a Trophee. Plus est transisse ad Brittan∣nos, saith Pseud-Hegesippus * 2.581 Britannia dicitur Vigilio, nec non eum secuto Lucio Floro Historico Romano.

Toto Orbe divisa] Oceano scilicet, quem navigasse olim non minus periculosum crediderunt, quam alio in mari pugnam navalem instituisse Libanius in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, de Constant•…•…i in Britanniam trajectu; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (ita en•…•…m legendem videtur) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ideoque propter aestus contrarios, & ventorum violentiam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, id est, intransmeabile, & impervium vocat: quemadmodum & ante eum Clemens Romanus in Epistola ad Corinthios 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ap∣pellarat. Eum Clementis locum, ab Origene ex eo adductum lib. 11. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Ruffinus ejus interpres ita vertit: Oceanus intransibilis hominibus, & trans eum Mundi. Basilius Magnus Homil. IV. in Hexaëmeron. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. quem locum Ambrosius ita expressit: Quis deinde sci∣at, in quantum se illud magnum & inausum navigantibus, at∣que intentatum nautis fundat mare, quod Britannias frementi includit aequore? Hinc Julio Firmico, Christiano scriptori, libro de errore profanarum Religionum ad Constantini M. FF. tumentes, & saevientes undae Oceani Britannici dicta. Et Ammiano lib. 27. Mare, attolli horrendis aestibus adsuetum. Imo ipsa in Britan∣niam navigatio, alia re•…•…ulla praeclare gefta, sola etiam maximi Tri∣umphi instar visa est eidem Libanio: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Nec non Scriptori De Excidio Hierosolymitano, qui eodem seculo vix∣it, & vulgo Hegesippus dicitur, lib. 11. cap. 9. Testis est Britannia extra Orbem posita, sed Romanorum virtute in Orbem redacta. * 2.582 Quos aetas superior ignoravit, didicit Romanorum victoria. Serviunt & ipsi, qui quid esset servitus, ignorabant: soli sibi nati, & semper sibi liberi, quia à superiorum potentia, interfu∣so Oceano secreti metuere non poterant, quos nesciebant. Plus itaque fuit transisse ad Britannos, quam triumphasse de Britan∣nis. Quid enim facerent, elementis Romanorum imperio sub∣jectis? Item lib. V. cap. 46. ubi Titus Caesar ita Judaeos alloquitur. Aut quae civitas nostrae obsidioni inexpugnabilis foret septa prae∣sidio murorum, cum Britannias quoque Romana arma pene∣traverint, muro frementis circumvallatas elementi? Substractus est nobis ille praeruptus aquae mons. Patres Vestros, ut Judai∣cae fabulae ferunt, rubri maris unda, muri specie transeuntes circumvallaverit: Romana fortitudo murum Oceani perfregit. Gessimus ante bellum cum fluctibus, insanum mare ante super∣avimus, quam ad hostem perveniremus. Excepit nos Britannia, jam victores elementorum. Quibus illi fidebant, nec subegi∣mus, ut ad triumphi cumulum ipse Oceanus accederet. Quippe octogenis cubitis supra Britanniam intumescere aestus, Pytheas Massiliensis actor est, uti testatur Plinius lib. 11. cap. 97. Ut Caesar nihilo plus in eo fecisse videatur, quod primus omnium Romanorum eum exercitu Britanniam ingressus, ut scribit Tacitus in Agricola, prospera pugna terruerit incolas, ac littore potitus sit, qua•…•…

quod Oceanum barbaris srementem fluctibus, ut Paulinus ait, na∣vigarit. Lucius Ampelius, vetus scriptor, quem Cl. Salmasi∣us in publicum dedit, in Libro Memoriali: ROMA per Carum Caesarem Gallias & Germanias vicit. Britanniam sub hoc duce non tantum videt, sed etiam * 2.583 navigarit Oceanum: quasi illud majus esset. Quippe Caesari major fuit cura Oceano, quam cum ipsis Britannis rixa.

Not he whom Irenaeus, Fusebius, and others cite: quam tri∣umphasse de Britannis. And ad triumphi cumulum ipse Oceanus ac∣cessit, are the words of Titus Caesar in the same * 2.584 Writer. And well might he think so, when as that stupid Caligula, affecting some great design against Britain, with an Army, as appears out of Dio, of two hundred and fifty thousand fighting men, being come to the shore, durst hardly look the British Nep∣tune in the face, much less trust him. Yet, that he might not be said to come so far to no purpose, himself with some few more f 2.585 lanches out in his Galley, but fear makes him instantly put in again. However to make something of it upon the soun∣ding of a charge, he commands his Army, which stood in Battalia all the while upon the Shore, to gather Shel-fish, (for it was upon an ebb:) and therewith to fill galeas and sinus g 2.586 Spolia Oceani vocans, Capitolio, Palatioque debita: calling them Spoiles of the Ocean due to the Capitol and Palace. The Bravado of Claudius, next after him, was not much more to∣lerable: For counting it not enough to triumph for reducing a small part of the Island, (which indeed he entred with some successe, but I remember not whether with any danger in the passage:) after his return, he caused to be placed upon the top of his Palace a Navall Crown, as if he had tamed and subjugated the Ocean, like another Xerxes, in despight of the power of God appearing in that fierce Element; for which he is deservedly scoff'd at by Seneca, h 2.587 in that mock-Deifi∣cation, which he wrote for him in these words:

—Et ipsum Nova Romanae Jura securis Tremere Oceanum.

And him, the new Authority of Rome, The swelling Ocean fears.

But what shall we say to Julius Firmicus, a Christian Wri∣ter, (shame on such flattery:) who would seem to perswade Constans the Emperour, and Constantius his Brother, that they might expect little less then a Triumph, onely for their bare adventuring over into the Island: Hyeme, p 2.588 he tells them, (quod nec factum est aliquando, nec fiet: tumentes & sae∣vientes u•…•…das calcastis Oceani Britannici, sub remis vestris incogni∣ti jam nobis pene maris unda centremuit, & insperatam Imperatoris

faciem Britannus expavit, quid amplius vultis Vertutibus vestris victa Elementa cesserunt. Thus much of the British Ocean: which only to have sail'd in old time was aequivalent to a con∣quest in the Continent; and somewhat more too: for so saith one Writer g 2.589 Quasi illud majus esset. And though this passage thereof be called fretum Gallicum by Solinus, and particularly fretum Morinorum by h 2.590 one much antienter in that verse:

Quod freta si Morinum dubio refluentia ponto.

But if the Morin Main with dubious floods.

Yet speak i 2.591 they more properly, to whom it is fretum Oceanis, and Oceanus fretalis. Except any one like to call it Oceanum k 2.592 Britannicus; which the incomparable Selde•…•… so learnedly proves, and against all Strangers asserts and makes good.

BRITANNIARUM. ITER. IV. Editio.

Aldina.	Suritana.	Simleriana.
	ITER A LONDINIO AD PORTUM LEMANIS. M. P. LXVIII. sic;
	DUROBRIVIM. M. P. XXVII.	Durobrius.
Durarvenno. 15.	DUROVERNUM. M. P. XXV.	Durarvenno. 15.
	AD PONTEM LEMANIS. M. P. XVI.

AD PORTUM LEMANIS. M. P. XVI.] Lime, or Limen, was very antiently a Town in the East part of Kent, and a Haven withall, which Antoninus witnesseth, in whom some read Limenis, as well as Lem•…•…nis, the common reading in∣deed thereof. Wherefore Surita's edition is quite faulty, which hath AD PONTEM LEMAN. for PORTUM. The di∣stance from Durovernum, or Canterbury, appears by him to have been XVI. M. P. And that that way was in Talbots time pulcer∣ri•…•…e strata, himself bears witness. Neither since him is the learned Ca•…•…den silent thereof. And they both mention the ruins of an old Castle, the walls of which being of British bricks, flints, and the cement consisting of Lime, sand and pebles, so coagmentated, that they seem not to yield to time it self. If in Ptolemy you find it any where a 2.593 it is sure 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; whereof the last word being significative in Greek, besides that it was the usual name of the place, the Transcriber to supply the defect, as he thought, devised and added the other Word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Al∣though it be the conjecture of others, that from the very first it was so in Ptolemy, and the name seeming too long, was after∣ward made shorter by the first word, it being called here at first Limen, or Leman, or as some have added Limpne: and of that intersertion of P. in many Latine words too, as in sumpsit, prompsit, dempsit, &c. I would have the industrious Reader to look out, what the old Grammarians have observed. In the declining condition of the Roman Empire in the world abroad, suitable to Antoninus, ye have it call'd Lemanna in the Notitia or Survey of the Western Empire: Sub Dispositione Viri Spectabilis Comitis Littoris Saxonici per Britanniam Praepositus Numeri Turna∣censium Lemannae stativa habuit: placing it, as indeed it was one,

among other the Ports, or havens of the whole Island then in use. They that render Lomanis, Hith, make use of a word, that signifies in our fore-fathers language as much as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doth in Greek, a Port, or station for Ships: though there be now none there. But such it was sometime, as some of our own Writers still extant can make it good; and I will cite one of the antientest of them, Ethelward; In Limneo poriu constituunt puppes, Apoldre (so I read, for the Print is corrupted) loco con∣dicto Orientali Cantiae parte, destruuntque ibi prisco opere caestrum propter quod rustica manus exigua quippe intrinsecus erat, illicque hi∣berna castra confirmant. And Henry of Huntington shall follow him, who lands the Danes (whom Ethelward means) ad Portum Limenecum CCL. navibus, qui porius est in Orientali parte Cent juxta magnum nemius Andredslaige. In which two several narra∣tions you need not take notice of any difference, more then the transposition of Letters in the name. But of the amnis Limen out of our Historians, and the differing relations among them concerning the Danes landing here in King Alfreds daies, as a business beneath the time of my undertaking, I forbear to speak, commending the curious Reader, for better satisfaction, after Talbot and those antienter, to what b 2.594 Lambert, and Camden, two most diligent Antiquaries, have to that purpose, besides that glory of our nation, as Grotius calls him, in this last age, John d 2.595 Selden. I had almost forgot to tell you, that in the * 2.596 Illinerary Tables, as they call them, or the loose sheets found at Auspurg, and set forth by the Noble Mark Velfer, this place, but falsly, is called Lemav•…•…o. But I excuse them there, when I find it as much amiss Printed in our own Presses, Linieno. Our f•…•…gitive Count Palatine, e 2.597 White, or as he calls himself, Vitus, tri∣fles with us, as his usual custome is, and would perswade us, that it was so called from Lemanus, an old imaginary King of the Celts in Pseudo Manethon of the old forging Monk Joannes An∣nius of Viterbium; as was also saith he, Lacus Lema•…•… in France. The Numeri Turnacenses, which were said in old time to have resided here, were so called of Tornacum, a City of Gallia Belgi∣ca secunda, called at this day Turnay, taken by the English in our Grandfathers dayes.

BRITTANNIARUM. ITER. V. Editio

Aldina.	Suritana.	Simleriana.
	ITER A LONDINIO LV.
Leguvallio.	GUVALLUM AD VALLUM M. P. CCCCXLIII. sic;
	CAESAROMAGUM. M. P. XXVIII.
	COLONIAM. M. P. XXIV.
	VILLAM FAUSTINI. M. P. XXXV.	25.
	ICIANOS. M. P. XVIII.
	CAMBORICUM. M. P. XXXV.
	DUROLIPONTEM M. P. XXV.
	DUROBRIVAS. M. P. XXXV.
Causennis.	CAUSENNIM. M. P. XXX.	Gausennis.
	LINDUM. M. P. XXVI.
	SEGELOSIM. M. P. XIV.
	DANUM. M. P. XXI.
Legeolio.	LEGEOLIUM. M. P. XVI.	Legeolio.
Ebur.	EBORACUM. M. P. XXI.	Ebur.
	ISUBRIGANTUM. M. P. XVII.	16.
	CATARACTONEM. XXIV.
Levat.	LAVATRIM. M. P. XVIII.	Levat.
14.	VERTERIM. M. P. XIII.	14.
Brocovo.	BROCAVUM. M. P. XX.	Brocovo.
Luguvalio.	LUGUVALLUM. M. P. XXII.	Luguvallo.

ITER A LONDINIO LUGUVALLO AD VALLUM.] Talbot conceives, that this AD VALLUM was added by the hand of some Sciolus or Smatterer, seeing it is plain, as he saies, from the second Journey, that the Wall was beyond Luguval∣lum above XX miles But by his leave, it was so neer unto it, that it may well challenge to it self the words of the a 2.598 Histo∣rian, being proxima mansi•…•… to it, and so it will appear to them, who with their own eyes make a diligent search after the site and distance thereof. But you must understand me so, as spea∣king of the more noted and spatious kind of Stations.

CAESAROMAGO] This station you have again repeated in Antoninus his IX. Journie, which is described from Venta Icenorum to Londinium. Baromagus is put in the place thereof in the

antient Itinerary table, which was set forth out of the Library of Conrad Peutinger. But that came to pass by the heedlesnesse of the describer, as the noble and learned b 2.599 Velfer, who pub∣lished it, hath rightly observed. For when as he made no good use of his eyes, and the former letters being blotted, were scarce discernable, it is plain that he mistook B. for S. that thereby Caesars City, or Town, is signified; and that we the ra∣ther believe this, Plinies authority causeth us, who not ob∣scurely telleth us, that amongst the antient Gauls, by the word Magus, a Town was understood: c 2.600 Industriam Oppidum ad Bodin∣cum, id est, Padum fl. vetust•…•… nomine Bodincomagum appellari, qua∣si dicas, Oppidum ad Bodincum. And truly in all the Provinces, in which there was any publike use of the Gallique tongue, in the expressing of the Names of Cities this termination is fre∣quent: which sufficiently shews it to have been a Gallique word. Although Geo. d 2.601 Euchanan contend, that we may rather surmise this, then they can for certain affirm it. To omit the names of Cities abroad, among which e 2.602 Drusomagus, which we meet withall in Ptolemy, is especially to be observed; with us are found Noviomagus, Citomagus, besides this Caesaromagus here: all which names whilst f 2.603 Richard White deduces from Magus, I know not what imaginary King of the Celts, he would stir the spleen, as well as the Cholar of many, who knew not, that he held it of custom to dote now and then: so small a matter was it with him still to have his fancy running upon the Trojan war, ex∣cept he also bring down our Britain affairs from beyond Cecrops & the Arcadians themselvs. But sober men, and such as have their eyes open as they know that there were many Cities built throw the Provinces, for the honour of the Augustaean Name, called Augustae and Sebastae, of which we have spoken before; so may they learn from the Roman Historian g 2.604 Reges amicos atque Socios, & singulos in suo quemque regno, Caesareas urbes condidisse. And particularly: h 2.605 In honorem Augusti Caesaris Mazaca civitas Cappadociae maxima Caesarea cognominabatur: Jornandes, or Jor∣danus, as others call him, is witnesse of the same thing. Cappa∣doces magnam vivitatem suam Mazacam in honorem [Tiberii] Caes•…•…∣saris * 2.606 Caesaream appellave•…•…unt. Tiberius had both Titles, Caesar, and Augustus, as well as others. And though in the very age of Augustus, not so many (t) as is observed, so many Casorea urbes are not to be met withall among Geographers, yet in the follow∣ing, * 2.607 when flattery grew more ripe, many were new built, and new named so: and so it came to pass, that adding to the name of Caesar, either Dunum, which with the old Gouls either was as much as * 2.608 Collis, or a City set upon a high place; you have Cae∣saro Dunum: or by putting thereto Magus, this Casaromagus in this place, and another in Gallia Belgica, named also by Ptolemy 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, belonging to the Bellovaci. A great argument and

token, that the old language of the Britains was the same with the antient Gallique tongue, accordingly as we see learned men are pleased to have it so.

Two excellently learnedly men, and most diligent, in the ex∣plaining of the matters of their own Countrey, Talbot and Cam∣den do seek for this our Caesaromagus, according as the ratio Itine∣raria doth require it, yet in several places: of whom the m 2.609 first, believes it was that Town, which now commonly is called Chensford, or Chernsford. The distance, saith he, (for I do not think it much to translate his words hither, because his Lucubra∣tions upon Antoninus are hitherto unpublished) very fitly agree; for it is from London by modern computation XXV. miles, which indeed will make XXVIII. Italick miles (as you have in this Itinerary) neither doth the name very much ablude. And in the IX. journey Caesaromagus is placed in the way which leads from Colchester to Londinium. But you will say, who at this day being to take his journey from London to Carlisle, doth chuse his course by Chensford? I answer, that perhaps they did so some times formerly. For also the Kings of Scotland, as we have heard, were wont to come up to the Parliament here this way, and that they, or some one of them, built a Covent of the order of Dominicans, or preaching Friers; as they did also a house of Nunnes at Elstow or Elinstow by Bedford. Adde more∣over, that the Author of this Itinerary, who ever he was, seems not to have followed the shortest cuts, and straitest waies, but thereafter as he attended the Proconsul or Legate, who for his pleasure, or business sake; as, either to hold Courts of justice, or to list more forces, or sometimes to confirm his Souldiers, turned aside into greater Towns not quite out of his way; might seem to have set down those places, through which the Legate, or Propraetor passed. And this very journey, which we have now in hand, seems to be of such an one: wherein he rode through Essex, Suffolk, Cambridge-shire and Huntington-shire, to Lincoln, and thence to York, and so to Carlisle: other wise what meant it, as it is here, two hundred and fifty miles, more or less? when as in the next journey to this, from London to Lincoln, there are but an hundred, and fifty.

Wherefore we must confess, by what hath been said, that here the Pro-consul, or what Magistrate soever, took his jour∣ney through the Eastern, and more noted Cities of the Mari∣tine Countries; and so perhaps they used to set forth: but in the return, they visited the more Mediterranean, or Midland * 2.610 and Western places: or on the contrary these in their setting forth, the others in their return. And hence perhaps it is, that in the second journey between York and London there is so great a distance: a brief and compendium whereof he sets down after∣ward; namely in the third journey after this. This wheeling

and fetching compass about, must needs be on this side York and Lincoln, by reason of the breadth of the Island there, that the people might more conveniently appear before the Magistrates: beyond York there was no necessity of it, by reason of the nar∣rowness of the Island in those parts, that they might meet from both the Seas to some one Town, as Cataractonium, or the like, without any great grievance of the people. Casaromagus seems to have signified as much as Caesaris Burgus; as Neomagus in Ptolemy, Novns Burgus; Rotomagus as much as Rotonis burgus, &c. This I con∣jecture, but I know not certain. So far Talbot, whose words I have translated hither, because they seem to confer much to the ex∣plaining of the course of journeying here in Antoninus.

After Talbot, comes Camden in the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or former editi∣on, of his great work: who in the place thereof hath Burgsted, * 2.611 that is, Burgi locus: by which name the more antient places are commonly expressed, at this day only a Country village, called by the Saxons heretofore 〈◊〉〈◊〉 where by Florence of Worcester in the year DCCCXCIV. the Danes are said to have raised fir∣mam munitionem. But after his second cares, he supposeth Caesaromagus to have been neer Brent-wood. Yet himself que∣stions his own conjecture, because saith he, both the num∣bers in Antoninus are very corrupt, and because he cannot bring the military way of the Romans, as an argument there∣of: neither remaineth there any likeness of the name, but very small in the Hundred of Ceasford, now called Cheasford. Wherefore as in a dead and forlorn business with age and anti∣quity, we have nothing that we can •…•…y for a certainty; when as this Town perhaps faln deep into the Earth hath lain in the bowels thereof some Centuries of years. Onely may we la∣ment the fate of famous Cities, whose tops and Towrs age hath not only demolished, but sunk them down deep into the ground; so that coucerning them I may make use of that, which Demo∣sthenes said of Olynthus, and other neighbouring Cities; a 2.612 That they were so defac'd, that if any one came to the places where they stood, they might call it in question, whether ever men dwelt there, or no: so true is that, which Rutilius Numatianus in his Itinerary hath expressed in elegant verse:

Agnosci nequeunt aevi monimenta prioris, Grandia consumpsit mania tempus edax. Non indignemur mort•…•…lia corpora solvi; Cernimus exemplis oppida posse mori.

For antient Monuments cannot be known, Since eating Time devouts great Walls of Stone; Why should we grieve at this our lives short date, When Cities be examples of like Fate.

COLONIA M. P. XXIV.] This famous Station named Colonia, is only to be found in Antoninus, and it differs from Colonia Camolodunum: for you shall have them both in this same Journey in him. In the last Edition of the Gallique Councels, set forth by Jaques Sermond the Jesuit, you have among the Subscrip∣tions of the first Councel at Arles Adelphius de civitate Colonia Lon∣dinensium; for one of the Bishops that came out of Britain, and by the learned b 2.613 Usher Colonia there is thought to be this very Station, or City: but the incomparable c 2.614 Selden rather judgeth it to be Camolodunum; whom take the pains to consult: and it will be worth your while. There is a World of Roman Coyn found neer about Colchester (for that all our Antiquaries ac∣knowledge to be the place where Colonia sometime had its be∣ing:) a great argument of the flourishing thereof under the Roman times and Command; yet I hear of none ancienter then Gallienus; the Tetrici, the Victori•…•…i, •…•…osthumus, C. Carausius, &c. But its greatest glory was, that it brought forth Flavia Julia He∣lena, the Mother of Constantine the Great. There are those which contend for that, tanquans pro aris & fo•…•…is; and d 2.615 they make her the Daughter of a British King, Coel by name. I am not ignorant that e 2.616 Zosimus makes her a mean and ignoble Woman: but his studied obliquie against her, and her thrice noble Son, I am not now first of all to be acquainted with. It is well known also, how she is in the same manner honoured at Triers in France, as her Birth place; for they deny her Britain for her Country, as well as her glorious f 2.617 Son: But the great g 2.618 Cardinall, with h 2.619 others, asserts it to both of them. By the Inscriptions of that age wherein she lived, we may gather, what opinion and esteem the World had then of her, for she was called Piissima therein, and Venerabilis Augusta.

Many have thought, that the City it self was called Colchester, from a Colony in the Roman Time placed there. But no such matter, rather think we it so named from Coln the River wher∣on it stands, as many other Towns else, and whence also we find this of old time written Colon, or Colun.

But of all, we must not once think that this is named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Ptolemie, which it seems Surita did; for first that was a City of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Damnii, a People far away remote in the North of the Island: then Ptolemie and other Greek Writers, when they borow the Latine word Colonis, they commonly spell it by 〈◊〉〈◊〉. whenas this is read 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and no Colony at all.

VILLA FAUSTINI M. P. XXXV.] During the Ro∣mans Power and Sway in the Island, this Station flourished there XXXV. miles beyond Colonia; but in some Copies it is on∣ly XXV. It is not certain in what age, for there is no mention left of it, but here in Antoninus: and once to imagine, that Villa Faustini in i 2.620 Martial were meant of it, will be extreamly redi∣culous.

It is thought to have taken up that ground, where at this day the Hourishing Town of S. Edmunds-bury stands: so heretofore though Talbot, whose opinion our great Antiquary confirms by the distance thereof, as well from Colonia, as Iciani, the two next Sations on either side. Abbo Floriacensis, who wrote the life of King Edmund, so fouly murthered by the Danes, calls it Villam Regiam, and King Sigebert built a Church there; an ar∣gument that it was in those times a place of good note: for as we have formerly noted in severall places out of Beda, the Villae Regiae of the Saxon times had still their abode, where in the for∣mer ages the Roman Stations had been placed. Let us note this after the learned Camden, that the name of this place was in the Saxons time changed into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which the same Abbo interprets Bederici Cortis, id est, Villa. Now Bederick, as well as Faustinus in the Latine (it is not known who principally is intended either by the one, or the other) having the bodement or signification of felicity, or favour; we may imagine that the Saxon name doth but meerly render the sense of the Roman; especially if we believe Hadrianus Junius, who giving a reason of the name of Bateris the Son of Melon, the Sicambrian (such is the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the learned man: for in Strabo it is k 2.621 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is the Brother:) makes it to mean as much, as felicitate & favore plenus. Among our Antiquaries I find this Bederics-gueord is severally written, as Beatrices worth, Beodrices curte. Out of an ancient l 2.622 Diploma, or Priviledge granted in the yeare M LXXI. to Baldeguinus Abbot of S Edmunds-bury by PP. Alexander, it is called Badrices hurde. But you shall see in Weever's Monuments, Budrices Yurthe, out of a m 2.623 Charter of King Knute, and he interprets it Bederics Court, Farme, or Man∣sion-house:

Tantum aevi longinqua valet mutare vetustas

So great mutations works long-aged Time.

The learned Fulk had noted to this place, Halsted: but upon what observation, or what other reason, I leave to others to find out. But of Villa Faustini, thus much, and more perhaps then need.

ICIANIS. M. P. XVIII.] Among the many and severall people of Britain, in the Roman time, the Iceni were also reck∣oned, not only by Antoninus and Ptolemie; but by n 2.624 Tacitus also, who mentions Prasutagus their King; the high underta∣kings of whose Queen Dowager Boadicia, he hath celebrated with an immortall Pen. A portion of them these Iciani seem to have been: for there are many reliques of their name in Suffolk, especially Norfolk, both which they are anciently thought to

have inhabited. Among the later of whom this Station is judged to have had its residence: though Fulk would have had it at Exuey by New-Market; or Hinkson between Cambridge and Wal∣der. But Talbot 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to use Strabo's words in the like case, as more conversant and acquainted in these parts; and so fitter to judge, if he cannot have it at Thetford, he judgeth it to have been at Ic-borough neer Suaffam: and herein doth our Britain Pausanias, Camden, follow him.

CAMBORICO. M. P. XXXV.] So had all the editions of Antoninus, which I made use of; that of Aldus, of Simlerus, and Surita; and his written books also, saving that of Longoti∣us; which had Camboritum; the reading whereof our great Antiquary had rather follow: for so as he saith, very many Towns in Gaul also were terminated. Now the name it self being interpreted signifies either the Foard of Cam; for so they commonly call that River whereon it stood: but Rith sounded a Foard to the old Britains: or else it is a winding foard; for that a 2.625 Cam signified also with them. Which the very nature of the place seems to shew, for it was set in the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, at the very winding and compass of the River, as Ptolemy spea∣king of Euphrates; so that it was called Grantcester afterwards by the Saxons, the name being wonderfully changed: it is at this day a very small village, where I said by the River; yet here∣tofore reckoned among the XXVIII. most famous b 2.626 Cities of Britain, the Catalogue of which Ninnius hath written; and wherein it takes place of London it self. But out of the ruines thereof that Cambridge did grow, the other ornament of the Island of Britain, or if I should call it the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 rather as Synesius elegantly concerning Constantinople; there is no body a little more then ordinarily versed in humane studies, that is ignorant thereof. Henr. Huntingdoni•…•…nsis Hist. lib. 1. Grantecea∣stria, quae modo dicitur Cantebrigia: the name being compoun∣ded from Oranta, which the same Author in the fifth book calls fluvium Cantabrigiae. Therefore this River seems named Granta, by the Saxons, which in old time was called by the Britains Cam. There is mention thereof in William de Ramsey, Abbat of Crow∣land, in the life of Guthlac, thus:

Est apud Angligenas à Orontae flumine longo Orbe, per anfractus stagnosos & fluviales, Circumfusa palus—

Oronta with meandring streams, Makes many Marshes, Lakes and Fens.

Camden therefore seems, that he would have deduced it from Oron a Saxon word, which signifies a Fenny or Marshy place:

for c 2.627 Asserius Menevensis, saith he, calls the marshy places in Somer∣setshire once and again Gronnas paludosissimas, by a Latino-Saxon name: and a City of West-Friesland, placed in a Marshie Soyle, is called Groningen, as is well known. Venerable Bede saith, it was in his time civitatula desolata: Venerunt, are his words, ad civitatulam quandam desolatam, quae lingua Anglorum Gratacester vocatur, & mox invenerunt juxta muros civitatis locellum de marmo∣re albo pulcherime factum, operculo quoque similis lapidis aptissime tectum. But the Students shew also at this day the dwelling of Beda himself at Cambridge, wherein because afterwards there was a Proseucha or Synagogue of Jews settled there, they name now the Jews House: and yet Beda himself in plain words writes in his Epitome, which he hath joyned to his History, that when he was, annorum septem, cura propinquorum datus educandus reve∣rendissimo Abbati Benedicto, ac deinde Ceolfrido; cunctumqueex eo tempus vitae in ejusdem monasterii habitatione peregisse, inter obser∣vantiam disciplinae regularis, & quotidianum cantandi in Ecclesia cu∣ram. But concerning the beginnings of the University of Cam∣bridge (for neither have we any need to have recourse to the dotages, and fooleries of the Monks) we have the same Beda a most sufficient witness: d 2.628 In these times saith he, (about the year of Christ 637.) regno Orientalium Anglorum, post Corpwaldum Redwaldi successorem, Sigberius frater ejus praefuit, homo bonus ac religiosus, qui dudum in Gallia, dum inimicitias Redwaldi fugiens, exularet, lavacrum baptismi percepit, & patriam reversus, ubi regno potitus est, mox ea quae in Galliis bene disposita vidit, imitari cupicus instituit scholam, inqua pueri literis erudirentur; juvante se Episcopo Felice, quem de Cantia acceperat, eisque paedagogos & magistros, jux∣ta morem Cantuariorum praebente. That word pueri in Beda, King Alfred rendred 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 men, that is, Boys and young men; or as John Cains interprets it, discipuli & juvenes. Now whereas Gervase of Tilbury writes that Castrum Cantabriginse was antiently called Cantabricum, any one might believe that this name was corrupted, and altered, from Camboricum, who knew not, that the Monks (such was the acumen of that lurking crew) did deduce it from I cannot tell what imaginary King of Spain, Cantaber by name. For Camboricum, William Fulk himself also a Cambridge man, a Divine of great name, besides an Antiqua∣rie, as Dr. Usher informed me, hath not noted down Cambridge, but Comberton, some three miles thence, for it.

DUROLIPONTE M. P. XXV.] Talbot reads the number otherwise XXVIII. And thinks it Huntington, for saies he, there is Dour and Pons, which declare a place, where the Water or River was past over with a Bridge. Camden goes a little fur∣ther, who thinks it was over against Huntington, and that it had its original thence; but then he will have the name used in the Romans time to have been Durosiponte, as if you should say, The

bridge at the River Ouse, Use, Ose, and Ouse being promiscuously used. And he will have the common name used at this day Goodman Chester, to be read Gormon Chester, from one Gormon a Dane in King Alfreds daies; of whom see the History. The Itine∣rary distance likes him well: and the place at this day being fa∣mous for nothing more then frequent tillage, the fields so often broken up afford great store of Roman Coyn. In Huntingtons time it was Villa non inamabilis, and of old time it was nobilis urbs, as he writes truly.

DUROBRIVAS. M. P. XXXV.] Henry of Huntington in his recension of British Cities adds six to Ninnius Catalogue, where∣of this is one Cair Dorm. id est, Dormeceastre; quae sita, saies he, in Huntedonensi provincia super flumen quod Vocatur Nen, penitus de∣structa est. What is left of it at this day, is called Dornford, neer unto Walmsford. This in Camdens judgement is Antoninus his Durobrivae here, which he interprets Fluminis trajectus: and it shews the manifest tokens of a ruined City; besides the antient coyn, which are found here in that abundance, that one would think they had been sowed here. Two Military Waies, whose Causseys are yet plain to be seen hereabout, whereof the Er∣minstreet leades directly from Huntington, as appears by very Antient Witnesse. And it seems, that the old City pos∣sessed both banks of the River. See Camden concerning Caster in the County Northamptonshire, and the reason of that name.

CAUSENNIS. M. P. XXX.] It is Talbots conjecture, that this Station Causennes, or Gausennis, gave the name to the hithermost part of Lincolnshire, now called Casteven: even as Lindsey, ano∣ther part thereof, hath its name from Lindum: but Camden calls it his opinion; who yet pretends to no certainty of place, or its antient standing, except it be at Brigcasterton upon Wash, or Gwash; so making some affinity of name between the old name of the Station, and the River at this day. Better, saies he, he could not light on at this time; the distance not gain∣saying it: The later name Brigcasterton also, in which as he saies, vetustatis nomen apparet, so called quasi oppidum Castro∣rum, or, á Castris dictum, because of a Camp there sometime of the Romans. That Brig in the beginning thereof denotes the passage of the River there over a Bridge, which also parted the Roman Military Way. It is believed that the old Gausennae, is now utterly ruined, at such time as the Picts and Scots plun∣dered the whole Countrey about as far as Stanford, as Henry of Huntington is our Author; when our Hengist with his Anglo-Saxons, with unwearied prowesse, and extraordinary valour, so stopt the course of those outragious Barbarians, that many of them being slain, many taken Prisoners, the rest shifted for themselves by flight.

LINDO. M. P. XXVI.] Robert Talbot confesseth himself here at a great loss, about the antient site of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Lindum, in Ptolomy, who sets it down for a City of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Co∣ritavi, and one of them, which by him are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And no lesse appears by Antoninus, in whom we have the VI. journey from London to Lindon, which confirms what Ptolemy saies: there is also in him another City, of the very same name, in the more Northern part of the Island: but of that in its own place, when we shall come to it. The great doubt of Talbot was whether of the two he might resolve on; for the old situa∣tion of Landum: Nottingham; or Lincoln, or Lindecoln, as it was most antiently called. But he rather pitched on the for∣mer, thinking that it was Nottingham: and we will acquaint you with his particular reasons therefore.

First, saies he, Nottingham was as antient as any place of note hereabout; and may be thought equal with the time of the * 2.629 Saxons entrance. As for the old Town, whatsoever the name thereof was in old time, the inhabitants shew it, with a well fortified Castle also, a most certain argument of Antiquity. What ever it was none rather, or more probably, comes into my thoughts then Lindum. The River which through Not∣tingham runs into the Trent is at this day called Lin, or rather Lind; which rising out of Lindwood, a little above the Village Linsey, by the Priory of Newsted, in a small Tract of ground, suddenly encreased with the sources of many springs, becomes an handsome River: then running down by Lenton, or Lynton Town, Nottingham, it is swallowed into the Trent, before it hath well finished twelve miles from the Spring. But by Len∣ton, I think, saies he, that Lindum in this place is meant: for Nottingham is very neer thereunto, so that it may seem some∣times to have been part therof: as which at this day is scarce one mile distant: what if we should say, that the old Town was there; for it is not a thing unseldome seen, that famous Towns have degenerated into little villages. And bringing several ar∣guments, for the Antiquity of Lenton, as also of Nottingham: as that from London to York, no body will chuse his road through Lincoln, but ordinarily through Nottingham. Then that the distance from Nottingham to York, according to the Itinerary, suits at this day exactly, so also from Danum, or Dancaster, not a∣miss: nothing more conveniently: but from Lincoln to York and D•…•…oaster, it doth not hit out so right. Again, by longitude in Ptolemy, it is plain, that Lindum is not so much stretched out to the East, as Eboracum. But Lincoln is just so much: but not so Nottingham: now though all this may be well answered: yet by these arguments, saies he si qui 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mecum in eam sententiam descen∣derent, facile adducerer, ui arederem Lindum, de quo hic & apud Pto∣lemaeum, fit mentio, esse non quae nunc Lincolne, sed quae Nottingham; aut quae Lentonvocitatur.

But Camden is none of those, who will come to be of the same opinion with him: he then placeth Lindum, or Lincoln, at the Foss way, where it, and the River Wytham meet toge∣ther: the Britains called this City Lynd-coit, from the woody situation thereof, for which you have it misnamed in Ninnius, Luit-coit. The Many believed it called Lindum from the River Wytham, which by an antienter name they say was Lindis: but they have no authority for it of any standing. With the Saxons it was * 2.630 Lindo-colin (Camden knows not whether à collino situ:) and Lind-cyllan-cea•…•…. Camden rather deduceth it from Lhin, a British word signifying a Lake: and he brings many instances of the like. The curious reader perhaps will look for farther Antiquity: but there is none extant, besides what we have brought: yet if he please I bring that out of Beda: a 2.631 Pradi∣cabat autem Paulinus verbum etiam provinciae Lindisi, qua est prima ad meridianam Humbri fluminis ripam pertingens usque ad mare. Prafectumque Lindocolina civitatis, cui nomen erat Blecca, primum cum domo sua convertit ad Dominum. In qua videlicet civitate, & Ecclesiam operis egregii de lapide fecit, cujus tecto vel longa incuria vel hostili manu dejecto, parietes hactenus stare videntur, & omni∣bus annis aliqua miracula sanitatum in eodem loco solent ad utilita∣tem •…•…orum qui fideliter quaerunt, ostendi. He mentions it again in the XVIII. chapter: but Beda is beneath that authority which I pretend to.

SEGELOCIM. M. P. XXIV.] This Station in this Jour∣ney is so called; which elsewhere you have written Agelocum. And this also is noted by Talhot, and Simler, by reason of the aequi-distance between Lindum and Danum, or Dancaster: Age∣locum therefore is to be reckoned among those words, to which the antients sometimes put an S. or Sibilus, sometimes they omit∣ted it. So they called the Alpes, which in Lycophrons Cassandra we find written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: And they, who are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Insula by Dionysius the Periegetes, the same in b 2.632 Strabo are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; ly∣ing in the British Sea. Salamantica of Spain, is called by Polybius 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and Casars Swessiones, in Ptolemy are 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. To adde one Common Noun out of c 2.633 Dioscorides, what in d 2.634 Virgils Eglogues is Saliunca, in him is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; or rather take the whole place out of him: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

In our great Antiquaries judgement, this place possessed the banks of Trent in Nottinghamshire, where at this day Lit∣tleborough (a little Town, but very antient) stands, and that upon second cares. At this day it is famous for nothing more, then for the frequent pass of the River there. That the Ro∣mans held it, there are many things which cause a belief. For the Military Way went here, and the Tract of the Walls yet appears to be seen, which yet the Inhabitants, such is their

captu•…•…, do think were raised there to keep in the violence of the River. Then there is so great plenty of Roman Coynes in the neighbouring Feilds, that they are often rooted up by the very Swine: whence it is that they are commonly called Swine∣pennies. The distance moreover from Lindum to Agelocum, or Segelocum, makes us not at all to doubt; although the same learned man write, in the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of his Work, or former edi∣tion, that it was Idleton, a Countrey Village, which is no where else to be found but by the River Idle; whence al∣so is the Name: And it produced his Conjecture, whereby he would in Antoninus have Adelocum, restored for Agelo∣cum.

For Agelocum, Aulerton in Sherwood, is the divination of Robert Talbot. William Fulk, for some small 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, would have it to be Agle, a small Village not quite VI. whole miles distant from Lindum; when as in Antoninus in any Copies that are extant of him, Agelocum is from it fourteen miles at least.

DANO. M. P. XXI.] This was that Station, which in after ages was called Dancaster, and the Name shewes as much. It is Talbots conceit, that the Water which runs here under a stately Bridge, was Ptolemies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, called by him Humber: for, saies he, the numbers in him of Longitude and Latitude added to this, and to York, are neer the same: then there is none beside hereabout, to which you may better apply it. I know not this: but I am sure Hieronymus Surita is wide here, and that very much, who would have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Durotriges in Ptolemie, corrected into Danum: as after Antoninus it is also called by the Notitia Provinciarum Occiden∣tis: where we read: Sub dispositione Viri spectabilis Ducis Eri∣tanniarum Praesectus Equitum Crispianorum Dano. Chrispiana, saith Pancirolus, is a Town of Pannonia in this Itinerary; whence these Crispiani may seem to be taken: except, as he thinkes, we had better read for them Chrestini, out of Velferus his old Papers, who are a People of the Countrey of Dorilania in Belgica along the Rhine, whence these might easi∣ly be brought hither. In the Learned Doctor Ushers Edition of Ninnius, the old Britains Catalogue of our Cities, this place is called Cair Daun. Other Writers will tell you, that in the year Seven hundred fifty nine, it was ruined by fire from heaven; and from those ruins it hath not yet wholly recovered it self. See those Authors.

LEGEOLIO. M. P. XVI.] We must observe in this place with Talbot, Surita, Simler, Camden, and others, that this station is in the third Journey after this called Lagecium. Besides their Authorities, the distance there from Danum exactly XVI. miles makes it good, and it was at Castleford a Village, Marianus

calls it Casterford, where the very meeting is of Calder and ano∣ther Stream called the Ar•…•…. Here are many and manifest re∣mainders of Antiquity: as great store of Roman Coyn found hate, which the common people call Saracens heads, taken up in a place named Beanfield, from the store of them sowed there by the Church: I might urge also the distance from Danum and York, between which here it is placed; to say nothing of its standing by the Military Roman way, and that Houeden expres∣ly calls it Civitatem, though not as Casar uses the words, but as it is commonly taken and understood.

Leland, whom a 2.635 Iohn Baile, Harrison, and Fulk do follow, thought it to have been Po•…•…frel, or Ponfract: but we let him pass with his conceit. In Iosias Simlerus his Scholia's upon Antoninus, you have it mis-printed Logetium, for Lagecium.

ISU-BRIGANTUM. M. P. XVII.] Some Books have M. P. XVI. which others correct into M P. XXVI. but amise I think. It is curtailed here for Isurium Brigantum. We have before said enough of that; we will here say something also of the people called Brigantes.

The [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉] Brigantes were a people in b 2.636 Ptolemie of the Island Albion, inhabiting from both sides thereof; mentioned also by Seneca Tacitus, Iuvenal, Pausanias, Antoninus here, and the old Inscriptions. Hermolaus of Byzantium the Grammarian, who set forth c 2.637 Stephanus the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, more contracted, hath also in a more contracted word [〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,] by which he names them: d 2.638 George Buchanan saith, that the right case of this word in Stephanus is Brigas, unde inflectimus, saith he, Brigantes, ut a biga•…•… bigantes. In Tacitus you have in one place. Iugantes, pro Brigan∣tibus, in all the ordinary printed books, by the same negligence of the Printers, whereby you had formerly Tigenes, for Icenos, a people likewise among us. His words are these, e 2.639 Praecipuus Scienti•…•… rei militaris Venutius e Iugantum Civitate, ut supra memora∣vi, fidusque diu▪ & Romanis armis desensus cum Cartismanduam re∣ginam matrimonio teneret. Truly it is exceedingly to be grieved at, that so many books of the Annals of Tacitus are perished, to the great loss not onely of our British Affaires, but also of the Common-wealth of learning; and particularly, that this place is corrupted, that there is no hope of finding out what we would but by conjecture. Plainly then, we must restore Brigantum hi∣ther out of him elsewhere: for it is constantly published so by him in all other places.

As for the severall Etymons, and Originals of this name▪ I had rather then say any thing my self here (for I have •…•…lse where f 2.640 said enough:) refer you to Lhuyd, Camden; Spelman, and o∣thers; or if they speak not enough, to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of g 2.641 Boropius in his Antuerpian Nights.

The Brigantes are reported by h 2.642 Tacitus to have been ac∣counted

Civitas numerosissima Previnciae totius: and indeed they contained i 2.643 Cumberland, Westmoreland, Lanchashire, the Bisho∣prick, and all Yorkeshire. I will set down the Cities, or k 2.644 fa∣mous Towns of them, as I find them set down in Ptolemie; the explanation thereof, you shall have recourse to, in what I have said upon him: in the mean while briefly thus:

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Epiacum. This is remembred onely by him.

O•…•…ro Oulo•…•… Vinnovium. In Antoninus it is Vinoviae, and in some Copies, if not carrupt, Viconia.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Caturractonium. Cartaractonium, in Antoninus: in the same Antoninus, and in Beda likewise, Cartaractone.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Calatum. It is named Balacum in Antoninus, or Calca∣ria, it is not in the same Itinerary; and Beda, as Humphrey Lhuyd thinketh amiss.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Isurium here also mentioned, as also Isuria.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Rigodunum. Camden makes the site hereof to be the same with Coctium in Antoninus Itin.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Olicana. In other Authors there is no mention there∣of to be found.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. l 2.645 Camulodunum. This is in Antoninus Cambo∣dunum.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Legio Sexta Vitrix. Whence we know it was a Colony. However m 2.646 S. Aurel. Victor calls it Muni∣cipium: Britanniae municipio, saith he, cui Eboraci nomen. The same Ptolomie calls it n 2.647 elsewhere 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Evoracum. In the same Author in his o 2.648 Great Syntaxis, which the Barborous call the Almagest, it is named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Brigantium; if the Printed book be not corrupted, which Camden very luckily suspected. It was indeed the head and chief seat 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, of the Brigantes; but the admired Doctor Usher hath taught us that in the Greek MS. Copy, of the Lambeth Library, the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, is altogether wanting, for which the Latine Translations out of the Arabick have Bericanas; as it shall be shewed in its due place.

Iuvenal the Poet means these Cities by Castella Brigantum, which you shall find in his fourteenh Satyr in this Verse:

Dirue Maurorum attegias, Castella Brigantum.

The Moorish Huts or British Towers destroy.

For most amend where the old Romans had their Stations, or Castra, there were Cities and great Townes builded; where also in after ages not onely the British, but the Saxon Kings had their dwellings: as I could plentifully observe out of Beds, if there were occasion.

The place which is mentioned onely taken out of p 2.649 Seneca,

I shall think good to bring hither, if it be but to shew the se∣verall readings thereof: these then are his words;

• Ille Britannos
• Ultra noti
• Littora Ponti,
• Et * 2.650 caeruleos
• ...Scuta Brigantes
• Dare Romuleis Colla Catenis
• Iussit, & ipsum
• Nova Romanae
• Iura securis
• Tremere Oceanum.

For Scuta Brigantes Ioseph (g) Scaliger, that great Dictator in * 2.651 Learning, pleaseth himself wonderfully in reading Scoto-Brigan∣tes; and as his manner is, slights all the Gain-sayers: let the time be when it will, when the Scoti came first to be made known to the World. He doth well indeed to take up r 2.652 Ha∣drian Iunius, who hath Cute Brigante; against the right reason and observaoion of quantity of Syllables. Iunius is therein so confident, that he doth take his Oath for the reading: but he hath not yet perswaded the learned World of men to it. For the old reading yet with them taketh place: For as painting their bodies, generally was taken notice of amongst the Britains; so is it not unlikely that they had also their Bucklers painted, as well as other Nations: as we read * 2.653 that the Germans were Scutalectissimis coloribus distringuere soliti, and amongst them the Ary had tincta corporas and also nigra scuta, and the Labici are yet known by that place in s 2.654 Virgil:

—Et picti scuta Labici.

And th' Bucklers of the painted Labicus.

About these Brigantes here t 2.655 George Buchanan doth notably de∣lirare, as became a man of such imperiousness, and insolency.

It is not very certain how the Brigantes became first subject to the Romans; but certain it is, they were often conquered by them. It is worth the while to consult Tacitus, from whom we have a full relation of their Affaires. They were doubtless in the defection of Boadicia, and a considerable part among the Bri∣tains in that their revolt. Galgacus the Caledonian in his speech to his men to animate them against the Romans, shews as much: u 2.656 Brigantes, saith he, Femina duce exurere Colonias, expugnare castra, & nisi felicitas in secordiam vertisset, exuere jugum potuere. Now whereas for the Brigantes in this place, Camden doth sub∣stitute the Trinobantes, I could wish that he had not done it a∣gainst the authority of all books: Galgacus his meaning is to in∣cite his Caledonians to Valour, and the study of liberty, by the

example of other Britains, all whom he calls Brigantes, who were better known to his men, being a great deal the neerest unto them, and the most populous people of the whole Island. But they were not wholly subdued till Vespasians time, as we find by the same Author; when Petilius Cerealis fought against them multa praelia, & aliquando non incruentia; magnamque Bri∣gantum partem aut victoria amplexus aut bello.

In Hadrinans daies, therefore a main defection of all the Bri∣tains hapned out. Now if there be any place for conjecture, the * 2.657 Brigantes seem to have revolted, when Julius Severus was called out of Britain, where he was President to go against the Jewes, who then also rebelled. Dio, or rather Xiphilin out of him, is our Author for it: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But finally Hadrian himself in person came hither, who conversis, regio more militibus Britanniam petiit: in qua multa correxit, murumque per octoginta millia passuum primus duxit, qui Barbaros Romanosque divideret. Et compositis in Britannia rebus, in Galliam transgressus est, as Spartianus writes. And in our daies too there are extant, taken up amongst the Brigantes, very many Antiquities which speak Hadrians being here, and his doing many things amongst them. Yet though subdued by him, they took Heart again, and as the Poets say, victis redit in praecor∣dia virtus: for under Antoninus Pius they over-ran Gen•…•…ia, an associat Country here of the Romans: but were againe brought under by his Legate here (it should seem Lollius Urbi∣cus:) and lost part of their owne Territories. This is witnes∣sed by a good y 2.658 Writer of those times: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

There are many other things of Antiquity, which I might set down concerning the Brigantes; as of their Nymph Verbeia, and their Topick God Dui: but as I said, I will refer the Reader to my other Work which I have inscribed BRITANNIAE RO∣MANORUM, where I have at large treated of them.

The other Stations of this Journey are formerly sufficiently spoken of in their places: onely here let me tell you, that Bro∣cavio would better be Brovo, as being abbreviated for Brovonacis, which you have in the second Journey.

In the next Journey to this, which is from London to Lindum, or Lincoln, you have the way more contracted a great deal: thus then it is, as you see it represented to your eyes in what followes.

BRITANNIARUM. ITER. VI. Editio.

Aldina.	Suritana.	Simleriana.
	ITER A LONDINIO
	LINDUM M. P. CLVI. sic;
Verolani.	VEROLAMUM M. P. XXI.	Verolami.
Durocobrius.	DUROCOBRIUM. M. P. XII.	Duro-Cobrius.
	MAGIOVINIUM. M. P. XII.
	LACTODORUM. M. P. XVI.
	ISANNAVATIA. M. P. XII.	Isannavantia. Isan∣navaria.
	TRIPONTIUM. M. P. XII.
Venonis.	VENNONIM. M. P. IX.	Venonis.
Ratas.	RATIS. M. P. XII.	Ratas.
	VEROMETUM. M. P. XIII.
12.	MARGIDUNUM. M. P. XIII.	Margindun. 12.
Ad Pontum.	AD PONTEM. M. P. VII.
Croco. Cal.	CROCOCALANUM. M. P. VII.	Crorolana.
	LINDUM. M. P. XII.

THese five first Stations here, even to * 2.659 Isannavatia (which is altogether the same with Bennavenna.) you have before explained in the second Journey, but converso Itinere, the way ly∣ing there backward. Here at Vennonis there is a diversion from the publick way, which they call Watling-street. See Talbot in VENNONIS. But whereas in this Journey between Isannava∣tia, or Bennavenna, and Vennonis, you see Tripontium put between, that indeed is done as Camden thinks, loco non suo, out of its right place. But see also Talbot in BENNAVENNA.

ISANNAVATIA. M. P. XII.] Go to BENNAVENNA, which seems to be the very same Station or City with it.

TRIPONTIUM. M. P. XII.] Hierom Surita shews himself a stranger indeed to our affairs, when he makes but so much as a doubt, whether a 2.660 Ptolemies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, an ancient City of the Sel∣govae here, had any thing to do in this place. Camden supposeth it to be that which now we call Torcester: and that he hath remain∣ing for it such arguments, as are not languidae fidei. For saith he, if Trimontium a City of Thrace had its name, à tribus montibus; if Triturrita of Hetruria, à tribus turribus: if Tripolis, à tri∣bus urbibus: then this Tripontium without doubt is denominated à tribus pontibus; as it may plainly be seen also to this day: here may also be seen the Praetorian, or Military High-way, which

in very many places between this Town and b 2.661 Stony-Stratford shews it self. Marianus Scotus hath this Towns name written Tovecester: and indeed there want not many who would have the Town called so, from the Tove running by it.

Age and time have at length so wasted it, that now at length it owes to its situation, name, and antient Coyns, that it is be∣lieved that it is old. Of them indeed there have been some good store taken up there.

VENNONIM. M. P. IX.] This is spoken to in the Second Journey already, to which you may have a re∣course:

RATIS. M. P. XII.] Leicester, called also by antient Wri∣ters, and in old Records, Legracester, Legecester, Legeocester, Le∣ogora and Caer-Lerion, so called, not of that fabulous King Leir, whom Geffrey of c 2.662 Monmouth will have to be the first Builder thereof, but for that it standeth upon the River Legra, or Leir, now called Sore; as d 2.663 Leland holdeth, signifying as much as the City standing upon the River Leir. Many other Cities and places in this land are so denominated, as Colchester, upon the River Colne, Lancaster upon the River Lune, Riblechester, upon the River Rible. It standeth in the Center and heart of the Shire (as I have said before:) bearing the proportion of an heart, and being in the very midst and heart of the land, as by all Writers, and by the Topography thereof, it doth appear, and upon the great Rode-way called the Foss, (as Ranulph Higden affirmeth) which goeth from the South into the North, which begins at Totness in Devonshire, and endeth at Catness in the utmost part of Scotland. It is situated in a most rich, delicate, and pleasant soyl, and a delicious air, and (whether you respect health or wealth, pleasure or profit:) it is in this place afforded. To parallel it with other Cities is not my purpose, but had it a Na∣vigable River, whereby it might have trading and commerce; it might compare with many of no mean rank. For the anti∣quity thereof, I shall speak what I have either read, or found in the best and most approved Writers. That this was a City in the Britains time before the comming of the Romans, I should con∣jecture by the name thereof, set down by Ninnius in his Cata∣logue of Cities, viz. Caer Lerion: that is, the City upon Leir, What the name was in the Romans time, I must assent unto Ma∣ster Camden Clarenc•…•…ux his opinion, who taketh it to be e 2.664 Ratae, induced thereunto, first by the situation thereof upon the said great Rode-way, called the Foss, the distance from Bennones, and Vernomet, agreeing so justly with the Emperour Antonine in his Itinerarium, and a peice of the name yet remaining in that old long Ditch and rampier called Radikes. That this his as∣sertion should stand probable and true, and that this was a great Roman Station, these Roman Antiquities (here found and affir∣med)

will give strength and confirmation. First, the antient Temple here dedicated to Janus, which had a Flamen or High Priest here resident, in which place great store of bones of beasts (which here have been sacrificed) have been digged up and found and the place yet called thereof, the Holy bones, which all Hi∣stories do agree to have been here, and surely was the founda∣tion of the Romans, as appeareth by their God Janus Bisrous to whose honour the first Temple was built in Rome, by Romulus and Tatius, or, •…•…s others say, Numa Pompilius, in a place called Argiletum; and not founded by that feigned King Leir, to the honour of Janus, as Geffrey of Monmouth, and (of later daies) John Harding and John Reut of Warwick will have it; which how fabulous and improbable it is any ordinary capacity may conceive, in that it is known to all, that Janus was not adored or thought of ever of any but the Romans. And this King Lier died (at least three hundred years before Rome was built, as by their own Chronology and Computation will appear. But this and many such improbabilities and contradictions, will easily convince this forged History of Brute, and of his pro∣geny.

Next the many Roman Antiquities here found, their Meda∣glies and Coyns in great abundance, both in silver and Copper; of Vespasian, Domitian, Trajan, Hadrian, Antonine, and others, which I my self have seen, and have of them. And within these ten years, neer unto the Town, somewhat deep in the ground, was found a piece of Work of stone arched over; the stones very small, about an inch long, and half an inch broad and thick, finely joined together with a thin morter. It was in length about five or six yards, in breadth about four, the roof covered with a square kind of quarry with small Earthen Pipes therein. This I guess to be a Stouphe or hot-house to bath in, for as Vitrivius writeth, the Romans growing to the excesse of riotousnesse and excesse, through the abundance of their wealth, used these kinde of Bathes in a wantonness to purge and clarifie themselves. All this hitherto hath been transcribed out of the exact Description of Lestershire, so far as it conduced to my pre∣sent drift and institutum. We shall also do the like in what fol∣lowes to the next Station. If we had known that the places about Lester had abounded with Ferne, we would presently have concluded, that the name RATAE had been from RA∣TIS; * 2.665 which Dioscorides saith in the old Gallick Tongue (and so consequently in that of the Britains:) signified just as much. The good Readers I hope will excuse this observation, who also know, that lame men, though they be never so much 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, yet they cannot conveniently be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Being bad for * 2.666 any discovers, though never so studious and desirous thereof. Let those tell us here of Rateford in Nottinghamshire, or Rutland,

look well to their Arguments, why they do it.

VEROMETUM M. P. XIII.] Master William Burton, the restorer of his own Country and the antiquities thereof, in his exact description of Lestershire. pag. 62.

Burrow, antiently called Erdburrow, standing neer to the con∣fines of Rutlandshire. Master Camden doth conjecture that this place should be that Vernometum, mentioned by Antonine the Emperour in his Itinerarium, by reason of the true distance be∣tween Ratae and Vernometum; And (his words be these) the name of Burrow also that it hath at this day, came from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which * 2.667 in the Saxon Tongue signifieth a place fortified, and under it is a Town called Burrow, belonging to an old Family of Gentle∣men so surnamed. But (that which maketh most for the proof) in that very place there riseth up an Hill, with a steep and up∣right ascent on every side, but, South-eastward; in the top wher∣of appear the express tokens of a Town destroyed, a double Trench, and the very Tract where the Walls went, which in∣closed about 18. Acres within, at this day it is arable ground, and in nothing so famous as in this, that the Youths dwelling neer thereto were wont yearly to exercise themselves in wrest∣lings and other sports in this place. And out of the very name a man may conjecture that there stood some great Temple of the Heathen Gods; for the word Vernometum in the old Gauls * 2.668 language (which was the same with the old Britains tongue) sig∣nifieth as much as a great Temple, as Venantius Fortunatus in his first book of his Songs doth shew, writing of Vernometum a Town of Gaul in these verses.

Nomine Vernometum voluit vocitare vetustas, Quod quasi fanum ingens Gallica lingua sonat.

Of old the place they Vernomet did name, Which signifies among the Gauls a Fane.

In elder times, this place they termed by the name of Verno∣met, which sounds in the language of the Gauls as much as a Temple great. Thus far the diligence, and the great ornament of his Countrey, William Burton Esquire of Linley; who though now with God, hath left the heir of his vertues, as well as other fortunes, Cassibbelaun Burton, Esquire.

MARGIDUNUM. M. P. XIII.] Where Lincolnshire borders upon Liecestershire, there stands Be•…•…vior or Beauvior Castle, not far from whence, as our great Antiquary thought, stood the Roman Station Margidunum in old time, in a most pleasant and fruitful Soyl. This the distance from Vernometum to which it stands next in Antoninus, having Ad Pontem, or Paunton, also at not an unlike remotenesse from what is set down there, gives

good credit unto. From the Marga, or Marle, and its site upon a rising hill, its seems to have had its denomination. For the later, I have several times taught out of Plutarch what Dunum signifies, namely a rising place. As for the other word Marga, * 2.669 a 2.670 Pliny in his Natural History tells us what it is there where he treats De terra quam Britannia & Gallia amat. Alia est ratio, saith he, quam Britannia & Gallia invenere, alere eam ipsae quod genus vocant Margam. But Camden speaks of little use of Marle in those parts: he indeed tells us of a kind of Chalk found * 2.671 neer there; in which perhaps Pliny might be mistaken, for his Margu: else he thinks it was never well searcht for there. There is found there about also the stone called from its figure 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Astroites, the form of which Camden describes, after b 2.672 Agricola and others: but Ile meddle not with it, as being nothing to my present design in hand.

AD PONTEM. M. P. VII.] That it was that Town of Lincolnshire, which on the banks of the River Wytham is yet called Paunton to this day, our Antiquaries do generally believe For to say nothing of the distance from the two stations on ei∣ther hand, which very well agree with that at present, the rea∣son of the name from a Bridge (for the River) according to the report of the Inhabitants was here in old time joined with the Bridge:) cleerly evinceth the matter in hand: not to say that * 2.673 pavements of the Romans of Musive Work are sometimes digged up here. Wherefore Aldus his Edition of Antoninus may be observed, where ye find it falsly printed, Ad Pontum. Josias Simlerus in his Scholia upon Antoninus would have this Town to have been otherwise called Pons Aelii, where sub Duce a 2.674 Britan∣niarum Tribunis Cohortis I. Cornaviorum kept his Guard: which Station being long before first appointed by Hadrian the Empe∣rour, was to be sought far away off, by the Vallum. Him yet our Harrison follows, who hath described unto us Britain in English. William Fulk would have it to be rather Boston, that is, S. Buttolphes Town in this same Shire; though the Itinerary account do wholly reclaim, and gainsay it; as being neerer to the Eastern Sea.

CROCOCALANA. M. P. VII.] In the diverse readings collected to Antoninus there is Crorolana set down, which in very deed signifies nothing and might a great deal better have been quite left out. In Antoninus that Town is called so; which at this day is Ancaster, nothing but a long street upon the Military High-way. At the entrance from the South our Antiquarie saith, he saw a Trench, and it is evident that there was a castle about there. The British or old name may seem to have been taken from the situation; for it lies under the side of an hill; and Cruc M•…•…ur with the Britains doth signify magnum collem or a great Hill; as Cruc Occhidient doth a Western Hill, as we are

taught by Giraldus Cambrensis, and Ninnius very antient Writers. But what shall we do then with Colana? Camden our Antiqua∣ry knew not: neither have we time to think of it, as we should: if we truly understood the meaning of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of a 2.675 Ptolemy in the North of Britain, we should also better know this. In this Town the Roman coyns keep up the Memory of Antiquity therein; besides the vaults under ground, sometimes opened: to say nothing of the site by the Praetorian Causey or High-way, and due distance between it and Lindum or Lincoln. William Harrison * 2.676 saith Ancaster hath been a great thing, for many square and coloured pavements, vaults, and arches are yet found, and oft laid open by such as dig and plow in the fields about the same, and among these one Vresby or Roseby a Ploughman did erd up not long since a stone like a trough covered with another stone, wherein was great abundance of the aforesaid Coynes. The like also was seen not fourty years ago about Grantham.

LINDUM. M. P. XII.] Camden from the foregoing Station seems to have read the distance to Lindum XIV. miles; and that where he speaks of Ancaster where the foregoing Station had its being. Something is said, and perhaps more then enough, con∣cerning this Lindum in the former Journey.

Finis Itineris VI. Britanniarum.

BRITTANNIARUM. ITER. VII. Editio

Aldina.	Suritana.	Simleriana.
*CXV.	ITER A REGNO LONDINIUM. M. P. XCVI sic;*	*CXVI. 96.
	CLAUSENTUM. M. P. XX.
	VENTAM BELGARUM. M. P. X.
Gelleu	CALLEVAM ATREBATUM. M. P. XXII.	Gall.
	PONTES. M. P. XXII.
	LONDINIUM. M. P. XXII.

THis seventh Journey is from Regnum in Hantshire to London: Hierom Surita speaking of which, confesseth indeed that the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Regni were a people of Britain, bordering upon the A∣trebatri and Cantii; whose chief City was Noviomagus: but that by this Regnum it is to be understood, I can by no means hold with him. Camden resolves the business very well, where he makes the Midland of this shire to belong to the Belgae, as he doth the more Maritime to the Regni. That therefore this Regnnum belonged in old time to the Regni, is most plain; the reliques of the one name still remaining in the other. Our An∣cesters called it Regnewood or Ringwood, it seems for the Store of wood thereabout. In Doomesday book it is written Rincewed.

CLAUSENTUM. M. P. XX.] Opposite to the Isle of Wight, in Southampton Port of Haven, called of old by Ptolemy a 2.677 Tri∣santonis fluvii ostium; from Traithanton, as I think, saith our great Antiquarie, that is Aestuar•…•…um Anton. By the same name almost it is called by Ninnius Trahannoni ostium. The river that runs into it at this day called Test, in former ages, in the Saints lives, is named Ierstan, and formerly that it was Ant, or Anton: Antport, Andover, and Hanton, Towns lying thereon, seem in a manner to perswade. Sofar are we from believing, that it was so named from Hammon the Roman, whom our British History fables to be slain hereabout by Arviragus, as do also all such as follow and admire it.

Not far from this southampton, was Clausentum here placed, which appears by its distance from Regnum, as also on the other

fide from Venta, or Winchester, and as of old time it was called Antoni Aestuarium, so Clausentum signified in British the Port En∣tum; which, as I am told, signifies as much as in Greek b 2.678 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 doth mean. They that make any wonder at this let them also look into Dooms-day-book, where they shall ex∣presly find Hantscyre, and Hentscyre; from whence the Town, from the Southernly situation is at this day Southanton. It was seated especially where S. Martha's fields now are. What rub∣bish, ruines of Walls, and Trenches Camden was shewed there by an old Castle, himself will best tell you. Whether it were the Castle of old time belonging to Clausentum, I have not any thing to say: the several Coyns of the Roman Emperours ta∣ken up hereabout are sufficient witnesses of its great antiquity. If those ruins which Camden speaks of, were not of the old Castle; they were doubtlesly of those muniments, and bul works, quae Romani in littore Oceani ad meridianam plag•…•…, as Gildas hath it: ad reprimendas piraticas Saxonum depraedutiones collocarunt.

VENTA BELGARUM. M. P. X.] There were three Towns in Britain of this name Venta, all mentioned by Antoninus, and this by Ptolemy also. Venta Icenorum is in (a) Ptolemy too; were * 2.679 but his Copies rightly published. The common books have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for Iceni: but the Palatine set forth by Petrus Bertius, neerer the truth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Caer-Guent it was called by the Britains: which Leland makes to signify White, as if he would say, The White City: of which there wants not examples: and this stands in a whitish or chalkish soil, as do the rest they say else∣where that are of that name too.

After the Christian time, from this Venta in the most antient Monks we find the Bishop of Winchester called Episcopus Ventanus or Wentanus, as Beda, Malmesburionsis, Eadmerus, and others: only the less experienced must take heed when he meets with this word c 2.680 Venlanus misprinted for it, as he shall sometimes.

A City no doubt it was of very great request in the Romans time, which we learn from the Notitia of the Western Empire, for here was resident in this place the Procurator Gynaecii Britannis, * 2.681 (not Dremtensis, or Biennensis: but as it should be:) Ventensis. So the d 2.682 flour of French Lawyers Jaques Cujas reads it Gynaeci∣um, and interprets it to mean the Sacrum Textrinum. Guidus e 2.683 Pancirolus, who set forth the Notitia is of no other opinion, who writes that these Gynaecia were first appointed texendis Principis militumque vestibus, naviumque velis, stragulis linteis & aliis ad instruendas mansiones necessariis.

Yet Wolsangus f 2.684 Lazius, a learned German in his time, thought that these Procurators also were imployed in taking care, and ma∣king provision for the Emperours dogs: for the Britist dogs car∣ried away the Bell in those dayes from those of any other nation in Europe. Strabo gives us good cause to say so, for they have his

commendation for hunting; being said by him to be, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Hence it is that the Shepheard saies in g 2.685 Neme∣sian under Caius the Emperour.

—Divisa Britannia mittit. Veloces, nostrique orbis venatibus aptos.

—Great Britain breeds fair hounds, Whose sents are fit to hunt upon our grounds.

Meaning our British Dogs. Of which long before him it is worth the while to peruse an excellent trim Poem, written in Augustus age by Gratius Faliscus, who intitles it Cunegeticon, pub∣lished of late years by an excellently learned Gentleman; and accordingly it is set forth in Latin by him, and translated also into English.

Quid freta si Morinum, dubio refluentia Ponte, Veneris, atque ipsos libeat h 2.686 penetrare Britannos? O quanta est merces, & quantum impendia supra, Si non ad speciem mentitur osque decores: Protinus, haec una est catulis jactura Britannis: Ad magnum cum venit opus, promendaque virtus, Et vocat extremo praeceps discrimine Mavors, Non tunc egrogios tantum admirere Molossos; Comparat his versuta suas Athamania fraudes, Acyrusque, Pheraeque, & clandestinus Acarnan. Sicut Acarnanes subierunt pralia furto: Sic canis illa suos taciturna supervenit hostes.

Wouldst thou Morinum seek? and thee 'twould please Britain to enter through uncertain Seas. What profit there, what benefit would rise? Would thou not choose for beauty and for size? Both which they want; yet this the Britains boast, In greatest need their dogs shew valor most; And will his life forsake ere he retire, Not then Mollosian hounds thou wilt admire, Sly Athaman Dogs, with Mastives not compare, Acgran, Pheran, nor the close Acare As th' Acarnans steal in to battel, so This breed with silence sets upon their Foe.

This is that Gratius, whom Ovid his Co-temporary thought worthy to commend to Posterity, and prolong his fame in that i 2.687 verse:

Aptaqu•…•… venanti Gratius arma dabit.

Gratius for Hunting will accommodate.

Divers others have highly commended our Britain Dogs; par∣ticularly the Agasaeus, or base Hound, was had in great esteem, thus described by Oppian in his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉:

k 2.688 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

This kind though short, are for quick scent renown'd Fit for a learned Poet to resound; The painted Britain people fierce in Armes, These Beagles breed and Agasean termes: Th' are small, want beauty, have no comely mark, That thou wouldst think th' are onely fit to bark.

Which Verses being part of them, which the l 2.689 Emperour so highly prised, Ioannes Bodinus hath done thus into Latine; but he had for his paines, I feare, scarce so great a reward.

Est etiam catubi species indagine clara, Corpus huic breve; magnifico sed * 2.690 corpore digna. Picta Britannorum gens illos effera bello Nutrit, Agasaeosque vocat, vilessima forma Corporis, ut credas parasitos esse latrantes.

It should seem then, that the little Beagle is appropriated to our Britain; for that the Canis in Agasaeus in Oppian is so meant, Ia∣nus Ulitius, who published Gratius beyond the Sea, hath shewn * 2.691 to us against Iohn Caius, who some age ago set forth a book De canibus Britannicis, The old gallant Poet n 2.692 Claudian lets not our Mastives pass unspoken of in that Verse:

Magnaque taurorum fracturae colla Britannae.

Britain breeds Dogs can break the Neck of Bulls.

Neither were they others then our Mastives, which are menti∣oned by Sy•…•…achus in his o 2.693 Epistles; although they be tearm∣ed by him Canos Scotici, which he makes his brag of at Rome,

and which he sayes were shewed at the Circensian Games, to the great wonder of the people that looked upon them; who could not think them brought thither otherwise, then in Iron Cages.

In this City, as our own Historians relate, was that Monk Constans in the Roman time, whom his Father Constantinus, who had put on the Purple against Honorius, out of a meer conceit and confidence of his own name, had designed first to be Caesar, and afterward Augustus: For, for a good while before this, as Zosimus hath it, speaking of that very time the Monks had fre∣quent Colledges, as well in Cities as Country Towns, who li∣ved before lurking up and down, and haunted Mountains, Woods, and solitary places forlorn, whence also they had their name. Now those ancient remainders of Walls which are yet to be seen of such a thickness, and lastingness, at the Western-door of the Cathedrall, seem to have been the ruines of that Colledge. As for that Caesarean Monk brought out hence, he soon by death satisfied for his Fathers ambition, and slighted Religion.

Here many will tell you of King Arthurs round Table; but our Antiquary finds it to be of a far lower age: not but that he acknowledges the use of such Tables among the Ancients for a∣voiding b•…•…oyles, and fallings out among them. And this he might well do upon the Testimony of p 2.694 Athenaus: for out of him you may learn that the ancient Gauls, and so consequently the old Britains, for they promiscuously used the same Insti∣tuta as well as Sacra did sit about circular or round Tables, and that as Esquires, or Armour-bearers waited on them behind their backs, bearing their Shields by them.

The Ecclesiasticall antiquity of this City belonging especially to the Saxon time, is beside my purpose, and so as he said, Blan∣dius est nostrum opus. Yet having long ago transcribed from the Walls of Estiar House, sometimes belonging to the Bishops of the Sea; a Catalogue of their names as they were set up a long time since, by the Curtesie of my very good Friend Mr. George Price, whose House now it is, himself being then Sheriff of the Coun∣ty of Surrey. Take this therefore instead of a great deale more, which I could say, but that my present designe and project ex∣cuseth me, and bids me have done with the Roman Age.

• Birinus.
• Agilbert.
• Wyn.
• Elutherius.
• Hedds.
• Daniel.
• Humfrid.
• Kinhard.
• Athelhard.
• Egbald.
• Dud.
• Himbrith.
• Ealmond.
• Widregyn.
• Herferd.
• Eadunus.
• Helstan.
• Swithun.
• Eathferd.
• Tumbert.
• Denwolp.
• Frithelsta.
• Brinstan.
• Alfreth.
• Alphegus.
• Brithelin.
• Athelwold.
• Alfreth.
• Kenulph.
• Athelwod.
• Alsinus.
• A•…•…in.
• Stigandus.
• Walkelinus.
• Giffard.
• Blesensis.
• Tokelin. * 2.695
• Lucy.
• P. de Rupibus. * 2.696
• Raly.
• Adomarus.
• Gervais.
• Ely.
• Pontissara.
• Wodlock.
• Sandal.
• Asserio.
• Stratford.
• Orlton.
• Edynton.

I had quite done with Winchester, as with the Bishops thereof, in whose Catalogue I observed some difference from others pub∣lished, with the addition of the Insignia gentilitia of some more noted Families: but that the misplacing of Venta Belgarum by some of our Antiquaries, according as my manner is first to be ta∣ken notice of: Bishop Cooper therfore is much over-seen, who de∣ceived by Joannes Balaeus, or Leland himself, it matters not much, sets down for it Bristoll the City, vvhich is of much later anti∣quity, and hath given occasion to others to erre: among whom, Pitseus is one, in case he drew not his mistake from Balaeus selfe, which is most like: as for the Continuer of Thuanus his Histo∣ry I know not well what to say; in whom also we as falsly read a 2.697 Burgstovia, for the ordinary name of Bristoll.

CALLEVA ATREBATUM. M. P. XXII.] This was a principall City of Britain, when the Romans were Lords of all here, mention of it is made in this Itinerary at least four times; first in this seventh Journey from Regnum to Londinium, where in Longolius his book it was called Galleva, or Gallena: b 2.698 At Rebatum rather, from the people it stood amongst: Then in a double Journey, yet in both through distinct Mansions, or Sta∣tions, from Isca. Leg. 11. Aug. or Caer legion upon U•…•…k, unto it, whence it is manifest that it was a City; such as Saint c 2.699 Am∣brose calls Regales Urbes; ad quas cum perventum est, fessis exerciti∣bus requies ministratur. Lastly, in the last Journey here from the same Calleva to the other Isca Dumnoniorum, or Ex∣cester. The 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, are indeed in Abion, or Britain, mentioned by Ptolemy, and others, named Altrebates here, whose City is corruptly in the later Greek books, named 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and so in the Translations thence: for in the ancient Latine Interpreter, it is turned Calle∣va; certainly in the Palatine book it was written 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, by the

Testimony of Petrus Bertius: herein truly the vestigia of the old reading do more appear Joannes Balaeus, who after Leland seemed especially to have illustrated the matters of Britain, acknowledges the reading in Antoninus, yet retains Callena, in Ptolemy, and deriveth the name from that Olenus Calonus, whom d 2.700 Pliny calls Hetruriae celeberrimum vatem. Istum in Britanniam, saith Balaeus, venisse quidem ferunt, & de suo cognomine urbem condidisse Calenam, quae nunc Oxonia dicitur, antiquo nomine mutato. He cites more∣over his good friend Conrad Gesner about this very matter, in whom he had read in his Onomasticon: Calena apud Ptolem cum ci∣vitas, in Anglia esse creditur, quae nunc Oxonia appellatur. Gesner therein indeed seems to have followed Sir Thomas Eliot in his Bi∣bliotheca or Dictionary, who had said that Callena was Oxford: which thing troubled John Cains the Antiquary of Cambridge, that some of Oxf•…•…d had before his time published so much in Lex•…•…cis (he besides this Sir Thomas Eliot, especially m•…•…ans Thomas Cooper, at that time Dean of Christ Church in Oxford, afterwards Bishop of Winchester, who had enlarged and published the others Bibliotheca: e 2.701 Quo puerorum animis id altius insidat, & in ipsa vis∣cera & medullas juventutis imbibatur, Calenam Oxoniam esse cum, as he saies, Lelando auctore, Wallingfordiam, non Oxoniam Catena significet. What * 2.702 Balaus hath concerning Olenus Calenus, is to be reckoned amongst the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Yet f 2.703 Ja∣annes Pitseus treading in his steps, who not content with him, to deliver a matter from the uncertain report of men, namely that Calena was built by this Olenus: lest he might seem to have said but little, he adds of his own, that he quite finished it, and that this place was known by the name of Calena, till the en∣trance of the Anglo-Saxons. But this to me is very wounderful, that he would not dissent from Balaus, which he seems other∣wise upon all occasions willing to do, even when especially he borrows what he saies well out of him: so great was his despite against him, meerly because he was Sacerdos Maritatus, which forsooth he cannot name without a Sa-Reverence: yet the saga∣cious man might with as easie a conjecture have deduced it from Julius Calenus the Aeduan, who is spoken of by g 2.704 Tacitus; or from the City called Cale in France, which Salust saies was taken by Perpenna; and is perhaps mentioned since by our h 2.705 Beda. For I pray you what had the Britains to do with the Hetrurian Wizards? who yet alwaies had a very great cognation with the Galli, not only in language, but in holy Rites and Customes also: which we could easily make appear, were there but oc∣casion. But sure this quaint Lawyer, as fine a man as they thought him at Doway, was mistaken much, if he expected a reward for this rare piece of Antiquity from the Oxford men, who well enough knew how much Gold differed from any for∣ged stuff. Thinking of this their neer relation, there came a

place of Caesari into my mind, which because I let slip to the Belgae in the last station, I will by no means let it pass in this to the Atrebates. i 2.706 Maritima pars ab iis incolitur qui pr•…•…da, ac belli inserendi causa, ex Belgeo transierant, qui omnes fore iis nomini∣bus civitatum appellantur, quibus orti ex civitatibus eo pervenerunt, & bello illato ibi remanserunt, atque agros colere coeperunt. Which truly is plainly seen in so many people, and Towns of Gaul, as∣well as Britain of the same name; as the Parisi, Condate, Casaro∣magus, Noviomagus, Brige, Pontes, Mediolanum, and others; to be found in P•…•…my and Antoninus too. But let us seek farther for the true site of Gallena. k 2.707 Sir John Price, a noble Gentleman, and an earnest Defender of his Countrey antiquity, thinks in∣deed that Caleva Atrebatum was Oxford, aut aliud circitur eo loci oppidum suisse; the which thing because he affirms but very faint∣ly, let us therefore hear his Countrey man, l 2.708 Humfrey Lhuyd. who writes that Wallingford, eleven miles distant from Oxford, doth possesse that place, whereon of old Galeva sometimes stood. Neque enim illis astipulari possum, saies he, qui Oxoniam ad Septentrionalem Tamesis ripam Calevam faciunt. Alexander Nevil, and Camden himself follows him: for neither could the Itine∣raria ratio stand otherwise good. He teacheth us also, that in Antoninus of old it was written Gallena, from Gual-Hen, which signified in British as much as Antiquum Vallum. Since the change of G. into C. was easie, they being sororiae litterae, as they say, that is Sister-Letters. Hence by our Fore-fathers, the word Ford, by reason of the vadosity of the River there, being added, was made 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: now more contractedly among us Wallengford. But why do we not hear himself: I will give you his own words: Manibus olim ob∣valla•…•…um erat, quae, ut ex eorum tractu videre est, mille passus am∣bitu collegerunt. Castrum ad flumen sedet•…•…mplum sane, & quon∣dam adeo munitum, ut inexsuperabilis munimenti spes quosdam fe∣rociores fecerit. Amplitudinem ejus & magnificentiam cum illic Ox∣onia pueri secederemu•…•…, demirahamur: duplici murorum ambitu, du∣plici item vallo circumdatur. Incola constructum à Danis credunt; ego potius à Romanis aliquid hic positum, à Saxonibus postea & Davis ex∣cisum jud•…•…rim. Guil Gem•…•…icensis calls it urbem, where he tells how William the Norman, having conquered Harold, led his ar∣my thereunto. Our great Antiquary produces a silver coyn, whence some lustre may perhaps accrue unto this place:

[illustration]

[illustration] obverse side of a coin

REX CALLE

[illustration] reverse side of a coin

He imagines therein, that that CALLE doth come neer∣est to the name of Callena, or Gallena, as he reads it, the fre∣quented and famous station of old time. But that REX may be referred to Comius, whom m 2.709 Caesar had made King over the Atrebates in Gallia, of whom, as it is said, ours were dedu∣ced, & cum Legatis civitatum Britannorum, quod sibi •…•…idelem esse arbitrabatur, in Britanniam praemiserat, cujusque auctoritatem in his regionibus [Britanniaesc.] magnam habitam, himself writeth. I know that Speed will have Galgacus a Prince of the Caledonians in n 2.710 Tacitus understood: but then you will say it was not Clerkly done, in such a piece as this, to produce a short sylla∣ble by position against all o 2.711 authority: as for Pitseus who talks of Calena built in King Arviragus daies, we weigh him not; when he can better inform us concerning his raign, we will heed him.

At Sinodun hill, not far from Gallena, its certain, there was a fortress of the Romans; for they take up coyn there very often.

PONTES. M. P. XXII.] A few miles from Eaton, the Ri∣ver Cole runs into the Thames, parting Bu kinghamshire and Mid∣dlesex at Colebrook, where it bestowes the name upon it; which that it was Antoninus his Pontes, the distance on both sides from Wallenford and London, do perswade. Neither is there any place in that Rode, which may more conveniently suite to this name: for Cole here is parted into four Channels, laid over with so many bridges, for the convenience of travelling: we need not instance about the same business in p 2.712 Gephyrae of Boe∣•…•…tia, or Pontes in France, in the County of Ponthieu: the matter is not hard to conclude. I am not ignorant that q 2.713 many seek Pontes at Reading: but besides that the distance here will not so well fit, I do no more believe them, then I do admire their skill in Greek, who deduce Reading it self from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to flow.

LONDINIUM. M. P. XXII.] They who know at this day the count of miles between London and Colebrook to be but fif∣teen miles, will sure wonder at this number here XXII. In the mean while never thinking of the shortness of the antient Italick miles: so that it seems the kind Citizens of London, when good men! they carried their wives abroad into the Countrey to air them, gave not first occasion to observe that the miles about London were not so long as elsewhere.

Finis Itineris 7.

BRITANNIARUM. ITER. IIX. Editio.

Aldina.	Suritana.	Simleriana.
Eburaco.	ITER AB EBORACO LONDINIUM. M. P. CCXXVII sic;	Ebur.
	LAGECIUM. M. P. XXI.
	DANUM. M. P. XVI.
	AGELOCUM. M. P. XXI.
	LINDUM. M. P. XIV.
Corocalana.	CROCOCALANUM. M. P. XIV.
	* 2.714 MARGIDUNUM. M. P. XIV.
Vernametto	VERNEMETUM. M. P. XII.
	RATIS. M. P. XII.
	VENNONIM. M. P. XII.
XIX.	BANNAVANTUM. M. P. XVIII.	XIX.
Magio-Vin.	MAGIOVINUM. M. P. XXVIII.	Magio-Vin.
	DUROCOBRIVIM. M. P. XII.	Durocobrius.
	VEROLAMUM M. P. XII.
	LONDINIUM. M. P. XXI.

THis Eight Journey is from Eburacum to London, not in∣deed altogether by the same Stations, until you come to Vennonis, by which you see it expressed in the second. For there indeed the Author of the Itinerary wheels about, and takes a circuit, according as the occasions of the Legat or Propraetor, or whoever the chief Magistrate was then in command, seemed at that time to require: but here he follows the shorter cut of waies, beginning his journey with Lagecium; which Town in the fifth Journey is called by him Legeolium, and is just at the same distance, from York, that is XXI. M. P. Thence to Danum, and Agelocum, which also in the fifth Journey is called Sege∣locum, which is distant too from Danum twenty one miles, just as we see it here set down. The other mansions of this Jour∣ney you have explained in the fifth and sixth Journeys, as far as Vennonis, as I said, where the Foss a publick rode crosseth the Watling-street, by which turn this way goes strait to London as

you see in what follows; only passing by two Mansions unna∣med (it should seem for speed and hast sake, Lactorodo and Sul∣loniacis:) but the account of the numbers of miles being kept intire, as in that other.

MARGIDUNUM. M. P. XIV.] This Station is quite wanting here in the printed Edition of A•…•…us; as also in some Copies which Ierom Surita made use of: for that some∣where Margitudis is put in by him, out of others, in what goes before, it is just as much as nothing: and so much seemed requi∣site to be said concerning the Eighth Journey; but that here also is B•…•…nnavantum, or Bennaventum; for what was before Ben∣navenna, and Isannavatio.

BRITANNIARUM. ITER. IX. Editio.

Aldina.	Suritana.	Simleriana.
	ITER A VENTA * 2.715 ICENO∣RUM LONDINIUM. M P. CXXVIII. sic;	Icin.
XXXI.	SITOMAGUM. M. P. XXXII.	XXXI.
Combret.	CAMIRETOVIUM. M. P. XXII.	Comb.
	AD ANSAM M. P. XV.
Camolodun.	CAMULODUNUM. M P. VI.	Camolod.
	CANONIUM. M. P. IX.
	CAESAROMAGUM. M. P. XII.
	DUROL•…•…UM. M. P. XVI.
	LONDINIUM. M. P. XV.

THis Journey is from Venta Icenorum or Caster, to London, some three miles distant from Norwich; which place was so named from the Castra, or Camps, of the Romans some∣times

hereabouts; and not as the Cambridge a 2.716 Antiquary writes from Castor a King here placed by Julius Caesar. In Surita's MSS. and those Printed Copies of Antoninus, which we use, it is read Icinorum: yet he following Tacitus, rather, and others, mends Ptolemy, making 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to be 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. For it seems not likely to him, that Ptolemy who wrote down the severall names of the Countrys, Cities, Rivers, Ports, Promontories, &c. through∣out all Britain, should leave out so powerfull a people, as the Ice∣ni are said to be. Tacitus: b 2.717 Quod primi Iceni abnuere, vali∣da gens nec praeliis concussa, quia societatem nostram volentes accesse∣rant. And a little after; Caterum clade Icenorum compositi, qui bellum inter & pacem dubitabant. As they are corruptly called in Ptolemy Simeni, so were they also c 2.718 Tigeni in Tacitus his old Copies, to borrow his words elsewhere, pacem exuebant magis nostra avaritia, quam obsequi impatientes, as plainly he shewes in his relation concerning them: of later Writers see by all means Camden. Surita, for better distinction sake, calls the station here Secunda Venta Ptolemai. I might very well let passe their high flown fancy d 2.719 who would have the King Cynobellinus, menti∣oned by Di•…•… Cassius, to be as much as the Bellinus of the Iceni∣ans. This station hath not so much in Ptolemy lost the right name of the people, among whom it stood, as it self too; for they say, nothing thereof remains now, besides a few decayed Walls which enclose some thirty acres that shewes the ground there, sometime inhabited, and some Roman Coyn now and then ta∣ken up: else there is nothing remaining.

But out of the ruines thereof in after times, there arose Nor∣wich, a City whose antiquity the learned e 2.720 Author of Kets Hi∣story hath most learnedly and elegantly in Latin set down. It stands neer the confluents of f 2.721 Garienis, and another River, which they call Bariden, Norwicus signifies as much as Aquilonare Castellum, seu vicus. Wic enim, Alfrico Saxone teste, Castellum so∣nat; as Camden observes. To say that Julius Caesar was founder thereof, were to say with the Many, which renders it much su∣spected. As is also the tradition of some g 2.722 outlandish men very false, who think to find something of Norwicus in the name of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a people of Britain in Ptolemy, far enough dissite hence. Yet of the name Venta, there are plain vestigia to be seen in the neer River Wentsum, or Wentsar; as some doe call it.

SITOMAGUS. M. P. XXXII.] With this Station this jour∣ney goes on here. The name whereof is corruptly set forth in Peutingers Military Tables SIMOMAGUS, and sometime SI∣NOMAGUS: but here in Antoninus it is right SITOMAGUS. From the Saxon times it was called Thetford, from the little Ri∣ver Thet; and the Ford there; besides the old British or Gallick

word h 2.723 Magus a dwelling, or house; as you would say, The mansion by the Thet. Thet and sit, they say come very neer. Olim frequens & celebrata, this Station was saith our great Anti∣quary, & praeter alia vetustatis indicia, molem ostendit in magnam altitudinem aggestam, duplicique vallo munitam & moenibus, ut fe∣runt, olim firmatam, quam Romanorum fuisse opus credunt nonnulli, vel potius Saxonicorum Regum, ut volent alii.

CAMBRETOVIUM. M. P. XXII.] So many copies have it, but amisse: There is a small Town in Suffolk, not far from the Source of the Breton, lying low in a bottome. This of old was Combretonium, as if you should have said, The Valley, or bottom, by Breton. This sometimes it was: Now scarce any * 2.724 thing appeares left else, to say that ever it was. In the room thereof you have in Peutingers Military Tables, which the no∣ble Mark Velfer set forth, but corruptly (for how could it be o∣therwise after so long time, and so ungain Transcribers?) Com∣vetronum, and Ad Coverin.

AD ANSAM. M. P. XV.] But you shall find, that it is six miles from Camulodunum, the Colony. In Camden, our excel∣lent diligent Antiquary, it is thought to be a Terminus of this Colony, grounding his conceit upon the authority of Seculus Elarcus; (for so his name is to be written, not Siculus) and him you have published in the Volume of Writers, De limitibus A∣grorum, Agri, saith he, Coloniis adjacentes variis Terminis defini∣ebantur: in limitibus constitutae erant pro Terminis res aliae atque a∣liae, alibi Hermulae, alibi spatu•…•…ae, alibi rhombi, & alibi, secundum vitalem & Arcadium, Termini erant Lagenares, vel Orculares, id est, Lagenae, & Or. Upon which words that learned man thus infers: Cur igitur, non & Ansa terminale signum fuerit, vel diversorium aliquod ad Viam sub ejusmodi intersignio, Cum ad An∣sam, non Ansae, suo more dixerit Antoninus: Nec alia quam signa terminalia, vel diversoria, erant, quae eadem loquendi formula Ro∣mano saculo nom•…•…nabantur. Which we may truly beleive to be said by him, if we understand it concerning the Mutations on∣ly, appointed in latter ages through the Provinces in publick Roads, and were called by the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, fur∣nished with beasts for publique carriage, as also with their meat and provender; but not with other accomodations, and therefore i 2.725 distinguished from Mansions. For otherwise pla∣ces in the very City were expressed in this form of speaking. Sue∣tonius Domitianus natus est, regione Urbis sexta, Ad Malum Puni∣cum domo, quam postea in Templum gentis Flavia convertit. P. Vi∣ctor * 2.726 also mentions it in the same Region of the City, and names it the House of Domitian, where also he places k 2.727 Ad Gallinas Albas. The name of this house was taken from the Vi•…•…ntan Countrey-dwelling of the Caesars, which was called Ad Gallinas, from the brood of Chickens of that white Hen, which an Ea∣gle

flying over let fall into Livias Lap. l 2.728 Lampridius: Romae in palatio fecit diaetas nominis Mammaae, quas imperitum vulgus Ad Mammam vocant. Servius the Enarrator of Virgil: Porticum Au∣gustus fecerat, in qua simulacra omnium gentium conlocaverat, quae porticus appellatur Ad Nationes. Certainly before the age Sueto∣nius lived in, we observe not any such Notations of the names of places.

Robert Talbot, Prebend of Norwich, who in our Fore-fathers dayes writ Annotations upon this Itinerary, thought this AD ANSAM to be Catwad-Bridge, in the Borders of Suffolk, where Stour the River dividing Essex, making a little Island: which yet we know onely by the Testimony of William Fulk, whose later Interpreta ions of the old Cities of Eritain, we owe to the singular humanity of that incomparable man, Iames U∣sher, sometime Archbishop of Armagh, and Primate of Ireland: for in two Copies which I have my selfe hapned to see of Tal∣bots Book, no such matter appears to be seen. Then there is a greater diverticulum, and farther distance from Camulodunum, then that the Compendium of this Journey can any way suf∣fer it.

In William Camden in the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of his great Work, we see m 2.729 Ithamcester put for this place: yet after second cares, he thinks it was some place neer about Cogges-hall, out of whose ruines it might seem to have had birth and increase. Truly the distance may seem to perswade it: for that the Romans some∣times possessed these parts, an Hypogaeum or Grot, with arched work opened not long since, by the Roadside, is sufficient argu∣ment. There was a Lamp yet burning still in a glasse Viall, co∣vered with a Roman Tile, whose Diameter was fourteen inches. There were also some Urnes, or Crocks, which contained in them ashes and bones. Amongst them, there was one of a polite and most fine substance, resembling rather Corall, then red earth, and had the Cover thereof inscribed COCCILLIM Perhaps for COCCILLI. M. That is Coccilli Manibus. n 2.730 Iohn Weever indeed, no unlearned Antiquary, saith. That his conjecture was, that this was the monument of some Governour, who in Antoninus Pius his dayes held these places under his command, that he writes the more confidently, because there were found many of his coynes, advising us moreover more seriously to observe the great affini∣ty or neernesse of both these names, Coccilli, and Cogges-hall; as which had in them 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, to borrow Strabo's words, no small force of perswasion: so that from this Coccilus the old Town may seem to have received its name, remainders of which seem visibly to continue yet in the present one even at this day. Meric Casaubon Is. F. in his most learned Notes upon Marcus An∣toninus the Emperor his o 2.731 Books, that Sireno-Phoenix of better Phylosophy, procured it to be set forth in this manner.

[illustration] covered urn

Sometimes it was my conjecture, that for Ad Ansam we were to read Ad Arcam. Now this Arca was a Monument also; such as they set up in the borders of fields, and observed them for Ter∣mini, or Limets. These Arcae finales were ut plurimum sepulchrales, and served to interr the dead; sometime they were only placed ad siniendos Agros, that is, to limit mens ground. Hence it is that we read in an old Glossarii: Arcae, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. More may be seen in p 2.732 Frontinus, and the other Agrimensores, or Survey∣ors of Land. That Ara were antiently in Varro, called q 2.733 •…•…nsae, quod esset necessarium à sacrificantibus eas teneri, might perhaps have been let alone unobserved here.

CAMULODUNUM. M. P. VI.] before fifteen hundred years this was a noble Town of Britain among the Trinobantes. There make mention of it besides an antient stone, whose Inscrip∣tion Onuphrius first published, antient Coyns, and Authors too, Plinie, Tacitus, Dio Cassius, Antoninus, and Ptolem us. But there is no small difference about the writing of the name; while some will have the second syllable written by the first vowel by * 2.734 A. following especially the stone and sometime too the Coyns: and yet he seems willing to deduct the name from a peculiar Deity, or Indigena among them, which Camden saies he durst not suspect. But if as he saith Mars were worshipped by them under the name of Camulus, then may the deduction hold good, and Camulodu∣num be interpreted, The hill of Mars; so that there will be the same reason of name, which was of the Areopagus at Athens. The Inscription runs thus: CAMULO SANC. FOR TISS. SAC. and the habit thereof is martial; the name remaining in Caesar in that of the famous and antient Gaul, Camulogenus Aulercus.

Ptolemy hath its name much corrupted by the strange trans∣position

of Letters, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Camudolanum among the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for so he calls the Trinobantes in Tacitus: This need seem strange to no body, seing that not only in him, but in many other antient Authors, the like •…•…jections do frequently happen. For I could produce many such luxations of whole verses, and peri∣ods, out of Virgil, Manilius, Tibullus, Proper sins, and others, obser∣ved by learned men, if I had a minde to it. However, we will not say that Ptolemy writ it so, though we find it in his most an∣tient Copies, I, and in the Palatine too: and yet Lhuyd seems to think so, while he conjectures that the last syllables of this name come from Lan, which with the Britains was as much as Fanum, or a Temple. For saith he, Loca quae à Latinis in Lan desinunt vel incipiunt olim à Fanis Brittannice dicta fuisse credo. Which al∣though it may be true in other names, yet here it seems to have no place. Therefore after so many Testimonies of the Antients concerning the name of this place, we will leave out all fond and futile conjectures, it being neither the part of a knowing man to devise them, nor of a wise man to admit of them.

As for this Camulodunum, it was of old the Palace of King Cy∣nobellinus, father of Adminius, * 2.735 who Caius Caligula accepted ho∣mage of. This we learn from Dio: s 2.736 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 t 2.737 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; He was King in Britain about the time of Augustus, or certainly about Tiberius his Empire: which thing also his Coynes, as yet to be seen in many hands, do give some good assurance of:

[illustration] obverse side of a coin

CVNO

[illustration] reverse side of a coin

CAMV

[illustration] obverse side of a coin

CVNO

[illustration] reverse side of a coin

CAMV

Afterward, when Claudius Caesar himself undertook an expe∣dition into Britain, and brought the hither part of the Island into subjection, a Colony of old Souldiers were drawn hither.

Tacitus speaking of the Britain affairs under Claudius: u 2.738 Colo∣nia Camulodunum, valida veter anorum manu deducitur in agros cap∣tivos, subsidium adversus rebelles, & imbuendis sociis ad officia le∣gum. And x 2.739 elsewhere: In Coloniam Camalodunum recens de∣ducti, pellebant domibus, exturbabant agris, &c. Coyns were pre∣sently stamped, and issued forth, which witnessed as much, by their Inscription COL. CAMALODON AUG. which you see here:

[illustration] obverse side of a coin

CLAVD·CAES·AVG·GER·PM·••••••IMP〈…〉〈…〉

[illustration] reverse side of a coin

COL CAMALODON AUG

On the one part you have the Effigies of Claudius Caesar: The other y 2.740 Servius will best of all explain: Romani, saith he, condituri civitates, taurum in dextra, vaccam intrinsecus jungebant cincti ritu Gabiuo, i. e. togae parte caput velati, parte succincti, te∣nebant stivam incurvam, ut glebae omnes intrinsecus caderent. Et ita sulco ducto, loca murorum designabant, aratrum suspendentes cira lo∣ca portarum. But in an antient stone, it is called Colonia Victri∣censis, quae in Britannia Camu'oduni; and in the very same Cives Romani of this place are mentioned. The whole Inscription ac∣cording as Gruter published it out of Onuphrius, is thus:

CN. MUNATIUS M. F. PAL. AURELIUS BASSUS PROC. AUG. PRAEF. FABR. PRAEF. COH. III. SAGITTARIOR. PRAEF. COH. II ASTURUM. CENSITOR. CIVIUM. ROMANORUM COLONIAE VICTRICENSIS QUAE EST IN BRITANNIA CAMALODUNI: CURATOR VIAE NOMENTANAE PATRONUS EJUSDEM MUNICIPI FLAMEN PERPETUUS DUUMVIRALI. POTESTATE AEDILIS DEDICATOR. IIII.

Camden thinks that it was called Colonia Victricensis, because of the old Souldiers of the fourteenth Legion, termed also •…•…mina Martia Victrix, whom Tacitus stiles Britannia domito∣res. Yet truly under Nero, ten years after, this Colony Ca∣mulodunum

being utterly razed, the Legion notwithstanding is reckoned among those forces, which Suetonius Paulinus led a∣gainst our Boadicia, and those Britains, who had destroyed Ca∣mulodunum, and the very Colony. It may be therefore that the Legion it self being cut off, yet the name thereof might remain continued from a new choice, and muster. The same Legion also is frequently spoken of by Tacitus in his a 2.741 Histories: Praecipui fama Quarta-decimani rebellione Britannia compressa.

But let us come to what we would, and see what antient Authors have concerning the deduction of this Colony, and their doings, a little more accurately observed, with the Suc∣cession of affairs. Tacitus therefore in his Agricola thus: That Caius had a meaning to invade Britanny, it is certainly known. Claudius did first with effect prosecute the matter, transporting Legions and Aides, and assuming Vespasian in∣to the action, which was the beginning of the Greatnesse whereunto he after attained: some Countreys were subdu∣ed, some Kings were taken, and Vespasian made known to the world.

The first Lievtenant General was Aulus Plautius, then O∣storius Scapula, both excellent Warriours: and so by little and little was the neerest part of the Island reduced to the form of a Province? and besides a Colony of old Souldiers established there. Publius Ostorius in subduing the Silures, made use of their help. The nation of the Silures, saith b 2.742 Tacitus, Non atrocita∣te, non clementia mutabatur; quin bellum exerceret, castrisque legi∣vnum premenda foret. Id quo promptius veniret, colonia Camalodu∣num valida veteranorum manu deducitur in agros captivos, subsidi∣um ad versus rebelles, & imbuendis sociis ad officia legum. Itum inde in Siluras. Afterward, when for ten years they had im∣potently raged against the Britains, they not yet enough ser∣vitio assuefacti, resumere libertatem occultis conjurationil us pepigerunt acerrimo in veteranos odio. Quippe in Coloniam Camalodunum recent deducti, pellebant domibus; exturbabant agris, captivos, servos ap∣pellando: foventibus impotentiam veteranorum militibus, similitu∣dine vitae, & spe ejusdem licentiae. Ad hac Templum divo Claudio constitutum, quasi ara aeternae dominationis aspiciebatur: dilectique sacerdotes, specie religionis, omnes fortunas effundebant. Now he understands the chosen Pontifices, and Flamens of Claudius, out of the Provincials themselves: by whom sacrifices and offerings were to be made at their no smal cost. Moreover c 2.743 Seneca also mentions this Temple: Parum est quod Templum in Britannia ha∣bet, quod hunc barbari colunt & ut deum orant. For Ara in Tacitus, it pleased Justus Lipsius to write Arra, as if he called that Temple a pledge or assurance of lasting servitude: but Valens Acidalius rather pleased to have it Arx. Tacitus goes on: Neither did it seem any hard matter, to extirpate that Colony undefenced and

unfortified, which was not circumspectly forseen by our Captains, whilest they had a greater care of pleasure, then good government. Amongst these things the image of Victory set up in Camalodunum, fell down without any apparant cause why, and turned back as though it would give place to the enemy. And the women, distempered with fury, went singing, that de∣struction was at hand. And strange noises were heard in their Court, and the Theatre gave a sound like to a howling, and a strange apparition of Houses in an arm of the Sea, was a fortelling of the d 2.744 subversion of the Colony. For so hath Lipsius substi∣tuted, or rather restored this place, out of e 2.745 Dio, in whom the same Prodigies are mentioned, and in the same order. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That is; and out of their Counsel-house, (the word is Curia in Tacitus:) a rude and bar∣barous stir in the night time with laughter, and out of the The∣atre a tumult and hallow with lamentation was heard, when as no body either spoke or made any moan there, and cer∣tain houses in the River Thames were seen under water. The same Consular Historian in that book adds moreover, That 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. The Ocean between the Island and Gallia encreased at the time of the tide of a bloody colour. Camden confesses that he was ignorant quam ob causam in his time they called it black-wa∣ter, though he acknowledges it to be the same with o 2.746 Ptolemies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which he understands in the same signi∣fication from the British.

Such kind of noises with lamentation made in their Temples or Theatres, the ratling of arms, and turning of Statues out of their places were noted elsewhere amongst dire presages, so that there was not any more manifest evidence of ruin hanging over head. Apollonius Rhodius in the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of his Argonauticks:

—〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

The neat and witty Roman Historian d 2.747 Dux ipse Pompeius noctur•…•… imagine Theatri sui audiens plansum in modum planctus cir∣cumsenare. Concerning the same Pompey an other Roman writer: e 2.748 Constat in delubris deum, sua sponte signa conversa: militarem clamorem strepitumque armorum, adeo magnum Antiochiae & Ptole∣maide auditum, ut in muros concurreretur. But what Tacitus f 2.749 doth add is most part let pass by Dio: Further the Ocean bloo∣dy in shew, and dead mens bodies left after an ebb, as they brought hope to the Britains, so they drove the old Souldiers into a fear, who because Suetonius was far off, craved aid of Catus De∣cianus the Procurator. He sent not above two hundred men, and those hadly armed, and the number not great which was there before, trusted to the franchise of the Temple. And those hin∣dering

which were confederates of the secret conspiracy, trou∣bled their designments: for they neither made trench nor ditch, nor sending away the old men and women, and keeping the young men only, being as secure as it had been in a full peace, they were surprized with a multitude of barbarous people, and all overthrown, and wasted with violence, or consumed with fire: the Temple only excepted, into which the Souldiers had fled, which also within two daies was besieged and taken. And the Britain being thus Conquerour, and meeting with Paetus Ce∣realis Lievtenant of the ninth Legion, which came to succour them, put to flight the Legion, and slew all the footmen: Cerealis with the horsemen escaped to the Camp, and defended himself in the fortresses. So the Romans found that to be of certain truth, which Strabo by a sagacious conjecture foresaw of the Britains, and as a south-telling Prophet also foretold: g 2.750 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Necessarily violence be∣ing offered, some danger would follow thereupon. For the stubborn necks of the Britains; and not handsomely accustomed to the reins of servitude, the violence of contumely and injury being added, easily took head against the Yoak, and made opposition. The Leader in so famous a design, & Dux foemina facti, was Boo∣dicia Queen of the Iceni, under whom, they as h 2.751 Tacitus saith, contumelia & metu graviorum capiebant arma, commotis ad rebellio∣nem Trinobantibus. He joins to them i 2.752 elsewhere the Brigan∣tes: femina duce exurere Coloniam, expugnare castra potuere: sum∣sere universi bellum; ac sparsos per castella milites consectati, expug∣natis praesidiis, ipsam Coloniam invasere, ut sedem servitutis: nec ullam in barbaris saevitiae genus omisit ira & victoria. Hitherto be∣longs what he had said a little before: Non sane alias exercitatior magisque in ambiguo Britannia fuit: trucidativeterani, incensae Co∣loniae: where, when as he saith, Colonies, in the number of mul∣titude, besides Camulodunum he understands Verulamium, or which is most probable, London it self: of which yet neither was cog∣nomento Coloniae insigne: for of London himself expresly denies it; and for Verulamium, he calls it Municipium. Neither is Suetoni∣us otherwise to be understood: o 2.753 Clades Britannica, qua duo prae∣cipua oppida, magna civium sociorumque cade direpta sunt. But some of the most learned neither read the Latin word as in number of multitude; and there is also another commodious answer; Figure of speech; which not rarely admits a plural for a singu∣lar, as a gracefull excess.

But after so grievous an overthrow, Camalodunum yet after a few years began to flourish again; which we may conjecture out of Pliny: for he makes mention thereof as of a Town very famous in his daies: In Mona, k 2.754 saith he, qua distat à Camalo∣duno Britanniae oppido circiter ducentis millibus; For Pli∣nie, in the Thirteenth Chapter of the same Book, makes

mention of the third Consulship of Vespasian, which happened in the tenth yeare after the overthrow of Camalodunum: so that here it is nothing necessary to urge that the same Pliny dedica∣ted his Naturall History to Vespasian, when as such Inscriptions for the most part, and Preambles which no body is ignorant of, were wont to be made, when all was done. Again, if the Colony yet standing, Pliny wrote this, he seems not likely to have omit∣ted the name Colony, as a thing that deserved not to be left out.

From this time to Constantines age, the memories of ancient things being lost, there is wholly silence concerning it; but that Antoninus here in this place makes mention of it, as also the an∣cient Itinerary Table of Peutinger, which Scaliger thought was compiled thence, as is observed before: whence no weak con∣jecture may be brought that it is ancienter then the Notitia Pro∣vinciarum, which they will have to be written under Theodosius the younger: because therein those strengths were recorded by the Sea-side, which were appointed for the repelling of the pira∣ticall Incursions of the Saxons: And they were sub dispositione viri Spectabilis Commitis littoris Saxonici per Britanniam. Yet for all that therein is no mention made of it, the site being known well enough out of Dio, the matter it self I am sure seemed to require it, if it had been still standing: It is doubtfull therefore whether or no, some grievous calamity, and very neer to totall ruine might not in this mean while have so afflicted and prostra∣ted it, that if it made it not wholly equall to the ground, yet it might seem to have strucken off its head and Gallantry. But certainly Camulodunum appears under the Empire of Constantine M. to be mentioned with high praise and worth; the name of Colony being also added: which thing I see pleases an extraor∣dinary man, and one born for the promotion of better Letters. I mean the most admired l 2.755 John Selden, who will have it to have flourished at that time with the dignity of an Episcopall Seat; and that from the Subscriptions of the first Counsell at Arles: to bring therefore hither his dissertation concerning this business, I thought it to be most convenient, In the late Edition, saith he, of the Counsels of Gallia which we owe to Jaques Sir∣mond, the first Counsell of Arles, out of an old Book of the Ab∣bey of Corbey is Printed, where the names of the Bishops are set before the places, otherwise then in the other Edition; and there so far as concerns Britain, they are in this manner:

Eborius Episcopus de Civitate Eboracensi, provincia Britannia. Restitutus Episcopus de Civitate Londinensi provincia suprascripta. Adelfius Episcopus de Civitate Colonia Londinensium; exinde. Sacerdos Presbyter; Arminius Diaconus.

So out of Britain, besides Restitutus of London, there were pre∣sent at the Counsell at Arles, Eborius of York, and Adelfius de Ci∣vitate Colonia Londinensium, as here he is called, with a Presby∣ter

and a Deacon. But what is Civitaes Coloniae Londinensium? That truly in the Topography of Britain, signifies nothing. What credit ought to be given to the Book of Corbey, I know not; nei∣ther have I yet heard of what Antiquity it is: but if those Sub∣scriptions out of it be to be received, I can scarce at all make any doubt (however m 2.756 other men think otherwise:) but that Adelfius here was Bishop of the Colony of Camulodu∣num. Verily this Colony while the Roman Empire had any sway here, was exceeding famous, which, when as perhaps it was not written whole and entire; as Col. or Colon. Camalodun. or as sometimes, Camolodon. by the Transcribers, to whom the name of London, or Londinum was very well known; and yet were in the mean while quite ignorant what the Colony Camulodunum meant: as well from the cognation of the sound, as ignorance of this particular reading; it was changed into Coloniam, London, or Londin. So the old Maldon men had in times past their Bishop. But rather let the studious Reader have recourse to that un∣comparable mans words, according as he is before directed. But for the present Situation of Camulodunum, where I mean the place it stood of old: then I must not dissemble, that some great Antiquaries, as Iohn Leland, Humphry Lhoid, and such as follow them, do seek for Camulodunum in Cholchester. Hinc credo, saith Lhoyd, fuisse Coloniam illam Claudii Caesaris Templo celebrem, quam nunc Colchestriam vocant. Hector Boethius placed it in Scot∣land, and saith, Regiam Pictorum fuisse olim ad Caronae fl. ripam; which George Buchanan his Country-man sayes is vanissimum men∣dacium. Polydor. Virgil seeks it in Yorkshire: Puto, Camulodunum (quando de ea re ambigitur) eo loci olim situm, ubi nunc est Danca∣strum, quia vel Castrorum memoria videtur retinere nomen loci ad bel∣li praesidium electi: aut Pontifractum, quod paulo proprius, & etiam citra Eboracum est, circiter millia possuum XVIII. loco magis amaeno, quam munito. Extat castellum, & in eo aliqua vestigia Templi, quod ibidem Claudio Caesari. In a word, Hector and Polydorus are in very deed alike, and according to the Greek saying, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. But others also will have it to have stood among the Brigantes, or in Yorkshire, perswaded thence, because in Ptolemy there goes next before it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or, Legio sexta Victrix; as if the title there of Victrix had explained that which ere-while we brought out of the Stone, Colonia Camulodunum Victricensis: when as it is plain enough, that that Legio sexta Victrix, is to be meant of Eboracum, accordingly as it is put and to be referred; which also is retained in a Coyne of Severus: which see there. There have been some also who have sought it at Chester, the Seat of the Legio Vicessinia Victrix in Ptolemy. But what sayes the old Greek Proverb?

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Let us hear our great Antiquary Camden instead of all: It was

verily no other then Maldon in Essex. Maxima, saith he, dictronis parte etiamnum integra, & superstite. Nec hoc solummodo expres∣sum nominis vestigium persuasit, verum etiam distantia à Mona, apud Plinium, à Vanonio apud Antoninum, & ipse situs in antiqua Tabula Itineraria probationem praestant vel apertissimam. But what is the complaint of the Poet?

* 2.757 Nec se cognoscunt terrae vertentibus annis.

In space of time the Lands themselves not know.

CANONIO. M. P. IX.] Our learned Antiquary Camden, when he saw the distance from Maldon, to Chemsford, to be some six miles, he concluded it to be Canonium, or at least that it en∣creased and grew out of the ruine thereof, if it indeed possesse not the same ground. It is a Town at this day spatious enough at the confluents of the Chelmer, and as some call it of the Can, which if they say right, this Can gave name to the old place. The same Camden in the Proecdosis of his Work, makes it to be Ca∣nonden; quite on the other side of the Countrey, only the name somewhat alluding. Talbot before him, had set down to it Kel∣don or else Esterford, of which we have Fulks testimony: for in his own book no such thing appears: but himself sets down Coune to it: truly in the antient Military n 2.758 Table, about the place of its site Caunonium stands to be seen instead thereof.

CAESAROMAGO. M. P. XII.] I conceive there is sufficient spoken in what goes before concerning this Station; We will go on therefore to the next.

DUROLITO. M. P. XVI.] Camden, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the learned Illustrator of the decayed Antiquities of this our Island, inge∣nuously confesses, that he cannot shew signate quo in loco this sta∣tion was to be found; yet he assures us and that sine dubio, that it stood by the River Ley. His own words are once for all: Ve∣tusta hujus Comitatus loca, semel praemoneo, obscuritate ita involuta latent, ut ego qui alibi aliquid viderim, hic plane cacutiam. But if his conjecture hold good, Durolitum signifies as much as, The Town upon the water Ley: for there is a Village at this day cal∣led Leyton V. miles from London, for which in Antoninus, XV. through the heedlesnes of the Transcribers, hath crept in. Besides not far hence there was in old time a passage of the water whence the name of the place is called Ouldford, that is, Antiquum Vadum, which gives sufficient testimony.

LONDINIO. M. P. XV.] What was fitting to be said con∣cerning this I hope is enough expressed formerly, to which I re∣fer you.

BRITANNIARUM. ITER. X. Editio

Aldina.	Suritana.	Simleriana.
	ITER A CLANOVEN.
	TAMEDIOLANUM.
	CL. sic;
	GALAVAM. M. P. XVIII.
	ALONEM. M. P. XII.
	GALACUM. M. P. XIX.
	BREMETONACIM. M. P. XXVII.
	COCCIUM. M. P. XX.
*XVIII.	MANCUNIUM. M. P. *XVII.	*XVIII.
	CONDATE. M. P. XVIII.
*XIX.	MEDIOLANUM. M. P. *XVIII.	*XIX.

OUr very learned Antiquary, either truly, or as a matter * 2.759 of his opinion, for himself makes the question, p'aces Gla∣noventa by the banks of the River Went•…•…beck; neither wants he reasons to make it probable: as first of all, that it was the garrison consisting of the first Guard of the Morini in the Romans time, and that per lineam Valli, as we have the Good and sufficient te∣stimony of the Notitia of the Western Empire: Sub dispositione Viri Spectabilis Ducis Britanniaram per Lineam Valli excubabat Tri∣bunus: Cohortis 1. M•…•…rinorum Glannivan•…•…. Then with the old Britaine Glanoventa signified, the Shore, or banks of Venta; as in p 2.760 Pomponius Mela we find a coast City, or Maritime of Gal∣lis, stiled likewise Glanos. Though in the Proecdosis or former Edition of his learned Work, Bainbridge in Richmondshire be to be seen there.

GALAVA. M. P. XVIII.] So absolutely were both editions both of Aldus, and Simlerus; And Hier. Surita confesses, that in * 2.761 his best Copies the reading was alike, Galava, though Camden in∣deed would rather have it Gallants, and inclines to think it Wall∣wick, though in the former editions of his learned work we find 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Barony of •…•…all for it.

ALONE. M. P. XII.] The Eastern part of Cumberland is a barren, hungry, and lean soile, neither shews it any thing, * 2.762 save the Springs of West Tine in a plashie ground, and an an∣tient

Roman Way paved some eight Ells broad, leading out of Westmorland, which they call Maiden-way, and where the stream Alon, and the same Tine do meet, upon the side of an Hill som what yeilding, are the remainders of a very great Town and Castle, enclosed with a fore-fold Trench, as likewise to the West: they call it at this day Whitley Castle, in testimony of whose antiquity this Inscription is yet to be seen:

IMP. CAES. Lucii Septimi Severi Ara
BICI, ADIABENICI, PARTHICI
MAX. FIL. DIVI ANTONINI Pii Germanici
SARMA. NEP. DIVI ANTONINI PII. PRON.
DIVI NADRIANI ABN. DIVI TRAJANI
PARTH ET DIVI NERVAE ADNEPOTI
M. AURELIO ANTONINO PIO
FEL. AUG. GERMANICO PONT. MAX.
TR. POT—X—IMP—COS. IIII. P. p—
PRO PIETATE AEDE—VOTO—
COMMUNI CURANTE—Nomen legati Au∣gusti Propraet. pe∣riit; forte is est Vi∣rius Lupus.
—LEGATO AUG.
PR—COH. III. NERVIO—
RUM—G. R. POS.

All that is said in this old Altar here is confirmed very well, and witnessed by the Notitia Occidentalis Imperii, which saies as much: excubabat Tribunus Cohortis III. Nerviorum Alione per Lineam Valli sub dispositione Viri spectabilis Ducis Eritanniarum. Onely Pancirolus following Camden is much mistaken, when he saies, that of this at this day it is called Lancester, as if it were Alone, for the Britains Allone, id est, supra Lonum: Fl. much better we find it in Francis Holyoke, Old Town upon Allone, id est, Vetus Oppidum ad Alonem in Northumbriâ, or in William Fulk, Allenton, not far from Whitley Castle. But by no means may we admit of that conjecture of Josias Simlerus. Who in his notes to Antoninus very much amiss doth set to it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a City of Britain in Ptolemy.

CALACUM. M. P. XIX.] Galacum in this Journey is * 2.763 the very same saith our Camden, which in Ptolemy is Galatum or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the fourth City numbred among the Brigantes, but Galatum in the one, and Galacum in the other are both promis∣cuously taken the one for the other in Camden, either through the Writers oscitancy, or the Printers oversight, or by both.

In the last Edition it is Whelp-Castle with Camden in Cumberland, but in the Proecdosis of that Work it is Overburrow in Lancashire: but in the last Edition as I said, Whealp-Castle in Cumberland. And with William Fulk it is Litchfield, though quite against the * 2.764 Ratio Itineraria.

BREMETONACIM. M. P. XXVII.] It hap∣pens in Antoninus in the Tenth Journey, beginning at Gla∣noventa * 2.765 through Mediolanum. Camden, as we have said, in his Proecdosis, thought this the very same with Brementuracum, in the Notitia; But upon second thoughts he conjectured it to be Overburrow in Lancashire. * 2.766

COCCIUM. M. P. XX.] Neer Overburrow is thought to have been a great City, and to have possessed large fields between the Lac and Lone the Inhabitants do deliver by Tradi∣tion * 2.767 from hand to hand; and indeed this place doth assert its Antiquity by several Monuments yet appearing, engraven stone, pavements of Musive Work, Romans Coyn, and the ve∣ry name hard by, which being denoted from a Burrow, plainly expresses, and argues its Antiquity; and if there be any room for conjecture, this is Coccium according as the learned Spaniard dis-joines it from Bremetonacum in the Notitia very rightly, here the River imparts its name to the Town, in which appears so many tokens of Antiquity as no where else more, so many Statues, Coynes, Pillars, the Bases thereof, Altars, Marble Inscriptions, and such Remainders of antient State; that not undeservedly the Inhabitants boast, though in a halting rhyme.

It is written upon a Wall in Rome: Ribchester was as rich as any Town in Christendome.

The name is Riblechester from the River, as we said, and it might, as it usually happens, antiently have altered its appel∣lation; and so that which here is Coccium, may be in Ptolemy 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which he places in this situation, that is eighteen miles, which he affirms from Mancunium. The name of the * 2.768 Aestuarium, which makes up towards it by the River Ribel is called by Ptolemy 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: in which are some Remainders of the name, the Etymology of which I would you would ra∣ther look for in Master Selden, where he speaks of the several Deities named from BEL. In this place is the famous In∣scription, wherein the Dea Matres are mentioned, of which * 2.769 I spoke formerly: thus.

• DEIS MATRIBUS
• M. INGENUI * 2.770
• US ASIATICUS
• DE C. AL. AST.
• SS. LL. M.

By which we learn, that the Decurio of the Ala Asturum (some∣times a people of Spain:) paid his vow here. Besides you must remember to correct your Beda, where you have Rhypum falsly printed, as well as in Ptolemy, for Rippon, see him Libro Ecclesia∣sticae Historiae, 3. cap. 25.

The other three Stations Mancunium, Condate, Mediolanum, are already spoken to: I will therefore refer the Reader to what goes before concerning them.

BRITANNIARUM. ITER. XI. Editio

Aldina	Suritana.	Simleriana.
	A SEGONTIO
	DEVAM. M. P.
	LXXXIII. sic;
	CONOVIO. M. P. XXIV.
	VARIS. M. P. XIX.
	DEVA. M. P. XXXII.

SEGONTIUM] It was of old a Station in Caer-Narvonshire on * 2.771 the Frith Menai, which divided Mona the Island from the Continent of Britain: In Caesars V. Comment of his Gallick War, * 2.772 Segontiaci are mentioned as a chief Civitas of the Britains; but this no where else, save here: I might do well to take notice of the severall readings here of Hierom Surita's Books, as a 2.773 Segun∣tro, b 2.774 Seguncio. Our very learned Antiquary, who also tells us, that himself saw some remains of the ruines of the Wall, by the * 2.775 little Church, built sometime to the honour of Saint Pub∣licius, the place had its name from the River passing by, to this day called Seiont, issuing out of Lin-Perith, or the Lake so called, in which a peculiar Fish is bred, which from the ruddy belly the Natives call Tortoch. Now whereas a very ancient book of Ptole∣my, in this same site doth place 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. i. Setantiorum Por∣tum, if I, sayes he, should read Segontiorum Portum, and though o∣ther Editions remove it farther, and say it was at the mouth of this River, perhaps I should hit the truth, at least obtain excuse and pardon from the favourable Reader. For c 2.776 Ninnius and he who wrote the life of Griffin the Son of Conan, saith, that Hugh Earl of Chester, built a Castle i•…•… Hean Caer Custenni, that is, as the Latine Interpreter turns it, in antiqua urbe Constantini Imperatoris, in the ancient City of Constantine the Emperour, and Mathew of Westminster, is the Author,: (but therein let himself look to his

own credit for the truth of this:) that the body of Constantius the father of Constantine the great, was found An. MCCLXXXIII. and honorably placed in the Church of the new City by the command of Edward the first, for he had at that time out of the ruines hereof so drawn out of the City Caer-Narvon some∣what higher to the Ostium of the River that it was upon the West and the North washed with its waters: which it self as it was so called by reason of its situation thereof opposite to the Island of Mona so gave its name to the whole Shire or Coun∣trey, which at this day the English do call Caer Narvonshire; the same Edward the first earnestly laboured, to pass his men into Mona, or Anglesea, to joyn this Island with a Bridge to the Con∣tinent, but in vain. Long before his time this was the place where Suetonius Paulinus the Roman General passed over his Ar∣my hither, which we learn by the sufficient Authority of the excellent d 2.777 Tacitus: Igitur Monam Insulam incolis validam, & receptaculum perfugarum aggredi parat, navesque fabricatur plano al∣•…•…to, aduersus breve littus & incertum. Sic pedites, equites vado se∣cuti, aut altiores inter vndas, aduantes equis transmisere. Stabat pro litore diversa acies, densa armis virisque, intercursantibus foeminis, in modum Furiarum, veste ferali, crinibus dejectis faces praeferebant. Druidaeque circum, preces diras sublatis ad coelum manibus fundentes, novitate aspectus perculere militem: ut quasi haerentibus membris, im∣mobile corpus vulneribus praeberent. Dein cohortationibus ducis, & se ipsi stimulantes, ne muliebre & fanaticum agmen pavescerent, infe∣runt signa, sternuntque obvios, & igni suo involvunt Praesidium post hac impositum vicis excisique luci, savis superstitionibus sacri. Nam cru re captivo adolere aras, & hominum fibris consulere deos fas ha∣bebant. Haec agents Suetonio, repentina defectio Provinciae nuntiatur. Rex Icenorum Prasutagus, longa opulentia clarus, Caesarem haeredem duasque filias scripserat, tali obsequio ratus regnum & domum suam pro∣cul injuria fore, quod contra vertit, adeo ut regnum per centuriones, do∣mus per servos, velut capta vastaretur.

CONOVIUM. M. P. XXIII.] Caer-Narvonshire stretcheth * 2.778 it self in a fair Plain as far as the River Conovius, commonly called Conwey, which limiting on the East this Shire, termi∣nates it. This River is by Ptolemy, compendiariâ Graecè scribendi ratione, expressed, saith the learned Camden, by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Toosevi∣us, for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or Conovius; for breaking forth of a Pool of the same name, it speeds on, till neer unto the mouth it grows less, where it nourisheth certain Shel-fish which fed with a cer∣tain celestial dew, bring forth precious stones, giving its name to the old Station, here mentioned by Antoninus, which though it be now ruined and extinct, yet by the new name it declareth its antiquity: for a very small village, out of its ruins appears, called Caer-Hean; that is, Urbs antiqua: raised at the mouth thereof, out of the spoils of the other, which Hugh Earl of

Chester first fortified, and afterwards Edward the first, according as Leland relates; debellatis Venetis, •…•…uro quadrati lapidis pulcher∣rimo * 2.779 cinxit, arcemque restauravit.

VARIM. M. P. XIX.] In the Confines of Caer-N•…•…rvon∣shire * 2.780 and this, where the Hills fall with a gentler descent, and afford an easier passage into the Valleys, the Romans placed the City Paris in the very entrance, which is said by Antoninus to be XIX. mile. This at this day with little change of the name is called Bod-Vari, that is, the Mansion of Varus, and they shew in the neighbour Hill, which they call Moyloy Gaer, id est, •…•…ons urbis, wherefore whereas elsewhere you find it interpre∣ted Transitus, as in Durnvaria, Isannavaria; & à nostrâ opinione facit haec Varis eo loci sita, ubi solum patet facilis inter montes transi∣tus; as saith the all-learned Camden.

DEVAM. M. P. XXXIII.] Of this we have spoken be∣fore, * 2.781 where we learn, that in the Roman age, the residence of the Legio XX. Victrix, was here: according to Antoninus and Ptolemy; besides old Inscriptions. Whence it is, that Leland calls the whole Countrey about, Devania, for Chestershire.

BRITANNIARUM. ITER. XII. Editio.

Aldina.	Suritana.	Simleriana.
	ITER A † 2.782 MARIDUNO
Viroconiorum	VIROCONIUM.	Viroconiorum.
	M. P. CLXXXVI. sic;
Muridon.	MARIDUNO. M. P. XXXVI.
	LEUCARUM M. P. XV.
	* 2.783 NIDUM M P. XV.
	* BOMIUM. M. P. XV.
Iscel•…•…ia Augusta.	* 2.784 ISCAM LEG. II. AUG. M. P. XXVII.	Iscelegua Aug. 28.
	BURRIUM. M. P. IX.
	GOBANNIUM. M. P. XII.
Magnis.	MAGMIM. M. P. XXII.	Magnis.
	BRAVONIUM. M P. XXIV.	Bravinio
	VIROCONIUM. M. P. XXVII.	Viricon.

THis Author by the heedlesness of the Librarii or Transcri∣bers is much abused, for they have very coursly handled him, having confounded two distinct Journeys, the last and this same here: and this oversight and error, is in every copy, which is extant, and hitherto hath escaped the curious eyes of the un∣dertakers of the several Editions of him: the main cause of the errour was the ignorance of Muridunum, and the taking it for a 2.785 Maridunum; which is known by most to be Kaer-Marthin in Wales, so that this journey will prove from thence to Wrokcester in Shropshire, and it is by Kaer-Marthin, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, as Ptolemy calls it here: the Journey which begins Ma∣rodunum is exactly the same with the last, as you may see plain∣ly in what comes after: neither doth Antoninus continue his mar∣ches beyond this Maridunun•…•….

The next Station which happens in this Journey, is Leuca∣rum * 2.786 in c 2.787 Glamorganshire by the River Logher, which also we now call Loghor. It is famous from former time for that about the death of Henry the first, Howel Ap Meridick, falling down

upon the English, with his Mountaineers, slew many of them of better quality.

NIDO. M. P. XV.] By the River Nidus, famous for the quicksand, is seated a Town of the same name, mentioned here: which our Antiquaries have in vain sought after; it stood of old neer to Saint Lantwit, that is, fanum sancti Illuti, at a proportionable distance to this: and the foundations of ma∣ny dwellings do shew themselves thereby; besides Neath easily revealeth it self, in Nidus.

BOVIO. M. P. XV.] William Fulck, an Antiquary of Cam∣bridge, calls it Rumey (for so it is written f. Rumney:) thought * 2.788 was the name of it which is a village a mile and a half, as he saith, on this side Landaff in Glamorgan-shire: Camden in the Pro∣ecdosis of his work, saith it was Cowbrid a known Town of the Shire, and it is most known, that this name hath some conso∣nancy therewithal, as we could shew also by many other exam∣ples; that Euboea drew its name from Cattle, f 2.789 Strabo is the Au∣thor: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [Euboea] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. So that after it, it will be needless to mention Bosphorus, Bovillae, Bovianum, as neither Baulos, concerning the name of which village I am well pleased to transcribe the no in-elegant verses of Symmachus, and the rather because he was the possessor of it so many ages after Hortensius.

Huc Deus Alcides stabulanda armenta coëgit, Eruta Geryonis de lare tergemini. Inde recens aetas corrupta Boaulia Baulos Nuncupat, occulto nominis indicio.

Alcides here his Cattel did improve That he from triple Gerions stables drove; Our age corrupting this Boaulia call, Which hints the old denomination, Baul.

But seeing that in the repeated Edition of Camdens Britannia from second cares, three mile from this Cowbridge, as he saith, Boverton offered it self, they are his own words, ita me veritas amet, non alibi Bovium indagare ausim. Truly the Itinerary di∣stance, both from Nidus, and Isca, on both sides, mightily con∣firm this conjecture: not far from this Bovium is Saint Dona∣tists Castle, the Coynes of the Thirty Tyrants, which other∣where * 2.790 are seldome found, are digged up here. Bonium in most Copies was written down, as Surita informs us, and in the second Journey Bovium, in both places much amiss, for there it should be Bonium, here Bovium.

ISCAM LEG. II. AUG. M. P. XXVII.] Although Ptolemie place this Legion quite among a distinct people, g 2.791 yet the same Legion may be understood, where he hath 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Isca Sebasta altera Legio. I will breifly in a welch Antiquaries words describe this City unto you, and that at full: Erat hac urbs an∣tiqua & nobilis, cujus vestigia adhuc supersunt, palatia immensa, tur∣ris gigantea, thermae insignes, templorum reliquiae & loca theatralia, mu∣ris egregiis partim extantibus omnia clausa, etiam edificia subterranea, aquarum ductus hypogeosque meaius: sunt ibi stuphae miro artificio con∣ficta. Ibi jacent duo Martyres, Julius & Aaron qui habebant ecclesias sibi dedicatas. Erat etiam & Archiepiscopalis Ecclesia sub Dubricio, quae cessit Davidi. There were, besides others in this place taken up, the Inscriptions, whereof one makes mention of HATERI∣ANUS LEG. AUG. PR. PR. PROVINC. CILIC.

There is another, which mentions the Effigies of Diana, and witnesseth that a Temple to her was restored by Titus Flavius Postumius Varus Veteran. perhaps of the Cohors of the second Legion.

T. FLAVIUS POSTUMIUS VARUS V. C. LEG. TEMPL. DIANAE RESTITUIT.

A Monument, which all that Gyantlike structure of Paules cannot shew the like, though it be said most anciently to have been dedicated to this Deity. Next to that is a votive Altar for Severus his Sons, but with Getas name scraped out at such time as he being declared to be an Enemy, was at length quite removed by his Brother Antoninus Bassia•…•…us.

PRO SALUTE AUGG. N. N. SEVERI ET ANTON| NI ET GETE CAES * 2.792 P. SALTIENUS P. F. MAE∣CIA * 2.793 THALAMUS HADRI. PRAEF. LEG. II. AUG. * 2.794 C. VAMPEIANO, ET LUCILIAN. GALPHRIDUS MONOMETHENSIS HISTORIAE BRITANINCAE LIB. I. CAP. XIX.

Belinus renovavit urbes ubicunque collapsae fuerant, & multas novas adificavit. Inter cateras composuit unam super Oscam flumen prope Sabrinum mare, qua multis temporibus Kaerosc. appellata est. Metropolis Glocestre fuerat. Postquam autem Romani venerunt praefato nomine deleto vocata est urbs Legionum, nomen nacta a Ro∣manis

legionibus qui ibidem hyemare solebant. Ex Alexandro Elsebi∣ensi. Hic etiam sub ingressum Saxonum fuit gymnasium ducentorum Philosophorum, qui Astronomia caterisque artibus eruditi cursus stella∣rum diligenter observabant, ut scripsit Alexander Elsebiensis author rarus, è quo mihi plurima descripsit Thomas James Oxoniensis vir eruditus, & vere 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, qui se totum literis & libris involvit, & jam publici boni studio in Angliae Bibliothecis excutiendis (Deus opus secundet:) id molitur, quod reip. literariae imprimis erit usui.

Among the rubbish and fragments of stones here you shall also finde these too.

• VIII.
• 7. VALER * 2.795
• MAXSIMI

Hyeronimus Surita in * 2.796 Varijs Lectionibus in Antoninum.

Iscam Leg. II. Aug. M. P. XXVII.] In Bland. Iscaelia Augusti M. P. XXVII. & in Meap. Iscalegi Augusti M. P. XXVIII. & in Longol. libris Iscalegia Augusti M. P. XXVII. & pro dictione Au∣gusti, Legi corrigtur, & XXVII. M. P. Legionem II. Augustam eo loco constitutum indicat, quod & a Ptolemao definitur, tametsi tan∣quam duo sint opida, numeri longitudinis & latitudinis utrique inepte attribuantur. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Praterea legio secunda Au∣gusta in Britannijs ab Auctore Notitiae Provinciarum recensetur sub Co∣mite littoris Saxonici per Britanniam hoc modo. Prapositus Legionis II. Augustae Butupis.

This Legion instituted by Augustus was taken into Britain by Claudius Casar, and planted here, where by the leading of Iulius Frontinus it recided against the Silures, of whom Tacitus. How great this Isca was read a little out of Giraldus in his Itinerary of Wales: Erat haec urbs antiqua & autentica, a Romanis olim coctilibus muris egregie constructa. Videas hic multa pristinae nobilitatis vestigia, palatia immensa aureis olim tectorum fastigijs Romanos fastus imitan∣tia, eo quod a Romanis principibus primo constructa, & adificijs egregijs illustrata fuisset. Turrim giganteam, thermas insignes, templorum reli∣quias, & loca theatralia muris egregijs, partim adhuc extantibus omnia clausa, &c. Guil. Camden in * 2.797 Siluribus pag. 489.

BURRIUM. M. P. IX.] It stands where the stream of Birthin is mingled with the Isca. The Britains at this day, tran∣sposing the letters, call it Brubege for Burenbege by Giraldus Ca∣strum oscae, but by the English Uske; it now onely possesses the ground or room of a large and fortified Castle which most plea∣santly lyes between the River Isca an Oilway the stream which under it passeth by the neat dwelling of the Earle of Worcester as * 2.798 it were under a Castle on the East.

GOBANNIUM. M. P. XII.] At the confluents of Isca and Gobannius this Statio is placed, whence Aber-Gevenne and contra∣ctedly Aber-Genne which signifies just as much. H. S.

MAGMIM. M. P. H. S. XXII.] In Bland. & reliquis Magnis M. P. XXII. Sub Duce Britanniarum in Notitia Provinciarum Prafe∣ctus * 2.799 Numeri Pacensium Magnis recensetur, tam etsi in Manuscripto, & vulgatis Magis legitur: nam infra in eis per Lineam valli Tribu∣nus Cohortis II. Dalmatarum Magnis legitur.

Old Radnor in Brittish called Maiseveth •…•…hean, and from the steep ascent Pencrag, which in the Reigne of King Iohn, was by Rees Ap-Griffin burnt downe to the Ground. If I shall say that this which Antoninus seems to call Magnos, wherein Theodosius the younger time the praefectus of the Milites Pacenses had his being Sub Britanniarum Ducis, I should perhaps misse of the truth in o∣ther mens opinion, however not in mine own; for the inhabitants of this whole Tract are called Magaseses, and the Earles thereof * 2.800 Magesetenses and Masegetenses, in the writers of the middle Age, and the Reason of the account of Miles from Gobannium, or Aber-Ge∣venne, so also from Brangonium doth not in the least differ from that of Antoninus, In lib. de Notitia imp. Po. Ro. legitur, praefectum nu∣merorum Pacensium in prasidio Magis: item in eodem lib. Tribunum co∣hortis secunda Magnis collocatum. Magnos item in Itin. Ant. inveni∣mus unumne oppidum, an diversa sint non ausim pro certo affirmare. Verum magis inclinat animus, ut credam diversa. Geor. Bukanan, Re∣rum Scoticarum Fol. 24. An Chesteringwall, it is called by Cam∣den.

BRAVONIUM. P. XXIV.] The name of a City of Bri∣taine in the way to Wrokcester. But Simlerus hath Bravinium, and * 2.801 so hath he caused it to be published, but Camden hath corrected it Brannomium, most amendedly, if I am able to Judge any thing a∣right. In Piolemy it is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Brannogenium, which Wil∣liam Fu•…•…k minded not, who set down to it Bangor, following, as it seemes, Ioseph Moletius, and Paullus Iovius, who yet pleased to have Bravium, heretofore to be called Bridge-North, as we see. It is a City of the Ordovites, and therefore by Camden, who found it among the Cornavij, rightly thought to be banished from its own Seat, it is famous to Posterity, for the Antiquity of it, and the often variety of Fortune. First, it remained con∣tent under the safeguard of the Roman gentlenesse, straight∣way the Danes troubling all with boundlesse Fury, it passed diverse changes, yet alwayes after the ruine, it sprang up fresh again, as at this day it flourisheth with very great celebrity, whe∣ther you consider the splendidness of the Buildings, and the mag∣nificence of the Churches, or whether the frequency of the Ci∣tizens themselves, and inhabitants, or whether the Nature of the Soil and Scituation by the River Severn, upon no very sleep Hill, on whose Easterne banck it was placed by the Romans,

As also many other great Cities, not upon this River alone, to hold in the Transabrine Britains, as also those which lived upon the bank of the Dee, and the Rhine beyond Sea, to hinder the irruption of the Germans into Gaul, as it hath been already ob∣served by learned men who instance in Strasbury, Spira, Mentz, Bing, Boppard, Confluents, Lonna, and others. Iohn Rossus of Warwick, a learned Antiquary in our Grandfathers daies relates that it was founded by King Constantius. In Ninnius his Cata∣logue of old Cities, which he reckons to be XXVIII. where it is related that it was in old time Romanorum superba moenibus, old writings affirm, and however I fear Camden is somewhat mista∣ken, when he names to Worcester out of Ninnius Caer-Gorangon, and Guarchon, which in Doctor Ushers judgement are thought rather to be Warwick or Wrokencester; Worcester being commonly at this day Caer-Urangon, called by the Cambro-Britains, as for∣merly, by the Saxons 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, from Wire, as some will have it, a Woody Laune thereto adjoyned.

In old time it florished for nothing more then the Sanctimony and learning of the Bishops among whom some also were famous for the opinion of Miracles among the common people. The Bishops Sea was restored about the yeare DCLXXX. among whom I will only name Baldwinus, to whom, adorned with the dignity of the Arch-bishoprick of Canterbury, Iosephus Exoniensis, a man to be compared, not only with the most excellent Wits of his own age, but also with any of the Ancients, dedicated his Book De bello Trojano, so often published beyond Sea, under Vi∣sard of g 2.802 Cornelius Nepos. And this the studious Reader shall understand, is the rather set down by us, because he is thought the first to have called this City by the name Vigornia, in this we have Iohn Lelands own words for it, that it is not nomen admodum novum in this very work; as they do also commonly at this day:

In numerum jam crescit honos; Te tertia poscit Insula: jam meminit Wigornia; Cantia discit; Romanus meditatur apex; & nausraga Petri Ductorem in mediis expect at cymba procellis. Tu tamen occiduo degis contentus evili, Tertius a Thoma, * 2.803 Thomasque secundus & alter; Soloriens, rebus successor, moribus haeres. Felices quos non trahit ambitus.—

Thy Honour growes, Thee the third Isle requires, Worster remembers and all Kent admires, Rome Thee expects, and prayes thou wouldst appear, Saint Peters crazy Ship through stormes to steer, Thou in a Western Cure art pleas'd and want, Who next Saint Thomas we a third place grant,

The rising Sun is to thy Vertues Heire: Happy be those who not ambitious are.

The most learned man Gerard Langbain, and my very good * 2.804 friend in Queens Colledge, and almost the onely Ornament of Oxford, caused these Verses to be thus written out of the MS. which were before wanting in the Printed Books. This Baldwin following Richard the first in his Journey to the holy Land, mightily assisted our Party by preaching, counselling, and com∣municating his store to the needy, an example of most holy car∣riage, till at length in the Siege of Ptolemais: (our men say Acre and Acon) being taken with a greivous disease, died about the year ∞ c x c.

VIROCONIUM. H. S. Variis lectionibus in Antoninum. * 2.805

VIROCONIUM. M. P. XXVII.] Viroconio habent Blandin. exempl. & libri Longol. & Neapol. Viroconio supra Viroconium ad∣scribi debere advertimus ex hac mansione, & Ptolemaei Geographia.

BRITANNIARUM. ITER. XIII. Editio.

Aldina.	Suritana.	Simleriana.
	ITERAB ISCA CALLEVAM. M. P. CIX. sic;
	BURRIUM. M. P. IX.
	In locum istum Gobannium restituit Guilielmus Fulco.
	BLESTIUM. M. P. XI.
	ARICONIUM. M. P. XI.
	CLEVUM. M. P. XV.
	DUROCQRNOVIUM. M. P. XIV.
	SPINAS. M. P. XV.
	CALLEVAM. M. P. XV.

GOBANNIUM.] This is called Aber. Gevenne from the Ri∣ver, * 2.806 there mingling it self with the River Isca.

BLESTIUM. M. P. XI.] It is a Station in Antoninus in the Journey which is set down from Isca Leg. 11. Aug. to Callena A∣trebatum, * 2.807 that it was that little Town in the limits of Hereford∣shire,

which is called the old Towne, the exact distance from the two Mansions passed on either side doth sufficiently witness. Certainly if the reason thereof did not evince it, the reason of the name would for as many as happen in Britaine (and they are not a few) the Romans being here Masters of all, were milita∣ry Stations, and possessed by their Souldiers at this day, they that are of the Brittaines issue and Language, call it Caer Hean Fran∣cis Holyoke hath evilly published it, Blestuin.

ARICONIUM. M. P. XI.] It is only met withall in the * 2.808 Journey from Isca, Leg. 11. Aug. to Gallena, some Reliques of the Carcase of this City yet appear to be seene in that place which the Natives yet call Kenchester Walls, by an Apherisis of Ar. which conjecture is mightily confirmed by the neighbou∣ring part of this Shire, in h 2.809 Doomsday booke. There are Testimonies sufficient of its Antiquity, stones of Musive worke, British Bricks, and Romane Coyne, here frequently taken up, They say that the old Towne perished by an Earthquake, but yet in William Malmsburyes age out of its ruins Hereford sprung fa∣mous for a Bishoprick, which Baldus calls Henefortensis, for Hen∣ford in British signifies Vetus via, or the old way.

CLEVUM. M. P. XV.] Sabrina or Severne passeth by the cheifest City of Glocester shire, which in Antoninus is Clevum or Glevum, but among the Britaines Caerglovi, but with others, Claudiocestre, from Claudius, who they say, gave his daughter Ge∣nissa in marriage to Arviragus, of whom Iuvenall in his fourth Satyr.

Regem aliquem capies, vel de temon: Britanno Excidet Arviragus—

Another King take, or from's Chariot shall Arviragus fall.

As if he had had more Daughters then Claudia, Antonia, and Octa∣via, all whose Husbands Suetonius doth plainly acquaint us with∣all, then what doth he in Claudius time, slight notice of whom we light not on before Domitians Reigne when he was called A∣rivogus, as Doctor Usher out of an ancient Coyn would perswade us, but the Scholia's upon Iuvenall would have him named Arbi∣las. Our learned Antiquary had rather a great deale more wil∣lingly bring down the name from Glovus, i 2.810 Qui edificavit urbem magnam supra ripam Fl. Sab. quae vocatur Britannico sermone Cairgloni Saxonice autem Glecester, his Thoughts were also upon Caerglowi, it signified to the Britaines as much as Pulchrum or Splendidum, and is as much to them as in Greek Calliponis. There was a Colony deduced hither called Colonia Glevum in that In∣scription.

DEC. COLONIAE GLEV. VIXIT ANN. LXXXVI.

Yet to be seene in Bath walls, neer the Northerne Gate.

DVROCORNOVIVM. M. P. XIV.] So it is named in An∣toninus, * 2.811 that is, the water Cornovium. But in Ptolemaeus it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Corinnium.

SPINIS. M. P. XV.] Cunetio or Kenet goeth by an ancient town * 2.812 whose name is not yet quite obliterated, being as yet called Spene, it is scarce a mile from Newberry, a famous Town which sprung out of the Ruines thereof, whence also it was called so, and part yet thereof is still to this day called Spinam Lands, to witness its Originall.

CALLEVA. M. P. XV.] I have spoken sufficiently to this Town in what goes before. * 2.813

ABONEM. P. IX.] Ita enim semper casu 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sive ablati∣vo, * 2.814 quem vocant, proferuntur ea opida & mansiones, quae in Antoni∣ni Itinerario occurrunt. Id factum a descriptore ejus more prisci seculi, quo urbium nomina, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 fere, sive 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 esse volebant: quod e∣tiam nos pluribus docemus ad illud Itinerarium, quod quantum ad Eri∣tanniam pertinet, restitutum jam in jublicum damus. Quamobrem merito reprehendendus videatur Hieronymus Surita, qua hoc in sua An∣tomini editione primus mutavit, contra omnium coditum authoritatem, quos tamen constat illum plures inspexisse.

Memoratur hoc opidum in XIV. Itinere Brit. ab Isca Leg. 11. Au∣gusta Gallenam Atrebatam instituto, ad IX. Mill distantiam à Ven∣ta Silurum: Situm autem est in Conventu Gleucestriensis ad Sabrinam fl. nec procul ab ipso ostio, hodieque etiam Aventon appellatur; de quo Vir Clariss. atque idem felicissimus Antiquarum Originum vindex Gui∣lielmus Camdenus: Cum Avon, inquit, stumen Britannis denotet, non absonum erit, si à stumine sic dictum putemus, eadem enim plane significatione, ut alia omittam, nos Waterton, Bourne, & Riverton; Latini Aqui•…•…um, & Fluentiam habuerunt. Ita vir Eruditissimus; quanquam eum hoc nomine sugillet (cui tamen sua omnia debet) pla∣giarius ille transfuga Richardus Vitus, Basinstochius, in Notis suis ad Historiam Britannicam, miseris modis ab eo contaminatam; quod palpitando scilicet vocabula Britannica studeat inde nomina locorum producere. Norunt autem viri eruditi, quod nos pace ipsius dictum vo∣lumus, non aliunde locorum appellationes, sive Urbium Origines, quam ex ipsorum incolarum linguis petendas esse. De Fluentia certe ex Plinio constat, ita nominatam, quod praefluenti Arno apposita esset. lib. III cap. 5. Et Tenon è Cycladibus unam propter aquarum abundan∣tiam Aristoteles Hydrussam appellatam ait, teste eodem Plinio Lib. IV. cap 12. Eadem prorsus ratione & Hydruntem, in primis Italiae portuns nobilem, nomen sortitam esse, par est ut credamus; cum ut ille idem •…•…os docet Plinius lib. III. cap 2. ad discrimen Iönij & Adriatici maris

situm habeat, qua in Graeciam brevissimus transitus. Sed & ad Abo∣nem etiam Sabriani aestu•…•…rii trajectus olim fuit. vide TRAIECIU;

Guilielmus Fulco, Antiquarius patrum memoria Cantabrigiensis, at∣que idem insignis Theologus, inter praclara Academia illius decora me∣rito censendus, Abonem Bristoliam fuisse credidit, sive ut veteres •…•…un∣cuparant, Emporium florentissimum ad Avonam fl. quod Julio Caes. Bu∣lengero Burgstovia perperam appellatur; verum hujus erroris caussam inde fluxisse apparet, quod opido huic fluvium illum cognominem videret. Immensum autem quantum in hoc loco designando aberraverit Francis∣cus a Sacra-quercu, vir quidem optimus, & quem pueri nos admodum Oxonijs in eodem contubernio senem novimus: Abingdon enim, sive, ut in Monachorum libris legitur, notissimum opidum ad Issidem fl. nec Oxonijs procul, it a nuncupatum scribit. Sed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quod dici solet: alludente enim nomine tantum, ratio itineraria heic plane repugnat.

BRITANNIARUM. ITER. XIV. Editio.

Aldina.	Suritana.	Simlerians.
	ALIO ITINERE
	AB ISCA
	CALLEVAM. M. P. CIII. sic:
	VENTA SILURUM. M. P. IX.
	ABONE M. P. IX.
	TRAJECTUS. M. P. IX.
	AQUIS SOLIS M. P. VI.
	VERLUCIONE M. P. XV.
	CUNETIONE M. P. XX.
	SPINIS M. P. XV.
	CALLEVA. M. P. XV.

VENTAM SI LURUM. M. P. IX.] I before gave no∣tice that there were three Venta's in this Itinerary; one of * 2.815 the Belgae and one of the Iceni: and this last is attributed to the Country of the Silures; Tacitus names them in an old Copy: the Nation of the Silures was changed with no feircenesse, nor with clemency, but that they would exercise War. And in the life of Agricola that the Silures passed into Britaine, he conjectures as a Colony of the old Iberi, that saith he, their coloured looks

and curled hair for the most part, and their scituation, over a∣gainst Spain cause a beleif that the old Iberi passed over, and pos∣sessed those places. And in the same Book; Julius also Frontinus sustained the brunt, a great man, as far as he might: and over∣came in armes the strong and stout Nation of the Silures. Ptolemy made the Demeta the utmost people of the Island towards the West; and the Silures after them more to the East. Amongst them is the Wy or Vaga, the limit betwixt the Glocester-shire and Mon∣mouth-shire men. In former times this City was called Caer-Went.

TRAJECTUS. M. P. IX.] This is named by Antoninus o∣ver against Abonis where there was wont to be a passage over the Sabrinian Sea, at a place which is called to this day Oldbury, (i. e.) Vetus Burgus, now a dayes they passe over a little beneath at Aust a Village.

VERLUCIONEM. M. P. XV.] Diverril a little River * 2.816 passeth by here, so called, because it passeth under ground as the Anas in Spain, and the Mole with us in Surrey, and about a mile off it hasteneth to Cunetio a very ancient Towne which is now cal∣led Warminster, and from the Saxon signifieth a Monestery.

CUNETIO. M. P. XX.] The River Kennet visiteth a City * 2.817 of its own name XX. miles from Verlucio, mentioned likewise by Antoninus. It is now called Marlburrow, named so perhaps from Marga in Plinnie which they now call Marl, and wherewith, as by a kind of Melioration, they dung their Land as with a kind of Chalk. For it is ridiculous to deduce it from Merlin the Wi∣zard, which yet however some anciently have ventered to do.

SPINIS. M. P. XV.]

CALLEVAM. M. P. XV.]

AQUIS SOLIS. M. P. VI.] Ponitur hoc opidum ab An∣tonino * 2.818 in Itinere ab Isca Damnoniorum Gallenam Atreba∣tum. Ptolemaeo in Geographia lib. II. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, id est, Aquae calidae, dicuntur, Stephano vero Byzantino 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Ba∣di•…•…a. Nobis hodie Bathe a Thermis hie nobilissimis, unde infima latinitas Bathoniam appellat. Britanni antiqui Caer-badon, & quod Camdeno placere video; Caer-Palladour vocabant. Joan∣nes Lelandus, magni nominis superiori seculo antiquarius, Montem Badonicum, Gildae, & a 2.819 Bedae lib. 1. cap. 16. nuncupa∣tum scribit; qui in hac re tamen in aliquo versatur errore, uti postea docebimus, ubi Badonico Monti locus suus dabitur. De∣nique ne non videar omnia commemorasse nomina, quibus an∣tiquitus hanc urbem insignitam volunt, (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ut Callimachi verbis utar:) praeterquam quod Vicum Aquari∣um nominatam scribat Carolus Stephanus, (de quo tamen ni∣hil nobis constat:)

etiam a frequenti huc ex tota fere Anglia valetudinariorum concursu Akemanchester, id est, Aegrotorum ur∣bem

veteres Angli appellarunt. Quippe Aquae illae e terrae qua∣si venis atque visceribus mirabiliter ebullientes humanis corpo∣ribus tabifica lue aut morbo contactis, pravisque humoribus torpescentibus, admodum salubres. Humfredus Lhydus in sua Britanniae descriptione efficacis earum virtutis se certissimum testem esse scribit. Nam cum ex ictu inquit, equi Mediolani in Italia accepto gravissimo dolore ischiadico duodecim continuis mensi•…•…us laborarem, diversisque doctissimorum medicorum auxiliis non convalescerem, his balneis cum tantum sex diebus usus es•…•…em, sanitati pristinae restitutus sum. Guil. Malmesbu∣riensis de Gestis Pontif. lib. II. Julium Caesarem earum aucto∣rem fuisse tradidit; cum tamen has partes illum nunquum a∣diis•…•…e certo constet &, quod multo mage rediculum, Equitum Balnei Ordinem heic primum eum instituis•…•…e, (qualia sunt fere Monachorum deliramenta:) idem sommat. Britannorum Commentarii, quorum nescio in hac re an major auctoritas, ad Bladudum referunt veterem Britanniae rege•…•…: Quippe eum, cum cives suos jam rudes, & agrestes huminitates excolere cu∣peret, studio literarum in Graeciam profectum esse, diuque A∣thenis operam summis magistris dedisse. Inde digressum qua∣tuor secum philosophos adduxisse, qui Graecorum artes & di∣sciplinas publice in Britannia traderent. Ipsum vero ut in om∣ni liberali doctrina politus erat, ita in ea sapientia qua T. Magiam alii, alii Necromantiam vocant, excellentem fuisse: & tandem progressu temporis in opido quodā, quod aedificasset ipse, quod∣que obeam rem 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ptolemaeus vocat, calidas & m•…•…dicatas aquas effecisse narrant. Certe Necromantiam non posse effici, nisi sicubi loca sulphuratis & calidis aquis Scaturiunt, ex vete∣rum scriptis docet Servius ad Aeneidos VI. Britannos vero olim tantis ceremonijs Magiam celebrasse, ut eam Persis dedisse vide∣rentur, auctor est Plinius in libri XXX. proaemio. Deinde refe∣runt eadem arte atque audacia adhibita volare pennis innixum Bladudum hunc contendisse; idque ei perhelle alliquandiu processisse. Verum dum longius connititur, Icarum in me∣dio cursu & artem & pennas defecisse, atque alte de subito ca∣dentem, ad Templum, quod eo quoque opido Apollini conse∣crasset, allisum peri•…•…sse. Et de Bladudo quidem hactenus Britannorum Commentarij. Quia vero Templum heic ad Thermas Apollini dicatum proditur, ut inde Aquae Solis loco nomen inditum suspicemur, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, ut ille ait.

Certe major percrebrescit fama quae de Minervae heic aede po∣sita diditur in vulgus, quam etiam firmat Julii Solini testimo∣nium, sic enim ille de Thermis in Britannia (quas cave alias nobis investiges, quam Solis has aquas:) verba faciens. Poly∣historis cap. XXXV. sive ut in Salmasiana editione habetur, XXII.

In Britannia magna, inquit, & multa flumina, fontes calidi opiparo

ex culti apparatu, ad usus mortalium. Quibus fontibus prasul est Mi∣nervae * 2.820 nume•…•…, in cujus aede perpetui ig•…•…es nunquam canes•…•…unt in favil∣l•…•…s;

sed ubi cinis (ita vulgati codd. lege ignis) Stabat, vertit in globos Saxeos. Quanquam ex Athenaeo discamus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 calida omnia lavacra, quae naturaliter ex terrae visceribus scate∣ant, sacra esse Herculi, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dici. Hinc in Locride 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, & Thermopylas sic dictas propter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, apud Strabonem in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. legimus. Scriptura non Paulo antiquior ex Herodoto in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [Sc. Thermopylarum] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; * 2.821 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; In hoc ingressu sunt cali∣da lavacra, qua Ollas indigenae vocant; & de super ara Herculis ex∣structa.

Scholiastes ad illa Sophoclis in Trachinijs.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉—

In Sicilia quoque Herculis lavacra memorat. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Cum autem Herculi lavacra calida sacra esse dicantur, a Mi∣nerva tamen illi parata docet, non solum idem Scholiastes ad e∣undem locum: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Lavacra intelligit Herculis, quae illi Minerva posuisse dici∣tur: sed & alter ille etiamad Aristophanis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 qui & Pisan∣drum Rhodium, Heracleae auctorem, in hanc rem laudat.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Quae nos ita reddidimus.

Thermopylis olim huic caesta diva Minerva Calda lavacra maris reflui prope littora fecit.

For thee Thermopolis bright Pallas hath Made nere unto the Oceans shore a Bath.

Fuisse quidem apud veteres omnia 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sacra etiam Ari∣stoteles docet, caussam rei inquirens 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dicemus ita{que}

quod Camdenus quoque censuit, posse fieri, ut utrique Deo e∣orum tutela sit dicata. Erant quippe 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hercules & Mi∣nerva, quod ex Strabone docemur in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. ubi Augustum reposu∣isse narrat 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ab Antonino sublatos ex insula Samo. De praecipuo autem utriusque Nu∣minis apud gentes occidentales cultu, atque adeo ipsos Britan∣nos, vide BELISAMA & HERCULIS Promontorium.

Caeterum, ut heic quidem taceamus regionem quandam Medi∣olani, urbis Italiae, fuisse, quae diceretur Herculeum Lavacrum aut Herculea Balnea; quod Ausonius in Urbibus indicat isto versu.

Et Regio Herculei celebris sub honore lavacri;

The Royall honor of Herculean Baths.

In hac ipsa quoque urbe nonnulla occurrunt monumenta, cultus ejus heic olim luculenta indicia. In moenibus enim, inter portas Australem & Borealem, imago ejus utraque manu serpentem constringentis extat; in Borealem quoque & Occi∣dentalem alia quaedam, sed nuda, ejusdem imago duos itidem serpentes comprimentis visenda apparet. Earum meminit Guil. Harrisonus, qui ipse diligenter olim inspexit, praeter * 2.822 Camdenum; qui effigiem insuper ejus sublata sinistra, cum cla∣va dextra ibidem cerni testatur.

Quantum ad Minervae tutelam hujus loci attinet, cum a Ju∣lio Solino scriptore antiquo proditum sit calidis hisce fontibus Minervam sive Palladem praefuisse, satis sibi esse ait idem Cam∣denus, si ex ejus anctoritate evicerit, hanc urbem esse, quam Caer-Palladour sua lingua Britanni veteres dixerunt; hoc est urbs Palladiae aquae, si Latine interpreteris: apposite enim, inquit, res, nomen & significatio conspirant.

Quare quaedam aquae ealeant, quaedam etiam ferveant, plu∣res caussae reddantur, inquit Seneca Natural. Quaest. lib. III. cap. 24. Empedocles existimat ignibus, quos multis locis terra opertos tegit, aquam calescere, si subjecti sunt solo, per quod aquis transcursus est. Sed disputationem de hac re proponere, non est instituti nostri. Illud satis est annotasse, calidos hos fontes, quorum aqua sulphure & bitumine percolatur, ebullire maxime ad radiorum solis accessum a XII. scilic•…•…t matutina ad horam III. pomeridianam: quo tempore foedissimas sordes ejectant; neque quisquam prius ingredtur, quam a Solis vigo∣re penitus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & expurgati salutares reddantur. Atque inde Solis aquas ab antiquis credimus nominatas: quemadmo∣dum & Fon•…•…em Solis in Troglodylis appellatum memorat Pli∣nius lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 103. qui dulci•…•… circa meridiem & maxime fri∣gidus; mox paulatim tepes•…•…ens ad noctis mediam fervore & a∣maritudine

infestatur; idque occulta aliqua nec prorsus diversa, masculi illius syderis vi atque virtute. Certe ipsum hunc fon∣tem, nomine his nostris magis consono, Aquam Solis nuncu∣pat Q. Curtius lib. IV. cujus verba huc transcribere non pige∣bit: Est aliud, inquit, Hammonis nemus, in medio habet fontem Aquam Solis vocant. Sub lucis ortum tepida manat; medio die, cum vehementissimus est calor, frigida eadem sl•…•…it; inclinato in vesperam calescit, media nocte servida exestuat: quoque propius nox vargit ad lucem, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉 calore decr•…•…scit, donec sub ipsum diei or∣tum assu•…•…to tepore languescat.

Porro de nostris hisce Solis Aquis, sive Thermis, quae meden∣dis corporibus salubres adeo perhibentur, mihi non tempero, quin elegantissimos Challimachi Cyrenaei versus usurpem, qui Hymno 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 extant.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Quos versus, non solum de Callimacho, sed de Graecis que∣que literis optime meritus Bonaventura Vulcanius ita Latinos reddidit.

Non adipem videas Phoebi stillare capillis▪ Sed Panaceam ipsam: quae quam rore imbuit urbem Prona petens, nullis illa est obnoxia morbis.

Thou seest not sweat drop but Ambrosian dews From Phoebus hairs: that Cities which do use This precious oyntment are from sickness free.

Portionem aliquam legionis IL. Augustae heic olim stativa habuisse exinde colligi potest, quod G. Murrius Modestus Arni∣ensis * 2.823 & M. Valerius Eatinus, Milites leg. II. Aug. heic sepulti perhibeantur, quod ex sepulcralibus inscriptionibus ad u•…•…bem effossis fatis constat. Quae ad reliquam sunt antiquitatem, ea omnia dedit Camdenus in Belgis, & qui, Camdeno censore, an∣tiquitatis cognitione praestans Guil. Harrisonus Descriptionis Britanniae (quam primum se ait aggressum:) lib. II. cap. 14. quos tu, siquid lubet, adi. Nuperrime omnium Thomas Joan∣sonus Pharmacopaeus Londiniensis & Botannicus peritissimus has Thermas urbemque adeo ipsam eleganter descripsit, edito non ita pridem Latine de ijs Libello singulari. Vide AQUAE CALIDAE, & BADIZA. De Templo Apollini Bathoniae, cujus meminit Galfridus, ubi res gestas Bladudi prisci regis Britanni∣ci prosequitur, vide AQUAE SOLIS. Sed & Apollini Gran∣no Aradicata Musselburgi in Scotia effossa, cujus meminit, prae∣ter

Guil. Camdenum Jos. Scaliger lib. I. epist. LXVI. ad Isaac. Casaubonum Joannes Napeir Baro Merchinstonius ad cap. XVIII. Apocalypseos, & Claud. Salmasius ad Spartiani Hadri∣anum. Eam, uti olim descripta est a Clarissimo doctis•…•…imo∣que V. Petro Junio, habes in GRANNUS. Praeter Gruteri Inscriptiones pag. CXXXVI. Vide ABELLIO, & BELATU∣CARDUS.

AQUAE CALIDAE 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sic illud opidum Albionis in Belgarum regione appellat Ptolemaeus, quod Antonino Itinere ab Isca Damnoniorum Gallenam Atrebatum Aquae Solis dici∣tur. Hae aquae salubritate medendis corporibus nobiles. Qua∣les habuisse plures Britanniam testatur Beda lib. I. cap. I. Ha∣bet, inquit, & fontes calidos, & ex eis fluvios balnearum cali∣darum, omni aetati & sexui per distincta loca juxta suum cui∣que modum accomodos. Hunc locum vicum Aquarium alijs dictum esse vulgo Wich, Vique, unde habuerit Carolus Ste∣phanus nos nescimus. Vide AQUAE SOLIS. Certe Bath-Wich it a appellari posse libenter agnoscimus.

HIC JACET ALEX. DE ALNETA ET ER NEB UR∣GA UXOR EJUS, &c. CUM LIBERIS EORUM.

Est istud Epitaph. a dextra in ostio ruinosi templi quondam Mi∣nervae * 2.824 dedicati & adhuc in loco dicto sese studiosis offerens. 1582. 7. Decemb. Extat in rubro codice Bathoniae quem debemus singulari humanitati optimi Viri Joannis Parkeri Aldermanni illic. Extant etiam ibidem in aedibus ejusdem hi lapides ita in∣scripti.

• VIBIA * 2.825
• JUCUN
• DA
• AN XXX
• HIC SEPUL
• TA EST.

Bladud magnus negromanticus qui, ut scribitur de gestis suis, Calidas aquas in Badone fecisset per artem Magicam. Sed magis ascribendum est naturae cum similia balnea fiant in varijs regio∣nibus illis calidiora. Sed scriptum vidi quo tempore Elias Pro∣pheta oravit ut coelum plueret, tunc eruperunt tres fontes a∣quae calidae in urbe illa medicinales morbis mortalium.

Ex eodem codice. quae sumuntur ex Historia Britan∣nica Galfridi Monumethensis lib. 1. cap. 14.

Having said so much concerning the Bath, I should highly offend against gratitude if I should here omit his name whose house in London is as another Akemanchester, and so would prove if Merlins prophesie should be fulfilled, which I neither beleive nor fear. The gentle cure of the Palsie effected upon me this year makes me never think of him, but withall I have a remem∣brance of the excellent Physitian Apis who cures Aeneas in Virgils twelfth Book, these are the excellent Verse wherein he describes him.

Jamque aderat Phaebo ante alios dilectus Iapis Iasides: acri quondam cui captus amore Ipse suas artes, sua munera laetus Apollo Augurium citharamque dabat, celeresque sagittas. Ille, ut depositi proferr•…•…t fata parentis, Scire potestates herbarum, usumque medendi Maluit, & mutas ag tare inglorius arteis. Stabat acerba fremens, ingentem nixus in hastam Aeneas, magno juvenum, & maerentis Iuli Concursu, lacrimisque immobilis, ille retorto Peonium in morem senior succinctus amictu, Multae manu medica, Pbaebique potentibus herbis Nequicquam trepidat, nequicquam spicula dextra Sollicitat, prensatque tenaci forcipe ferrum: Nulla viam fortuna regit, nihil auctor Apollo Subvenit, & saevus campis magis, ac magis horror Crebescit, propiusqu: malum est. Jam pulvere coelum Stare vident, subeunt equites, & spicula castris Densa cadu•…•…t 〈◊〉〈◊〉: it tristis ad aethera clamor Bellantum Juvenum, & duro sub Marte cadentum. Heic Venus indigno •…•…ati concussa dolore Dictamnum genetrix Cretaea carpit ab Ida, Puberi•…•…us caulem folijs, & flore comantem Purpureo, non illa feris incognita capris. Gramina, cum tergo volucres haesere sagittae, Hoc Venus obscuro faciem circundata nimbo Detulit, hoc •…•…usum labris splendentibus amnem Inficit, occulte medicans, spargitque salubreis Ambrosia succos, & •…•…doriferam Panaceam. Fovit ea 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lympha longaevus Iapis Ignorans, subitoque omnis de corpore fugit Quippe dolor: omnis stetit imo vulnere sanguis, Jamque secuta manum, nullo cogente sagitta Excidit, atque novae rediere in pristina vires.

Iapis Phoebus minion, now was there, To whom the God did such affection beare,

That his own Guifts on him he did bestow, His prophesying Spirit, Harp, and Bow, That he might long defer the fatall hour Of his old Father, he the use and power Of Simples learnt, and to himself imparts, By study, knowledge of despised arts. Aeneas chafing, lean'd upon a Speare, With sad Iulus, and great concourse there, Nor is he mov'd nor troubled at their teares, Then old Iapis many things prepares, His Vest girt back in the Peonian guise, And Phoebus powr'full herbes in vain applyes; Vainely he laboures to draw forth the steele, Tries with his probe, and doth with pincers feele; No way will hit, no ayd Apollo yeilds; And horrour more and more rag'd in the Feilds; Dust clouds all Heaven, the horse draws neer the wall, Dangerous it growes, shafts midst the Camp do fall; The cryes of valiant Souldiers scale the Skie, And those that in the bloody battell dye. Here Venus troubled at her Sons deep wound, Brought Dittanie, in Cretan Ida found; The stalke hath sprouting leaves, and on the Crown A purple Flower, not to wild Goates unknowne, When winged Arrowes in their backs are fix'd; Veild with a Cloud, this beauteous Venus mix'd, With purest water, in a Bowl, and strews The healing moysture of Ambrosian dews, And with its sweetest Pa•…•…ax did compound (wound: With which th' old man, not knowing, bath'd the Then from his body streight all anguish fled, And now the wound no more, though mighty, bled; The steele now, uncompell'd, followes the hand, And strength returnes unto its old command.

BRITANNIARUM. ITER. XV. Editio.

Aldina.	Suritana.	Simlerians.
	A CALLEVA.
	ISCA DUMNUNNIORUM. M. P. CXXXVI. sic:
	VINDOMI. M. P. XV.
	VENTA BELGARUM M P. XXI.
	BRIGE. M. P. XI.
	SORBIODONI. M. P. VIII.
	VINDOCLADIA. M. P. XII.
	DURNONOVARIA. M. P. IX.
	MORIDUNO M. P. XXXVI.
	ISCADUM NUNNIORUM. M. P. XV.

VINDONUM. M. P. XV.] The Segontiaci were a people * 2.826 of Britaine which yeilded themselves to Caesar, and inhabi∣ted the Northen parts of the Hundred of Holeshot, and their prin∣cipall * 2.827 City was Vindonum Segontiacorum, by the Britains it was called Caer-Segont, as at this day it is called Silcesier. The di∣stance between Calleva and Venta Belgarum in Antoninus perswades me to what I say here: as for what Richard de Basingstoake saith here concerning Vindonum of Gaul, I matter it nothing, nor heed it no more then what he saith concerning Sicula, in other writers, a Towne of the lower Germanie, which he makes our Silcester in England. Ninnius and others will have this City built by Con∣stantius the Father of Constantine the Great, & that it was named Murimintu•…•…, for Muri-l indum, but elsewhere you shall have more of this, in the mean while let this content you.

BRIGE. M. P. XI.] Or Brage an ancient Towne mentioned * 2.828 by Ptolemy nine miles distant from Sorb•…•…odunum or Salsberry called Broughton, neer by the Banks of the River Test: otherwise it was overthrown when in the time of William the Norman all things were rooted up, to make a Parke there. Whether it hath any thing to do with that Brige in the third Book of Beda's Ecclesia∣sticall History, I had rather others should enquire. In loco qui dicitur Brige. And a little after, Maxime in Brige & in Cale, & in Andilegum M•…•…asterio.

SOR BIODUNUM. M. P. VIII.] Besides the Frigid de∣ductions * 2.829 of the ancient name of this famous Town Severia and of

Sarisburia, from either Saron in Berosus, or Severus the Emperor of this name from the signification which one well skilled in Bri∣tish * 2.830 assured Camden was as much as collis siccus, or a dry Hill, for good reasons which he alledgeth: I will onely add the mistake of Francis Goodwin, who in his learned work voucheth the name of Ptolemy for Antonins, for Sorbiodunum. The rest I refer the reader to Camden for.

VINDOCLADIA. M. P. XII.] Which now is called Wim∣burnminster. It gained the name from the situation: for Windugle∣dy soundeth as much in British as between two Swords. Now that Rivers are called so, by a peculiar phrase or manner of speaking, is knowne to all who are acquainted with the Antiquity of Mil∣ford-haven, and is better known then that I need any way to tell. The latter Wimburn is from Saxon deduction where Burn signifies by a River.

DURNONOVARIA. M. P. IX] This Town of principall note was called as the passage of a River, and in Ptolemy it is ac∣cording * 2.831 to the variety of copies, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in English is called Dorchester, and there are many Emperors Coyns found there, but the vulgar call them King Dornies pennies, besides the military wayes which appear there.

MORIDUNO. MP. XXXVI.] This is Seaton in Devonshire, between Dorchester and Exeter. The fite in both Languages gi∣veth the name; as if he would say, the Town on an Hill by the Sea. In Pentingers Tables so often mentioned, it is called Ridn∣num: but it is plain that the Book is corrupted.

* 2.832 ISCADUMNUNNIORUM. M. P. XV.] They are o∣therwise called in Ptolemy 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the Devonshire men. Their o∣ther names out of Strabo and others we are to consult Camden for; that denoted the Romans residing here; because it was called * 2.833 afterward * 2.834 Caer-Ruffian, now it is Exeter.

FINIS.

Notes

• a 1.1

  Abrah: Or∣telio in Synon. Geogr: in Ces∣soriacum, per∣peram Ioannes nomenatur.
• b 1.2

  Antiquarius praestabilis, Io. Caio de Antiq: Caniabr: lib: 2. Antiquitatis bene peritus Candeno in Icenis. vi. Guil. Lambard: Xeno∣gog: Cant: pag: 144. & 353. Prafat: item ad Matth: Westmo∣nast: nec non v. Balanm & Pitsenm.
• c 1.3

  In Biblioth: Coll: S. Benedi∣cti Cantabrigia. Vide •…•…amesii Ec∣logam MSS. u∣triusque Aca∣demia, & Cai∣am d. l. pag: 357.
• d 1.4

  Varroni. a∣pud Noa Mar∣cellum & alios.
• e 1.5

  Astronom. l. 1.
• f 1.6

  Virgil. E∣clog. 1.
• g 1.7

  Claudian: Paneg: 8. in Consul: Manlii Theodori.
• h 1.8

  Serv. in Virg: Ecl: 1. Vellejus lib: 2. Plorus l. 3. c. 10. &c.
• i 1.9

  Claudian: Paneg: 3. in Stilich. Auctor Paneg: Con∣stan•…•…o d. Ma∣viniano falso inscript. &c.
• k 1.10

  Agrippa or•…•…t. ad Iudeos, apud Ioseph. de bello Iud: lib. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. in lat. 16. & ex eo He∣gesippus lib: 1. cap: 20.
• l 1.11

  Dio Hist: lib: 60.
• m 1.12

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Clemens Rom. epia. ad Corinth. & Libain•…•… in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ad Constantium Imp.
• n 1.13

  Instit: l. 2. tit. 3. ex l. 1. D. rust. praed.
• o 1.14

  De L. L. lib: 4.
• p 1.15

  Apud Ci∣cer: de LL. lib: 1.
• q 1.16

  Histor: lib: 8.
• * 1.17

  Stratam, viam latini dicunt. Procop. de bello Persit. lib. 2. in∣itio V. Sealig: in Auson: lect. l. 2. c. 27. quem vide voce Gla•…•…ea.
• r 1.18

  Institut: d. l.
• † 1.19

  Ad S. Gem∣•…•…am tertia di∣cta citra Ro∣•…•…am. &c. parvis dietis versus Scotiam proficiscens. Matth: Westm: aliique.
• * 1.20

  Ideo{que} rega∣les, ut videtur, dicuntar, D. Ambrosio, v. infra.
• t 1.21

  Exod: 12. 37.
• u 1.22

  Numb; 33. 3, 4. &c. see chap: 21. 10.
• x 1.23

  In Epitaph: Fabiola ad Oce∣anum.
• y 1.24

  Jos: 18. 4, 9.
• z 1.25

  In 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sive lib: 5.
• * 1.26

  What they were, v. infra.
• a 1.27

  Rer. Scot: lib. 1.
• b 1.28

  Prop Eleg: 3 lib 4. Cogor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 è tabul•…•… pi∣ctos ediscere 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• c 1.29

  Plin: lib: 6. cap. 17.
• d 1.30

  Ioan 〈◊〉〈◊〉. & Fe∣l•…•… Malleolus Dialog: de No∣bilit: Descript▪ Orbis a 1. Caesar. &c. Baldericus, Novicomensis & Camara∣•…•…ensis Episco∣pus ante annos prope sexcentos claruit Chronici Cameracensis, et Atrebatensis lib: 1. cap: 3. qui jubente Yulii Caesaris ex S. C ab erudi∣tiss. De Cosmo∣graphia inscri∣bitur ubi quidē vetus Rom: nominis univer∣sa loca 〈◊〉〈◊〉 distinguit. Vide etiam Clariss: Vostium de L. •…•…ist: lib: 1. cap: 13. Nec non Caesparem Rar∣•…•…m lib: 14. cap: 8.
• * 1.31

  Quae habet Oros•…•…de Brita∣niae specula, lib: 1. cap: 2. uti 〈◊〉〈◊〉 alia non pau∣•…•…, ex Aethico transcri•…•…it.
• * 1.32

  IV.
• * 1.33

  XVII.
• * 1.34

  XXIII.
• * 1.35

  Pag: 65.
• * 1.36

  Basilea An: ∞ D. LXXV.
• † 1.37

  Longe dissi▪ milis a vulga∣to Aethico. Salm. ad Aug Hist: Script: p. 140.
• * 1.38

  Appar: Sect. 97. 98.
• f 1.39

  Roger Ba∣con Compend: studii The•…•…l. part 4.
• g 1.40

  Lib: De-Navigiis.
• * 1.41

  In Synonym: Geograph:
• h 1.42

  Plin: Exer∣cit. in Solin: p. 770. 836. 1113. & in ad∣dend. 1339.
• i 1.43

  Flodoard H. R. E. lib: 1. cap: 1.
• * 1.44

  Powel in Cam∣br. Itin. l. 2.
• * 1.45

  Praefat. in cap: 4. Antonin.
• * 1.46

  In Claudian. ad Paneg. in 6. Consul: Honor.
• k 1.47

  Val: Maxim. lib. 1. cap: 9.
• l 1.48

  Incertus auctor quem Aethicum vo∣cant. Salm. in Solin: p. 318.
• m 1.49

  Lib: IV. e∣pist: 384. ad Da∣vid. Hoeschel.
• * 1.50

  In Biblioth Conra•…•… Peutin∣geriano V. C.
• n 1.51

  Suet. in Caesare cap: 58. In obeundis expeditionibus exercitum ne∣que per insidi∣osa itinera duxit umquā, nisi perspecu∣latu•…•… locorum situs.
• * 1.52

  Caes: de bello Gal lib 1.
• o 1.53

  Plin: lib: 6. cap. 28.
• p 1.54

  Lib 3. cap: 2.
• q 1.55

  Simler. praefat in An∣tonin.
• r 1.56

  Luke 2. 3.
• * 1.57

  Refectione vi∣antium, congrua mansionum in∣tervalla dimen∣sa sunt. D. Hi∣lar. in Psal. 118.
• * 1.58

  Itinerum pri∣mus labor & vel maximus in re militari. Cicer in Verr: Act. 7.
• s 1.59

  Veget. de Re Milit: lib: 3. cap: 6.
• t 1.60

  Quo in ge∣nere autiouo∣rum monumen∣torum extare puto nihil pri∣us, aut secun∣dum. Andr. Schottus de eadem Tabulâ.
• u 1.61

  Ambros: serm: 5. in Psa: 118. ex D. Hi∣lario, ut vid.
• x 1.62

  Geograph: lib: 2. & 15.
• * 1.63

  Mansiones.
• y 1.64

  Dipnosoph: lib: 10. & 12.
• z 1.65

  Ael. in Hist: Animal: lib: 17. cap. 17.
• * 1.66

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 1.67

  V. Salmas. ad Aug. Hist: scriptores.
• * 1.68

  Apud Hie∣ron. Capug∣nan. in Addit. ad Iran. Schot∣ti Itiner. Italiae lib. 1.
• * 1.69

  Ex Riblioth: V. C. P. Pith.
• † 1.70

  Discessit vectus mutati∣one celeri cur∣sus publici. Ammian. ll. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• a 1.71

  Nat: Hist: lib: 4. cap: 16.
• b 1.72

  Fr. Patric: Inscuss: Peri∣patetic: Tom: 1. lib. 6. Brissoni∣us, Cra•…•…an∣thorp: Portun. Licetus, &c.
• c 1.73

  Buchin: Rer: Scot: lib: 1.
• * 1.74

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. De Auctore e∣jus post Mure∣tum, Hensium, aliosque, adi omnino Cl. V. Gabr: Nandeum quaest. 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ejus five de Fato.
• d 1.75

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• e 1.76

  In Dionysit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• f 1.77

  Geogr: lib: 2.
• g 1.78

  Almag: lib: 2.
• * 1.79

  Little Bri∣tain.
• h 1.80

  Joan: No∣viomagus, Ba∣roecius, &c.
• † 1.81

  Lectur: in Euglidem.
• i 1.82

  Propert. lib: 2. Eleg: 17.
• k 1.83

  In Poly∣hist. ex edit: Sal∣mas. cap: 2.
• l 1.84

  Gen: 10. 5.
• m 1.85

  lib: De fa. die in Orbe Lun•…•…. in quem v. Ioan: Reple∣ram.
• n 1.86

  Catull: E∣pigr: 26.
• o 1.87

  Epigr: 42:
• p 1.88

  In Brevia∣rio Ad Valen∣tin. Imp.
• q 1.89

  Amm. Mercellin. lib. 28.
• r 1.90

  Vide Noti∣nam Oc∣•…•…d. Imperii, & illic Gu. Pancitolum.
• s 1.91

  Die Hist. lib. 55.
• * 1.92

  Brit. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• † 1.93

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• t 1.94

  Com. de bel. Gal. lib. 5.
• u 1.95

  Hist. lib. 3.
• * 1.96

  Forte in Lib: De obscur. Author. lo∣cis, & corrupt. nominibus. Neque, n. occur∣rit in Historia ejus Britanni∣ca, quam ex Galfrido descripsit. Sed vide Ortelium in Synonymia Geograph.
• * 1.97

  Al. Crambe. Sed adi Ioan. Scoppam in Collectam.
• * 1.98

  In Bibliotheca.
• * 1.99

  * Prafat. ad Anton Itiner.
• y 1.100

  Geograph: lib: 2.
• z 1.101

  In Periplo lib: 2.
• * 1.102

  A peice of Land almost in∣vironed with Sea.
• † 1.103

  Breviarium Theodosii di∣citur Andr. Alciato Pare r∣g•…•…r. lib: 5. cap: 13.
• b 1.104

  Beda Eccl: Hist: lib: 1. cap: 1.
• c 1.105

  De Excidio Britannia.
• d 1.106

  In quibus vulgares nostri Chronographi Flamines & Archistamines constituunt: un∣de & Episcopa∣tuum & Ar∣chiepiscopatu∣um per Britan∣niam Noeitlas petunt: quod Commentum jam satis explo∣sum.
• e 1.107

  Iac. Vsser. De Britannic: Eccles: Pri∣mord. cap. 5.
• c 1.108

  Nat. Hist. lib. 4. cap. 16.
• d 1.109

  Ibid: cap. 23.
• * 1.110

  (e) Iac. Chiffl. in Portu Iccio cap. 6.
• f 1.111

  De situ Or∣bis lib. 3 cap. 1.
• g 1.112

  Geogr. lib. 2.
• * 1.113

  Virgil. Aen. lib 8.
• * 1.114

  Lib: 4. in de∣script. Britan∣niae.
• h 1.115

  Iccius Por∣tus, Caletiuni pop. in Gallia Belgica navales ut Strabo scri∣bit. Ortel. in Synon.
• i 1.116

  L. Flor. lib. 3. cap 10.
• k 1.117

  De bel. Gal. Comm. 5.
• l 1.118

  Phil. Cluv. Introd. Geogr. l. 2. c. 12.
• * 1.119

  Tho: Demp∣ster: Paralip: ad c. 10. lib: 10. Rom: Antiq Io: Rosini.
• m 1.120

  Strabo Geogr. l. 4.
• n 1.121

  Sueton: in Claudio cap: 17.
• * 1.122

  Quod idem lit∣tus Bononiae Ammian. dici∣tur lib: 27.
• o 1.123

  Sueton in Caligula cap. 46.
• * 1.124

  The Tower of London. The Bathe. Chester Arthurs Oven, in Scotland, &c.
• † 1.125

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Dio lib. 54. spe∣cie in Brittan∣niam trans∣grediendi. Aurel. Vi∣ctor, ut Schol: emend. observ. ib: 3. c. 21.
• p 1.126

  E. B. in Ne∣rone Caes: cap. 24. Sect: 8.
• * 1.127

  Making it to be Britten. huis. i. Do∣mus Britan∣nica.
• q 1.128

  In vita e∣jus legendo cum B. Rhenano Rutupensis, pro Tiutu•…•…∣sis.
• * 1.129

  Apud Spar∣tian in Hadria∣no.
• r 1.130

  De gest. Rom: lib. 1. cap. 11.
• s 1.131

  Nat. hist. lib. 4. cap. 23.
• t 1.132

  Herodian. lib. 3.
• u 1.133

  Anonym. editus ab Henr. Valesio, cum Amm Marcel∣lino. Eundem scriptorem MS. laudat. Pecav. de Doctr. Temp. ex Biblioth. Sirmondi.
• u 1.134

  Hist: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 lib: 2.
• x 1.135

  Itin: Gal: Belg. M. P. LXXIV. sive Leug. L. qua mensura potis∣simum usi sunt olim in Gallia. v. infra.
• y 1.136

  In Cantio.
• z 1.137

  Cujus Pr: Si mihi Cae∣sar. Maximia∣no dictus, per∣pecam habetur in cod•…•…: vulga∣tis.
• a 1.138

  Cujus Pr: Facerem.
• b 1.139

  Ios: Scal: Auson: Lect: lib: 1. cap: 23.
• c 1.140

  Nat: hist. lib: 4. cap: 17.
• d 1.141

  Ammian: hist: lib: 27.
• e 1.142

  Zosim. Hist. lib. 6.
• f 1.143

  Sozomen. lib. 9.
• g 1.144

  Calligat. I'lin. lib. 4. cap. 16.
• h 1.145

  Hist. Scot. lib. 1.
• i 1.146

  Annotat: MS, in Anto∣ninum.
• k 1.147

  Histor: Gallicae lib: 2.
• l 1.148

  In epist: de Caleto expug∣na•…•…a.
• m 1.149

  Adver∣sar: lib: 8. cap: 21.
• * 1.150

  Iustin. hist: lib: 4. de Sicila.
• n 1.151

  Medium, spatium, aut per humilita∣tem obrutum e aquis, aut propter an∣gustiam s•…•…is∣sum. Salust. a∣pud Isidorum.
• p 1.152

  Aen•…•…id. III.
• q 1.153

  Nat: Hist. l. 2. cap: 88. Qris terras interruperint ma•…•…ia quem, si quid libet, a∣di.
• r 1.154

  Thuey. hist: lib. 6.
• s 1.155

  〈◊〉〈◊〉: de verb: si•…•…n. s. L. XCIX.
• t 1.156

  Me•…•…cor li. 2.
• * 1.157

  De Anno Iud. cap: 18. Adi eundem ad Cant: 18. Pol. sublimis poetae.
• * 1.158

  Comment. de Britan. cap: 2:
• * 1.159

  Hist: Britan. lib. 1. Not. 11.
• a 1.160

  F: ad Ma∣crum in l. 3. de Offic. Adsessor.
• b 1.161

  Vetus Hi∣stor. Britan. lib. 1. Not. 25. & Praf: ad l. 9. ad Episc: Atreba∣tens.
• c 1.162

  De Reb. Albion: & Britan.
• a 1.163

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ptol: Geo∣graph: lib. 2.
• b 1.164

  Am. Mar∣cell. lib: 27.
• c 1.165

  Lucan. lib. 6.
• d 1.166

  Iuvenal. S•…•…t: 4.
• * 1.167

  Kent:
• e 1.168

  Val: Maxim. lib: 9. cap: 1.
• f 1.169

  Consol: ad Helv: cap: 9.
• g 1.170

  Nat. Hist. lib:
• * 1.171

  Britannicus.
• * 1.172

  Galfrid: M•…•…∣num: Hist: Brit: lib: 1. cap: 22.
• * 1.173

  Ibid: cap: 26.
• h 1.174

  In vita A∣gricola.
• * 1.175

  F. exierat.
• i 1.176

  Ammian: lib. 20.
• k 1.177

  Idem lib: 27.
• l 1.178

  Epiced. in Patrem. & in Mos.
• m 1.179

  Ecclesiast: hist: lib: 5. cap: 11.
• n 1.180

  Qui pleri{que} omnes Maxi∣mum fuisse for∣sitan volun•…•….
• o 1.181

  Zosin: hist: lib.
• p 1.182

  In Epi∣tome de Imp.
• q 1.183

  Auson. in urbibus in A∣quileia.
• r 1.184

  Comment. in Notit: Oxid: cap. 72.
• s 1.185

  Oros: hist: lib. 1. cap. 2.
• t 1.186

  Eccles. hist: lib. 1. cap. 1.
• t 1.187

  Si auderem.
• u 1.188

  Plin: Nat: hist: lib: 5. cap: 1.
• x 1.189

  Ibid: l: 3. cap: 16.
• y 1.190

  Xenagog: Cantii p: 90.
• z 1.191

  Ynis Ru∣hin: Asser: Me∣nevens:
• a 1.192

  Alph: Gac∣co: de gest: Pontif: &c.
• b 1.193

  Hist: Brit: lib: 7. cap: 7.
• c 1.194

  Xenagog: Canaeae pag: 75.
• d 1.195

  Solin: cap: 35. sive 22. ut Salmas.
• b 1.196

  Isidor: Ety∣mol: lib.
• c 1.197

  Annot: in Solinum.
• * 1.198

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• d 1.199

  Pro Vecta, sive Vectis.
• e 1.200

  Eccles; hist: lib: 1. cap: 25.
• f 1.201

  Pol: Ver∣gil: Hist: Angl: lib: 4.
• g 1.202

  Ethel: Chronic: lib: 1.
• * 1.203

  Gotcel: Berti∣nian: in vita Augustini Cant.
• h 1.204

  Xenagog: Cantii pag: 91.
• i 1.205

  Descript: Brit: lib: 1. cap: 8. See Camb: p. 3, 4.
• k 1.206

  Talbot: Annot: MS. in A•…•…onin.
• l 1.207

  Juga mon∣tium diffluunt; totae desedere regiones. Ipsi∣us naturae o∣pera vexantur. Sen. Ep: 92.
• m 1.208

  Manilius Astron: lib: 1.
• m 1.209

  How ma∣ny, that I may so speak, whole Cities, both men and Townes, H. Pomp-He•…•…. and others, innumerable, are dead and gone. Antonin. M. De Se lib. 4. num. 39. & in Cas:
• m 1.210

  Frag: de∣scriptonis Bri∣tan.
• a 1.211

  Apud Plut. lib. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• b 1.212

  Nat: hist: lib: 6, cap: 26.
• c 1.213

  Geograph: lib: 17.
• d 1.214

  Geograph: lib: 1. cap: 11. 12.
• e 1.215

  In Ioelem cap: 3.
• * 1.216

  Unde 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Math. 5. 41.
• f 1.217

  Hes•…•…ch: Said. Eustath. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• g 1.218

  Herod: lib: 8.
• h 1.219

  Antiq: lib: 11. cap. 6.
• i 1.220

  In 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• k 1.221

  Apud Sui∣dam.
• l 1.222

  Hist: de Bel∣lis Iustin. l. 11.
• m 1.223

  Cod: MS.
• n 1.224

  Praes: ad lib: de Pede Rom: ad Cla∣ris: Seldenum.
• o 1.225

  Histor: lib. 15.
• p 1.226

  His•…•…: lib 16.
• q 1.227

  Origin: lib: 15. cap: 16.
• r 1.228

  Spelman: in Archaologo.
• s 1.229

  Hieron: in Ioel; cap: 3.
• t 1.230

  Edit. Paris.
• u 1.231

  Diction: M S. in Bibli∣oth: Coll: K. Oxoniis.
• x 1.232

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• y 1.233

  Tit: XVI. leg: 3. apud Hier: Suritam Hispanum. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Matth: 5. 41.
• z 1.234

  Polyb: hist: lib: 3.
• a 1.235

  Salmt in Solin: p. 688.
• b 1.236

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Plut. in Gracchis.
• c 1.237

  Rutil: Iti∣nerar: lib: 2.
• c 1.238

  Post Plu∣tarch: in Galba adi in Barth: Marl. To∣pograph: Rom. lib: 3. cap: 18. Alex Dona∣tam. De urbs Roma lib: 2. cap: 14.
• d 1.239

  Dio hist: lib: 54.
• e 1.240

  Plin: lib: 3. cap: 5. P. Vi∣ctor: in 8. Vrb: regione.
• f 1.241

  Suet: in Oth: cap: 9.
• g 1.242

  D. de Verb: signis: Tit. 154.
• h 1.243

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Plut.
• i 1.244

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sium Cent: 3. epist: 59.
• k 1.245

  Iohn 6. 19.
• l 1.246

  Cic. ad Ti∣tonem lib: 16. epist: 9.
• n 1.247

  Act: cap: 27. & 28.
• o 1.248

  Thucyd: hist: lib: 6.
• p 1.249

  Herod: Lu∣terpe, sive lib: 2.
• q 1.250

  Pol: Ono∣mast: lib: 2.
• r 1.251

  Iae: Gothofr de Suburb: Reg: p. 13.
• s 1.252

  Chrys: in Idon: Tom: 2. p. 817. edit. Savil.
• t 1.253

  Const: Har∣menop: Epit: Iuris lib: 2. tit: 4. Casaub: ad Strat: lib: 6.
• u 1.254

  Hero lib: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 MS. quem 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 esse negat Savil: lectur: 2. in Euclidem.
• x 1.255

  Scalig: Euseb: p: 203.
• y 1.256

  Plin. epist: 2. lib: 6.
• z 1.257

  Caes: Com: 4, & 5.
• b 1.258

  Mer. Ca∣saub. Comment. de 4. linguis u∣bi de lingua veteri Anglica.
• c 1.259

  Is. Casaub. in Strab. lib. 4.
• d 1.260

  Eustath. in Dionysij. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• e 1.261

  Zosim. Hist. lib. 4.
• f 1.262

  Plin. Hist. Natur. lib. 4. cap. 16.
• g 1.263

  Dio Hist. Rom. lib. 39.
• h 1.264

  Beda Eccl. Hist. Angl. lib. 1. cap. 1.
• i 1.265

  Diodor. lib. 5. Biblioth. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Appi∣an. Alexandr. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iberico.
• a 1.266

  Ptol. Geo∣grap. lib. 2.•…•…
• b 1.267

  Guid. Pan∣cirol. Comm. in Notit. Occid. Imperii cap. 89.
• c 1.268

  Thuan. in Suritae Elogio.
• c 1.269

  Oceanus, & mare Mediterr. circa Pontum & Meotim.
• d 1.270

  Danub. & Euphrates ali∣quando Rhenus & Tigris.
• e 1.271

  In Asia Taurus: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…i∣bi.
• f 1.272

  Herodlan: lib: 2:
• g 1.273

  Ibidem.
• h 1.274

  Muris Bar∣baros sumovere, Hadrian us, nisi fallor, primus instituit.
• i 1.275

  Tacitus An. 1. Ammian lib. 16. Vide & Ca∣sare•…•…. lib. 5, ubi quid sit opi∣dum apud Bri∣tan. docet.
• k 1.276

  Herod: ubi supra de Augu∣sto Aurel. Victor de Trojan. Zo∣sim. lib. 2. de Dioclesiano sed tu adi sit Is. Causab: ad Spartiarum.
• * 1.277

  Comment. in Notit. Occiden∣tis cap. 75.
• f 1.278

  Annot. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Antoninum.
• a 1.279

  Harris. Descrip. Britan. lib. 4. ad finem.
• b 1.280

  Ptol. Geo∣graph. lib. 2.
• c 1.281

  i. e. Ca∣strum in Rupe.
• d 1.282

  Cic. Tus∣cul. Quaest. 5.
• e 1.283

  Varro de L. L. lib. 4.
• f 1.284

  Ian. Rut. Variar. lib. 5. cap. •…•…0: in Isa∣ac: Porphyro∣gen. Charact. Gr. & Trojano∣rum.
• g 1.285

  Veget. de Ro. milit: lib: 2: cap: 7:
• h 1.286

  Caes. de bello Cir: lib: 3:
• i 1.287

  Val: Max∣im: lib: 3: cap: 2.
• k 1.288

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Otadenis etiam.
• l 1.289

  A Sabinae Hadrian 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Imp. uxore.
• m 1.290

  Sozomen. lib. 1. cap. 9.
• n 1.291

  Amm. Marcel. lin. Histor. lib. 29.
• o 1.292

  Ebr. 11. 31.
• p 1.293

  Iosh. 2. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• q 1.294

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• r 1.295

  Plutarch. in Catone.
• s 1.296

  Hirt. lib. de bello Afri∣cano.
• t 1.297

  Plutarch. in Galba.
• u 1.298

  Marcellin. lib. 16. & 18.
• x 1.299

  Dio Hist. Rom. lib. 55.
• y 1.300

  Barn. Briss. de Regno Per∣sar. lib. 1.
• z 1.301

  Dion. Fragm. n. 83.
• a 1.302

  Vict. in Cae∣saribus.
• * 1.303

  Marcellin. lib. 28.
• † 1.304

  An ab 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Ui∣dendus est 10. Lydius, & Henr. Spelman. Archaeolog. in Arimanni.
• b 1.305

  Const. de Administr. Imper. cap. 53.
• c 1.306

  Idem. in Themat. Orien∣tis.
• d 1.307

  Iac. Cujac. Observar. lib. 6. cap. 33.
• * 1.308

  •…•…r, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 1.309

  Ios. Histor. lib. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.
• b 1.310

  Manil. A∣stron. lib. 2.
• c 1.311

  Ad Iter. 11. in Brovo∣nacis.
• d 1.312

  Surita in Antonin. p. 188.
• a 1.313

  Solin. cap. De Hispania.
• b 1.314

  Surita ad Antonin. pag. 188.
• c 1.315

  Cl. Salmas. Exercit. ad So∣lini. cap. 23. & ibid. pag. 777.
• † 1.316

  Ovid. in Fa•…•…is de Lemurib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Remo.
• * 1.317

  Beda Eccley. Histor. lib. 1. cap. 5.
• † 1.318

  Idem ibid. lib. 3. cap. 21.
• * 1.319

  Amm. Mar∣cellin. lib. 30. edit. Linde. bro∣gianae nam in Rob. Stephani deest, cui liber ille est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 1.320

  Hinc miles provincialis, pro legionario: Hygino.
• b 1.321

  Ulp. l. 22. ad Edictum.
• c 1.322

  Claud. Pa∣neg. 3. in Stili∣conem.
• * 1.323

  Augustin. de C. D. lib. 19.
• * 1.324

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ptolem.
• * 1.325

  Bishopwrick of Durham.
• * 1.326

  Lucian. Dia∣logo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 1.327

  Adi sit Desc. Heraldum Adversar. lib. 1. cap. 7.
• * 1.328

  Apud Gra•…•…. & S•…•…ittium.
• † 1.329

  Plut. in vita Marcelli.
• * 1.330

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, apud Pansaniam in Atti•…•…is, idem sonare possunt.
• a 1.331

  August. de C D. lib. 7. cap. 3.
• b 1.332

  Cic. Orat. 30. Arusp. Re∣spons.
• c 1.333

  Virg. Georg. lib. 1.
• d 1.334

  Homer. in Hymnis.
• e 1.335

  T. Liv. lib. 5. 24, 25.
• * 1.336

  Apul. Metam. lib. 8.
• e 1.337

  Selden. de Diis Syris Syn∣tagm. 2. cap. 2.
• f 1.338

  Augustin. ad Iudic. II. quest. 16.
• h 1.339

  Serv. in Aen. lib. 1.
• i 1.340

  Amm. Mar∣cell. Hist. lib. 21. Vide Clem. Alex. Strom. lib. 5. Euseb. de Preparat E∣•…•…, &c.
• * 1.341

  Lucret. de Nat. rerum lib. 1.
• k 1.342

  Censorin. cap. 3.
• l 1.343

  Act. 12. 15.
• m 1.344

  Arnob. lib. 1.
• n 1.345

  A•…•…. lib. 19.
• o 1.346

  P. Pith•…•… Advers. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 2.
• p 1.347

  Macr. Sat. lib. 3. cap. 9.
• q 1.348

  Q. Symma. in Relat. ad AAA. pro re∣s•…•…aur. Gentil. deorum culin.
• g 1.349

  Varro de R. R. lib. 1. cap. 1.
• h 1.350

  Plin. lib. 38. cap. 8.
• i 1.351

  Lactan. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. ult.
• a 1.352

  Ptolem. Ge∣ograph. lib. 8.
• b 1.353

  Ptol. in Al∣magest. lib. 2. cap. 6.
• c 1.354

  Adi Scal. in Virgil. Culi∣cem, ad Propert. lib. 3. Eleg. 20.
• d 1.355

  Beda Eccle. Histor. lib. 3. cap. 14.
• e 1.356

  Ibid. lib. 2. cap. 20.
• f 1.357

  Tacit. An∣nal. 12. & Hist. lib. 3.
• g 1.358

  Polyd. Hist. Aug. lib. 1.
• * 1.359

  Vide frequen∣tes de Dempstero censuras apud Reverendiss. D. Usserium in Pri∣mord. Eccles. Brittan. passim.
• h 1.360

  Iulian. Caes. Or•…•…. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.361

  Psalm. 46. 8.
• * 1.362

  Guil Harrison Descrip. Brit. lib. 1. cap. 11.
• * 1.363

  Plutarch. lib. de Isid. & Osi∣ride.
• a 1.364

  Io. Leland. Syllab. Antiq. Dict. ad Genethl. Edvardi Print.
• c 1.365

  Hesiod. Ae∣thiop. Hist. lib. 7.
• d 1.366

  Suevi olim & Angli, Eu∣doset, Northuini Isidem colut∣runt, &c. Iac. Middendorp. de Academ. l. 2.
• e 1.367

  Tacit de Mo∣rib. German.
• f 1.368

  Io. Leland. ad Cygn. Cantio∣nem.
• † 1.369

  Pausan.
• g 1.370

  Hub. Goliz. Thesaur rei Antiquar.
• * 1.371

  Adi Selden. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Syntagm. 2. de Diis Syr. cap. 1.
• h 1.372

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Aelian. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, lib. 10. cap. 47. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Adi Scholiast. in Sophoclis A∣jacem.
• i 1.373

  Apollon. Rhod. de Istr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 1.374

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Strabo. l. 10.
• l 1.375

  Virg. Aen. lib. 3.
• m 1.376

  L. Flor. de gest. Rom. lib. 1. cap. 12.
• a 1.377

  Tacitus in vita.
• b 1.378

  Britanni teneri sub diti∣one Romana non poterant. H. Spartian. ut in Hadriano.
• * 1.379

  Spartian. ib.
• c 1.380

  Appian. in Proem. Histor. qui eo seculo vixit.
• * 1.381

  (q) Pausanias. in Arcadicit.
• e 1.382

  Io. Novio∣mag. Coloniae An. 1540. & aliis.
• * 1.383

  Illud dubi∣um apud Ptol. an illud, Legio VI. Nic ephor. &c. Rob. Tal∣bot. Annot in Antoninum MS.
• f 1.384

  De qua Ta∣citus Annal. 14.
• g 1.385

  Ptol. Mah. Construct. lib. 2. cap. 6.
• † 1.386

  Vide CA∣TARRA∣CTONI∣UM ex Ptol. pag.
• * 1.387

  Brigantum urbs.
• * 1.388

  Ioan Selden. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Comm. in Eu∣tychii Origine•…•…, num. 16. p. 124.
• h 1.389

  MS. in Biblioth. Prae∣stantis. D. Ar∣machani.
• i 1.390

  A. Rev. D. Armach. Primord. Ec∣cles. Brit cap. 5. pag. 61.
• k 1.391

  Galfrid. Hist. Britan. lib. 1. cap. 13.
• l 1.392

  Ioan. Le∣land in Geneth. Edward•…•… primi.
• m 1.393

  L'Evesche d'Eureux in Normandie.
• n 1.394

  Hect. Boe∣thius Hist. Sco∣tic.
• o 1.395

  Lib. 1. qui apud Tacitum in Agr. vit. pro Silures, Bri∣gantes substituit. Sed vide in hoc opere BRI∣GANT. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 etiam Straboni 〈◊〉〈◊〉. dicta.
• p 1.396

  Ael. Sp•…•…∣tian. in vitae Se∣ver.
• q 1.397

  Guil. Har∣rison. descrip. Britan. lib. 1. cap. 17.
• r 1.398

  Mattheus Westmonast. An. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. CCCV.
• s 1.399

  Guil. Har∣rison descript. Britan. lib. 2. cap. 7.
• * 1.400

  Ptol. Geogra. lib. 2.
• t 1.401

  Gregor. M. lib. 12. epist. 15.
• u 1.402

  Ciral. Cambrens. Di∣alog. de Mene∣vens. Ecclesia, distinct. 2.
• † 1.403

  Maximiano forte, vel Ma∣ximo, sed po∣tius a quantita∣te quod esset maxima.
• x 1.404

  Agel. Noct. Aetic. lib. 16. cap. 13.
• y 1.405

  Selden. in eximti poetae Poly. Cant. 16.
• z 1.406

  Vell. Pater∣eul. Hist. Rom. lib. 1. cap. 15.
• a 1.407

  Frontin. lib. de Coloniis.
• b 1.408

  Tacit. An∣nal. lib. 14.
• * 1.409

  Luguballa Itin. 11.
• a 1.410

  Caes. Com. de Bello Gal. lib. 1.
• b 1.411

  In Orat. ad legatos & Prae∣fect. apud Di∣on. Hist. Rom. lib. 38.
• * 1.412

  Quatuor vir
• * 1.413

  Ibid. mortuus.
• † 1.414

  Civis.
• c 1.415

  Barn. Bris∣son. Antiquit. lib. 4. cap. 12,
• * 1.416

  Dion Cass. Hist. Rom. l. 55.
• * 1.417

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• d 1.418

  Pancirol. Comment. in Notit. Occi∣dentis, cap. 89.
• e 1.419

  Herodian. Histor. lib. 3.
• f 1.420

  Mar. 15. 33. Matth. 27. 45.
• g 1.421

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• h 1.422

  D. Hieron. ad cap. 42. Esa.
• i 1.423

  D. lib. 1 Tit. 11.
• k 1.424

  I'•…•…i constas ex eo Opere.
• m 1.425

  Dio Hist. Rom lib 55.
• l 1.426

  Vide De∣vam secundo I∣tinere.
• n 1.427

  Apud Cam∣den. in Brigan∣tibus.
• o 1.428

  Severi se. & Antonini Caracalla Fab. est itaque ei fallit R. Vitus Histor.
• p 1.429

  Vlpian. D. de vulgari sub∣stit. l. Moribus introductum est. Brit. lib. 5. not. 17. qui Lupum Antonini tan∣tum Pr. Pr. (Vl∣piani loco decep∣tas) soribit.
• q 1.430

  Ael. Spar∣tian. in vita Se∣veri.
• r 1.431

  Claudian. l. de bello Getico. Idem de Nupt. Pallad. & Cele∣rina: quae Saxo∣na frenat, vel Scotum legio. Nam mali in an∣tiq. Par. edit. Colin. regio.
• s 1.432

  Iulius Sea∣lig. in Poetice.
• * 1.433

  * In Doomes∣day book: quem librum Clariss. Camde∣nus Censualem Angliae Li∣brum eo tempore appellat. Asser∣vatur hodieque in Kaccario. De eo vide quae prae∣notata Seldeno.
• * 1.434

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Historiae Ead∣meri Monachi Cantuariensis ejusdem seculi.
• * 1.435

  Palatium Ael. Spartian.
• a 1.436

  Dio Hist. Rom. lib. 76.
• † 1.437

  Vide Dionem.
• * 1.438

  I have been all; yet never the better for it.
• b 1.439

  Utroque nostro sermone. Claudius Imp. apud. Sueson. cap. 42.
• c 1.440

  The gathe∣ring his bones together.
• d 1.441

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Dio.
• e 1.442

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Idem.
• f 1.443

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Herod.
• g 1.444

  Aliqui ur∣nulam auream fuisse dicunt. Spartian. in vi∣ta.
• h 1.445

  Ovid. Me•…•…. lib. 12.
• i 1.446

  Mora mili∣tari essertura militibus. Guil. Xyland. inter∣pres ejus.
• a 1.447

  In inferiis Patrocli. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 1.448

  Seneca con∣sola•…•…. ad Poly∣bium cap. 37. v. illie Just. Lipsi∣um.
• * 1.449

  Camden in Bel∣gis.
• c 1.450

  Cen. 25 20
• * 1.451

  Is. Casaubonus. Cl. Salmasius.
• a 1.452

  Ammian. Histor. lib. 17. vide Illic Fred. Lindenbrogium, & Ia. Rutg. Variar. lect. lib. 3. cap. 16. ex Nigidio Figul•…•….
• b 1.453

  Aruspex si aruspicem vide∣rit, mirum est ni rideat. Pro∣verb. apud. Ca∣tonem.
• c 1.454

  Dio Hist. Rom. lib. 42.
• * 1.455

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• d 1.456

  Strab. Geo. lib. 12.
• e 1.457

  Minulius in Octavio.
• f 1.458

  Hirtius si∣ve quis alius auctor lib. De Bell. Alexan∣drino.
• g 1.459

  Iuvenal. sa∣tyra 4.
• h 1.460

  Lactant. lib. 1 cap. 21.
• * 1.461

  esse antur.
• i 1.462

  Tertullinn. lib. de Pallio.
• k 1.463

  D. Petav. Notis ad Orat. •…•…v. Iuliani Caesaris.
• l 1.464

  Habentur post Acta Colla∣tionis Carthagi∣nae habitae inter Catholicos & Donatistas.
• m 1.465

  Sex. Pomp. Festus de Verb. significat. ubi & Scaligerum consule.
• n 1.466

  Seneca De Clementia lib. 1.
• o 1.467

  Vrbis regi∣one XI. versus Portam Car∣mentalem. Pub∣lius Victor.
• p 1.468

  Herod. hist. lib. 3.
• * 2.1

  Cod. lib. 3: •…•…it. 32. De rei vin∣dicatione. li. 1.
• a 2.2

  Io. Selden Analect. Angl. Brit. lib. 1. cap. 7.
• b 2.3

  Vnde etiam Britannici no∣men recepit. Spartian.
• c 2.4

  Barthol. Marlian. Vrb. Rom. To∣pograph. lib. 4. cap. 5. Alex. Donatus Roma V•…•…. lib. 2. cap. 15.
• d 2.5

  Step. Forca∣tulus de Gallo∣rum Philosoph. & Imperio l. 6.
• e 2.6

  Dio Cass. Hist. Rom. l. 76.
• * 2.7

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dio lib. 76.
• f 2.8

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dioni. consta•…•…. prafectorem pratorio gessis∣se. Victor de 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• g 2.9

  Victor in Severo.
• h 2.10

  Antonini.
• * 2.11

  Spart. in Se∣vero Filios duos, Successores reli∣quit. Eutrop. Hist Ro. lib. 8.
• a 2.12

  Herodian. Hist. lib. 3. fin.
• b 2.13

  Dio Hist. lib. 76.
• c 2.14

  Zosim. Hist lib. 1.
• d 2.15

  Spartian. in Caracalla.
• e 2.16

  Zos. uti su. pra.
• f 2.17

  Dio lib. 77.
• g 2.18

  Ex Ovidio M•…•…am. lib. 10.
• h 2.19

  Zosim. Hist. lib. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• i 2.20

  Liberavit ille •…•…nias servi•…•…e. Pane∣gyr. cujus Prin∣cip. Dixemus li∣ce•…•…. Et alibi Pa∣neg. cujus Pr. Vnde mihi Recu∣peravit ille Bri∣tanniam.
• k 2.21

  Apud D. Hieron. ad C•…•…si∣phont. adversus Pelagium, ex quo etiam sump∣sit Gildas noster. Vide Luc. Hol∣sten. Desert. de scriptis Porphy∣rii pag. 15. 16.
• * 2.22

  Cu•…•…s Pr. Si mihi Caesar.
• l 2.23

  Boeth. Scot. Hist. lib 16.
• * 2.24

  Interim •…•…u, Lector, adi V. Clariss. Stephan. Claverium ad Claudiani 2. in Eutropium; nec. non Coronidem ejus Miscellan. ad eundem, ini∣tio.
• * 2.25

  creditum.
• * 2.26

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Portus Magnus▪ P•…•…ol. See the forecited Pa∣negyrick where it speaks of the Iland Vesta, and so forwards.
• a 2.27

  Herodian. H•…•…st. lib. 4.
• † 2.28

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Herod.
• * 2.29

  * 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, •…•…idem.
• * 2.30

  Daniel Harvey Esq of Comb-Nevil, neer Kingston.
• b 2.31

  Hieronym. in Chronico. Eu∣rop. Hist. Rom. lib. 10.
• c 2.32

  Matth West. qui & Florile∣gus ad an. 1283.
• * 2.33

  Vide SEGON∣TIVM I•…•…in. 12.
• * 2.34

  A Mopso Hero 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dicta.
• d 2.35

  Amm. Mar∣cellin. Hist. li. 21.
• e 2.36

  Vict orin. in Epi•…•…om. Caesar.
• f 2.37

  Panegyric•…•… hujus, cujus Pr. Facerem. Eume∣nium auctorem volunt.
• a 2.38

  Io. Li•…•…in. in Panegyr. 5.
• b 2.39

  D. Arma∣chan. de Pri∣mord. Eccles. Britan. cap. 8.
• † 2.40

  Iulian. Caesar. Orat. 1. ad Con∣stantium. F.
• c 2.41

  Iust. Lipsius not. in Admir. lib. 4. cap. 11.
• g 2.42

  Lips. ubi Supra.
• h 2.43

  Livin. in Panegyr. 5.
• i 2.44

  Claver. ad lib. 2. Claudiani in Eutropium, & in Coronid. Miscell. ad Claudian. cap. 2. & 3.
• * 2.45

  Petav. ad Iul. Caes. Orat. 1.
• l 2.46

  Such as are Georgius Cedre∣nus, Nicephorus, Callistus, and the like ob∣seure and later Grecians.
• a 2.47

  D. Armach. De Pri•…•…ord. Ec∣cles. Brit. cap. 8. & Epist. illic V. S. Guil. Camd.
• b 2.48

  Io. Selden. ad Iust. I〈…〉〈…〉psium 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Illust. ad Mich. Draitoni, insignis Poetae, Polyolb•…•…∣on Cant. 8.
• c 2.49

  Baron. An. Tom. 3. ad An. 306. sect. 16.
• * 2.50

  Anno 1584.
• e 2.51

  Ex Zosimo lib. 6. vide Suidam in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, & Zonar.
• f 2.52

  Adi Ioseph. Sca•…•…igerum ad Euseb. an. 273.
• d 2.53

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Eurip. apud Porphy. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• e 2.54

  In Epitome Caesarum.
• f 2.55

  Guid. Pau∣cirol. Comment. ad Notitiam Oc∣cidentis cap. 89.
• g 2.56

  Panegyric. cujus Pr. Dixe∣rint licet.
• h 2.57

  Panegyr. cujus Pr. •…•…ace∣rem.
• i 2.58

  Anonym. qui de Archiep. Ebor. scripsit Anno 1460.
• k 2.59

  Harris. De∣scrip. Bri•…•…. lib. 1. cap. 7.
• l 2.60

  Tacit. in vi∣ta Agricolae.
• m 2.61

  Tertul. lib. ad versus Iudae∣os cap. 7.
• * 2.62

  Apud. Euseb. lib. 10. Hist. Ec. cap. 5.
• n 2.63

  Pag. 9.
• o 2.64

  Selde•…•…. ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Origi∣nes pag. 122.
• p 2.65

  Belluac. Speculi Hist. lib. 10. cap. 76.
• q 2.66

  Euveux. Mediolanum Aulercorum. Eburovicum. Ios. Scaliger Notitia Galliae.
• r 2.67

  Wern in •…•…as∣ciculo Tempo∣rum.
• s 2.68

  S•…•…hed. in Chronico.
• t 2.69

  Malmesb. de •…•…estis Pontif. Ang. lib. 1. pr•…•…∣logo.
• v 2.70

  Henricus Spelmanus, V. doctiss. in Ar∣chaeologo.
• * 2.71

  Beda Eccl. Hi. Anglor. lib. 1. cap. 27.
• y 2.72

  D. Vsseriu•…•… in Primord. pag. 97.
• z 2.73

  Ammian. Marc. lib. 14.
• a 2.74

  Tacit Ann. lib. 1•…•….
• b 2.75

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Bert •…•…anon Dia∣trib. 1 c. 3. fin.
• c 2.76

  Unuphrius in Impert•…•… Ro∣mano.
• d 2.77

  Spartianu•…•… in •…•…evero.
• e 2.78

  〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• f 2.79

  Cicero in Epist. Auctor de bello Hispan. Va. Maximus Plu. in Crasso.
• * 2.80

  (g) Is. Casau. in Sueton. Calig. cap. 44.
• h 2.81

  Tacit. lib. 2. Annal. de Ar∣minio Cherusc. principe.
• a 2.82

  An. Christi CCCXIV.
• b 2.83

  CCCXXV
• c 2.84

  CCCXLVII
• d 2.85

  Athan. A∣polog. 11. To. 1. pa. 720. 756. & 767. ult. edit.
• e 2.86

  In Eutychi∣um. pag. 123.
• f 2.87

  CCCLIIX
• g 2.88

  CCCLIX.
• h 2.89

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Coa•…•…ti. Vide Pet. •…•…abrum Semest•…•…. lib. 3. cap. 12.
• i 2.90

  •…•…us i•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as∣sumptis, nulla porti•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉, quo liber•…•…s 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉. •…•…i∣dem 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 praeter•…•…, 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉 lib. 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 praecepti 〈◊〉〈◊〉 non 〈◊〉〈◊〉 immemores, sed euam 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mihi videntur: tanta •…•…oc tempore animos eorum •…•…ndi cupido veluti tabes in•…•… it: in•…•…iant possess•…•…on thus: 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, auro in•…•…ubant, emunt, venduntque, quaestui per omnia student. At si qui melio•…•… 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 neque po•…•…dentes, neque 〈◊〉〈◊〉, quod est multo turpius sedentes 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉, atque omne 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉. corruptum habent, dumqu 〈◊〉〈◊〉 venalem praeserunt 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Idem Sulp•…•…t. ibid. lib. 1.
• k 2.91

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 27.
• l 2.92

  Sen. ad Gal∣lion. fr. de vita. beata cap. 1.
• * 2.93

  Vide BONIVM. Iud. 11.
• a 2.94

  Beda Eccles. Hist. Angl. lib. 2. cap. 9.
• b 2.95

  Vocabulum quadem haud Bedae seculo no∣tum quo tamen Principis per∣cussor significa∣tur. Adi Claris. Spelmanum in Archaeologo. Vi∣de infra.
• * 2.96

  Sicam toxica∣tam.
• * 2.97

  Mat. Paris an. MD•…•…. Hos tam Saraceni, quam Christiani As∣sissino•…•… appellant •…•…ymologcam nominis penitus ignorantes.
• a 2.98

  Lhuyd. Breviar. De∣script. Britan.
• b 2.99

  Ninn. MS. in Bib. D. Ar∣machani.
• c 2.100

  Paris. per Iod. •…•…adium As•…•…ensium.
• d 2.101

  Galfrid. Monmouth. Hist. Britan. lib. 3. cap. 2.
• e 2.102

  In Cambriae est fluvius. cui nomen Derwent juxta Reswike, & ibi Derwent, tellus ubi cu∣prum effoditur. Ioan. Radclif. in annot. ad Tal∣botum.
• † 2.103

  Ianus Rutgers. Variar. lib. 3. cap. 13.
• f 2.104

  Talbotus, Lhuyd. & qu•…•… eoram sequaces.
• g 2.105

  Beda Eccle∣siast. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 13.
• * 2.106

  Locus Virgil. Aen. 2. vers. 501. 502.
• a 2.107

  Herod. lib. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• b 2.108

  Vetus Itin. Impres. Anglic•…•… ante CC annos Londinii.
• c 2.109

  Harris. in utraque Anto∣nini edit. ad cal∣cem librorum ejus Descript. Britannia.
• d 2.110

  Horat. Iuve∣nal. non uno loco
• e 2.111

  Sen. Epist. 55.
• f 2.112

  Tacit. An∣nal. 4. ad quem adisis Lipsium.
• g 2.113

  Sueton. in Tiberio cap. 39.
• * 2.114

  Praetorium, ut 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. in Gr. quoque con∣textu asservata, c•…•… si•…•… tamen Latina.
• h 2.115

  Act. 23. 34.
• i 2.116

  Quam in s•…•…o Consulatu, Rex & amicus à Se∣natu appellatus esset. Caesar Com. 1.
• k 2.117

  Tacit. An∣nal: 14.
• l 2.118

  Tacit. in Agricola.
• m 2.119

  Iohn 18. 28, 33. Io. 19. 9.
• n 2.120

  Tacit. An∣nal. 15.
• o 2.121

  Apud Ta∣citum in vita Agricolae.
• a 2.122

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 olim Ptol. di∣ctum, cujus no∣minis hodieque vestigia in Kel. oppido 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ad ipsum pr•…•…monto 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉
• b 2.123

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, in Par•…•…s Albi∣onis.
• c 2.124

  Ioseph. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 us ad Ptol. Geograph. lib. 2. & Ios. Simler. ad Antoninam.
• d 2.125

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ptol. unde Brit Avon, quod ca∣put, sive •…•…s flu∣minis denotat.
• e 2.126

  Talbot. in Iter. 11. in DE∣VA. v. Camd. in Cornavits.
• f 2.127

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Prov. Nic. Chon.
• * 2.128

  Or Eden, in Cumberland.
• † 2.129

  Hum. Lhuyd. descript. Britan.
• a 2.130

  Galfrid. Hist. Brit. lib. 1. cap. 16. & 18.
• * 2.131

  Io. Selden an•…•… not. in Polyol∣bion Cant. 16.
• b 2.132

  Ranulp. Higden. Poly•…•…b. lib. 1. cap. de Plat. Reg.
• c 2.133

  Hen. Hun∣tingd. hist. lib. 1. vide An. 39. Eliz. cap. 2.
• d 2.134

  Vbi supra.
• e 2.135

  Rog. Hove∣den Annal. par∣pr•…•…sol. 248.
• f 2.136

  Norfolk, and Suffolk.
• g 2.137

  Adam Bre∣mens. Eccles. Hist. cap. 5. Sel∣den. ad Can. III. Polyolb. Anton. Corvin. Hist. Monasteriensi.
• h 2.138

  Ernstiu•…•… Observ. lib. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 17. Claris. Spel∣manus in Ar∣ch•…•…ologo.
• a 2.139

  Apud. Ta∣citum in vita Iul. Agricola.
• b 2.140

  Lipsius ad Nic. Micault. lib. 3. Epist. 59.
• * 2.141

  Camden. in Siluribus.
• c 2.142

  Tacit. ibid.
• * 2.143

  Mon•…•…h. shire; &c.
• d 2.144

  Cambrens. Itin. Cambria lib. 1. cap. 5.
• e 2.145

  Dio Hist. Roman. lib. 72.
• a 2.146

  Tacit. An∣nalium 1.
• b 2.147

  Tacit. in vi∣ta Agricola.
• c 2.148

  Servius Ho∣noratus, Iun. Philargyrius. Christ Londinu•…•… in Virgil.
• d 2.149

  Ammianus bist. lib. 16.
• e 2.150

  Dio Cassius Hist. Rom. l. 56.
• f 2.151

  Ad init. 1. Itineris.
• g 2.152

  Ammian. lib. 16. Historiae.
• h 2.153

  Zanaras Hist. Tom. 3.
• * 2.154

  So called for having his eyes doubly pupild.
• i 2.155

  Hieron. Osor. de gest. Eman. R. Lusitaniae.
• * 2.156

  Apud Homer. Iliad. M. quem locum inspicere non gravabitur studiosus lector. Item 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ubi Achilles de Aga•…•…emnone verba faciens: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• k 2.157

  Claudian. in Ruffinum lib. 2.
• * 2.158

  Claud. lib. de Bell. Getico.
• * 2.159

  Sr. Hen. Savile, doctis. Taciti In∣terpres.
• i 2.160

  Den-•…•… Frith.
• k 2.161

  Edenbo∣rough Frith.
• m 2.162

  Witichin∣dus in Saxon. Hist. lib. 1.
• a 2.163

  Herod. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Hist. 1. initio.
• b 2.164

  Ael. Spart. in vita ejus.
• c 2.165

  Varro de R. R. lib 1. cap. 14.
• d 2.166

  Spartian. ubi supra.
• e 2.167

  August. de C. D. l. 4. cap. 29.
• * 2.168

  * Nicetas Choni∣ates hist. lib. 2.
• f 2.169

  Panegor. X. ad Constantium Caes. dicto.
• g 2.170

  Pausan. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• h 2.171

  Eumen. o∣rat. pr•…•… schotis instanr•…•…ndis.
• i 2.172

  Arissed. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seu Romae Laudati∣one.
• * 2.173

  Pag. 65. & 69•…•….
• k 2.174

  Appi•…•…n. Alexandrin. Prooem. ad Histor. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 2.175

  Fuit & alius post eum Lollius Urbicus: qui sui temporis Historiam sub Heliogabalo conscripsit: de eo videndus est Casauhonus ad Aug. Hist. Scriptores.
• l 2.176

  Dicitur Brit Praes. Vlpiano Dig. l.. 28. in. 6. leg. 2. sect. 4. Prius autem.
• m 2.177

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Herod. hist. li. 3. He means Ha∣drian's and An∣toninus's Walls.
• † 2.178

  Emendandus e Iornandes, l. De reb. Geticis, cun∣ctis tu in Cale∣doniorum metal∣lum concessisse nomina inde, ex MS. Maeatarum que conces•…•…sse nomina auctor Dio caleberimus scriptor Annal.
• * 2.179

  Dio in Severo.
• n 2.180

  Ael. •…•…rt. in vita Severi.
• o 2.181

  In Severi ult editore Schotio.
• p 2.182

  Dio Cassius Hist. Rom ubi de Severi gestis.
• q 2.183

  Salmasius in Spartianum.
• r 2.184

  Beda Eccl. Hist. lib. 1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• f 2.185

  •…•…arn. Gr.
• t 2.186

  Quem adi in Primord Eccles•…•… Brit. pag. 1025, 1026, 1027.
• * 2.187

  Quod in sibi persuadi non v•…•…li Geo. Bucha∣nanus Hist. Scot. lib. 4. in Reg•…•… XXIII.
• v 2.188

  Varro de R. R. lib. 1. cap. 14.
• * 2.189

  Eutrop. lib. 8. ad Valent. Imp.
• * 2.190

  V was soon made out of the two strokes of II.
• z 2.191

  Orosius hist. lib. 7. cap. 17.
• y 2.192

  Beda in Chron. M S.
• a 2.193

  Euseb. Sca∣lig. pag. 203.
• b 2.194

  V. Iacob. Go∣thofred. de Sub∣urbicariis Regi∣onib. pag. 13.
• c 2.195

  Const. Harm. Epit. Iuris Civ. lib. 2. cap. 4.
• d 2.196

  Hero in Ge∣odaesia M S. in Biblioth. Publi∣ca Oxon. de quo vide Clar. Sa∣vilium Lectur. secund in Eu∣clidem.
• e 2.197

  Adi Spart. & Camden pag. 650, 651
• f 2.198

  Geo. Buchan. Hist. Scot. lib. 3.
• g 2.199

  S. Aureliu: Victor Schotti.
• h 2.200

  Camden. in Hibernia p. 748. Vsser. Primord. Eccl. Brit. p. 585
• i 2.201

  Ian. Dausa in Ra•…•…a pag. 33.
• k 2.202

  Ptol. Geogr. lib. 2.
• l 2.203

  Ptol. Geogr. lib. 6.
• m 2.204

  Panegyr. 9. ad Constantinum dict. pop. in utro∣que Rheni littore Guelders, & Cleves, •…•…ul∣liers.
• n 2.205

  Aurel. Vict. Eutrop. l 9. Oros. l. 7. cap. 25. Beda lib. 1. cap. 6.
• o 2.206

  Vict. Schotti.
• p 2.207

  Ad •…•…ussa dandum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 im∣peritandum, ut •…•…iven. intelligit.
• q 2.208

  Galf. Mon. Hist. Brit. lib. 5. cap. 2. & 3.
• r 2.209

  Histor. Bri∣tonum.
• s 2.210

  Buchanan. Hist. Scot. lib. 4. in Rege XXVII
• t 2.211

  Zossm. Hist. lib. 2.
• * 2.212

  Vrbibus & praesidiis & burgis.
• v 2.213

  Procopius, in Historia 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Romae à Nicol. Alemano-edita, G•…•…co-Lat.
• * 2.214

  Am. Marcel. H•…•…st. lib. 28.
• y 2.215

  Ibidem, nisi, quod in 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 quaedam sit & hiuus; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 an temporum an magis hominum •…•…io.
• z 2.216

  Quibus apud eum deperditis damnum contigit haud reparabile in rerum Bri∣tanniarum histo∣ria.
• a 2.217

  Hist. lib. 28
• b 2.218

  Tacitus.
• * 2.219

  〈1 line〉〈1 line〉
• c 2.220

  Latini Paca∣ti D. repani.
• d 2.221

  〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 •…•…d paludes su•…•… Scotum loquor? &c. idem Pane∣gyr.
• * 2.222

  Cod. Theodos•…•….
• e 2.223

  Claud. Pane∣gyr. 2. in Stili∣•…•…onem.
• * 2.224

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Hibernus.
• f 2.225

  Claud. lib. de Bello Getico.
• g 2.226

  Claud. lib.
• h 2.227

  Carol. Mo∣linaeus De Orig. Monarch. Fran∣ticae part. 1. alii∣que.
• * 2.228

  Saxo consum∣p•…•… bellis nava∣libus afferetur? Lat. Pecatus Di∣epanus Paneg▪ ad Theodos.
• i 2.229

  Notitia Im perii Occidentis
• * 2.230

  Vide Bedam lib: 1. cap. 1.
• * 2.231

  Vide Red. lib. 4. cap. 26. & Vsser. De Prim. Eccles. Britan. pag. 602.
• a 2.232

  Vetus Chro∣njcon apud non excespitibus Val∣lum a Penult. ad Civitatem Acliud; in eo∣dem loco murus lapideus altus pe des XII. crassus VIII. pedes, quo Severi ex cespi∣tibus factus est. Camd. in Ottu∣dinit. Vsserius p. 655. 1026. 1068.
• * 2.233

  Saxonum.
• * 2.234

  * Vide Vsserium pag. 1027.
• a 2.235

  Gild. in E∣pist. De excidio Brittannia.
• b 2.236

  Eccles. hist. lib. 1. cap. 13.
• d 2.237

  Baron. An. 446. sect. 1.
• * 2.238

  (c) Camden. Brit. pag. 77. 94. 95.
• e 2.239

  D. Vsserius pag. 369 3. 70.
• f 2.240

  Sr. Rob. Co•…•…▪ Eq. Baronets. Guil. Camdenus Claren Cieul•…•….
• * 2.241

  Geo. Buchan.
• a 2.242

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ptolemy Edenborough.
• b 2.243

  Aristid. En∣com. 11. Roma.
• c 2.244

  Menander in Methodo laudan∣dar. V•…•…bium. flor. sub Mauritio Imp.
• d 2.245

  Casaub. in Spartian.
• e 2.246

  Marcel lib. Hist. 29.
• f 2.247

  Notitia Imp. Occidentis.
• g 2.248

  Eustat. Par. in Iliad. K.
• h 2.249

  Epist. ad E∣braeos 11. 31.
• i 2.250

  Lib. de Bello Africano.
• k 2.251

  Zosim. l. 3•…•… Marcel. lib. 24.
• l 2.252

  Dio lib. 55. pag. 561.
• m 2.253

  Fragm. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ful. Vrsino edit. num. 83.
• n 2.254

  Vict. in Cae∣saribus.
• o 2.255

  Constant. de Administrando Imperio cap 59.
• p 2.256

  Constant. de Thematibus O∣rientis.
• q 2.257

  Iacob. Cujac Observat. lib. 6. cap. 33.
• r 2.258

  Vide Clariss. Selden. De Dis Syriis Syntagm. 2. cap. 1.
• s 2.259

  V. BINO∣VIVM Itin. 1.
• t 2.260

  Ptol. Geog. lib. 2.
• v 2.261

  Mela l. 3. De situ Orbis. c. 1.
• x 2.262

  Hodie Oluca vel Luga Siml. in Anton. p. 281
• y 2.263

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Ptol.
• z 2.264

  Gal. Monm. in Brit. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 8.
• a 2.265

  Plut. lib. de fluminibus.
• * 2.266

  * 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Dio l. 46.
• * 2.267

  Vide Geo. Bu∣chan. Rerum Scoticarum l. 2.
• b 2.268

  Herod. in Melpoment.
• c 2.269

  Eustat. in O∣dyss. ipso stat•…•… initio.
• a 2.270

  Altiss. de vita S. Ger. l. 4.
• b 2.271

  Sen. Epist. XCI.
• c 2.272

  De Gracit Hist. lib. 3.
• d 2.273

  Strab. Geog. lib. IV.
• * 2.274

  Emperour but for three daies; He had been a Smith, and was kild with a sword of his own making, by a servant of his slighted by him. Treb. in 30. Tyrannis.
• * 2.275

  Whence Cair Luel, and in time Carleil.
• f 2.276

  Talbot. An∣not. in Anton. Itiner. Ms.
• a 2.277

  Arist. Phys. lib.
• b 2.278

  Veget. De via militari lib. 4. cap. 10.
• * 2.279

  A. Gr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• c 2.280

  Hist. lib. 7. cap. 22.
• c 2.281

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Strab. At Vet∣torum alas locus probat aequore aperto. Sil. Italicas.
• d 2.282

  Vlpian. Di∣gest. lib. 28. tit. 6. leg 2. sect. 4. Prius autem. vide Eclog. quae tribuuntur Theodosio ex Dione. Item Ric. Vitum Hist. Brit.
• * 2.283

  Brit. lib. 115. 5. Not. 17. Selden. Analect. l. 1. c. 7.
• e 2.284

  Sosip. Charisius Instit. Gram. lib 1.
• f 2.285

  Ald. Manut. in Ortho∣graph. &c.
• g 2.286

  Vide Senecam Epist. 86. & Pub. victorem de regionibus urbis.
• h 2.287

  Polyan. lib. Stratagem. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• i 2.288

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• k 2.289

  In Ep. 1. ad Timothium. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• l 2.290

  Tacitus in Agrico•…•… vita.
• * 2.291

  Vide Consultiss. Virum Gulielmum Burtonum in Descriptione Leicestriae de quodam ibi Roman. Lava∣cro in ipsa urbe inven•…•…o. pag. 161.
• m 2.292

  In English Wherf.
• n 2.293

  Vip. de poe∣nis leg. & VIII.
• o 2.294

  Cod. Theod. De decurionibus leg. 27.
• p 2.295

  Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. 4. c. 23.
• * 2.296

  And so pub∣lished amiss in Antoninus here.
• r 2.297

  In Synoni∣mia Geograph.
• s 2.298

  Pl•…•…. Nat. Hist. lib. 2. c. 7•…•….
• l 2.299

  Martial. lib. 7. Epig. 18.
• u 2.300

  Insignes urbes.
• r 2.301

  Qui illi fue∣rint, praeter Geographos, adi∣sis Doctissimum Vossium. lib. De Latin. Hist. pag. 428, 429. con∣tra insignem er∣rorem Aentae Sylvii aliorum∣que.
• * 2.302

  Primord. Ec∣cles. Brit. P. 61.
• a 2.303

  De Transl. S. Martin. & 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3.
• b 2.304

  The city of Rhenes in Brittanny
• c 2.305

  De Bello Gallico lib. 5.
• d 2.306

  Aristid, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Rhet.
• e 2.307

  Dio Hist. Rom. lib. 55. pag. 564.
• f 2.308

  Savil. lib. De Rebus Ro∣monorum Mili∣taribus.
• g 2.309

  Apud Lip∣siam ad Tacitum aliosque.
• h 2.310

  Io•…•…n. Rosi∣nus Antiquit. Rom. l. 10. c. 4.
• * 2.311

  In EBORA∣CO.
• a 2.312

  Casaub. ad Spartian. Didi∣um Iulianum.
• b 2.313

  Selden ad Polyolb. Cant. XI.
• c 2.314

  Malms. de Gest. Ponti. l. 4.
• * 2.315

  In Polychro∣nico.
• * 2.316

  In Polycratico.
• * 2.317

  Tacit. Annal. lib. 14.
• * 2.318

  Tacit in vita Agricolae.
• * 2.319

  Roscius Cae∣lius.
• a 2.320

  Beda lib. 2. cap. 2.
• b 2.321

  Herodian. lib. 3.
• * 2.322

  Castrd.
• c 2.323

  Since prin∣ted by Mr. Wheelock.
• d 2.324

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. de∣script. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. & ex eo nostri Chrono.
• e 2.325

  De eo Tacit. Annal. lib. 12.
• f 2.326

  Balaeus Scrip. Brit. Cen. 1. c. 47. quem se∣quitur Rich. Stanihurst.
• g 2.327

  Ia. Rutgers. Var. lib. 3. c. 13.
• h 2.328

  Mich. Villo∣novanus •…•…lk, &c.
• i 2.329

  Pancirol. in Notit. Occident.
• * 2.330

  Cestrens. Poly∣chron. l. 4. c. 31.
• k 2.331

  Beda Eccles. Mist. lib. 2. cap. 2.
• * 2.332

  1 Cor. 4. 12. 2 Thess. 3. 8.
• m 2.333

  Rutil. Nu∣matian. Itin. l. 1.
• n 2.334

  August. Ep. 106.
• o 2.335

  Prosp. in Chronico, & de Ingratis cap. 1.
• p 2.336

  Oros Apolo∣get. De arbitrii libertate contra Pelag.
• q 2.337

  Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 2.
• r 2.338

  R. Abraham Zachutus in Se∣pher Juchasin fol. 144.
• s 2.339

  Beda Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. ca. 2.
• * 2.340

  Harris. descr. Brit. lib. 1. cap. 14. ex Leland.
• † 2.341

  Malmesb in Hist. & lib. 4. de Pontisic.
• a 2.342

  Ptol. Geogr. lib. 2.
• b 2.343

  Tacit. An∣nal. 12. & vi∣ta Agricolae.
• c 2.344

  Powel in Giraldi Cam∣brens. Itinerar. Cambriae lib. 2. cap. 4.
• d 2.345

  Vrbs Mari∣dunum. Ptol.
• e 2.346

  Supra, sive ad Monam in∣sulam.
• f 2.347

  Fanum Ma∣riae Ad Humsr. Lhuyd. in Bre∣viario de Rebus Britann.
• g 2.348

  T. Livius lib. 5. Polybius, Strabo, &c.
• h 2.349

  Claud. de Nup•…•…. Honori•…•… & Mariae.
• k 2.350

  Vrbs quae la∣nigero de sue nomen habet. A∣di eundem lib. 7. epist. 1.
• l 2.351

  Ambr. in E∣pis•…•… quadam.
• m 2.352

  Alciat. Emblem. 2.
• n 2.353

  10. Anni•…•… in Caton. Frag∣ment. 7.
• o 2.354

  10. Gorop. Becanus Orig. Antuerp. lib. 4. seu in Croniis.
• p 2.355

  Phil. Clu•…•…. Geographus.
• q 2.356

  Caesar. Com∣ment. 5. de bello Gallico.
• r 2.357

  Ninnius a∣pud Vsserium de Primord. Eccles. Britann.
• s 2.358

  Quo usus Hier. Surita, doctiss. Hispa∣nus.
• * 2.359

  Ralph. Volater∣ranus.
• a 2.360

  Surita. An∣not. in Anton.
• * 2.361

  Or former Edition.
• a 2.362

  Tacit. de Morib. German.
• b 2.363

  Vel. Pater. Hist. lib. 1.
• c 2.364

  Casar de Bello Get. com∣ment. 7.
• * 2.365

  Fossway; una quoque ex samo∣sis Brit. Vii•…•… A∣disis Cam∣denum in Cori∣•…•…an. pag. 386. Ibi bideiur (ad Bennones scilicet:) fuisse diver•…•…culum ut à Londino Eboracum pro∣secturus, si per Lindum (Lin∣coln) ire volu∣isse•…•… illic ad dex∣•…•…ram deflectere deberes Rutas (Leicester) si•…•… per Devam (Chester) ire decrevisses, ad sinistram opor∣•…•…et declinare Manduesse∣dum. Rob. Tal∣bot. Annot. in Antoninum.
• d 2.366

  Agel. noct. A•…•…c. l. 1. c. 1,
• e 2.367

  Sex. Pomp. Fest. de signif. verborum.
• f 2.368

  De Lactora∣te adi Ioseph. Scalig. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 l. 2 cap. 7. Epist. item 406. lib. qua•…•…s.
• g 2.369

  De bello Gal. lib. 5.
• h 2.370

  Geogr. l. 4.
• * 2.371

  Ex historia pri∣vata Dunstole, apud Camdenum in Casty ende∣lanis.
• i 2.372

  Vide Aga∣th•…•…. de Mari Rubra.
• k 2.373

  Beda Eccl. Hist. Angl•…•…r. lib. 1. cap. 7.
• l 2.374

  Caracalla.
• m 2.375

  Homer. O∣diss. 0.
• n 2.376

  D. Arma∣chan de Primor. Eccles. Britan. pag. 151. 539.
• o 2.377

  Nicet. Chon. Hist. Imp. C. P.
• p 2.378

  Vide Ste∣phanum Ethni∣cograpbum. adi etiam Geo. Bu∣chan. Hist. lib. 2.
• q 2.379

  Caes. Com. 5. De bel. Gall.
• r 2.380

  Matth. Par. A. 1178. sub H. 2. pag. 133. &c.
• s 2.381

  Casar. Com. 5. de bello Gall.
• t 2.382

  Hist. lib. 1.
• u 2.383

  Galfr. Hist. Brit. lib. 2. ca. 3.
• * 2.384

  Matt. Westm. Anno.
• y 2.385

  Caesar com∣ment. 5. de bello Gallico.
• z 2.386

  Tacit. An∣nal. 12.
• a 2.387

  Tacit. lib. 14
• b 2.388

  Tacit.
• c 2.389

  Tacit. in Agricola.
• d 2.390

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Dio.
• e 2.391

  Sueton. in Nerone. cap. 26.
• f 2.392

  Tac•…•…. •…•…∣nal. XIV.
• g 2.393

  Tacit. de vita Agricola.
• h 2.394

  Adi V. olim •…•…ruditiss. ac ace∣rimi ingenii E. B. de Iceconis rebus Gestis, quas vernacule edidit cap. 25. sect. 22.
• a 2.395

  Adisis Ioan. Gerar. Vositum de Hist. L. lib. 1. cap. 13.
• b 2.396

  Cas. Com. 1. de bello Gall.
• * 2.397

  Spencer.
• c 2.398

  Ruines of Time.
• d 2.399

  Spens. Ibid.
• e 2.400

  Iacob. San∣nazarius de par∣tu Virgin. lib. 2.
• a 2.401

  Eccles. cap. vers. 12.
• b 2.402

  Papin. S•…•…. Sylvarum. 2. 7.
• c 2.403

  Mat. Paris in vitis Abbatum S. Albani, in Leofstano 12.
• * 2.404

  Athen.
• d 2.405

  Seniori illo, cujus Periplum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 edidit •…•…r. Mo∣rell. Gr. & Lat.
• a 2.406

  nova Roma.
• b 2.407

  Adisis The∣odor. Dous•…•… no∣tas in Georgii Logothetae Chronico•…•… C P. pag. 59. 60.
• c 2.408

  Menander apud Al•…•…iphro∣nem in Epist. ad Glyce•…•…, •…•…ide∣re se •…•…it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iud•…•…. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In dis∣putat. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• d 2.409

  I•…•…stin Hist. lib. 5.
• e 2.410

  Apud Strabon lib. 0.
• f 2.411

  Verulamium Camalodunum, Viriconium, &c.
• g 2.412

  Tacit. A•…•…∣nal. lib. 14.
• * 2.413

  Good deed•…•…, for which mankind hath been the better
• c 2.414

  Lib. 4. od. 4
• d 2.415

  Instit. lib. 1. Tit. 1. sect. 3.
• e 2.416

  Senec. epist. 91. ad Liber•…•….
• f 2.417

  Com. in Ta∣cit. Annal. 14.
• g 2.418

  Annal. 14.
• h 2.419

  Onuphr. P•…•…ninus in Imper. Rom.
• i 2.420

  Adi v. Cla∣riss. Is. Casaub. in Augusto cap. 98.
• k 2.421

  Galfrid. Monmouth. Hist. Brit. lib. 1. c. 10.
• l 2.422

  Niceph. Greg. Hist. Rom. sive Byzant. lib. 5.
• m 2.423

  Caes. de bel. Gal. Com. 5.
• * 2.424

  Strab. Geo. lib. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• n 2.425

  EB. de rebu•…•… Neronis Caesar. pag. 133. de qu•…•… libro not pri•…•….
• o 2.426

  Ibid. pag. 134. vide 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Oct. S•…•…radam.
• * 2.427

  Vide apud Po∣lyd. Virgil. Hist Brit. lib. 1. qui. sit Archeninus sive Erchenvi∣nus cujus tem∣poribus Londin. esse ait Regiam Civitatem, & regni caput.
• p 2.428

  Sueton. in Caligula. cap.
• q 2.429

  Dio Hist. Roman. lib.
• r 2.430

  Vt in v•…•…▪ •…•…mmis P. L. S. i. e. Pecunia Londinii 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• s 2.431

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 aliud est Brita∣niae oppidum vetus praterea•…•…, quod ab istisc•…•… litteris incipis, si Love•…•…ium Prole•…•…i, pro∣cul •…•…inc in C•…•…∣bria 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉.
• t 2.432

  Quibus mo∣re Romanorum in urnis, ollis, cacabis, vetaeis, ampullis, ampho∣ris, cupis, orcis, & aliis hujusmodi vasculis cineres conditi, nec non & nummi reper•…•…i s•…•…t. Adisis Ioannem 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Notitia Londin•…•… in Bishops-gate Ward nec non Virum diligentissimum Ioan. Wever•…•…m de Funebribus Mon•…•…tis lib. 6. pag. 30. i•…•… iis quae se didicis•…•…e •…•…it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Clariss. & Doctiss. Equite D. Roberto Cottono Baronet•…•….
• a 2.433

  Sta•…•…ius Pa∣pin. Sylv. lib. 2. in Epicedio Clau•…•…ae.
• b 2.434

  Clariss. Sel∣denus Prolegom. ad Syntagmata de DIS Syris cap. 1.
• d 2.435

  Stat. Sylva. lib. V.
• e 2.436

  HOMINEM MORTVVM IN VRBE NE SE∣PELITO, NE∣VE VRITO. Adi Cicer. lib. 2. de LL.
• u 2.437

  Prius enim Nu•…•…diam ob∣tinueras, de qua re tu Plinium lege Hist. lib. 5. cap. 1. praeter Dionem lib. 60.
• x 2.438

  Cas. de bel∣lo Gallico lib. 5.
• y 2.439

  Tacit lib. 1. Hist. Pracipui sama. Man•…•…ude∣cumani, rebelli∣one Britanniae compressa. Ad∣diderat glori∣a•…•… Nero elige•…•…∣do •…•…t po•…•…issimos. Vade longa illis erga Neronem fides, &c. alibi etiam in illo o∣pere.
• z 2.440

  Apud eam enim Londinium in Cantio situm legimus.
• * 2.441

  Ita Ptolemao dici perperam scripsit Paulus Hentzner. Itin. pag. 1688. Nori∣berg. 1629.
• † 2.442

  See Fynes Morysons Tra∣vels part 1. lib. 1. cap. 5. pag. 60.
• a 2.443

  Erasmus in Adagio 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 2.444

  (b) Ex Hermo∣lao Byzantino 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 2.445

  Idem Ptolem. Geograph. lib. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• † 2.446

  Iustin, Cobler. versio•…•… Chronicorum Luberi Herma•…•…. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. 2. pag. 48.
• * 2.447

  Guid. Pancirol. Co•…•…. in Notit. Occident. cap. 72.
• c 2.448

  V•…•…i nos olim docuit Praestan∣tiss. D. Arm•…•…banus.
• d 2.449

  Lincoln. Habetur & Op∣pidum cognomi∣ne in Scotia quoque Ptolem:
• d 2.450

  Mamerti∣nus, ut quibus∣dam placet, sive potius Eumeni∣us, ut aliis, Pa∣negyr. ad Con∣stantium Chlo∣rum. Nam Max∣imiano dict•…•… falso creditur.
• e 2.451

  In quibus∣dam Antonini exemplarious. Simler. & Su∣rita.
• * 2.452

  A•…•…m. Mar. Hist. lib. 20.
• f 2.453

  Idem l. 27.
• g 2.454

  Lund•…•…nium Rob. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. sed 〈◊◊◊〉〈◊◊◊〉.
• h 2.455

  Ibidem lib. 28.
• a 2.456

  Dio lib. 54.
• b 2.457

  S•…•…et. in Au∣gust•…•… cap. 7.
• c 2.458

  De qui 〈◊〉〈◊〉 studiosus lector Dionem •…•…ibit lib. 53. & 54. maxime. atque illic pag. 528.
• d 2.459

  D. Hieon. Epitaph Paullo •…•…d Eustochium
• e 2.460

  Id. Prolog. in Abdiam Pro∣phet.
• f 2.461

  Strab. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• g 2.462

  Strab. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• h 2.463

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Euse. de vita Constan. M. lib. 3.
• i 2.464

  Harris. desc. Brit. lib. 11. cap. 7. & 17.
• k 2.465

  C. de Pal. Sa•…•…r. Larg. l. 2.
• l 2.466

  D. Vsserius de Primord. Ec∣cles. Britan. pag. 169 V. & illi•…•…. addend.
• m 2.467

  Videsit A∣thanasium in A∣p•…•…logia 2. tom. 1. pag. 720, 756, & 767. editio∣nis Paris. 1627.
• n 2.468

  In editione Biniana.
• o 2.469

  Pag. 9. edi∣tionis Sirmond.
• p 2.470

  Seld. Com. in Eutychii O∣rig. Alexandr. pag. 118.
• q 2.471

  Vsser. Dia∣triba de Epis∣copatu Anglicae pag. 12. 13. & de Primordiis. &c. pag. 195. & 317.
• * 2.472

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Britanniarum. Athan. Gr. Lat. tom. 1. pag. 560. edit. Commel•…•…. Provinciarum Britanniarum Episcopos hos vocat Hilarius in Epist. ad Epis∣copos.
• * 2.473

  cccxiiii. An. cccxxxv. An. cccxlvii.
• r 2.474

  Sulpit. Se-Eccles. Hist. 2.
• a 2.475

  Io. Pits. De Britanniae scrip∣torib. •…•…tat. 5.
• b 2.476

  Io. Balaeus Centur. 1. c. 41. Vid. Christ. Bro∣weri notas ad Venant. for•…•…nat. lib. 3. Epigram. 11. pag. 82. & Vsser. praestantis. pag. 97, 98. docti & laboriosi ope∣ris de Primord. Ecclesiarum Britanniaerum.
• c 2.477

  De fide, Vt babetur in qui∣busd. Gennad. Codd.
• * 2.478

  (c) De vita Christi: ut ha∣bet Iac. Philip. Bergom. Supple∣ment. Chron. l. 9. ad annum Chri∣sti 413.
• d 2.479

  Prater. Cadenum, ad•…•… Io. Stoum. in No•…•…tia Londin.
• d 2.480

  Extat apud Camden. ad V•…•…k in Monmouthsh.
• e 2.481

  Claris. S•…•…ld. illust. in Polyol. Magni Poetae Anglici Cant. 8.
• f 2.482

  Ier. cap. 43. com. ul•…•…. Patron of Cities.
• i 2.483

  V. Homer. Hymn. in Dia∣nam.
• h 2.484

  Stephan. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. He∣rodot. lib. C.
• * 2.485

  Guil. Stepha∣nides descript. Londoniae.
• g 2.486

  Vsserius de Primord. &c. pag. 129.
• h 2.487

  Galf. Mon. Hist. Brit. lib. 1. cap. 14.
• i 2.488

  Caesar. Com. 6. de Bello Gal∣lico.
• k 2.489

  Caesar. ubi supra.
• l 2.490

  In Dinis Inscript. in Cumbria, apud Camden. in al∣tera etiam apud Selden. Syntag. 2. de DIS Sy∣ris cap. 1.
• m 2.491

  Scalig. lect. Ausoh. lib. 1. cap. 9. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, S•…•…l 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Hesych. Doctiss. Scaliger. ad Varronis 1. De R. R. more Romanorum antiquo Apello, pro Apollo positum doces unde tamen Abellionem factum non dicimus. Pu∣nicae enim esse originis ut suspicemur, fatis D. Augustini auctori•…•…as, qui in libello De H•…•…resibus scribit Abellonios (erant illi Hipponensis agri olim haretici:) Punic•…•… declinatione nominis ita vocatos. Constas certè ex reliquis Augu∣stini scriptis, aliquam eum habuisse notitiam hujus lingua.
• n 2.492

  Adisis Petr. Pithae•…•… in Adversariis lib. 1. cap. 3. praeter Coelium Rodigi•…•…. Antiq. lect. lib. 17. cap. 28.
• o 2.493

  In Profes•…•…. Burdigal.
• p 2.494

  Adi appen. Dioscorides Canteriani cap. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 2.495

  Galf. Mon∣mouth. Histor. Brit. l. 1. c. 1•…•….
• b 2.496

  L. Flor Hist Rom. l. 3. c. 3.
• c 2.497

  Fragm. De∣script. Britan.
• d 2.498

  Apud Camden. in No∣tis ad Numism. Britan.
• e 2.499

  Reperta est Musselbur∣gi in Scotia & descripta m•…•…n V. Clariss. & Doctiss. Petri Iunii. Adi Ioseph. Scalig. Epist. 66. 10. Napeir Baron. Merchinston. ad capus XVII. Apocalips. Claud. Salmas. ad Spartiani Hadrianum. Gruteri Inscript pag. 126.
• f 2.500

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 scilicit Apollinis Vide Camden. p. 689. & Salmas. in Solin. pag. 763.
• * 2.501

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ernsti•…•…. Obse•…•…. lib. 2. cap. 16.
• g 2.502

  Prius, •…•…ide Miliari, sive millibus pasti∣bus.
• h 2.503

  D. De verb. signif. lib. 154.
• i 2.504

  Plus. in C•…•…at∣chis.
• k 2.505

  Tacit. in vit. I•…•… Ag•…•…, so•…•…i 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• l 2.506

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ptolem•…•…. Sa∣brina. Tacit•…•….
• m 2.507

  Cas. De bello Gallico lib. 5.
• n 2.508

  Ptol. lib. 2. Geograph.
• o 2.509

  Pichen. in Taciti lib. 14. Annal.
• p 2.510

  Qualis est MS. Cod. Bibli∣oth. Publicae Cantabrigia, apud quem ab∣est.
• q 2.511

  Epist. de ex∣cidio Britanniae.
• r 2.512

  In VERV∣LAMIO, ex D. Vsserio.
• s 2.513

  Holinsh. Chron. pag. 42.
• t 2.514

  Polyd. Ver. Philip. Cluver.
• u 2.515

  Camden. & qui illum se∣quuntur.
• x 2.516

  Beda Eccle. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 2
• * 2.517

  Thamesis.
• y 2.518

  Fran. de Sacra Quercu.
• z 2.519

  Anast. Sin. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 2.520

  Laonic. Chalco-condyl. De Rebus Tur∣cicis lib. 2.
• b 2.521

  Paul. Oros. lib. 6. cap. 9. Be∣da lib. 1. cap. 2.
• c 2.522

  Caes. de bel-Gallico lib. 5.
• d 2.523

  Tacit. Hist. lib. 1.
• e 2.524

  Vide CON∣DATE, &c.
• f 2.525

  Ptolem. Geograph. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. cap. 6.
• g 2.526

  Ibid. lib. 1. cap. 15.
• * 2.527

  Lege, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• h 2.528

  Velf. Notis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Militar. Tab.
• h 2.529

  Vide in VAGNIACIS
• i 2.530

  Will. Harris. descript. Britain. lib. 2. cap. 7.
• k 2.531

  Fragm. de∣script. Britain.
• l 2.532

  Plin. Nat. Hist. l. 3. cap. 16.
• m 2.533

  Mr. Will. Sommer, De∣script. of Can∣terbury.
• * 2.534

  Rutupiae.
• n 2.535

  Marinus Tyrius.
• o 2.536

  Iul. Caesar. de bello Gallico l. 7.
• p 2.537

  Iac. Aug. Thuanus Anno 1603. in Elog. Vidi Coquil•…•…i Romani.
• q 2.538

  Io. Twinus in Albionicis lib. 2. pag. 152.
• r 2.539

  Rob. Talbot Annotat. in Antonin. MS.
• s 2.540

  In editions Antonin. altera.
• t 2.541

  Cuil. Lamb. Xenagog. seu Pe∣ramb. of Kent. pag. 170.
• v 2.542

  Tab. Milit: vetus à Marco Velfero edita. Habetur quoque in Bertiana Ptolemaei editi∣one.
• x 2.543

  Beda Eccles. Hist. l. 2. cap. 6.
• y 2.544

  Ibid. lib. 2. cap. 3.
• z 2.545

  Qui dicitur Texius Roffensis MS.
• * 2.546

  L. quam.
• * 2.547

  Verum hoc in sensu Laevus dicitur à Gr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 2.548

  Thorn. in vitis Abbatum S. Augustini.
• * 2.549

  Casaub. No∣tis in M. Antonin. pag. 3.
• * 2.550

  Vide A D ANSAM in sequentibus Itin. 4.
• a 2.551

  Petri Be•…•…ii editio Geograph. Ptolema.
• b 2.552

  Colloq. de Peregrin. Reli∣gionis ergo.
• c 2.553

  Bed. Eccles. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 3.
• d 2.554

  Adi Histo∣riam nostram Graecae linguae, quae nuper pro∣diit pag. 52.
• e 2.555

  Ex Tab•…•… illic p•…•….
• f 2.556

  Iuvenal. Sat. 45
• g 2.557

  Editus a P. Pi•…•…bao.
• h 2.558

  Vsserius in Primordiis pag. 583.
• i 2.559

  Guld. P•…•…∣rolan No•…•…is. Occid. cap. 72.
• k 2.560

  Tacit: lib: De Morib. Ger∣manorum, &c.
• l 2.561

  Am. Marc. lib. 15.
• m 2.562

  Cicer. ad Auie. lib. 4. Epist. 16.
• n 2.563

  Appi•…•…. l. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 2.564

  Cle•…•…s Rom. Epist. 1. ad Co∣rinth. v. illic Patric. I•…•….
• o 2.565

  Ios. Sca•…•…g primus edidis in Ca•…•…alect. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• p 2.566

  Al Semo•…•…o.
• q 2.567

  Lib. 4. Od. 14.
• r 2.568

  Imbris Ma∣ritimis.
• s 2.569

  Iac. Synce. Sannaz. Eclog. Piscator. V.
• t 2.570

  Hic ille Maroni Synce∣rus, Musa pro∣ximus, ut tumu∣lo, Petr. Bemb. Cardinal.
• u 2.571

  Natur. Hist. lib. 2, cap. 97.
• x 2.572

  Geog. lib 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 2.573

  Hist, lib. 27.
• y 2.574

  Com. de bel. Gallico, lib. 5.
• z 2.575

  Ibid. lib. 4.
• a 2.576

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. lib. 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. &c.
• b 2.577

  Homil. 4. in Hexaëmeron.
• c 2.578

  Lib. Hexa. cap. 3.
• d 2.579

  Oceanus barbaris flucti∣bus fremens Paulin. de eo∣dem. Adi Geo∣graph. Nubien∣sem Clim. 4. part. 1.
• e 2.580

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Panegyr. Constan. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (ita enim legendu•…•… videtur:) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 2.581

  De Excid. Hierosolym. lib. 11. cap. 9.
• * 2.582

  O•…•… Britan∣nici •…•…uctus hor∣rendi.
• * 2.583

  Vide Iulian in Caesa. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ ejus in Bri•…•…▪ & Panegyr. pag. 201. fin.
• * 2.584

  Ibid. lib. 5. cap. 46.
• f 2.585

  Dio & Aurel. Victor. ex edit A. Scho•…•…i.
• g 2.586

  S•…•…ion. in Caligula, cap. 46.
• h 2.587

  I•…•… 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• p 2.588

  Lib. de er∣rore prof•…•…. Religionum sub fin.
• g 2.589

  Luciu•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in libro •…•…rial. •…•…tus à Salmasio.
• h 2.590

  Gratius Fa∣liscus in Cyne∣geti•…•….
• i 2.591

  Cornel. Ta∣citus Am. Mar.
• k 2.592

  Straboni, Plin•…•…o, Dioni.
• a 2.593

  P•…•…lem. Geo∣graph. lib. 2.
• b 2.594

  Lamb. Xeno∣gog. Cantiae.
• d 2.595

  Illustrat. ad Polyolb. cant. 18
• * 2.596

  (c) Anglorum gloria gentis Seiden. Grotius.
• e 2.597

  Richard. Vetus Hist. Brit. lib. 1. N. 36.
• a 2.598

  Ael. Sport. in vita Severi Imp.
• b 2.599

  Qui edidit cum Notis suis.
• c 2.600

  Plin. lib. 3. cap. 16.
• d 2.601

  Rerum Scot. lib. 2. hoc magis suspicari nos poss quam pro certo affirmare.
• e 2.602

  The Town of Drusus.
• f 2.603

  Vitus Hist. Britan. libro 1. n. XIX.
• g 2.604

  Suestom. in Augusto cap. 60
• h 2.605

  Festus Ruf∣fus Breviar. ad Valentinian. Im.
• * 2.606

  (i) Libro de Regnorum suc∣cess.
• * 2.607

  (l) Is. Casaubon. ad Sweton.
• * 2.608

  Teste Plutar∣cho, sive quis alius auctor est libri fluminibus.
• m 2.609

  Talbot. An∣not in Itiner. Antonin. MS.
• * 2.610

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 2.611

  Neer Billice∣ray.
• a 2.612

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Apud Stra∣bon. lib. 2.
• b 2.613

  Vsser. Tra∣ctat de Episco∣pis, & in Pri∣mordiis, &c. p. 195.
• c 2.614

  Selden Comment. in Eutychium pag. 118.
• d 2.615

  Galfrid. Mon. lib. 5. Brit. Hist. cap. 6. & ejus seq•…•….
• e 2.616

  Zosin•…•…. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. le∣gend. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. ex Iuliano im∣puro Apostaia.
• f 2.617

  Lipsius in Notis ad Admi∣randa sua, &c.
• g 2.618

  Baron. An∣nal. Tom 3. an∣no 306. Sect. 16.
• h 2.619

  Vsser De Primordiis, &c. cap. 8. Selden in Eutych. in Ad∣dend. ad pag. 115.
• i 2.620

  Martial. lib. 3. Epigram 58.
• k 2.621

  Strabo li∣bro. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• l 2.622

  Apud Sel∣den Notis in Ead∣merum, ex Sche∣dis Cotton.
• m 2.623

  In 〈◊〉〈◊〉. chiv. Turris Londinens.
• n 2.624

  Tatit. An∣nal. lib. 12, & 14.
• a 2.625

  Hinc Camu∣rum pro eo quod in se recurri•…•…, inter peregrinas voces notas E∣rasmus.
• b 2.626

  Bed. lib: 1. Hist. Ecclesiast. cap. 1. & H. Huntingd. Hist. lib. 1.
• c 2.627

  In vita Re∣gis Alfredi.
• d 2.628

  Beda Hist. lib. 3. cap. 18.
• * 2.629

  Robert Talbot Annot. in An∣tonin. anecdotis.
• * 2.630

  Vide omnino Galfrid. Monu∣meth. Hist. Brit. lib. 9. cap. 3.
• a 2.631

  Beda Eccles. Histor. l. 2. c. 16.
• b 2.632

  Geogr. lib. 4.
• c 2.633

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 lib. 1. cap. 7.
• d 2.634

  Virg. Eglo∣ga 5.
• a 2.635

  Ioannes Ba∣laus Centur. XII. Sect. 62. & 63.
• b 2.636

  Pul. Geo∣graph lib. 2. s•…•…d Br•…•…nia 〈◊〉〈◊〉 In•…•…∣presi Pli•…•…i 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ men, pro Piole∣m•…•…, hic •…•…emere 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• c 2.637

  Auctore Suida.
• d 2.638

  Geo. Bu∣chan rerum Scotic. lib. 2.
• e 2.639

  T•…•…it, An∣nal•…•…▪ 12.
• f 2.640

  In Britan∣niis Romano∣rum.
• g 2.641

  Vide eum in Go•…•…is, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 li•…•….
• h 2.642

  Tati•…•…. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Inhi A∣gricola.
• i 2.643

  Camdenus; quem sequitur Doctissimus Sa∣vilius, aliique.
• k 2.644

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ptol.
• l 2.645

  In Cod. Pa∣latin. teste Pe∣tro Bertio. ita e∣rt•…•… & Ferd. Non Pinti•…•….
• m 2.646

  Editus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Andr•…•… Sch•…•…∣to. In Sever•…•….
• n 2.647

  Ptol. in Camne 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 qui inter Cano∣nesejus Astrono∣micos 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 habetur.
• o 2.648

  P•…•…l. Al∣magest. lib. 2. cap. 6.
• p 2.649

  In A•…•…▪ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sive Ludo in mortem. Cl•…•…dis Imp.
• * 2.650

  De nigro, & caeruleo colore: vide Iul. Scali∣ger. Exercit. 325. Sect. 10. Aliis quoque in locis.
• * 2.651

  (q) Ad Tibulli lib. 4. Panegyr. in Messallan & Animadvers. ad Eusebii ann. ∞ ∞ LX.
• r 2.652

  In ipsum lo∣cum.
• * 2.653

  Tatis. lib. de Moribus Ger∣man.
• s 2.654

  Virgil. Ae∣neidos lib. 7.
• t 2.655

  Buchan. Re∣rum S•…•…tiarum lib. 2.
• u 2.656

  Tacit. In vita Agricola.
• * 2.657

  (x) Aelius Spartian. in Ha∣driano,
• y 2.658

  Pausanias 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 2.659

  Pro Codda va∣rietate, Isanna∣vantio. Isanna∣varia.
• a 2.660

  Ptol. Geo∣graph. lib. 2.
• b 2.661

  Lactorodum
• c 2.662

  Galfr. Mon. lib. 1. Hist. c. 15.
• d 2.663

  Leland Col∣le•…•…. 2. T. 323.
• e 2.664

  Prolemeo in Cori•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 altera. Talbotus ait se vidisse co∣dicem in quo Ratae haberctur. Certe Petrus Bertius ex cod. Palatino 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 men∣dose omnino edi∣dit.
• * 2.665

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 2.666

  Talbot. & quie∣um sequuntur.
• * 2.667

  An antient Ro∣man Fort.
• * 2.668

  Vide Christophe∣rum Boverum in Notis.
• * 2.669

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• a 2.670

  Plin. 17. cap. 6. cujus il∣lud est lem•…•…a.
• * 2.671

  * A kinde of plaistering stuff, gypsum.
• b 2.672

  Georg. A∣gricola Fos•…•…∣um lib. 6.
• * 2.673

  Pavimenta tessell•…•… Vide Scalig•…•…n Sphae∣ram Barbaricam M. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pa. 454. Ald. editio Antonini cor∣rects.
• a 2.674

  Notitia Oc∣cidental. Impe∣rii.
• a 2.675

  Ptol. Geogr. lib. 2.
• * 2.676

  Harris. Deser. Britan. lib. 12. cap. 17.
• a 2.677

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ptol.
• b 2.678

  Portus effos∣sa terra extru∣ctus.
• * 2.679

  Ptol. Geograph. lib. 2.
• c 2.680

  Vt apud Malmsb. de Gest. Pontif. lib. 1. pag. 117.
• * 2.681

  (b) Edit. Lond. & alibi.
• d 2.682

  Ita enim dictus Casaubon. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Sueton.
• e 2.683

  Comment. in Notit. Provin. cap. 38.
• f 2.684

  Comm. de Republic. Roma∣na.
• g 2.685

  Nemes. in Eclogis.
• h 2.686

  Haec vox ex hoc loto mutuata videtur à Velleio Paterculo Hist. lib. 2. ubi ait Britanniam à Caesar. ••is po∣netratam.
• i 2.687

  Ovid. de Ponto lib. 4. Eleg. 16.
• k 2.688

  Oppian. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. lib. a.
• l 2.689

  Andri Schottus Obstr∣vat. Human. lib. 2. cap. 19,
• * 2.690

  Lege carmine ita enim Gr. po∣stulare videtur.
• * 2.691

  (m) Adi Har∣rison. descript. Britain. lib. 3. cap. 13.
• n 2.692

  Claudian. Paneg. in Stili∣contus lib. 3.
• o 2.693

  Symmach. lib. 2. Epist. 81. verum tu, le∣ctor, adi omnino V. Cl. Iustum Lipsium Centur. 1. ad. Belgas Ep. 44.
• p 2.694

  Athen•…•… Dipnosophist. lib. 4.
• * 2.695

  Manners makes man.
• * 2.696

  Which was the Motto of Wil∣liam of Wick∣ham, the Bi∣shop at that time.
• a 2.697

  Eundem er∣rorem deprehen∣dimus quoque in Iulii Caesaris Bulengeri Histo∣ria sui temporis; sitanti est hic an∣notasse.
• b 2.698

  Hier. Suri∣ta teste.
• c 2.699

  D. Ambros. V. Serm. in Psal. 118.
• d 2.700

  Plin. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Hist. lib. 28.
• e 2.701

  Io. Cains de Antiq. Acad. Cantabr. lib. 2.
• * 2.702

  De script. Brit. centur. 10. Tit. 111. de Oleno Caleno.
• f 2.703

  Io. Pitseus de Acad. Oxon. cap. 1.
• g 2.704

  Tatit. Hist. lib. 111.
• h 2.705

  Eccles. Hist. lib. 111. cap. 8.
• i 2.706

  Caesar. de b•…•…l. Gal. Com. 4.
• k 2.707

  Defens. Hist. Britan. cap. 8.
• l 2.708

  Fragment. de se•…•…t. Britan.
• m 2.709

  De bello Gallico lib. IV. Vide etiam nummum, quem adduximus ad Caesa em in BRITANNIS ROMAN.
• n 2.710

  Tacit. in vita Agricol•…•….
• o 2.711

  Lucani & alioru, mVnd•…•… Caledonios falli•…•… turbata Britan∣nos, &c.
• p 2.712

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Vrb•…•… Syria. a∣pud Ptol. lib. V. Geograph.
• q 2.713

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. Stow No∣tit. Land. Lhuyd. Nevil, Harrison, aliique.
• * 2.714

  Deest in Ald. Cod. haec mansio.
• * 2.715

  Icinorum.
• a 2.716

  Io. Caius Antiq. Cantabr. lib. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• b 2.717

  Tac. Annal. lib. 12.
• c 2.718

  Raymond. Marlian. explic. locorum. Caesar. & Tacit.
• d 2.719

  Apud Camdenum.
• e 2.720

  D. Alex. Ne∣villus.
• f 2.721

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ptol.
• g 2.722

  Polyd. Ver∣gil•…•… Itali. An∣geli Capelli Gal.
• h 2.723

  Vid. NOVI∣OM AGVS; •…•…∣illic lin. l•…•….
• * 2.724

  Comb, quid Antiquit signi•…•… cares.
• i 2.725

  Cod. Theod. XI. Tit. 1. c. 9.
• * 2.726

  P. Victor. de Re∣gionibus urbis.
• k 2.727

  Sueton. in Galba.
• l 2.728

  Ael. Lam∣prid. in Alex∣andro.
• m 2.729

  Vide ex Notitia Provinc. OTHONA.
• n 2.730

  In his Fu∣nerall Monu∣ments.
• o 2.731

  Lib. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• p 2.732

  Frontin. a∣liique de limiti∣tibat Agrorum.
• q 2.733

  Macrob. Sa∣turn. lib. 3. cap. 11.
• * 2.734

  Plin Nat. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 75.
• * 2.735

  Sueton. in Ca∣ligula cap. 44. nam mendosi sunt Orosii libri in ejus nomine.
• s 2.736

  Dio Cass. Hist. Rom. l. 60.
• t 2.737

  Gloss. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, Regis man•…•…e, Regum d•…•…s.
• u 2.738

  Tacit. An∣nal. 12.
• x 2.739

  Ibid. An∣nal. 14.
• y 2.740

  Servius Honoras. in Virg.
• a 2.741

  Tacit. Hist. lib. 1.
• b 2.742

  Annal. lib. 12. & 14.
• c 2.743

  Senec. in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, sive Ludo in mortem Claudii.
• d 2.744

  Subversae Coloniae. Imo sub vertenda, inquit Lipsius.
• e 2.745

  Dio Cassius Rom. Hist. lib 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. ex quo etiam Di∣onis loco Tame∣sa nomen huc in Tacitum substi∣tuit Cursius Pi∣chena & Cod. Florentin. ita ut legi debeat. Vi∣samque speciem in astuario Ta∣mesae subversae Colonie. Xiphilin ex Di∣one lib. LXII.
• o 2.746

  Ptol. Geogr. lib. 2.
• d 2.747

  Luc. Florus lib. IV. cap. 2.
• e 2.748

  Val. Maxim. lib. 1. cap 6.
• f 2.749

  Tacit. An∣nal. lib. XIV.
• g 2.750

  Strabo Geo∣graph. lib. IV.
• h 2.751

  Tacit. ubi supra.
• i 2.752

  Idem in vita Agricola.
• o 2.753

  Sueton. in Nerone cap. 39.
• k 2.754

  Plin. Natur. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 715.
• l 2.755

  Selden. Comm. in Euty∣chii Patriar∣cha Alexan∣drini Origines sue Ecclesiae A∣rabice editas, P. 122.
• m 2.756

  Maxime intelligit Prae∣stantis. Dom. Ar∣machan. qui Coloniam ali∣am esse putat; de qua etiam in hoc opere alibi sa∣tis dictum.
• * 2.757

  Manilius lib. 1.
• n 2.758

  Marco Vel∣sero Editore; dein aliis.
• * 2.759

  Cumberland.
• p 2.760

  Pomp. Mela de situ orbis lib. 2. cap. 12. Nec procul. Massilia.
• * 2.761

  Cumberland.
• * 2.762

  Cumberland.
• * 2.763

  Cumberland.
• * 2.764

  The reason of account.
• * 2.765

  Lancashire.
• * 2.766

  Vide Suritam in Notis ad An∣toninum.
• * 2.767

  Lancashire.
• * 2.768

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• * 2.769

  Syntagm de Dis. Syriis.
• * 2.770

  Vide Vi•…•…∣am supra.
• * 2.771

  Caernarvonshire
• * 2.772

  De quibus Cam∣den in Belgiis.
• a 2.773

  In Cod. Blandin.
• b 2.774

  In lib. Nea∣pol. item apud Suritam.
• * 2.775

  L•…•…an-Beblin.
• c 2.776

  Adi Dom. Vsserium Pri∣mordiorum p. 60. ubi sepul∣chrum Constan∣tii monstrari juxta urbem, quae vocatur Ca∣er Segeint, re∣fers Ninnius; ut litora, inquit, quae sunt in lapide tumuli ejus ostendunt, & antiquam urbem Constantii Imperatoris, filii Constantini magni, in Arvonia collocat Britannicis scriptor vitae Gruffini filii Conani Venedotiae Principis, quanquam anno Dom. 1283. apud Caernervon prope Suondunam, corpus maximi principis, Patris Imperatoris nobilis Constant ni fuisse inventum, & rege Edovardo 1. jubente, in ecclesia honorifice collocatum, Matthaeus Westmonaste iensic narrat, ut ad Constantium Constantini M. patrem quem Eboraci in Britannia potius quam ad Constantium Constantius filium quem Mopsocrenis vel Mopsnesti in Cilicia mortuum esse legimus, referenda ista videantur.
• d 2.777

  Tacit. An∣nal. lib. 14.
• * 2.778

  Caernarvonshire
• * 2.779

  Vide Matthaeum Westmonast. ad annum 283.
• * 2.780

  Flintshire.
• * 2.781

  Cheshire.
• † 2.782

  Studii exemplae•…•…i, A Caleva per Muridu∣num •…•…'•…•…roconium: at∣que i•…•…a rellius legitur, nam Muridunum vel Moridunum in me∣dio hoc itinere poni∣tur•…•… Iosia•…•… Simlerus.
• * 2.783

  Transpositae sunt haduae Stationes apud Har•…•…isonum.
• * 2.784

  Iscelegu Au∣gusti, vel Isce∣legia Augu∣s•…•… emendo ex Ptol. Isca∣leg. II. Au∣gusta. Ponit enim P•…•…ol. pro∣pe Iscamleg. II. sic tamen, ut amborum l•…•…ca semisse unius gradus longitudinis distent, & quadran•…•…e, quo ad lati∣tudinem: quae distantiam faciunt circiter XXXV. M. P. hic tamen major ponitur distantia in•…•…er Is•…•…am 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & leg. II. Aug. Iosias Simlerus.
• a 2.785

  Et non ul•…•…e∣rius sua itinerae persequitur P•…•…olemaeus: but he maintains the old reading of Antoninus, which i•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉: of which s•…•… the last Journey.
• * 2.786

  Glamorganshire.
• c 2.787

  Camden in •…•…ilurib. pag. 500.
• * 2.788

  Monmouthshire.
• f 2.789

  Strabo Geo∣graph. lib. X.
• * 2.790

  Inter eos num∣mos Aemiliani item & Marii haebentur: quo∣rum hic (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zosimo dicitur lib. 1.) sub Iul. Philip∣pe, ille sub Gallo Imp. ad moliendum res novas conversus, imperium arripuit, & utrique protinus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 medio sublati.
• g 2.791

  Inter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Dumnonios Ptolemao quae & Romanis Is∣ca Domniorum, ita à Britannis tesiante etiam usserio Mileven∣si in gessis Ae•…•…∣phredi Regis Anno 876. Cair Wise vel Cair Ise appel∣latum fuisse constat. Humfridus Lhuydus, ex Giraldo Cam∣brensi.
• * 2.792

  C. Vampeino.
• * 2.793

  In libris impressis Claudius Pompeianus & Lollianus Avitus Coss. Anno Christi 210.
• * 2.794

  V. Laterculum Coss. apud Dion. Pe∣tav. De Doctrina Temp. Tom. 2. ubi etiam hic Coss. Vampeianus, non Pompeianus dicitur, ex Idalio, forte, vel Cassiodore.
• * 2.795

  Trierarchus Val. Maximus Iabolen. l. 46. ad S. C. Trebel. Manlius Se∣vera ibid.
• * 2.796

  Iacobus Au∣gustus Thuanus videndus est Histor. Anno M IC LXXX.
• * 2.797

  Monmouth∣shire.
• * 2.798

  Monmouth∣shire.
• * 2.799

  Radnorshire.
• * 2.800

  As the learned Antiquary Do∣ctor Godwin, In recensu Epis∣coporum Duvol∣mensium.
• * 2.801

  Worcestershire.
• g 2.802

  Cornelius ille Nepos hic est—qui sole∣bant Catulli esse aliquid putare nugas ut ipse ait.
• * 2.803

  S. Thomas Cen∣tuariensis.
• * 2.804

  Vide Gerardam Langbainum Doctiss. Notis in Langinum.
• * 2.805

  Wrokcester in Skropshire.
• * 2.806

  Monmouthshire.
• * 2.807

  Monmouthshire.
• * 2.808

  See Camden •…•…in Siluribus pag. 471. Kenchester walls neer Here∣ford.
• h 2.809

  Vide in Arch. Fiscali ubi hodie serv a∣tur. Vide sis. clariss: Dui, Selden ad Eadmer. pag. 154. Guil. Har∣rison Descript. Britan. lib. 2. cap. 17. Geffrey Monmouth. Hist. Brit. lib. 1 cap. 5. Glocestershire,
• i 2.810

  Gildas sa∣piens lib. de gestis Britonum.
• * 2.811

  Cirencester. Glocestershire.
• * 2.812

  Spine-lands neer Newberry.
• * 2.813

  Barkshire.
• * 2.814

  Glocestershire.
• * 2.815

  Tacit Annal. XII.
• * 2.816

  Wilt-shire.
• * 2.817

  Wilt-shire Merlin tumulus tibi Merlebr•…•…geae nomen Fecit, testis eris Ang∣lica lingua mihi. Alex. Necha∣mus libro De Divina Sapi∣entia.
• * 2.818

  Somersetshire.
• a 2.819

  Beda lib. 1. cap. 16.
• * 2.820

  Quae ipsa Solini verba tran∣scripta sunt ab Auctore Histo∣ria Britannca unde apparet qualis naem sit ille interpres; quod tamen de se perhibet vir bonas.
• * 2.821

  Ammianus lib. XXII. reddi∣dit; sunt Ther∣ma lutra, quae Cythrus indi∣genae vocant: Ita editio Lin∣denbrogiana: at in Rob. Stephani haec verba penitus absunt. Ex Herodoto apud eum obiter emenda, Chytros Iuxta illud Senecae epist. 41. Magnorum fluminum capita veneramur: subita & ex abdito vasti amnis erup∣tio aras hebenotuntur aquarum valentium sontes. Notaevit & exemplis probavit ad Anualem Taciti XIV. Lipsius.
• * 2.822

  Harrison. De∣script. Britan. lib. II. cap. 14.
• * 2.823

  Vide Thom•…•… Iohnsoni opera Botanica, & qua insbi de Thermis & his antiquitatibus.
• * 2.824

  Vide prius Soli∣nus locum:
• * 2.825

  Item ille IMP. CAES. VESPAS. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ibid. eff•…•…ssus ap. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. us constet ab eod. Vespas. Leg. 11. Au∣gustam huc fuisse deductam.
• * 2.826

  Hant-shire.
• * 2.827

  Silcester.
• * 2.828

  Han•…•…hire.
• * 2.829

  Salisbury.
• * 2.830

  Catalogue Epis∣pocorum Saris∣bur.
• * 2.831

  Dorsetshire.
• * 2.832

  Isca Dumno∣niam Ful. solin. editione lib. 3.
• * 2.833

  Camer.
• * 2.834

  Urbs Sicari∣orum.