The history and life and reigne of Richard the Third composed in five bookes by Geo. Buck.

The ARGUMENT and CONTENTS of the First Booke. The Linage, Family, Birth, Education, and Tirociny of King Richard the third.

THe Royall house of Plantagenest, and the beginning of that name; What Sobri∣quets were: The antiquity of Sirnames; Richard is created Duke of Gloucester, his marriage, and his issue; His martiall imployments; His Iourney into Scotland, and recovery of Barwick; The death of King Edward the 4^th. The Duke of Gloucester made Lord Protector, and soone after, King of England, by importunate suite of his Barons and of the People, as the next true and lawfull heire. Henry Teudor Earle of Richmond practiseth a∣gainst the King; He is conveyed into France. The No∣ble Linage of Sir William Herbert, his Imployment; He is made Earle of Pembrooke. King Edward the 4^th. first, and after King Richard, sollicite the Duke of Brittaine, and treat with him for the delivery of the young Earle of Richmond his Prisoner. The successe of that businesse. The quality and title of the Beau∣forts or Sommersets. The Linage and Family of the Earle of Richmond. The solemne Coronations of King Richard, and of the Queene his wife, his first at Westminster, the second at Yorke. Nobles,

Knights and Officers made by him; Prince Edward his Son invested in the Principallity of Wales, and the Oath of Allegeance made to him; King Richard de∣mandeth the Tribute of France; His Progresse to Yorke; His carefull charge given to the Iudges and Magistrates; He holdeth a Parliament, wherein the marriage of the King his Brother with the Lady Gray is declared and adjudged unlawfull, their child∣ren to be illegitimate and not capable of the Crowne: The Earle of Richmond and divers others attainted of Treason; Many good Laws made; The K. declared and approved by Parliament to be the only true and lawfull heire of the Crowne. The King and Queene dowager are reconciled; He hath secret advertisemēts of Innovations and practises against him; Createth a vice-Constable of England. His sundry treaties with Forraigne Princes. Doctor Morton corrupteth the Duke of Buckingham, who becometh discontent, de∣manding the Earledome of Hereford, with the great Constableship of England; He taketh Armes, is defea∣ted and put to death by marshall Law.

(Book 1)

THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE HISTORY OF RICHARD THE THIRD, OF ENGLAND, AND OF FRANCE, KING, AND LORD OF IRELAND. (Book 1)

RIchard Plantagenet, Duke of Gloce∣ster, and King of England, and of France, and Lord of Ireland, the third of that name, was the* 1.1 younger sonne of Sir Richard Plantagenet, the fourth Duke of Yorke of that Royall Family, and King of England, designate by King Henry the sixth, and by the most noble Senate, and uni∣versall Synod of this Kingdome, the High Court of Parliament. The Mother of this Richard Duke of Glocester, was the Lady Cecily, Daughter of Sir Ralph de Neville, Earle of Westmerland, by his wife Ioane de Beaufort, the naturall Daughter of Iohn Plantagenet (alias) de Gaunt, Duke of Guiene and Lancaster, King of Castile and Leon, third Sonne of King Edward the third, for in that order this Duke is best accounted, because William of Hatfield, the second Sonne of King Edward the third dyed in his infancy, and this Duke of Yorke, and King designate, was propagated from two younger sonnes of the same King Edward the third, whereby he had both Paternall and Ma∣ternall Title to the Crowne of England and France: But his better and nearer Title, was the Maternall Title, or that which came to him by his Mother the Lady Anne de Mortimer, the Daughter and heire of Phillippa Plantagenet, who was the sole Daughter and heire of Lyonell Plantagenet, Duke of Clarence, and second Sonne of King Edward the third, according to the account and order aforesaid.

And this Lady Phillip was the Wife of Sir Edmond de Mortimer, the great and famous Earle of March, and that Duke Richard, King designate, by his Father Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York (sirnamed

also de Conningsb••rrough) issued directly, and in a masculine line from Edmond Plantagenet, alias de Langley, the first Duke of Yorke, and the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third, who was the most renowned* 1.2 and glorious Progenitor to those Princes of Yorke and Lancaster, and the first King in a Lineall descent from that great Henry, sirnamed Plantagenet, famous for his great Prowesse and many victories, King of England in the right of his Mother the Empresse Matil••••, or Maud, daughter and heire of King Henry the first, and stiled Angl••rum Do∣mina, sometime wife of the Emperour Henry the fifth, by which he was also sirnamed, filius imperatricis: The French men called him, Henry du Court Mantea••, or Court Mantle, because he wore a cloake shorter then the fashion was in those times. By his Father Galfride, or Geoffry Plantagenet, he was Earle or Duke of Anjou (for then Dux, & Comes, and Ducatus & Comitatus, were Synonomies & promiscuous words,) he was also Earle of Maine, of Torraine, and hereditary Sene∣schall, or High Steward of France, and by his marriage of Elianor Queene of France Repudiate, Daughter and heire of William Duke of Gascoigne and of Guiene, and Earle of Poictou: He was Duke and Earle of those Principalities, and Signiories, also by the Empresse his Mother Duke of Normandy: He was Lord of Ireland by Conquest, and confirmed by Pope Adrian. But these were not all his Seigni∣ories* 1.3 and Dominions; for after he was King of England, he extended his Empire and Principate in the South to the Pyrerean mountaines, (The Confines of Spaine and France) in the North to the Isles of* 1.4 Orkney, and in the East and West with the Ocean, as Giraldus Cam∣brensis, G••l. Neubrigensis, & Ioannes Sarisburiensis, grave and credible Authors affirme, who stiled him, Regum Britanniae maximus; and doubtlesse he was the greatest King of Brittaine since King Ar∣thur.

But it is controverted amongst the Antiquaries and Heralds, which Earle of Anjou first bare the sirname and Sobriquet of Plantagenest, or Plantagenet after the vulgar Orthodoxe, by what occasion, and for what cause it was taken and borne, and from what time and age it had beginning: Some would have the forenamed Geoffry Plantagenet, Fa∣ther of this Henry, the first Earle of Anjou, which bare it. But we shall finde stronger reasons to derive it from a much more ancient Earle of Anjou, and better causes then can be found in him, if we step but a little backe to their stories, and compare the men and their times. Geoffry Plantagenet being a man of a gallant and active fire, disposed to the Courts of Princes, to Justs Turnaments, &c. and to the Courtship of faire Ladies, those of the highest ranke, and had so amorous a Star, That Philippe le Grosse K. of France, suspected him for too familiar commerce with his bed. But it was of better influence when he archieved and married the Empresse Matilda, by which we may very well calculate, he neither had, nor would be intent or at lei∣sure for such a mortified and perilous Pilgrimage to Jerusalem. But* 1.5 if we would know the man, let us looke upon the first Fulke, Earle of

Anjou, who lived about an hundred yeares before the Norman Con∣quest of England, and was Sonne of Godefray, or Geoffry Grisegonell the first Earle of Anjou (according to du Haillon) Ancestor and Proge∣nitor to the foresaid Geoffry Plantagenet, some seven or eight degrees in the ascending Line, as Paradin accounteth, a man raised upon the foundation of a great courage and strength (two of the best Principles when they have good seconds, and make too a glorious man, where they serve his vertues, not affections, as in this Prince they did) whose disposition on the other side being let out into as vaste an ambition and covetousnesse, ne're looked upon the unlawfulnesse of his desires, how horrid soever (which amongst the many rest) run him upon the shelves of wilfull perjury, and murder; the one for defrauding & spoi∣ling a Church of certaine Rights, and the other for contriving the Tragedy of his young Nephew, Drog••, Earle of Brittaine, to make himselfe Lord of his Countrey and Principallity. The secret checke and scourge of those crimes had a long time to worke upon his con∣science, and of a great sinner made a great Penitent, being old and ha∣ving much solitary time, and many heavy thoughts (which naturally accompany old age, and suggest better considerations of our former and youthfull sinnes.) he opens the horrour of them, and his afflicted mind to his Confessor, (as great Constantine to AEgyppus) who en∣joyned him to make the same confession before the holy Sepulcher, at Jerusalem, which Pilgrimage the Earle performed in all lowly and contemptible manner, passing as a private and unworthy person, without traine or followers, save two of his meanest, which he tooke rather for witnesses then servants, whose service was, when they came neare Jerusalem, the one with a cord (such as is used for the strangling of Criminals) thrown about his Masters neck, to draw or leade him to* 1.6 the holy sepulcher, whilst the other did acoustré and strip him as a con∣demned person, and with extremity scourge him untill he was pro∣strate before the sacred Monument where he gave evidence of his un∣fained* 1.7 contrition and sorrow. Amongst other devout expressions, uttering this, Mon dieu & Signeur rec••y a Pardon le perjure & homicide & miserable Foulque; And after this pilgrimage he lived many years of prosperity in his Country honoured of all men. To justifie this, there be many Examples of other Princes and Noble Persons, who lived about the yeare of our Lord one thousand, and somewhat before, and in three or foure ages after, who under went the like Pilgrimages im∣posed under base and mechanicke nick-names and persons, as of a Carpenter, a Smith, a Fisher-man, a Mariner, a Shepheard, a Wood∣man, a Broome-man, &c. In my Inquiry after that of Plantagenet, I met with an ancient Manuscript, that afforded me a large Cata∣logue of many such, by the French▪ called Sobriquets, from whence I have transcribed these few for a taste.

Sobriquets.

• Berger, Shepheard.* 1.8
• Grisegōnelle, gray-coat
• Teste de Estoupe, Head of towe.
• Arbuste, A Shrub.
• Martell, A Hammer.
• Grande boeuf, Ox-face.
• LaZouch, Branch up∣on a Stem.
• Houlette, a sheep-hook.
• Hapkin, Hatchet.
• Chapelle, Hood.
• Sans-terre, Lackland.
• Malduit, Ill taught.
• Geffard, Ieuvencas, or Heyfer.
• Filz de Fleau, Son of a Flaile.
• Plantagenest, the Plant or stalk of a Broome.

And under the name and habit of a Broome-man our Pilgrim per∣formed this Penance, and tooke the Sobriquet of Plantagenest from wearing a stalke of Broome, or plant of Genest; this is generally re∣ceived, but the time and reason neither set downe nor rendred by any of our Heralds and Antiquaries, French or English; for the time when he performed this, I observe it about the yeare of our Lord, one thousand certainly. But for the particular relation, this Count had to chuse the genest plant, or Broome stalke before any other vegi∣tall or thing, I shall lay downe that opinion which is mine owne no∣ting for a circumstance by the way, that the Broome in Hieroglyphi∣call Learning is the Symbole of humility, and the Poets, particularly Virgil the best of Poets, give it the Epithet of humilis, humilis genista; and the Etymologists derive it from genu the knee, the part most ap∣plyed, and as it were dedicate to the chiefe Act of Reverence, knee∣ling, to which the naturall Philosophers say, there is so mutuall a correspondency, and so naturall a sympathy between genu and gen••sta,* 1.9 that of all other plants or vegitals, it is most comfortable and medi∣cinable to the paines and diseases of the knees. Pliny a great Ma∣ster amongst them saith, Genista tuscae, cum, &c. genua dolentia sa∣nat.* 1.10

But the considerable reason is, as I conceive it, from the use he was constrained to make of the twigges of Broome when he came to be scourged at Jerusalem, the place necessitating the use of them to that purpose, being (as Strabo relates) a stony, sandy, and barren soyle, only* 1.11 naturall and gratefull to the genest, as the watry and moist to the Birch, Willow and Withy, of which there could be none there, for that reason. And from hence it must most conjecturally take the begin∣ning of that Honour, which afterward his Princely and Noble Po∣steries continued for their sirname, who became Dukes & Princes in

sundry places, and some of them Kings of England, France, Scotland and Ireland; and (as the pious people of that Age verily beleeved by their observation) were the more prosperous and happy for his* 1.12 sake.

For the continuance of the Name, some (who pretend to see further and better in the darke then others as cleare sighted) would have it taken of late time, and not used by the Kings and Princes of England, of the Angeume race. But there are many proofes to be adduced a∣gainst them; Let us looke into Master Brookes genealogies of Eng∣land,* 1.13 we shall find nothing more obvious and frequent in the dedu∣ctions of those Princes of the House of Anjou, then the addition and sirname of Plantagenet; Edm. Plantagenet, Geo. Plantagenet, Iohn Plan∣tagenet, Edward Plantagenet, Lyonell Plantagenet, Humphry Plantagenet, &c. In the French Historians and Antiquaries, Ion de Tillet, Girard du Haillon, Clande Paradin, & Iean Baron de la Hay, we shall often meet with Geoffry Plantagenet, Arthur Plantagenet, Richard Planta∣genet, and diverse the like, all of the first Age, when the Angeume Princes first became English, and some before. Master Camden also in his Immortall P••••tannia, mentioneth some very ancient, as Richard Plantagenet, Iohn Plantagenet, &c. And witnesseth, that the forenamed Geoffry Plantagenet used to weare a Broome-stalke in his Bonnet, as many Nobles of the House of Anjou did, and tooke it for their chiefe sirname. It might be added, that these Earles of Anjou were descen∣ded out of the great house of Saxon in Germany, which hath brought forth many Kings▪ Emperors and Dukes; and that they were of kin∣dred and alliance to the ancient Kings of France, and sundry other Princes. But I will close here for the high Nobility of King Richard, as the good old Poet did for another Heroicall Person:

—Deus est utroque parente. Ovid.

* 1.14

And come to the other matters of his private story. And first for his Birth and native place, which was the Castle of Fotheringay, or as some write, the Castle of Birkhamsteed, both Castles and Honours of the Duke his Father, about the yeare of our Lord 1450, which I discover by the calculation of the Birth, Raigne, and death of King Edward his brother, who was borne about 1441, or 1442. and raig∣ned two and twenty yeares, dyed at the age of one and forty, Anno 1483. The Dutchesse of Yorke their Mother had five children be∣twixt them, so that Richard could not be lesse then seven or eight yeares younger then King Edward, and he survived him not fully three yeares.

This Richard Plantagenet, and the other children of Richard Duke of Yorke, were brought up in York-shire, and Northampton-shire, but lived for the most part in the Castle of Midelham in York-shire, untill the Duke their Father, and his Sonne Edmund Plantagenet Earle of Rutland were slaine in the battell of Wakefield, Anno Dom.

1641, upon which the Dutchesse of Yorke their Mother (having cause to feare the faction of Lancaster, which was now growne very exulting and strong, and of a mortall enmity to the House af Yorke) secretly conveyed her two younger sonnes, George and Richard Plan∣tagenet (who was then about some ten yeares old) into the Low-Countries, to their Aunt the Lady Margaret, Dutchesse of Burgundy, Wife of Charles Duke of Burgundy and Brabant, and Earle of Flan∣ders. They continued at Utrich, the chiefe City then in Holland, where they had Princely and liberall education, untill Edward Earle of March their eldest Brother had revenged his Fathers death, and taken the Kingdome and Crowne (as his right) from Henry the sixth, when he called home his two Brothers, and enters them into the practise of Armes, to season their forwardnesse and honour of Knighthood which he had bestowed upon them; and soone after in∣vests George into the Dutchy of Clarence, and Earledome of Rich∣mond, which Earledome he the rather bestowed upon him, to darken the young Earle of Richmond, Henry Teudor. Richard had the Duke∣dome of Glocester, and Earledome of Carlile, as I have read in an old* 1.15 Manuscript story, which Creation the Heralds doe not allow. But whether he were Comes thereof after the ancient Roman under∣standing, that is, Governour▪ or Comes, or Count, after the common taking it by us English, or others; that is, for a speciall Titular Lord, I will not take upon me to determine, but affirme I have read him, Comes Carliolensis.

And after the great Earle of Warwicke and Salisbury, Richard de Neville, was reconciled to the Kings favour, George Duke of Clarence was married to the Lady Isabell, or Elizabeth, the elder Daughter of that Earle, and Richard Duke of Glocester to the Lady Anne, which Ladies by their Mother the Lady Anne de Beauchamp, Daughter and heire of Sir Richard de Beauchamp, Earle of Warwicke, were heires of that Earledome. But Anne, although the younger sister, was the better woman, having been a little before married to Edward Planta∣genet, Prince of Wales, and Duke of Cornwall, only Sonne of King Henry the sixth, and was now his Princesse and Dowager, by whom Duke Richard had a sonne called Edward, created Prince of Wales when his Father came to the Crowne.

The imployment of this Duke was for the most part in the North, as the Countrey of his birth, so more naturally affected by him ac∣cording to the Poet:

—Natale solum dulcedine cunctos mulcet. Ovid.

And there lay his Appanage and Patrimony, with a great Estate of the Dutchesse his Wife, of which the Signiory of Penrith, vulgò,* 1.16 Perith in Cumberland was part, where he much resided, and built or repaired most of the Castles, all that Northerne side generally ho∣nouring and affecting his Deportment, being magnificent, (to apply

Sir Thomas Moore something above his ability which he exprest* 1.17 most in his hospitality. And surely, if men are taken to the life best from their actions, we shall find him in the circle of a Character (not so commaculate and mixt, as passionate and purblinde pens have* 1.18 dasht it) whilst we squint not at those vertues in him, which make up other Princes absolute; His wisedome and courage, had not then their nicknames and calumny, as now, but drew the eyes and acknowledg∣ment of the whole Kingdome towards him; and his brother had a sound experience of his fidelity and constancy in divers hazardous congresses and battels, through which he had faithfully followed his fortune, and return'd all his undertakings successefull: as at Barnet, where he entred so farre and boldly into the Enemies Army, that two of his Esquires, Thomas Parr and Iohn Milwater being nearest to him were slaine; yet by his owne valour he quit himselfe, and put most part of the Enemies to flight, the rest to the sword. With the like valour he behaved himselfe at the battell of Exon, Doncaster, St Al∣bans, Blore-heath, Northampton, Mortimers Crosse, and Tewkes∣bury. And it was then confest a very considerable service to the State, his taking of the famous Pyrate, Thomas Nevill▪ alias, Faulkon∣bridge,* 1.19 Earle of Kent, with whom complyed Sir Richard de Nevill, Earle of Warwicke, a neare kinsman to the Earle of Kent his natu∣rall Father, which ••••••d him up in the better esteeme, and whetted him to any Attempt ••or this haughty Earle, who had drawne him from the House of Yorke (to which he had done valiant service not long be∣fore) to the party of Henry 6. and his Lancastrian faction; and fearing what forces and aid King Edward might have from beyond Sea, provides a warlike Fleet for the narrow Seas, of which this Faulconbridge was appointed Admirall, with Commission to take or sinke all Ships he met, either of the Kings friends or Sub∣jects; who did not under act it, but made many depredations on the Coasts, and put many to the Sword becoming an Enemy, the more considerable, King Edward finding (as the case stood then with him) his Attemps by Sea would be of too weake a proofe to surprise him, which the Duke of Gloucester contrived by an advertisement he had of his private stealth into severall of the parts, sometimes where he had recourse to some abetters of that Faction, and comming too shore at Southampton, by a ready Ambush seized and apprehended him, from whence he was conveyed to London, so to Middleham Castle, and after he had told some Tales, put to death. And whilst he con∣tinued in the Northern parts, he governed those Countries with great Wisdome and Justice, preserving the Concord and Amity betweene the Scots and English, though the breaches were not to be made up with any strength and continuance, the borders living out of mutu∣all spoyles, and common Rapines, ever prompt for any cause that might beget braules and se••ds. And in the last yeare of the Reigne of the King his brother, the Quarrels grew so outragious and hostile, that nothing could compose them, but the Sword and open War

arising from an unjust detaining the Tribute, King Iames was yearly* 1.20 bound to pay, as Polidore thus writeth.

King Edward tooke it very ill at the hands of Iames fourth King of Scotland, that he refused to pay the Tribute whereunto he was bound by Convenant; And therefore resolved by Armes to compell him to it: But King Edward being distracted with a jealous care and watch∣ing of France, neglected that businesse of Scotland, and in the meane time Alexander Duke of Albany, Brother to King Iames, pretending earnest businesse in France, makes England in his way, and instigates King Edward to put on Armes against his Brother, promising to re∣turne shortly out of France, and raise a power in Scotland for his aide: Hereupon the King resolved it, and sent the Duke of Glocester with a good Armie into Scotland, who marched master of the field neare to Barwicke, having a little before sent thither Thomas Stanley to besiege it, and soone after tooke it himselfe. But the Duke of Al∣bany failed him, and had underhand strooke up a peace with his Bro∣ther of Scotland; yet Richard of Gloucester accomplished the expe∣dition* 1.21 very honourably and happily: Thus Polidore. But to enlarge what he reporteth desertively, and abridgeth; King Edward, notwith∣standing that negligence (noted by him) levied strong forces (the King of Scotland being as vigilant in that businesse) and made the Duke of Glocester his Generall, under whom went Sir Henry Peircy Earle of Northumberland, the Lord Stanley after Earle of Derby, the Lord Lovell, the Lord Gray of Grestocke, the Lord Scroope of Bolton, the Lord Fitzhugh, Sir William Parre of Rose a noble and valiant Gen∣tleman, Father of the Lord Parr of Rose, Kendall, and Fitzhugh, and Grandfather to Sir William Parr Earle of Essex, and Marquesse of Northampton, Sir Edward Woodville Lord Rivers Brother to the Queene Elizabeth, with many other of Eminency and Noble quality. The Duke marched first with his Armie to the borders and frontieres of Scotland, giving the overthrow to such as resisted, then made up to the strong Towne of Barwicke, which at that instant the King of Scot∣land possessed by the surrender of Henry 6, and had the like successe with those Troopes of the Enemies he met and found about the Towne. After a short siege the besieged upon Summons and Parlee (finding themselves too weake to make good the opposition) were ea∣sily perswaded to be at quiet, and safely rendring the Towne and Ca∣stle vpon very slender conditions, as is recorded in the Chronicle of Croyland. Having plac't a Governour and Garrison in the Towne, he* 1.22 continued his march towards Edenborough, with a purpose to be∣siege and sacke it, but was met in the halfe way by Embassadours from thence, who (after a favourable audience and accesse craved) in the name of their King and Nation implore a League, or at least a Truce betweene the Kingdomes, offering so faire conditions for it, that the Generall after a deliberate consultation, granted to suspend or inter∣mit all hostile proceedings, with a faire entertainement to their per∣sons, and a publike Edict throughout the Army, that no English

should offer any violence or offence to any Scot or their goods, and by this provident truce, that ruddy storme (which seemed terrible to im∣pend) was diverted and made a calme preface to the famous League, afterward concluded by him when he was K. and Iames the 4^th. of Scot∣land. But whilst these imployments staid him there, newes arrived of King Edwards death, and was muttered very doubtfully by some who had confidence and ground to suppose it hastened by treachery. The* 1.23 Nobles at London, and in the South parts speedily call the Duke home by their private letters and free approbation, to assume the Pro∣tection of the Kingdome, and two Princes committed unto him by the King. Rex Edwardus 4. filios suos Richardo Duci Glocestriae, in tute∣lam* 1.24 moriens tradidit: as Polidore testifieth.

The Army and affaires of those parts disposed, he came to Yorke, where he made a few daies stay to pay some religious Offices and Ce∣remonies to the manes and exequies of the deceased King, so hastned to London, having in his Traine (besides his owne ordinary Retinue) sixe hundred voluntary Gentlemen of the North parts, brave Horse∣men and gallantly mounted, upon the way he dispatched certaine seguall messengers to the young King (who was then at Ludlow Ca∣stle in Wales) to provide for his honourable Conduct of London where he arrived not long after the Lord Protector, and was magnifi∣cently received and lodged at the Bishops Pallace; his Brother the Duke of Yorke was then with the Queene Mother in the Pallace at Westminster, who out of a pretended motherly care (rather indeed her pollicy) would not let him stirre from her to see the King, who had desired his company, but instantly takes Sanctuary with him in the Abbey. The Lord Protector sollicites her by some Noblemen to send or bring him to the King, which she peremptorily stood against, untill Cardinall Bourser, Archbishop of Canterbury, was made the Messenger, who so gravely and effectually perswaded with her, that she delivered him the Duke: After some dayes respite in London-House, the King (according to ancient custome) was to remove Court to the Tower of London, the Castle Royall, and chiefe House of safety in the Kingdome, untill the more weighty affaires of the State, and such troubles (if any hapned, as often interceeds the alterations of Raignes were well dispatched and composed (some threatning evils of that kind being discovered and extinguished before the Protector came to Lon∣don.) And untill all things proper to his Coronation were in pre∣paration and readinesse, the Lord Protector still being neere unto* 1.25 him with all duty and care, and did him homage, as Honourable Phil∣lippe de Comines, Le Du•• de Glocester avoit fait homage á son N••ph••n Comme á so•• Roy & souverain Seigneur; but this Testimony being a voucht by one who loved not the Protector may leave more credit; who sayes, when the young King approacht towards London, the Lord* 1.26 Protector his Unckle rode barehead before him; and in passing along, said with a loud voice to the People; Behold your Prince and Soveraigne,* 1.27 to which the Prior of Croyland, who lived in those dayes, reporteth,

Richardus Protector nihil reverentiae, quod capite nudato, genu Flecto alio∣ve quolibet corporis habitur insubdito exigit, regine potisuo facere distulit aut recusavit; And why should these services and his constancy be judged lesse real to the Son then to the Father, his care & providence looking pregnantly through all turnes that concern'd him and his State; and therefore timely remov'd such of Danger as were vehemently suspe∣cted for their Ambition and insolent assuming Power and Authori∣tie not proper to them, and so stood ill-affected to their Prince, and turbulent Maligners of the Government. And thus his strict justice to some, begat the envie of others, as it fell out in the time of King Edward, betweene those of the blood Royall (with whom the ancient Barons sided) and the Reginists, who being stubborne, haughty, and in∣computable* 1.28 of the others nearnesse to the King, stir'd up Competiti∣ons and turbulencies among the Nobles, and became so insolent and publique in their pride, and Out-rages towards the people, that they forc't their murmurs at length to bring forth mutiny against them: But finding the Kings inclination gentle on that side, they so temper'd it, as they durst extend their malice to the Prince of the blood, and chiefe Nobilitie, many times by slanders and false sugge∣stions, privately incensing the King against them, who suffered their insinuations too farre, whilst his credulitie stood abus'd, and his fa∣vour often alienated from those, whose innocence could understand no cause for it. The Engines of those intrusions and supplantations, were the Grayes, the Woodvills, and their kinsmen, who held a strong beliefe, to have better'd their power with the young King their kins∣man, and then they might have acted their Rodomontades and inju∣ries in a higher straine, remov'd the Prince of the blood, and set up what limits they pleased to their Faction and Power during the mi∣noritie of the King, and after too, whilst the Queene Mother could usurpe or hold any superintendency upon the Soveraigntie, or her Sonne. These things, and the mischiefes that seem'd to superimpend the State, equally poiz'd, and consulted, by the Lord Protector, and others of the principall Nobilitie, it was resolv'd, to give a timely remedy or period unto them; all which Sir Thomas Moore acknow∣ledgeth,* 1.29 and confesseth, the Nobles of the Kingdome had reason to suspect and feare the Queenes Kindred, would put their power more forward when their Kinsman came to be King, then in his Fathers time, although then their insolencies were intollerable. And this Au∣thor further acknowledgeth there had bin a long grudge & heart-bur∣ning betweene the King and Queenes Kindred in the time of King Edward; which the King, although he were partiall for the Queenes Faction, was earnest to reconcile, but could not: And after he was dead, the Lord Gray, Marquesse Dorset, the Lord Rich. Gray, and the Lord Rivers, made full accompt to sway the young King; and having learn'd, it was best fishing in a troubled streame, threw all occasions of dissention amongst the great men of this Kingdome, that so, whilst the other Nobles were busie in their owne quarrells, they

might take an opportunitie to assault and supplant where they hated. And for provision towards the Designe, the Marquesse had secretly gain'd a great quantity of the Kings treasure out of the Tower, and the Woodevills made good preparations of Armes; of which, some were met with by the way as they were conveighed close packed in C••rts. It was therefore high time for the Protector and ancient No∣bilitie to looke circumspectly about them, and fasten on all occasions that might prevent such growing Treacheries, which could be no way but by taking off their heads. Which being resolved, the Mar∣quesse of Dorset, the Lord Richard Gray their Uncle, Sir Anthony Woodeville, Lord Rivers, and some other of that kindred and Faction were apprehended, and at Pomfret executed (onely the Marquesse, by some private notice given him, fled, and tooke Sanctuary) At the* 1.30 same time the Lord Hastings (who much favoured the Queene and her partie, especially the Marquesse (therefore the more to be suspe∣cted dangerous) was Arrested for High Treason, and in the Tower upon the Greene had his head chop't off, an Act of more strange and severe appearance then the other, having the esteeme of a good Sub∣ject, and generally supposed much affectionate to the Protector, and the Duke of Buckingham. And Sir Thomas Moore, reporteth,* 1.31 that the Protector was most unwilling to have lost him, but that he saw him joyning with their Enemies, and so his life had ill requited them and their purpose; this was a Dilemma; But what that purpose was, and what they had in Agitation at that instant is not disertly said onely from other places of the Story. And those which fol∣low Sir Thomas Moore, it may be conceiv'd, they doubted him for his affectation of the Soveraigntie, & some practice against the King and his Brother for those be the charges they presse upon him, although it is neither said, nor made good by any direct and just proofe. But admit he was now growne jealous of him, and sent Sir William Catse∣by, a man in great credit with the Lord Hastings, to ••ound what opi∣nion he held of that Title and Claime he might lay to the Crowne, who (presuming upon Catsebies gratitude and trust that had beene ad∣vanced by him) without circumstance, and even with indignation exprest an utter mislike thereof, and engaged himselfe, his uttermost power and abilitie against it, peremptorily adding, he had rather see the death and destructions of the Protector and Duke of Buckingham, then the young King deprived of the Crowne: Which reply, Catseby, (being more just to his employment then honour in this poynt) re∣turnes the Protector, who layd hold upon the next occasion to seize his head, which is the greatest and bloodiest Crime that brings any proofe against him; and yet not so cleare, but that there may be some other State-mistery or fraud suspected in it. Let us leave it up on that accompt, and but consider how much more wee forgive the fames of H. 1. E. 3. H. 4. E. 4. H. 7. because they had their happy Starres and successe; and then, Prosperum scelus virtus vocatur, there is applause goes with the Act and Actor: Iulius Caesar, was, and ever

will be reputed a wise and a great Captaine, although his Emulati∣on cost an infinite quantitie of excellent humane blood, and his Ne∣phew, Octa. Augustus, never ceased proscribing banishing and massa∣cring, untill he had dispatched all his proud Emulators: Iulius Caesar thought it, Crimen sacrum vel crimen Regale; or, Crimen sacrum Ambi∣tio:* 1.32 who••e rule was,

Si violandum est jus, regnandi gratiâ Violandum est, ali is rebus piet atem colas.

If right for ought may e're be violate, It must be only for a Soveraign State.

Drawing it from that rule (though Apocrypha) in Euripides.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉* 1.33 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

Si injuste agere oportet, pro tyrannide (aut regno) pulcherrimum est in∣juste agere, in aliis pietatem colere exped••t.

And Antonius Caracalla, alledged the Text to justifie the killing of his Brother Geta his Collegue, in the Empire. Polynic••s, the Brother of Eteocles was of the same Religion, and said, A Kingdome could not be bought at too high a rate, put in Friends, Kindred, Wife, and* 1.34 Riches. Via ad potentiam est tollere ••••••ulos & premere Adversarios, which the great M••ster of Axiomes allowed, hath beene countenanced by many great examples of State-reason, and policie in all times, even since the Ogygian Age for an old observation, and generall in all for∣raigne Countries saith,

—Regnum furto* 1.35 Et fraude ademptum antiquum est specimen imperii.

So King Atreus, by his owne experience could say;

—Vt nemo doceat fra••dis & sceleris vias, Regnum docebit.

But what those Ages call'd Valour, Wisedome, and Policy, in those great Schollers of State, who with credit practised their Artes* 1.36 Imperii, and rules of Empire, comes not under the license or warrant of our Christian times; yet we may speak thus much for Richard (to those who cry him so deepe an homicide) that he had either more conscience or lesse cruelty then they attribute to him, that by the same Act of power could not secure himselfe of others he had as just cause to feare; especially Iasper Earle of Pembroke, his Nephew Richmond,

and the subtill Doctor Morton, who was extreamly his Enemy, and the Chiefe Instrument that secretly mov'd against him. And al∣though the King had no certain notice which way his Engins wrought, yet he knew enough to suspect him for, and to remove him from the Councell-Table unto the custody of the Duke of Buckingham, the man he had reason to suppose nearest to his trust, though his ex∣pectation leaned on a broken Reed there; for the Duke was now se∣cretly in his heart defected from the King, and become male-con∣tent; Morton but toucht his pulse, and knew how the distemper lay, which he irritated into such sparklings as gave him notice where his constitution was most apt and prepared; yea, so subtilly mastred it, that he had leave to steale from Brecknock Castle to Ely, so for good store of Coine found safe passage into France whither his desires ve∣hemently carried him, in hope to fashion the Earle of Richmond to his Plot; and under pretence of a Lancastrian Title, to stirre him to take up Armes and invade England, with the Assurance of many mightie friends here, which would make the Designe of an easie and quick dispatch; nor forgot he how much Artificiall and Eloquent perswasions adde to the Blaze of Ambition, knowing the Earles tem∣per like other mens in that, and observing him with a kind of plea∣sure listen, he gave such a studied glosse and superlation to the Text, that the Earle was now so full of encouragement and hope for the in∣vasion, that their purposes spread as well into England as in France. The Protector having also certaine intelligence of some particular Designes, disposed himselfe in his actions more closely, and knew what Friends and Confederates had engaged themselves to Richmond, who yet kept a face of love and fidelitie towards him, as did the Duke of Buckingham, and the Countesse of Richmond, who appeared at this instant an earnest Sutor to reconcile her Sonne into favour; and that the King would bee pleased, to bestow on him any of King Edward the fourth his Daughters. But this took not the vigilancy of his eye from him and his partie, the cause being of greater danger and apprehension now, then in King Edwards time; for the Earle had drawne unto him many of the English Nobilitie and Gentry; and some Forraigne Princes had in favour to him promised their aydes. But in the time of King Edward, his Title and he, was so little under∣stood by his blood of Lancaster, that the better judging-sort of the English Nobilitie and Gentry, King Lewis the eleventh of France, Francis the second Duke of Brittaine, and other Forraigne Princes looked very slightly upon it. And yet, as Iohn Harding observed, the King might be jealous of him, being given out for an Heire of the House of Lancaster, and Nephew to Henry the sixt: With this he considered, that some Forraigne Princes stood not well-affected to him; or that some at home, envying his House and Posteritie, would catch at any sparke to trouble his peace, and kindle a Sedition; there∣fore he had good reason to thinke, that as his libertie might make these beginnings more popular, so their ends more dangerous and in∣gratefull

(the vulgar tasting all things by the eare, and judging by the noyse) which he sought earely to prevent. For Phillip Comines re∣ports, When he first came to know this Earle, he was then a Priso∣ner in Brittaine, and told him, he had beene either in Prison, or un∣der strict command from five yeares old▪ which is not unlikely; for I find him but young when he was committed to the custody of Sir William Herbert, Lord of Ragland Castle in Montmouthshire, where he continued not long; for Iasper, Earle of Pembrooke, who was Uncle unto Him (being then in France, whether he had fled after the overthrow of the Lancastrians at Tewkesbury, (as Iohn S••ow) having advertisement that his Nephew was under Sir William Herberts cu∣stody, with whom he had Alliance and friendship, came secretly out of France into Wales, and at Ragland Castle found onely the Lady* 1.37 Herbert, her Husband being with the King; in whose absence, the Earle practised so cunningly with her, that he got his Nephew from thence, and conveighed him to his owne Castle of Pembrooke, (the young Earles native place) presuming upon the strength of it* 1.38 and the peoples affection, but over-weaned in his opinion and hope. For so soone as the King received notice of the escape, Sir William Herbert was commanded to Levie Forces, and make towards them, a man of a wise and valiant disposition, descended from Herbertus, who was Chamberlaine and Treasurer of the Kings, William Rufus, and Henry Beauclerke, and was created Earle of Pembrooke afterward; from this Noble Herbertus, are descended the Herberts, Earles of Pembrooke and Montgomery, and many other Wel••h Gentlemen of that Sir name and Family.

The two Earles being informed of his approaches and strength, distrusting their owne, fled by night, and posted to the Port of Tim∣by, where they kept close untill a fit opportunitie, offered them transportation for France, intending to see the Court there, where* 1.39 the Earle of Pembrooke had not long before received very favoura∣ble entertainment. But a violent storme diverted their course, and runne them upon the coasts of Little Brittaine, which fell out as a sad disaster, and crosse to them and their Designe for a long time af∣ter, the Duke of Brittaine being no friend to it; but at the Port of St. Malos they must land. What successe they met with in this flight (and other Noble Englishmen which followed the unluckie partie of Henry the sixt, being constrained when he was overthrowne by Ed∣ward the fourth to fly) will fall into our discourse hereafter: there is this memoriall in the Stories of Brittaine.

Plusieurs du Seigne••rs d' Angleterre qui tenoyent la partie du Roy H. 6. sen fairent par mer h••rs du Roya••lme & entr▪ autres le Conte du Pem∣brooke ••aisant sauué un jeune Prince de Angleterre nommé Henry Conte du Richmont.

Whilst these Earles made some stay in Saint Malo to refresh* 1.40 themselves, Francis the second, Duke of Brittaine had notice of their landing, who sent as speedily a Command to the Governour to ar∣rest

them both into safe custody, an act, as it appeared, both strange and injurious, being subjects to a Prince with whom the Duke had league. But for a better glosse, he had found a considerable clause to detaine the Earle of Richmond untill he had received satisfaction of him for usurping and holding the Title and Estate of Richmond, be∣longing* 1.41 to the ancient Dukes of Brittaine (whose heire and successor he was) though diseised by the space of thirty yeares, now he would expect either restitution or compensation for it; and the better to assure himselfe, he conveyes them with a good guard to the Castle of Vanes, where himselfe often resided, continuing a more cautious and strict eye upon the Earle of Richmond, as Nephew to Henry the sixt, and he that laid claime to the Title and Crowne of England, by the bloud of Lancaster: For which he made their imprisonment more honourable, as Philip Comines saith, Le Duc les traict'e do••ce∣ment pour Prisonniers. And Iean Froisard cals it, Prison Courtoise; for the Duke had well considered what expectation and use he might raise by them, and knew the newes could not be distastefull to the King of England, whose Throne had been threatned so much by the Earle of Richmonds liberty; and therefore, from hence he hoped an answera∣ble benefit, and to contract the King in a firme amity and acknowledg∣ment unto him; nay, which is further, (if we may beleeve Iac. Nyerus) he thought by this occasion to beare the reines so hard upon King Edward, as that he should not dare to make any breach with him,* 1.42 propter Henricum Richmontiae Comitem non audebat Anglus ab amicitia Brittani discedere.

Nor was this Author much mistaken, for the King would have accorded to any reasonable thing to purchase the Earle into his hands, and it was no little perplexity to him when he heard of their flight, but was the better calmed when he understood where they were, the Duke of Brittaine being his friend and Allie, in whom he supposed so neare an interest (set off by some other conditions) that he saw a faire encouragement to demand and gaine them both; whereas had they falne into France, he must have expected the greatest disadvan∣tage* 1.43 could have been contrived out of such an occasion. For Lewis, though he were then in truce and league with him, was meerly a Poli∣tician, and studied only his owne ends, yet feares him as a King famous for his Prowesse and Victories, and as ably supplyed in his Coffers for all undertakings: But (which did equally quicken the hate aswell as feare of France) had threatened to enter it with fire and sword, for the reconquest of the Dutchy of Normandy and Aquitaine, the Counties of Poictou and Turaine; wherefore we may beleeve that beares the credit of an Oracle, which good Ennius said:

—Quem met••unt ••derunt,* 1.44 Quem oderunt, periisse expetunt.

And doubtlesse in his heart he was favourable to any chance that

might have ruined or insested England, and could have wisht the Earle of Richmond and his Title under his Protection. King Edward seasonably prevented this, that such attempts, though at first they appeared but like the Prophets Cloud, might not spread after into spacious stormes. And to prevent all underhand Contracts with the Duke of Brittaine, dispatcht Letters unto him, further inter∣preted* 1.45 by a rich Prssent, and richer promises. The Duke receives both with as Honourable Complement, protesting none could be more ready to doe the King of Englands Commands then he. But where he treated for t••e delivery of the Earles, he hoped to be law∣fully excused▪ being an Act would cast a staine and scandall, not only upon his credit and honour, but upon all Princely and hospitable Priviledges, and could appeare no lesse then a meere impiety to thrust such distressed persons as fled to their protection, into the Armes of their enemies; and it was his opinion, if any malice or violence should be acted upon them, the guilt must reflect on him. But that the King might beleeve he was forward to come as near his desires, as in honour could be, he engaged himselfe to keep so carefull and vigilant a watch upon them, that they should have no more power to endanger him, then if they were in strict Prison. This being returned, though not agreable to the Kings hope and wishes, yet bearing such a Cau∣tion of Honour and Wisdome, he remained satisfied; and so it paused for the space of eight yeares, (as I conjecture) for the King made this demand in the twelfth yeare of his Raigne 1472, all which time he was very intent to preserve the League with good Summes of Mony, and costly Presents. In the twentieth of his Raigne 1480, he received intelligence▪ that the Earle of Richmond had stird up fresh Embers, and new friends in the French Court to blow them, and that the French King had dealt by solicitation of the Earle of Pembrook, and others privately, to get the Earl of Richmond, and offered great Sums* 1.46 to the Duke of Brittaine. This gave new disturbance, and the King must now by the best meanes he could, renue his former s••te to the Duke of Brittaine; for which employment, he intrusts Doctor Stil∣lington Bishop of Bath, his Secretary, a man of a Wise, Learned, and* 1.47 Eloquent endeavour, of good acquaintance and credit with the Duke of Brittaine, who gave him an honourable and respective entertaine∣ment. The Bishop (after he had prepared him by the earnest of a very rich present) tenders the Summe of his Employment, not forgetting what he was now to Act, and what to promise on the Kings part. And (for a more glorious insinuation) tells him how the King had elected him into the noble Society of St. Georges Order (as the most honou∣rable intimation he could give of his love;) to qualifie all exceptious too, and jealousies, assures him, the King had no intent to the Earle of Richmond, but what was answerable to his owne worth, and quality of the Kings Kinsman; having declared a propensity and purpose, to bestow one of his daughters upon him. The Duke well mollified and perswades, delivered the Earle by a strong Guard to the Bishop at

St. Maloes Port: a change of much passion and amazement to him, whose sufferings tooke hold upon the affable disposition of the Noble Peir de Landois Treasurer to the Duke, who had the Earle in Charge and Conduct, to St. Malo. He urges the cause from him of his so altered and present condition, with Protestation of all the aide he could: The Earle thus fairely and happily provoked (and perceiving the sparkles of his sorrow had hapt into a tender bosome) freely expo∣sed himselfe, and with such an overcomming Countenance, of teares and sighes, framed his own Story, and prest Landois, that it so wrought upon his temper, he perswaded the Earle to put on clearer hopes, as∣sures him there should some meanes be found to shift the Tempest; thereupon writes a sad Relation to the Duke, to move his compassion and favour, and knowing the Baron Chandais, (a great man in credit with him) well affected to the Earle by a long and reciprocall affecti∣on, he repaired to his house neare Saint Malo, and prevailed with him to use his power with the Duke, for returning the Earle; who posted to Vanes, where the Court was then, and tooke the Duke at such an advantage, by suggesting his credulity abused, and cunningly drawne into this contract by the King, that there was a Post dispatcht to stay the Earle. In that interim, Landois had not been Idle, to find a way to let the Earle escape into the Abbey Church of St. Malo, where he claimed the benefit of the holy Asyle, which was easily contrived, by corrupting his Keepers. But the Duke to stand cleare of the Kings suspition, sent over Maurice Brumell to satisfie him, that the Earle ac∣cording to promise was sent to Saint Malo, there delivered to his servants deputed, whose negligence let him escape; and that he had demanded him of the Covent, who denyed to render him without security & caution; & that he should be continued a prisonerin Vanes, with as much courtesie as formerly. Now being it was falne into those strict and peremptory termes, and within the contumacie of such lawlesse persons, where he could not use power, he yet faithfully protested no suite from the French King, or any other, should draw him from his former promise: All which, he religiously performed, whilst King Edward lived, the space of twelve yeares (after Phillip de Comines) in which circle of time, it may with admiration be observed, through what changes and interchanges of hazards, dangers, and diffi∣culties, he was preserved. Soone after King Edwards decease, King Ri∣chard renewed and continued the Treaty by Sir Thomas Hutton of* 1.48 Yorkshire, receiving the same satisfaction in Answer, but was fai∣led in the performance, and so dishonourably, that it then appeared, the Duke had kept in with Edward, more for feare, then for love or honour (the name of Edward, and the Earle of March, being (indeed) accounted terrible, where his victorious sword was drawne) which breach of the Dukes was not left unpunished (at least as that age then guessed) by a divine revenge; for having married Margaret, Daughter* 1.49 and Co-heire of Francis de Mountford, Duke of Brittaine, she dying without issue, he married Margaret, Daughter of Gaston de Foix, King

of Navarr, by whom he had one only daughter Anne, married to the French King, Charles 8. Thus Duke Francis dyed without issue male, the Dutchy being swallowed up, and drowned in the Lillies or Cra∣pands of France, and with his Family of Brittaine irrecoverably lost and absorpted.

Thus much for the jealousie and feares of those two Kings, now to the progresse of ou•• Story, where the Barons and Commons with one generall dislike, and an universall negative voice, refused the sonnes of King Edward, not for any ill will or malice, but for their disabilities and incapacities; the opinions of those times too, held them not legitimate, and the Queene Elizabeth Gray, or Woodvill, no lawfull Wife, nor yet a Woman worthy to be the Kings Wife, by reason of her extreame unequall quality. For these and other causes, the Barons and Prelates unanimously cast their Election upon the Protector, as the most worthiest, and nearest, by the experience of his owne deservings, and the strength of his Alliance, importuning the Duke of Buckingham to become their Speaker, who accompanied* 1.50 with many of the chiefe Lords,, and other grave and learned persons, having Audience granted in the great Chamber at Baynards Castle (then Yorke-house) thus addrest him to the Lord Protector.

SIR, May it please your Grace to be informed, that after much* 1.51 grave Consultation amongst the Noble Barons, and other worthy persons of this Realme, it stands concluded and resolved, that the sons of King Edward shall not raigne; for who is not sensible, how mise∣rable a fortune, and dangerous estate that Kingdome must be in, where a childe is King, according to the Wise man, Vaetibi terra cujus Rex est Puer. But here, Sir, there is exception of further consequence against them, That they were not borne in lawfull Marriage, the King* 1.52 having than another Wife living, Dame Elizabeth Butler. Besides, the great dishonour and reproach he received by disparaging his Roy∣all bloud, with a woman so far unmeet for his bed. These Conside∣rations have resolutely turned all their eyes, and Election towards your Grace, as only worthy of it, by your singular vertues, and that interest in the Crownes of England and of France, with the Rights and Titles, by the high Authority of Parliament, entailed to the Roy∣all bloud, and issue of Richard Duke of Yorke, whose lawfull begotten Sonne and heire you are; which by a just course of inheritance, and the Common Lawes of this Land, is divolv'd and come to you. And unwilling that any inferiour Bloud, should have the Dominion of this Land, are fully determined to make your Grace King; to which, with all willingnesse and alacrity, the Lords and people of the Northerne parts concurre. And the Maior, Aldermen, and Com∣mons of this City of London, have all allowed, and gladly embraced this generall Choice of your Grace: and are come hither to beseech you to accept their just Election, of which they have chosen me their unworthy Advocate and Speaker. I must therefore againe crave

leave in the behalfe of all, to desire your Grace will be pleased, in your noble and gracious zeale to the good of this Realme, to cast your eyes upon the growing distresses and decay of our Estate, and to set your happy hand to the redresse thereof; for which, we can conceive no abler remedy, then by your undertaking the Crowne and Govern∣ment, which we doubt not shall accrew to the laud of God,, the profit of this Land, and your Graces happinesse.

This speech of the Duke is recorded by Doctor Morton, Sir Thomas Moore, and other Chronicles and Historians, to which the Protector gave this reply:

MY most noble Lords, and my most loving friends, and deare* 1.53 Country-men, Albeit I must confesse, your request most respe∣ctive and favourable, and the points and necessities alledged and ur∣ged, true and certaine; yet for the entire love and reverend respect I owe to my Brother deceased, and to his Children, my Princely Cou∣zens, you must give me leave, more to regard mine honour and fame in other Realmes; for where the truth and certaine proceedings herein are not knowne, it may be thought an ambition in me to seeke what you voluntarily proffer, which would charge so deep a reproach and staine upon my honour and sincerity, that I would not beare for the worlds Diademe, Besides, you must not thinke me ignorant (for I have well observed it) there is more difficulty in the Government of a Kingdome, then pleasure; especially to that Prince, who would use his Authority and Office as he ought. I must therefore desire, that this (and my unfained Protestations) may assure you, the Crowne was never my ayme, nor suits my desire with yours▪ in this; yet I shall thinke my selfe much beholding unto you all, in this Election of me, and that hearty love I find you beare me, and here protest, that for your sakes it shall be all one, whether I be your King or no; for I will serve my Nephew faithfully and carefully, with my best counsels and endeavours, to defend and preserve him and this Kingdome; nor shall there want readinesse in me, to attempt the recovery of that hereditary right in France, which belongs to the Kings of England, though of late negligently and unhappily lost. There the Protector became silent, and thought it not safe in his discretion, or policy, to open all the disgusts he had of the Soveraignty, for that would have been matter of Exprobation of the Barons, and toucht too neare the quicke, though he had well observed, by sundry experiences of the leading times, and moderne too, the inconstant ebbing and flowing of their dispositions, how variable and apt they were, to take up any occasion of change pursuing their Kings (if once stirr'd) so impla∣cably, that many times they never left without death or deposing. Examples he had in the Raignes of King Edward his Brother, and Henry the sixth; not long before that in the time of Richard the second, and his Grandfather Edward the second; more anciently the extreame

troubles and distresse of King Iohn, and Henry the third, all by the Barons, being dreadfull warnings and insolent monuments of their haughtinesse and Levitie; and this was Altamente repostum with the wise Prince.

But the Duke of Buckingham, thinking the Protector set too slight a consideration upon so great a Concernment, and the affection tender'd by himselfe and the Nobilitie (and over hearing something, he privately spake to the Lord Maior and Recorder, tending to his mislike) for an Epilogue or close to his former Oration, he thus freely addes.

SIR, I must now, by the Priviledge of this Imployment, and in* 1.54 the behalfe of those and my Countrey, adde so much freedome unto my dutie, as to tell your Grace, It is immoveably resolved by the Barons and people, that the Children of King Edward shall not Reigne over them. Your Grace hath heard some causes▪ nor need I intimate, how these Estates have entred and proceeded so offensively to other men, and so dangerously to themselves, as is now too late to recall or retire. And therefore, they have fixt this Election upon you, whom they thinke mostable and carefull for their safetie. But, if neither the generall good, the earnest Petitions of the Nobility and Commonalty, can move you, wee most humbly desire your An∣swer, and leave to Elect some other that may be worthy of the Imperi∣all Charge; in which, (wee hope) wee shall not incurre your displea∣sure, considering the desperate necessitie of our welfare and King∣dome, urges it. And this is our last Suit and Petition to your Grace.

The Protector toucht by this round and braving farewell, which made him very sensible: For (as Sir Thomas Moore disertly con∣fesseth) the Protector was so much moved with these words, that o∣therwise of likelyhood he would never have inclined to their Suit: And saith, That when he saw there was no remedy, but he must either at that instant take the Crowne, or both he and his heires irrecovera∣bly let it passe to another; paradventure, one that might prove an Enemy to him and his, especially if Richmont stept in; betwixt whom, and this Prince, the hatred was equally extreame: There∣fore, it behoved the Protector to Collect himselfe; and fixing his Consideration upon the effect of that necessitie they last urged, gave this Reply:

MY most Noble good Lords, and most loving and faithfull friends,* 1.55 the better sense of your loves and most eminent inconvenien∣cies insinuated by your Noble Speaker, hath made me more serious to apprehend the benefit of your proffer and Election. And I must confesse, in the meditation thereof, I find an alteration in my selfe, not without some distraction, when I consider all the Realme, so bent

against the Sonnes of King Edward. And therefore being certaine, there is no man to whom the Crowne by just Title can be so due as to our selfe, the rightfull Sonne and Heire of our most deare and Princely Father, Richard Duke of Yorke; to which Title of blood and nature, your favours have joyned this of Election, wherein wee hold our selfe to be most strong and safe▪ And having the lawfull power of both, why should I endure my professed Enemy to ••∣surpemy right, and become a Vassall to my envious Subject? The necessitie of these causes (as admitting no other remedy) urges me to accept your offer, and according to your request, and our owne right, we here assume the Regall Praeheminence of the two Kingdoms; England and France, from this day forward, by us and our heires, to Govern and defend the one, and by Gods grace, and your good aydes to recover and establish the other, to the Ancient Allegeance of Eng∣land; desiring of God to live no longer then wee intend and endea∣vour the advancement and flourishing Estate of this Kingdome; at which they all cry'd, God save King Richard: And thus he became King. But yet his Detractors stick not to slander and accuse all that was said or done in these proceedings of State for meer dissimulation; by which justice they may as well censure (At si•• Reverentia dictum) all the Barons, worthy and grave Commons, which had their Votes therein▪ which would fall a most impudent and intolerable Scandall upon all the High Court of Parliament; for in short time after, all that was alledged and acted in that Treatie and Colloquy was ap∣proved, and ratified by the Court of Parliament, so that their Ca∣vills onely discover an extreame malice and envy. For it was not possible, therefore not credible, he could upon such an instant (as it were) by any practice, attaine to that power and credit, with all the Barons, Spirituall and Temporall, and Commons, to procure and perswade them from the Sonnes of King Edward, so unanimously to become his Subjects, and put the Crowne upon his head with such Solemnitie and publicke Ceremonies. Whilst those matters had their current, the Northerne Gentlemen and his Southerne Friends joyned in a Bill Supplicatory to the Lords Spirituall and Temporall, earnestly expressing their desires for the Election of the Lord Prote∣ctor, with the former causes urged; Also, that the blood of the young Earle of Warwicke was attainted, and his Title confis∣cate by Parliament. This Bill was delivered to the Lords, Assemb∣led in the great hall at Westminster, the Lord Protector sitting in the Chaire of Marble amongst them, upon the 26 of June, some six or seven dayes after he was Proclaimed; the tenor of the Bill was thus written in the Chronicle of the Abbey of Croyland:* 1.56

PRotector eodem die, quo Regimen sub titulo regii nominis sibi vendicarit (viz) 26^o die Iunii, Anno Dom. 1483. se a∣pud Magnam Aulam Westmonasterii in Cathedram Marmoream

Immisit & tum mox omnibus proceribus tam Laicis quam Ecclesi∣asticis & Caeteris assidentibus, astantibus &c. ostendebatur rotulus quidam, in quo per modum supplicationis in nomine pro∣cerum & populi Borealis exhibita sunt, Primum, quod silii Regis Edwardi erant Bastardi, supponendo, illum praecontraxisse ma∣trimonium cum quadam Domina Elianora Boteler, antequam Reginam Elizabetham duxisset in uxorem: deinde quod sanguis alterius Fratris (Georgii Scil: Clarensi•• ducis) fuisset At∣tinctus. Ita quod nullus certus incorruptus sanguis Linealis ex parte Richardi Ducis Eboraci poterat inveniri, nisi in persona Richardi Protectoris, Ducis Glocestriae, & jam eidem Duci su∣plicabant, ut jus suum in Regno Angliae sibi assumeret & Co∣ronam acciperet.

But the Barons were all accorded before this Bill came, both sides moving with an equall and contented forwardnesse; And in July next following 1483. was Crown'd and receiv'd, with as generall Magnificence and Acclamations, as any King in England many years before. For as a grave man writeth, (Fuit dignissimus regno &c. non* 1.57 inter malos sed bonos principes Commemorandus; That he was most wor∣thy to Reigne, and to be numbred amongst the good, not bad Prin∣ces. The Queene his Wife was Crowned with him, and with no lesse State and Greatnesse; Accompanied him from the Tower to Westminster, having in their Traine, (besides the Nobilitie of the South parts) foure thousand Gentlemen of the North. Upon the 19. of June 1483. in the 25. yeare of Lewis the French King, he was named King of England, the morrow Proclaimed, and rode with great Solemnitie from London to Westminster, where in the seat Royall, he gave the Judges of the Land a strickt and religious charge for the just executing of the Lawes; then departed towards the Ab∣bey, being met at the Church doore with Procession, and the Scep∣ter of King Edward delivered to him by the Abbot; so Ascended to Saint Edwards Shrine, where he offered; the Monks in the meane time singing Te Deum: From thence he return'd to the Palace, where he lodged untill his Coronation.

Upon the fourth of July he went to the Tower by water with the Queene his Wife, and the next day, Created Edward his onely Son, (about ten yeares old) Prince of Wales: He Invested Sir Iohn Ho∣ward* 1.58 (who was made Lord Howard, and Knight of the Garter, 17. Edward 4.) in the Dukedome of Norffolke, in a favourable ad∣mission of the right of the Lady Margaret his Mother, Daughter of Sir Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norffolke, and an heire generall of the* 1.59 Mowbrayes, Dukes of Norffolke, and Earles of Surrey, descended from the Lord Tho. Plantagenet of Brotherton, a younger Sonne of

King Edward the first, and Earle of Norffolke. This King also made him Marshall and Admirall of England; he was as rightfully Lord Mowbray, Lord Segrave, Lord Bruce, as Lord Howard, as I have seene him Stiled by Royall Warrant, in a Commission for Treatie of Truce with Scotland.

His eldest Sonne, Sir Thomas Howard, was at the same time Crea∣ted Earle of Surrey, and made Knight of the Garter; Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, was made Constable of England for terme of life, but he claimed the Office by inheritance.

Sir Thomas Moore writes, That Sir Thomas Howard Executed the Office of Constable that day; William Lord Berkley was Created Earle of Nottingham, Francis Lovel Viscount Lovel, and Chamber∣lain to the King; the Lord Stanley restor'd to liberty and made Steward of the Household, Thomas Rotheram Chancellour and Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, having beene committed for delivering the Great Seale to the Queene Widow, receiv'd to grace, and many Knights Addubbed of the old Order, and some of the new, or habit of the Bath, whose names I have set downe, to shew what regard was had of their Family, and in those times accused of so much Malignity.

• Sir Edward De-la-Poole, Sonne to the Duke of Nor∣folke.
• George Gray. Sonne to the Earle of Kent.
• William Souch, Sonne to the Lord Souch.
• Henry Nevil, Sonne to the Lord Abergaveny,
• Christopher Willowby.
• Henry Bainton.
• Thomas Bullen.
• William Say.
• William Enderby.
• Thomas of Vernon.
• William Barkley.
• Thomas Arundel.
• Gervoise of Clifton.
• Edmond Beddingfield.
• Tho. Leukenor.
• Iohn Browne.
• William Berkley.
• i. Another Berkley.

The fift day of July he rode from the Tower through the City in Pompe, with his Sonne the Prince of Wales, three Dukes, and nine Earles, twentie two Viscounts and simple Barons, eighty Knights, Esquires and Gentlemen, not to be numbred, besides great Officers of the Crowne which had speciall service to doe. But the Duke of Buckingham carried the Splendour of that dayes Bravery, his habit and Caparisons of blew Velvet, imbroidered with golden Naves of Carts burning, the trappings supported by Foot-men ha∣bited costly and sutable. On the morrow, being the sixt of July, all the Prelates Miter'd in their Pontificalibus, receiv'd him at West∣minster-Hall towards the Chappell; the Bishop of Rochester bare

the Crosse before him, the Cardinall and the Earle of Huntington followed with a pair of guilt Spurres, and the Earle of Bedford with Saint Edwards Staffe for a Relique. After the Precession, the Earle of Northumberland beares a poyntlesse Sword naked, the Lord* 1.60 Stanley, the Mace of the Constableship (but waited not for Consta∣ble) the Earle of Kent bare the second Sword naked with a poynt,* 1.61 upon the right hand of the King, the Viscount Lovel another Sword on the Kings left hand with a poynt. Next came the Duke of Suf∣folke with the Scepter, the Earl of Lincoln with the Ball and Crosse, then the Earle of Surry with the Sword of State in a rich Scabbard, in place of the Constable of England, the Duke of Norfolke on his right hand with the Crowne: After him immediately, the King in a SurCoat and Robe of Purple, the Canopy borne by the Barons of the five Ports, the King betweene the Bishop of Bath and Durham, the Duke of Buckingham bearing up his Traine, and served with a white Staffe for Seneshall, or High Steward of England.

In the Front of the Queenes Traine, the Earle of Huntington bare the Scepter, Viscount Liste the Rod with the Dove, the Earle of Wiltshire her Crowne, and next to him followed the Queene her selfe (in Robes like the King) betweene two Bishops, the Canopy borne by Barons of the Ports, upon her head a Coronet set with pre∣cious Stones, the Lady Margaret Somerset, Countesse of Richmond, carried up her Traine, followed by the Dutchesse of Suffolke, with many Countesses, Baronesses, and other Ladies. In this manner the whole Procession passed through the Palace, and entred the West doore of the Abbey, the King and Queene taking their seats of State, stayed untill divers holy Hymnes were sung, then ascended to the high Altar shifting their Robes, and putting on other open and voy∣ded in sundry places for their Anoynting; which done, they tooke other Robes of Cloth of Gold, so teturned to their seats, where the Cardinall of Canterbury and the other Bishops, Crowned them, the Prelate putting the Scepter in the left hand of the King, the Ball and Crosse in his right, and the Queenes Scepter in her right hand, and the Rod with the Dove in her left; on each hand of the King stood a Duke, before him the Earle of Surrey, with the Sword as a∣foresaid; on each hand of the Queene stood a Bishop, by them a La∣dy kneeling, the Cardinall said Masse and gave the Pax; then the King and Queene descending were both hous••ed with one host parted betweene them at the high Altar: This done, they offered at Saint Edwards Shrine, where the King layd downe Saint Edwards Crowne & put on another, so returned to Westminster-Hal in the same State they came, there dispersed, and retired themselves for a season. In which interim, came the Duke of Norfolke, Marshall of England, mounted upon a brave Horse, trapped with Cloth of Gold downe to the ground, to submove the presse of people and void the Hall. A∣bout foure of the clocke the King and Queene sat to Dinner, the King at the middle Table of the Hall, and the Queene on his left

hand; on each side a Countesse attending her, holding a Cloth of Plaisance (or rather of Essuyance) for her Cup: On the Kings right hand sate the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and all the Ladies were placed on one side of a long Table in the middle of the hall against them, at another Table, the Lord Chancellour, and all the Nobles; at a Table next to the Cup-board, the Lord Maior of London and the Aldermen.

Behind the Barons of the Kingdome sate the Barons of the Ports; there were other Tables for persons of qualitie. After all were sea∣ted, came the Lord Marshall againe, the Earle of Surrey Constable (Pro illa vice tantum) the Lord Stanley Lord Steward, Sir William Hopton Treasurer of the Houshold, and Sir Thomas Piercy Contro∣ler, they served the Kings boord with one dish of Gold and another of Silver. The Queene was served all in guilt Vessells, and the Car∣dinall Arch-Bishop in Silver Dishes.

As soone as the second course was served in, Sir Robert Dimock the Kings Champion makes Proclamation, That whosoever would say, King Richard the third was not lawfully King, he would fight with him at all gutterance, and for gage thereof threw downe his Gauntler, then all the people cryed, King Richard, God save King Ri∣chard; And this he acted in three severall parts of the Hall, then an Officer of the Cellar brought him a guilded Bowle with Wine which he dranke, and carries the Cup away as his ancient Fee. After that, the Heralds cryed Largesse thrice, and returned to the Scaffold. Lastly came the Maior of London with the Sheriffs, with a Voyder, serving the King and Queene with sweet Wines, who had each of them a covered Cup of Gold for reward: By which time, the day began to give way to the night, the King and Queene departing to their Lodgings.

And this is a briefe and true Relation of his Coronation, testified* 1.62 by all the best Writers and Chroniclers of our Stories, publicke and allowed, which may confute the boldnesse of that slander that sayes, he was not rightfully, and Authentically Crowned, but ob∣scurely and indirectly crept in at the Window. But all times have Detractors, and all Courts their Parasits, and many that have admi∣red Princes to their graves, even there have turn'd from them, with ingratitude and murmur. Soone after this the King dismissed, and sent home all the Lords, Spirituall and Temporall, with a straight charge and direction to them, the Judges of Oyer and Terminer, with all other Magistrates and Officers in generall and particular, for the Equitable and just Government of their Jurisdictions and Circu∣its▪ And it is observed, those times were under as happy an ex∣pectation of Law and Justice, as those, either before or after more flatter'd; which Iohn Hide (a Learned man, and Doctor of Physick) implyes in a Manuscript Poesy of his.

—Solio juris recti{que} Minister, Ille sedens alto, tali sermone profatur; Moses concilio soceri persuasus Iethro, Solus quod Populi nequijt componere lites, Constituit populi praefectos at{que} tribunos; Sic cum me praecelsa premant fastigia Regni, Ardua magnarum teneatis muner a rerum; Et primùm, à vobis pravos secludite motus AEquis Iustitiae trutinis appendite causas; Ob paupertatem miseros ne spernite cives, Nec vota in cassum fundat pupillus in auras, Deni{que} largitio, nè vos Corrumpat iniqua, &c.

All things thus in a happy presage and good order, the King with the Queene departed from London, and makes Windsor the first gift in his Progresse for some few dayes: From thence to his Mannor of Woodstock, then to the Universitie of Oxford, where the Muses Crown'd their browes with fragrant Wreathes for his en∣tertainment. Next he visited the circular Citie of Glocester, and gave the Citizens, (for the love and loyaltie they exprest, in holding the Castle and Towne so constantly against Queene Margaret and the forces of Henry the sixt, for him and his Brother the King) large Pri∣viledges and Immunities.

And here the Duke of Buckingham takes his leave for Brecknock, constantly disposed and affected in all outward appearance. The King making small stay any where, (save at Coventry) untill he came to the goodly and ancient Citie of Yorke, the scope and goale of his Progresse, which receiv'd him with all honour and Festivitie, and was there the second time Crowned by Dr. Rotheram Arch-Bishop of that Sea, in the Cathedrall Church, and his Sonne invested in the Principalitie of Wales, as the Prior of Croyland reporteth; Eodem die quo Richardus Coronatus est Rex in Ecclesia Metropolitana Eboracen∣si, mox filium Edwardum in Principatum Walliae eum insigntis virgae aureae &c. evexit & Pomposa & sumptuosa festa & convivia ibi fecit.

And indeed, it was a day of great state; for (as Polidore saith) There was then three Princes in Yorke wearing Crownes, the King, Queene, and Prince; In acclamation whereof, there was Stage-Playes, Turneaments, and other Triumphall Sports, as Sir Thomas Moore relates. At this time the King Knighted Richard of Glocester* 1.63 his base sonne, who was after Captaine of Calice, and many Gentle∣men of those parts. But (albeit this was an intermission as it were of all busie and serious agitations) yet the King, still where he tra∣vall'd had a just regard to the Administration and Execution of Ju∣stice and the more facinerous Malefactors: And surely these respe∣ctive inclinations of his had their solemn affections and desires Natu∣ralized

in him, witnessed by the scope and integritie of those just Lawes which after followed.

The Progresse thus spent, he returnes to London; and having con∣sulted some matters of State, declares his first resolution for the Tri∣bute detain'd by France, which he had formerly by a friendly Message demanded, but now sends stout menaces and threats for it. The French would not have it cal'd a Tribute, but a Pension, as Phi∣lip de Comines insinuates, though it had beene rays'd and payd to King Edward the fourth, in lieu of the Dutchy and Countries of Aqui∣taine, Normandy, Poictou, and Maine, &c. whereof the the French had deseis'd the Crowne of England, which King Edward the fourth forced Lewis to acknowledge, and to Covenant and agree, That he, his heires and Successors, should pay unto the Crowne of England, the summe of fiftie thousand Crowns, with caution and securitie to be payd in the Citie of London, or after Iean Tillet and Iohn Maierus, seventy five thousand Crowns to be payd into the Tower; with which the French King also granted, in the name of Annuall Pension, sixteen* 1.64 thousand pounds to some Noblemen and others of speciall credit with the King: As to Sir Thomas Gray, Marquesse of Dorset, Willi∣am Lord Hastings, Chamberlaine to the King, Doctor Thomas Roth∣ram, Bishop of Lincolne, and Lord Chancellour of England; Iohn Lord Howard, Sir Iohn Cheyney, Master of the Horse; Sir Thomas Mountgomery, Master Challoner, and to the Master of the Rowles; The chiefest of these had two thousand Crownes apiece per annum. Besides which Pensions, he gave rich Presents, and sent rewards to such Lords as stood most for this accord. Eugueraunt de Moustrolet a∣voucheth, that the Lord Howard, and the Master of the Horse, were the chiefest of the mediators in it; his reason is, that they were the men most in favour with King Edward. Iean Tillet, with Philip de Co∣mines, tells us, the Lord Howard in lesse then two yeares had the value of twentie foure thousand Crownes in Plate, Coine and Jewels, o∣ver and above his Annuall Pension; the Lord Hastings at one time to the value of two thousand markes in Plate, besides his Pension. And if their owne Stories speake truth, Richard de Nevil, the great Earle of Warwick, had of the Kings of France much more then any other English Nobleman, which the Chronicle of Brittaine seconds. And doubtlesse, King Richard had still compel'd him to continue it, had not eruptions of State and tumultuary practises fatally deterr'd his Sword: For as Kings have vaster limits, they have higher bounds then others. If our vulgar paths be rugged, theirs are slippery, and all their mighty resolutions and ambitions have their fate and circle, hither they must, and no further; yet as envious as fortune shew'd her selfe, he brought King Lewis to termes of faire promises and mediation for time of payment, as Comines obscurely implyes.

This yeare the King kept a very magnificent Christmas at West∣minister,* 1.65 and was reconciled to the Queene Dowager, who left Sanctu∣ary, and to congratulate the Kings favour, sent her five daughters to

Court, where they were received with all Princely kindnesse.

On the three and twentieth day of January, in the first yeare of his Raigne, he summon'd a Parliament to be holden at Westminster, i•• which (after the enacting of many good Lawes) the marriages o••* 1.66 King Edward were debated, that with the Lady Gray adjudged unlaw∣full, and her children illegitimate, there being proofe of a former Contract and Marriage with the Lady Elianor Talbot, daughter of the old Earle of Shrewsbury, and Relict of the Lord Butler of Sudely then and long after living, and all that had been inferred by the Duke of Buckingham, or contained in the Bill supplicatory, demonstrated, was againe consulted, and judgement given against that Marriage, and incapacity of the Children also, of the Earle of Warwicke and his sister, the Lady Elizabeth Plantagenet, all decreed and confirmed by Act of Parliament; so that here to taxe so generall an Assent, were to say there was not one honest nor just man in that High Court, and what greater scandall to the whole Kingdome?

There was likewise notice taken of the Earle of Richmonds pre∣tence to the Crowne, by a Title derived from the House of Lancaster, who was at that time in France, labouring to engage the King and the Duke of Brittaine in the quarrell. Oh the infinite windings, and per∣plexed sleepes we labour through, to get that we must bid goodnight to to morrow; And yet the true and rightful Lancaster had no finger in it, for this Earle was not then granted to be of the House of Lan∣caster, untill the Pope by his Bull had given him that stile, and him∣selfe (after he was King) by his Prerogative assumed it. In this Par∣liament he was attainted of High Treason, and with him Iohn Earle of Oxford, Thomas Marquesse of Dorset, Iasper Earle of Pembroke,* 1.67 Lionell Bishop of Salisbury, Peirce Bishop of Exceter, the Lady Mar∣garet Countesse of Richmond, Thomas Morton Bishop of Ely, Thomas Naudick by the stile of Thomas Naudick of Cambridge Conjurer, William Knevet of Buckingham smeared with the same pitch, George Browne of Beechworth, Thomas Lukenor of Tratton, Iohn Cuilford, Iohn Fogg, Edward Poinings, Thomas Fieries of Cherstmonceur, Nicholas Gainsford, William Clifford, Iohn Darrell, with others of Kent and the West Countrey. There was further enacted for the appro∣bation and confirming the true and lawfull Title of King Richard, this clause or sentence.

It is declared, pronounced, decreed, confirmed and established by the Authority of this present Parliament, that King Richard the third is the true and undoubted King of this Realme, as well by right of Consanguinitie and Heritage, as by lawfull Election and Corona∣tion, &c. And in a place of the Rowle of this Parliament, there are* 1.68 Arguments to be gathered, that the two sonnes of King Edward were living in the time of this Parliament, which was at the least nine moneths after the death of their Father, and sixe moneths after King Richard; which will import thus much, That if King Richard then, lawfully and quietly possessed of the Crowne, suffered them to live so

long, there is no reason why, he should after make them away, for their lives could not rectifie their Bloud, or Titles, nor their deaths advan∣tage him, neither can Bastards be dangerous, or prejudiciall to the true and titular Lord, or lawfull proprietary, be he Prince or Subject; Witnesse Forraigne Countries, and England it selfe, which holds Bastards uncapable of Heritage, Honour or Offices: In the Month of February, towards the end of this Parliament, the King in his pro∣vidence to establish the Regall fortune and Succession in the Prince his Sonne, and to fasten the affection of the Nobility and People unto him with the Crowne, procures them to meet him in the Pallace at Westminster, and there (Interiori Caenaculo, as mine Author saith) tendred by the Duke of Norfolke unto them, an Oath of Fealty and Allegeance in writing, to be taken to the Prince of Wales; which they tooke and subscribed most willingly; the occasion of this, was his jealousie of that new League struck up between the Earle of Rich∣mond and the Duke of Buckingham, who was now discovered more apparantly, and the rest of the engagement: To oppose and suppresse them therefore, and stifle the Confederacy before it should grow more threatning; The King makes a Commission by Letters Pa∣tents, in the name of the Vice Constable of England, unto Sir Ralph* 1.69 Ashton, A Coppy whereof (the President being unusuall, and the Office great) I have Transcribed verbatim from the Records in the Chappell of the Convertits.

Vice Constabulario Angliae Constituto.

REX dilecto & fideli suo, Rudolpho Ashton militi, salutem.* 2.1 Sciatis, quod nos defidelitate, circumspectione, & probitate, vestrâ plenius confidentes, assignavimus deputavimus & ordinavimus vos hac vice Constabularium nostrum Angliae, ac Commi••sionarium nostrum, dantes & concedentes vobis teno∣re presentium potestatem & authoritatem generalem, & manda∣tum speciale, ad audiendum & examinandum ac procedendum, con∣tra quascunque personas de crimine laesae nostrae regi•• majestatis suspectas & culpabiles tam per viam examinationis testium quam aliter prout vobis melius visum fuerit ex officio vestro; nec non in causis illis judicialiter & sententialiter juxta casus exigentiam & delinquentium demerita omni strepitu & fu∣tura Iudicij appella••ione quacunque remota, quandocunque vo∣bis videbitur procedendum, judicandum et finali executione de ma••dandum cum omnibus etiam clausulis, verbis, et terminis spe∣cialibu••

ad executionem istius mandati et authoritatis nostrae de jure vel consuetudine requisitis, quae etiam omnia hic expressa habemus, assumpto vobiscum aliquo tabellione fide digno, qui singula conscribat unà cum alijs quae in praemissis vel circa ••a necessaria videbuntur seu qualitercunque requisita; mandantes & firmiter vobis injungentes, quod alijs quibuscunque praetermi∣ssis circa praedicta quoties & quando opus fuerit intendatis, caus as que antedictas audiatis, examinetis, & in eisdem proced••∣tis ac eas judicetis & finali executione ut praefertur demande∣tis. Damus etiam omnibus & singulis quorum interest in hac parte tenore praesentium firmiter in mandatis, quod vobis in pr••∣missis faciendis pareant, assistant & auxilientur in omnibus dili∣genter, in cujus, &c. Teste Rege apud Covent. 24. die Octobris, Anno regni primo; per ipsum Regem oretenus.

What successe this Commission, and new Office had, I find not re∣ported, but it might come too late, or the new Officer forget what he was to execute, for the faction lost none they could corrupt or winne; yet surely, the institution of it was very politicke and important, as a plaine Image and pourtraict, of the Office and Authority of the great or High-Constable of England, which in the execution of a wise and valiant person, is of a high and great use.

Having made mention of these Offices, it shall not be a Parergue,* 2.2 between these Acts, to interadde the rest of this Kings Officers, both Chiefe and others; at the least such as were of Honour or Dignity: I have before named the High-Constable, the great Marshall, high Admirall, Lord Chamberlaine, the rest were Sir Iohn Wood the Elder, L. Treasurer the first yeare, and Sir Iohn Touchet, Lord A••dley during the rest of his Reigne, Doctor Russell Bishop of Lincolne had the great Seale, Thomas Barrow was Master of the Rowles, (which place Henry the seventh continued to him, and made him a Privy Coun∣sellour) Iohn Kendall was principall Secretary, Sir William Hopton Treasurer of the Houshold, Sir Thomas Peircy Controler, after him Sir Iohn Buck, Iohn Gunthorpe Keeper of the Privy Seale, Sir William Hussey Chiefe Justice, Thomas Tremaine and Roger Townsend the Kings Serjeants, Morgan Kidwell Attorney Generall, Nicholas Fitz-Willi∣am Recorder of London.

For matters of Treaty, betwixt this King and Forreigne Princes, I have seen a memoriall of one, for intercourse and commerce, be∣tween* 2.3 him and Philip Duke of Burgundy, and the Estates of Flanders, who in the Record are called Membra Flandriae: These Princes and States had each of them their Commissioners to treate and determine the Affaires, which I find they dispatch•• with approbation of the Princes their Masters.

There was also a Commission about these times, to heare and re∣dresse* 2.4 the complaints made to the King, by the Subjects of the King of France and of Denmarke, which was well expedited.

Anno Regni 2. That Treatie of Peace and League with Scotland,* 2.5 (began before) was continued, and finished by Commissioners sent from Iames the fourth King of Scotland, and by other Commissioners delegate for the King of England; those for Scotland, were Coli: Earl* 2.6 of Argile, Chancellor of Scotland, N. Bishop of Aberdene, the Lord Lisle, the Lord Dromonde of Stobhall, Master Archibald Quhitlaw, Arch-Deacon of Lodion, & Secretary to the King, Lion King at Arms and Duncan of Dundas; they came to Nottingham in September Anno Domini 1484, and were honourably receiv'd in the great Chamber of the Castle, the King sitting under his Royall Cloth of State; Master Archibald Quhitlaw stepping before the rest, addrest a very Eloquent Oration unto him in Latine, which reflected upon the praise of Mar∣tial men & Art Military, including much to the honour and praise of King Richard. This Treatie aimed partly at a Truce and Peace, part∣ly at a Marriage, betweene Iames the Prince of Scotland and the La∣dy Anne, Daughter of Iohn de la Poole, Duke of Suffolke, and Neice to King Richard.

Commissioners for the King of England, were Iohn Bishop of Lincolne, Richard Bishop of Asaph▪ Iohn Duke of Norfolke, Henry Earle of Northumberland, Master Iohn Gunthorpe custos privati sigilli, Sir Thomas Stanley, Lord Stanley, Sir N. Lord Strange, Sir N. Lord Powis, Sir Henry Lord Fitz▪hugh, Sir Humphry Lord Dacres, Master Thomas Barrow Master of the Rowles, Sir Richard Ratcliff, William Catesby, and Richard Salkeld: The other for the Treatie of Alliance and Marriage, were Thomas Arch-Bishop of Yorke, Iohn Bishop of Lincolne, Iohn Bishop of Worcester, Iohn Duke of Norfolke, Wil∣liam Earle of Nottingham, Iohn Sutton Lord Dudley, N. Lord Scroope of Upsall, Sir William Hussey, Chiefe Justice of the Kings Bench; Sir Richard Ratcliffe, and William Catesby: But the successe of that, and many other good intendments, were interposed by the inconstan∣cy and contraste of the times. The Lady Anne de la Poole, upon the* 2.7 the breach thereof, (resolving to accept no other motion) forthwith tooke a religious habit in the Monastery of Sion.

There was another Treatie of Peace and Truce in this second* 2.8 yeare, betweene him and the Duke of Brittaine, or at the least given out for peace, yet was indeed but a part and pretext of the Treatie: for the maine negotiations on the Kings side, was, how to get the Earle of Richmond out of his custody into his owne, or be as well se∣cured of him there as his Brother King Edward was: And for this Treatie, the chiefe Negotiators, were the Bishop of Lincolne and Sir Thomas Hutton for the King, the Bishop of Leon and others for* 2.9 the Duke. The Treatie began Anno Domini 1484. and was finished and ratified in the yeare following, but the Duke violated his part immediately by giving ayde to the Kings Enemies.

In the same yeare there were Letters made (which are yet extant in the Treasury of the Exchequor) that moved a Peace and Truce be∣weene King Richard, and Charles the eighth King of France;* 2.10 wherein it must be understood, the tribute before mentioned was Articled.

Also in this yeare, and the yeare before, there was a private Trea∣tie, which we must not passe by, for the Marriage of the Lady Eliza∣beth with King Richard himselfe: what the successe of it was, and* 2.11 how farre it proceeded, will more aptly present it selfe in another place.

Wee are now to take notice of the Duke of Buckinghams revolt,* 2.12 for this was the preparative and fourrier of the rest: And to give it the more taking feature and specious pretence, it must be given out▪ That the cause was the Reformation of an ill Government and Ty∣ranny, under which species, (for Treason is ever fairely palliated, and seldome wants the forme of some plea, though at the Barre) they must take up Armes against the King. And here (as some Rivers de∣riv'd from the Sea, cannot suddenly loose their taste of saltnesse) they discovered their ancient taint and inconstancy which the Prince wise∣ly suspected from the first. For the Duke of Buckingham (how af∣fably* 2.13 soever he trim'd his countenance) it should seeme departed male-content from Court, yet made not that generall publick pre∣tended cause of the Kings Crimes all his quarrell, but challenged him by some private grudges, as denying to give or restore to him the Earledome of Hereford, and Constableship of England, (for they went together a long time) which he alledged belonged to the Partage that fell to his great Grand-mother the Lady Anne, Daugh∣ter and Heire of Thomas Plantagenet, alias Woodstock, created by King Richard the second Duke of Glocester, and Earle of Buckingham, and of his Wife Elianor, daughter and co-heire of Humphry de Bohun Earle of Hereford, and Constable of England: Which claime, had he considerately look't upon, could not rightly revolve to him, but* 2.14 rather was for the Kings part; For Humphry de Bohun, Earle of Here∣ford, of Essex and Northampton, Lord of Brecknock, and Consta∣ble of England (in the time of King Edward the third, and the last Earle of the Family of the Bohuns) had by the Lady Iane his Wife, Daughter of Richard Fitz-Allan Earle of Arundel, two Daughters and Heires, Elianor and Mary: Elianor was Married to the same Tho∣mas Plantagenet, alias de Woodstock, youngest Sonne of King Edward the third, Duke of Glocester and Earle of Buckingham: Mary the second Daughter was Married to Henry Plantagenet Duke of Lanca∣ster, and after King of England by the name of Henry the fourth, and the Earledome of Hereford fell to his Wife: In favour where∣of, he was Created Duke of Hereford by King Richard the second, and the Earledome (now a Dutchy) and the rights therof, remained in the King, and in the Kings Heires and Successors untill the death of King Henry the sixt, who dyed without Issue, & then all the Estate

of Lancaster (especially that of the Royall Family of Lancaster) es∣cheated to King Edward the fourth, and from him it came to King Ri∣chard, as Heire to his Brother and all his Ancestors. But the Duke of Buckingham pretended Title to that Earledome by his said Grand∣mother Anne, who was one of the Daughters and Heires of the a∣foresaid Lady Elianor (Wife of Thomas de Woodstock Duke of Glo∣cester) and the Wife of Edmond Stafford Earle of Stafford, and Grand-father to this Henry Duke of Buckingham, who the rather presumed to make this Claime, because the Issue of the other Sister Mary, being extinct, he tooke himselfe also to be her Heire.

But King Richard relishing something in this, neare the dispositi∣on and inclination of Bullingbrooke, answered, That the Earledome of Hereford was of the inheritance of Henry the fourth, who was al∣so King of England (though by tort and usurpation) and will you my Lord of Buckingham Claime to be Heire of Henry the fourth? You may then also happily Assume his spirits, and lay Claime to the Crowne by the same Titles.

This was as bitter as short, and doubly ill taken: First, because it came with a Repulse: Next, because it seemed to proceed from a suspition, and as a tax of his Loyaltie, and begets another pretence of exception in the Dukes bosome, which he called a breach of promise in the King, for not joyning the Prince his Sonne in Marriage with the Lady Anne Stafford his Daughter; but all those Colours were but to give complexion to the face of his defection, the true cause was well devined and found out by the King, his Ambition and aime to be Soveraigne, rays'd by an overweening of that Royall Blood he supposed to be in his descent from the said Thomas de Woodstock, &c. Sonne of a King; and yet he was not resolutely determined to make his Claime to the Crowne this way, nor to attempt the Kingdome by Armes, untill those embers which (as it were) lay but luke-warme in his thoughts, were quickned and revived by the animation of Do∣ctor Morton Bishop of Ely then a Privie Counsellour though he stood in some umbrage and disgrace in the Court with the King, for his practises against him, and was at this time in the custody of the Duke of Buckingham as a Prisoner; more expressely, for that being a Privie Counsellour, he had given secret advertisement to the Earle of Richmond of what passed in the secret Councells of the King; To this advantage, he applyes that which he had wittily drawne from the Dukes discontent and passionate discourses at times passed. By which, perceiving the glance of his Ambition, and that deriv'd from the great opinion of his Royall Blood, he pregnantly tickles and feeds that humour, untill he had soothed him past his owne strength or re∣tyrement; for his secret drift was, to apt and prepare the Duke to a Rebellion at any hand, though not to set his owne Title on foot, yet layes open the advantage of the present times to it, proposing flat usurpation and tyranny against the King Regnant, and the strong like∣lyhood of his Deposing. This lifts the Duke something higher in his

owne opinion. But comming to a pause, (and perceiving Rich∣mond was the man they had aimed at for this great blow (who had conditioned by Oath to marry the Lady Elizabeth, (for the Countesse of Richmond, had by the meanes of Doctor Lewis, conciliated the* 2.15 friendship of the Queene Mother to that Alliance, and to draw as many of the House of Yorke into the Action as were at her Devoti∣on) that many Potent Lords and some Forraigne Princes had promi∣sed their ayds) he began to retreat, and conceive he had taken the wrong path to his journyes end, for his Title and Claime must be no∣thing, if those of Yorke and Lancaster were united: And that the Earle (who stood betweene him and his Aimes) was not onely reso∣lute to attempt, but strongly ayded for it, himselfe not able upon such an instant to raise a power able to encounter, much lesse give check unto his violent Ambition, therefore concludes all against him∣selfe, and that it would fall out farte better to side with the times; a consideration which doubtlesse would highly stirre a spirit where so much greatnesse of opinion and ambition was. And the Doctor dis∣cerning this disgust, and that he was startl'd in his hope and resolusi∣on, to recover him an intire man, & not let him stand by, an idle specta∣tor in so meritorious an action, he opens a private way of honour and satisfaction, suggesting him the first and greatest man, the King∣dome was to know next the King: And finding his particular distasts to King Richard, of quickest sense and argument to him, he freshly urges (and as it were) refricates each particle, to the greatnesse of his spirit and discontent; the Duke replyes not much at that time, but busie in his thoughts leaves him, and presently fashions a visite to the Countesse of Richmond, (a Lady of a politick and contriving bo∣some) to know the credit of his intelligence, which she insinuates* 2.16 with arguments so full of circumstance and honour, besides her Sons indearment to him, their hearnesse of blood, affirming the Dukes Mother a Somerset, the reciprocall affinitie betweene her Father and his, and then the bravery and Religion in the Cause, that the Duke now forsakes himselfe, and fully gives up his resolution and promise to her; thus prepar'd, he finds out the Lord Stanley, the Marquesse of Dorset, Edward Courtney Earle of Devonshire, and his Brother the Bishop of Exeter, Sir Iohn Bowrchier, Sir Iohn Wells, Robert Willow∣by, Edward Woodvill, Thomas Arundel, who had severally raised for∣ces, and intended their Rendezvous neere Glocester, so to march for Dorsetshire, there to receive the Earle and the Duke, with his Welchmen: But the King was early in his preparation, to prevent them before they could unite, or the Earle of Richmond arrive there, else they had fastened a most dangerous Blow upon him. And at this full stop, in these progresses (me thinkes) wee may ob∣serve, how uncertainely, in our strongest valuations, we are our owne; and that our greatest Confidences, and humane Policies, are but heavie weights hung at trembling Wyers, while our expecta∣tions are apt to be flattered, and out-goe themselves, but are over∣taken

in their Successe, and Fates, as was this great Mans; for their Forces neither met by Sea nor Land, the English being scatter'd by a suddaine and huge inundation that so dangerously over-flowed all passages, they could not joyne nor passe the River Severne, while the suddainnesse and strangenesse of it stroke the Souldiers with such al∣teration, that most part of them forsooke the Duke and left him to* 2.17 himselfe: The Earle of Richmond was as unfortunately met at Sea by a great tempest, upon the coasts of England.

The King took the advantage this accident offered, and pursued the* 2.18 Duke, not only with a galloping Army, but with Edicts & Proscripti∣ons, that promised a thousand pounds in mony (whereunto some Wri∣ters* 2.19 adde, so much Lands as was worth one hundred pounds per annum) to any that should bring in the Duke, who was betrayed and brought to the King then at Salisbury, by Humphry Banister,) an eternall brand) having lived by this mans service, and now thought treache∣rously to subsist by his Ruine. The Duke being examined, freely confessed all, and for it lost his head in the field according to Mar∣shall* 2.20 Law used by Armies, in November An. Dom. 1484. An. 2 Rich. 3.

And here, if wee view him in the figure of his Ambition or Fate, wee shall find Doctor Morton his Caput Argoll, or the malignant Pla∣net of his fortune; who, as Sir Thomas Moore confesseth and affirm∣eth, by his Politick Drifts and Pride, advanced himselfe, and brought the Duke to this ruine. The rest fled, some into Sanctuaries, others into Brittaine to the Earle of Richmond, and some into Flanders, all their Plots being now how to be safe.

And thus farre King Richard, in the Voyage of his Affaires had a promising Gale; wee will therefore here cast Anchor a while, and claspe up this first Booke, with the Relation of his better Fortunes.

Explicit Lib. I.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The House and Title of Yorke.
• * 1.2

  The Linage of Edward 3.
• * 1.3

  The Empire of K. Henry. 2.
• * 1.4

  Girald. in To∣pog. Hibernie. Sari••bur. in Pol. Newbrig. Lib. ••.
• * 1.5

  Fulk Earle of Anjou.
• * 1.6

  Acoustre in criminall & condemne. Paradin.
• * 1.7

  From this ex∣ample Henry 2. submitted his body to be scourged by the Monks of Canterbury for the death of Tho. Becket.
• * 1.8

  After this man∣ner and long after K. H. 2 the heire and successour of this Earle, Fulko was in∣joyned by the Pope to go to the Holy-Land, and to fight a∣gainst the Infi∣dels, Ho∣vend. Rival. &c.
• * 1.9

  Leon. Fuchius.
• * 1.10

  Plin. Lib. 24. cap. 9.
• * 1.11

  Strabo, Lib. 16.
• * 1.12

  Du Haillon.
• * 1.13

  In his Cata∣logue of Ho∣nour.
• * 1.14

  Deus. i. Rex.
• * 1.15

  Lib. manus. in quarto apud D. Rob. Cotton. Comes, i. Praeses••.
• * 1.16

  Camden▪ in Cumberland.
• * 1.17

  Sir William Haward.
• * 1.18

  purblind Quasi part blind.
• * 1.19

  The Bastard Faulconbridge.
• * 1.20

  An Army sent into Scotland under the D. of Glocester.
• * 1.21

  Anno 24. Ed. 4.
• * 1.22

  Chron. Croy.
• * 1.23

  The doubtfull death of K. E. 4 vid. lib 4.
• * 1.24

  The Duke of Gloucester made Lord Protector.
• * 1.25

  Phil. de Comi∣nes in Lud. 11.
• * 1.26

  Sir Tho. Moore.
• * 1.27

  Chronic▪ Abbat. Croy.
• * 1.28

  The insolency of the Queens Kindred.
• * 1.29

  Sir Thomas Moore, in Ed∣ward 5. Rich. 3.
• * 1.30

  Lord Hastings.
• * 1.31

  Sir Thomas Moore.
• * 1.32

  Ci••. lib 3. de offic. & Suet. in vi••a Iul••i Caesaris.
• * 1.33

  Eurip. in Phoe∣niss.
• * 1.34

  Axiom. Polit.
• * 1.35

  Senec. in trag.
• * 1.36

  Artes imperii.
• * 1.37

  The flight of Richmont with his Vncle Pembrooke.
• * 1.38

  The Earle of Rich. borne in Pembrooke Castle.
• * 1.39

  This slight of theirs was in Anno 11. E. 4. Iohn Stow.
• * 1.40

  Earle of Rich. Prisoner in Brittaine.
• * 1.41

  The last D. of Brittaine, who was Earle of Richmond, & possessed of the Earledome, was Iohn de Montfort, who flourished An. Dom. 1440, & had sons, but not Earles of Richmond, as Rob. Glou. writeth, & now this Francis 1. renewed the claime which was about 30 yeares after Iohn de Mont∣fort, Duke of Brittaine.
• * 1.42

  Iac. Nyerus in Annal. Fland. lib. 17.
• * 1.43

  King Edward treateth for the delivery of Richmond.
• * 1.44

  Ennius apud Cicer. ta Offic.
• * 1.45

  K. ••. 4 sends for Richmond.
• * 1.46

  Hist: de Brit.
• * 1.47

  D. Stillington sent for Rich∣mond.
• * 1.48

  K. R. reneweth su••t to the D. of B. for the Earle of Richmond. E. 4. Fulmen ••elli, ut Seleac. Rex inde 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 i. fulmen dictus.
• * 1.49

  claud. Paradin
• * 1.50

  B. Mort. Sir Th Moore, Holling∣shed, Graston, Stow, Hall, Virgill, &c. Parliament.
• * 1.51

  The Duke of Buck. to the L. Protector in the behalfe of the 3 Estates.
• * 1.52

  The common published sto∣ries have Eliz. Lucy, but that is false.
• * 1.53

  The Answer of the Lord Pro∣tector to the 3 Estates.
• * 1.54

  The bold and round conclu∣sion of the D. of Buck.
• * 1.55

  The Protectors Reply to the Dukes last Suit.
• * 1.56

  Lib. Abb. Croyl
• * 1.57

  Cambden.
• * 1.58

  Monstrolet. Co∣••ine••. Anglici scriptoret.
• * 1.59

  Stile of the D. of Norff. In rotuli•• in domo convers.
• * 1.60

  Signifying mercy.
• * 1.61

  Signifying Iustice to the Temporalty. Iustice to the Clergy, Peace. Monarchy.
• * 1.62

  Moore. Graston. Polidore. Hall. Croyland. Hollingshed. Stow, &c.
• * 1.63

  Chron. M. S. in Quar. apud. D. Ro. Co••ton, and Rob. Fabian. Rich. the Ba∣stard of the D. o•• Gloc. Captaine of Calice.
• * 1.64

  Iohn Maierus. Iean Tillet. d•• Tillet saith, That that tri∣bute or Pension was 75000 crowns, or, Es∣cu's & chacun Escu vallant. trois souls.
• * 1.65

  The Q. Mother & King Rich. reconciled.
• * 1.66

  The Parlia∣ment of R. 3.
• * 1.67

  The friends & confederates of the E▪ of Rich.
• * 1.68

  The sons of K. E. living in Jan & Febr▪ af∣ter the death of their Father.
• * 1.69

  Vice Consta∣ble of Eng∣land.
• * 2.1

  Patents de anno 1 Rich 3. part. 1. me••. 2.
• * 2.2

  Other Offi∣cers of King Richard 3.
• * 2.3

  Treaties for League and commerce with Flanders, &c. In Thesauro Scaeccarij 1 R. 3.
• * 2.4

  In Rowles A••. 1 R. 3.
• * 2.5

  An. Dom. 1484.
• * 2.6

  E••gile in Re∣cord.
• * 2.7

  The Lady Anne de la Poole a Nun.
• * 2.8

  Treaty with the Duke of Brittaine.
• * 2.9

  Ib. in Scaccaer.
• * 2.10

  Treatie with the King of France.
• * 2.11

  Treaty of mar∣riage of King Rich. with the Lady Eliz.
• * 2.12

  Revolt of the D. of Buck.
• * 2.13

  The Duke of Buckingham first riseth in Rebellion. The quarrell of the Duke of Buck. against the King.
• * 2.14

  The Title of the Earldome of Hereford, & of the Con∣stableship of England.
• * 2.15

  Sir Tho. Moor.
• * 2.16

  This Margaret Countesse of Richmond, was Daughter and Heire to Iohn Beaufort Duke of Somerset, & Margaret de Beaufort, Mo∣ther of the D. of Buck. was Daughter of Edmond D. of Somerset; and thus were the E. of Rich. and the D. of Buck. a Kin. Rob. Glov. in catal. &c. The Conspi∣rators with the D. of Buck. for the E. of Rich.
• * 2.17

  The overthrow of the Duke of Buckingham.
• * 2.18

  Polidore lib. 25
• * 2.19

  King Richard sharply repre∣hended Bani∣ster for betray∣ing his Master, which argued a noble mind.
• * 2.20

  The D. execu∣cuted by Mar∣shall Law.