The history of Scotland written in Latin by George Buchanan ; faithfully rendered into English.

The Second BOOK. (Book 2)

WHEN I endeavored to retreive the Memory of Bri∣tish Affairs, for above Two Thousand years past, ma∣ny Impediments did offer themselves in Bar to my design; amongst which This was the chiefest, That there were for a long time no Monuments of Learning in those Coun∣tries, whence the knowledge of our Original was to be fetched; and when Letters came, though but late, into play, they were nipp'd al∣most in the very Bud; for I may safely affirm, That all the Nations which hitherto have seated themselves in Britain, have passed thi∣ther from France, Spain and Germany. The French first of all re∣ceived the * 1.1 Characters of Letters from the Marsellian Greeks, by which they used to make up their Accounts, and to send Letters one to another. The Figures of the Letters, were Greek; but the Lan∣gauge was Gallick. But their Laws and the Rites of their Religion, they did not commit to Writing, no not in Iulius Caesars time; and much less did they Record their Noble Exploits, which yet, 'tis very probable, were very considerably Great; and those things which were either acted, or suffered, or else undergone in Italy, Germany, Thrace, Macedonia, Graecia, and Asia, had been buried likewise in the same Oblivion, (so that Posterity would never have come to the knowledge of them,) if Foreign Writers had not Recorded and Transmitted them down to us. I confess, in Spain, the Greeks had the use of Letters; and before them, the Phaenicians, who inhabited the shore of the Mediterranean Sea: But of the Barbarians, only the (a) 1.2 Tur∣detani (as Strabo writes,) had any knowledge of them. But as for any Ancient Writer, there was yet none that I know of. For Varro, Pliny, and if there were any other Latin Authors, who touched any thing, by the by, concerning the first Inhabitants of Spain, they con∣firm their Opinions therein, rather by bare Conjectures, than the solid Testimony of Writers: In that part of Britain which * 1.3 Caesar visited, there were no ancient Records at all; and among the more Inland Inhabitants, which were more Barbarous, they were much less to be expected. So that when he asked them, concerning the Origin of their Nation, and the oldest Inhabitants thereof, as he writes, they return'd him no certain answer at all.

After Caesar, Cornelius * 1.4 Tacitus, an Author both Faithful and Di∣ligent, when the Roman Navy had coursed about Britain, and had discovered all the inmost Roads and Recesses thereof; yet he found out nothing of certainty, that he could commit to Posterity. More∣over * 1.5 Gildas, who lived above Four Hundred years after Tacitus, doth affirm, that what he writes was not from any Monuments of Antiquity, of which he could find none at all, but from Transma∣rine Report. As for * 1.6 Germany, That Country was furnished with Learning last of all; but seeing, she had nothing to produce out of old Records, which could be avouched for Truth, according to her wonted Ingenuity in other Cases, she Coyned no Fictions of her

own, to obtrude on the World. So then, they, who affirm, that they deduce the Original of the Britans from old Annals, must first tell us, Who transmitted down those Annals to us? As also, Where they have been concealed so long? And how they came down un∣corrupted to us, after so many Ages? In this case, some fly to the Bards and * 1.7 Sanachies, as the Preservers of Ancient Records, but ve∣ry ridiculously, which will be more clearly understood, if I explain what kind of Men these were, to whom they would have credit to be given, in matters so Momentous, and those so obscure too, and so remote from our Memory. First * 1.8 Strabo, and Ammianus do clearly enough express, what the Bards were, both before, and also in their Times. But * 1.9 Lucan doth it very plainly and succinctly, as to our present purpose, in these Verses,

Vos quoque qui fortes animas, belloque peremptas, Laudibus in longum, Vat••s, diffunditis aevum, Plurima s••curi fud••stis carmina, Bardi.

Englished thus:

Ye Bards, such Valiant Souls, as fall in War, Perpetuate with Rhimes, and Praises rare.

But the very Oldest of them were altogether ignorant of Letters, neither did they leave any Records of Ancient Matters behind them.

The other were Bardlings or Sanachies, (as they call them,) which were maintain'd by the chief of the Ancient Clans, and by some Wealthy Men besides, one a peice, on purpose to Chant out (by Heart,) the Memories of their Patrons, and the Atchievements of their Ancestors, from their first Rise. But these too, having no Learning at all, let any Man judge, what credit is to be given to them, all whose hopes and subsistence did depend on Soothing and Flattering of others. Besides, though what they deliver were most true, yet it would not much advance the Writer of an History: Lastly, let us consider, how often the Writers of such Famous Deeds as are past, are found in manifest Mistakes, how often they them∣selves do Waver, Doubt, Fluctuate, and are at a loss, and how vastly some of them do differ from others, and not a few contradict themselves. If such Lapses are incident even to those, who seek after Truth, with great Labour and Study, what can we hope for, from such other Persons, who being without Learning (by which they who casually mistake, may be better informed, and those who mistake on purpose, may be confronted,) do trust their Memory, alone? I might allege, that the Memory is often times impaired by Disuse; it is weakned by Age; or wholly lost by some Diseases. Besides, if they have a desire to please their Patrons, (as it often comes to pass,) or, on the contrary, if they have a mind to cross them; or, if the Passions of Anger, Hatred, or Envy do intervene, (which pervert the Judgment,) Who can affirm any thing for Truth, upon such Mens Authorities? Or, Who would take the pains to

refute it, though it were False? Or, Who would deliver down for certain, what he received from such uncertain Authors? Wherefore, in so great a silence of old * 1.10 Writers, (concerning matters of Anti∣quity,) who were all so hugely ignorant, even of things acted in their own times, there being nothing assuredly true and sincere, I count it more modest, to be silent in what one knows not, than by devising Falshoods to betray ones own Ignorance, and to slight and despise the better Judgments of other Men.

It follows then, that there was so great a scarcity of Writers a∣mongst all the Nations of the Britains, that, before the coming in of the Romans thither, all things were buried in the profound Darkness of Silence, in so much, that we can get no Information of what was Acted, even by the Romans themselves, otherwise than from Greek and Latin Monuments: And as for those things, which preceded their coming, we may believe rather their Conjectures, than our own Fictions. For what our Writers have delivered, every one concern∣ing the Original of his own Sept or Nation, is so absurd, that I should have counted my time lost to go about to refel it, unless there were some who delighted in such Fables, as if they were as true as Gospel, and so prided themselves with the Ornaments of other Mens Feathers.

Moreover, the disagreement of later Writers makes a great acces∣sion to the difficulty of this Task, for they deliver such Repugnancies, that a Man cannot well tell, whom to follow; yea, there is such an absurdity amongst them, that all of them seem most deservedly fit to be rejected. Neither do I so much wonder at the Silence of the Ancients, in a matter so obscure, or the Dissonancy of later Writers in feigning Falshoods; as at the agreeing impudence of some few: For they write of those times, in which all things were dubious and uncertain, with so much positiveness and confidence, as if their de∣sign were rather to court the Readers Ear, than to respect the Faith∣ness of their Narrations.

For in those first times, seeing the use of Tillage was not common, neither among the Britains, nor many other Nations; but all their Wealth consisted in Cattle, Men had no regard to their substance, which was very small, because they were either expelled from their Habitations by such as were more powerful than themselves; or, they themselves did drive out the weaker ones; or else, they sought out better Pasture for their Cattle in Wild and Desert places: Upon one or other of these Grounds, they easily changed, their Dwellings, and the Places, they removed to, with new Masters soon got new Names. Besides, the Ambition of the wealthier sort added much to the diffi∣culty, who, to perpetuate their Memory to Posterity, called Countrys, Provinces and Towns by their own Names. Almost all the Cities in * 1.11 Spain, had two Names. The Names of the Inhabitants in It, and also the Names of the Cities and Countries therein, received frequent al∣terations. Not to speak of Egypt, Greece, and other remote Countries.

Saepius & nomen posuit Saturnia tellus.

Fair Italy (says Fame,) Full oft hath chang'd her Name••

Add hereunto, that those Nations, who live in the same Country, have not always the same Names. That which the Latins call * 1.12 His∣pania; The Greeks, Iberia; The Poets, Hesperia; St. Paul in his Epi∣stle, Theodoret and Sozomen in Their History, call Spania (i. e.) Spain. The Name of the Greeks, so celebrated by the Latins, and all Nati∣ons of Europe, is more obscure than the Greeks themselves. The Hebrews and Arabians keep their Old Words, almost in all Nations, which were not so much as heard of by other People. Scot, and En∣glish are the common Names of the British Nations, which, at this day, are almost unknown to the * 1.13 Ancient Scots, and Britains; for they call the one Albines, the other Saxons. And therefore 'tis no wonder, if, in so great an uncertainty of Human Affairs, as to the Names of Men and Places; Writers, who were born at several times, far distant one from another, and having different Languages, and Manners too, do not always agree amongst themselves. Though these things have occasioned difficulties great enough, in search∣ing out the first Original of Nations, yet some of the Moderns too, be∣ing acted by a Principle of Ambition, have involved all things in more thick and palpable darkness. For, whilst every one would fetch the Original of his Nation, as high as he could; and so endea∣vour to enoble it by devised Fables, by this immoderate Licence of coyning Fictions, What do they but obscure▪ That, which they ought to Illustrate? And, if at any time they speak Truth, yet, by their frequent and ridiculous Untruths, at other times, they detract from their own Credit; And are so far from obtaining that Esteem, which they hoped for, that, by reason of their Falshoods, they are laughed at, even by those, whom they endeavour'd to cajole into an Assent.

To make this plain, I will first begin, as with the Ancientest Na∣tion, so, from the most notorious and impudent Falshood. They who compiled a * 1.14 New History of the Ancient Britains, having in∣terpolated the Fable of the Danaides, proceed further to feign, That one * 1.15 Diocletian, King of Syria begat 33 Daughters on his Wife La∣bana; who killing their Husbands on their Wedding night, their Father crouded them all together into one Ship, without any Ma∣ster or Pilot; who, arriving in Britain, then but a Desert, did not only live solitarily in that cold Country; and not very full of Fruits growing of their own accord, neither; but also, by the Compression of Cacodaemons (forsooth) they brought forth Giants, whose Race continued till the arrival of Brutus. They say, the Island was called Albion from * 1.16 Albine, and that * 1.17 Brutus was the Nephews Son of Aeneas, the Trojan, and the Son of Aeneas Sylvius. This Brutus having accidentally killed his Father with a Dart, it was looked upon as a lamentable and piteous Fact, by all Men; yet, because it was not done on purpose, the punishment of Death was remitted, and Banishment either enjoyned, or voluntarily underta∣ken, by him. * 1.18 This Parricide having consulted the Oracle of Diana, and having run various hazards through so many Lands and Seas, af∣ter 10 years arrived in Britain, with a great number of Followers; and by many Combats having conquered the terrible Giants in Al∣bion, he gain'd the Empire of the whole Island. * 1.19 He had three

Sons, (as they proceed to Fable) Locrinus, Albanactus, and Camber; between whom the Island was divided; Albanactus ruled over the Albans, afterwards called Scots; Camber over the Cambrians, (i. e.) the Welsh; They did both Govern their several Precincts (as Vice-roys) yet so, as that Locrinus had supreme Dominion, who, being Ruler of the rest of the Britans, gave the Name of * 1.20 Loegria to his part. Later Writers, that they might also propagate this Fabu∣lous Empire as much as they could, do make this Addition to it, That Vendelina succeeded her Father Locrinus; Madanus, * 1.21 Vendelina; Men∣pricius, Madanus; and Ebrancus, Menpricius, which later, of Twen∣ty Wives begat as many Sons; of which, Nineteen passed into Ger∣many▪ and by force of Arms conquered that Country, being assist∣ed by the Forces of their Kinsman, Alba Sylvius▪ and from those Bro∣thers the Country was called * 1.22 Germany. These are the things, which, the Brittons, and after them, some of the English, have deli∣vered concerning the first Inhabitants of Britain.

Here I cannot but stand amazed at their design, who might easily, and without any reflection at all, have imitated the Athenians, Arcadi∣ans, and other famous Nations, and have called themselve, * 1.23 Indigenae, see∣ing it would have been no disgrace to them to own that Origin, which the Noblest and wisest City in the whole World counted her Glory; especially, since that Opinion could not be refuted out of Ancient Writers; and had no mean Assertors, besides; yet, that they had ra∣ther forge Ancestors to themselves, from the Refuse of all Nations, whom the very Series of the Narration itself did make suspected, even to the unskilful Vulgar; and also none of the Ancients, no, not by the meanest suspition, did confirm. Besides, if that had not pleas∣ed them, seeing it was free for them, (as some of the Poets have Writ) to have assumed Honourable Ancestors to themselves, out of any old Books; I wonder in my heart, what was in their Minds, to make choice of such, of whom all their posterity might justly be ashamed. For what great folly is it, to think nothing Illustrious, or Magnificent but what is Profligat and Flagitious, or, at least, but a size below it; yet some there are, that value themselves, among the ignorant, upon the score of such Trifles; as for * 1.24 Iohn Annius, a Man (I grant) not unlearned, I think, he may be pardoned, seeing Poets claim a Liberty to celebrate the Original of Families, and Na∣tions, with the mixture of Figments, but 'tis not equal to allow the ••ame Privilege to those who undertake, professedly, to write an History.

To begin then farthest off: What is more abhorrent from all be∣lief, than that a few * 1.25 Girles, without the help of Men to manage their Vessel, should come from Syria, through so many Seas (which Voyage, even now adays, (when Men have attain'd, by Use and Custom, more skill in Navigation,) is yet hazardous, (thô with a brave and well-furnished Navy,) to the fag end, as it were, of the World, and into a desolate Island too; and there to live without Corn or Fruits of Trees; Yea, that such Ladies of a Royal Stock should not only barely maintain their Lives, in so cold a Climate, destitute of all things; But also should bring forth Giants; and that their Co∣pulations, or Marriages, might not seem unsuitable to their State,

that they were got with Child (would you think it?) by Caco∣daemons. As for that Diocletian, pray, at what time, and in what part of Syria, did he Reign? How comes it to pass, that Authors make no mention of him, especially since the Affairs of no Nation are more diligently transmitted to Posterity, than those of the Syrians are? How came he to be called * 1.26 Diocletian? Certainly that Name took its rise a Thousand Years after him, amongst the Barbarians, and being Originally Greek, is declined after the Latin form.

The next Accession of Nobility, (forsooth) is * 1.27 Brutus, the Parri∣cide, that he so might not, in that respect, be inferiour to * 1.28 Romulus. This Brutus, whatsoever he were, whom the Brittons make the Au∣thor of their Name and Nation, with what Forces, with what Com∣merce of Language, could he penetrate so far into Britain? Espe∣cially in Those Times, wherein the Roman Arms, even in the most flourishing State of their Commonwealth, having conquered almost all the World besides, could scarce come: For it is needless to menti∣on, how, before Rome was built, the Affairs of Italy were at a very low ebb; and how the Inhabitants thereof were averse from all Pe∣regrination and Travel. Neither need I enquire, Whether he came by Land, or Sea? The Alps, till that time, were pervious only to Hercules; and the Gauls, by reason of their connatural Fierceness, were as yet unacquainted with converse of Foreigners. As for Sea-Voyages, The Carthaginians and the Greeks inhabiting Marseilles, scarce dared to venture into the Ocean, but very late, and when things were well setled at Home; And, even then, their Voyages were ra∣ther for Discovery, than Conquest; much less can we believe, that Alban-Shepherds, a wildish sort of people, would undertake so bold an attempt. Besides, all Men, who are not ignorant of Latin, do know, that the Name of * 1.29 Brutus began to be celebrated under Tar∣quinius Superbus, almost Five Hundred Years after that Commentitious Brutus; when Lucius Iunius, a Nobleman, putting off his Native Grandeur, descended below himself, on purpose, to avoid the Cru∣elty of their Kings; And, on pretence of being Foolish, he took that new Sirname to himself, and transmitted it to his Posterity. But the Monk, who was the Forger and Deviser of this Fable of Brutus, seem∣ed to see the absurdity of the Invention, himself; yet, he thought to stop all Mens Mouths with the pretence of Religion (forsooth) in in the Case, and would have every Body think, that they obeyed the Oracle of Diana. Herein, I will not be nice in inquiry, why this Oracle of Diana was unknown to Posterity, when the Oracles of * 1.30 Faunus, (a) 1.31 of Sybilla, and the (b) 1.32 Praenestine Vaticinations, or Lots, were then in so great Credit.

I will only ask, In what Language did Diana answer? If they say, In Latin; I demand, How Brutus could understand a Language, which arose Nine Hundred Years after his time? For, seeing Ho∣race, a very Learned Man, doth ingenuously confess, That he did

not understand the (c) 1.33 Saliar Rythmes, which were made in the Reign of Numa Pompilius, How could that Brutus, who died so ma∣ny Years, before the Priests called (c) 1.34 Salii were instituted, under∣stand Verses, made long after Horace his time, as the Tenour of their Composure doth shew? Besides, how could the Posterity of Brutus, so totally forget the Latin Tongue, that not the least Footsteps of it remain'd amongst them? And whence got They that Language which they now use? Or, if it be granted, that their (supposed) Gods, as well as their Men, then spake British in Italy, yet surely it was not the Tongue the Britains now make use of; For That is so patch'd up of the Languages of the Neighbour-Nations, that several Countries may know and own their own Words therein. But if they say, That those Ancient Latins spake British, how could that Monk understand so old a Word, which was given forth 2000 Years before? But why do I prosecute these things, so particularly, see∣ing it appears by many other Arguments also, that the same Monk did forge this whole Story, and begat such a Brutus, (in his own Brain) as never was in Nature, and also devised the Oracle of Dia∣na, too. I shall add the Verses themselves, that the Vanity of such cunning Sophisters may more easily be discovered.

* 1.35 Brutus's Address to the Oracle.

Diva, potens nemorum, Terror Sylvestribus apris, Cui licet anfractus ire per aetherios, Infernasque domos: Terrestria Iura resolve▪ Et dic, quas terras nos habitare velis. Dic certam sedem, quâ te veneremur in avum, Quâ tibi Virgineis Templa dicabo choris.

Englished thus:

Goddess of Groves, and Wild-Boars chase, Who dost th' Etherial Mansions trace, And Pluto's too; Resolve this Doubt, Tell me, what Country to find out, Where I may fix, and Temples raise, For Virgin-Chores to sing thy praise.

The Oracles Answer.

Diana answers in Verses of the same kind, (so that they must needs be made by one and the same Poet) not perplexed and ambiguous ones; or, such as may be interpreted divers ways, but clear and per∣spicuous ones, wherein she promiseth That which she could never give, viz. The Empire of the whole World.

Brute, sub Occasum Solis trans Gallica regna, Insula in Oceano est, undique cincta mari. Insula in Oceano est, habitata Gigantibus Olim, Nunc deserta quidem, Gentibus apta Tuis.

Hanc pete, namque tibi Sedes erit illa perennis, Haec fiet natis altera Troja tuis; H••c de prole tuâ Reges nascentur, & illis Totius Terrae subaitus Orbis erit.

Rendred thus:

Toward the West, beyond Gauls Kingdom's Bound, An Isle there is, which th' Ocean doth Surround; An Island once inhabited by Giants fell, Now desolate, where thy Comrades may dwell; Go thither, Brutus, there's a lasting place, Another Troy for Thee, and for thy Race; Kings of Thy Stock shall there the Scepter sway, Whom the subdued World shall Obey.

I suppose, by these Verses, compared with the Histories, the whole Forgery will be discovered, and that plainly enough. For, besides the vain promises on both sides, the Rythms say, That the Island was not then inhabited but desolate, but that it was inhabited before; But where (I pray,) then were those Portentous Figments of Gog∣magog and Tentagol, and other frightful Names of Men, invented for Terrour, (shall I say,) or for Laughter, rather? What will become of those doughty Combates of Corineus, and others, the Companions of Brutus, against not the Earth-born, but Hell-born, Giants? Thus far concerning Brutus, and his Oracle.

Though these be so great Fictions, yet Posterity is so little asha∣med of them, that, but a few years ago no mean Writer amongst them, hath impudently feigned, That the Trojans spake the British Language. (d) 1.36 Homer and * 1.37 Dionysius Halicarnasseus, do easily refel the vanity of this shameless Opinion. For the one gives Greek Names to all the Trojans; the other in a long and serious Disputa∣tion, doth contend, that the Trojans were Originally Greeks? I pass by this consideration, that when Brute arrived in England with no great Train, how within the space of Twenty years he could establish Three Kingdoms; and how, they, who, all of them put together a•• first, could scarce make up the number of one mean Co∣lony, should in so short a time People an Island the biggest in the whole World, and furnish it not only with Villages and Cities, but set up in it Three large Kingdoms also; yea, who a while after, it seems, grew so numerous, that Britain could not contain them, but they were forced to Transport themselves into the large Country of Germany; where, overcoming the Inhabitants, they compelled them to assume their own Name, which was not a British, but a Latin one; and so from those Nineteen Brothers, (forsooth,) (which indeed were not properly own Brothers, as we say, for almost each of them had a several Mother,) that the Country should be called Germany. I have related this Fable, as absurd as it is, not to take the pains to refute it, but to leave it to the Germans themselves for Sport and Ridicule.

This in General concerning the Fables of the Brittons. But the intent of those who devised them, seems not very obscure to me, for that Monstrous Fiction of Devils lying with Virgins, seems to tend hereto; viz. That they might either prove an Alliance between their Brutus, and two of the greatest Neighbouring Nations; or else, that they might vye with them in the Nobleness of their Original. For the Gauls affirmed, (as Caesar hath it) that they were descended from Father Pluto; and so did the Germans, according to Tacitus. The cause of devising this Figment, concerning Brutus, seems to be alike. For seeing the (e) 1.38 Buthrotii in Epirus, other People in Sicily; The Ro∣mans, Campanians, and Sulmonenses in Italy; The * 1.39 Arv••rni, * 1.40 He∣dui, (f) 1.41 Sequani, and last of all the (g) 1.42 Francs in Gaul, did cele∣brate, I know not what, Trojans as their Founders. The Writers of British Affairs, also thought it very conducive to the advancement of the Nobility of their Nation, if they derived its Original too, from the very Archives of Antiquity, and especially from the Trojans, either because of the famousness of that City, which was praised by almost all Nations; or else, by reason of its Alliance with so ma∣ny Nations, which are said to have started up, as it were, out of the same common Shipwrack of that one Town. Neither did they think themselves guilty of any effrontery in the Falshood, if they did some∣what participate of the (feigned) Nobility, which upon the same ac∣count was common to so many Nations, besides themselves. Hence a∣rose, as I judge, the Fiction of Brutus, and other Fables of an older date, as impudently devised, as foolishly received; it will, perhaps, be enough to shew the vanity of all those things, to put the Reader in mind, that they were unknown to Ancient Writers; that when Learning flourished, they dared not peep abroad, that they were coyned in its decay, recorded by unlearned Flatterers, and entertain'd by igno∣rant, and too credulous, Persons, who did not understand the Fraud of such Cheaters. For such is the disposition of those Impostors, who do not seek the publick good by a true History, but some private ad∣vantage by Flattery, that when they seem highly to Praise, the•• they most of all deride and jeer. For what do they else, who, pre∣tending to advance the Nobility of a People, for its greater splendor do fetch it from the Skum and Riffraff of Nature? And yet, credu∣lous, (shall I say,) or not rather sottish Persons, do Pride themselves with a pretended Eminency of an Original, which none of their Neighbours will envy them for.

They also who have wrote of * 1.43 Scotish Affairs, have delivered down to us a more Creditable and Noble Origin, as they think, but no less Fabulous than That of the Britains. For they have adopted Ancestors to us, not from the Trojan Fugitives, but from those Greek Hero's, whose Posterity Conquered Troy. For, seeing in those An∣cient times, two Nations of the Greeks were most of all celebrated, the (h) 1.44 Dores and the (h) 1.45 Iones, and the Princes of the Dores were the Argivi; and of the Iones, the Athenians. The Scots make one (i) 1.46 Gathelus to be the chief Founder of their Nation, but whether he were the Son of Argus, or of Cecrops, that they leave in doubt; and that they may not be inferior on this accompt, to the eminency of the Romans, they added to him a strong Band of Robbers, with

which he going into Egypt, perform'd gallant Exploits, and after the departure (would you think it) of Moses, was made General of the Kings Forces in that Land. And that afterwards, with his Wife Scota, the Daughter of the King of Egypt, he sailed about the whole shore of Europe, adjacent to the Mediterranean Sea, and having passed through so many Countries, which were desolate in that Age, or else, inhabited but by few, and in few places, as Greece, Italy, France, (not to mention the numerous Islands of the Mediterranean Sea,) some will have him to Land at the River (k) 1.47 Iberus, but leaving that Coun∣try which he could not keep, they draw him on further to (l) 1.48 Galaecia, a Country much more Barren. Some Land him at the Mouth of the River * 1.49 Durius, being the first of all Men, as I sup∣pose, who adventured into the Ocean with a Navy of Ships; and that there he built a brave Town, which is now called from his Name Portus Gatheli, or Port a Port, whence the whole Country, which from Lusus and Lusa, the Children of Bacchus, was a long time cal∣led (m) 1.50 Lusitania, began to be called (m) 1.51 Portugal, and afterwards being forced to pass into Gallaecia, he there built Brigantia, now cal∣led Compostella; also that Braga in Portugal was built by him, at the Mouth of the River Munda.

These are the things which the Scots have fabulously wrote con∣cerning the Original of their Nation. In feigning of which, how uncircumspect they were, we may gather from hence, that they did not give a Greek Name, to that Grecian Gathelus, who was in∣deed unknown to the Greek Writers; that they allotted a Latin Name, from an Haven or Port, to the City built by him rather than a Greek one, especially in those times, when Italy it self was known to few of the Greeks; that they doubt whether he were the Son of Argus, or of Cecrops; seeing Argus lived almost an Hun∣dred years before Cecrops. That he, who had arrived at such a Fi∣gure by his Prudence, even amongst the most ingenious Persons of the World, as to enjoy the Second place to the King, and to be put in Moses, the Fugitiv's, room; and besides, being a stranger, to be honoured with the Marriage of the Kings Daughter; that he, I say, leaving the fruitfullest Region in the World, and passing by the Lands of both Continents, both to the Right and Left, and also so many Islands all fruitful in Corn, and some of them also famous for the Temperature of the Air, as Crete, Sicily, Corsica, Sardinia, (which, at that time, were rather seiz'd than cultivated, and inha∣bited by a wild sort of People,) should break out into the very Ocean, the very Name whereof was formidable, especially since Men had then but small skill in Marine Affairs; or, that he built the City of Port-Gathelus, or Port a Port, at the River Duero, the Name of which City was never heard of till the Sarazens obtain'd the Dominion of Portugal; also, that he built Braga, at the Mouth of the River Munda, seeing there is so many Miles distance between Braga and Munda; Two Rivers also being interjected betwixt them, viz. Duero and Vouga, or Vaca; and Braga it self is not altogether a Ma∣ritime place: Moreover, I may well ask, how Gathelus a Grecian, born of a Noble Family; and besides, eminent for famous Deeds, seeing he was of a most ambitious Nation, in commending his Name

to Posterity, and being conveighed with a great Train into the ex∣tream parts of the World, and as then matters stood, almost rude and barbarous, having built Towns, did not impose his own, no not so much as a Greek, Name on them. For the Name of Portugal, or, (as some will have it,) the Port of Gathel, being unknown to so many Ancient Writers, who have professedly undertook to describe the Names of Countries, and Places, began to be celebrated but about Four Hundred years ago. And the silence of all the Greeks and La∣tins, concerning the coming of Gathelus into Spain, makes it much suspected, especially since the Ancients make notable and frequent mention of the Phaenicians, Persians, Carthaginians, Iberians, Gauls, and of the Companions of Hercules and Bacchus, who came into that Country. But our Fablers, (as I judge) never read the Mo∣numents of the Ancients; if they had, seeing it was free for them to assume an Author and Founder of their Nation and Nobility, out of any of the Famous Grecians, they would never have pick'd up an Ignobler Person, for their Founder; passing by Hercules and Bac∣chus, who were Famous amongst all Nations, and whom they might have cull'd out, as well as any other, for the Original of their Race.

These are the things which our Writers have delivered, concern∣ing the Rise of our Nation, which, if I have prosecuted more large∣ly, than was necessary, it is to be imputed to them, who pertinaci∣ously defended them, as a * 1.52 Palladium dropt down from Heaven. He that considers That, will, no doubt, by reason of the obstinacy of my Adversaries, be more favorable to me. Concerning the other Nations, which came later into these Islands, and fixed their Habi∣tations there, Picts, Saxons, Danes, Normans, because their History doth not contain any Monstrous absurdity, I shall speak of them hereafter, in a fitter place.

But these two Nations (which I have mentioned,) seem to me to have deduced their Original from the Gauls, and I will give you the reasons of my Judgment therein, when I have first premised a few things, concerning the Antient Customs of the Gauls; all Gaul tho' it be fruitful in Corn, yet it is said to be, and indeed is, more fruit∣full in Men; so that, as Strabo relates, there were 300000 of the * 1.53 Celiae, only, who were able to bear Arms, though they inha∣bited but a third part of France, therefore though they lived in a fruitful Country, yet being overburthened by their own multi∣tudes, 'tis probable, that for the lessening of them, they were permitted to use * 1.54 Masculine Venery. Yet neither when by this Expedient, there seemed not provision enough made against the penury of their Soil, the company of Heads being as yet numerous and burdensome, some∣times by publick Edicts, and sometimes by private Persuasions, they sent forth many Colonies into all the neighbouring Countries, that their Multitudes at home might be exhausted.

To begin with * 1.55 Spain, They sent their Colonies so thick thither, that Ephorus, as Strabo relates, extends the length of Gaul even to the Gades or Cadiz, and indeed all that side of Spain toward the North, by the Names of the People and Nations inhabiting them, hath long witnessed a French Original. The first we meet with, are, the Celtiberi.

— Profugique a gente Vetustâ Gallorum, Celtae, miscentes nomen Iberis,

The wandring Celts in Spain their Seats did fix; And there their Names with the Iberi mix.

These did propagate their bounds so far, that, though they inha∣bited a Craggy Country, and besides not over fruitful, yet Ma••cus Marcellus exacted from them Six Hundred Talents, as a Tribute. Moreover, from the * 1.56 Celtae, or Celt••beri, the Celtici derive their Original, dwelling by the River Anas, by Ptolomy Sirnamed * 1.57 Boe∣tici; and also other * 1.58 Celts in Portugal, near to the River Anas, and if we may believe Pomponius Mela, a Spaniard, the Celts do inhabit from the Mouth of the River Duero, unto the Promontory, which they call Celticum or * 1.59 Nerium, i. e. Capo 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Terrae, but distin∣guished by their Sirnames, viz. the Groni••, Presamarci, Tamarici, Nerii, and the rest of the Gallaeci, whose Name shews their Original to be Gauls.

On the other side, there passed out of France into Italy, the (a) 1.60 Ligurians, the (b) 1.61 Libii, (c) 1.62 the Salassii, (d) 1.63 the Insubres, (e) 1.64 the Cenomani, the (f) 1.65 Boii, and the (g) 1.66 Senones, and, if we may be∣lieve some Ancient Writers, the Venetians themselves. I need not relate how large Dominions these Nations had in Italy, seeing all who are but a little versed in History, cannot be ignorant thereof, neither will I be too scrupulous in inquiring what Troopes of Gauls made their Seats in Thrace, or, leaving it, having subdued Macedo∣nia and Greece, passed into Bithinia, where they erected the King∣dom of (h) 1.67 Gallo-Graecia in Asia, seeing that matter doth not much concern our purpose.

My discourse then hastens to Germany, and concerning the (i) 1.68 Gaulish Colonies therein, we have most Authentick Evidences, C. Iu∣lius Caesar, and C. Cornelius Tacitus; the first of them in his Com∣mentaries of the Gallick War, writes, that at one time the Gauls were esteem'd more Valiant than the Germans. And therefore that the (k) 1.69 Tectosages possessed the most fruitful part of Germany about the Hercynian Forest; and the Bohemians, as the other affirms, do de∣clare by their Names, that their Founders were the (l) 1.70 Boii. And sometimes the (m) 1.71 Helvetians possessed the nearer places between the Rivers Main and Rhene, also the (n) 1.72 Decumates beyond the Rhene, were of Gallick Original, and the (o) 1.73 Gothini neer the Da∣now, whom Claudian calls Gothunni: Arrianus in the Life of Alex∣ander calls them Getini; and Flavius Vopiscus, in the Life of Probus Gautunni. But Claudian reckons even the Gothunni amongst the (p) 1.74 Getae; and Stephanus is of Opinion, that the Getes are called Getini, by Ammianus, so that perhaps the Getes themselves may acknowledge a Gallick Original, seeing it is certain, that many Gallick Nations passed over into Thrace, and there resided in that Circuit thereof, which the Getes are said to have possessed; Tacitus also writes, that

in his time, the Gothini used the Gallick Language; besides, the (q) 1.75 Cimbri, as Philemon says, and (if we believe Tacitus) the (r) 1.76 Aest••∣ones, dwelling by the Swedish Sea, where they gather Amber, did speak British, which Language was then the same with the Gall••ck, or not much different from it. There are many Footsteps of Gallick Colonies, through all Germany, which I would willingly recite, but that, what I have already alleged is enough for my purpose; viz. To shew how widely France did extend her Colonies, round about Brittain.

What then shall we say of (a) 1.77 Britain it self; which did equal those Nations neither in greatness, strength, nor skill in Military Affairs? What did she, that was so neer to the Valiantest of the Gauls, and not inferiour to the neighbour Nations, either in the mildness of the Air, or the fruitfulness of the Soil; did she, I say, entertain no Foreign Colonies? Yes, many, as Caesar and Tacitus affirm, and, as I hold, all her 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Inhabitants came from thence. For 'tis manifest, that (b) 1.78 three Nations did anciently possess the whole Island, the Brittons, Picts, and Scots, of which I will speak here∣after.

To begin then with the Brittons, whose Dominion was of largest extent in Albium: The first, that I know, who hath discovered any certainty concerning them, was C. Iulius Caesar. He thinks, that the inmost Inhabitants were (c) 1.79 Indigenae, because, after diligent en∣quiry, he could find nothing of their first comming thither; neither had they any Monuments of Learning, whence he might be infor∣med. He says, that the Maritime parts of the Island were possessed by the (d) 1.80 Belgae, whom hopes of Prey had allured thither, and the fruitfulness of the Soil, and mildness of the Air, had detained there. He thinks this a sufficient argument to confirm his Opinion, that many did retain the Names of the Cities, whence they came, and that their Buildings were like those of the Gauls.

Cornelius Tacitus, a grave Author, adds; that their Manners are not unlike, and that they are equally bold in running into Dangers, and as fearful how to get out of them; that there were great Factions and Sidings among them Both. And lastly, that Britain, in his time, was in the same State as Gaul was, before the coming of the Ro∣mans. Pomponius Mela adds further, That the Brittons used to Fight on Horseback in Chariots and Coaches, being harnessed in French Armour. Add hereto, that Bede, who lived before all those, who have wrote such Fabulous things of the Origin of the Britons, and is of greater Authority than them all, affirms; That the first Inhabitants of the Island came out of the Tract of * 1.81 Armorica. Some Grammatists of the Greeks, differ much from the above menti∣oned Authors, for they say, that the Brittons received their Names from Britannus, the Son of Celto. They assuredly agree in this, that they would derive their Original from the Gauls; of the later Au∣thors, Robertus * 1.82 Caenalis, and * 1.83 Pomponius Laetus, in the Life of Dioclesian, (an Author not to be despised) do subscribe to this Opi∣nion; both of them, as I suppose, being convinced by the Power of Truth. Yet, Both seem to me to mistake in this point, that they deduce them from the Peninsula of the Brittons, which is now called

Britany to the River Loir, especially since the Maritime Colonies of Britain, as Caesar observes, do testifie by their very Names, whence their (f) 1.84 Transportation was.

It follows, that we speak of the Gallick Colonies, sent into (g) 1.85 Ireland; I shewed before, that all the North side of Spain was possessed by Gallick Colonies. And there are many reasons assignable, why they might pass out of Spain into Ireland, for either the easie passage might be a great inducement; or else, the Spaniards, might be ex∣pelled out of their Habitations by the excessive Power and Domina∣tion of the Persians, Phaenicians, and Graecians, who, having over∣come the Spaniards, rendred them Weak and Obnoxious to their Oppression and Violence. Moreover, there were Causes amongst the Spaniards themselves, for they being a People cemented and made up of many Nations, and not well agreeing among themselves, the desire of Liberty, and the avoiding of Servitude, in the midst of Civil Wars and new Tumults, arising amongst a People that was greedy of War, might make them willing to depart: He that weighs these causes of Transmigration, will not wonder, if many of them did prefer a mean condition abroad, conjoyned with Liberty, before a Domestick and bitter Servitude, and when they were once arrived there, the State of Spain growing daily more and more Turbulent, made them willing there to abide; for sometimes the Carthaginians, and sometimes the Romans, did exercise all the Miseries of Servility upon the Conquered Spaniards, and so compelled them to avoid those Evils, by a flight into Ireland, there being no other neighbour Na∣tion into which, either in their Prosperity they might so well trans∣port their over-abounding Multitudes; or else wherein, in adversity they might find a shelter against their Calamities. Besides, the Clemency of the Air did retain them there, for, as Caesar says, the Air of Britain is more temperate than That of France. And Ireland exceeds Both in goodness of Soil, and also in an equal Temperature of the Air and Climate. Besides, Men born and educated in a barren Soil, and given to Laziness besides, as all Spaniards are, being trans∣ported almost into the richest Pastures of all Europe, no marvail, if they willingly withdrew themselves from homebred Tumults, into the bosome of a Peace beyond Sea. Notwithstanding all that I have said, yet I would not refuse the Opinion of any Nation concerning their Ancestors, provided it were supported by probable Conjectures, and ancient Testimony.

For Tacitus, upon sure Conjectures, as he thinks, doth affirm, that the West side of Britain or Albium, was inhabited by the Posterity of the Spaniards. But it is not probable, that the Spaniards should leave Ireland behind them, being a Country nearer and of a milder Air and Soil, and first Land in Albium, but rather that they first arrived in Ireland, and from thence emitted their Colonies into Britain. And that the same thing happen'd to the Scots, all their Annals do testi∣fie; and Bede, Lib. 1. doth affirm. For all the Inhabitants of (h) 1.86 Ireland were first of all called Scots, as Orosius shews; and our An∣nals relate, that the Scots passed more than once out of Ireland into Albium: First of all, Fergusius, the Son of Ferchard, being their Cap∣tain; and after some Ages, being expelled from their Habitations

they returned into Ireland; and again, under their General Reutha∣rus, they return'd into Britain. And afterwards in the Reign of Fergusius the Second, great aid of Irish-Scots were sent, who had their Quarters assigned in Gallaway. And Claudian in his time shews, That Auxiliaries were transmitted thence against the Ro∣mans; for he says,

— Totam cùm Scotus Iernam Movit, & insesto spumavit Sanguine Tethys.

The Scot all Ireland did excite, To cross the Seas, 'gainst Rome to Fight.

And in another place,

Scotorum tumulos flevit glacialis Ierne.

Whole heaps of Scots cold Ireland did lament.

But in the beginning, when both People, i. e. the Inhabitants of Ire∣land and their Colonies sent into Albium, were called Scots, that there might be some distinguishment betwixt them,* 1.87 some Scots were called Irish-Scots, others Albin-Scots; and by degrees, their Sirnames came to be their Names, so that the ancient Name of Scots was almost forgotten, and not to be retrieved from common Speech, but only from Books and Annals. As for the Name of Picts, I judge it not their Antient and Country Name, but occasionally given them by the Romans, because their Bodies were indented, as it were, with Scars, which the Verses of Claudian do shew,

Ille leves Mauros, nec falso nomine Pictos, * 1.88Edomuit, Scotumque vago mucrone secutus, Fregit Hyperboreas remis audacibus undas.

He nimble Moors, and painted Picts did tame, With far-stretch'd Sword the Scots he overcame, And with bold Oars the Northern Seas did Furrow.

And elsewhere,

Venit & extremis Legio praetenta Britannis, Quae Scoto dat froena truci, ferroque notatas Perlegit exanimes, Picto moriente, figuras.

The Legion came, the outmost Britains Guard, Which the fierce Scot did curb with Bridle hard; And Read the Marks i' th' Skins of dying Picts, Insculp'd with Iron.

(a) 1.89 Herodian also makes mention of the same Nation, but con∣cealing its Name, and says plainly, That they did paint their Bo∣dies;

but he doth not affirm, That they did it with Iron; Neither (says he) are they acquainted with the use of Apparel, but they sur∣round their Belly and their Neck with Iron, as thinking that Metal to be an Ornament and sign of Riches; as the other Barbarians do, Gold. And moreover, they mark their Bodies with sundry Pictures, and with Animals of all shapes, and therefore they will put on no Garments, lest they should hide their Paint. With what Name they call themselves, the thing is so ancient, that it is hard to deter∣mine. 'Tis certain, their Neighbour-Nations do not agree concern∣ing their Name; for the Brittons call them (b) 1.90 Pictiades; The Eng∣lish, Pichti; The old Scots, Peachti. And besides, the Names of some places, which were heretofore under the Jurisdiction of the Picts, but are now possessed by the Scots, seem to have a different Appellation from them all. For the Hills called (c) 1.91 Pentland-Hills, and the (d) 1.92 Pentland-Bay, or Firth, seems to be derived from Pen∣thus, not from Pictus. But, I verily believe, those Names were im∣posed, in after-times, either by the English, or else by the Scots, who used the English Tongue; for the Ancient Scots did neither under∣stand nor use them. As for the Name of Picts, whether the Romans Translated a Barbarous Word into a Latin one of a near sound; or, whether the Barbarians applyed a Latin Word, every one to his own Country Tone and Declension, 'tis all a case to me. Well then, be∣ing agreed of the Name, and it being confest by all Writers, That they came from the Eastern Parts into Britain; from Scythia, say some; from Germany, say others; it remains, that tracing their Foot∣steps by Conjectures, we come as near the Truth as we can. Nei∣ther do I perceive any surer Foundation of my Disquisition, than by painting their Bodies; so did the (e) 1.93 Arii in Germany, and the * 1.94 A∣gathrrsi, but it was only, that they might appear more terrible to the Enemy in War, and they did it only with the Juyce of Herbs. But seeing the Picts mark'd their Skins with Iron, and stigmatized them with the Pictures of divers Animals: The better way will be to in∣quire, What Nations, either in Scythia, Germany, or the Neighbor-Countries, did use that Custom of painting their Bodies, not for Ter∣ror, but Ornament. And, First, we meet with the (f) 1.95 Geloni, according to Virgil, of whom Claudian speaks in his first Book against Ruffinus;

Membraque qui ferro gaudet pinxisse Gelonus.

The Geloni love to Print Their Limbs with Iron Instrument.

We meet also with the (g) 1.96 Getae in Thrace, mentioned by the same Poet;

Crinigeri sedere patres, pellita Getarum Curia, quas plagis decorat numerosa cicatrix.

Skin-wearing Getes consult, with Hair unshorn, Whose marked Bodies num'rous Scars adorn.

Therefore, seeing the Geloni, as Virgil writes, are Neighbors to the Getes, and either the * 1.97 Gothunni, or Getini, according to Arr••anus, are number'd amongst the Getes; and seeing the Gothunni, as Tacitus says, speak the Gallick Language; what hinders, but that we may believe the Picts had their Original from thence?

But, from whatsoever Province of Germany they came, I think it very probable, that they were of the ancient Colonies of the Gauls, who seated themselves either on the (h) 1.98 Swedish Sea▪ or on the (i) 1.99 Da∣now. For the Men of a Gallick Descent, being counted Foreigners by the Germans, (as indeed they were) I judge their Name was used in a way of reproach, so that one word, i. e. (k) 1.100 Walsch, (with them) signifies a Gaul, a Stranger, and a Barbarian, too. So that it is very credible, That the Ancestors of the Picts, either being expell'd by their Neighbors, or driven up and down by Tempests, were easily reconciled to the Scots; yea, were befriended and aided (as 'tis re∣ported) by them, as a People allyed to Them, almost of the sam•• Language with them, and their Religious Customs not unlike. So that, it might easily come to pass, that thereupon they might mix their Blood, and, by Marriages, make a Coalition, as it were, into one Nation. For otherwise, I do not see, how the Scots, which then possessed Ireland, being a fierce and rough-hewn People, should so ea∣sily enter into an Affinity and compleat Friendship with Strangers, who were necessitous and destitute of all things, which they never saw before, and with whom they had no Commerce, in point of Laws, Religion, or Language.

But here the Authority of Bede, the Anglo-Saxon, doth somewhat obstruct my passage, who is the only Writer, that I know of, that affirms, That the Picts used a different Language from the Scots; For, speaking of Britain, he says, That It did search after, and profess the Knowledge of the highest Truth, and the sublimest Science in five Languages, the English, British, Scotish, Pictish, and Latin. But, I suppose, Bede calls five Dialects of one and the same Tongue, Five Tongues, as we see the Greeks do, in the like case: And as Caesar doth, in the beginning of his Commentaries of the Gall••ck War. For he says, That Three parts of Gaul did use different Languages and Cu∣stoms. But Strabo, though he grants that the * 1.101 Aquitans used a different Language from the other Gauls; yet, he affirms, That all the rest of the Gauls used the same Language, but with a little Va∣riation. The (m) 1.102 Scots also do not differ from the Britains in their whole Language, but in Dialect rather, as I shall shew hereafter; seeing their Speech, at present, doth so far agree, that it seems of old to have been the same, for they differ less than some Gallick Provin∣ces do, which yet are all said to speak Gaulish. And therefore other Writers give not the least suspition of a different Language; and They, as long as Both Kingdoms were distinct, as if they had been People of one Nation, did always contract Marriages one with ano∣ther; and as they were mixed in the beginning, so afterwards they carried themselves as Neighbors, and oftentimes as Friends, until the Destruction of the Picts.

Neither did the remainder of them, (who, when their Military Race was extinct, yet must needs be many) in any degree, corrupt the Scotish Tongue: Nor indeed are there any Footsteps of a Foreign Language in the Places and Habitations which they left. For all the Countries of the Picts, and many particular Places therein too, do yet retain Scotish Appellations, except a very few, who, upon the Saxon-Tongu's prevailing over our Country-Language, had German Names imposed upon them.

Neither is This to be omitted, That, before the coming of the Saxons into Britain, none of the British Nations used Interpreters to understand one another. Wherefore, seeing the Scotish, English▪ and German Writers do unanimously accord, That the Original of the (n) 1.103 Picts was from Germany; and it is also manifest, That the Gothunni, or Getini, were Colonies of the Gauls, whose Language they spoke; and that the Aestii spake British, by the Swedish, or Baltick Sea: Whence may we rather fetch the Descent of the Picts? Or, They being expell'd from their Native Habitations, Whither should they go but to their own Kindred? Or, Where were they likely to obtain Marriage-Unions, but amongst a People of Affinity with them, in Blood, Language and Manners?

But if any one deny, That the Picts were descended from the Go∣thunni, or * 1.104 Aestii, or Getae, being induc'd to that Persuasion by the great distance of those Countries from Britain; Let him but consi∣der, How many, and How great Migrations of People were made, even in all parts of the World, in those Times, wherein the coming of the Picts into Britain is recorded to have been, and also for many Ages after; and then he may easily grant, that such things might not only be done, but be done with great facility, too. The Gauls did then possess a great part of Spain, Italy, Germany, and Britain, by their Colonies; They proceeded so far as Palus Maeotis, and the Cimmerian Bosphorus, by their Depredations; and after they had wasted Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece, they fixed their Seats in Asia.

The (o) 1.105 Cimbri, * 1.106 Ambrones, and (p) 1.107 Teutones, having wasted Gaul, pierced into Italy: The Geloni, whom Virgil places in Thrace, are, by other Writers, said to dwell near to the (q) 1.108 Agathyrsi, in Scythia.

The Goth••, for a great while, an obscure Nation, yet, in a short time, like a Flood, over-ran Europe, Asia, and Africa. And there∣fore, seeing, for many Ages after, Those, who were Grandees, and more powerful than others, challeng'd to themselves the Seats of their Inferiours; the Weak, being obnoxious to the Injuries of the Strong, left their Country, which they could not keep; so that, its no great Wonder amongst the Wise, if Men, having long con∣flicted with adverse Fortune, and being tossed up and down by many Peregrinations; having, besides, no certain Habitation, did, at length, betake themselves to remote, or far distant, Countries.

Besides, we see, That the Roman Writers do place Two Ancient Nations within those Limits, which did bound the Kingdoms of the Scots and Picts, the * 1.109 Mayatae and * 1.110 A••tacottae. Of these, (I sup∣pose) the * 1.111 Mayatae, whom Dion alone, of all the Authors that I know, doth mention, were of the Picts Race, seeing he places them in the Countries nearest to the (t) Caledonian Sea; and it is certain, that the Picts did inhabit those Provinces. As for the (s) 1.112 Attacottae, it appears out of Marcellinus, That they were the Progeny of those, who, sometimes being excluded by A••rian's Wall, afterwards enlarging their Dominions unto the Wall of Severus, were comprehended within the Roman Province, because I find in a Book of the Romans concerning Camp Discipline through their Provinces, that, among the Foreign Auxiliaries, there were some Troops of the Attacottae, as well as of the Britains: Which makes me hesitate, Whether of the Two to admire in Lud, his Boldness, or his Stupidity; His Boldness, who affirms, That the Attacottae were Scots, but without any certain Author, or probable Conjecture; His Stupidity, that, in the very place of Marcellinus, cited by him, he sees not, that the Scots are plainly distinguished from the Atta∣cottae. For Marcellinus says, The Picts, Saxons, Scots, and Atta∣cottae, vexed the Britains, with perpetual Miseries. Of the same Stupidity is he guilty, when he affirms, That the Caledonii were of the Nation of the Britains; whereas, 'tis plain, they were Picts, which Lud himself doth clearly demonstrate by a Testimony out of a Panegyrick, dedicated to Constantius, which he produces against himself. For, says the Author of that Oration, The Woods of the Caledones and of other Picts; That Testimony (such was his Fol∣ly) he produces for himself, not observing, (such was his Stupi∣dity) that it makes against him. If we look to the Word it self, 'tis Scotish, for Calden in Scotch is that Tree called the Hasel, whence, I judge, came the Name of the Caledonian Woods, and the Town of the Caledonians, situate by the River Tay, which is yet called * 1.113 Dancalden, i. e. the Hasel-Hill-Town. And if I dared to indulge my self so much Liberty, as to disagree from all the Books of Pto∣lemy, for the Deucaledonian, I would write the Duncaledonian, Sea; and for the Dicaledones in Marcellinus, (w) 1.114 Duncaledones: Both the Sea and the Nation being Sirnamed from the Town, Duncalden. What I have written may satisfie any favourable Reader, yet I shall add other Testimonies, which * 1.115 C. Plinius thinks to be manifest Signs of the Originals of Nations, viz. Religion, Language, and Names of Towns.

First of all, it is manifest, That the Bond of Religion, and the Identity of Sentiment as to the (supposed) Gods, hath been always held the strictest tye of Obligation, and Allyance, amongst Nations. Now the Britains and the Gauls maintain'd the same Divine Worship, they had the same Priests,* 1.116 the Druydes, amongst them, who were in no Nation, else; whose Superstition had so besotted the Minds of both Nations, that many have doubted, which of the two (first) learn'd that sort of Philosophy, one from the other. Tacitus also says, that they had the same Sacred Rites and Superstitious Observations. And

that Tomb erected nea•• * 1.117 New Carthage, called M••rcurius Teutates, as Livy writes, doth shew, that the Spaniards, the greatest part of whom drew their Original from the Gauls, were not free from those Rites. Also, the same kind of Priests or Sacrists, called by both of them * 1.118 Bards, were in great Honour, both amongst the Gauls and Bri∣tains. Their Function and Name doth yet remain among all th••se N••••i∣ons, which use the old British Tongue: and so much Honour is gi∣ven to them, in many places, that their Persons are accounted Sa∣cred, and their Houses, Sanctuaries: Yea, in the height of their Enmities, when they manage the cruellest Wars one against another, and use their Victories, as severely; yet these * 1.119 Bards and their re∣tinue have free liberty to pass and repass, at their pleasure. The Nobles, when they come to them, receive them honourably, and dismiss them with Gifts. They make Canto's not unelegant, which, * 1.120 Rhapsodists recite, either to the better sort, or else to the vulgar, who are very desirous to hear them; and sometimes they sing them to Musical Tunes and Instruments. Many of their Ancient Customs yet remain; yea, there is almost nothing changed of them in Ireland, but only in Ceremonies and Rites of Religion. This for the present concerning their Religion. It remains now, that we speak concern∣ing their Ancient Language, and the Names of the Towns, and of their People. But these Parts, thô several, (for the most part▪) shall yet be promiscuously handled by me; because that many times one depends upon another, as its foundation; especially, sithence a proper Name, either by its Origination or Declination, doth assert, or indicate, the Country whence a Man comes: Yet, thô these things are intwisted, and do mutually confirm one another, for the Rea∣der's Instruction, I will sometime handle them, severally, as much as I can.

First of all, Tacitus in the Life of his Father-in-law, Agricola,* 1.121 doth affirm, That the Gaulish Tongue did not much differ from the British; whence I gather, that they were sometimes the same; but, by little and little, either by Commerce with Foreign Nations; or, by the Im∣portation of new Commodities, unknown before to the Natives; or, by the Invention of new Arts; or, by the frequent change of the Form of Garments, Arms, and other Furniture; A Speech, or Lan∣guage, that was very flexible of itself, might be much alter'd, some∣times augmented, sometimes adulterated, many new words being found out, and many old ones corrupted. Let a Man but think with himself, how much the Inconstancy and Humourousness of the Vul∣gar doth assume to it self, in this particular; and how ready Men are, and always were, to loath present things, and to study Innovations; he will find the judgment of the best of Poets, and the only Censor, in these Cases, to be most true,

Vt Sylvae foliis pronos mutantur in annos,* 1.122 Prima cadunt, it a verborum vetus interit aetas▪ Et, juvenum ritu, florent modò nata vigentque.

As withered Leaves fall off from Trees, And new supply their pla••es;

So Languages decay and cease, New Speech brings in new Grace's.

And a little after,

Multa renascentur quae jam cecidere, cadentque Quae nunc sunt in honore, vocabula, si volet usus, Quem penes arbitrium est, & jus & norma loquendi.

Many Words shall fall, Which now we highly prize: And Words, which now have fallen, Shall hereafter Rise; Vse, or Custom, Rules this thing, And governs Language, as a King.

'Tis true, he spake this of the Latin Tongue, which, by the great care of the Romans, was kept uncorrupted, and which all the Na∣tions contained within the large bounds of their Empire, did dili∣gently Learn. And therefore 'tis no wonder, if a Language, (even before Colonies were sent into all parts, out of Gaul,) which al∣ready had different Dialects at home; and also, was afterwards cor∣rupted by the mixture of divers Nations, being in it self too barba∣rous at first, and almost neglected by those themselves that used it; and after it again re-enter'd, from a Foreign Soil, into Britain, which was then divided into Kingdoms, for the most part, obnoxious to Strangers; 'tis no wonder, I say, if, upon all these prejudices it was not always consistent with it self. For at first, the (a) 1.123 Celtae, and the (b) 1.124 Belgae did use a different Dialect, as Strabo thinks. After∣wards, when the Celtae sent abroad great Colonies into Spain, as the Names of Celtiberi and Celtici do declare. And the Belgae made their descent into the Maritime parts of Britain, as may be collected from the Names of (c) 1.125 Venta Belgarum, of the (d) 1.126 Atrebates, and (e) 1.127 Iceni, it must needs follow, that on the one side the Spani∣ards, and on the other the Romans, the English, the Danes, and the Normans, must bring in many strange Words with them, and so corrupt the Country Speech. Yea, I rather judge it more worthy of Admiration, that the Languages of neighbouring Nations, ha∣ving been adulterated by the coming in of so many strange People, and in great part chang'd by the Speech of neighbour Counties, that yet, so long time after, the Britains should not differ in their whole Language, but only in certain Idioms and Dialects only: For, if any one of them, though of another Nations, do hear a Man speak British; yet he may acknowledge the sound of his own Language, and may understand many Words, though he do not comprehend his whole Discourse. Neither ought it to seem strange to us, if the same Words do not signifie the same things in all Nations, if we consider, what alterations Commerce with neighbouring Countries doth daily make in the Speech of all Nations; and, how much change is made by daily Conversation with Foreigners; how many new Words are coined to express things, newly invented; how many are

imported with Wares and Traffick, even from the furthest parts of the World; how many old obsolete Words are difus'd; how many are lengthned by the addition of Letters or Syllables; and how ma∣ny are shortned by contrary Decurtations; and some also new par∣geted (as it were) by mutation or transposition of Letters. I will not inquire, in how short a time, and how much, the (f) 1.128 Ionick Speech did degenerate from the (g) 1.129 Attick, and how much the other Greeks differ'd from them both. Let us but observe the Speech of the no∣blest Nations in Europe, how soon did the French, Italick, and Latin Tongues, all derived from the same Root, degenerate from the pu∣rity of the Latin; yet in the mean time, they differ no less amongst themselves, than the old Scotish and the British Tongues do. Yea, if we look over all the Provinces of France, (I mean those who are judg'd to speak true Gallick or French) what a great difference shall we find between the Inhabitants of (h) 1.130 Gallia Narbonensis, and the (i) 1.131 Gascoigners? And how vastly the (k) 1.132 Limosins, the (k) 1.133 Peri∣gordins, and the (k) 1.134 Auvergnians, though neighbours to both, yet differ from both, in their Speech? And how much the rest of the Pro∣vinces of France do differ, even from all of them? And, to come nearer home; the English Laws of William the Norman, established Five Hundred years ago, and wrote in French▪ yet now no French Man can understand them, without an Interpreter. Nay, if those old Men, who have lived long in the World, can remember, that many Words are grown obsolete, which were in use when they were Children; and what Words unheard of by our Ancestors, have suc∣ceeded in their places; they will not at all wonder, that the same Original Language, in length of time, should be changed, and seem wholly different from it self; especially amongst Nations far remote, and also often warring one against another. On the other side, when I see that concord (lasting so many Ages rather than years,) in the British Language, and that even amongst Nations, either very di∣stant one from another, or else maintaining mutual Animosities a∣gainst one another; such a concord, as is hardly to be found amongst many Tribes and People of the Gauls, who yet have long lived under the same Kings and Laws: I say, when I ponder within my self, such an agreement in Speech, which as yet preserves its ancient Affinity of Words, and no obscure markes of its Original; I am ea∣sily induc'd to believe; that, before the coming in of the Saxons, all the Britains used a Language, not much different from each other; and it is probable, that the Nations, adjoyning to the Gallick shore, used the Belgick Tongue, from whose limits a good part of the Bri∣tans, bordering on France, had made a Transmigration, as Caesar in∣forms us. But the Irish, and the Colonies sent from them, being derived from the Celtae, Inhabitants of Spain, 'tis probable, they spake the Celtick Tongue. I suppose, that these Nations returning, as it were, from a long Pilgrimage, and possessing themselves of the neigh∣bour-Seats, and almost coalescing into one People, did confound the Idioms of their several Tongues respectively; so that, it was neither wholly Belgick, nor wholly Celtick, nor yet wholly unlike to either of them: Such a mixture we may observe in those Nations, which are thought to speak the German Tongue, and yet have much de∣clined

from the ancient Phrase thereof: I mean, the Danes, the Ma∣ritime Saxons, those of Fre••sland, those of Flanders, and the English; amongst all which, 'tis easie to find some Letters, Sounds, and In∣flections, which are proper to the Germans only, and not common to any other Nation; besides, I suppose, that a surer symptom of the Affinity of a Language may be gathered from this Sound of Let∣ters; from the familiar way of each Nation in pronouncing certain Letters; and from the judgment of the Ear thereupon; and also, from the Composition and Declension of Words, than from the sig∣nification of single or particular Words. Examples hereof we find in the German Letter W, in the composition of the Words More-Marusa and Armoricus, of which, I have spoken before: And in the Declension of those Words, which amongst the Gauls, end in Ac, of which there is a vast number, which Form amongst the Scots is * 1.135 Hypocoristical, i. e. Diminutive, and so it was amongst the ancient Gauls. From Drix, which, amongst the Scots, signifies a Briar, is derived Drissac, i. e. a Briarling, or little Briar bush. And from Brix, which signifies a Rupture or Cleft, Brixac, which now the French pronounce (a) 1.136 Brisac. For what the Scots pronounce Brix, that the French call Bresche, even to this very day, there being no difference at all in the signification of the Words: The Cause of the different Writing, is, that the ancient Scots, and all the Spaniards to this very day, do use the Letter X for double SS. And therefore the old Gauls, from Brix, have called a Town of the (b) 1.137 Caenomani, (c) 1.138 Brixia; and again, from Brixia, Brixiacum, now commonly Brisac. After the like Form, Aureliacum, i. e. (d) 1.139 Orilhach, is deri∣ved from Aurelia, i. e. Orleans; and, from * 1.140 Evora, which is called Cerealis or Ebora, Sirnam'd by the Spaniards, Foelicitas Iulia, Eboracum, i. e. York, is derived; as the Brigantes have declined it, (who had their Origin from the Spaniards) retaining in the Declen∣sion thereof, the propriety of the French Tongue. Furthermore, besides those things which I have mentioned, all that Coast of Bri∣tain, which is extended to the South-West, retains the sure and manifest Footsteps of a Gallick Speech and Original, according to the clear testimony even of Foreigners themselves. First, in that Coast, there is Cornuvallia, i. e. Cornwal, as many call it, but by the Ancients 'twas called Cornavia, and, by the Vulgar, Kernico; even as in Scotland, the (f) 1.141 Cornavii, placed by Ptolemy in the most Northern District of that Country, are commonly called Kernicks; so that (g) 1.142 Cornuvallia is derived from Kernick and Valli, as if you should say Kernico-Galli, i. e. Cornish Gauls. Moreover, Vallia, i. e. Wales, another Peninsula in the same side, doth avouch its An∣cestors both in Name and Speech. They who come near in Lan∣guage to the Sound of the German Tongue, pronounce it by W, a Letter proper to the Germans only; which the rest of their neighbours, who use the old Tone, can by no means pronounce: Yea, if you should Torture them to make them pronounce it aright, yet, the Cornish, the Irish, or Highland-Scots could never do it. But the French, who call it Vallia, do always prefix G before it; and not in that Word alone, but they have many others also, which begin with G; for they, who, by reason of the Propinquity of

the Countries do Germanize, do call the French Tongue (a) 1.143 Walla; and besides, in a multitude of other Words, they use this change of Letters: On the other side, that Country which the English call Wales and North-Wales; the French call (b) 1.144 Gales and North-Gales, as yet pertinaciously insisting on the footsteps of their ancient Tongue.

But (c) 1.145 Polydore Virgil pleaseth himself with a new fancy; which, he thinks, he was the first inventer of; whereas no Man, though but meanly skilled in the German Tongue, is ignorant, that the Word Walsch signifies a Stranger or Foreigner; and, that therefore the Valli were call'd Foreigners by them; but he reckons, as we say, without his Host: For, if that Name were derived from Stranger∣ship, I think it would agree better to the Angles, or English, as an adventitious People, rather than to Those; whom, by reason of their Antiquity, many of the ancients have thought to be Indigenous: Or, if that name were imposed upon them by the English, they might with better reason have given it to the Scots and Picts, than to the Britains, because with the former they had less acquaintance and very rare Commerce: And if the English called them Valli in re∣proach, would the Brittons, (think we) who, for so many Ages, were the deadly Enemies of the English, and now made more obnox∣ious to them by this affront, own that Name? Which they do not unwillingly, calling themselves in their own Tongue * 1.146 Cumbri. Be∣sides, the Word Walsh, doth not primarily signifie a Stranger or Bar∣barian; but, in its first and proper acceptation, a Gaul. And there∣fore, in my Judgment, the Word Vallia is changed by the English from Gallia, they agreeing with other Neighbour Nations in the Name, but observing the propriety of the German Tongue in pro∣nouncing the first Letter by W, viz. Wallia. The Ancient Inha∣bitants of that Peninsula were called * 1.147 Silures, as appears out of Pliny, which Name in some part of Wales was long retained, even in succeeding Ages. But * 1.148 Leland, a Britain by Birth, and a Man very diligent in discovering the Monuments of his own Country, doth affirm, That some part of Wales was somtime called Ross, which Word in Scotland, signifies a Peninsule. But the Neighbour Nati∣ons seem in Speaking, to have used a Name or Word, which held forth the Original of the Nation, rather than One that de∣monstrated the site and form of the Country. The same hath hap∣pened in the Name Scots; For whereas they call themselves Al∣bini, a Name derived from Albium: Yet, their Neighbours call them Scoti, by which Name their Original is declared to be from the Irish, or Hibernians.

On the same side and Western Shore, follows Gallovidia, i. e. Gal∣way, which word ('tis evident) both with Scots and Welch, sig∣nifieth a Gaul, as being made up of Gallus and Wallus, part impo∣sed by the one, and part by the other.* 1.149 For the Valli or Welch call it Wallowithia. This Country yet useth for the most part its ancient Language. These three Nations comprehend all that Tract and side of Britanny, which bends towards Ireland; and they as yet retain, no mean indications, but rather deeply imprinted Marks of their Gallick Speech and Affinity; of which, the cheif is, that the

* 1.150 Ancient Scots did divide all the Nations, inhabiting Britain, into two Sorts, the one they call Gael, the other Galle or Gald, i. e. ac∣cording to my Interpretation, Gallaeci and Galli. Moreover the Gal∣laecians do please themselves with that Title, Gael, and they call their Language (as I said before) Gallaecian, and do glory in it, as the more refin'd and elegant, undervaluing the Galli as Barbarians, in respect of themselves: And though originally the Scots called the Britains, i. e. the most Ancient Inhabitants of the Island, Galli; yet custom of speaking hath by degrees obtained, that they called all the Nations, which afterwards fixed their Seats in Britain by that Name, which they used rather as a Contumelious, than a National, one. For the Word Galle or Gald signifies That amongst them, which Barbarian doth amongst the Greeks and Latins; and Walsch among the Germans.

Now at last we are come to this point, i. e. That we are to de∣monstrate the Community of Speech, and thereupon an ancient * 1.151 Affinity between the Gauls and the Britains, from the Names of Towns, Rivers, Countries, and such other Evidences. A Ticklish Subject, and to be warily handled; for I have formerly proved, that a publick Speech or Language may be altered for many Causes; for though it be not changed altogether, and at once, yet it is in a perpetual Flux, and doth easily follow the inconstancy of the alterers, by reason of a certain Flexibility, which it hath in its own Nature. The Truth whereof doth appear chiefly in those Ranks of things, which are subject not only to the Alterations of Time, but are also obnoxious to every Man's Pleasure or Arbitrement; such as are all particular things invented for the daily use of Mans Life, whose Names either grow obsolete, or are made new and refined, for very light and trivial Causes. But the Case is far different in those things, which are time-proof, and so, after a sort, are Perpetual or Eternal. As the Heavens, the Sea, the Earth, Fire, Mountains, Countries, Rivers; and also in those, which, by their Diuturnity, as far as the infirmity of Nature will permit, do in some sort imitate those per∣petual and uncorrupted Bodies; such are Towns, which are built as if they were to be Sempiternal. So that a Man cannot easily give Names to, or change the old of, Nations and Cities, for they were not rashly imposed at the beginning, but in a manner by general and deep advice and consent by their Founders, whom Antiquity did greatly Reverence, ascribing Divine Honour to them; and, as much as they could, making them Immortal. And therefore, these Names are deservedly continued, and receive no alteration without a mighty Perturbation of the whole Oeconomy of things, so that if the rest of a Language be changed, yet these are pertinaciously retained, and are never supplanted by other Names, but as it were, with unwil∣lingness and regret. And the cause of their imposing at first, con∣tributes much to their continuance. For those, who, in their Pere∣grinations, either were forced from their old Seats; or, of their own accord, sought new; when they had lost their own Country, yet retained the Name thereof, and were willing to enjoy a Sound most pleasing to their Ears; and by this umbrage of a Name, such as it was, the want of their Native Soil, was somewhat alleviated and addule'd

softned unto them, so that thereupon they judged themselves not altogether Exiles, or Travellers, far from Home. And besides, there were not wanting some Persons, who, being superstitiously inclined, did conceive an Holier and more August Representation in their Minds, than could be seen in Walls and Houses, and did sweetly hug that Image and delightful Pledge of their own former Country, with a love, more than Native. And therefore, a surer Argument of Af∣finity is taken from This sort of Words, than from Those, which, on Trivial Causes, (and oft on none at all) are given to, or taken away from, ordinary and changeable Things. For though it may casually happen, that the same Word may be used in divers Countries, yet it is not credible, that so many Nations, living so far asunder, should fortuitously agree in the frequent imposing of the same Name.

In the next place, Those Names succeed, which are derived from, or compounded of, the former Primitives. For, oft-times, the a 1.152 Si∣militude of Declination and Composition doth more certainly declare the Affinity of a Language, than the very Primitive words thereof do; for these are, many times, casually given: But the Other, be∣ing declined after one certain Mode and Form, are directed by one fixed Example, which the Greeks call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. And therefore this certain and perpetual manner of Nominal Affinity, (as Varro speaks) doth, after a sort, lead us to an Affinity of Stock, and old Commu∣nion of Language. Moreover, there is a certain Observation to be made in all Primogenious Words, from whence we may know, which are foreinly introduced, and which are Patriots. For, as the Words Philosophia, Geometria, and Dialectica, though oft used by Latin Writers, yet have scarce any Latin Word of kin to them, or derived from them, from whence they may seem to draw their Original; so, on the other side, the Words Paradisus and Gaza, are used by the Greeks; and yet it appears by this, That they are Inquiline or Forein, because they can't shew any Original, nor any Progeny, derived from them, in the Genuin Greek Tongue.

The same Observation may be also made in other Tongues, which will help us to judge, what Words are Domestick, and what are Adventi∣tious, or Forein. Let it suffice to have spoken thus much in General. Let us now propound Examples, concerning every Particular part; Where, First, we meet with those Words, which end in Bria, Briga and Brica. Strabo, in his Seventh Book, with whose Opinion Ste∣phanus concurs, says, That Bria signifies a City; to confirm their O∣pinion, they produce these Names, derived therefrom, b 1.153 Pultobria, c 1.154 Brutobria, d 1.155 Mesembria, and e 1.156 Selimbria. But the place by them called Brutobria, by others is named Brutobrica; and the places, which Ptolemy makes to end in Briga, Pliny closes with Brica; so that, 'tis probable, f 1.157 That Bria, Briga and Brica, signifie the same thing. But that they all have their Original from Gaul, appears by this, That the Gauls are reported, anciently, to have sent forth Colonies into Thrace and Spain, and not They into Gaul; and therefore, amongst proper Classick Authors, we usually read the Words following.

• ...g 1.158 Abobrica in Pliny, in the Circuit of Braga.
• Amalo-brica in the Itinerary of the Emperor Antoninus.
• ...h 1.159 Arabrica, Pliny, in the Bracarens••an Circuit also.
• ...i 1.160 Arabrica another, Ptolemy, in Lusitania, or Portugal.
• ...k 1.161 Arcobrica, Ptolemy, amongst the Celtiberians, i. e. New-Castillians.
• ...l 1.162 Arcobrica another, Ptolemy, amongst the Lusitanian-Celticks.
• ...m 1.163 Arcobrica a Third, in the * Caesar-Augustan-Province.
• ...n 1.164 Artobrica, Ptolemy, in the * 1.165 Vindilici's Country.
• ...o 1.166 Augustobrica, Pliny, and Ptolemy, in Portugal.
• ...p 1.167 Augustobrica another, Ptolemy, in the * 1.168 Vecton's Country.
• ...q 1.169 Augustobrica a Third, Ptolemy, in the * 1.170 Pelendon's Country.
• Axabrica, Pliny, of the Lusitanicks.
• ...r 1.171 Bodobrica, in the Itinerary of Antoninus, and in the Book of the Knowledge of the Roman Empire, in High-Germany.
• ...s 1.172 Brige, in the Itinerary of Antoninus, in Britany.
• Brige, in Strabo, a Town by the (1) 1.173 Cottian Alps.
• Bruto-brica, in Strabo, between the (2) 1.174 Turduli and the River (3) 1.175 Boetis.
• ...u 1.176 Caeliobrica, Ptolemy, of the Celerini, i. e. People in Portugal.
• Caesarobrica, Pliny, in Portugal, also.
• Catobrica, of the x 1.177 Turduli, in the Itinerary of the Emperor Anto∣ninus.
• Corimbrica, Pliny, in Portugal, if I mistake not, corruptly for Conim∣brica, of which mention is made in the Itinerary of Antoninus, which City, as yet, keeps it ancient Name, by the River Munda, in Por∣tugal.
• Cotteobria, Ptolemy, in the y 1.178 Vecton's Country.
• Deobrica, Ptolemy, among the Vecton's, also.
• ...z 1.179 Deobrica, another, Ptolemy, of the a 1.180 Autrigones.
• Deobricula, Ptolemy, of the b 1.181 Morbogi.
• Dessobrica, not far distant from c 1.182 Lacobrica, in the Itinerary of Anto∣ninus.
• ...d 1.183 Flavio-Brica, Pliny, at the Port d 1.184 Amanus. Ptolemy, in the Au∣trigons, calls it Magnus, but I know not whether Magnus, ought to be writ in Pliny, or no.
• ...e 1.185 Serabrica in the f 1.186 Scalabitan Province, which Pliny writes Iera∣brica.
• ...g 1.187 Iuliobrica, in Pliny, and in the Itinerary of Antoninus, of the Cantabrians, or Biscainers, heretofore called Brigantia.
• ...h 1.188 Lacobrica, in the i 1.189 Vaccaeans Country, in Pliny, Ptolemy, and Fe∣stus Pompeius.
• Lacobrica, at the k 1.190 Sacred Promontory, in Mela.
• ...l 1.191 Lancobrica, of the m 1.192 Lusitanick Celts, Ptolemy.
• ...

• ...n 1.193 Latobrigi, near to the Svitzers, Caesar.
• ...o 1.194 Medubrica, Sirnamed Plumbaria, by Pliny, in Portugal; this, if I mistake not, is called Mundobrica, in the Itinerary of Antoninus.
• ...p 1.195 Merobrica, Sirnamed Celtica, in Portugal; Pliny, and Ptolemy.
• ...q 1.196 Mirobrica, in the Country of the r 1.197 Oretani.
• ...s 1.198 Mirobrica, another in t 1.199 Beturia, or, in the Country of the u 1.200 Tur∣ditani Boetici, Pliny, and Ptolemy.
• ...x 1.201 Nemetobrica, in the Country of the Lusitanick Celts, Ptolemy.
• ...y 1.202 Nertobrica, in the Turduli's Country of Boetica, Ptolemy.
• ...z 1.203 Nertobrica, another, in the a 1.204 Celtiberians Country, Ptolemy, which, in the Itinerary of Antoninus, is called Nitobrica.
• ...b 1.205 Segobrica, in the Celtiberians Country, Pliny, but Ptolemy counts it the Head City of Celtiberia.
• ...c 1.206 Talabrica, in Lusitania, Pliny and Ptolemy.
• ...d 1.207 Turobrica in the Celts Country of Boetica, Pliny.
• ...e 1.208 Tuntobrica amongst the f 1.209 Bracarean Gallaeci, Ptolemy.
• Vertobrica, Sirnamed Concordia Iulia, Pliny, in the Celt-Beticks Country.
• Volobrica, of the g 1.210 Nemetes, Ptolomy.

Very many Names of Towns, and Nations, seem to belong to this Class, in all the Provinces, into which the Gauls distributed Colonies; For, as Burgundus and Burgundio seem to be derived from Burgo; so doth Brigantes from Briga. The Nominative Case of this word, in Stephanus, is Brigas, whence we decline Brigantes; as we do Gi∣gantes, from Gigas. The Brigantes, according to Strabo, are situate by the Cottian Alps; and, in the same Tract, is the Village, or Town Brige. And the h 1.211 Brigiani, in the Trophy of Augustus, are rec∣koned amongst the Alpin Nations. i 1.212 Brigantium, is an Alpine Town; and the Brigantii, are in the Country of the * 1.213 Vindelici, accor∣ding to Strabo; and Brigantia, in the Itinerary of Antoninus; And the Mountain k 1.214 Briga, (Ptolemy) is near the Fountains of the Rohsne and the Danow. Also Brigantium in Rhaetia, (Ptolemy) is the same Town, I suppose, which in the Book of the Knowledge of the Provinces of the People of Rome, is called Brecantia, and the l 1.215 Brigantine Lake. And in Ireland, are the m 1.216 Brigantes, Ptolemy: The Brigantes also are in Albium, Ptolemy, Tacitus, and Seneca. And the Town Brige, or Brage, and Isobrigantium, in the Itinerary of Antoninus. And the Town n 1.217 Brigantium, in Orosius, by the o 1.218 Celtick Promontory, and Fla∣viobrigantium, or Besanzon, in Ptolemy, in the * 1.219 Great Port: And a later Brigantia, i. e. Braganza, now in the Kingdom of Portugal.

There is also another Class or Rank of Words, which do either begin in * 1.220 Dunum, or end therewith, which is a Gallick Word, as appears by those Heaps of Sand of the Morini, as yet called Duni, or the Downs; and those other Heaps of Sand in the Sea over against them in the English Shore, which retain the same Name of Downs. Yea, Plutarch, (I mean, He, who wrote the Book of Rivers) in

declaring the Original of Lugdunum, i. e. Lions, acknowledges Du∣num to be a Gallick Word. And indeed in expressing the Names of Villages and Towns, there is scarce any one Word or Termination, more frequent than That, amongst the Nations, who yet preserve the old Gallick Tongue almost intire; I mean, the Brittons in * 1.221 Gallia Celtica; and the * 1.222 Ancient Scots in Ireland and Albium; and the Valli or Welch; the Kernicovalli, or Cornish, in England; for there is none of those Nations, which do not challenge that Word or Ter∣mination for their own; only here is the difference, That the old Gauls did end their Compound Words with Dunum, but the Scots ordinarily place it in the beginning of Words; of this sort, there are found,

In France.

a 1.223 Augustodunum of the Aedui or Burgundians.

b 1.224 Castellodunum, of the Carnotensian Province, i. e. of Chartres.

c 1.225 Melodunum, by the River Sequana, or Sein.

d 1.226 Lugdunum, at the Confluence of the Rivers Arar and Rhosne.

Augustodunum, another Autun, of the Arverni, or Anvergneois and Clermontians, Ptolemy.

e 1.227 Lugdunum, of the Conveni, or Comingeois, near the River Garon; Ptolemy.

f 1.228 Novidunum, in the * 1.229 Tribocci's Country, Ptolemy.

g 1.230 Vxellodunum, in Caesar.

h 1.231 Iuliodunum in the Pictons Country, i. e. Poictiers.

Isodunum, and i 1.232 Regiodunum, of the Bituriges, i. e. Inhabitants of Berry.

Laodunum or Laudunum in the County of Rhemes.

k 1.233 Caesarodunum, (Ptolomy) of the Turones, i. e. Tourenois.

l 1.234 Segodunum, of the * 1.235 Ruthenians, Ptolemy.

m 1.236 Velannodunum, (or St. Flour) in Caesar.

In Spain.

n 1.237 Caladunum, Ptolomy, of the Bracari, or Braganzians.

o 1.238 Sebendunum, Ptolemy.

In Britain.

p 1.239 Camulodunum, of the * 1.240 Brigantes Country, Ptolemy.

q 1.241 Camulodunum, a Roman Colony, Tacitus.

r 1.242 Dunum, a Town of the Durotriges, or Dorsetshire Men. Pto∣lemy.

Maridunum, i. e. Carmarthen, of the s 1.243 Demetae, Ptolemy, and the Itinerary of Antoninus.

Rigodunum, of the Brigantes, Ptolemy, i. e. Ribchester in Lanca∣shire.

Cambodunum, in the Itinerary of Antoninus, i. e. R••ines near Al∣monbury in Yorkshire.

Margidunum, in the same Itinerary, i. e. Marg••doverton in Lei∣cestershire, near Belvoir Castle; or, as some, Leic••st••r it self.

Sorviodunum, or Sorbiodunum, in the same Itinerary; i. e. Old Sarum in Wiltshire.

Segodunum, i. e. Seton in Northumberland; and Axelodunum, i. e. Hexam, in Northumberland also, in the Book of the Notitia Roman•• Imperii, or Knowledge of the Roman Empire, &c.

Later Towns in England.

Venantodunum, i. e. Huntingdon.

Dunelmum, i. e. Durham.

In Scotland.

Duncaledon, called also Caledonia, i. e. Dunkelden.

Deidunum, i. e. Dundee, or rather Taodunum, by the River Tay.

Edinodunum, which Word the Ancient Scots do yet retain, but they who Germanize, had rather call it Edinburgh.

Dunum, a Town in Ireland, called Down.

Noviodunum or New Down, i. e. Dunmoore Castle in Coval.

Brittannodunum, i. e. Dumbritton or Dumbarton, at the Conflu∣ence of the Clyde and Levin.

And at this day there are abundance of Names, of Castles, Vil∣lages and Hills derived therefrom.

In Germany, these Names are read in Ptolemy.

Lugdunum, i. e. Leyden; Segodunum, i. e. Nurinburgh; Taro∣dunum, i. e. Friburgh; Robodunum, i. e. Brin; Carrodunum, i. e. Crainburgh.

In the Alps Country.

a 1.244 Ebrodunum and b 1.245 Sedunum.

In the Vindelici or Bavarians Country, in * 1.246 Rhaetia, the Grisons Country, and Noricum.

c 1.247 Cambodunum, d 1.248 Corrodunum, e 1.249 Gesodunum, f 1.250 Idunum and g 1.251 No∣viodunum; and in the Book of knowledge of the Roman Empire, h 1.252 Parrodunum.

In Sarmatia and Dacia, according to Ptolemy.

i 1.253 Corrodunum, k 1.254 Singindunum, by the Danow; Noviodunum at the Mouth of the Danow; also another l 1.255 Noviodunum.

And there are, in the same Provinces, not a few words declined from * 1.256 Dur, which among the old Gauls and Brittons signifies Water, and as yet retains the same signification amongst some, as there are

In France.

Durocotti in the Rhemish Circuit, Ptolemy; we read them also called Durocorti; Moreover, Caesar makes mention of m 1.257 Divodurum, of the n 1.258 Mediomatrices. Tacitus, Divodurum, near Paris; in the Itinerary of Antoninus, o 1.259 Batavodurum amongst the Batavi, Ptolemy, Tacitus. p 1.260 Breviodurum in the Itinerary of the Emperor Antoninus. q 1.261 Gannodu∣rum in Ptolemy near the Rhine. r 1.262 Gannodurum in the Helvetians Country, Ptolemy. s 1.263 Octodurum, or Octodorus, amongst the t 1.264 Veragri, Caesar.

In Rhaetia, the Vindelicis's Country, and Noricum.

a 1.265 Bragodurum, b 1.266 Carrodurum, c 1.267 Ebodurum, d 1.268 Gannodurum, and Octodurum, Ptolemy. Venaxamodurum and e 1.269 Bododurum, in the Book of the Knowledge of the Provinces.

In Spain.

Octodurum, and f 1.270 Ocellodurum, Ptolemy: The River g 1.271 Durius flow∣ing into the Ocean, and h 1.272 Duria into the Mediterranean Sea, and, in Ireland, the River i 1.273 Dur; Ptolemy.

In Britain.

k 1.274 Durocobrivae, l 1.275 Duroprovae, m 1.276 Durolenum, n 1.277 Durovernum, o 1.278 Du∣rolipont, p 1.279 Durotriges, q 1.280 Durocornovium, r 1.281 Durolitum, s 1.282 Duronova∣ria, t 1.283 Lactodurum.

Perhaps the two Alpine Rivers, Doria the Greater and the Less (the one running into the Po, by the u 1.284 Salassians Country; the other, by the Piemonteis) do belong to the same Original; And al∣so x 1.285 Issidorus, and y 1.286 Altissidorus, Cities of France, so called (as I judge) from their situation near Rivers. To which Dureta may be referred, which word, in Spanish, signifies a Wooden Throne, as Suetonius writes, in the Life of Augustus; The like may be said of Domnacus, the proper Name of a Man in Caesar, which seems to be corrupted from Dunacus; For Dunach may signifie Dunan, and Du∣nensis both; as Romach doth, Romanus▪ Dunacus, or rather Dunachus, is yet used for the proper Name of a Man, which, those who are ig∣norant of both Tongues, the Latin and the British, do render (but amiss) sometimes Duncan, sometimes Donat.

* 1.287 The word Magus, also in all the Provinces, in which the Publick use of the Gallick Tongue obtained, is very frequent in expressing the Names of Cities; which shews that it was of a Gallick Original. But of the Derivatives from it, we may rather guess, than affirm for certain, that they were wont to signifie a House, City, or such like Building. We read in the Book of Knowledge of the Em∣pire of the People of Rome, the Prefect of the z 1.288 Pacensian Levies, in Garison at Magi; and also in the same Book, the Tribune of the

second Cohort placed at Magni; We read also of Magni in the Itine∣rary of Antoninus, I dare not positively assert, whether it be one Town, or many. But I incline, of the Two, rather to think, that they were sundry Towns.

Towns ending in Magus are These, a 1.289 Noviomagus, in Ptolemy, amongst the b 1.290 Santons; Noviomagus of the c 1.291 Lexovi; Novioma∣gus of the d 1.292 Vadecassii; Noviomagus, of the e 1.293 Nemetes; Novioma∣gus of the Tricassini; f 1.294 Noviomagus of the g 1.295 Bituriges; h 1.296 Iuliomagus of the i 1.297 Andegavi; k 1.298 Rotomagus of the Venclocassi; l 1.299 Caesaromagus of the m 1.300 Bellovaci; Rotomagus of the n 1.301 Nervii; o 1.302 Borbetomagus of the Van∣giones in High Germany; Vindomagus of the p 1.303 Volci Arecomici. Also in the Itinerary of Antoninus, q 1.304 Argentomagus; and in High Germany, Noviomagus. In the Book of the Knowledge of the Roman Empire; Noviomagus of Belgica Secunda; in Rhaetia, r 1.305 Drusomagus, Ptolemy. In Britain, in the Itinerary of Antoninus, s 1.306 Caesa••omagus; t 1.307 Sitoma∣gus; u 1.308 Noviomagus of the x 1.309 Regni; y 1.310 Vacomagi; z 1.311 Magiovinium; Vicomagi, part of the Picts Country. Ptolemy.

There are also other Names of Places, common to many of these Nations, but not so frequently used, nor so much dispersed as the former; such as are Hibernia, i. e. a 1.312 Ireland, amongst the Romans, the Name of an Island, called by Pomponius Mela, Ptolemy and Iu∣venal, Iuverna; by Strabo, Claudian, and the Inhabitants thereof, Ierna. That which some call the Nerian Promontory, Strabo calls Ierne; Iernus, or Iern, a River of Gallaecia, Mela calls it Ierna; b 1.313 Iernus, is also a River of Ireland: In Ptolemy, 'tis reckoned a River of c 1.314 Scotland, falling into Tay. Another of the same Name glides through Murray; the Country adjacent to both is called d 1.315 Ierna.

We read of the City e 1.316 Mediolanum, in Ptolemy; as one f 1.317 Insubrum, of the Santones; another of the g 1.318 Aulerci Eburaici; another by the Loir, i. e. Menu; a fourth by Sequana, or the Sein, (now as I think) named Meulan, or Melun; another in High Germany, called h 1.319 Alci∣burgum; another by the i 1.320 Danow; another in k 1.321 Britain, of which mention is made in the Itinerary of Antoninus.

Also Marcolica, a Town in Spain; l 1.322 Macolica, in Ireland; Vaga, a River in Portugal; and m 1.323 another of Wales in England. n 1.324 Avo, in Mela, Avus, in Ptolemy, a River of Galaecia, as yet retains its Name. In Argyle, there is also a River of the same * 1.325 Name, flowing out of the Lough Awe. The Promontorium Sacrum, one is in o 1.326 Spain, another in p 1.327 Ireland. q 1.328 Ocellum is a Promontory in Britain; r 1.329 Ocel∣lum

is also in Gallaecia, in the Luce••sian District; s 1.330 Ocelli are Moun∣tains in Scotland; t 1.331 Ocellum is the last Town of Gallia Togata, Caesar mentions u 1.332 Vxellum, a Town in Britain, perhaps for Ocellum; for Martianus, in explaining the Ancient Names of the Cities of Gallia, says, that the Word is variously writ, Ocellum, Oscela, and Oscellium; hence perhaps comes x 1.333 Vxellodunum, which is also sometimes writ Vxellodurum. So there is y 1.334 Tamar, a River of Gallaecia, Ptolemy; Tamaris, in Mela; Tamarici, a People of Gallaecia; the River Tama∣rus, Pliny; and z 1.335 Tamara, a Town in Britain▪

a 1.336 Sars, a River of Gallaecia, Ptolemy; b 1.337 Sarcus in Scotland, Mela.

c 1.338 Ebora, a Town of Portugal, called L••b••ralitas Iulia, in Pliny and Ptolemy; d 1.339 Ebura; that which is Cerealis in Boetica, in Pliny is Ebora; Ptolemy mentions * 1.340 * 1.341 Aulerci Eburaici in Gallia Celtica; and al∣so Eboracum, i. e. York, of the British Brigantes.

Deva, now Dee, a River of England; and three in Scotland, so called, one in Galway, another in Angus, the third divides Merne from Marr.

The * 1.342 Cornavii in England, are in the farthest part of the West, in * 1.343 Scotland, they are the farthest North. Both of them are now called Kernici; there seems also to have been a third sort of Kernici in Scotland, at the Mouth of the River Avennus, or Even, which is the boundary between the Coasts of Lothian and Sterling. For Bede makes the Monastery of Abercorn to be at the end of Severus his Wall, where now the Ruins of the Castle of Abercorn do appear. Aven is often read, a River both of England and Scotland. Aven in Scotish, and Avon in Welsh, signifies a River.

Of the Three * 1.344 Nations which first inhabited this Island, after the coming of Caesar, the Britains were Subject to the Emperors of Rome successively, little less than Five Hundred years; but the Scots and Picts were under the subjection of their own Kings. At length, when all the Neighbouring Nations did conspire for the Destruction of the Romans, they recalled their Armies from their most remote Provinces, to maintain their Empire at home. And by this means, the Britains, being destitute of Foreign Aid, were miserably vexed by the Scots and Picts; insomuch, that they craved Aid of the * 1.345 Saxons, which then infested the Seas with a Pyratical Navy. But that pro∣ject cost them dear. For the Saxons having repelled the Picts and Scots, being tempted by the fertility of the Country, and the weak∣ness of the Inhabitants, aspired to make themselves Masters of the Island. But after various Successes in War, seeing they could not arrive at what they aimed at by Force, they resolved to accost the Britains by Fraud. Their Stratagem was this. There being a Con∣ference or Treaty, agreed upon at a set Day and Place, between the Nobles of both Parties; The Saxons having a sign given them by Hengist their Captain, slew all the * 1.346 British Nobility, and drove the common People into Rugged and Mountainous Places; so that they themselves possessed all the Champain, and divided the fruitfulest part of the Island between them, into Seven Kingdoms. This was the State of Affairs in Britain, about the year of Christ 464. And whereas three German Nations did originally undertake Expediti∣ons into Britain, the other two, by degrees, passed into the Name

of English-Men. But the Peace made with the Brittons, nor with the English amongst themselves, was never faithfully observed; About the year of our Lord 317, * 1.347 the Danes, being powerful at Sea, did first molest England with pyratical Incursions, but being Valiantly repulsed, about Thirty three years after they came with greater Forces, and made a descent into the Country with a Land Ar∣my. At the first conflict they were Victors, but afterwards they contended with the English, with various Successes, till in the year 1012. Swain, having wholly subdued the Britains, by their publick Consent, obtained the Kingdom, which yet remain'd but a few years in his Family. For the Saxons having again Created Kings of their own Nation, about Twenty four years after, were overcome by * 1.348 William the Norman, most of their Nobility being Slain, and their Lands divided among the Normans, by which means the common People were kept in a miserable Slavery, till Henry the Sevenths time, who, easing part of their burden, made the condition of the Com∣monalty a little more Tolerable. But those which are in favour with the King, or would seem to be truly Illustrious and Noble, derive their whole Sept from the Normans.

These are the discoveries which I have been able to make, out of ancient Writings, and other, no obscure, Indications, concerning the Original, Customs, and Language of the Three Ancientest Nati∣ons in Britain; all which do induce me to believe, that the old Bri∣tains, and the other Inhabitants of Britain, were derived from the Gauls, and did originally use the Gallick Speech; of which many Footsteps do manifestly appear, both in France and Britain. Nei∣ther ought it to seem strange, if, in a Language which admits of a change each moment of our Life, many things receive different Names in divers places, especially in a such a Longinquity of time; ye••, we may rather admire, that the same Foundations of a Lan∣guage, (that I may so speak,) and the same manner of Declension and Derivation, doth yet continue amongst a People, so far remote one from another, and so seldom agreeing together in converse of Life; yea, oft being at mortal fewds one with another.

Concerning the other * 1.349 Three Nations, the Angles, Danes, and Normans, we need make no solicitous Inquiry; seeing the Times and Causes of their coming are known almost to all. But I have entred upon this task, that I might restore Us to our Ancestors, and our Ancestors to Us; if I have performed this well, I have no reason to Repent of a little Labour, though spent in none of the greatest con∣cerns; if not, yet, they who concur not with me in Opinion, can∣not (I beleive) disallow or blame my Good-Will. And * 1.350 I am so far from grudging or taking it ill, to have what I have Written re∣futed, that if any Man can discover greater certainty, and reduce me from my mistake, I shall return him great▪ Thanks for his Pains.

I had resolved to put an end to this disquisition, concerning the Original of the Nations of Britain, if * 1.351 Lud had not called me back, even against my Will, who maintains, That the Scots and the Picts came but lately into Albium. Though I might, without any Offence, pass by the empty vanity of the Man, joyned with his Ignorance;

yet, lest the Faction of Unlearned ones, should too much Pride themselves with such a Patron, I thought fit, in a few Words, to convince the obstinacy of the Man, and that principally from those Arguments and Witnesses, which he himself produceth against us.

First, I will speak concerning his manner of Reasoning, and after∣wards of the Matter it self.

Iulius Caesar, (says he,) and Cornelius Tacitus, Writers of so great diligence; as also Suetonius, Herodian, and other Romans, who have wrote of British Affairs, have, in no part of their Works, made men∣tion of Scots or Picts, and therefore doubtless, they had no Seats in Britain, in that Age. Wilt thou accept of this condition, Lud, that what Nation no Ancient Writer hath mentioned, never any such Nation was? If you embrace this Motion, see how many Nations you will exclude from their Beings in one or two lines? How great a Table of Proscriptions will you make? Yea, What great Persons will you proscribe, Brutus, Albanactus, and Camber? What Nations will you wholly eradicate, the Loegri, the Cambri, the Albani, ac∣cording to thy Postulatum, who art a Tyrant in History, and Gram∣mar both, as declining Albanus from Albanactus. But if that Con∣dition proffered, do not please.

— Quia tu Gallinae Filius albae, Nos viles pulli, nati infaelicibus ovis.

Because you are the Favorite of Fate, But we're condemn'd to a low base State.

I will propound another to you, and such an one too, as you ought not, and (I think) dare not, refuse. There is a certain kind of probation out of Fragments, out of which, if you a little harden your Forehead, you may prove any thing. I am the more inclined to make use of this way of Proof, because you seem to love it most of all, as proving (forsooth) out of a Fragment, known (I beleive) to thy self alone, that an innumerable Multitude of the Cimbri went forth to destroy the Roman Empire; I will therefore shew you out of a Fragment, that the Scots and Picts were in Britain before Vespa∣sian's Reign, which you deny. In that Book to which you have given the Title of Fragmentum Britannicae Descriptionis, i. e. A Frag∣ment of the Description of Britain; I think, especially for this Rea∣son, because you thought your self to have sufficiently proved, out of one of the two Fragments, that the Island was rather to be called Pritania, than Britannia; and out of the other, that you had dis∣gorged such a multitude of Cimbri, as were enough to Conquer all Britain: For this cause, you thought that your Fragment would get credit enough on that single account. In that Book, you write▪ that the Name of Scots and Picts, together with the Franks and English, or Angles, were well known to the Roman World, and as a Witness of this Opinion, (a meet one indeed,) he produced * 1.352 Ma∣mertinus in the Panegyrick dedicated to Maximinianus, which witness, if I understand him a right, makes against Lud. For Mamertinus,

speaking of the first coming of Iulius Caesar into Britain, hath these Words; Moreover the Nation, as yet rude and dwelling in Britain, ac∣customed to none but the Arms of the Picts and the Hiberns, or Irish, their half naked Enemies, did easily yeild to the Arms and Ensigns of the Romans. See, I pray, what Lud would infer out of this Testimony; First, that the Brittons alone did then inhabite the Island. Next, that the People there Named Hiberni or Irish, were afterward called Scots; but the Author of the Panegyrick doth assert neither of the two. For he affirms, that before the coming in of Caesar, the Britons waged War against the Scots and Picts, of the British Soil, i. e. Enemies dwelling in the British Soil, so that Soli Britanni, is the Genitive not Nominative Case; the other, he falsly assumes to himself; for I think, I have sufficiently demonstrated out of Paulus Orosius a Spa∣niard, and Bede an English Man, that all the Inhabitants of * 1.353 Ireland were anciently called Scots, and then at length, when they sent Co∣lonies into Albium, the Name of Scots was almost extinguished at home, and began to grow famous abroad: In another place, he contends, that the Caledonii were called Britons, grounding his as∣sertion on no other Argument, than that he finds they were called Britains, which is a Name common to all who inhabit the same Island. But I have shewed before, out of the place of the Panegy∣rick, quoted by him, that the Caledonians were Picts, * 1.354 Marcellinus affirms the same thing, who says, that there are two sorts of Picts, the Dicaledones, or, (as I think it ought to be writ,) the Duncale∣cones, and the Vecturiones. But the Caledonii or Caledones dwelt in Britain before the Reign of Vespasian, neither were they unknown to the Romans, as Lucan plainly shews, who died in Nero's time.

Aut vaga cùm Tethys Rutupinaque littora fervent, Vnda Caledonios fallit turbata Britannnos.

When raging Seas on Sandwich shores do beat, The troubled Waves do British Caledons cheat.

But why do I trouble my self to procure Foreign Testimonies, seeing we have a clear and nicking one at home, I mean Bede, the Writer of the Ecclesiastical History of England, for he takes notice of the Order, and almost of the very Moments, of time, wherein Foreign Nations passed over into Britain. These are his Words in his First Book.

First of all, the Island was inhabited by Brittons, whence it hath its Name, who from the Armorick Tract, as it is re∣ported, being wafted over into Britain, possessed the South-parts thereof, and having seized upon the greatest part of the Island, be∣ginning from the South, it hapned that the Nation of the Picts, coming (as 'tis reported) out of Scythia, and entring into the O∣cean, with long Ships, or Gallies, but not many, by stress of Wind and Weather, were driven beyond all the bounds of Britany into Ireland; and a little after, Wherefore the Picts coming into Britain, begun to seat themselves in the North parts of the Island: The Southern being possessed by the Brittons:

And at length, after a few lines interposed, he adds, In process of time, Britany after the Brit∣tons

and the Picts, took in a third Nation of the Scots, as part of the Picts. Then, after many passages, he subjoins; But the same Britanny was ••••accessible and unknown to the Romans, until the time of C. Julius Caesar. Whosoever thou art, who readest these passages▪ observe, I pray, Whence, at What time, and in What order, this Autho••, much more ancient and grave than Lud, doth affi••m, that these Na∣tions entred Britain, to wit, that the Brittons, from the Armorick Tract entred first, but the time not certain. That the Picts, out of Scythia, came next into those parts of Britain, which were yet void of Inhabitants, and that not long after the entrance of the Brittons, who were not as yet increased into such a multitude, as to be able to inhabit the whole Island. What then becomes of the Scots? When came they into Britain? In process of time, says he, viz. The Picts granting them the uninhabited Seats in their Districts, they came last to the former two. So the Brittons, as Bede affirms, came into this Island out of Armorica in France, and, not long after, the Picts out of Scythia; both of them seized on the vacant and unin∣habited places, at last, the Island being divided betwixt them, the Scots entred not by force, but were admitted into the Portion, and Lot of the Picts, and that long before Britain was known to the Romans. Here, How will you deal with Lud? Who produces Gildas and B••de, as witnesses to his Fables, viz. That the Scots and the Picts did first of all fix their Habitations in Britain, in the Reign of the Roman Emperor Honorius, in the year of Christ ••20, of which two, Gildas makes nothing for him; and Bede doth evidently con∣vince him of Falshood. But let the Reader beleive neither Lud nor M••, but his own Eyes; and let him diligently weigh the Places of each Writer; but (says he) Dion calls the Caledonians, Britanni; I grant he doth so, so doth Lucan, and also Martial, in that Verse,

Quinte Caledonios Ovidi visure Britannos;

The Caledonians, which in Britain▪ be, Quintus Ovidius is about to see.

But none of them therefore, deny them to be Picts; yet they have good reason to call them Britains: For, as the whole Island is called Britanny, so all its Inhabitants are deservedly called Britains. For all the Inhabitants of the Isle of Sicily are generally called by the Romans, Sicilians, without any difference, though they themselves call one another, some Sicilians; other Siciliotes; so the possessors of Britany are, by Foreigners, all called Britains; but they them∣selves oft call the ancient Inhabitants Brittons, and the other Nati∣ons living therein, sometime by the private Names of the Coun∣tries, whence they came, and sometimes by the common Name of Britains. Wherefore the * 1.355 Caledonians, Picts and Scots, are some∣times called, each Nation by its own Name, yet all of them, not seldom, by the general term, Britains. But Brittons, of which I have spoken, no Man ever gave them that appellation.

There is also another difference amongst them, to be observed in the Word Britannia; as there is amongst the Greeks and Latins in the Word Asia. For Asia sometimes denotes the third part of the Habitable World, and sometimes it is taken for that part of the Greater Asia, which is situate on this side the Mountain Taurus, and is wont to be called Asia the Less. So Britanny is sometimes used for the Name of the whole Island in general; and otherwhiles, only for that part of it, which was subjected to the Romans, which part was bounded sometimes by the River Humber, and sometimes by the Wall of A∣drian, and sometimes by the Wall of Severus; and the Inhabitants of this part, are by British Writers more usually called Britton than Britans; but the other dwellers in the Island, i. e. the Scots and the Picts, Bede sometimes calls Britains, and sometimes Stran∣gers and Foreigners; we may also find the same observable difference in Geoffry of Monmouth, and William of Malmesbury. And therefore the Caledonians will be counted Brittons, never a jot the more, for being styled Britains by Dion, Martial, Lucan, or any other good Author, than the * 1.356 Brutians * 1.357 will be Romans, though both of them are Italians. If Lud had taken notice of these things, he had never involved himself in such dark Labyrinths, nor had he so rashly and inconsiderately made a positive determination in a point so ob∣scure, nor had denied the Caledonians to have been Picts, because they are termed by Dion, Britains. Neither hath Lud any just cause to wonder, that no Writer more ancient than Ammianus Marcellinus, and Claudian, hath made mention of the Scots and Picts, though they dwelt so many, I will not say, years, but ages, in Britain. For, not to speak of the Valli, Cambri, * 1.358 Loegri, Names lately known to the World, I may ask him, why, seeing so many Greek and Latin Wri∣ters have written of the Affairs of Greece; yet no Graecian once Names his Country-men Graeci; nor no Latin Author calls them Hellenes? Why did the Names of the Nations which I mentioned but now, creep so late into the History of Britain, which that Cambro-Britain makes to be so ancient? If you ask any English••man, of what Coun∣try he is, none will answer, that he is a Saxon; yet the Scots, Picts, Irish, both the Brittons, i. e. those that inhabit Britain, and those who dwell in France, do still unanimously call them Saxons: Why do not the old Scots, even to this very day, acknowledge and own the Name of Scots? It ought not then to seem absurd to any Man; if, when the Romans asked their Captives, of what Nation they were; one said a M••atian, another an Attacottian, a third a Caledonian; and the Names which Foreign Nations received from them they still retained, and used in their common publick Discourse; neither, as I judge, will it seem incredible, that some Names are more known to Historians and Strangers; and others, to the Inhabitants of the Country. Though the Premises do make it sufficiently appear, that the coming of Scots and Picts into Britain, is not only more an∣cient than Lud will grant it to be; yea, that it was but a little later than the Britains themselves coming into it, yet I shall add other, and those no contemptible, Conjectures. The Brigantes, a great and powerful Nation, were seated beyond the River Humber, about York, and did possess the whole bredth of the Island, between the

two Seas; it is probable, that they came not from the Tract of France, which was nearest, for no Brigantes are said to have inha∣bited there, but out of Spain. First into Ireland, and from Ireland into Britain, as being a Neighbour Island to it; neither doth this differ from the conjecture of Cornelius Tacitus, which he makes con∣cerning the Ancient Inhabitants of the Isle. If the Brigantes came from Ireland, then they must be of Scotish Race, as all the rest of the Inhabitants of Ireland were. Seneca also seems to confirm this O∣pinion, in that Elegant Satyr of his, concerning the Death of Clau∣dius, in these Words,

Ille Britannos ultra noti littora Ponti, Et caeruleos Scutabrigantes dare Romuleis Colla Catenis jussit, & ipsum nova Romanae Iura securis tremere Oceanum.

He, th' Britains, which beyond known Seas did dwell, And blew Scutabrigantes did compel Romes Yoke to bear. Yea the Ocean, so far spread, His Government, and his new Laws, did dread.

In these Verses, Ioseph Scaliger, the Son of Iulius, is of Opini∣on, that for * 1.359 Scutabrigantes, we ought to read Scotobrigantes. Of how great Learning and Judgment that young Man is; of what industry in comparing ancient Writers; and of what acuteness in finding out the meaning of obscure Passages, the Books set out by him do declare. At present I shall only say, that having underta∣ken to illustrate the Affairs of Britain, I thought his Judgment was not to be omitted; and I will declare, in a few Words, why I think it to be true; for seeing we read in Caesar, and other Authors, emi∣nent both for diligence and knowledge, that the Britains were wont to paint their Bodies with Woad; and in Herodian, that they used narrow Shields in War, (such as Livy ascribes to the Asiatick Gauls,) and no great Ornament in their Arms; it seem'd absurd, to make mention of the Sheild, which was not Painted, the mention of the Body, which was Painted, being omitted. Now the old Bri∣tains were Painted, not for comliness, as other Nations, not a few were; but that their blewish colour might render them more ter∣rible to their Enemies in Fight; but how that colour could appear terrible in a narrow Sheild, I do not understand. And therefore it is very probable, that that Learned Man, and Skilful in British Affairs, as who, according to Dion, kept the whole Island under Tribute, wrote the Word, Scotobrigantes, that he might distinguish them from the other Brigantes, both Spanish and Gallick. It makes also for the same purpose, that in those Verses he separates the Britains and Brigantes, as two different Nations, which is also done by some British Writers, who make Humber to be the boundary of Britain. This matter being not well considered by * 1.360 Hector Boetius, as I judge, lead him into a mistake, who, having some where read, that the Silures and Brigantes were called Scoti, as having their Original from Ireland, placed them in part of the Kingdom of the Scots, in

Albium. His mistake, though it may justly offend others, yet ought not to have been so severely censured by Ludd, who hath committed as great Mistakes in the same kind; for he makes the Cumbri, or (as he calls them) the Cumri, to issue out of a Corner of Britain, to plunder the whole World: For he infers from one or two Words, common to them both, that the Cimbri and Britanni were of one Na∣tion. Those Words are Moremarusa and Trimarchia; Here it is worth the while to take notice of the Man's acuteness, in disputing, and of his subtilty (forsooth) in drawing out of Inferences and Con∣clusions. This Word Moremarusa, says he, is a British Word,* 1.361 but it was once a Cimbrick one, and no Nations else besides, which dwelt by the Baltick Sea. But seeing our Country-Men use the same Word, and are called by the same Name with those other Cimbri, therefore (sure) both were of the same Stock and Nation.

In this Matter, first he affirms Falshoods for Truths, and also takes Uncertainties for Certainties. For it is a manifest Untruth, That both of them are called Cimbri, even * 1.362 Ludd himself being Witness, who affirms, That all the Inhabitants, his Country-Men, of Cambria, were so called from their King, Camber, and he calls himself a Cam∣brobritain. I could also prove the Falshood of this Opinion, by the Testimony of all his Country-Men, who do not call themselves Cim∣bri, but Cumri. As That is false, so This is uncertain, whether other People dwelling by the Baltick Sea, did not use that Word, which you attribute to the Cimbri alone; especially since it appears out of Tacitus, That many Nations, in that Tract of Germany, spake the Gallick Tongue, and I shewed before, that Word to be Gallick. But suppose, that both of your Assumptions were true, What then? Did you never read, That the Souldiers of Cn. Pompeius, when he waged War in Asia, were saluted by the Name of Brethren, by the Albans, dwelling in the Mountain Caucasus, by reason, that Both of them were called Albans? Neither do I doubt, but that if a Man had ob∣served Both Tongues, he might have found one or two Words, signi∣fying the same thing in Both: But they wanted such a Man as Ludd there, who because both People had certain Words common between them, would thereby prove, that both were of the same Nation; and yet the purblind Man seems to be sensible of the Non sequitur of his Conclusion, when he adds that the Cimbri were called * 1.363 Aestiones, by the Germans; That he might make that out, he should have shewed, at what Time, and upon what Grounds, the Cimbri were Trans∣formed into Aestiones; and the Aestiones again, into C••mbri. He speaks not a lot of this, but only cites a British History, collected out of the a 1.364 Milesian Fables, of the Gauls, and also quotes a certain Frag∣ment, whence he, being now Degraded from an Antiquary, to be either a Botcher, or a Scraper together of old useless Relicks, or (if I may so speak) a Fragmentary, doth piece up New Kingdoms and New Nations, for us; This he doth with great Labour, and yet with no Colour of probability, whereas, yet it was very obvious to him, (unless perhaps it was above the Poor Man's reach) to find out the Causes, why the Name Cimber was communicated to the Cimbri, and the Valli too: For Plutarch says, That it was not the Name of a Nation, but of an Occupation or Employment, and that Robbers

were so called by the Germans. Suidas, no ignoble Grammatian amongst the Greeks, understands the Word in the same sense; and Festus Pompeius, amongst the Latins, writes, that the Cimbri were called Plunderers, by the Gauls. If we follow these Men's Opinions, it will not be difficult to find out, why the Cimbri, whom Ludd places in Britain, came by that Name, especially since their Neighbours, the Angli or English, do affirm, That, even in this Age, their Manners did not much abhor from that Thieving Occupation. Sure I am, That Livy calls that Slave that was sent to kill Marius in the Prison of the a 1.365 Minturnae, a Gaul; Lucan calls him a Cimber, but no No∣ted Writer styles him a Britain. If Ludd had considered these things, or, if, after Consideration, he had chosen rather to remember them, than to frame new Monsters to himself; there was no Necessity for him, in one Moment of Time, or rather, with one Falshood, to have left all Britain almost destitute and forsaken, all its Military Young Men being exhausted, and Six Hundred Thousand of them drawn out from it at a Clap.

I will not here descend to a minute Inquiry, to what Children the Valli are wont to give the Names of the Cimbrick Kings; for this diligent Writer brings in This also as an Argument of their Stock.

If I mistake not, besides Latin, German, and Syriack ones, he will find very few Names. But if a solid Argument may be fetched from the proper Names of Men, (which are often-times arbitrarily impo∣sed by Parents, or vain-gloriously adopted out of some History) then Ludd might rather persuade us, That his Country-Men are Iews, Ro∣mans, or Germans, than Cimbri: Or, if he would have advised his Compatriots to give Baptismal Names, fetched out of History, to their Children, within a few Years, he might transform his Coun∣try-Men, into what Nation soever he pleased. But touching the Names of the Cimbrick Kings, which, he says, were accustomed to be given to Children; I would willingly have asked the Man, From what Oracle he received it? Unless I knew before-hand, that he never wants some Fragment, out of which he can prove what he list himself. But this I can't but admire, touching that Cimbrick Expe∣dition, how all their Military Men being sent aboard, that within the space of Forty Years, (for it was about that Interval, between the Cimbrick War, and Iulius Caesar's arrival in Britain,) your Coun∣try of Vallia, should so soon recover to be so populous; especially, since, when Maximus drew forth a far lesser Number out of Britain, even, when it was in its most flourishing Estate, the Britains could, ne∣ver after, hold up their Heads, but they were brought into bitter Servitude by the Saxons: Or why Caesar, who, for his Age, might have made mention of the Cimbrick War, when he came into Bri∣tain, being also a Learned Man, and a great Favourer of the Marian Party, did find out nothing, by Inquiry, concerning this Cimbrick Expedition. Lastly, I desire to know, Whether Ludd spoke in Jest or in Earnest, when he added, that the Affinity of Both the Cimbri might be inferred from their equal contempt of Gold and Silver? Here I would willingly ask of him, Whether he spake in Earnest, when he calls those Cimbrians, who did not only vex and plunder Gal∣lia or Gaul, and a part of Spain too, but in a manner wholly wasted

and destroyed them both? And yet afterward hastned to Italy, in quest of a Richer Booty? Whose Opulency, got by Robberies, the b 1.366 H••lvetians imitating, they also became Plunderers, as Strabo relates in his Seventh Book. Dare you call such Men Frugal and Temperate? And that it may appear, that the Cimbricks Name is truly assigned to your Nation, you make them emulous of those Employments, to which the Cimbrians were accustomed; yea, you make your self a P••lferer too, who aspirest to the c 1.367 Glory of a Plagiary, with stealing from all Nations: For, not content to have vindicated the Deeds of the Cimbri, to your Country-Men, you add with as impudent and fictitious an Untruth, that the d 1.368 Sicambri were also of your Stock: And because in the Name of Both Nations, there is a certain Simi∣litude of Letters, from that Cognation of Words, you feign a Con∣junction of Blood. At this rate, besides the Sicambrians, the Franks, and their Childrens Children, to all Generations, will be allyed to you; and so, after a packed Series of Lyes, you raise a Bridge to bring back the Fugitive Brenni; of which, one, who took Rome, li∣ved about an Hundred Years before the other, who besieged Del∣phos; but you do jumble and compact them together into one Body, that so you might dress up a new Monster out of a Dead and Living Man, piec'd together; as if it were difficult to prove,* 1.369 by other Argu∣ments, that Monsters are born in that very Country, which brought such a Person as you, forth. But, says Ludd, no Writer acknow∣ledgeth, that there were two Brennus's, besides Polydore Virgil. Surely, Ludd, thy Reason hath forsaken thee, or else thou hast never read the Fourth Book of Strabo, where he writes, That the Brennus, who besieged Delphos, is, by some, thought to be Prausus. Yea, not Strabo alone, but every Man, who believes that Rome was ta∣ken by a e 1.370 Brennus, and that above an Hundred Years after Delphos was besieged by a Brennus, doth acknowledge, That there were Two of That Name; seeing both those Enterprizes could not be perform∣ed by one and the same Man. But if we believe the Monk, the Compiler of the British History, Brennus, the Brother of Belinus, preceded these two Brenni, three hundred Years; who, if he had led his Army into Italy at that time, must have fought with Numa Pom∣pilius, or with Tullus Hostilius, and not with the Free People of Rome. But to omit these things, whence doth this new Logician gather, that Brennus was a Britain? Forsooth, from one word only, viz. Trimarchia, which word yet is common to Scots, Gauls, and Welsh. But Pausanias, whom you quote maimedly, and by piece-meal, that so he may make for your purpose, calls Brennus and his Companions▪ Gauls, and acknowledgeth That Word to be Gallick; but you, Sir, you only, such is your shamelesness, against the Credit of all Greek and Latin Historians, yea, and in spight of the Muses themselves too, do strive to prove him a Britain. Perhaps I have prosecuted this Ar∣gument a little more prolixly, than either the obscurity of the Mat∣ters themselves, or the unskilfulness and unconstancy of Ludd, did deserve; I have done it, not out of a desire to carp at, or blame, others, (which I am far from,) but that I might abate the edge of the unsavory abusiveness of a Person so loquacious and reflective, thus reducing h••m from his wild and extravagant rage, (whereby

he speaks evil of almost all Writers,) that so I might bring him, at last, to acknowledge his Errour. To omit others, at present, he falls, with great scurrility, upon Hector Bo••tius, a Man not only well-skilled in the Liberal Arts, but also endued with singular Humanity and Courtesie, and famous too, beyond the ordinary rate of the Times, he lived in; and he so falls upon him, as to blame nothing in him, of which he himself is not more foully culpable. f 1.371 Hector pla∣ces the Brigantes in Gallway, wherein he did amiss; for I have no mind to defend his Mistakes: But Ludd brings out great Forces of the Cimbri, from one Corner of Britain, how truly, let the Learned judge. Hector attributes Matters, acted by others against the Romans in Bri∣tanny, to his Country-Men, the Scots. And Ludd doth shamelesly and falsly affirm, That Rome was taken, Macedonia vexed, Greece afflicted, the Noblest Oracle of the World sacrilegiously violated, by his Country-Men, the Britains; yea, that Asia it self was compelled to pay Tribute to a few Vagabonds. He blames Hector, but falsly, for making Gildo, who raised up great Commotions in Africa, a Scot; and yet, he makes the same Gildo, who was indeed a M••••r, to be a Goth; but Gildus and Gildo (forsooth) are Names almost alike. Let me ask you, Are they more like, than Luddus, Lydus, and Ludio? This is certain, that Gildus is an old Name in Scotland, as the Ancient Clan of the Macgilds, or Macgills, doth shew; of whose Posterity there are yet Families remaining of good account, both in Scotland and Eng∣land. But, seeing Ludd hath such an intemperate Tongue, that he cares not what he says, provided he may abuse others, I shall leave him, and conclude this Book, only giving him this Caution, That

Loripedem rectus derideat, Aethiopem albus.

They that Faults in others blame, Must not be guilty of the same.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The Origin of Letters.
• (a) 1.2

  Turdetani, a People dwel∣ling in part of Portugal, and in Algarbia, and Medina Sidonia.
• * 1.3

  Caesar.
• * 1.4

  Tacitus.
• * 1.5

  Gildas lived 400 years after Tacitus.
• * 1.6

  Germany re∣ceived Letters last of all.
• * 1.7

  Sanachies a sort of Chan∣ters, inferiour to Bards, called by the Dynny∣wossals (or Gentlemen) of the Highlands, Sanachies, con∣tracted from Seneciones.
• * 1.8

  Strabo, Am∣mianus Mar∣cellinus and Lu••an, des∣scribe, who the B••rds we••e.
• * 1.9

  Strabo, Am∣mianus Mar∣cellinus and Lu••an, des∣scribe, who the B••rds we••e.
• * 1.10

  Great uncer∣tainties a∣mongst the ancient Wri∣ters of British Affairs, and the Reasons why?
• * 1.11

  Several Countries have changed their Names.
• * 1.12

  Spain hath several Names.
• * 1.13

  Or Highlan∣ders.
• * 1.14

  The Fabu∣lous Origin of the Britains.
• * 1.15

  Diocletian, a supposed King of Syria, and Labana his Wife, with their 33 Daughters.
• * 1.16

  Albine.
• * 1.17

  Brutus, and his Knight-Errant Ad∣ventures.
• * 1.18

  Brutus, a Parricide.
• * 1.19

  Brutus his Three Sons.
• * 1.20

  An old Name for England.
• * 1.21

  Vendelina.
• * 1.22

  Germany, whence so cal∣led, accord∣ing to old Story.
• * 1.23

  Born in the same Country▪ where they live.
• * 1.24

  Iohannes An∣nius.
• * 1.25

  The Story of the 33 Sisters confu∣••ed.
• * 1.26

  The Fable of Diocletian confuted.
• * 1.27

  Brutus his Story refelled.
• * 1.28

  Br••tus and Romulus com∣pared.
• * 1.29

  The Name of the True Brutus, when it began, and how?
• * 1.30

  Faunus the Third King of the Aborigi∣nes, to whom Saturn (by whom he was entertained) caused a Grove and Cave to be dedicated, whence Oracles were given forth, (according to old Story.)
• (a) 1.31

  Cumaea, so called from Cuma in the Gulph of Naples.
• (b) 1.32

  Little Pieces of Oak-Wood-Lotteries, marked with Letters or Words, almost like Dice, which when they were thrown, the Priest gave his Response according to the Letter which was uppermost, at Praeneste, now Palestrina, in Italy.
• (c) 1.33

  Salii were Twelve Priests, insti∣tuted by Nu∣ma Pompilius, in Honour of Hercules, or, as some say, of Mars. And the Carmen Saliare, which they sang, was composed by the same Nu∣ma, in an ob∣solete and al∣most unintel∣ligible Lan∣guage or Style.
• (c) 1.34

  Salii were Twelve Priests, insti∣tuted by Nu∣ma Pompilius, in Honour of Hercules, or, as some say, of Mars. And the Carmen Saliare, which they sang, was composed by the same Nu∣ma, in an ob∣solete and al∣most unintel∣ligible Lan∣guage or Style.
• * 1.35

  Brutus's supposed Ad∣dress to the Oracle, with Diana's An∣swer there∣unto.
• (d) 1.36

  Homer.
• * 1.37

  Dionysius Halicarnas∣seus.
• (e) 1.38

  Buthrotii, Inhabitants of Buthrotum, (new Butrinto) a small Vil∣lage in Epirus on the Sea coast not far from the Isle Corfu, once a large Roman Colony.
• * 1.39

  Arverni, In∣habitants of Auvergne in the Dukedom of Burgundy, their chief City is Clermont.
• * 1.40

  Burgundians.
• (f) 1.41

  People of the Franch Country.
• (g) 1.42

  Francs, Ori∣ginally a Peo∣ple of Franco∣nia in Germa∣ny, who in the declining of the Roman Empire, con∣quered Gallia, and called it Frankinland, now France; they were composed of so many war∣like Tribes, that the Turks do call all the Western Chri∣stians Francs to this very day.
• * 1.43

  Old Scotish Writers blam∣ed.
• (h) 1.44

  Dores, and Iones, who?
• (h) 1.45

  Dores, and Iones, who?
• (i) 1.46

  The Scots fabulous Ori∣ginal from one Gathelus a Grecian and Scota his Wife.
• (k) 1.47

  Now E••r••, a ••amo•••• River in Spain, ri∣sing in the Mountains of Ast••r••••, and disinboguing it self into the Mediterranean, in Catal••n••a.
• (l) 1.48

  Gallaecia the Country about Comp••∣stella in Spain.
• * 1.49

  Durius, o•• D••••ro, Du••••o in Spanish, ari∣sing in old Ca∣st••, and after a course of 14•• Spanish Leagues falls into the At∣lantick Ocean, below Port a Port.
• (m) 1.50

  Lusitania and Portuga••, the Original of those Names.
• (m) 1.51

  Lusitania and Portuga••, the Original of those Names.
• * 1.52

  Palladium, properly the Image of Pal∣las in Troy, which as long as they kept in her Temple, Troy could not be taken, (as the T••ojans thought,) but when Vlyss••s stole it away then they were soon destroyed by the Greeks.
• * 1.53

  The Ancient Gauls in Cae∣sars time, divi∣ded from the Belg••••••s, by the River S••••n; and from the Aq••itanians, by the Garron, from whom the old Gre∣cians called, the North-West part of E••rop••, Ce••to-S••••thia.
• * 1.54

  From which no Issue could insue.
• * 1.55

  Colonies of Gauls sent in∣to Spain.
• * 1.56

  Celtae and Celtiber••, whence?
• * 1.57

  Celtici Boe∣tici.
• * 1.58

  Celtici Lus∣tanici.
• * 1.59

  Ne••ium Pr••∣m••ntorium.
• (a) 1.60

  People of Piemont.
• (b) 1.61

  People a∣bout Br••xia and Verona.
• (c) 1.62

  The Salassii; of P••emo•••• also.
• (d) 1.63

  Insubres of Gall••a-Trans∣padana about Millan.
• (e) 1.64

  Of Main, or rather Normandy.
• (f) 1.65

  Bo•••• Peo∣ple of Acqu••∣tain.
• (g) 1.66

  Senones were a War∣like People of Gaul inhabi∣ting the Coun∣try now called Le Sennois.
• (h) 1.67

  Galatia.
• (i) 1.68

  Colonies of Gauls sent into Germany.
• (k) 1.69

  A Colony from Langue∣dock in France, to the Neecar in Germany, and the Coun∣try about that River.
• (l) 1.70

  Aquitani∣ans in Gaul.
• (m) 1.71

  Swissers.
• (n) 1.72

  Decumates People of Wirtenburg.
• (o) 1.73

  Gothini, on the River Oder.
• (p) 1.74

  The Getes were a People of Dacia about Moldavia.
• (q) 1.75

  Danes.
• (r) 1.76

  Prussians or Livonians.
• (a) 1.77

  Colonies of Gauls, sent into Britain.
• (b) 1.78

  Three Na∣tions ancient∣ly inhabited Britain; the Britons, Picts, and Scots.
• (c) 1.79

  Indigenous, i. e. born in the same Coun∣try.
• (d) 1.80

  In Caesar's time, Belgium was accounted part of France.
• * 1.81

  Britany in France.
• * 1.82

  Robertus Cae∣nalis.
• * 1.83

  Pomponius Laetus.
• (f) 1.84

  V••z. From the Belgians.
• (g) 1.85

  Colonies of Gauls sent in∣to Ireland.
• (h) 1.86

  Inhabi∣tants of Ire∣land, anciently called Scots.
• * 1.87

  Irish-Scots and Albin-Scots.
• * 1.88

  Claudian.
• (a) 1.89

  H••rodian.
• (b) 1.90

  Pictiades, Picti, and Peachti, old Names for Pic••s.
• (c) 1.91

  Pentland-Hills in Lo∣thian.
• (d) 1.92

  Pentland-Firth, the Firth between Ca••••hness and O••kny.
• (e) 1.93

  A••ii, a People o•• Po∣land, but for∣merly accoun∣ted part of Germany.
• * 1.94

  People of Eu••op••a Sar∣matia and Scythia, now under the Moscovite.
• (f) 1.95

  Geloni, Inhabitants of Scythia Euro∣pea upon the River Bori∣sthenes.
• (g) 1.96

  People of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.97

  People of Sarmatia Eu∣ropaea, so called because com∣pounded of Goths and Huns, whence Claudian calls them Mixti Gothunni.
• (h) 1.98

  The Bal∣tick, or rather the Bothnick Sea or Gulph.
• (i) 1.99

  The River Danulius, ari∣sing in the Alps, and run∣ning through Germany, Hun∣gary, &c. at last dischargeth it self by six Mouths into the Euxin Sea.
• (k) 1.100

  Walsch hath several Acceptations.
• * 1.101

  Aquitans, i e. the Gu••en∣no•• in France.
• (m) 1.102

  The Bri∣tish and the Scots anciently used one Lan∣guage, but a different way of pronuncia∣••ion.
• (n) 1.103

  Picts had their Origin from Germany.
• * 1.104

  People of Prussia and L••∣vonia.
• (o) 1.105

  Danes.
• * 1.106

  People of Swisserland.
• (p) 1.107

  People of Germany, near the Baltick Sea.
• (q) 1.108

  Of V••logna in Moscovy, which was then called Scythia, or Sar∣matia Europaea.
• * 1.109

  Mayatae.
• * 1.110

  A••tacottae.
• * 1.111

  A Nation of the Picts, that lived North of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Wall in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and the Me••ss.
• (s) 1.112

  One of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Picts, living near the S••••ts on the East Sea, betwixt Twee•• and T••••e in 〈…〉〈…〉 mixt People of Picts and S••o••••, that in∣habited the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 man 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.113

  Or Dun∣k••••den in Perthshire.
• (w) 1.114

  Duncale∣dones.
• * 1.115

  The Same∣ness of Religi∣on, Language, Names of Pla∣ces, are Chara∣cters of one and the same Nation
• * 1.116

  The Britains and Gauls of one Religi∣on.
• * 1.117

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 on the 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.118

  Bards were the He••••lds, Poets, and M••si••ians of the Ancient Gaul•• and Bri∣tains.
• * 1.119

  B••rds p••s••'d 〈◊〉〈◊〉 b••∣tween the A••∣mies of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 greeting Nati∣ons.
• * 1.120

  Rhapsodists (〈◊〉〈◊〉) Re∣hea••••e••, or I••terp••e••e•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Verses by piece-meal.
• * 1.121

  Tacitus
• * 1.122

  Horat. de ••ree Poeticâ.
• (a) 1.123

  The Celts were a nume∣rous People Inhabiting principally a∣bout Lyons, from whom one part of France was called Gallia Celtica.
• (b) 1.124

  Inhabi∣tants of Bel∣gium (now the Low Coun∣tries or the Netherlands) in Caesar's time, counted a third part of France, by the Name of Gal∣lia Belgica.
• (c) 1.125

  Winchester.
• (d) 1.126

  Inhabitants of Berkshire, so called from the Atrebates of Gallia Bel∣gica, who transported themselves thi∣ther.
• (e) 1.127

  Living in Norfolk, Suf∣folk, Cam∣bridge and Huntington∣shire, trans∣planted from the Iceni in Belgium.
• (f) 1.128

  The Iones were a Colony of the Greeks, which Inhabi∣ted I••nia, on the Med••∣terranean Sea in Asia.
• (g) 1.129

  The At∣tick Dialect was used in and about A∣thens, and was the smoothest and purest Greek.
• (h) 1.130

  Containing the Provinces of Savoy, Pro∣vince and Languedock.
• (i) 1.131

  Formerly inhabiting the Kingdom of Navar, but now the Country called Gascoign.
• (k) 1.132

  Inhabiting Limosin, Peri∣cord, and Auvergn.
• (k) 1.133

  Inhabiting Limosin, Peri∣cord, and Auvergn.
• (k) 1.134

  Inhabiting Limosin, Peri∣cord, and Auvergn.
• * 1.135

  Hypocoristical i. e. diminutive, as Thingling from Thing.
• (a) 1.136

  A well for∣tified Town in Alsatia, built on an Hill, and a strong pass on the Rhene.
• (b) 1.137

  People of Le-Main in France.
• (c) 1.138

  Now Bressia.
• (d) 1.139

  A Town of Au••••gn in France.
• * 1.140

  In Portugal.
• (f) 1.141

  Cornavii in Scotland, and England too; in the one, the Ca••thness-Men; In the other, the Cor∣nish-Men are so called.
• (g) 1.142

  Etymology o•• Cornwal.
• (a) 1.143

  The French Tongue by some called Walla.
• (b) 1.144

  The French pronounce Gales and North-Gales, for Wales and North-Wales.
• (c) 1.145

  Pol••dore V••rgi••, mista∣ken.
• * 1.146

  O•• Cumbri, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their King Camber, as some.
• * 1.147

  The Inhabi∣tants of South-Wales.
• * 1.148

  Leland.
• * 1.149

  Galloway, whence deri∣ved.
• * 1.150

  Ancient S••••ts, i. e the Highlanders divide the Nations, inha∣biting Britain into Two, the first Gael, the second, Galle or Ga••d, i. e. Gallae••i and Gal••i.
• * 1.151

  Another Ar∣gument of Affinity be∣tween the Gauls and Britains, from the Names of Towns, Rivers, &c.
• a 1.152

  Derivative Words shew the Affinity of a Language more than their Primi∣tives.
• b 1.153

  Or Brutobri∣ca, a City of Thrace, on the Coast of the Aegaean Sea, now called, by the Greeks, Aenos, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ and by the Turks, Ygnos.
• c 1.154

  A•• Ancient Town in Spain.
• d 1.155

  A City of Bulgaria, situate on the ••uxien Sea.
• e 1.156

  Selivre, a City of Thrace, situate upon the Propontu, 15 Miles West from Constantinople.
• f 1.157

  Bria, Briga and Brica are synonymous, all signifying a City or 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ with words compounded of them.
• g 1.158

  Braga in Port••gal.
• h 1.159

  Arrabida.
• i 1.160

  Castanheira in Portugal.
• k 1.161

  Arcos.
• l 1.162

  Azvaga in Portugal.
• m 1.163

  Alcasor near Saragossa in Spain; which being at f••••st called Salduba, from the Salt-Pits there, was afterwards re∣built by Caesar Augustus, and called Caesarea Augusta, some Footsteps of which Name do yet remain in the word Saragossa.
• n 1.164

  Atzburgh.
• * 1.165

  People of Bavaria and Suab•••• in Ger∣many, so called from the Ri∣vers V••ndis (Werd) and L••••us (Leck,) near which they lived.
• o 1.166

  Villar del Pedroso.
• p 1.167

  Puente del Arcobispo.
• * 1.168

  People of Extremadura in Spain.
• q 1.169

  Ardea ol Muro.
• * 1.170

  Part of old Cas••••le in Spain.
• r 1.171

  Boppart, in the Bishoprick of T••eves, or T••••ers.
• s 1.172

  Broughton in Hampshire, as Cumden: Quaere, Whether not Stockbridge, which though a mean place now, yet was formerly a noted Town, as appears by its sending Burgesses to Parliament at this Day: It is yet a considerable Pass, between Winchester and Salisbury.
• (1) 1.173

  Which divide France from Italy, or rather Piem••nt from Dauphine.
• (2) 1.174

  Inhabitants of Extremadura, or Andalusia, in the Kingdom of Corduba, in Spain.
• (3) 1.175

  Guadalquivar, a famous River in Spain.
• u 1.176

  Barcelos, a Town now of Portugal, formerly of Spain, near the River Celand, Inhabited heretofore by the Celerini.
• x 1.177

  People of Hispania Boetica.
• y 1.178

  In Extra-medura, in Spain.
• z 1.179

  Miranda de Ebro.
• a 1.180

  B••s∣camers.
• b 1.181

  People of Burgos in Spain.
• c 1.182

  Lagos in Portugal.
• d 1.183

  Bermeo, as some; Bilbao, in Spain, as others.
• d 1.184

  Bermeo, as some; Bilbao, in Spain, as others.
• e 1.185

  Alanguera in Portugal.
• f 1.186

  Province of Santaren, in that Kingdom.
• g 1.187

  Fuente d'Ivero, as some; or else Braganza, as others, say.
• h 1.188

  Lagos.
• i 1.189

  Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Leon in Spain.
• k 1.190

  Cape of St. Vincent, in Portugal.
• l 1.191

  Langroi••a.
• m 1.192

  Dwelling by the River Anas in Portugal.
• n 1.193

  La••sanne.
• o 1.194

  Mon••briga.
• p 1.195

  Sant••ago de Lacem.
• q 1.196

  Ma••abriga.
• r 1.197

  Inhabiting the Country of La Man∣cha, in New-Castile.
• s 1.198

  Villa de Ca∣pilla.
• t 1.199

  Es••••remed••∣ra.
• u 1.200

  Inhabiting part of Alg••∣b••a and Mea••∣na 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• x 1.201

  Va•• de N••∣bro.
• y 1.202

  Valera
• z 1.203

  Almun••a.
• a 1.204

  Spaniards, lying beyond the River ••••e∣rus in Arragon and Castile.
• b 1.205

  Segorve, as Clasius thinks.
• c 1.206

  Talega, or Tal••ga, in Portugal.
• d 1.207

  Alcantara.
• e 1.208

  Bra∣ganza, as some; or rather B••g••a de Regoa.
• f 1.209

  The Gallicians living near Braga, in Portugal.
• g 1.210

  Inhabitants in and about Spire, in High Germany.
• h 1.211

  Dwelling in and about ••ri∣anzon.
• i 1.212

  Bregentz.
• * 1.213

  Or Bavari∣ans.
• k 1.214

  Monti de Brianza.
• l 1.215

  Bodensée, or Lake of Con∣stance.
• m 1.216

  Inhabitants of Galway, Waterford and Tipperary.
• n 1.217

  Brianzon.
• o 1.218

  Capo de Fi∣n•• terrae; or Nerium, in Ga••icia.
• * 1.219

  Almeria.
• * 1.220

  Words com∣pounded of Dunum
• * 1.221

  Or Lugdu∣nensis, the Country about L••ons in France.
• * 1.222

  Highlanders, or Islanders.
• a 1.223

  Autun in Burgundy.
• b 1.224

  Chasteaudun.
• c 1.225

  Melun.
• d 1.226

  Lyons.
• e 1.227

  St. Bertrand de Comminges.
• f 1.228

  Noyon.
• * 1.229

  Or, Alsati∣ans.
• g 1.230

  Cad••nac.
• h 1.231

  Lodun or London.
• i 1.232

  Dun••e Roy.
• k 1.233

  Tours.
• l 1.234

  Rodez.
• * 1.235

  Or, Rover∣gu••••••s.
• m 1.236

  Some take it for Chasteau London.
• n 1.237

  Sela.
• o 1.238

  Campredon in Catalonia.
• p 1.239

  Almondbury in Yorkshire, as Cambden; but West Chester, as some others.
• * 1.240

  The old In∣habitants of Yorkshire, Lancashire, Durham, Westmerland and Cumberland.
• q 1.241

  Maldon in Essex.
• r 1.242

  Dorchester, called also Durnium, and Durnova∣ria, from the River Vare, gliding by it, which ariseth at a Town some few Miles distant, called Evarsholt, i. e. the head of Vare, and passing by Dorchester, runs into an Arm of the Sea, at Varbam, i. e. a Town on the Vare, now Warham.
• s 1.243

  Old Inhabitants of Pembroke, Cardigan, and Carmarthen-Shires, formerly called West-Wales.
• a 1.244

  Yverdon.
• b 1.245

  Sedan.
• * 1.246

  Which Anci∣ently compre∣hended Au∣stria, Stiria, Carniola, &c.
• c 1.247

  Ba••ryon.
• d 1.248

  Korburgh.
• e 1.249

  Linez, or, as some, Gasten∣••al.
• f 1.250

  Iudenburgh, as some; Ide∣naw, as others▪ but Windisch Matray, as Sanson.
• g 1.251

  Neumarck.
• h 1.252

  Partenkirck.
• i 1.253

  K••rburgh.
• k 1.254

  Semendria, or Zinderin.
• l 1.255

  Neupurgh.
• * 1.256

  Words de∣clined from Dur.
• m 1.257

  Metz.
• n 1.258

  Inhabitants of P••ïs Messin.
• o 1.259

  Wyck te Du∣ersteden.
• p 1.260

  Briare.
• q 1.261

  Constance.
• r 1.262

  Laufenburgh.
• s 1.263

  Martenach.
• t 1.264

  People of Gallia Narbe∣nensis near the Rhosne.
• a 1.265

  Psullendorff, as some, but Beyerne Castle, as Cluverius.
• b 1.266

  Korburgh.
• c 1.267

  Olmu••z.
• d 1.268

  C••stenitz.
• e 1.269

  Instat.
• f 1.270

  Fermosello.
• g 1.271

  Duero.
• h 1.272

  Guadalaviar, near Valentia.
• i 1.273

  Ledung in the West of Ireland.
• k 1.274

  Inhabitants of Redborn in Hertfordshire.
• l 1.275

  Of Rochester in Kent.
• m 1.276

  Of Leneham in Kent.
• n 1.277

  Of Canter∣bury.
• o 1.278

  Godman∣chester by Huntington.
• p 1.279

  Dorsetshire Men.
• q 1.280

  Cirencester in Gloucester∣shire.
• r 1.281

  Laiton in Es∣s••x.
• s 1.282

  Dorchester in Dorsetshire.
• t 1.283

  Lutterworth, or, as some, Longborough in Liecestersh.
• u 1.284

  Vald' Osta.
• x 1.285

  Issoir.
• y 1.286

  Auxerre
• * 1.287

  Names of Places ending in Magus.
• z 1.288

  Badajox, a City in Spain, where once the Romans had a Colony; 'Tis also cal∣led Pax Au∣gusta.
• a 1.289

  Noviomagus, is a Proper Name for so many places, that it is hard to distinguish Them several∣ly in English, for it signifies Odenheim, Newenburgh, N••mmegen, Spire, Solac, Bourg, &c.
• b 1.290

  Xunt••gners, in France.
• c 1.291

  Inhabitants at Lisieux, a Town in Normandy, and the Country there about called Le-Lieuvin.
• d 1.292

  Nivernois.
• e 1.293

  About Spire.
• f 1.294

  Living at St. Paul de trois Chasteaux, a City in Daulphin.
• g 1.295

  Living in and about Berry.
• h 1.296

  Angiers.
• i 1.297

  L'Anjouans.
• k 1.298

  Roven.
• l 1.299

  Beauvois.
• m 1.300

  Beauvoisins.
• n 1.301

  Tournois.
• o 1.302

  Wormes.
• p 1.303

  Living in Armagnac.
• q 1.304

  Argenton.
• r 1.305

  Mem∣mingen.
• s 1.306

  Chelmesford.
• t 1.307

  Thetford.
• u 1.308

  Wood-Cote near Croydon.
• x 1.309

  Inhabitants of Surry, as Leland; of Sussex, as Camden.
• y 1.310

  People about Sterling, or, as some, of Murray in Scotland.
• z 1.311

  Ashwel in Hertford-shire, as some, or Dunstable in Bedford-shire, as others.
• a 1.312

  Ireland hath several Names.
• b 1.313

  Camden thinks it to be the River Ma••re in Munster, in the County of Desmond, but, why not Loch-Earn, in the County of Fermanagh.
• c 1.314

  Earn arising out of Loch-Earn.
• d 1.315

  Strath-Earn.
• e 1.316

  Millain:
• f 1.317

  Xantoign.
• g 1.318

  D'Eureux.
• h 1.319

  Duesburgh, or Asburgh.
• i 1.320

  Metelew.
• k 1.321

  Lancaster as Lud; Lan∣vellin in Mongomery-shire, as Camden; others, Midland.
• l 1.322

  Malck, on the River Shanon.
• m 1.323

  Wye.
• n 1.324

  R••o d' Aves.
• * 1.325

  Awe.
• o 1.326

  Cabo de S. Vincem.
• p 1.327

  Ban, in the County of Wexford.
• q 1.328

  Spurnhead in York-shire.
• r 1.329

  Fermosel.
• s 1.330

  Ocel-Hills.
• t 1.331

  Esilles or Exilles.
• u 1.332

  Lest••thiel in Cornwal.
• x 1.333

  Cadenac in France.
• y 1.334

  Or, Tambre.
• z 1.335

  Tamerton, by the River Ta∣mar in Corn∣wall.
• a 1.336

  Or, Ars.
• b 1.337

  Sarck or Sars in Annandale.
• c 1.338

  Evora.
• d 1.339

  S. Lucar de Barameda.
• * 1.340

  Of d' Eureux.
• * 1.341

  Dee or Die.
• * 1.342

  Cornish.
• * 1.343

  Ca••••hness-Men.
• * 1.344

  Three Nati∣ons (besides the Brittons,) anciently inha∣bited this Isle.
• * 1.345

  Saxons invi∣ted in by the Brittons,
• * 1.346

  Where, by Stratagem, they and their General treacherously Murder the English Nobi∣lity.
• * 1.347

  Danes invade and Conquer Eng••and, un∣der Swain.
• * 1.348

  William the Norman Con∣quers the Dan••s, and is Crowned King of England.
• * 1.349

  Three other Nations came into B••itai••.
• * 1.350

  The Authors Ingenuity.
• * 1.351

  Lud f••rther c••nfuted.
• * 1.352

  Mamertinus.
• * 1.353

  All the Inha∣bitants o•• I••••∣land anciently called Scots.
• * 1.354

  Marcellinus divides the Picts into Dicaledones, and Vecturio∣nes. See p. 18.
• * 1.355

  Caledonians, Picts and Scots, are some∣times called Britains.
• * 1.356

  B••••tians, a People o•• Magna Grecia in Italy, hereto∣fore possessing the two Cala∣lapr••••••.
• * 1.357

  Romans, in¦habiting the District abou•• Rome.
• * 1.358

  〈…〉〈…〉 Men.
• * 1.359

  Scutabrigan∣tes, for Scoto∣brigantes, ac∣cording to Io∣seph Sca••iger.
• * 1.360

  Hector Bo••∣tius mistaken.
• * 1.361

  Iron.
• * 1.362

  Ludd censu∣red.
• * 1.363

  Aestiones, in∣habiting P••us∣sia & Liv••nia.
• a 1.364

  Mi••esian Fa∣bles o•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉; For the Inhabitants of M••••tum in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were in∣famous for tel∣ling Tales, so far from being true that they had not the least shadow o•• Truth in them.
• a 1.365

  When Ma∣rius, by Sylla's Faction, was driven out of Rome, he hid himself stark naked in the Mud & Weeds of the River Liru, (now Garigliano) in the Kingdom of Naples; where being found out, he was carried to prison at Min∣turnae, a Town hard by, whi∣ther a Gaul, or Cimber, being sent to kill him, he saw such a Majesty in his Counte∣nance, that he return'd with∣out perpetra∣ting the Homi∣cide.
• b 1.366

  Switz ••••.
• c 1.367

  Iron.
• d 1.368

  Sicambri or Westpha••s••••••s.
• * 1.369

  Irony.
• e 1.370

  Brennus's▪ Two.
• f 1.371

  Hector Bo••∣tius and Lud compared, and Both of them censured, for some Mi∣stakes.