Two speeches of George, Earl of Bristol, with some observations upon them by which it may appear whether or no the said Earl and others of the same principles, deserve to be involved in the common calamity brought upon Roman Catholicks, by the folly and presumption of some few factious papists.

A Speech of GEORGE Earl of BRISTOLS made to the house of PEERS at the First reading of the Bill against Popery, upon Saturday the fif∣teenth of March, 167 2/3 The King being then present.

My Lords,

I Am very sensible to what inconveniences a man of my perswasion exposes himself that offers to speak (especially to break the Ice first) to a Bill of this Nature brought up to you from the great representative of the Com∣mons of England, a Bill which those of my own profession may possibly think so se∣vere, and most Protestants so necessary. If I speak for the passing of this Bill it is like∣ly I may give scandal to the first and if I speak against the passing of it, it is certain I shall give high provocation to the latter. And if I speak for some parts of it, and against some others, I may have cause to fear that I may offend both sides, the usual fate of those who affect to shew their subtilty by cutting a Feather (as we say): well my Lords so be it, let what will befall me upon this occasion I shall still have within me a consolation above even the power of an Act of Parliament to take from me I mean the testimony of a good conscience, & of having

discharged the duty of a Peer of this house in so eminent a conjuncture clearly, and candidly according to the best of my understanding. Yet still with most humble submission to the superiority of yours.

My Lords, before I enter upon the matter give me leave to tell those Lords of my own Profession that hear me what I think their duty, as well as mine, if any of them shall think fit to speak in this house upon this occasion.

My Lords, I do understand that how different so ever our sentiments are from your Lordships in point of Doctrine, and questions spiritual, we ought to lay the consideration of them all aside in this place, and to speak in it not as Roman Catho∣licks; but as faithful members of a Protestant Parliament. And as such, give a preferrence before all temporal interests of our own to the right interest of the State under whose protection we live, resting confident that whatever part of our ease and conveniences in this world, we shall willingly sacrifice to the Peace, and security of our Countrey will one way or other be recompensed unto us by Almighty God, either in this, or in the other.

Now my Lords, as to the rest of this most honourable assembly, give me leave to remind you what kind of Catholick I told you the other day I am; that is a Catholick of the Church of Rome, not a Catholick of the Court of Rome, A distinction (if I am not much deceived) worthy of your memory and reflection, when e∣ver any severe proceeding against those whom you call Papists shall come in question, since Catholicks of the Court of Rome do only deserve that name.

My Lords, I could easily make clear unto you the reality, and the reasonableness of this distinction by instances in matter of opi∣nion, did I not think it always impertinent to trouble this house with points of controversie; but I shall only take the liberty to evidence the justness of the distinction to you by a Personal instance, Fra. Paulo my Lords who writ so shrewdly the History

of the Counsel of Trent I am sure will never pass with any body that hath read him for a Catholick of the Court of Rome, the artifices and abuses of which he hath exposed to the world in such lively colours, and painted them out in Figures (give me leave to say) even bigger then the life, and yet this Fra. Paulo my Lords dyed piously, and devoutly a steady Catholick of the Church of Rome, such as I trust God will give me the grace to do were I put to the bloodiest tryal, such a Catholick my Lords I am, and as such I make no doubt but I shall live to do Roman Catho∣licks more service, and procure them more advantages from the comiseration of this Parliament, then all the unquiet spirits, or rabbi-busies of the Court of Rome.

And now my Lords, I come to speak to the matter of this Bill, which I shall do at this time generally, and at large, reser∣ving my self as to perticulars till it be read by Paragraphs, yet thus much I cannot forbear telling you now that there are some per∣ticulars in this Bill, as those of the Queens. and Duke of Yorks do∣mestick servants, which while I have a tongue to speak, and a right to use it here, I shall ever oppose until I shall find my self bound up by your Lordships determination.

In the first place my Lords, I beseech you to consider, that this Bill for the securing of general fears, is brought up to you from the house of Commons, the great representative of the people, and consequently the best Judges of the true temper of the Nation; A house of Commons surpassing all that ever hath been, in the illu∣strious marks of their duty, loyalty, and affection to their Sove∣raign both in his Person and government. Such a house of Com∣mons as His Majestie ought to consider, and cherish always, with such a kind of love as is due to a VVife, never to be parted with unkindly, and not as to a Mistriss, to be turned off when our turn is served by her.

My Lords, this casual mention of a VVife, suggests to my thoughts a pursuance of the comparison, apt enough me thinks.

I have observed in the course of my life, that men who have VVives somewhat coquettes, that is a little subject to gallantrys live easier lives with them, and freer from troublesome contentions then those who have VVives of exact and rigid vertue, and the reason of it is clear: For the more gamesome Dames being conscious of their failings in that essential part are carefull to disguise, and repair them by kind and tender compliances with their Husbands humour in all other things, whereas VVives severely punctual and exact in the chief Matrimonial duty, expect and even exact far greater compliances from their Husbands, and think themselves as it were priviledged by the rigidness of their vertue to be somtimes troublesome in domestick affairs; But espe∣cially if Jealousie be (en campagne as the French phrase is). In like manner my Lords, it is not to be much wondred at, if this incomparable house of Commons, transcending all that ever was in the grand essentials of duty, loyalty, and affection to their King, should be at sometimes a little troublesome to him in lesser occurrences, espe∣cially when once fears and jealousies are on wing. My Lords I shall not pretend to determine whether there hath been any just grounds given or no by the rabbi-busies aforementioned, or by the unseason∣able ambition of any Roman Catholicks for such fears and jealou∣sies. It suffices to exact the necessity of a timely remedy; that they have indeed most violently seized, and distempred the minds of the Major part of His Majesties Protestant subjects, which certainly no man conversant in the world can deny. Now my Lords, in popu∣lar fears, and apprehensions, those usually prove most dangerous that are raised upon grounds not well understood and may he rightly re∣sembled to the fatal effects of panick fears in Armies, where I have seldome seen great disorders arrive from intelligences brought in by parties, and by scouts, or by Advertisements to Generals; But from alarums upon groundless, and capritious fears of danger, taken up we know not either how, or why, no man of moderate experience in military affairs but hath found at one time or other, the dangerous effects in the giving a stop to which mifchiefs, the skill of great Commanders is best seen. In like manner my Lords, this great and, juditious assembly of the house of Commons rightly

sensible of the dangerous effect which so general a disturbance of Mens minds in the concernments of Religion (how groundless soever) might produce, have applied their cares to obviate them by this Bill; a Bill in my opinion as full of moderation towards Catholicks: as of prudence, and security towards the Religi∣on of the State.

In this Bill my Lords, notwithstanding all the alarums of the encrease of Popery and designs of Papists, here is no mention of barring them from private, and mo∣dest exercise of their Religion, no banishing them from such a distance from Court, no putting in execution of penal Laws in force against them, all their precautions are reduced to this one intent, natural to all societies of Men, of hindring a lesser opposite party from growing too strong for the greater and more conside∣rable one and in this way of just prevention, is not the moderation of the house of Commons to be admired; that they have restrained it to this sole point, of debarring their adversaries from Offices, and Places; and from accessions of wealth by favour of the Soveraign. They considered well that wealth and power from publique charges and imployments do range the generality of men to opi∣nions, and parties more strongly farr, then all other arguments, according to the saying of Eneas Silvius (himself a Pope) That the Popes superiority over general Counsels would ever find most Doctors for it, because the Pope had so many Bishop-ricks to give, the Counsells none. I say my Lords, that in contemplation hereof, the wisdome of the house of Commons has wholly applied its care in this Bill to hinder (as appears most reasonable) those of an opposite party, from a Part in the government of that State, under whose protection they live.

It is true my Lords, some Roman Catholicks may seem to be put to extraordina∣ry tests in this Act, and such as upon the score of Conscience as a Roman Catholick I shall give my negative to. But speaking as a Member of a Protestant Parliament I cannot but think prudent and reasonable in the proposers their end being solidly to secure the fears of those they represent. And after all my Lords, how few do the sharp trials, and tests of this Act regard? only a few such Roman Catholicks as would fain hold Offices and Places, at the price of hypocrisie, and dissimulation of their true sentiments in Religion. My Lords I am none of those, none of those wherry-men in religion who look one way, and row another. I have had the ho∣nour to exercise a great charge of state under the last King of blessed memory: and to continue the same under our most gratious Soveraign that is now till it pleased Almighty God to call me (even at the Article of death) to that religion, wherein I trust he will give me the grace to live and dye, what danger soever may be set before me; But after that call my first work my Lords, was to deliver up the Seals to the King uncomanded, as judging it unfit (though then in a Catho∣lick Country) for any man of a different religion from his Prince, to exer∣cise a charge of that importance under him, and I am now my Lords much more of that opinion then ever.

Upon the whole matter my Lords, however the sentiments of a Catho∣lick of the Church of Rome (I still say, not of the Court of Rome) nay oblige me (upon scruple of Conscience) in some perticulars of this Bill, to give my negative to it when it comes to the passing, yet as a Member of a Protestant Parliament my advice prudentially cannot but go along with the main scope of it. The present circumstances of time, and affairs consi∣dered, and the necessity of composing the disturbed minds of the people.

It may be said my Lords, that some things in this Bill seem to trench upon His Majesties Prerogative, and his inherent power of pardoning and suspending prosecutions.

My Lords, that Inherent power in our Soveraign, God forbid any body should think this most meriting house of Comons could ever have the least design of taking away, or invalidating; But to desire His Majesty to suspend the application of that undeniable power, in certain particular cases, I esteem to be far from any derogation to the essence of that Royal Prerogative.

My Lords, let me give you an instance to make my sentiments of this matter more clear, His Majesty recomended unto you in a former Sessi∣on, the care to provide a Bill for preventing the great mischief by duels, If your Lordships should have thought fit in that Bill to have engaged His Majesty to have declared that he would never pardon any duel, would it have been thought a derogation to the inherent regal power of pardoning? when as the cure of so great an evil could never be hoped for whilst there was room left to a Princes pitty, and generosity, to be wrought upon in favour of such gallant persons who are most usually involved in that crime, no my Lords, when nations are so happy as to have nothing more to fear then from the good nature, and debonair in∣clinations of their Prince there can in my opinion no better service be done him, then by way of dutiful adress, sometimes to oblige him to a binding up of his own hands from the exercise of those indulgent vertues, which in particular cases, may prove noxious to the Publique.