A relation of a conference held about religion at London by Edw. Stillingfleet ... with some gentlemen of the Church of Rome.

A Discourse to shew that it was not only possible to change the Belief of the Church concerning the Manner of Christ's Presence in the Sa∣crament; but that it is very reasonable to conclude, both that it might be done, and that it was truly changed.

THere is only one Particular of any importance, that was mentioned in the Confe∣rence, to which we forgot to make any Answer at all, which was spoken by N. N. to this purpose; How was it possible, or to be imagined that the Church of God could ever have received such a Doctrine as the belief of Transubstantiation, if every age had not received it, and been instructed in it by their Fathers, and the age that went before it?

This by a pure forgetfulness was not answered; and one of these Gentlemen took notice of it to me, meeting with me since that time, and desired me to consider what a friend of N. N. has lately printed on this Subject, in a Letter concerning Transubstantiation, Directed to a Person of Honour: In which, a great many pretended Impossibilities of any such Innovation of the Doctrine are reckoned up; to shew it a thing both inconceivable and unpracticable, to get the Faith of the Church changed in a thing of this nature.

This same Plea has been managed with all the advantages possible, both of Wit, Elo∣quence, and Learning, by Mr. Arnaud of the Sorbon; but had been so exposed and baffled by Mr. Claud, who, as he equals the other in Learning, Eloquence, and Wit, so having much the better of him in the Cause and Truth he vindicates, has so foiled the other in this Plea, that he seeing no other way to preserve that high reputation which his other Wri∣tings, and the whole course of his Life had so justly acquired him; has gone off from the main Argument on which they begun, and betaken himself to a long and unprofitable En∣quiry into the belief of the Greek Church, since her schism from the Latine Church.

The Contest has been oft renewed, and all the ingenious and learned persons of both sides, have looked on with great expectations.

Every one must confess, Mr. Arnaud has said all can be said in such a Cause; yet it seems he finds himself often pinched, by the bitter (I had almost said scurrilous) reproaches he casts on Mr. Claud, which is very unbecoming the Education and other Noble Qualities of that great man, whom for his Book of Frequent Communion, I shall ever honour. And it is a thing much to be lamented, that he was taken off from these more useful Labours, where∣in he was engaged so much to the bettering this Age, both in discovering the horrid cor∣ruption of the Jesuits and other Casuists, not only in their Speculations about Casuistical Divinity, but in their hearing Confessions, and giving easie Absolutions, upon trifling Pe∣nances, and granting Absolutions before the Penance was performed, and in representing to us the true Spirit of Holiness and Devotion was in the Primitive Church.

But on the other hand, as Mr. Claud leaves nothing unsaid in a method fully answerable to the excellence of that truth he defends; so he answers these reproaches in a way worthy of himself, or rather of Christ and the Gospel. If those excellent Writings were in Eng∣lish, I should need to say nothing to a point that has been so canvassed; but till some oblige this Nation by translating them, I shall say so much on this Head, as I hope shall be sufficient to convince every body of the emptiness, weakness and folly of this Plea.

And first of all, In a matter of fact concerning a change made in the Belief of the Church, the only certain method of enquiry, is, to consider the Doctrine of the Church in former Ages; and to compare that with what is now received; and if we see a difference between these, we are sure there has been a change; though we are not able to shew by what steps it was made; nay, though we could not so much as make it appear probable that such a change could be made.

To instance this in a plain case, of the change of the English Language since the days of William the Conqueror; that there has no such swarm of Foreigners broke in upon this Island, as might change our Language: One may then argue thus; Every one speaks the Language he heard his Parents, his Nurses, and others about him speak, when he was a Child; and this he continues to speak all his life, and his Children speak as they heard him speak: Upon which, a man of wit and phancy might say a great many things, to shew it im∣possible any such change should ever have been made, as that we now should speak so as not to understand what was said five or six hundred years ago. Yet if I find Chaucer, or any much ancienter Book, so written, that I can hardly make a shift to understand it, from thence, without any further reasoning how this could be brought about, I naturally must conclude our Language is altered. And if any man should be so impertinent, as to argue, that could not be; for Children speak as their Nurses and Parents taught them, I could hardly answer him in patience; but must tell him it is altered, without more ado.

If a Child were amused with such pretended Impossibilities, I would tell him, that Stran∣gers coming among us, and our travelling to parts beyond the Seas, made us acquainted with other Languages; and Englishmen finding in other Tongues, some words and phrases, which they judged more proper than any they had, being also fond of new words, there was an insensible change made in every Age, which, after five or six Ages, is more discernible. Just so, if I find most of all the Fathers either delivering their Opinions clearly in this mat∣ter, against the Doctrine of the Roman Church, or saying things utterly inconsistent with it,

I am sure there has been a change made; though I could not shew either the whole progress of it, or so much as a probable account how it could be done.

If men were as Machines or necessary Agents, a certain account might be given of all the events in all Ages; but there are such strange Labyrinths in the minds of men, that none can trace them by any rational computation of what is likely.

There is also such a diversity between Men and Men, between Ages and Ages, that he should make very false accounts, that from the tempers and dispositions of men in this Age, should conclude what were possible or impossible many years ago.

In this Age, in which Printing gives notice of all things so easily and speedily, and by the laying of Stages for the quick and cheap conveying Pacquers, and the publishing Mercu∣ries, Gazets, and Iournals, and the education of almost all persons to read and write Letters, and the curiosity by which all people are whetted to enquire into every thing; the state of Mankind is quite altered from what it was before, when few could read or write, but Clergy∣men; so that they must be the Notaries of all Courts; who continue from that, to be called Clerks to this day; and that some Crimes, otherwise capital, were not punished with death, if the guilty person could but read.

When people were so ignorant of what was doing about them, when neither Printing, nor Stages for Pacquets, were in being, at least in Europe, and when men were fast asleep in their Business, without amusing themselves what was doing about them in the world; it is the most unjust and unreasonable thing in nature, to imagine, that such things as are now next to impossible, were not then not only possible, but easie. So that all such calculations of Impossibilities from the state and temper of this Age, when applied to the Ages before ours, is the most fallacious way of reckoning that can be.

For instance, How improbable, or next to impossible, is this following story, That the Bishops of the Imperial City of the Roman Empire, whose first true worth, together with the greatness of that City, which was the Head and Metropolis of the Roman Empire, got them much esteem and credit in the world, should from small and low beginnings, have crept up to such a height of power, that they were looked on as the Head of all Power, both Civil and Spiritual; and that as they overthrew all other Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, the Bishops of that See engrossing it to themselves: so they were Masters of almost all the Crowns of Europe, and could change Governments, raise up, and assist new pretenders, call up, by the preachings of some poor beggarly Friars, vast Armies, without pay, and send them whither they pleased: That they could draw in all the Treasure and Riches of Europe to themselves; that they brought Princes to lie thus at their feet, to suffer all the Clergy, who had a great interest in their Dominions, by the vast endowments of Churches and Ab∣beys, beside the power they had in all Families and Consciences, to be the sworn Subjects of these Bishops, and to be exempted from appearing in Secular Courts, how criminal soever they were?

That all this should be thus brought about without the expence of any vast Treasure, or the prevailing force of a conquering Army, meerly by a few tricks, that were artificially managed, of the belief of Purgatory, the power of Absolving, and granting Indulgences, and the opinion of their being St. Peter's Successors, and Christ's Vicars on earth. And that all this while when on these false colours of Impostures in Religion, those designs were carried on, the Popes were men of the most lewd and flagitious lives possible; and those who served them in their designs, were become the scandal and scorn of Christendom; and yet in all these Attempts, they prevailed for above seven or eight Ages.

Now if any man will go about to prove this impossible, and that Princes were always jealous of their Authority and their Lives, People always loved their Money and Quiet, Bishops always loved their Jurisdiction, and all Men when they see Designs carried on with colours of Religion, by men, who in the most publick and notorious instances, shew they have none at all, do suspect a Cheat, and are not to be wheedled. Therefore all this must be but a Fable and a Forgery, to make the Popes and their Clergy odious. Will not all

men laugh at such a person, that against the faith of all History, and the authority of all Re∣cords, will deny a thing that was set up over all Europe for many Ages?

If then all this change in a matter that was Temporal, against which the Secular Interests of all men did oppose themselves, was yet successful, and prevailed; how can any man think it unreasonable, that a speculative opinion might have been brought into the Church, by such arts, and so many degrees, that the traces of the change should be lost?

We find there have been many other changes in Sacred Things, which will seem no less strange and incredible; but that we are assured whatsoever really has been, may be: and if things full as unaccountable have been brought about, it is absurd to deny, that other things might not have run the same fate.

It is known, that all people are more uneasie to changes in things that are visible, and known to every body, than in things that are speculative, and abstracted, and known and considered but by a few: they are likewise more unwilling to part with things they are in possession of, and reckon their Rights, than to suffer new Opinions to be brought in among them; and let their Religion swell by additions. For it is undoubted that it is much more easie to imagine how a new Opinion should be introduced, than how an ancient Practice and Right should be taken away. If then it be apparent, that there have been great changes made in the most visible and sensible parts of Religious Worship, by taking away some of the most ancient Customs and Rights of the people, over the whole Western Church, then it cannot be thought incredible, that a new speculative Opinion might have by degrees been brought in. This I shall instance in a few particulars.

The receiving the Chalice in the Sacrament, was an ancient constant custom, to which all the people had been long used; and one may very reasonably on this Hypothesis, argue, that could not be; for would the people, especially in dark Ages, have suffered the Cup of the Blood of Christ to be taken from them, if they had not known that it had been taken from their Fathers?

Upon which it is easie to conceive how many speculative Impossibilities an ingenious man may devise; and yet we know they were got to part with it by degrees; first, the Bread was given dipt in the Cup, for an Age or two; and then the people judged they had both toge∣ther: This step being made, it was easie afterwards to give them the Bread undipt, and so the Chalice was taken away quite from the Laity, without any great opposition, except what was made in Bohemia.

Next to this, let us consider how naturally all men are apt to be fond of their Children, and not to suffer any thing to be denied them, by which they conceive they are advanta∣ged: Upon which one may reckon, once we are sure it was the universally received custom, for many Ages, over the whole Latine Church, that all Children had the Eucharist given them immediately after they were baptized. And the Ru∣brick * 1.1 of the Roman Missal ordered, they should not be suffered to suck after they were baptized, before they had the Eucharist given them, except in in cases of necessity. This Order is believed to be a work of the eleventh Century; so lately was this thought necessary in the Roman Church.

All men know how careful most Parents, even such as have not much Religion them∣selves, are, that nothing be wanting about their Children; and it was thought simply ne∣cessary to salvation, that all persons had the Eucharist. How many imaginary difficulties may one imagine might have obstructed the changing this Custom? One would expect to hear of tumults and stirs, and an universal conspiracy of all men to save this Right of their Children? Yet Hugo de Sancto Victore tells us, how it was wearing out in his time; and we find not the least opposition made to the taking it away.

A third thing, to which it is not easie to apprehend how the Vulgar should have con∣sented, was, the denying them that right of Nature and Nations, that every body should worship God in a known Tongue. In this Island, the Saxons had the Liturgy in their Vulgar Tongue; and so it was also over all the world: And from this might not one very

justly reckon up many high improbabilities, to demonstrate the setting up the Wor∣ship in an unknown Tongue, could never be brought about, and yet we know it was done.

In end, I shall name only one other particular, which seems very hard to be got changed, which yet we are sure was changed; This was, the popular Elections of the Bishops and Clergy, which, as is past dispute, were once in the hands of the people; and yet they were got to part with them, and that at a time when Church-Preferments were raised very high in all secular advantages; so that it may seem strange, they should then have been wrought upon to let go a thing, which all men are naturally inclined to desire an interest in; and so much the more, if the dignity or riches of the function be very considerable; and yet though we meet in Church-History many accounts of tu∣mults that were in those Elections, while they were in the peoples hands; yet I remember of no tumults made to keep them, when they were taken out of their hands.

And now I leave it to every Reader's Conscience, if he is not perswaded by all the conjectures he can make of Mankind, that it is more hard to conceive, how these things, that have been named, of which the people had clear possession, were struck out, than that a speculative Opinion, how absurd soever, was brought in, especially in such Ages as these were, in which it was done.

This leads me to the next thing, which is, to make some Reflections on those Ages, in which this Doctrine crept into the Church. As long as the miraculous effusion of the Holy Ghost continued in the Church, the simplicity of those that preached the Gospel, was no small confirmation of that authority that accompanied them; so that it was more for the honour of the Gospel, that there were no great Scholars or Disputants to promote it: But when that ceased, it was necessary the Christian Religion should be advanced by such ratio∣nal means as are suitable to the Soul of man: If it had begun only upon such a founda∣tion, men would not have given it a hearing; but the Miracles which were at first wrought, having sufficiently alarm'd the world, so that by them men were inclined to hearken to it: Then it was to be tried by those Rules of Truth and Goodness, which lie engraven on all mens Souls. And therefore it was necessary, those who defended it, should both under∣stand it well, and likewise know all the secrets of Heathenism, and of the Greek Philo∣sophy.

A knowledge in these being thus necessary, God raised up among the Philosophers divers great persons, such as Iustin, Clement, Origen, and many others, whose minds being en∣lightned with the knowledge of the Gospel, as well as endued with all other humane Learn∣ing, they were great supports to the Christian Religion. Afterwards many Heresies being broached about the Mysteries of the Faith, chiefly those that relate to the Son of God, and his Incarnation, upon which followed long contests: for managing these, a full understand∣ing of Scripture was also necessary; and that set all persons mightily to the study of the Scriptures.

But it is not to be denied, great corruptions did quickly break in, when the Perse∣cutions were over; and the Church abounded in peace and plenty; not but that the Doctrine was preserved pure long after that: There were also many shi∣ning Lights, and great Fathers, in that and in the following Age; yet * 1.2 from the Fathers of these two Ages, and from the great disorders were in some of their Councils, as in the case of Athanasius, and the second Ephesin Council, we may clearly see how much they were degenerating from the primitive purity.

Many Contests were about the precedency of their Sees, great Ambi∣tion and Contention appeared in their Synods, which made Nazianzen hate and shun them, expecting no good from them. These and such like things brought very heavy Judgments and Plagues on the Church, and the whole Roman Empire, in the fifth Century: For vast

swarms of Armies out of Germany and the Northern Nations brake in upon the Western Empire, and by a long succession of new Invaders all was sackt and ruined.

The Goths were followed by the Vandals, the Alains, the Gepides, the Franks, the Sweves, the Huns, and, in the end, the Lombards. Those Nations were for the greatest part Arrians, but all were barbarous and rude; and their hatred of the Faith, joyned to the barbarity of their tempers, set them with a strange fury on destroying the most Sacred things. And to that we owe the loss of most of the Primitive Writings, and of all the Au∣thentical Records of the first Persecutions; scarce any thing remaining, but what Eusebius had before gathered together out of a former destruction was made of such things under Dioclesian.

Nor did the Glory of the Eastern Empire long survive the Western, that fell before these Invaders: But in Europe, by the Impression of the Bulgars; and in Asia, by the Conquests made, first by the Saracens, then by the Turks, their Greatness was soon broken; though it lasted longer under that oppressed condition, than the other had done.

Thus was both the Greek and the Latin Church brought under sad oppression and much misery. And every body knows, that the natural effect that state of life brings over the greatest minds, when there is no hope of getting from under it, is to take them off from study and learning; and indeed to subdue their Spirits as well as their Bodies. And so it proved, for after that, an ignorance and dulness did to that degree overspread all Europe, that it is scarce to be expressed. I do not deny, but there might be some few Instances of con∣siderable Men, giving an allowance for the time they lived in.

For the Laity, they were bred up to think of nothing but to handle their Arms, very few could so much as read; and the Clergy were not much better; read they could, but in many that was all; a corrupt Latin they understood, which continued to be the Vul∣gar Tongue in Italy a great while after: They had heard of Greek and Hebrew, but under∣stood them as little as we do the Mexican or Peruvian Tongue.

They had scarce any knowledge of the Greek Fathers; a few very ill Translations of some of them was all they had. The Latin Fathers were read by some of the more learned, but for any distinct understanding of Scriptures, or the natures of things, God knows they had it not. I design a short Discourse, and therefore shall not stay to make this out, which every body that has but looked a little on the Writings of these Ages, knows to be true.

Another Effect of their Ignorance was, that they were easily imposed on by suppos∣titious Writings, that went under the Names of the Fathers, but were none of theirs. Gelasius threw out a great many that were breaking out in his time; but the Trade was prosperous, and went on to that height, that it cost the Criticks of these two last Ages much pains to distinguish true from forged, and the genuine from what was interpolated. And indeed the Popes were much beholden to the forgery of the Decretal Epistles, in which Work a great many Epistles were published by Isidore in the Eighth Century, as the Epistles of the Popes of the first four Centuries after Christ: By which they were repre∣sented as giving orders, and making definitions over the whole Church in a full form, and with the stile of an absolute Authority.

These were rejected by many, but mightily supported by all the Flatterers of the Court of Rome: So that they were in the end, after some contest, generally received, and held Presidents to the succeeding Popes, who wrote very skilfully after that Copy. Many other Forgeries were also much cherished, which I shall instance only in one other particular, that relates to what is now in my eye.

A Sermon of Arnold of Bonneval (which is now proved clearly to be his) was published in St. Cyprian's Works as his Sermon of the Supper of our Lord, though this Arnold lived about nine hundred years after him. Now such a Sermon being generally read as St. Cyprian's, no wonder it gave that Doctrine of Transubstantiation great credit.

These Writings are now discovered to be such forgeries, that all considering Men of their

own Church are ashamed of them, and disown them. So do Baronius and Bellarmin the De∣cretals; and Sirmondus, Launnoy, and many more, reject other forgeries. Yet here is a high pitch of Impudence that most of all their Writers of Controversie are guilty of, to cite these very Writings (which are now universally agreed to be spurious) still under those great Names, which forgery gave them.

As the Author of that Letter about Transubstantiation, cites a passage from St. Cyprian's Sermon De Coena Domini, though it is agreed to by Sixtus Senensis, Possevin, Bellarmin, Ray∣naud, and Labbe, to be none of his; and the Publishers of the Office of the Sacrament, in the Table at the end of it, acknowledge it was written by Arnold of Bonneval, a Friend of St. Bernard's. After these Authorities it is indeed strange, that such sophisticated stuff should be over and over again offered to us. And it was no wonder, such forgeries were generally received, when that Church gave them such Authority, as to take many Lessons out of the most spurious Legends and put them in their Breviary.

Of all these dark Ages, the tenth was certainly the midnight of the Church: We have scarce any Writer for that whole Age, so that it is generally called the Iron Age, an Age of Darkness and Wickedness; and therefore a very fit time for Superstition and Errour to work in. And thence we may well infer, that in Ages that were so exceeding ignorant, and in which men scarce thought of Religion, it was no hard thing to get any Errour recei∣ved and established.

But this is not all. These were also Ages of great licentiousness and disorder; for though the barbarous Nations were afterwards converted to the Orthodox Faith, (though by the way it were easie to shew these Conversions had nothing like the first Conversion of the World to Christianity in them) yet their Barbarity remained with them, and the Church∣men became so corrupt and vicious, that they could not have a face to reprove them for those Vices of which themselves were scandalously guilty.

From the Sixth Century downward what a race of Men have the Popes been? chiefly in the Ninth and Tenth Century. And indeed any Religion that remained in the World had so retired into Cloysters and Monasteries, that very little of it remained. These Houses were Seminaries of some Devotion, while they were poor and busied at work, according to their first foundation; but when they were well endowed, and became rich, they grew a scandal to all Christendom. All the primitive Discipline was laid down, Children were put into the highest Preferments of the Church, and Simony over-run the Church. These are matters of fact, that cannot be so much as questioned, nor should I, if put to prove them, seek Authorities for them any where else than in Baronius; who, for all his design to serve the Interest of that Church, yet could not prevaricate so far, as to conceal things that are so openly and uncontestedly true.

Now, from the Darkness and Corruption of these Ages, I presume to offer some things to the Readers consideration.

First, Ignorance always inclines people to be very easie to trust those, in whom they have confidence; for being either unwilling to trouble themselves with painful and sollicitous enquiries, or unable to make them, they take things on trust, without any care to search into them▪ But this general Maxim must needs be much more certain, when subjection to the Church, and the belief of every thing established, was made a very substantial part of Religion, or rather that alone which might compense all other defects.

Secondly, Ignorance naturally inclines people to Superstition, to be soon wrought on, and easily amused, to be full of fears, and easie to submit to any thing that may any way overcome these fears. A right sense of God and Divine Matters, makes one have such a taste of Religion, that he is not at all subject to this distemper, or rather Monster, begotten by the unnatural commixture of some Fear of God and Love of Sin, both being disordered by much ignorance; hence sprang most of the Idolatrous Rites of Heathenism, and all people so tempered are fit for the like humour to work upon.

Thirdly, The Interests of Churchmen, led them mightily to study the setting this Opi∣nion

on foot. This alone set them as high, as mortal Men could be, and made them appear a most sacred sort of a Creature. All the wonders of the Prophets and Apostles were but sorry matters to it: What was Moses calling fo•• Manna from Heaven and Water fromm the Rock? Elijah's bringing sometimes Fire and sometimes Rain from Heaven? what ••••re the Apostles raising the dead, giving sight to the blind, and feet to the lanie? To the annihi∣lating the substance of Bread and Wine, and bringing in their stead, not some other com∣mon matter, but the Flesh and Blood of the Ever-Blessed Jesus. He who could do this, no wonder he were reverenced, enriched, secure from all danger, exempt from all Civil Jurisdiction, and cherished with all imaginable respect and kindness. So that it is no strange thing, that Churchmen were much inclined to favour an Opinion, that favoured their In∣terests so much.

Fourthly, The Churchmen of these Ages were very likely to be easily drawn to anything, which might so much advance their designs; that were grown very high, especially from the days of Pope Gregory the Great. They were struggling with the Civil Powers for domi∣nion, and pursued that for many years, and spared neither labour nor the lives of Men to attain it. And it is not to be thought, but Men who did prodigally throw away many thou∣sands in a quarrel, would without very nice disputing, cherish any opinion that might con∣tribute toward that end. And as this was of great use to them, so they very much needed both it, and all such like shifts; for they had none of that sublime Sanctity, nor high Learning, or lofty Eloquence, which former Churchmen had, and by which they had acqui∣red great esteem in the World.

Now the Churchmen in these days, having a great mind to preserve or rather to encrease that esteem; but wanting those qualities which on a reasonable account might have ac∣quired it, or preserved it, must needs think of somewhat else to do it by; and so found out many Arts for it, such as the Belief of Purgatory, the Priestly Absolution upon Con∣fession, together with the reserved Cases, Indulgences, and the Pope's Power of taking Souls out of Purgatory. And if it be not full as unreasonable, to think the Pope should be believed vested with a power of pardoning Sin, and redeeming from Purgatory, as that Transubstantiation should have been received, let any Man judge.

Fifthly, There was such a vast number of Agents and Emissaries sent from Rome, to all the Parts of Europe, to carry on their designs, that we can hardly think it possible any thing could have withstood them. In such Ages, by giving some terrible name to any thing, it was presently disgraced with the Vulgar; a clear instance of this was the Fate of the Married Clergy.

Gregory the Seventh, who as Cardinal Benno (who knew him) represents him, was one of the worst Men that ever was born, and first set on foot the Pope's Pretensions to the Civil Authority, and the Power of deposing Princes, and putting others in their places; did prosecute the Married Clergy with great vehemency. This he could not do on any pious or chaste account, being so vile a Man as he was: But being resolved to bring all Princes to depend on him, there was no way so like to attain that, as to have all the Clergy abso∣lutely subject to him: This could not be hoped for, while they were married, and that the Princes and several States of Europe had such a pawn of their fidelity, as their Wives and Children; therefore because the persons of the Clergy were accounted sacred, and liable to no punishment, that there might be nothing so nearly related to them, wherein they might be punished, as their Wives and Children, he drave this furiously on; and, to give them some ill-favoured Name, called them Nicolaitans, which are represented in the Revelation so vile and odious.

This was the most unjust thing in the World: They might have called them Pharisees or Sadducees as well, for all the ancient Writers tell us, that Nicolas having a beautiful Wife was jealous, and the Apostles challenging him of it, he said, he was so far from▪ it; that he was willing to make her common, and thence some set up the community of Wives, and were from him called the Nicolaitans.

But because Women and Marriage were in the case, and it was a hateful word, this was the Name by which the married Clergy were every where made so odious; and though it was much the Interest of Princes to have had the Marriage of the Clergy to be left free, yet the Popes were too hard for them in it. Thus were the Agents of Rome able to prevail in every thing they set then selves to. So the Opposers of this Doctrine were called by the hateful names of Stercoranists and Panites.

Sixthly, When all Religion was placed in Externals, and splendid Rites and Ceremo∣nies came to be generally looked on as the whole business of Religion, peoples minds were by that much disposed to receive any thing, that might introduce external pomp and gran∣deur into their Churches; being willing to make up in an outward appearance of worship∣ping the Person of Christ, what was wanting in their obedience to his Gospel.

And now I appeal to any honest Man, if upon the suppositions I have laid down, it be at all an unaccountable thing, that a great company of ignorant and debauched Clergymen, should set themselves to cherish and advance a belief, which would redeem them from all the In∣famy their other Vices were ready to bring upon them; and they resolving on it, if it was hard for them, especially in a course of some Ages, to get an ignorant, credulous, supersti∣tious, and corrupt multitude, to receive it without much noise or ado.

I believe no man will deny, but upon these suppositions the thing was very like to succeed. Now that all these suppositions are true (to wit) that both Clergy and Laity in those Ages, chiefly in the Ninth, Tenth, and Eleventh Centuries, were ignorant, and vicious to the height; is a thing so generally known, and so universally confessed by all their own Historians, that I hardly think any man will have brow enough to deny it.

But there are many other things, which will also shew how possible, nay feasible such a change may be.

First, This having never been condemned by a formal Decision in any former Age, it was more easie to get it brought in; for no Council or Father could condemn or write against any Errour, but that which was maintained or abetted by some man, or company of men, in or before their time. Since then this had not been broached in the former Ages, the promoters of it had this advantage, that no former Decision had been made against them; for none ever thought of condemning any Heresie before it had a being.

Secondly, This Errour did in the outward sound agree with the words of the Institution, and the forms used in the former Liturgies, in which the Elements were said to be changed into the true and undefiled Body of Christ. A Doctrine then that seemed to establish nothing contrary to the ancient Liturgies, might easily have been received, in an Age, in which the outward sound and appearance was all they looked to.

Thirdly, The passage from the believing any thing in general, with an indistinct and con∣fused apprehension, to any particular way of explaining it, is not at all hard to be concei∣ved, especially in an Age, that likes every thing the better, the more mysterious it seem. In the preceding Ages, it was in general received, that Christ was in the Sacrament, and that by the Consecration the Elements were changed into his Body and Blood. And al∣though many of the Fathers did very formally explain in what sense Christ was present, and the Elements were changed; yet there having been no occasion given to the Church, to make any formal decision about the manner of it, every one thought he was left at liberty to explain it as he pleased. And we may very reasonably suppose, that many did not ex∣plain it at all, especially in these Ages, in which there was scarce any preaching or instructing the people. By this means the people did believe Christ was in the Sacrament, and that the Elements were changed into his Body and Blood, without troubling themselves to examine how it was, whether spiritually or corporally. Things being brought to this, in these Ages, by the carelesness of the Clergy, the people were by that, sufficiently disposed to believe any particular manner of that presence, or change, their Pastors might offer to them.

Fourthly, There being no visible change made in any part of the Worship, when this Doctrine was first brought in, it was easie to innovate, in these Ages, in which people looked

only at things that were visible and sensible: Had they brought in the Adoration, Processions, or other consequences of this Doctrine along with it, it was like to have made more noise; for people are apt to be startled when they see any notable change in their Worship: But this belief was first infused in the people, and Berengarius was condemned. The Council of Lateran had also made the Decree about it, before ever there were any of those signal alterations attempted.

And after that was done, then did Honorius decree the adoration; (Greg. Decret. lib. 3. tit. 42. cap. 10.) and Urban the fourth, upon some pretended Visions of Eve, Iulian, and Isabella, did appoint the Feast of the Body of Christ, called now generally, The Feast of God, or Corpus Christi Feast, which was confirmed by Pope Clement the fifth, (lib. 3. tit. 16.) in the Council of Vienna; and ever since that time they have been endeavouring by all the devices possible, to encrease the devotion of the people to the Host.

So that Mr. Arnaud in many places acknowledges they are most gross Idolaters if their Do∣ctrine be not true; which I desire may be well considered, since it is the opinion of one of the most considering and wisest, and most learned persons of that Communion, who has his whole life set his thoughts chiefly to the examining of this Sacrament, and knows as well as any man alive, what is the real sense of the Worshippers in that Church.

But to return to that I am about, it is very unreasonable to think that the people in those dark Ages, did concern themselves in the speculative opinions were among Divines, so that the vulgar could not busie themselves about it, but when this Opinion was decreed, and ge∣nerally received and infused in the Laity, for almost one age together, then we need not wonder to see notable alterations following upon it, in their worship, without any opposi∣tion or contest; for it was very reasonable such Consequences should have followed such a Doctrine.

But that before that time there was no adoration of the Elements, is a thing so clear, that it is impudence to deny it; there was no prostration of the body, or kneeling to be made, either on Lords days, or all the time between Easter and Pentecost, by the twentieth Canon of the Council of Nice.

None of the ancient Liturgies do so much as mention it; but the contrary is plainly in∣sinuated by S. Cyril of Ierusalem. None of that great number of Writers about Divine Offices, that lived in the seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth Centuries, published by Hittorpius, so much as mention it: Though they be very particular in giving us an account of the most in∣considerable parts of the Divine Offices, and of all the circumstances of them. Honorius when he first decreed it, does not alledge presidents for it; but commands the Priests to tell the people to do it; whereas, if it had been appointed before, he must rather have commanded the Priests to have told the people of their sacrilegious contempt of the Body of Christ, notwith∣standing the former Laws and Practice of the Church: But it is apparent his way of enjoyning it, is in the style of one that commands a new thing, and not that sets on the execution of what was sormerly used: Yet this was more warily appointed by Honorius, who enjoyned only an inclination of the Head to the Sacrament; but it was set up bare-faced by his Successor Gregory the ninth, who appointed (as the Historians tell us, (Naucler. ad an. 1240. Krantz. sex. lib. 8. cap. 10.) though it be not among his Decretals) A Bell to be rung, to give notice at the conse∣cration and elevation, that all who heard it, might kneel, and join their hands in adoring the Host. So that any passages of the Fathers that speak of Adoration or Veneration to the Sacrament, must either be understood of the inward Adoration the Communicant offers up to God the Father, and his blessed Son, in the commemoration of so great a mystery of Love, as ap∣peared in his death, then represented and remembred. Or these words are to be taken in a large sense, and so we find, they usually called the Gospels, their Bishops, Baptism, the Pascha, and almost all other sacred things, venerable.

And thus from many particulars it is apparent, that the bringing in the Doctrine of Tran∣substantiation is no unaccountable thing.

But I shall pursue this yet further, for the Reader's full satisfaction, and shew the steps by which this Doctrine was introduced.

We find in the Church of Corinth the receiving the Sacrament was looked on, but as a common entertainment, and was gone about without great care or devotion, which S. Paul charges severely on them; and tells them what heavy judgments had already fallen on them, for such abuses, and that heavier ones might be yet looked for, since they were guilty of the Body and Blood of the Lord, by their unworthy receiving.

Upon this the whole Christian Church was set to consider, in very good earnest, how to prepare themselves aright for so holy an action; and the receiving the Sacrament, as it was the greatest Symbol of the Love of Christians, so it was the end of all Penitence, that was enjoyned for publick or private sins, but chiefly for Apostacy, or the denying the Faith, and complying with Idolatry in the times of Persecution. Therefore the Fathers considering both the words of the Institution, and S. Paul's Epistle to the Corinthians, did study mightily to awaken all to great preparation and devotion, when they received the Sacrament. For all the primitive devotion about the Sacrament, was only in order to the receiving it; and that modern worship of the Church of Rome, of going to hear Mass without receiving, was a thing so little understood by them, that as none were suffered to be present in the action of the Mysteries, but those who were qualified to receive; so if any such had gone out of the Church without participating, (9 Apost. Cnn. and 2 Can. Antioch) they were to be se∣parated from the Communion of the Church, as the Authors of disorder in it.

Upon this Subject the Fathers employed all their Eloquence; and no wonder, if we con∣sider that it is such a commemoration of the death of Christ as does really communicate to the worthy Receiver his crucified Body, and his Blood that was shed, (Mark, not his glori∣fied Body, as it is now in Heaven) which is the Fountain and Channel of all other bles∣sings, but is only given to such, as being prepared according to the Rules of the Gospel, sin∣cerely believe all the mysteries of Faith, and live suitably to their Belief, both the advanta∣ges of worthy receiving, and the danger of unworthy receiving being so great, it was necessa∣ry for them to make use of all the faeulties they had, either for awakening reverence and fear, that the contemptible Elements of Bread and Wine, might not bring a cheapness and dis∣esteem upon these holy Mysteries, or for perswading their Communicants to all serious and due preparation, upon so great an occasion.

This being then allowed, it were no strange thing, though in their Sermons, or other de∣vout Treatises, they should run out to Meditations that need to be mollified with that al∣lowance that must be given to all Panegyricks or Perswasives: where many things are always said, that if right understood, have nothing in them to startle any body; but if every phrase be examined Grammatically, there would be many things found in all such Discourses, that would look very hideously. Is it not ordinary in all the Festivities of the Church, as S. Au∣stin observed on this very occasion, to say, This day Christ was born, or died, or rose again in? and yet that must not be taken literally. Beside, when we hear or read any expressions that sound high or big, we are to consider the ordinary stile of him that uses these expressi∣ons; for if upon all other occasions he be apt to rise high in his Figures, we may the less wonder at some excesles of his Stile. If then such an Orator as S. Chrysostome was, who ex∣patiates on all subjects, in all the delighting varieties of a fertile Phancy, should on so great a Subject, display all the beauties of that ravishing Art in which he was so great a Master, what wonder is it? Therefore great allowances must be made in such a case.

Further, we must also consider the tempers of those to whom any Discourse is addressed. Many things must be said in another manner to work on Novices, or weak persons, than were fit or needful for men of riper and stronger understandings. He would take very ill measures, that would judge of the future state, by these Discourses in which the sense of that is infused in younger or weaker capacities; therefore though in some Catechisms that were calculated for the understandings of Children and Novices, such as S. Cyril's, there be some high expres∣sions used, it is no strange thing; for naturally all men on such occasions, use the highest and biggest words they can invent.

But we ought also to consider, what persons have chiefly in their eye, when they speak

to any point. For all men, especially when their Fancies are inflamed with much servor, are apt to look only to one thing at once; and if a visible danger appear of one side, and none at all on the other, then it is natural for every one to exceed on that side, where there is no danger. So that the hazard of a contempt of the Sacrament being much and justly in their eye, and they having no cause to apprehend any danger on the otherside, of excessive ado∣ring or magnifying it: No wonder, if in some of their Discourses, an immoderate use of the counterpoise, had inclined them to say many things of the Sacrament, that require a fair and can did interpretation.

Yet after all this, they say no more, but that in the Sacrament they did truly and really communicate on the Body and Blood of Christ; which we also receive and believe. And in many other Treatises, when they are in colder blood, examining things, they use such ex∣pressions and expositions of this, as no way favour the belief of Transubstantiation; of which we have given some account in a former Paper. But though that were not so formally done, and their Writings were full of passages that needed great allowances, it were no more than what the Fathers that wrote against the Arrians, confess the Fathers before the Council of Nice, were guilty of; who writing against Sabellius, with too much veliemence, did run to the opposite extream. So many of S. Ciril's passages against Nestorius, were thought to fa∣vour Eutychianism. So also Theodoret, and two others, writing against the Entychians, did run to such excesses, as drew upon them the condemnation of the Fifth General Council.

The first time we find any Contestor canvassing about the Sacrament, was in the Contro∣versie about Images, in the eighth Century, That the Council of Constantinople, in the con∣denming of Images, declared, there was no other Image of Christ to be received, but the Blessed Sacrament; in which, the substance of Bread and Wine was the Image of the Body and Blood of Christ; making a difference between that which is Christs Body by nature, and the Sacra∣ment, which is his Body by Institution.

Now it is to be considered, that whatever may be pretended of the violence of the Greek Emperors over-ruling that Council in the matter of condemning Images; yet there having been no Contest at all about the Sacrament, we cannot in reason think they would have brought it into the dispute, if they had not known these two things were the received Do∣ctrine of the Church: The one, that in the Sacrament, the substance of Bread and Wine did remain; the other, that the Sacrament was the Image or Figure of Christ; and from thence they acknowledged, all Images were not to be rejected, but denied any other Images be∣sides that in the Sacrament.

Now the second Council of Nice, being resolved to quarrel with them as much as was pos∣sible, do not at all condemn them for that which is the chief testimony for us (to wit) That the Sacrament was still the substance of Bread and Wine; and Damascene, the zealous Defen∣der of Images, clearly insinuates his believing the substance of Bread and Wine remained, and did nourish our Bodies. Let it be therefore considered, that when that Council of Nice was in all the bitterness imaginable canvassing every word of the Council of Constantinople, they never once blame them for saying, The substance of Bread and Wine was in the Sacrament. It is true, they condemned them for saying the Sacrament was the Image of Christ, denying that any of the Fathers had called it so; alledging that the Symboles were called Antit pes by the Fathers, only before the consecration, and not after; in which they followed Damascene, (De Fid. orth. lib. 4. cap. 14.) who had fallen in the same Errour before them. But this is so manifest a mistake in matter of fact, that it gives a just reason for rejecting the authority of that Council, were there no more to be said against it: For this was either very gross igno∣rance, or effronted impudence, since in above twenty Fathers that were before them, the Sa∣crament is called the Figure and Antitype of Christ's Body; and at the same time, that Damascene, who was then looked on as the great Light of the East, did condemn the calling the Sacra∣ment, the Figure of Christ's Body. The venerable Bede, (Bed. in Psal. 3. & Mark 14.) that was looked on as the great Light of the West, did according to the stile of the Primitive Church, and in S. Austin's words, call it, The Figure of Christ's Body.

I shall not trace the other forgeries and follies of that pretended General Council, because I know a full account of them is expected from a better Pen; only in this particular I must desire the Reader to take notice, that the Council of Constantinople did not innovate any thing in the Doctrine about the Sacrament, and did use it as an Argument in the other Con∣troversie concerning Images, without any design at all about the Eucharist. But on the o∣ther hand, the second Council of Nice did innovate and reject a form of speech, which had been universally received in the Church, before their time; and being engaged with all pos∣sible spight against the Council of Constantinople, resolved to contradict every thing they had said, as much as could be: So that in this we ought to look on the Council of Constantinople, as delivering what was truly the Tradition of the Church, and on the second Council of Nice, as corrupting it.

About thirty years after that Council, Paschase Radbert Abbot of Corbie, wrote about the Sacrament, and did formally assert the Corporal Presence, in the Ninth Century. The greatest Patrons of this Doctrine, such as Bellarmin and Sirmondus, both Jesuites, confess, he was the first that did fully and to purpose explain the verity of Christ's Body and Blood in the Eucharist. And Paschase himself, in his Letter to his Friend Frudegard, regrates that He was so flow in believing and assenting to his Doctrine; and does also acknowledge, that by his Book he had moved many to the understanding of that Mystery; and it is apparent by that Letter, that not only Frudegard, but others were scandalized at his Book, for he writes, I have spo∣ken of these things more fully, and more expresly, because I understand that some challenge me, that in the Book I have published of the Sacraments of Christ, I have ascribed either more or some other thing than is consonant to Truth to the words of our Lord. Of all the Writers of that Age, or near it, only one (and his Name we know not, the Book being anonymous) was of Pas∣chase's opinion.

But we find all the great men of that Age were of another mind, and did clearly assert, that in the Sacrament, the Substance of Bread and Wine remained, and did nourish our Bo∣dies as other meats do. These were Rabanus Maurus, Archbishop of Mentz, Amalarius, Arch∣bishop of Treves, or as others say, Metz, Heribald, Bishop of Auxerre, Bertram, Iohn Scot Erigena, Walafridus Strabo, Florus and Christian Druthmar. And three of these set themselves on purpose to refute Paschase. The anonymous Writer that defends him, says, That Raban did dispute at length against him in an Epistle to Abbot Egilon, for saying it was that Body that was born of the Virgin, and was crucified, and raised again, that was daily offered for the life of the World. That is also condemned by Raban in his Penitential, cap. 33. who refers his Reader to that Epistle to Abbor Egilon. And for Bertram, he was commanded by Charles the Bald, then Emperor, to write upon that matter, which in the beginning of his Book he promises to do, not trusting to his own wit, but following the steps of the Holy Fathers. It is also apparent by his Book, that there were at that time different Perswasions about the Body of Christ in the Sacrament; some believing it was there without any Figure; others saying, it was there in a Figure and Mystery. Upon which he apprehended, there must needs follow a great Schism. And let any read Paschase's Book, and after that Bertram's, and if he have either honesty, or at least, shame remaining in him, he must see it was in all points the very same Controversie that was canvassed then between them, and is now debated between the Church of Rome and Us.

Now that Raban and Bertram were two of the greatest and most learned men of that Age, cannot be denied: Raban passes without contest amongst the first men of the Age; and for Bertram, we need neither cite what Trithemius says of him, nor what the Disciples of S. Austin, in the Port-Royal, have said to magnifie him, when they make use of him to establish the Doctrine of the efficacy of Grace. It is a sufficient evidence of the esteem he was in, that he was made choice of by the Bishop of France, to defend the Latin Church against the Greeks; and upon two very important Controversies that were moved in that Age; the one being about Predestination and Grace, the other, that which we have now before us, He, though a private Monk, raised to no dignity, was commanded by the Emperor to write of

both these; which no man can imagine had been done, if he had not been a man much 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and esteemed; and way in which he writes, is solid and worthy of the reputation he ha〈…〉〈…〉∣quired: He proves both from the words of Institution, and from St. Paul, that the Sacrame•••• was still Bread and Wine. He proves from S. Austin, that these were Mysteries and Figures of Christ's Body and Blood. And indeed considering that Age, he was an extraordinary writer.

The third that did write against Paschase, was Iohn Scot, otherwise called Erigena, who was likewise commanded to write about the Sacrament, by that same Emperor. He was undoubtedly the most learned and ingenious man of that Age, as all our English Historians tell us, chiefly Wil∣liam of Malmsbury: He was in great esteem both with the Emperor, and our great King Al∣fred. (Lib. 2. de Gest. Reg.) He was accounted a Saint and a Martyr; his memory was celebra∣ted by an Anniversary on the tenth of November. He was also very learned in the Greek, and other Oriental Tongues, which was a rare thing in that Age. This Erigena did formally refute Paschase's Opinion, and assert ours. It is true, his Book is now lost, being 200 years after burn∣ed by the C. of Vercel; but though the Church of Lyons does treat him very severely in their Book against him, and fastens many strange opinions upon him, in which there are good grounds to think they did him wrong; yet they no where challenge him for what he wrote about the Sacrament; which shews they did not condemn him for that; though they speak of him with great animosity, because he had written against Predestination and Grace effica∣cious of it self, which they defended. It seems most probable that it was from his Writings, that the Homily read at Easter by the Saxons here in England, does so formally contradict the Doctrine of Transubstantiation. And now let the Reader judge, if it be not clear that Pas∣chase did innovate the the Doctrine of the Church in this point, but was vigorously opposed by all the great men of that Age.

For the following Age, all Historians agree, it was an Age of most prodigious Ignorance and Debauchery, and that amongst all sorts of people, none being more signally vicious than the Clergy; and of all the Clergy, none so much as the Popes, who were such a succession of Monsters, that Baronius cannot forbear making the saddest exclamations possible concerning their cruelties, debaucheries, and other vices: So that, then, if at any time, we may conclude all were asleep, and no wonder if the tares Paschase had sown, did grow up; and yet of the very few Writings of the Age that remain, the far greater number seem to favour the Doctrine of Bertram. But till Berengarius his time, we hear nothing of any contest about the Eucharist. So here were 200 years spent in an absolute ignorance and forgetfulness of all divine things.

About the middle of the 11th Cent. Bruno Bishop of Angiers, and Berengarius, who was born in Tours, but was Arch-Deacon and Treasurer of the Church of Angiers, did openly teach, that Christ was in the Sacrament only in a Figure. We hear little more of Bruno; but Berengarius is spoken of by many Historians, (Sigebert, Platma, Antonin. Sabellicus, Chron. Mont. Cassin. Sigonius, Vignier, Guitmond, and chiefly William of Malmsbury) as a man of great Learning and Piety, and that when he was cited to the Council at Rome, before Nicolaus the Second, none could resist him; that he had an excellent faculty of speaking, and was a man of great Gravity; that he was held a Saint by many: He did abound in Charity, Humility, and Good Works, and was so chaste, that he would not look at a beutiful woman. And Hildebert Bishop of Mans, whom S. Bernard com∣mends highly, made such an Epitaph on him, that notwithstanding all the abatements we must make for Poetry, yet no man could write so of an ordinary person.

This Berengarius wrote against the Corporal Presence, calling it a stupidity of Paschase's and Lanfrank's, who denied that the substance of Bread and Wine remained after Consecration. He had many followers, as Sigebert tells us, (Edit. Antwerp. 1608.) And William of Malmsbury, and Matthew Paris, tell us his Doctrine had overspred all France. It were too long to shew with what impudent corrupting of Antiquity those who wrote against him, did stuff up their Books. Divers Councils were held against him, and he through fear, did frequently waver; for when other Arguments proved too weak to convince him, then the Faggot, which is the sure and be∣loved Argument of that Church, prevailed on his fears; so that he burnt his own Book, and signed the condemnation of his own Opinion at Rome; this he did, as Lanfrank upbraids him,

not for love of the Truth, but for fear of Death: which shews he had not that love of the truth, and constancy of mind he ought to have had. But it is no prejudice against the Doctrine he taught, that he was a man not only subject to, but overcome by so great a temptation; for the fear of death is natural to all men.

And thus we see, that in the 9th Century our Doctrine was taught by the greatest writers of that time, so that it was then generally received, and not at all condemned either by Pope or Council. But in the 11th Century, upon its being defended, it was condemned. Can there be therefore any thing more plain, than that there was a change made, and that what in the one Age was taught by a great number of writers, without any censure upon it, was in ano∣ther Age anathematized? Is there not then here a clear change? And what has been done, was certainly possible, from whence we conclude with all the justice and reason in the world, that a change was not only possible, but was indeed made. And yet the many repeated con∣demnations of Berengarius, shew, his Doctrine was too deeply rooted in the minds of that Age, to be very easily suppressed; for to the end of the 11th Century, the Popes continued to condemn his Opinions, even after his death.

In the beginning of the 12th Century, Honorius of Autun, who was a considerable man in that Age, did clearly assert the Doctrine of the Sacraments nourishing our Bodies, and is ac∣knowledge by Thomas Waldensis, to have been a follower of Berengarius his Heresie. And about the 18th year of that Age, that Doctrine was embraced by great numbers in the South of France, who were from ther several Teachers called Petrobrusrans, Henricians, Waldenses, and from the Countrey, where their number were greatest, Albigenses; whose Confession, dated the year 1120, bears, That the eating of the Sacramental Bread, was the eating of Iesus Christ in a figure; Iesus Christ having said, as oft as ye do this, do it in remembrance of me.

It were needless to engage in any long account of these people; the Writers of those times have studied to represent them in as hateful and odious Characters, as it was possible for them to devise; and we have very little remaining that they wrote. Yet as the false Witnesses that were suborned to lay heavy things to our Blessed Saviour. Charge, could not agree among themselves; so for all the spite with which these Writers prosecute those poor Innocents, there are such noble Characters given, even by these enemies, of their piety, their simplicity, their patience, constancy, and other virtues; that as the Apologists for Christianity, do justly glory in the testimonies Pliny, Lucian, Tacitus, Iosephus, and other declared Enemies give; so any that would study to redeem the memory of those multitudes, from the black aspersions of their foul-mouthed Enemies, would find many passages among them to glory much in, on their behalf, which are much more to be considered than those virulent Calumnies with which they labour to blot their Memories: But neither the death of Peter de Bruis, who was burnt, nor all the following Cruelties, that were as terrible as could be invented by all the fury of the Court of Rome, managed by the Inquisitions of the Dominicans, whose Souls were then as black as their Garments, could bear down or extinguish that light of the Truth, in which what was wanting in Learning, Wit, or Order, was fully made up in the simplicity of their Manners, and the constancy of their Sufferings. And it were easie to shew, that the two great things they were most persecuted for, were their refusing subjection to the See of Rome, and their not believing the Doctrine of the Corporal Presence; nor were they confined to one corner of France only, but spred almost all Europe over.

In that Age Steven Bishop in Eduen is the first I ever find cited to have used the word Tran∣substantiation, who expresly says, (De Sacram. Altar. c. 13.) That the Oblation of Bread and Wine is Transubstantiated into the Body and Blood of Christ: Some place him in the beginning, some in the middle of that Age; for there were two Bishops of that See, both of the same Name; the one, Anno 1112. the other 1160. And which of the two it was, is not certain; but the Master of the Sentences was not so positive, and would not determine, (Lib. 4. dist. 11.) whether Christ was present formally, substantially, or some other way. But in the beginning of the 13th Century, one Amalric, or Almaric, who was in great esteem for Learning, did deny Tran∣substantiation, saying, That the Body of Christ was no more in the Consecrated Bread, than in any

other Bread, or any other thing; (Anno 1215. c. 1.) for which he was condemned in the 4th Coun∣cil of Lateran, and his Body, which was buried in Paris, was taken up and burnt; and then was it decreed, That the Body and Blood of Christ were truly contained under the kinds (or Species) of Bread and Wine, the Bread being transubstantiated into the Body, and the Wine into the Blood.

All the while this Doctrine was carried on, it was managed with all the ways possible, that might justly create a prejudice against them who set it forward; for besides many ridiculous lying wonders, that were forged to make it more easily believed by a credulous and supersti∣tious multitude, the Church of Rome did discover a cruelty and blood-thirstiness which no Pen is able to set out to the full. What Burnings and Tortures, and what Croissades as against Infidels and Mabumetans, did they set on against those poor innocent Companies, whom they with an enraged, wolvish and barbarous bloodiness studied to destroy? This was clearly con∣trary to the Laws of Humanity, the Rules of the Gospel, and the Gentleness of Christ: How then could such companies of Wolves pretend to be the followers of the Lamb? In the Pri∣mitive Church, the Bishops that had prosecuted the Priscillanists before the Emperor Maximus, to the taking away their lives, were cast out of the Communion of the Church; but now did these that still pretended to be Christ's Vicars, shew themselves in Antichrist's Colours, dipt in blood.

If then any of that Church that live among us, plead for pity, and the not executing the Laws, and if they blame the severity of the Statutes against themselves, let them do as be∣comes honest men, and without disguise, disown and condemn those Barbarities, and them that were the promoters and pursuers of them; for those practices have justly filled the world with fears and jealousies of them, that how meekly soever they may now whine under the pre∣tended oppression of the Laws, they would no sooner get into power, but that old Leaven not being yet purged out of their hearts, they would again betake themselves to fire and faggot, as the unanswerable Arguments of their Church: and so they are only against persecution, be∣cause they are not able to persecute; but were they the men that had the power, it would be again a Catholick Doctrine and Practice: But when they frankly and candidly condemn those Practices and Principles, they will have somewhat to plead, which will in reason pre∣vail more than all their little Arts can do to procure them favour.

It was this same Council of Lateran, that established both Cruelty, Persecution and Rebel∣lion into a Law, appointing, that all Princes should exterminate all Hereticks, (this is the mer∣cy of that Church which all may look for, if ever their power be equal to their malice) and did decree, (Cap. 3.) That if any Temporal Lord, being admonished by the Church, did neglect to purge his Lands, he should be first excommunicated, and if he continued a year in his contempt and contumacy, notice was to be given of it to the Pope, who from that time forth should declare his Vas∣sals absolved from the Fidelity they owed him, and expose his Lands to be ivaded by Catholicks, who might possess them without any contradiction, having exterminated the Hereticks out of them, and so preserve them in the purity of the Faith. This Decree was made on the account of Raimond Count of Tholouse, who favoured the Albigenses, that were his Subjects; and being a Peer of France according to the first constitution under Hugo Capet King of France, was such a Prince in his own Dominions, as the Princes of Germany now are. He was indeed the King of France his Vassal; but it is clear from the History of that time, that the King of France would not interpose in that business.

Yet the Popes in this same Council of Lateran, did, by the advice of the Council, give to Simon Montfort (who was General of the Croissade, that the Pope sent against that Prince) all the Lands that were taken from the Count of Tholouse. So that there was an Invasion both of the Count of Tholouse, and of the King of France his Rights. For if that Prince had done any thing amiss, he was only accountable to the King, and the other Peers of France.

This Decree of the Council is published by Dom. Luc. Dachery; (Tom. 7. Spic. and Tom. 11. of the Council, Print. Anno 1672. p. 233.) so that it is plain, that the Pope got here a Coun∣cil to set up Rebellion by authority, against the express Rules of the Gospel. This almost their whole Church accounts a General Council, a few only among us excepted, who know

not how io approve themselves good Subjects, if they own that a General Council, which does so formally establish treasonable and seditious Principles. For if it be true, that a Gene∣ral Council making a definition in an Article of Faith, is to be followed and submitted to by all men, the same Arguments will prove that in any controverted practical opinion, we ought not to trust our own Reasons, but submit to the Definition of the Church; for if in this Que∣stion a private person shall rest on his own understanding of the Scriptures, and reject this Decree, why may he not as well in other things assume the same freedom? It is true, the words of the Decree seem only to relate to Temporal Lords that were under Soveraign Princes, such as the Count of Tholouse; and therefore Crowned Heads need fear nothing from it: But though the Decree runs chiefly against such, yet there are two Clauses in it that go further; one is in these words, Saving always the Right of the Principal Lord, provided he make no ob∣stacle about it, nor cast in any impediment. Whence it plainly follows, that if the Soveraign, such as the King of France, in the case of Tholouse, did make any Obstacle, he forfeited his Right. The other clause is in these words, The same Law being nevertheless observed about those who have no principal Lords. In which are clearly included all those Soveraigns, who depend and hold their Crowns immediately from God.

Now it is apparent, the design of these words so couched, was once to bring all Soveraigns under that lash, before they were aware of it; for had they named Emperors and Kings, they might reasonably have expected great opposition from them; but insinuating it so covertly, it would pass the more easily: Yet it is plain, nothing else can be meant, or was intended by it; so that it is clear, that the 4th Council of Lateran, as it established Transubstantiation, so did also Decree both Persecution and Rebellion: Therefore the Reader may easily judge, what account is to be made of that Council, and what security any State can have of those who adhere to it.

Our Saviour when he states the opposition between the Children of God, and the Children of the Devil, he gives this for the Character of the latter, that they did the works of their Fa∣ther; and these he mentions are Lying and Murdering: We have seen sufficient evidence of the murdering Spirit which acted in that Church, when this Doctrine was set up. But to compleat that black Character, let us look over to the Council of Constance, which decreed that bold violation of the Command of Christ, Drink ye all of it; by taking the Chalice from the Laity: And there we find Perfidy, which is the basest and worst kind of Lying, also established by Law: For it was Decreed by them, (Sess. 19.) That all safe Conducts not∣withstanding, or by what Bonds soever any Prince had engaged himself, the Council was no way preju∣diced, and that the Iudge competent might enquire into their Errors; and proceed otherwise duly against them, and punish them according to Iustice, if they stubbornly refuse to retract their Errours, although trusting to their safe Conduct, they had come to the place of Iudgment, and had not come without it; and Declare, That whoever had promised any such thing to them, having done what in him lay, was under no further Obligation. Upon which, Sigismund broke his Faith to Iohn Hus and Ierome of Prague, and they were burnt.

So that their Church, having in General Councils Decreed both Perfidy and Cruelty, it is casie to infer by what Spirit they are acted, and whose Works they did. If then they did the Works of the Devil, who was a Liar and Murderer from the beginning, they cannot be looked on as the Children of God, but as the Children of the Devil.

If this seem too severe, it is nothing but what the force of Truth draws from me, being the furthest in the world from that uncharitable temper of aggravating things beyong what is just; but the Truth must be heard, and the Lamb of God could call the Scribes and Phari∣sees, a Generation of Vipers and Children of the Devil. Therefore if a Church be so notoriously guilty of the most Infamous Violation of all the Laws of Humanity, and the security which a publick faith must needs give, none is to be blamed for laying open and exposing such a So∣ciety to the just censure of all impartial persons, that so every one may see what a hazard his Soul runs by engaging in the Communion of a Church that is so foully guilty: for these were not personal failings, but were the Decrees of an authority which must be acknowledged by them

Infallible, if they be true to their own principles. So that if they receive these as General Councils, I know not how they can clear all that Communion from being involved in the guilt of what they Decreed.

Thus far we hope it hath been made evident enough, that there are no impossibilities in such a change of the Doctrine of the Church about this Sacrament, as they imagine. And that all these are but the effects of wit and fancy, and vanish into nothing when closely canvassed. I have not dwelt so long on every step of the History I have vouched, as was necessary, de∣signing to be as short as was possible, and because these things have been at full length set down by others, and particularly in that great and learned work of Albertin a French Minister concerning this Sacrament; In which the Doctrines of the Primitive Church, and the steps of the change that was made, are so laid open, that no man has yet so much as attempted the an∣swering him: and those matters of fact are so uncontestedly true, that there can be little de∣bate about them, but what may be very soon cleared, and I am ready to make all good to a tittle when any shall put me to it.

It being apparent then, that the Church of Rome has usurped an undue and unjust authority over the other States and Nations of Christendom, and has made use of this Dominion to in∣troduce many great corruptions both in the Faith, the Worship, and Government of the Church; nothing remains but to say a little to justify this Churches Reforming these abuses.

And, First, I suppose it will be granted, that a National Church may judge a Doctrine to be Heretical, when its opposition to the Scripture, Reason, and the Primitive Doctrine is ap∣parent: for in that case the Bishops and Pastors being to feed and instruct the Church, they must do it according to their Consciences, otherwise how can they discharge the Trust, God and the Church commit to their charge? And thus all the ancient Hereticks, such as Samo∣satenus, Arrius, Pelagius, and a great many more were first condemned in Provincial Councils.

Secondly, if such Heresies be spread in places round about, the Bishops of every Church ought to do what they can to get others concur with them in the condemning them; but if they cannot prevail, they ought nevertheless to purge themselves and their own Church, for none can be bound to be damned for company. The Pastors of every Church owe a Charity to their neighbour Churches, but a Debt to their own, which the Stubborness of others cannot excuse them from. And so those Bishops in the Primitiue Church, that were invironed with Arrians, did reform their own Churches when they were placed in any Sees that had been corrupted by Arrianism.

Thirdly, No time can give prescription against truth, and therefore had any errour been ever so antiently received in any Church, yet the Pastors of that Church finding it contrary to truth ought to reform it: the more antient or inveterate any errour is, it needs the more to be looked to. So those Nations that were long bred up in Arrianism, had good reason to re∣form from that erronr. So the Church of Rome will acknowledge that the Greek Church, or our Church ought to forsake their present Doctrines, though they have been long received.

Fourthly, No later Definitions of Councils or Fathers ought to derogate from the ancienter Decrees of Councils, or opinions of the Fathers; otherwise the Arrians had reason to have ju∣stified their submitting to the Councils of Sirmium, Arimini, and Millan, and rejecting that of Nice: therefore we ought in the first place to consider the Decrees and Opinions of the most Primitive Antiquity.

Fifthly, No succession of Bishops how clear soever in its descent from the Apostles, can secure a Church from errour. Which the Church of Rome must acknowledge, since they can neither deny the succession of the Greek Church, nor of the Church of England.

Sixthly, If any Church continues so hardned in their errours that they break Communion with another Church for reforming; the guilt of this breach must lie at their door who are both in the Errour, and first reject the other, and refuse to reform or communicate with other Churches.

Upon every one of these particulars (and they all set together, compleat the Plea for the Church of England) I am willing to joyn Issue, and shew they are not only true in themselves,

but must be also acknowledged by the Principles of the Church of Rome: So that if the grounds of Controversie, on which our Reformation did proceed, were good and justifiable, it is most unreasonable to say our Church had not good right and authority to make it.

It can be made appear that for above two hundred years before the Reformation, there were general complaints among all sorts of persons, both the subtle School-men, and devout Con∣templatives, both Ecclesiasticks and Laicks did complain of the corruptions of the Church, and called aloud for a Reformation both of Faith and Manners: even the Council of Pisa a lit∣tle before Luther's days, did Decree, There should be a Reformation both of Faith and Manners, and that both of the Head and Members. But all these complaints turned to nothing, abuses grew daily, the interests of the Nephews and other corrupt intrigues of the Court of Rome was always obstructing good motions and cherishing ill Customs, for they brought the more Grist to their Mill. When a Reformation was first called for in Germany, instead of complying with so just a desire, all that the Court of Rome thought on, was how to suppress these complaints, and destroy those who made them.

In end, when great Commotions were like to follow, by the vast multitudes of those who concurred in this desire of Reforming, a Council was called, after the Popes had frequently prejudged in the matter, and Pope Leo had with great frankness condemned most of Luther's opinions. From that Council no good could reasonably be expected, for the Popes had al∣ready engaged so deep in the Quarrel, that there was no retreating, and they ordered the matter so, that nothing could be done but what they had a mind to: all the Bishops were at their Consecration their sworn vassals: nothing could be brought into the Council without the Legates had proposed it. And when any good motions were made by the Bishops of Spain or Germany, they had so many poor Italian Bishops kept there on the Pope's charges, that they were always masters of the vote: for before they would hold a Session about any thing, they had so canvassed it in the Congregations, that nothing was so much as put to the hazard. All these things appear even from Cardinal Pallavicini's History of that Council.

While this Council was sitting, and some years before, many of this Church were convin∣ced of these corruptions, and that they could not with a good Conscience joyn any longer in a worship so corrupted; yet they were satisfied to know the truth themselves and to in∣struct others privately in it, but formed no separated Church; waiting for what issue God in his Providence might bring about. But with what violence and cruelty their enemies, who were generally those of the Clergy, pursued them, is well enough known: Nor shall I repeat any thing of it, lest it might be thought an invidious aggravating of things that are past. But at length, by the death of King Henry the eight, the Government fell in the hands of persons well affected to the Reformation. It is not material what their true motives were, for Iehu did a good work when he destroyed the Idolatry of Baal, though neither his motives nor me∣thod of doing it are justifiable: nor is it to the purpose to examine, how those Bishops that reformed could have complied before with the corruptions of the Roman Church and received orders from them. Meletius, and Felix, were placed by the Arrians, the one at Antioch in the room of Eustatbius, the other at Rome, in Liberius his room, who were both banished for the Faith: and yet both these were afterwards great Defenders of the truth; and Felix was a Mar∣tyr for it, against these very Hereticks with whom they complied in the beginning. So what∣ever mixture of carnal ends might be in any of the Secular men, or what allay of humane in∣firmity and fear might have been in any of the Ecclesiasticks; that can be no prejudice to the cause: for men are always men, and the power of God does often appear most eminently, when there is least cause to admire the instruments he makes use of.

But in that juncture of affairs the Bishops and Clergy of this Church seeing great and mani∣fest corruptions in it, and it being apparent that the Church of Rome would consent to no re∣formation to any good purpose, were obliged to reform, and having the Authority of King and Parliament concurring, they had betrayed their Consciences and the charge of Souls for which they stood engaged, and were to answer at the great day, if they had dallied longer, and not warned the people of their danger, and made use of the inclinations of the Civil Powers

for carrying on so good at work. And it is the lasting glory of the Reformation, that when they saw the Heir of the Crown was inflexibly united to the Church of Rome, they proceeded not to extream courses against her; for what a few wrought on by the ambition of the Duke of Northumberland were got to do, was neither the deed of the Nation, nor of the Church, since the Representatives of neither concurred in it. But the Nation did receive the righteous Heir: and then was our Church crowned with the highest glory it could have desired, many of the Bishops who had been most active in the Reformation, sealing it with their Blood, and in death giving such evident proofs of holy and Christian constancy, that they may be justly matched with the most Glorious Martyrs of the Primitive Church. Then did both these Churches appear in their true colours, That of Rome weltring in the Blood of the Saints and insatiately drinking it up: and our Church bearing the Cross of Christ and following his ex∣ample. But when we were for some years thus tried in the fire, then did God again bless us with the protection of the rightful and lawful Magistrate. Then did our Church do as the Pri∣mitive Church had done under Theodosius, when she got out from a long and cruel persecution of the Arrians under those enraged Emperours Constantius and Valens. They reformed the Church from the Arrian Doctrine, but would not imitate them in their persecuting spirit. And when others had too deep resentments of the ill usage they had met with under the Ar∣rian Tyranny, Nazianzen and the other holy Bishops of that time did mitigate their Animosi∣ties: So that the Churches were only taken from the Arrians, but no storms were raised a∣gainst them.

So in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, it cannot be denied that those of that Church were long suffered to live at quiet among us with little or no disturbance, save that the Churches were taken out of their hands. Nor were even those who had bathed them∣selves in so much blood made examples, so entirely did they retain the meekness and lenity of the Christian spirit. And if after many years quiet, those of that Religion when they met with no trouble from the government, did notwithstanding enter into so many plots and conspira∣cies against the Queen's person and the established government, was it any wonder that severe Laws were made against them, and those Emissaries who under a pretence of coming in a mission, were sent as spies and agents among us to fill all with blood and confusion? Whom had they blame for all this but themselves? or was this any thing but what would have been certainly done in the gentlest and mildest government upon earth? For the Law of self-pre∣servation is engraven on all mens natures, and so no wonder every State and Government sees to its own security against those who seek its ruine and destruction: and it had been no wonder if upon such provocations there had been some severities used which in themselves were uniustifiable: for few take reparation in an exact equality to the damage and injury they have received. But since that time they have had very little cause to complain of any hard treatment; and if they have met with any, they may still thank the officious insolent deport∣ment of some of their own Church, that have given just cause of jealousie and fear.

But I shall pursue this discourse no further, hoping enough is already said upon the head that engaged me to it, to make it appear, that it was possible the Doctrine of the Church should be changed in this matter, and that it was truly changed. From which I may be well allowed to subsume, that our Church discovering that this change was made, had very good reason and a sufficient authority to reform this corruption, and restore the Primitive Doctrine again.

And now being to leave my Reader, I shall only desire him to consider a little of how great importance his eternal concerns are, and that he has no reason to look for endless happiness, if he does not serve God in a way suitable to his will. For what hopes soever there may be for one who lives and dies in some unknown error, yet there are no hopes for those that ei∣ther neglect or despise the truth, and that out of humour or any other carnal account give themselves up to errours, and willingly embrace them,

Certainly God sent not his Son in the world, nor gave him to so cruel a death, for nothing. If he hath revealed his Counsels with so much solemnity, his designs in that must be great

and worthy of God: The true ends of Religion must be the purifying our Souls, the confor∣ming us to the Divine Nature, the uniting us to one another in the most tender bonds of Love, Truth, Justice and Goodness, the raising our minds to a heavenly and contemplative temper, and our living ••s Pilgrims and Strangers on this Earth, ever waiting and longing for our change. Now we dare appeal all men to shew any thing in our Religion or Wor∣ship, that obstructs any of these ends; on the contrary, the sum and total of our Doctrine is, the conforming our selves to Christ and his Apostles, both in faith and life, So that it can scarce be devised what should make any body that hath any sense of Religion, or regard to his Soul, forsake our Communion, where he finds nothing that is not highly suitable to the Nature and Ends of Religion, and turn over to a Church that is founded on and cemented in carnal In∣terests: the grand design of all their attempts being to subject all to the Papal tyranny, which must needs appear visibly to every one whose eyes are opened. For attaining which end they have set up such a vast company of additions to the simplicity of the Faith and the purity of the Christian Worship, that it is a great work even to know them.

Is it not then a strange choice? to leave a Church that worships God so as all understand what they do and can say, Amen; to go to a Church where the worship is not understood, so that he who officiates is a Barbarian to them: A Church which worships God in a spiritual and unexceptionable manner; to go to a Church that is scandalously (to raise this charge no higher) full of Images and Pictures, and that of the blessed Trinity, before which prostrations and ado∣rations are daily made.: A Church that directs her devotions to God, and his Son Jesus Christ; to go to a Church that without any good warrant not only invocates Saints and Angels, but also in the very same form of words, which they offer up to God and Jesus Christ, which is a thing at least full of scandal, since these words must be strangely wrested from their natural meaning, otherwise they are high blasphemies: A Church that commemorates Christ's death in the Sacrament, and truly communicates in his Body and Blood, with all holy reverence and due preparation; to go to a Church that spends all her devotion in an outward adoring the Sacrament, without communicating with any due care, but resting in the Priestly absolution allows it upon a single attrition: A Church that administers all the Sacraments Christ appoint∣ed, and as he appointed them; to go to a Church that hath added many to those he appoint∣ed, and hath maimed that he gave for a pledge of his presence when he left this earth. In a word, that leaves a Church that submits to all that Christ and his Apostles taught, and in a secondary order to all delivered to us by the Primitive Church; to go to a Church that hath set up an Authority that pretends to be equal to these sacred oracles, and has manifestly can∣celled most of the Primitive Constitutions.

But it is not enough to remain in the Communion of our Church; for if we do not walk conform to that holy Faith taught in it, we disgrace it. Let all therefore: that have zeal for our Church, express it chiefly in studying to purify their hearts and lives, so as becomes Chri∣stians, and reformed Christians, and then others that behold us, will be ashamed when they see such real confutations of the calumnies of out adversaries, which would soon be turned back on them with a just scorn, if there were not too many advantages given by our divisions, and other. But nothing that is personal ought to be charged on our Church: and whoever object any such things, of all persons in the world, they are the most inexcusable, who being so highly guilty themselves, have yet such undaunted brows, as to charge those things on us which if they be practised by any among us, yet are disallowed; but among them have had all encou∣ragement and Authority possible from the corruptions both of their Popes, and Casuists. But here I break off, praying God he may at length open the eyes of all Christendom that they may see and love the truth, and walk according to it.

Amen.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Ord. Rom. in Pascha.
• * 1.2

  Greg. Nazian. Orat. 1. Apol. & 20. Orat. Chrisost. l. 2. de sacr. c. 10.