The copie of a letter sent ovt of England to an ambassadour in France for the King of Spaine declaring the state of England contrary to the opinion of Don Bernardin and of all his partizans Spaniards and others : wherunto are adioyned certain advertisements concerning the losses and distresses happened to the Spanish navy as well in fight with the English navie in the narrow seas of England : as also by tempests and contrary winds upon the west and north coasts of Ireland in their returne from the northerne isles beyond Scotland.

The Copie of a Letter sent out of ENGLAND to an Ambassadour in FRANCE for the Kings of SPAIN.

MY Lord Embassador, though at the time of my last large writing to you of the state of this countrey, and of our long desired expectation of succours promised, I did not thinke to have had such a sorrowfull occasion of any second writing, as now I have of alamentable change of matters of estate here; yet I cannot forbeare (though it be with as many sighes as lines) to advertise you of the truth of our miserable condition, as now to me and others of our party the same appeareth to be, That by comparing of all things past in hope, with the present now in despaire, your L. who have had the principall mannaging hitherto of all our causes of long time both here and there in France, be∣twixt the King Catholique assisted with the Potentates of the holy League, and all our countrey men which have pro∣fessed obedience to the Church of Rome may now fall into some new and better consideration, how our state both for our selves at home, and our brethren abroad, now at this pre∣sent fallen (as it were) into utter despaire, may be revived and restored to some new hope, with better assurance of successe then hath happened hitherto:* 1.1 For which purpose I have thought it necessary to advertise you in what termes this countrey now standeth, far otherwise then of late, both we at home, and others abroad did make account of. You know how we have depended in firme hope of a change of the state of this countrey by the meanes of the devout and ear∣nest incitations of the Popes Holinesse, of the King Catholiqve, and of other Potentates of the Holy League, to take upon them the invasion and conquest of this Realme, and by your assurances, and firme promises, we were now of a long season

past perswaded, that the King Catholique had taken upon him the same glorious Act, and thereof from yeare to yeare we looked for the execution, being continually fed and nouri∣shed from you to continue our hope, and sundry times soli∣cited by your earnest requests and perswasions to encourage our party at home not to waver, as many were disposed by sight of continuall delayes, but to be ready to joyne with the outward forces that should come for this invasion. Neverthe∣lesse the delayes and prolongations of times appointed for the comming of the Kings forces, specially by sea, have been so many, as until this last spring we were in despaire: at what time you advertised us with great assurance that all the Kings preparations,* 1.2 which had bin in making ready these 3 or 4 yeares together, were now in full perfection, and with∣out faile would this Summer come into our Seas with such mighty strength, as no Navy of England, or of Christendome could resist and abide their force; and for more surety, and for avoyding of all doubts, to make the intended conquest sure, the same should also have joyned to it, the mighty army which the Duke of Parma had made ready, and kept in rea∣dinesse in the low countries all this yeare past,* 1.3 wherwith he should land, and so both by sea and land, this Realme should be invaded, and a speedy conquest made thereof, to the which were alwayes added sundry reasons: Whereupon was gathe∣red, that neither by sea, nor by land, there would be any great resistance found here,* 1.4 but a strong party in this Realme to joyne with the forrain force. For otherwise then with such helps to be assuredly had from hence, I know, it was alwayes doubted that no forrein force could prevaile against this Realme, being (as it is) environed by sea, and notably repleni∣shed with more mighty and stronger people then any coun∣try in Christendome. But with the hope of the landing of these great armies and our assistance in taking part, we here continued all this yeare past in assured hope of a full victory, untill this last month. But alas and with a deadly sorrow, we must all at home and abroad, lament our sudden fall from an immeasurable high joy, to an unmeasurable deep despaire, and that so hastily fallen out, as I may say, we have seen in the

space of eight or nine dayes in this last month of Iuly,* 1.5 which was from the appearance of the Catholique great Navy upon the coast of England, untill it was forced to fly from the coast of Flanders neare Callice, towards the unknowne parts of the cold North, all our hopes, all our buildings, as it now appea∣reth but upon an imagined conquest, utterly overthrown, and as it were with an earthquake, all our castles of Comfort brought to the ground, which now (it seemeth) were builded but in the ayre, or upon waves of the sea, for they are all peri∣shed, all vanished away even from our thoughts.

And herewith I am astonished what I may best thinke of such a worke so long time in framing, to be so suddenly over∣thrown, as by no reason could proceed of man,* 1.6 or of any earth∣ly power, but onely of God. And if so it be (as no body can otherwise impute this late change and fall from our expected fortune, but to God Almighty) then surely our case is either dangerous, or doubtfull how to judge thereof, whether we have been these many yeares in the right or not.* 1.7 For I do find, and know that many good and wise men, which of long time have secretly continued in most earnest devotion to the Popes authority, begin now to stagger in their minds, and to conceive that this way of reformation intended by the Popes Holinesse is not allowable in the sight of God, by leaving the ancient course of the Church by Excommunication, which was the exercise of the spirituall sword, and in place thereof to take the temporall sword, and put it into a Monarchs hand to invade this Realme with force and Armes, yea to destroy the Queene thereof, and all her people addicted to her▪ which are in very truth now seen by great proofe this yeare, to be in a sort infinite and invincible, so as some begin to say that this purpose by violence, by bloud, by slaughter, and by conquest, agreeth not with Christs doctrine, nor the doctrine of S. Pe∣ter, or S. Paul. And to tell your Lordship truly, I find presently a great number of wise and devout people, though they con∣tinue in their former Religion, yet doe they secretly con∣demne this intended reformation by bloud and force. Inso∣much as I heard a good divine alledge a text of S. Gregory in these words, Quid de Episcopis qui verberibus timeri volunt Ca∣nones

dicunt bene paternitas vestra novit, pastores sumus non per∣cussores. Nova enim est praedicatio, quae verberibus exigit fidem. This sentence I obtained of him, because it seemeth to be charitably written. But leaving this authority among Do∣ctors, I must needs say that in very truth no one thing hath done at this time more hurt to the action,* 1.8 then the untimely hasty publishing abroad in this Realme, before this Army of Spaine was ready to come forth to the seas, of sundry things written, and put in print, & sent into this Realm, to notifie to the people, that all the Realme should be invaded and conque∣red, that the Queen should be destroyed, all the Nobility and men of reputation, of honour, & wealth that did obey her, and would defend her,* 1.9 or that would withstand the invasion, should be with all their families rooted out, and their places, their honours, their houses and lands bestowed upon the con∣querors: things universally so odiously taken, as the hearts of all sorts of people were inflamed; some with ire, some with feare, but all sorts almost without exception, resolved to ven∣ture their lives for the withstanding of all manner of con∣quest, wherewith every body can say this Realme was not threatened these five hundred yeares and more.

These reports were brought to this Realme with good cre∣dit, not in secret but in publike writings and printings, and took deep root in all kind of people of this land; and indeed was of the more credit,* 1.10 first by reason of a new Bull lately published at Rome by the Popes Holinesse (which I have seen) with more severity then others of his predecessors, whereby the Queen here was accursed, and pronounced to be deprived of her Crowne, and the invasion and conquest of the Realme committed by the Pope, to the king Catholique, to execute the same with his armies both by sea and land, and to take the Crowne to himselfe, or to limit it to such a Potentate as the Pope and he should name. And secondly, there followed a large explanation of this Bull, by sending hither a number of English books printed in Antwerp, even when the Navy of Spaine was daily looked for,* 1.11 the originall whereof was writ∣ten by the reverend father Cardinall Allen in Aprill last, called in his owne writing the Cardinall of England, which booke

was so violently, sharply, and bitterly written, yea (say the ad∣versaries) so arrogantly, falsly, and scandalously, against the per∣son of the Queene, against her father King Henry the eight, against all her Nobility, and Councell, as in very truth I was heartily sorry to perceive so many good men of our own Reli∣gion offended therewith, in that there should be found in one accounted a Father of the Church, who was also a born subject of this Crowne (though by the adversaries reported to be very basely borne) such soule, vile, irreverent, and violent speeches, such irefull and bloudy threatenings, of a Queen, of a Nobility, yea of the whole people of his owne nation.

Sorry,* 1.12 and most sorry I am to report the generall evill con∣ceit of these unordinate & unadvised proceedings of this Car∣dinall, of whose rash choice to such a place, the world speakerh strangely, as though he came to it through corruption of the Popes Sister, without liking of the Colledge of Cardinals, where otherwise the blessed intention of our holy Father, and the desire also of the said Cardinall, might without such fatall bloudy premonitions, and threatenings of future invasions and conquests by the Catholique Kings noble forces, have taken better place.

There was also to adde the more credit to these terrible prog∣nestications,* 1.13 such kind of other books printed in Spaine and translated into French (as it is said by your Lordship) contai∣ning particular long descriptions, and catalogues of Armados of Castile, of Andalouzia, of Biscaye, of Guipusque, of Portingall, of Naples, of Sicil, of Ragusa, and other countries of the Le∣vant, with a masse of all kind of provisions, beyond measure, for the said Armados, sufficient in estimation, to be able to make conquest of many kingdomes or countries. And one great Ar∣gument is published by the adversaries to stir up the minds of the Nobilitie of England against the Spaniards, which is very maliciously invented, to shew the intention of the conquest, not only of England, but of the whole Isle of Britaine, moving all men specially to marke by the description of the Armado, that there are specially named such a number of Noblemen, as Princes, Marquises, Condes, and Dons, that are called Adventu∣rers, without any office or pay, and such another number also

of men with great titles of honour, and many of them named Captains and, Alferez, without office, but yet in sold, and ther∣fore called Entertenidos, as all those being for no service in the Armada may be well presumed (say they) to have come to have possessed the roomes of all the Noblemen in England and Scotland, and this fiction hath taken more place then it is worth. And though these armies were indeed exceeding great and mighty, yet they were so amplified beyond all measure in these books, as in no preparation of Christendome in former times against the Sarracins or Turks could be greater.* 1.14 By this meanes this Queene and her Realme, being thus forewarned and terrified, took occasion with the ayde of her people, being not only firmly (as she was perswaded) devoted to her, but throughly irritated, to stir up their whole forces for their de∣fence against such prognosticated conquests, as in a very short time all her whole Realme and every corner were speedily furnished with armed people on horsebacke, and on foot, and those continually trained, exercised, and put into bands, in war∣like manner, as in no age ever was before in this Realme. Here was no soaring of money to provide horse, armour, weapon, pouder, & all necessaries, no not want of provision of Pyoners, carriages, and victuals in every County of the Realme, with∣out exception, to attend upon the Armies. And to this generall furniture every man voluntarily offered, very many their ser∣vice personally without wages, others money for armour and weapons, and to wage souldiers, a matter strange and never the like heard of in this Realme or else where. And this generall reason moved all men to large contributions, that to with∣stand a conquest where all should be lost, there was no time to spare a portion.

The numbers made ready in the Realme I cannot affirme of mine owne knowledge, but I have heard it reported, when I was grieved to thinke the same to be so true, that there was through England no quarter,* 1.15 East, West, North and South, but all concurred in one mind to be in readinesse to serve for the Realme: And that some one countrey was able to make a suffi∣cient army of twenty thousand men fit to fight, and fifteene thousand of them well armed and weaponed; and in some countries the number of forty thousand able men.

The maritine countries from Cornowall,* 1.16 all along the Southside of England, to Kent, and from Kent Eastward, by Essex, Suffolke, and Norfolke to Lincolne-shire (which countries with their havens were well described unto you in perfect Plots, when Francis Throgmorton first did treat with your L. about the same) were so furnished of men of war, both of them∣selves, and with resort of ayde from their next Shires, as there was no place to be doubted for landing of any forraine forces, but there were within eight and forty houres to come to the place above twenty thousand fighting men on horsebacke and on foot, with field ordinance, victuals, pioners and carriages, and all those governed by the principall Noblemen of the countries, and reduced under Captaines of knowledge.

And one thing I heard of, that was very politiquely ordered and executed at this time, as of many late yeares was not used; that as the leaders and officers of the particular Bands were men of experience in the warres: so to make the Bands strong and constant,* 1.17 choise was made of the principall Knights of all countries to bring their tenants to the field, being men of strength, and landed, and of wealth: whereby all the forces so compounded were of a resolute disposition to sticke to their Lords and Chieftaines, and the Chieftaines to trust to their owne tenants. And to remember one strange speech that I heard spoken may be marvelled at, but it was avowed to me for a truth,* 1.18 that one gentleman in Kent had a band of 150 foot∣men, which were worth in goods above 150000 pounds ster∣ling, besides their lands: such men would fight stoutly before they would have lost their goods, & by likelihood at this time, many other bands were made of such principall men, both of wealth and strength. Of these things I am sorry to have cause to write in this sort; but because you may see how heretofore you have been deceived with advertisements of many, which had no proofe to know the truth thereof, and so I confesse my selfe in some things to have erred, namely, in imagining that whensoever any forrain power should be seen ready to land in any part of this Realme, there would have bin found but a smal number resolute to withstand the same, or to defend the Queen; but that the same would have been very unable for the

〈◊〉〈◊〉, untrained, raw, and ignorant in all warlike actions, with∣out 〈…〉〈…〉 armour and weapons; and that also the Noble∣men and 〈…〉〈…〉 that were in this Realme of our religion, 〈…〉〈…〉 you know we made account when you were here in England of 〈…〉〈…〉* 1.19 although many of them be dead since that time, but at this time there are not so many tens, as we accounted hundreds, whom we thought would have shewed 〈…〉〈…〉 like men of courage for our common cause, and would have suddenly surprised the houses, families, and strength of the heretiques and adversaries.

But now, such is our calamity, that it hath pleased God, as I thinke, for our sins, or else for confounding of our bold opini∣ons, and presumptions of our owne strength, to put in the hearts of all persons here, one like mind and courage to with∣stand the intended invasion, as well in such as we accounted Catholiques, as also in the heretiques: so as it hath appeared manifestly that for all earnest proceeding for arming, and for contributions of money, & for all other warlike actions, there was no difference to be seen betwixt the Catholique and the hereticke.* 1.20 But in this case to withstand the threatened con∣quest, yea to defend the person of the Queene, there appeared such a sympathy, concourse, and consent of all sorts of per∣sons, without respect of Religion, as they all appeared to be ready to fight against all strangers, as it were with one heart and one body. And though some few principall Gentlemen, of whom heretofore you have had the names in such Catalogues of Catholiques as you have bin acquainted withall, were lately upon the report of the comming out of the army to the seas, sent to the Isle of Ely, there to remaine restrained of their for∣mer liberty during the expectation of this intended invasion; yet it hath appeared that they were not so restrained for any doubt that they would with their powers have assisted our army, but onely thereby to make it knowne to all our friends and countrey-men in Spaine and Handers, yea even to your selfe (for so I heard it spoken, as accounting you to have bin the most principall Author & perswader of this action) that there should be no hope to have any of them, or of their friends, to assist these great armies. And in very truth, I see now whoso∣ever

of our friends in Spaine, or in Handers, or elsewhere, made any such account of any ayd against the queen, or against her party here,* 1.21 they should have bin deceived if the army had offered to have landed. For I my selfe have heard that the best of those that were sent to Ely did make offers, yea by their let∣ters to the Councell here, signed with their hands, that they would adventure their lives in defence of the queene, whom they named their undoubted Soveraigne Lady and Queene, against all forrain forces, though the same were sent from the Pope, or by his commandement: Yea divers of them did offer that in this quarrell of invading of the Realme with strangers they would present their owne bodies in the foremost rankes with their countrey-men against all strangers. Whereupon I heard also by a secret friend of mine in the Court, that it was once in some towardnesse of resolution amongst the Counsel∣lors, that they should have bin returned and put to their former liberty. But the heat of the war being kindled with the know∣ledge of the Kings Armado, being at that time come to the Groigne, and the Duke of Parmas readinesse with so great an army and shipping in Handers, daily looked for to land in En∣gland, yea to come to London, and a generall murmur of the people against all such Recusants of reputation, was the cause of the staying of these Gentlemen at Ely, notwithstanding their offers of their service to the Queen: And so they doe re∣main in the Bishops palace there, with fruition of large walks about the same, altogether without any imprisonment, other then that they are not suffred to depart into the town or coun∣trey; and yet for their Religion,* 1.22 I thinke surely they doe, and will remaine constant to the obedience of the Church of Rome; for the which neverthelesse they are not impeached to any danger of their lives, but onely charged with a penalty of money, because they will not come to the Churches, whereby, by the law., a portion of their revenue is allotted to the Queen, and the rest left to the maintenance of them, their wives and children.

By which kind of proceedings our adversaries here doe pre∣tend that both these Gentlemen, and all other of their quali∣ties are favourably used, that they are not pursued to death for

their Religion, as they say it was used in Queen Maries time, and as it is daily used (is they say) most rigorously and barba∣rously in Spaine against the English-men that come thither, only in trade of merchandise. And yet I and others sometimes privately speaking with such our adversaries, as we thinke are not maliciously bent to have men prosecuted to death only for their Religion (for to say the truth, and as the proverbe is, not to belye the Devill, very many of our Contraries are in that point not uncharitable) we doe object to them the executions by cruell torments, and deaths of very many, both here about London, and other parts of the Realme, whom we account as Martyrs, in that they doe witnesse by their death their obedi∣ence to the Pope, and the Catholique Church of Rome.

To which,* 1.23 these our adversaries, pretending some smal drops of charity do answer us, That no execution hath bin of any, to their knowledge, for their Religion, or for profession thereof; but for that they which have been executed, have bin found to have wandred in the Realme secretly, and in a disguised man∣ner, which the adversaries scornfully terme as ruffians,* 1.24 with feathers and all ornaments of light coloured apparell, like to the fashion of Courtiers, and doe use many means to entice all people, with whom they dare adventure to speake, not only to be reconciled to the Pope, and Church of Rome, but to induce them by vowes and oathes to renounce their obedience to the Queene; to deny her to be their Soveraigne, and themselves to be discharged of their Allegiance; and to repute all Magistrates under her to be unlawfull, and in conscience not to be obeyed, with many more such matters (which I neverthelesse count to be very vain calumniations) tending to make the facts of all such holy Priests as are sent with Commission to win mens soules, to be direct treasons against the Queen and the state of the Realme.

These Defenders of these judgements and executions, con∣tend, and doe most earnestly maintaine, that all such Priests, Jesuites, Seminaries and others, so perswading the people a∣gainst the Queen, the Lawes, and the Government, and state of the Realme, and all others that are so perswaded by them, are manifest traitors; and so they say that their enditemonts, and

all processe of law extended and pursued against them, do ma∣nifestly declare the same. Wherein these our adversaries doe sometimes for maintenance of their arguments, shew the very copies of their enditements and judgements, wherein there is no mention made of charging them with their Religion, but that they have attempted to perswade the Queens subjects to forsake their Allegiance, and consequently to be rebels to their Queen and Soveraigne.

In this sort, these men for their advantage, doe at all times, with these and many like earnest arguments maintaine their proceedings against the holy Priests and Jesuites that have suffered death for their conscience, as just and necessary. And though, where I and others may reply without perill to our selves (as surely in some small companies we may, using modest words) we object the confession of the Catholike faith by the parties at their death, and that with great constancy, which our adversaries cannot deny,* 1.25 so as it may seeme they dye for their Religion; yet is it on the other part against us alleadged, and maintained, that they are neither endited, condemned, nor executed for their Religion, or for offering of themselves to die for their Religion, but onely for their former treasons in conspiring against the Queen & state of the Realme: no other∣wise then of late time Babington and all his Complices, who were condemned for their attempt to have raised war in the Realm, and to have murdered the Queen, and to have set up the Q. of Scots, all which the said Babington and all his complices voluntarily confessed, and were condemned and executed, on∣ly for those their great treasons; and yet divers of them at the place of their execution, did in like maner (as these Priests and Jesuites use to doe) make confession of their Catholike faith, with offer to dye for the same; and yet (say our adversaries) it ought not to be affirmed, that Babington and his complices were put to death for Religion, but for their treasons.

And for further maintenance of the coloured arguments wherwith I, and others my good, faithfull, and Catholike bre∣thren are often troubled how to answer them, it is alleadged that the great number of gentlemen, and gentlewomen, ye, some of honourable calling, and of other meaner degrees, are

knowne manifestly to be of a contrary Religion to the Lawes of the Realme,* 1.26 both near the Court and far oft, and yet they are never pursued by any forme of Law to put their lives in dan∣ger, or questioned, or imprisoned, for their opinions in Religi∣on, whereby to bring them in any danger. Onely such as are presented or complained of by the Parishioners where they dwell, for never comming to any Church by the space of cer∣taine months in a whole yeare, are thereof indited, and after∣ward being called to answer thereto, if they can shew no such lawfull excuse as the Law hath provided, they are then con∣demned to pay a penalty out of their goods and lands, if they have any, and not otherwise punished, nor yet by inquisition any of them examined of their faith. But yet say these defen∣dors, if they shew themselves by their open deeds and facts to be reconciled from their allegiance & obedience to the queen, and that they will therein persist, then they are therwith char∣ged and punished according to the Lawes therfore provided.

These arguments in their defence I doe not repeate as al∣lowing of them, but yet surely they doe move me, and some others that are wife, to thinke, that indeed the rashnesse of di∣vers comming secretly into the Realme, and professing them∣selves to be Priests,* 1.27 many of them being both very young, un∣learned, and of light behaviour, hath done great harme to the goodnesse of our common cause; and if they and such others could have temperately and secretly instructed the people, and used more circumspection in their owne living and behaviour, there would have bin a greater increase of numbers perswaded in conscience to have joyned with us in our profession. Wher∣of I am the bolder to write to you my Lord, that you may confer with our countrey-men, that have accesse unto you, and that they also may deale with the Fathers of the Jesuites, that more care and choice be had of such English men as are here∣after to be sent into England, and not to send every yong man that hath more boldnesse, then learning and temperance, for such a function.

In the former part of this my declaration to you of the uni∣versall concurrence of all men of value, wealth and strength, in the body of the Realme, to serve and defend the Queen and

the Realme.* 1.28 I forgot to report unto you the great numbers of Ships of the subjects of the Realme; as of London, and other Port Townes, and Cities, that voluntarily this yeare were ar∣med, able to make a full Navy of themselves for an army, and all at the proper costs of the Burgesses, for certaine moneths, with men, victuall, and munition, which did joyne with the Queens owne Navy all this Summer, a thing never in any for∣mer age heard of, otherwise then that such ships were alwayes hired, waged, and victualled by the Kings of the Realm, which argued to the griefe of me and some others a most vehement and unaccustomed affection and devotion in the Cities and Port Townes, such as they shewed themselves therin ready to fight, as it had been, pro aris & focis.

Of the number and strength of the Queenes owne ships of war, I thinke you have been sufficiently informed many times heretofore. But yet I will make you a true report of the state of them this present Summer, what I have credibly heard therof, because I have been very sorry to heare how you and others have been therein abused: And that not only in this matter of the Queens ships, but in some other things also of late, where∣of some part hath been here by very many, maliciously, and in common speeches imputed to your owne invention and pub∣lication, whereof in a few words I will make some digression before I shall shew the estate of the Queens Navy.

In this Summer past,* 1.29 there was printed in Paris by your di∣rection (as it was reported) a notable untruth, which I did see and reade, That the King of Scots had besieged Barwicke, and had won it by assault, and possessed it quietly, whereof no part was true, nor any cause to imagine the same, though I wish it had so been; but not for any good will that I now beare to that King, but for the trouble to this Queen. For in truth there is no good for us to be hoped for from the King of Scots, howso∣ever the Scottish Bishops in France have sought to make you beleeve otherwise, who is so rooted in the Calvinists Religion, as there is never hope that he can be recovered to the Church of Rome; and so I thinke you are of late duely informed, and by his violent actions against divers Catholikes, and against all that favour the Spaniards, may certainly appeare.

And likewise another great untruth was lately printed (as your enemies say) by your direction also in Paris,* 1.30 that now in Iuly last when the Spanish Fleet and English had met and fought betwixt France and England, the Spaniards had then a great victory, wherein they had sunke the Lord Admirall of England, with sixteen of the Queens great ships into the bot∣tome of the Seas, and that all the rest were driven to fly with the Vice-Admirall Francis Drake. Upon these two so notable untruths, which the adversaries spightfully called Don Ber∣nardin Mendozas mendacia,* 1.31 many who honour you, were right sorry, that you should give so hasty credit to publish the same as (your enemies say) you did: though I have to my power for clearing of your honour given it out, that these and such like have proceeded of the lightnesse of the French, who common∣ly print more lies then truths, in such doubtfull times; and not of you, whose honour and wisedome I thought would not be justly touched with so great untruths and lies, considering al∣wayes, a small time will discover things that are in facts re∣ported untruly, and bringeth the Authors to discredit and infa∣my. There hath been a speech also reported here, to have pro∣ceeded from you in France, that hath caused a great misliking of you in Scotland; which is, that you should in open assembly, and in a bravery say, that the young King of Scots (whom you called in your language a boy) had deceived the K. your master; but if the Kings Navy might prosper against England, the K. of Scots should lose his Crowne; and of this the King of Scots hath been advertised out of France, and useth very evill lan∣guage of you, which I will not report.

But now to leave this digression, and to returne to let you know the truth of the state of the Queens Navy this Summer.* 1.32 The same was in the beginning of the yeare, when the brute was brought of the readines of the Kings Armado in Lisbone, and of the army by land upon the Sea-coasts in Flanders, with their shipping, divided into three companies; the greatest un∣der the charge of Charles L. Haward high Admirall of Eng∣land,* 1.33 whose father, grandfather, uncles, great unckles, and other of his house, being of the noble house of the Dukes of Norfolk, had also been high Admirals afore him, whereof both France and Scotland have had proof.

Another company were appointed to remaine with the L. Henry Seymour second son to the Duke of Somerset that was Protector in King Edwards time,* 1.34 and brother to the Earle of Hartford; and these companies for a time continued in the narrow seas betwixt England and Flanders, under the charge of the said high Admirall, to attend on the Duke of Parmas actions.

A third company were armed in the West part of England towards Spain under the conduct of Sir Francis Drake,* 1.35 a man by name, and fame known too too well to all Spam, and to the Kings Indias, and of great reputation in England; and this was compounded, partly of some of the Queens owne ships, and partly of the ships of the West parts.

But after that it was certainly understood that the great Navy of Spaine was ready to come out from Lisbone, and that the fame thereof was blowne abroad in Christendome to be invincible, and so published by books in print: The Queen and all her Councell I am sure (whatsoever good countenance they made) were not a little per∣plexed, as looking certainly for a dangerous fight upon the Seas, and after that for a landing and invasion. Whereupon the Lord Admirall was commanded to saile with the greatest ships to the West of England towards Spaine to joyne with Drake, whom he made Vice-Admirall, and to continue in the Seas betwixt France and England, to stop the landing of the Navy of Spaine. And with the Lord Admirall went in certaine of the Queens ships,* 1.36 the Lord Tho∣mas Haward second son to the last Duke of Norfolke, and the Lord Sheffeld, sonne to the Admirals sister, who is wife to the Queenes Embassadour in France, with a great number of Knights of great livelihood. And at that time the Lord Henry Seymour was left with a good number of ships in the narrow Seas, upon the coast of Flanders to attend on the Duke of Par∣ma.

Whilst these two Navies were thus divided, I confesse to you that I and others of our part secrerly made a full account that none of all these English ships durst abide the sight of the Ar∣mado of Spaine; or if they would abide any sight, yet they should all be sunke at the first encounter, For such constant

opinion we had conceived by the reports of the world, that the greatnesse and the number of the ships, and the army of Spaine, being the chosen vessell of all the Kings Dominions, was so excessive monstrous, beyond all the Navies that ever had been seen in Christendome (not excepting the Armado at Lepanto) that no power could abide in their way. But how far deceived we were therein, a very short time, even the first day, did manifestly to the great dishonour of Spaine discover▪ For when the Catholique army came to the coast of England, which indeed the English confesse did seeme far greater then they looked for, and that they were astonied with the sight of them,* 1.37 yet the Lord Admirall and Drake, having but onely fifty of the English ships out of the haven of Plimmouth, where the rest remained for a new revictualling, without tarrying for the rest of the Navy that was in Plimmouth, they did offer pre∣sent sight, and furiously pursued the whole Navy of Spaine, be∣ing above 160 ships: so as the same, with the furious and con∣tinuall shot of the English one whole day,* 1.38 fled without any returning. And after, the English Navy being increased to an hundred great and small, renued their fight with terrible great shot all the whole day, gaining alwayes the wind of the Spa∣nish Navy. And as I am sorry to remember the particularities, which the English have largely written to their owne praise: so to speake all in one word, for nine dayes together they still forced them to flye, and destroyed, sunke, and tooke in three dayes fight divers of the greatest ships, out of which, especi∣ally out of the principall great ship of Andaluzia, and out of the Admiranta of Guipusque, and thirdly out of the principall great Galliasse of Naples great numbers were brought (beside many moe killed and drowned) to London, and to sundry other Ports of the Realme, to the great dishonour of Spain, amongst which prisoners were a great number of Captaines both for land and sea. And besides that, which deeply blemisheth the honour of Spaine,* 1.39 and vexeth me at my heart, to consider the inequalitie of fortune, it is vaunted by our adversaries, that in all the time of these fights so many dayes, the Spaniards did never take, or sinke any English ship or boat, or break any mast, or tooke any one man prisoner. A matter that indeed these

Spaniards which are taken doe marvell at greatly, and chafe thereat: so as some of them in their anguish of mind let not to say, that in all these fights Christ shewed himselfe a Luthe∣ran.

And though such speeches be unadvised, and not to be regar∣ded, yet surely it is most manifest,* 1.40 that in all this voyage from the comming of the Navy out of Lisbone even to this houre, God did shew no favour to ours any one day, as he did conti∣nually to these Lutherans; which, percase, may be done for our good, to correct us, as putting our trust wholly in our worldly strength, and to the confusion hereafter of the Lutherans, by putting them up, being his enemies, with prosperitie for a time, to be afterwards the cause of their ruine. And amongst other things reported to the dishonour of the Duke of Medi∣na, who it is said, was lodged in the bottome of his ship for safety, and to a great touch to the Commanders of the Spa∣nish Navy, that they never would turne their ships, nor stay them, to defend any of their owne ships that were forced to tarry behind;* 1.41 but suffered divers to perish, as are good witnes∣ses thereof the three great vessels: One wherein Don Pedro de Valdez was taken; another Galleon of Guipusque that was spoyled with fire; and the noble Galliasse wherein Hugo de Moncada was slaine: Of which lacke of care by the Duke of Medina, these Spaniards that are taken give very ill report. The like is said in Zeland by the Spaniards there, that were sa∣ved with Diego de Pimentelli, though the Galleon wherein he was being beaten with the English shot, and not succoured by the Navy of Spaine, did there perish in their comming to Flushing, and so also did another likewise perish for lacke of succour before Ostend.

And now I must needs thinke that you are stricken with some griefe of minde, or rather with some anger towards me, to heare from me so much of those averse things, although they are too true; and therefore I also imagine you may be de∣sirous for your better contentation, to understand what opi∣nions we that are here have, being thus frustrate of our expe∣cted delivery, by the defeat of this enterprise: whether we doe comfort our selves with a conceit that this Action may be, by

any probabilitie, once againe renewed this next yeare, for the recovery of our lost hope this yeare, famously spoken of by the number of 88. and so verified to the losse of all Catholiques. Wherein surely for our owne parts,* 1.42 as by secret conference I find with many with whom I have secretly of late upon this unfortunate accident conferred, we cannot judge of any like∣lihood of good successe for any long time; and if there should any be hoped for, surely the Sea-forces of the King Catholique must of necessity be more increased, and better also governed then they were this yeare. For this we here doe consider that this enterprise of invasion and conquest, was alwayes princi∣pally grounded upon many probable opinions of the evill state of the Realme.

First,* 1.43 of the weaknesse of the English Navy; for so you know you were divers wayes this last yeare advertised from hence,* 1.44 and so also many of us here did conceive the same, wherein we see by all this yeares service with these ships, we did all nota∣bly erre.

Next,* 1.45 of a supposed evill contentment of a number of people in this land to serve the Queene, and her Government, against her enemies.

Lastly,* 1.46 and most principally, of a great strong party that would be found here in the favour of us for the Catholique Re∣ligion, that should take armes against the Queen upon the first sight of the Catholique Navy on the coasts of England. Of all which opinions, setled in good mens minds in maner of judge∣ments, we know that none in the world did more constantly assure the King thereof then you; which, as the matters have evill succeeded, may I feare, bring you in danger of his indig∣nation, although I know you meant very well therein.

And as these three opinions have all fayled this yeare, so I assure you, though some of ours on that side the Seas may persist in their former opinions against the experience lately seen (as it is likely they may be forced to doe, to maintaine themselves in credit, for continuing their necessary reliefe from the Pope, and the King, having no other meanes to keep them from star∣ving or begging) yet because I would not have you further de∣ceived by them, who have not been present in the Realme to

see such contrary proofes against all their conceits, as I and others have done▪ I will shew you a great number of manifest Arguments, though I am sorry at my heart to remember them, wherby you in your wisdome (if you be not blinded by others) shall see it most certaine, that these former opinions, for com∣fort to be had from hence, will prove the next yeare as strong against us, and in some part more strong then they proved this yeare, if any account shall be made thereof.

First, for the Navy of England, which hath this yeare to the sight of the world proved to be of great force and value for those Seas, and able to overmatch in their manner of sight, dou∣ble to their number of the great Gallions, Carikes, Galliasses, or Gallies, it is certaine that it will be greatly increased this next yeare: For I know that within these few dayes, bargaines are already made,* 1.47 and Imprest of money delivered, and certaine sent into the Eastlands, for great store of all maritine provisi∣ons. And as for the increase of the number of good ships for the Queens proper use, there is already a great quantity of timber ready, and order given to fell more in November and Decem∣ber next, in the countries near both to the Sea, and to Thames, to build a number of ships of war, equall to these whose ser∣vice was seen this yeare to have overmatched the great Arma∣dos, and Castles of Spaine and Italy. And furthermore, to ioyne with the Navy of England this yeare following, not only the Hollanders and Zelanders, but also ships of Denmarke, and other parts of Eastland, will certainly be had in great numbers, whereof there was none at all required this yeare past to ioyn with the Navy of England.* 1.48 Onely certaine Hollanders and Ze∣landers offered their service (according as they are bound) in the end of this Summer, since the conflict near Callice, to joyne with some of the English Navy in the narrow Seas, to defend the issuing of the Duke of Parma out of the Ports of Flan∣ders; and in that service at this time there are above forty and six good ships of warre,* 1.49 with the Vice-Admirall, Justinian of Nassau, a man that agreeth too well with the English Nation, and is a sworne enemy to all Spaniards and Catholiques: And as it is reported for certaine, there are sixty more comming out of North-Holland to the Seas for the same purpose: so as it is to

be doubted that this Realme, this next yeare, will be double as strong as it was this last yeare.

As to the second branch of our hope,* 1.50 depending upon opi∣nion of some great miscontentment of sundry persons against the Queene, the proofe of the contrary so appeared this yeare, both of her actions to maintain the liking of all her people, and of the generall earnest devotion shewed to her by all estates, noble and meane, rich and poore, as I thinke no Prince christe∣ned ever had greater cause of comfort in her people, which I may judge to breed a pride in her. And to recompence the same, she did most notably shew her selfe in this time, even when most danger was threatened, in all her actions towards her people, as carefull for their weale, and for the safety of her Realme, without any speciall or particular provision, or regard to her owne person, as ever any Prince could doe. First, to let her people understand what care she had to make her Realme strong against in••asion,* 1.51 she politikely, yea most carefully, by her owne frequent directions, caused her whole Realme to be put in armes, she tooke account thereof her selfe by monethly certificate from such as were made her Lievtenants in every shire of her Realme; she caused armour, pouder, weapon, to be sent to all countries, and ordnance to all maritine countries: There were also sundry armies described, to defend every coast of the Sea; and as I heard it reported by some that did know the secrets of the Court, was importunate with her Councell to leave no day unoccupied, to bring these services to effect, and yet she did still continue her Commissioners in the Low Countries to treat of peace, which surely she desired to have obtained, so that she might have had the same with certaine conditions. So as to content her people, she did both treat and desire peace, and did not in the meane time neglect to make her Realme strong for defence, if peace could not be gotten. But in the end, when her demands were wholly refused (whereof we and all Catholiques were most glad) and that she understood very certainly, that the army of the Duke of Parma should come first to destroy the City of London, she revoked her Commissioners, approached London in person, and did lie (as it were) in the Suburbs of the same: whereby

they of the City took great comfort, having daily in shew and muster of their owne ten thousand men armed, and trained of very able men of the City, and in readinesse thirty thousand more able to fight.

She caused also an army to be brought to incamp neare the Sea side,* 1.52 upon the river of Thames, betwixt the Sea and the Ci∣ty, 20 miles beneath the City; and after the army was come thither, she would not by any advise be stayed, but for comfort of her people, and to shew her owne magnanimity of heart (as she said, she would so doe though she was a woman) she went to that army lying betwixt the City and the Sea) under the charge of the Earle of Leicester, placing her selfe betwixt the enemy and her City, and there viewed her army, and passed through it divers times, lodged in the borders of it, returned againe, and dined in the army: And first, saw the people as they were, by their countries, lodged and quartered in their severall camps, which she viewed from place to place. Afterward, when they were all reduced into battels, ready (as it were) to fight with any enemy, she rode round about them, and did view them curiously, being accompanied onely but with the Generall, and three or foure others attending on her: But yet to shew her state, I well marked it, she had the sword carried before her by the Earle of Ormond.

There she was generally saluted with cries, with shouts, with all tokens of love, of obedience, of readinesse and willing∣nesse to fight for her,* 1.53 as seldome hath been seen in a camp and army, considering she was a Queene, and all tended to shew a marvellous concord, in a mutuall love betwixt a Queene and her subjects; and of reverence, and obedience of subjects to a Soveraign: All which she acquited with very princely thanks, and good speeches. I could inlarge this description with many moe particularities of mine owne sight, for thither I went, as many others did; and all that day, wandring from place to place, I never heard any word spoken of her, but in praising her for her stately person, and princely behaviour; and in praying for her life and safety, and cursing of all her enemies, both trai∣tors, and all Papists, with earnest desire to venture their lives for her safety.

And besides such particular acclamations,* 1.54 the whole army in every quarter, did devoutely at certaine times sing in her hea∣ring, in very tunable manner, divers Psalmes put into forme of Prayers in praise of Almighty God, no wayes to be misliked, which she greatly commended, and with very earnest speech thanked God with them. This that I write, you may be sure, I doe not with any comfort but to give you these manifest argu∣ments, that neither this Queene doth discontent her people, nor her people doe shew any discontentation in any thing that they be commanded to doe for her service, as heretofore hath been imagined.* 1.55 She had also an army of about forty thousand footmen, and of six thousand horsemen, under the charge of the Lord Hunsdon, Lord Chamberlain, as Lievtenant of that army, made ready from the Inland parts of the Realme, to be about her owne person, without disarming the maritine counties: so as many marched out of sundry countries towards her, at the very time that she was in the camp; some came to the sub∣urbs and townes neare London, whom she remaunded to their countries, because their harvest was at hand, and many of them would not be countermanded, but still approached onward on their owne charges (as they said) to see her person, and to fight with them that boasted to conquer the Realme. But though the greatest number of the said souldiers were compelled to re∣turn, yet the Captains, Leaders, and the principall Knights and Gentlemen came to the Court to offer their service, and those were graciously accepted of her with many thanks, and are now for the more part returned with a full determination and firme promise, to continue their Bands in such readinesse, as upon a few houres warning they will assuredly returne with them in good array.

Beside these foresaid arguments, to disprove the opinion of discontentment of the people, which heretofore hath been thought a great furtherance to this honourable action, I will also remember you some other more notable actions, to prove both contentation and readinesse, in all the Nobilitie of the Realme at this time, that were not tyed to abide in their coun∣tries by reason of their offices, as Lieutenants and Governours there for martiall services I or as soone as it was heard that the

Queene was come neare London,* 1.56 and that the armies were in gathering to come out of the countries, for defence of all Inva∣sions, and reports brought from the sea coasts of the appearance of the Spanish Navy; all the Noblemen in the Realme, from East and West, from North and South, excepting onely such great Lords as had speciall Governments in countries, that might not lawfully be absent from their charge, and some few that were not able to make forces according to their desire, came to the Queene, bringing with them according to their degrees, and to the uttermost of their powers, goodly bands of horsemen, both launces, light horsemen, and such other as are termed Carabins or Argeletiers, lodging their bands round about London, and maintaining them in pay at their own char∣ges all the time, untill the Navy of Spain was certainly known to be passed beyond Scotland. And of these Noblemen many shewed their bands of their horsemen, before the Queene even in the fields afore her own gate, to the great marvell of men of good judgement (as I heard reported) for that the number of them was so great, and so well armed and horsed, as knowing that they were no parcell of the numbers of horsemen limited in every countrey, and put into bands with the armies descri∣bed, it was thought before they were seen, that there had not been so many spare horses of such valour in the whole Realm, excepting the North part of England towards Scotland, whose forces consist chiefly of horsemen.

The first shewed his bands to the Queen,* 1.57 was that noble, vertuous, honorable man, the Viscount Mountague, who how∣soever men doe judge of him for opinion in Religion, yet to tell you the truth, he is reported alwayes to have professed, as now also at this time he did professe and protest solemnly, both to the Queen, and to all her Court, in open assemblies, that he now came, though he was very sickly, and in age, with a full resolution to live and dye in defence of the Queene, and of his countrey, against all invaders, whether it were Pope, King or Potentate whatsoever, and in that quarrell he would hazard his life, his children, his lands & goods: And to shew his mind agreeable therto, he came personally himself before the Queen, with his band of horsemen being almost two hundred: the

same being led by his own sons, and with them a young childe very comely seated on hors-back, being the heire of his house, that is, the eldest son to his son and heir: a matter much noted of many, whom I heard to commend the same, to see a grand∣father, father and son, at one time on hors-back afore a Queen for her service, though in truth I was sorry to see our Adversa∣ries so greatly pleased therwith. But I cannot conceale it from your Lordships knowledge, because I think this Nobleman is known unto you, having bin used as an Embassadour to the King Catholik many years past by this Queen (as I have heard) to require confirmation of the treaties of amity, betwixt both their Fathers. And of this Noblemans conditions, I thinke there be some others, of whom there is no account to be made that they will give favour to any attempt against the Queen, or to any invasion of the Realme.

There were also many at the same time that made shews of great numbers of serviceable horses,* 1.58 where of though it be no comfort to you to heare, yet it is good that you be not abused for lacke of knowledge, how the present state is here: that you may better judge hereafter what may be done to recover this late losse and dishonour.* 1.59 At this time the Earle of Lincolne and the Lord Windesore, with some Knights and Gentlemen with them shewed their Bands, as the Lord Mountague had done: and after them the Lord Chancelour shewed goodly Bands of* 1.60 horsmen and footmen at his own house,* 1.61 very many and strong. And within one or two days after,* 1.62 the Earle of Warwicke, the Lord Burghley Lord Treasurer,* 1.63 the Lord Compton, and in the end of the day the Earle of Leicester,* 1.64 and the Lord Rich, besides sundry Knights of the Realme,* 1.65 shewed every of them severall strong bands of horsmen,* 1.66 to the great liking of the Queen, and of all the people that were there,* 1.67 being many thousands. And within two days after that the Earle of Essex being Master of the Queens horse,* 1.68 with certain principall Gentlemen his ser∣vants, friends and followers, shewed afore the Queen above three hundred horses of all service, and a great number of Cara∣bins, and a faire Band of footmen all Muskettiers.

This shew exceeded in number any other particular Band, and the Earle himself with a great number of Launces, horsed

and armed, did run very many courses, and specially with the Earle of Cumberland,* 1.69 as they call it, the Course of the field, which I had never seen before: and did also himself, and his company Tourney on hors-back a very long time,* 1.70 and caused also his Ca∣rabines, and his footmen to make many skirmishes there, to the great liking of the Queen & of the multitude of people, which were many thousands. Amongst whom I heard many vehement speeches against all English Papists, calling them all Traitors, wishing also that the Spaniards had bin there in that field with treble the number, to make proof of the value of English-men: all which I heard to my great grief, with many curses against all their countrimen, saying that they as arrant traitors to their native country had villanously sold, as far as in them did lie, the liberty of their country to Spaniards and other Papists. It be∣hoved me not there to have contraried any of them, for surely if I had, their rancour was so stirred up, by the comfort of these fair shews of hors-men, as they would there in the field in their rage have killed me, and cut me in a thousand peeces.

Besides these Lords above named,* 1.71 there were brought to the town, other fair Bands by the Earle of Worcester, the Earle of Hertford,* 1.72 the Lord Audeley, Lord Morley, Lord Darcy, Lord Lomely,* 1.73 Lord Mountjoy, Lord Sturton,* 1.74 Lord Darcy, Lord Sands, Lord Mordant,* 1.75 and by every one that were of the privy Coun∣cell; so as by estimation,* 1.76 there were about London at that time,* 1.77 above five thousand horses ready to serve the Queen, be∣sides all the horsmen that were raised in all other Countries* 1.78 for the Armies and the Sea coasts.* 1.79 And besides these, I heard in a very good place,* 1.80 where I was silent, that there was by ac∣count twise as many in readinesse with the Noblemen that* 1.81 were absent,* 1.82 attending on their charges in their severall Lieu∣tenancies. As the Marques of Winchester, one counted to be the strongest man of his own furniture for Horse and armour,* 1.83 who is Lieutenant of Hampshire, with the Earle of Sussex Captaine of Portesmouth, and Lieutenant also of Dorcetshire. Next to him is in account the Earle of Shrowsbury Earle Marshall of Eng∣land,* 1.84 Lieutenant of a great number of Countries, and of great power of his own,* 1.85 both for horsmen and footmen, beside the power of the Lord Talbot his son. The Earle of Darby also,

though he was in Flanders, from whence he came lately, yet his son the Lord Strange,* 1.86 Lieutenant of Lancashire and Cheshire in his fathers absence, is said to have raised a great power of hors-men. And to shew the popular affection to this Earle in his country, I heard it for certaine reported, that when the Earle continued longer in Flanders then they liked, and doub∣ting of his return, for that they supposed that the Duke of Parma would stay him and the other Commissioners there, the people of his Country in a generality did amongst them∣selves determine, that the Lord Strange the Earls son, and all the manhood of Lancashire and Cheshire would go over the Seas and fetch the Earle home. A matter for no purpose to be spoken of, but to note the force of the love which the people do beare to the Earle, who with his son is firmly bent against the Pope.

The Earle of Bath also Lieutenant of Devonshire,* 1.87 had as is said, great forces of his own ready to have impeached the lan∣ding of any strangers in Devonshire.* 1.88 The Earle of Pembrooke also being Lieutenant of Somersetshire and Wiltshire, and Lord President of all Wales, was ready to have come to the Queen with three hundred horsmen, and five hundred footmen all of his own retinue, leaving all the Countries under his charge fully furnished.

I omit here to speake of the Bands of hors-men,* 1.89 belonging to the Earls of Northumberland and Cumberland,* 1.90 which though they were ready to have bin shewed at the same time; yet the Earls hearing of the Spanish Army approaching, went volun∣tarily to the Sea side in all hast, and came to the Queens Navy before the sight afore Callice. Where they being in severall ships of the Queens, did with their own persons valiant servi∣ces against the Kings Armado. And to shew the great readi∣nes in a generality of sundry others at the same time, to adven∣ture their lives in the said service; there went to the Seas at the same time divers Gentlemen of good reputation, who vo∣luntarily without any charge, and without knowledge of the Queen, put themselves into the Queens Navy in sundry ships, wherin they served at the fight afore Callice; of which number being very great, I remember that the names of some of them

were these,* 1.91 M. Henry Brooke son and heir to the Lord Cobham, Sir Thomas Cecil son and heir to the Lord Treasurer,* 1.92 Sir William Hatton heir to the Lord Chancellour,* 1.93 Sir Horatio Pallavicino a Knight of Genua,* 1.94 Master Robert Cary son to the Lord Hunsdon, Sir Charles Blunt,* 1.95 brother to the Lord Mountjoy.* 1.96 But much speech is of two Gentlemen of the Court that went to the Na∣vy at the same time,* 1.97 whose names are Thomas Gerard and Wil∣liam Hervy,* 1.98 to me not known, but now here about London spoken of with great same. These two adventured out of ship boat to scale the great Galliasse wherin Moncada was, and en∣tred the same only with their Rapiers; a matter commonly spoken, that never the like was hazarded afore, considering the height of the Galliasse compared to a ship boat.

And yet to make it more manifest, how earnest all sorts of Noblemen and Gentlemen,* 1.99 were to adventure their lives in this service, it is reported that the Earle of Oxford, who is one of the most ancient Earles of this land, went also to the Sea, to serve in the Queens Army. There went also for the same pur∣pose, a second son of the Lord Treasurer, called as I can remem∣ber Robert Cecil;* 1.100 there went also about that time to the Seas, the Lord Dudley an ancient Baron of the Realm,* 1.101 and Sir Walter Rawlegh a Gentleman of the Queens privy Chamber,* 1.102 & in his company a great number of young Gentlemen, amongst whom I remember the names of the heir of Sir Thomas Cecil,* 1.103 called William Cecil,* 1.104 of Edward Darcy, Arthur Gorge, and such others:* 1.105 with the rehearsall of whom I doe not comfort my self, but only to shew you, how farr we have bin deceived, to think that we should have had a party here for us, when as you see both by land and by Sea, all sorts of men were so ready of their own charges, without either commandment or enter∣tainment, to adventure their lives in defence of the Queen and the Realm.

And for the Earle of Huntingtons forces,* 1.106 being Lieutenant General in the North, it is reported, that he hath put in readines for an Army in Yorkshire, and other countries commonly limi∣ted to serve against Scotland, to the number of fourty thou∣sand well armed footmen, and near hand ten thousand horsmen to come to him if any occasion of Invasion should be in the

North parts: to whom are joyned with their forces 3 Lords in the North,* 1.107 the Lord Scroop, Lord Darcy, and Lord Evers.

There are also divers other Lords that are Lieutenants of countries, that have in readinesse of their proper charges good numbers of horsemen. As the Earle of Kent, Lieutenant of Bedford-shire, the L. Hunsdon, Lord Chamberlaine, Lieutenant of Norfolke and Suffolke;* 1.108 the L. Cobbam, Lieutenant of Kent; the L. Gray of Buckingham-shire; the L. North of Cambridge-shire; L. Chandos of Glocester-shire; L.S. Iohn of Huntington-shire; L. Buckhurst of Sussex: And so by this particular recitall not unmeet for your knowledge, it is to be noted what disposition the Nobility of the Realme had at this time to have with∣stood all invasion. And if percase you shall peruse your ordina∣ry Catalogue of the great Lords of the Realme, you shall find that these are the substance of all the great Lords, saving three young Earles within age,* 1.109 Rutland, South-hampton, and Bed∣ford: all three brought up in perverse Religion. And so remai∣neth to be spoken of, the Earle of Arundell, who is in the Tow∣er for attempting to have fled out of the Realme by provoca∣tion of him, that now is Cardinall Allen; who, howsoever he may be affected to the Catholique Religion, yet I heare most certainly that he offereth his life in defence of the Queene against all the world.

And where account was made to have a party in this Realm, which by these former relations appeare could nor be possible, the whole Nobility being assured to the Queen, and the force of the people not violently bent that way. In this very time was offered to the Queene as great a party for her, to come to her service, and defence of the Realme, as out of all Christen∣dome she could not have to all respects a stronger. Which was the King of Scots, who hearing of the intended invasion of the Realme,* 1.110 sent a Gentleman to the Queene, with his letter, as I credibly heard, to offer her all the power that he had to defend her and her Realme; and if she so would, he would come in his own person, and hazard his own life, to defend this Realme a∣gainst all invaders for Religion, or any other pretence whatso∣ever. So by this you may see what account may be made of any vain promises made in the name of this King. And because you

shall perceive that I have good meanes to have intelligence of any other forces of the Realme for defence thereof,* 1.111 it is most certain as I heare, and I have seen a List or Roll of a great num∣ber both of horsemen and footmen, which the Bishops of the Realme have of their owne charges, with the contribution of the Clergy, raised up in bands of horsemen and footmen, which are to be led by noble Gentlemen at the Queenes nomination; and these bands must be vainly termed, Milites Sacri.* 1.112

As to the last point of the three foundations of the principall hope conceived, wherupon the invasion was chiefly grounded and taken in hand, which was most certainly and generally beleeved, that there should be found here in the realm a strong party of Catholiques, against the Queen to joyne and assist the invaders, upon the appearing of the Spanish Navy. By my for∣mer relations of the generall great and fervent love of the peo∣ple towards the Queene, and of the great offers of service now made by the whole Nobility of the Realme, this their founda∣tion may appeare to have been wrong laid, onely by imagina∣tions, as it were upon a quick-sand, or rather as flying in the ayre.* 1.113 And yet it appeareth very truly that no small account was made hereof by the K. of Spain, and by his principall Mini∣sters; for there is nothing at this present more universally, with one lamentable voyce spoken of, by all the multitude of the Spaniards, now here prisoners; yea by the chiefest of them, then that they now evidently see, that the King their Master was with such informations greatly abused, yea rather betrayed. For they say there was no man of value in all this army, but he heard it constantly affirmed, and so delivered for comfort of all that served therein, before they were shipped, that they should not be afraid of any resistance to land in England, for tha•• there was good assurance given to the King, that they should finde a strong army of Catholiques ready in their favour, as soon as ever their Navy should be seen upon the Sea-coast,* 1.114 and so they all here say, they were encouraged to come to this journey; otherwise, many of them sweare they would never have come on ship-boord: so unlikely they say it was, and a∣gainst all reason, to invade a Realme, with opinion to conquer it, without both some title of right, and a party also; but speci∣ally without a good sure party.

And therefore now finding this report very false, many of these prisoners do by name curse you, as being the Kings Em∣bassadour; as him,* 1.115 they say, who upon the opinion of the know∣ledge which you had gotten in England, was therein more credited then any other, and had these many yeares together tempted the King their Master, upon hope, and other such like perswasions, to attempt such a matter as this was, being utterly in all wisedome to have been condemned, without some cer∣tainty of this latter part, specially to have had a strong party here. They also curse all such English-men as have sled out of this countrey, whom they spare not to call arrant traitors, for offering the sale of their countrey to the Pope and the King of Spaine. And these prisoners adde also, that they were borne in hand, that this countrey was so open to march in, and so weak to withstand any force, and the people so miserable, as they thought the conquest thereof had been of no more difficulty then the overcomming of a number of naked Indians was at the beginning of the conquest thereof by King Ferdinand.

And now for strength of this countrey and people, many of these prisoners having bin brought from the Sea-coasts hither to London, whereby they have observed the countrey and the people, doe speak marvellously thereof, counting the same in∣vincible, otherwise then by treason of some great party with∣in the Realme. But whether all these speeches which are com∣monly reported of them proceed from their hearts, or that they speake thus to please the English, because they are well used by them, who also are easily deceived with flattery, I know not; but sure I am they doe thus speake daily, without∣ward shew of great passions against such as have been perswa∣ders to the King for this journy. Divers of them also which are of good judgment, and have heard of such of the English bani∣shed men, as have bin in Spain, and have knowne some of them there (as of long time Sir Francis Englefield,* 1.116 and of late the L. Paget and his brother) have curiously enquired of what power they were, and credit here to have a party. They also enquired of the Earle of Westmerland,* 1.117 although of him they confesse he is a man but of small government. But our adversaries here have so abased these and all the rest to have been of no credit, to car∣ry

any numbers of men, but by the Queenes authority when they were at their best: As the prisoners wonder how the king could be so deceived to give them pensions, otherwise then for charity, because of their Religion. But they confesse they have often heard in Spaine, how the King was once notably decei∣ved, when one Tho.* 1.118 Stukely a private English man, that fled out of Ireland for debt, and other lewd actions into Spaine, and not being worth one penny, his debts being paid, but the second son of a mean Gentleman, pretended, & was beleeved in Spain, so (by entituling of himself) to be a Duke, a Marquesse, and an Earle of Ireland; and so was a long time entertained, as a man that could doe great service against the Q. of England, untill at length the King understood his falshood, and so banished him out of Spaine; and repairing to Rome, he was by the Pope also maintained for a time, untill he was discovered even by some good Catholiques, that could not endure the Popes holinesse to be so grossely mocked; of whom some of the prisoners using merry speeches, how both the Emperor Charles, and afterward this King & the Pope, were so notably deceived by this Stuke∣ly, doe conclude meerly, that they think some of these English that have thus abused the King, have followed Stukelyes steps. And in very truth, I and many others have bin very often asha∣med to heare so broad speeches of the King and the Pope, yea of the Emperour Charles, whom such a companion as Stukeley was, could so notably deceive; and the more to be marvelled it was, how he could deceive the King Catholique, considering he was known to many of his Councell, at the Kings being in England, to have bin but a vaunting beggar, and a Ruffian, and afterwards a pyrat against the Spaniards.

Now my Lord Embassadour,* 1.119 by these my large relations of the things evill past, and of the opinions of such as I have lately dealt withall, with mine owne conceit also, which I doe not vainly imagine, your Lordship may see in the first part, our pre∣sent calamity, and miserable estate: In the second part, the state of this Queene, her Realme, her people, their minds, their strength, so far contrary to the expectation of the Popes Holi∣nesse, the King Catholique, and specially of you (my Lord) and all others, that have been in hand these many yeares with this

action, as I know not what course shall, or may be thought meet to take, seeing it is seen by experience, that by force our cause cannot be relieved. Neither will any change amend the matter when this Queen shall end her dayes (as all Princes are mortall) for both the universalitie of the people through the Realme, are so firmely and desperately bent against our Reli∣gion, as nothing can prevaile against their united forces. And whosoever shall by right succeed to this Crowne after the Queen (who is likely to live as long as any King in Christen∣dome) if the Crowne should come to the K.* 1.120 of Scots, or to any other of the bloud royall, as there are very many within this Realme descended both of the Royall houses of York and Lan∣caster. There is no account to be made, but every one of them that now live at this day, are knowne to be as vehemently dis∣posed to withstand the authority of the Pope, as any of the most earnest Protestant or heretick in the world.* 1.121 So as to con∣clude, after all circumstances well considered, for the present I know no other way, but to commit the cause to Almighty God, and to all the Saints in heaven, with our continuall pray∣ers; and in earth to the holy Counsels of the Pope, and his Car∣dinals, with our supplications to relieve the afflicted number of our exiled brethren, and to send into the Realme, discreet, holy, and learned men, that may only in secret manner with∣out in intermedling in matters of estate, by teaching us, confirme us in our faith, and gaine with charitable instruction, others that are not rooted in heresie.

And for relief of such has are forced to pay yearly great sums of money out of their revenue, because they forbeare to come to the Church,* 1.122 it were to be charitably considered, whether there might not be some dispensation from the Popes holines, for some few yeares, to tolerate their comming to the Church without changing of their faith, considering a great number doe stand therein, not for any thing (as they say) used in this Church, that is directly contrary to Gods Law; but for that the Rites and prayers (though they are collected out of the body of the Scripture) are not allowed by the Catholique Church, and the head thereof, which is the Popes Holinesse: And for that cause lastly, all true Catholiques account this

Church to be schismaticall. By which remedy of tolleration, a great number of such as will be perpetually Catholiques, might enjoy their livings and liberty, and in processe of time the Catholique Religion (by Gods goodnesse) might with more surety be increased, to the honour of God, then ever it can be by any force whatsoever. For so did all Christian Reli∣gion at the first begin, and spread it selfe over the world; not by force, but only by teaching, and example of holinesse in the teachers, against all humane forces. And so I will end my long letters with the sentence which K. David used foure times in one of his Psalmes: Et clamaverunt ad Dominum in tribulatione eorum, & de angustia corum liberavit eos. And so must we make that for our foundation to lay our hope upon, for all other hopes are vain and false.

At London the of August, 1588.

Notes

• * 1.1

  In what termes England standeth in the opinion of the Catholiques.
• * 1.2

  The Spanish pre∣paration 3 yeares in making.
• * 1.3

  The Duke of Par∣mas army in Flanders.
• * 1.4

  No forraine force could invade Eng∣land, without a strong party in England. Hope of victory by the Spanish army with assistance of a party in England this Summer.
• * 1.5

  All Spanish hope fallen in nine dayes.
• * 1.6

  The Catholiques doubt of their cause, seeing the hand of God is a∣gainst the army.
• * 1.7

  Many English Catholiques mi∣slike of the Popes reformation by force.
• * 1.8

  The 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.9

  The hearts of all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of people in∣flamed against the Spaniards vaun∣ting to conquer the land
• * 1.10

  The untimely pub¦lication of the Popes Bull did 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the common cause.
• * 1.11

  Cardinall Allens books have done much hurt to the intended invasion and conquest.
• * 1.12

  The Cardinals rash and violent writing misliked by the Catholiques.
• * 1.13

  The multitude of books published to shew the great∣nesse of the Spanish Navy, did also hurt.
• * 1.14

  ••he fore warnings of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 greatnesse caused the Queene to put all her Realme in force beyond all 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.15

  The armies made ready in England in every quarter of the Realme.
• * 1.16

  The maritine Counties provided at landing pl••ces with 20000 men
• * 1.17

  All the bands were under the principal Knights of the Realme, compoun∣ded of the most mighty men being their tenant, and servants.
• * 1.18

  A strange report of the wealth of a hand of souldiers.
• * 1.19

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 1.20

  A consent and concurrence of Papist andPro∣testant to with∣stand the conquest.
• * 1.21

  The gentlemen Re∣cus•••• in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 offer to adventure their lives against all invasions whatso∣ver, without respect of Pope or other Potentate.
• * 1.22

  The Recusants are not put in danger of their lives for their Religion, but are fi∣ned at sums of money.
• * 1.23

  The Jesuites are not executed for Religion but for treasons.
• * 1.24

  The Seminaries for the most part come disguised like Russians.
• * 1.25

  Babington suffered for his treasons voluntarily con∣fessed not for Reli∣gion, though at his death he professed the Romane Re∣ligion.
• * 1.26

  A multitude of gentlemen suspe∣cted to be Papists, yet never endange∣red of their lives.
• * 1.27

  Many of the Priests that are sent into the Realme, are young rash, and of lewd life.
• * 1.28

  A great strength of the English Navy, by the ships of the Port Townes that did serve without wages.
• * 1.29

  Two notable lyes printed in Paris, and imputed to Don Bernardia Mendoza.
• * 1.30

  A most manifest lye printed in Pa∣ris, of a Spanish vi∣ctory, when it was altogether an En∣glish victory.
• * 1.31

  Mendacia of Mendoza.
• * 1.32

  The state of the Navy of England this Summer.
• * 1.33

  L. Haward. L. Ad∣mirall.
• * 1.34

  L. Hen. Seymour.
• * 1.35

  Sir Francis Drake
• * 1.36

  L. Tho. Haward. L. Sheffeld.
• * 1.37

  The fight of the English Navy with the Spanish.
• * 1.38

  The flying away of the Spanish Navy.
• * 1.39

  The Spaniard prisoners say, that Christ shewed him∣selfe a Lutheran in this Summer voy∣age of the Spanish Navy.
• * 1.40

  God shewed no fa∣vour to the Spanish Navy from the be∣ginning to the ending.
• * 1.41

  Don Pedro de Valdez, Captaine Generall of the Armado of An∣daluzia. Hugo de Monca∣da, Generall of the Galliasses of Naples. Diego de Pimen∣telli, Captain of the Galleon, named St Matthew.
• * 1.42

  I consider him
• * 1.43

  1.
• * 1.44

  The three hopes conceived against England, are now all frustrated.
• * 1.45

  2.
• * 1.46

  3.
• * 1.47

  The English Navy will be stronger the next yeare.
• * 1.48

  Offer of Hollanders and Zelanders to joyne with the English Navy.
• * 1.49

  Iustinian Nassan Admirall of Hol∣land, with 46. ships of war ioyned to the English Navy, against the Duke of Parma.
• * 1.50

  Arguments to prove no miscon∣tentment of the people toward the Queen.
• * 1.51

  The providence of the Queene to make her Realme strong.
• * 1.52

  The Queene being in the army in Es∣sex when most danger was threa∣tened by the ene∣mies in landing.
• * 1.53

  The nottable ap∣plause of the peo∣ple to the Queene for her presence in the camp.
• * 1.54

  The singing of Psalmes by the En∣glish army in the camp.
• * 1.55

  An army provided for the Queen, be∣side the army ready to withstand the landing of the enemy.
• * 1.56

  Great power of horsmen brought by the Nobility to attend on the Queens person.
• * 1.57

  The Viscount Mountagues show of horsemen was the first.
• * 1.58

  A number of great Lords shewed their horsmen.
• * 1.59

  Earle of Lincolne. L. Windesor.
• * 1.60

  L. Chancelour.
• * 1.61

  Earle of Warwick
• * 1.62

  L. Treasurer.
• * 1.63

  L. Compton
• * 1.64

  Earle of Leycester L. Rich.
• * 1.65

  S. Walt: Mildmay
• * 1.66

  S. Hen. Cromwell
• * 1.67

  S. Iohn Points.
• * 1.68

  Earle of Essex with a great band of hors-men and foot∣men aforethe Queen at St. Iames.
• * 1.69

  Course at the field.
• * 1.70

  Tourney.
• * 1.71

  Earle of Worce∣ster.
• * 1.72

  Earle of Hertford
• * 1.73

  L. Audley.
• * 1.74

  L. Morley.
• * 1.75

  L. Dacres.
• * 1.76

  L. Lomeley.
• * 1.77

  L. Moun••joy.
• * 1.78

  L. Sturton.
• * 1.79

  L. Darcy.
• * 1.80

  L. Sands.
• * 1.81

  L. Mordant.
• * 1.82

  Marques of Win∣chester.
• * 1.83

  Earle of Sussex.
• * 1.84

  Earle of Shrows∣bury.
• * 1.85

  L. Talbot.
• * 1.86

  Earle of Darby. L. Strange.
• * 1.87

  Earle of Bath.
• * 1.88

  Earle of Pembroks noble offer.
• * 1.89

  Earle of Northum∣berland.
• * 1.90

  Earle of Cumber∣land.
• * 1.91

  M. Henry Brooke.
• * 1.92

  Sir tho Cecil.
• * 1.93

  Sir Wil. Hatton.
• * 1.94

  Sir Horatio Pal∣lavicino.
• * 1.95

  M. Robert Cary.
• * 1.96

  Sir Charles Blunt
• * 1.97

  M. Tho Gerard.
• * 1.98

  M. Wil. Hervy.
• * 1.99

  Earle of Oxford
• * 1.100

  M. Robert Cecil.
• * 1.101

  L. Dudley.
• * 1.102

  S. Wal. Rawlegh.
• * 1.103

  M. Wil. Cecil.
• * 1.104

  M. Edward Darcy
• * 1.105

  M. Arthur Gorge.
• * 1.106

  Earle of Hunting∣ton.
• * 1.107

  L. Scroope. L. Darcy. L. Evers.
• * 1.108

  Earle of Kent. L. Hunsdon. L. Cobham. L. Grave. L. North. L. Chandos. L. St. Iohn. L. Buckhurst.
• * 1.109

  Earle of Rutland. Earle of South-hampton Earle of Bedford.
• * 1.110

  Offer of the King of Scots to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of England.
• * 1.111

  Bands of horsemen and footmen ere∣cted by the Bish••ps.
• * 1.112

  The third and last hope which the Ca∣tholikes had of a party in the realme, was all frustrate.
• * 1.113

  The Spanish priso∣ners condemne the Kings purpose, as being abused by the exiled Catholiques, whom the Spani∣ards call traitors to their countrey.
• * 1.114

  No possibility to invade and con∣quer a Realme, without favour of a party inward.
• * 1.115

  The Spanish priso∣ners condemne the enterprise & course of Don Bernardin of Mendoza.
• * 1.116

  Sir Francis Eu∣glefield. Lord Paget.
• * 1.117

  Earle of West∣merland.
• * 1.118

  Thomas Stuke∣le yes abusing of the King of Spain, and the Pope, newly re∣membred by the Spaniards.
• * 1.119

  A conclusion by the writer, to per∣swade another course, not by violence.
• * 1.120

  No hope for fur∣therance of the Popes authority by any now living that may succeed the Queen in the line Royall.
• * 1.121

  A conclusion what is best to maintaine the Catholike Reli∣gion in England.
• * 1.122

  A tolleration from the Pope for the Recasants in England