The serpent salve, or, A remedie for the biting of an aspe wherein the observators grounds are discussed and plainly discovered to be unsound, seditious, not warranted by the laws of God, of nature, or of nations, and most repugnant to the known laws and customs of this realm : for the reducing of such of His Majesties well-meaning subjects into the right way who have been mis-led by that ignis fatuus.

Answer.

We have now done with all the Observers grounds; The remainder of his Treatise is either a repetition * 1.1 of the same matter in a new and diverse dresse; as the Hoast of Chalcis served Titus Flaminius, when he gave

him severall services of a tame Hogge, and yet by Cookery made him believe he fed upon choise varie∣ty of Venison; Faire fall a good Cooke: or else it is but superstructions builded upon the former Grounds, which (the foundations being substracted) remain as Castles in the aire, ready to fall of themselves without any further battery: or else it is matter of fact, which howsoever it be disguised by fictions in this feculent Age, when the Father of lyes is let loose; yet it is well enough known to the greater and better part of the Kingdome. Such is the question of the Militia, so often iterated by the Observer, both in point of right and in point of fact: such is the case of the impeached Members: and that of the Tumults and Commoti∣ons at London and Westminster: and that of those in∣famous Libells and invectives against his Majestyes Government, both out of the Pulpit and Presse, if not with incouragement yet without any restraint; and some of them not onely against his Government, but against Monarchicall Government in generall, as this very Treatise of the Observers. Concerning the first, His Majesty hath set forth an expresse Decla∣ration of the first of Iuly, yet unanswered: to say more in this were to bring Owles to Athens. Concerning the latter, His Majesty passing by ordinary and misled Persons, chargeth the Heads and Contrivers of these Distractions and Libellous Invectives, in his Decla∣tions of the 12 of August &c. so as it seemes needlesse to take any further notice of them. Such others are that of the Scotch Army, and the surprising of New∣castle, and the Earle of Straffords case: whereas the Observer knows well enough that for the two former

there is an Act of Oblivion, and for the latter a pro∣viso that it shall not be drawne into president, which in effect is as much. He cannot choose but know, that otherwise something might be said in these cases which perhaps would trouble him to untwist: To in∣sult over one that hath his hands tyed, or to brave one who i•…•… bound to the peace, argues a degenerous Ad∣versary. Therefore to omit these and the like, and to insist upon such onely as afford us either new matter, or have more weig•…•…t of Reason added to them.

Whereof the principall without comparison is the * 1.2 businesse o•…•… Hull or S•…•…r Iohn Hotham, which runs so much in the Observ•…•…s mind, that he falls upon it nine or ten times in thi•…•… little Treatise, and after he professeth to have done with it pag. 30; yet he relap∣seth into it again thri•…•… in the 33. 35. and 43. pa∣ges. I shall not omit any thing that hath the least, scruple of weight or moment to advantage Sir Iohn Hothams cause.

First it is confessed b•…•… the Observer, That to possesse a Towne and shut the g•…•…es against the King is Trea∣son. A liberall concessio•…•… •…•…e had an hard forehead that should deny it. To d•…•…in one of the Kings ships or Castles onely, with•…•…t danger to His Person, is Treason: what is it then, •…•…rst to in•…•…rude forcibly, and then to detein injuriousl•…•… not a Pinnace or little To∣wer, but one of the pri•…•… Ports and Strengths of the Kingdom, and in it t•…•… Kings whole Magazine or provision of Warre, a•…•… to raise His Majestyes own Subjects to keep it with Muske•…•…s bent against His Royall Brest? They ha•…•… need to be very saving Cir∣cumstances that can alte•…•… the nature of such an act, or

have virtue to transubstantiate Cataline into Camillus, and change Treason into Loyalty. Who made the Ob∣server a Distinguisher where the Law doth not distin∣guish? But let us view his Reasons without preju∣dice.

Three things are alledged, first the circumstances of the action, Secondly, the intention of the Actors, Thirdly the Authority of the Commanders. For the first he saith, The King was meerely denyed entrance for the time, his generall Right was not denyed. I doe easily beleeve, that Sir Iohn meant not to hold Hull for ever: If he did, he is not such a Child to say so. When the Lord Gray and his Complices had plotted to surprise the Tower or Dover Castle, and to possesse themselves of the Persons of King Iames & his Councell, it was not their designe to hold those Forts, or detein them Prisoners for ever: but untill they had gained their own conditions, which were the alte∣ration of Religion, and the distribution of the great Offices of the Kingdome among themselves; yet it was never the lesse adjudged Treason, and they con∣demned for it.

He addes, No defying language was given to the King. No more did Iudas give the King of Kings when he cryed, Hail Master & kissed him. The Prophet complaineth, of some that the words of their mouth•…•… were softer then butter, but Warre was in their hearts. It was as true as tarta censure, which Iohannes Ca∣pocius a noble Romane, gave of Innocent the third, who did privately blow the coales betwixt Otho and Frede∣rick, O Holy Father, your words are the words of God

(peaceable & pious) bu•…•… your deeds are the deeds of the Devill.

He proceeds, No act of violence was used, though the King for diverse houres together did stand within musket shot, and did use t•…•…rms of defyance, and this makes the act meerely defensive o•…•… rather passive. Passive! how can that be? notwithstanding the intrusion of Sir Iohn, the King is still the Possessor, and the deteining is forcible in the eye of the Law. This very plea ar∣gues a rotten and a trayterous heart: To kill an inno∣cent and an anoynted King in the sight of the Sun, requires an height of impiety, a longer preparation of Partners, and instruments fleshed in Blood and Mischiefe. He that should have commanded such a shot, had need to have given his charge in ambiguous terms, as Edvardum occidere nolite timere bonum est, or otherwise might have been thrown over the walls for his Labour. If such a shot had fayled, it had been destructive to the Actor and all his Partakers: if it had taken it would have made them stinke in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of all good Men; but for my part I doe not beleeve there was any such intention. Howsoever we have been told that in the place of the Barons Wars, we should expect the Commons Warres: yet generally the English Nation delights not so much in Demo∣cracy as the Observer doth; and a more gracions King they could not have, whose death would have dissol∣ved many mens hopes. Howsoever as King Alphon∣s•…•…s answered his Phisitian, when he perswaded him not to handle the works of Livy (which were sent unto him by a great Florentine) for fear of poyson, The * 1.3 Lifes and Soules of Kings are secure under the provi∣dence

and protection of God: or as a Traytour answe∣red the King of the Danes, That he wanted neither * 1.4 mind nor sufficient meanes to have effected his intentions, but the assistence and concurrence of God was alwayes wanting. Which was verified in a conspiracy against King James, when the Murderer smitten into an amazement by Gods just judgement, could neither stirre hand nor foot.

It follows, How should this administer to the King any grounds to levy guards at Yorke? &c. Did the King without fear treat with Sir Iohn Hotham as a Traytour in the face of his Artillery, and offer to enter Hull with twenty horse unarmed, and continue such a harsh Parley so many houres; and yet when he was in Yorke, in a County of so great assurance, could nothing but so many Bands of Horse and Foot secure him from the same Sir Iohn Hotham? I wonder the Observer doth not blush to be His Majestyes Remembrancer how much he descended from his Royall State that day, in his attendence so many houres, and his cour∣teous proffers. Is it because he thinks good Subjects take delight to hear of such an audacious affront put upon their Soveraigne? Or of that base scandalous picture so much gazed at in Forrein parts, of Sir Iohn Hotham standing aloft armed Cap a•…•…pe, incircled with Gallants and great Ordinance, like another Achil∣les,

Impiger, iracundus, inexorabilis, acer;

Whilest His Sacred Majesty was pictured be∣low like a Chancery Petitioner with his hat in his

hand, pittyfully complaining and suing to Sir Iohn for admission? But the King called Sir Iohn Traytour, and gave him harsh language. Did he so? you may remember what Philip answered for the Macedonians, when some of his own wicked instru∣ments complained they called them Traytours; that his Countrymen were plain dealing men to call things by their right names, and could not for their lifes think one thing and say another. If Philip a Prince benefited by those Creatures, pleaded so for his Subjects; why might not King Charles who was injuried, and a loser, have leave to speak for himselfe to his own Subjects? But if the King were so confident there, why did he raise Forces at Yorke, a place of more assurance? First shew us your Commission to take his Maje∣sties answer, or at least tell us why Sir Iohn began to raise Forces first? His Majesty is authorized by God and the Law to raise Forces, and owes no account to the Observer. And to His Majestyes confidence then, and diffidence after, I can say nothing positively: if it were in another case, there might be sundry rea∣sons given. Perhaps the second cogitations are the sounder; or Men may hope for better measure then they find; or the latter day is a Scholler to the former; or a Man may desire to surprise him and cannot, whom he hath no desire to kill if he could; or Mischiefe growes not to maturity in an instant, but by De∣grees.

But, The King might have prevented this repulse, by sending a Messenger before hand, or by comming with∣out such considerable Forces in so unexpected a manner. How considerable His Majestyes Forces were, and

what was His manner of comming to Hull, Him∣•…•…elfe hath published in a true satisfactory. Declara∣•…•…ion long since: if it had been otherwise, how could •…•…is Majesty imagine or expect such a repulse against •…•…ll Laws, beyond all presidents. An impartiall man •…•…ould rather thinke that Sir Iohn Hotham should •…•…ave taken it to heart, that His Majesty should so •…•…arre suspect his Loyalty as to send such a Message •…•…efore him. This is certain, if there were an omis∣•…•…ion in point of discretion or good manners, it was •…•…n Sir Iohn Hothams part, who was privy to his own •…•…esolutions: and though he h•…•…d forgotten his Allegi∣ance, yet in point of Courtesy, he ought to have given His Majesty a fair advertisement. It is very hard the Observer should goe about to reduce his King to the condition of an ordinary Passenger, that must send his Harbinger before to try whether he may have en∣terteinment at his Inne or nor.

Nondum finitus Orestes, His circumstances are not yet done; He addes, the things remaining at Hull in the Kings trust for the use of the Kingdom were Arms, & by consequence of more danger then other kind of Chattells. If I intrust my cloake to anothers custody, I may not take it again by force, but if it be my sword, and there is strong presumption that it may be drawn upon me, I may use any meanes to secure it. I wish all the Observers Faction had been of his opinion in one point; His Majesty and many of His good Subjects have been plundered deepely, and have had both their Cloaks and their Coates &c. taken away by force, wherein they challenged a right of interest, which is more then trust. Still the Observer builds upon his former ex∣travigants:

His Majesty is not Rex ad placitum one that hath meerely the custody of Regall power, as the Lord Keeper hath of the great Seale, or as the Observer may give his Cloake to his Neighbour to hold: but he is the very owner and Possessor of So∣veraignty to him and to his Heires; and this not by the antecedent trust, nor by the guift of the People, but by the goodnesse of God. It would be known what presumptions the Observer had that the sword should be drawn upon him; except he that hath gi∣ven his Superiour a boxe on the eare may lawfully disarm him when he hath done, for fear least being provoked he should strike again. The Observer inti∣mates no lesse, Whether is more probable at this time, * 1.5 that the King is incensed against the Parliament or the Parliament against the King? That very Argument which he useth here is sufficient to convince him∣selfe. What is the thing deteined? The Magazine. To whom doth the right of Armour belong? To the King alone and not to the Parliament; witnesse a Parlia∣ment it selfe 7. Edvardi primi: much lesse to the Observer or Sir Iohn Hoth•…•…m. Uzza was smitten * 1.6 dead for presuming but to take hold of the Arke of God: God will rather have the Arke of the Church or Commonwealth to shake and totter under his own immediate protection, then to have such men presume to lay hold on it, who have no calling from him.

There is onely one saving circumstance left behind, Heare it, The Kings interest in Hull is not such an in terest as in other movables, neither is the Kings inte∣•…•…est taken away, the same things are reserved for him in better hands: and if it were the same, yet the State

hath an interest Paramount in cases of publicke extre∣mity. The State hath an interest Paramount; what State? have we any State in England without the King? the Observer is still in his old dreames. Well, what is the interest of this imaginary State? an ima∣ginary interest. An interest Paramount in cases of ex∣tremity. What a mixture of pleas is here? extremity is the plea of private Persons. In case of extremity where a Man can not have recourse to the Magistrate, every Man becomes a Magistate to himselfe: an In∣terest Paramount is the right of Superiour Lords. But first, here was no such extremity, if there had, still his plea is starke naught: necessity doth arme a private Man against a Thiefe, but not authorize a private Man to disarme a lawfull Magistrate. His other plea of an interest Paramount is well worse; If the People (to comply with his own sense,) have an interest Paramount in whatsoever the King holds either jure Coronae, or jure Personae, then they are the Soveraigne, and he but a Subject. But it was reserved for him in better hands. Reserved for the King? how doe you meane? as Tophet is said to be prepared for the King; that is to shoot at the King at Edgehill or elswhere: otherwise I do not see how it was reserved for the King. This plea or the like, might serve a highway Robber or any Oppressor, to say it is taken into more needfull hands, or into their hands that knew better how to use it; or that it was but borrowed, and should be repayed (at the Greek Calends.) None so fit to judge in what hands a thing should be kept as the true owner of it. But the Kings right is not the same in Hull that it is in other moveables. True he hath

not the same right of property or possession to sell it, or give it, but he hath a right of Dominion, and Soveraign∣ty, & protection, which is altogether inconsistent with his exclusion or shutting out of Hull. If he be held out of it by force, he is a King de jure, but not de facto, even as he is King of France, or at least of Normandy Aquitaine &c. or as the King of the Romans is King of Rome. The King hath another interest in Hull be∣side that of Dominion: other Townes are indebted to the King for their Protection, but this Town for its very Foundation. The Crown purchased it when it was capable of nothing but heards of Cattell and flocks * 1.7 of sheepe, The Crown builded it, the Crown indo∣wed it with Privileges & Possessions, made it a distinct County and able to support such a Dignity, the Crown fortified it and made it so strong as it is: and was all this done with an intent to be thrust out of it? O that Edward the third who builded it, or Henry the eight who fortified it with Blockhouses, were but in it for a day or two, with a Regiment of their old Cava∣leers to try who should be King of Hull and Humber. The proper name of it is not Hull, but Kingston upon Hull. The Observer doth well to decline the right name, for according to his notions, it may be called Kingston per Antiphrasin, because it is none of the Kings Town.

If the circumstances will not justify the action, the Observer flyes to the Common Sanctuary of Trans∣gressours; a good intention: so he goes on, The next thing considerable is the Parliaments intention. If the Parliament have hereupon turned any of the Townes Men out of their estates, or claimed any interest

in it themselves, or have 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the King, utterly de∣nying his right for the future, or have made any other use of their possession, but meerly to prevent Civill War, and to disfurnish the Kings Souldiers of Arms and Am∣munition, Let the State be branded with Treason: but if none of these things be by any credit, though their Enemies should be Iudges, the essentiall property of Treason must needs here be absent in this Act. There needs no Enemies to be made Judges; if it were before a Court of Are∣opagites, this plea would be laughed at or hissed out of Court. How shall we judge of Mens intenti∣ons best, by their words or by their actions? Who * 1.8 ever Proclaimed in the Streets that he had rotten Wares to sell? Who ever confessed that his meaning was naught? Mens intentions may be pleaded at the Barre of Conscience before God for mitigation, not at the Barre of Justice before Man for Justification. Nei∣•…•…s it likely that Sir Iohn and his Partners had all the same Intentions; their Actions speak their Intentions sufficiently. And admitting their Intentions were good, yet that cannot justifie an unlawfull Action; They * 1.9 shall put you out of the Synagogues, yea, whosoever killeth you, will think he doth God service: Those Persecuters had good Intentions, but their Actions were starke naught. You sa•…•…, they claimed no Interest, yet your selfe claime an Interest Paramount for them. You say they disseised not the King, because they denyed not His Right for the future; as if there might no•…•… be a disseisure without such a deniall. You say they made no other use of the possession: The Inhabitants say, they m•…•…de o•…•…her use of their Houses and dwelt in them; They made other use of their Victuals and payd

not for them: The Merchants say, they made other uses of their Wines, Spices, and Wares, and sold them, and tooke Money for them: The Countrymen say they made other use of themselves, and their Servants, and their Goods, and disposed them as freely as if they had been their own: The whole Country complains, That Hull hath been used as a Nest and Refuge for se∣ditious Persons, A Seminary of Warre, to the great dammage of the Subject thereabouts, besides all the blood that hath been spilt upon that occasion; Whom shall a Man trust, the Townesmen, or the Observer? But you say, They turned none of the Townesmen out of their Estates; Perhaps not so soon as you Writ; Either there are Lyars, or some Mens eyes were more upon Yorkminster and Cawood-Castle, then upon Hull or any Houses in Hull: But since, that Faction hath turned out whomsoever they either disliked or suspected, and have seised Mens Estates at their pleasure, and sent out their Emissary Legions roming and Plundring about the Country, as if Sathan were sent out from the face of the Lord, to scourge the World; Trojan or Tyrian, Papist or Protestant, all was fish that came to their Netts. And if there can be no forgivenesse of sinne without restitution, some of them have a great account to make either in this World, or in the World to come. He tells us, this was the onely means to pre∣vent Civill Warre, and to disfurnish the Kings seducers of Arms and Ammunition: But the truth is, this hath been the onely Source and Fountain from whence all our Civill Warres have sprung. Whether the King or Kingdome have been seduced, and by whom, the God of Heaven will discover? I would every Eng∣lishman

had it ingraven in his forehead, how he stands affected to the Commonwealth. We Beetles did see no signes of civill Warre, but all of Peace and Tranquillity: but the Observer and his Confederates being privy to their own plots, to introduce by the sword a new form of Government both into State and Church, might easily foresee, that they should stand in need of all the strength, both in Hull and Hell and Hallifax to second them: whereof yet all true En∣glishmen do acquit the Parliament in their hearts de∣sires; though the Observer be still at his old ward, shuf∣fling Sir Iohn Hotham out, and the Parliament in, so changing the state of the question. But what weight that consideration hath, follows in his next and last Al∣legation.

Sir John Hotham is to be looked on as the Actor, the Parliament as the Author, in holding Hull. And there∣fore it is much wondred at, that the King seems more violent against the Actor, then the Author, but through the Actor, the Author must needs be pierced, &c. And if the Parliament be not virtually the whole Kingdome it selfe, If it be not the Supreme Iudicature as well in matters of State, is matters of Law: If it be not the great Councell of the Kingdome as well as of the King, to whom it belongeth by the consent of all Nations to provide in extraordinary cases, Ne quid detrimenti capiat Respub∣lica; Let the brand of Treason stick upon it: Nay if the Parliament would have used this forcible means, unlesse petitioning would not have prevailed, or if the grounds of their Iealousie were meerly vain, or if the Iealousie of a whole Kingdome can be counted vain; Let the reward of Treason be their guierdon. Hitherto the Observer

like the wily Fox, hath used all his sleights to frustrate the pursuit of the Hounds: but seeing all his fetches prove in vain, he now begins to act the Catte, and flyes to his one great helpe, to leape up into a Tree, that is, the Authority of Parliament, ut lapsu graviore ruat, that he may catch a greater fall. By the way the Ob∣server forgets how the King is pierced through the sides of Malignant Counsellers.

Three things are principally here consider•…•…ble. First whether Sir Iohn Hotham had any such Command or Commission from the Parliament. Secondly, if he had, whether he ought to have produced it? Thirdly, supposing he both had it, and produced it, whether it be valid against His Majesty, or whether an illegall Command do justifie a Rebellious Act.

To the first of these. I take it for granted, That a Commission, or an Ordinance for Sir Iohn to be a meer Governour of Hull, doth not extend to the Ex∣clusion of His Majesty ou•…•… of Hull, nor Warrant Sir John to shut the Gares against His Soveraign; if it did, every Governour might do the same, and subordi∣nate Command might trample upon Supreme. Nei∣ther can a posteriour approbation warrant a prece∣dent excesse; for this is not to authorise, but to par∣don, the sole power whereof is acknowledged to be in His Majesty, without any sharers. To the first questi∣on therefore, the answer is, Sir John Hotham had no such Warrant or Commission from the Parliament: He himselfe confessed, That he had no positive or par∣ticular Order. How should he know of His Majesties comming by instinct, or a Propheticall Spirit? A ne∣gative can not, ought not to be proved; the proofe rests

whollyon Sir Johns side, and can be no other then by producing the Ordinance it selfe, or his instrument whereby he can receive the sense of the House from Westminster to Hull in an instant: If he have not a pre∣cedent Ordinance to shew, it is in vain to pretend the Authority of Parliament.

To the second question. Admitting, but not gran∣ting, that he had such an Ordinance, whether could it be availeable to him, being not produced, when it was called for and demanded so often by His Majesty? De non apparentibus, & non existentibus eadem est ratio, Whether there was no such Ordinance, or no such Or∣dinance did appeare, is all one both in Law and rea∣son; He that can reade and will not make use of his Clergy suffers justly: He that hath a Warrant and will not produce it, may cry, Nemo laeditur nisi a seipso, No Man is hurt but by himselfe. A known Officer so long as he keeps himselfe within the sphere of his own activity, is a Warrant of himselfe: But he that it imployed extraordinarily, or transcends the bounds of Common Power, must produce his Authority, or take what falls. Sir John hath not yet gained so much credit, that his ipse dixit, his word should be a suffici∣ent proofe, or his Testimony in his own case taken for an Oracle.

Thirdly, admitting that Sir John had such an Ordi∣nance, and likewise that he did produce it, (for if we admit neither, he can prove neither,) yet the que∣stion is how valid this Ordinance may be as to this act. I doubt not at all of the Power of Parliament, that is, a compleat Parliament, where the King and both Houses doe concurre: but an ordinance without

the King, against the King, alters the case; this may have the Authority of both Houses perhaps, but not of a complete Parliament. Secondly the Power of both Houses is great, especially of the Lords as they are the Kings Great Councell, and in that relation are the Supreme Judicature of the Kingdome: but before the Observer said it, I never thought the Com∣mons did challenge any share of this Judicature, ex∣cept over their own Members, or preparatory to the Lords: or that they had power to administer an Oath, which the Apostle saith is the end of all strife; who * 1.10 ever knew any Judicature without power to give an Oath? This makes the Observers new devise, of the people meeting in their underived Majesty to doe justice, a transparent fiction. It is not the Commons, but the Lords or the Kings Councell that challenge Su∣preme Judicature. But take both Houses with that latitude of Power, which they have either joyntly or severally, yet His Majesty saith they have no power over the Militia of the Kingdome, or over his Forts or Magazines: he avoucheth for it the Common Law, Statute Law, Presidents, Prescriptions; we have not yet heard them answered, nor so much as one instance, since the beginning of this Monarchy given for a pre∣sident of such an Ordinance, or of any new Ordinance binding to the Kingdom, without his Majestyes con∣currence, in Person or by Commission. If the Ob∣server have any Law, or President, or Case, he may do well to produce it: if he have none, he may sit down & hold his peace; his remote inconsequent consequen∣ces drawn from the Law of Nature are neither true nor pertinent. Yet I never heard that Sir Iohn did

allege any authority from the House of the Lords; but from the House of Commons onely. This brings the Parliament still into a straiter roome; as if it were totum homogeneum, every part to bear the same name with the whole: so he may give the Au∣thority of Parliament to a particular Committee, or perhaps to a particular Member. He saith it is vir∣tually the Kingdome. Not so, it is virtually the Com∣mons of the Kingdom: not to all intents neither, but to some purposes. He addes, that it is the great Councell of the Kingdom, to which it belongs to provide that the Commonwealth receive no prejudice. It is a part of the Great Councell, and should provide for its safety, as the grand inquest doth for the whole County; by finding out the dangers and grievances, and proposing remedyes: but to prattle of a Maje∣sty or plenitude of Soveraigne Power, derived now at this time of the day from the People, is to draw water out of a Pumice, or to be mad with reason.

I have now answered all that the Observer hath brought throughout his Booke, either concerning Hull or Sir John Hotham. Now will he heare with patience what Hull Men say? They say that Sir John hath been a prime occasion of these Distempers, as the most severe and zealous Collector of * 1.11 Ship-mony that ever was, in his She•…•…ivealty, a pre∣sident to the rest of the Kingdome, not onely an Ex∣ecutor of the commands of others, but also a Plotter and Contriver of this businesse: That he hath had, not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Moneths mind, but sixteen yeares mind to the Go∣vernment of Hull, (ever since the Wars with Spain)

upon all occasions, and as an introduction to his de∣signes hath gotten the Traine bands of Hull added to his Regiment: That his Friends have been the Rai∣sers and Fomenters of these Feares and Jealousies, of the surprising of Hull, sometimes by the Lord of Dunbarres Men that were trained under ground, (surely they were not men, but Serpents Teeth that should be turned into armed Men,) sometimes by Mr. Terret a Lincolnshire Gentleman and his Troopes of Horse; a fine devise indeed to have surprised Hull on a suddain, with horse, and with horse from Lin∣colnshire, who knows how they should have got over Humber, unlesse they were winged? They say that before ever the K•…•…ngdome took any notice of a breach between the King and the Parliament, Master Hotham openly divided them at Hull, They that are for the King stand there, and they that are for the Par∣liament stand here; did he know nothing then? judge you. They tell who it was that threw away His Majestyes Letter in scorn, and told the Major of Hull it was worth nothing: who it was that com∣manded the Burgesses upon pain of Death to keep in their Houses, and not to appeare when His Maje∣sty repaired to Hull: who it was that caused the bone∣fires to be put out upon the day of His Majestyes inau∣guration upon pretended fear of the Magazine; where∣as at the same time his Souldiers had a great fire under the very Walls of it: who it was that desired of the Townes Men of Hull a certificate to the Par∣liament, that His Majesty came against Hull in an Host•…•…le manner, with greater numbers then he had; which was refused by the greater and sounder part, as

good reason they had, both because it was untrue, and also because during all the same time they were confi∣ned to their Houses upon pain of Death: who it was that administred an Oath or Protestation to the Townes Men of Hull, so directly opposite both to their Oath of Allegiance, and to the Oath which they take when they are admitted Burgesses or Free∣men of that Corporation. They say Mr. Hothams Mot•…•…o of his Cornet is, For the publick liberty but that it was not for the publick Liberty either for him to promise the Townes men that none should be trou∣bled with billeting Souldiers against their wills, and so soon as he was gotten into Hull to fill their hou∣ses with Billiters, and tell them it was Policy of State to promise fair till they were in possession; or for his Father to hold a Pistoll to the brest of the Kings Lieutenant, to beate and imprison their Per∣sons, to banish them from their habitations, to drown their Corne and Meddow, to burn their Houses, to robbe them of their goods, and allow the owner but ten pounds out of a thousand, for the maintenance of himselfe, his wife, and Children; to suffer his Officers to charge an honest Woman with fellony, for com∣ming into her own house, because her Husband was a Delinquent, and Sir Iohn had disposed his goods. If you desire to know where was the first forcing of bil∣lets? it was at Hull: where was the first plundering of goods? at Hull: the first drowning of Grounds? at a 1.12 Hull: where was the first burning of Houses? at b 1.13 Myton neare Hull: where was the first shedding of blood? at c 1.14 Anlaby near Hull; and to aggravate the matter in a time of Treaty and expectation of Peace.

They say the first men banished from their Habitati∣ons, were Mr. Thornton, Mr. Cartwright, Mr. Per∣kins, Mr. Faireburne, Mr. Kerny, Mr. Topham, M•…•…. Watson, Mr. Dobson of Hull. They say the first Im∣positionof four pound a Tunne upon some kind of Commodityes was at Hull: and wish that the Father had been translated into Lincolnshire with the Sonne, that Yorkeshire might have sung, Laetentur Caeli &c.

You have seen what they say, whereof I am bu•…•… the Relater, if it seem too sharp•…•…, blame the Pellica•…•… and not me. Now I must crave a word with the Towne. Besides the oath of Allegiance which every good Subject hath taken or ought to take, every Bur∣gesse of that Town takes another Oath at his admis∣sion, to keep that Towne and the Blockhouses to the use of the King and his Heires, (not of the King and Parliament.) I cannot now procure the Copy to a word: but I shall set down the like Oath for Yorke; and of the two, the oath of Hull is stricter. I desire the Londoners and all the strong Townes in the Kingdom, who I conceive have taken the same form of Oath, to take it into serious consideration for their Soules health.

This heare ye my Lord Major, Mr. Chamberlen•…•…, and good Men that I from hence forth shall be tru∣sty and true to Our Soveraigne Lord the King and to this Citty. And this same Citty I shall save and maintein to our said Soveraigne Lord the King His Heires and Successors &c. So helpe me God.

The Oath beginnes as solemnely as that of the Ro∣mane

Faeciall, Heare O Iupiter, and thou Iu•…•…, Quirinus thou &c. And being affirmative, though it bind not a Townes-man ad semper, to be alwayes upon the Walls in Arms; yet it binds him semper, to be ready upon all necessityes, it binds him never to doe any thing that may be contrary to his Oath. And was not that Protestation contrary, which was by Sir Iohn Hotham imposed upon the Inhabitants of Hull and by them taken?

Forasmuch as the King being seduced by wicked and evill Counsell, intends to make Warre against this Towne of Hull, who have done nothing but by Order of Parliament: We therefore whose names are here under written, doe protest before Almighty God and all good Christians, to be ready with all cheerfullnesse and willingnesse to our powers with our Lifes and Estates, to defend the same against all opposition whatsoever.

Observe first what Gudgeons he makes them swal∣low. How doe they know that the King is seduced? Sir Iohn tells them so: Or that His Majesty intended to make Warre against Hull, unlesse because their Consciences told them they had given him just grounds to doe so? It was Sir John Hotham, not the Town of Hull, which was accused by His Majesty. Observe how he makes his act, the act of the whole Town, who have done nothing: and yet they poore men were mued up in their Houses whilest it was a doing. Lastly how they affirme that he hath done nothing but by order of Parliament: yet it is certain many

who were require to protest, and were banished for not pro•…•…esting, I believe not one of them all did ever yet see this Order: (how could they see that which never was?) for these men to know that he had an Order, to know that he did not exceed his Order, is miraculous. Upon these feined grounds they build their solemne Protestation; what to doe? To defend Hull against all opposition whatsoever, His Majesty is not excepted: and the first words, For as much as th•…•… King being seduced &c. shews that His Majesty is prin∣cipally intended. To save and defend the Town to Our Soveraigne Lord the King and His Heires; So saith the Oath: To defend it against all opposition whatso∣ever, yea of the King seduced; so saith the Pro∣testation. Now if these two be not repugnant dire∣ctly one to another, if every man that hath taken this Protestation, be not directly perjured; Reddat mihi mi∣nam Diogenes, Let him that taught me Logique give my mony again. What is this but to intangle and ingage God in Rebellion, and to put his broad Seale to Letters counterfeited by themselves? They suffered much who were banished for not protesting: but they more who stayed at home with such hazard of their Soules. Some men may be so silly as to aske whether of these two ingagements, the Oath or the Protestation ought to be kept? The case is clear the former Obligation doth alwayes prejudge the latter: the latter Will is best, but the first Oath: The Protestation is plaine perjury, and to persevere in it, is to double the sinne: Dura promissio, aecerbior solutio, to make the Protestation was ill, to keep it * 1.15 is worse; David protested as much against Naball,

yet upon better consideration, ensem in vagina•…•… revo∣cavit, he retracted it.

Secondly, an Oath made by one that is not sui ju∣ris, who hath not power over him selfe, in that which he sweares, is voide even when it is made: As for a Child or a Wife to sweare against their Filiall or Conjugall Duty, or for a Subject to swea•…•… against his Allegiance, (and such an one was that Protesta∣tion,) this is sufficient to make it voide. To which much more might be added, as that the former Oaths were grounded both upon a naturall and a civill Ob∣ligation, were freely assumed, but this Protestation was meerely forced: the former were taken before a lawfull Magistrate, the latter before an Intruder, who had no power to administer such a Protestation. But I have dwelt long enough on this point: I wish our great Citties who have taken the like Oath may lay it to heart.

In the close of this point, the Observer tells us, that if Faux had fallen by a private mans sword in the very instant when he would have given fire to his train, that act had not been punishable. What then? will he compare the Soveraigne Magistrate to a Powder Traytour; or his undermining the Parliament House with the Kings repairing to his own Town; or his blo∣wing up His Majesty and the Peeres, with the Kings requiring his own goods. This is false and painted fire, the traine was laide the other way,

Quicquid ostendat mihi sic, incredulus odi.

The next considerable Observation is concerning * 1.16

Ireland: A Tragicall Subject which may justly chal∣lenge our teares and prayers. The Observer falls upon this in the 17. 29. and 36. pages of this Treatise, and likewise in his Observator defended, and other Discourses lately published, either without a name or under another name. The condition of Ireland is so much the more to be deplored, by how much the lesse it could then be expected: when Religion began to shew its beames over the face of that Kingdom, yea without any pressure to the Conscience of any man, except such as were introducers of innovations into the publike service of the Church; when the Law had obteined a free current throughout the whole Island; when the scale of equity gave the same weight to Gold and Lead, and the equall administration of Justice to Rich and Poore, did secure the inferiour Subjects from oppression; when there was a dayly growth of all Arts and Trades and Civility; when that which was formerly so great a burthen to this Crown in the ordinary accounts every year, was now become able not onely to defray its own charge, but also make a large supply to His Majestyes Revenue; when all the orders of that Kingdom had so lately given an unanimous expression of their Zeal and Devotion to His Majestyes Service: That on a suddain the Sky should be so totally overcast, with a pitchy cloud of Rebellion, That all our fairest hopes should be so unexpectedly nipped in the bud; deserves a little inqui∣sition into the true reason of it.

Some who have long since learned, that a dead man cannot bite, are bold to cast it on the Earle of Straffords score; how justly let these two considerations wit∣nesse.

First that the prime Actors in this Warre, were as great opposers and Prosecutors of the Earle: Members of the same Faction may feine quarrells among themselves in publike, only to gain upon a cre∣dulous party, and to inable themselves to doe more mis∣chief, but this never proceeds so far as blood. Se∣condly, looke who they are in Ireland whose Heroi∣call actions, in such a scarcity of necessary supplyes, have mainteined the English and the Protestant cause, and you shall find very many of them the intimate Friends of the Earl of Strafford, and principall Com∣manders in the Irish Army called the Popish Ar∣my, which was said to be intended against England: if you inquire further into the long Robe for Coun∣sell, you will find the same observation made good. Then let the Earles ashes rest in peace for this.

Others bred out of the excrements of those Gi∣ants who made Warre against Heaven, cast this upon his sacred Majesty. (To use the Observers words) An absurd, unreasonable, incredible supposition, That he who may boast more truely then Pericles could up∣on his deathbed, that never one Athenian did wear black for his sake: Now, as if all his former goodnesse were but personated, or Neroes Soule had transmigrated into his Body, should delight in the blood and slaugh∣ter of his Subjects. To what end? to exhaust his Treasure, lose his Revenues, weaken his Friends, & deprive himselfe of the certain assistence of his Sub∣jects, at a time when he conceives it to be so usefull for his affaires. They had need be strong proofes indeed, that can incline the judgement of any rationall Man, to such a senselesse Paradox. Let us view them.

First, The Rebells said so, They pleaded the Kings Authority, They called themselves the Queenes Army. Is not this a doughty Argument? By the same reason we may accuse Christ, as the Patron of all Schisma∣ticall Conventicles, because they say, here is Christ, and there is Christ, some out of a credulous simplicity, others out of a deep subtlety: or ascribe the Primi∣tive Haeresies to the Apostles, because the false Tea∣chers did use their names, to make their Haeresies more current: So Sir Iohn Hotham and Serjeant Ma∣jor Skippon, doe pretend the Authority of King and Parliament; the King disclaimes both the one and the other: many who are now in Arms against the King, do verily beleeve they fight for the King, against some bad Counsellers, whom they cannot name. The same Rebells sometimes pleaded an Ordinance of Parliament. Nothing is more usuall with Pirates then to hang out a counterfeit Flagge.

A second reason is, Sundry Commanders of note were passed over into Ireland, by his Majestyes warrant, who were seen presently after in the head of the Re∣bells. His Majesty hath long since answered this, and demanded reparation of such a groundlesse Calumny. I onely adde two things. The one how ignorant our intelligencers are of the State of Ireland, to fein such a devise of a Brother of Sir George Hamletons: yet Sir George hath no Brother there but Sir Fredericke, who was then and long after in Manour Hamleton, as opposite to the Irish Rebells as the Observer him∣selfe. The other is, if this were true, yet it were but a poor collection; There are many who have had not onely Warrants under the Kings hand, but Let∣ters

Patents under his Broad Seale, who owe their very subsistence to His Majestyes bounty; yet have made a shift to creepe from his bosome, out at his sleeve. If such a thing had been, (as it is an impudent Fiction;) yet these are neither the first nor the last, that have betrayed the trust of a Gracious King.

The third and last reason is, because His Majesty was not so active to represse this insurrection, nor so ready to proclaime them Traytours: so the Observer, He that will not accuse the King of zeal against the Irish Rebells, yet he may truely say, there is not the same * 1.17 zeal expressed that was against the Scots &c. The prof∣fered supplyes of the English and Scottish Nation are retarded, opportunityes neglected, nice exceptions framed. This plea is pertinent to make the King, though not the Contriver, yet the Conserver of that Rebellion: but is as false as the Father of Lyes, from whom it pro∣ceeds Hear His Majesty himselfe, The Irish Rebells pra∣ctise * 1.18 such unhumane and unheard of outrages upon our mi∣serable People, that no Christian care can hear without horrour, nor Story paralell. And as we looke upon this, as the greatest affliction it hath pleased God to lay upon us, so our unhappinesse is increased in that by the distem∣pers at home, so early remedyes have not beene applyed to those growing evills, as the necessity there requires. And we acknowledge it a high Crime against Almighty God, and inexcusable to our good Subjects, if we did not to the utmost imploy all our powers and faculties, to the speediest and most effectuall assistence and protection of that distressed People. He conjures all His loving Subjects to joyne with him in that Worke, He of∣fers

to hazard his sacred Person in that Warre, To ing•…•…ge the revenues of his Crowne; what can the Observer desire more? perhaps he may say these Of∣fers came late and unseasonably. Then let us looke backward to His Majestyes Proclamation of the first of Ianuary 1641, soon after his return from Scot∣land, in a time of so great Distractions here at home, when that Remonstrance which ushered in all our Feares and Troubles, was ready to be published. Let them shew, that any Course was presented to His Ma∣jesty before this, either by his great Councell to whom he had committed the care of it, or by his Lords Justices and Councell of Ireland, who were upon the place? We abhorring the wicked Disloyalty and horrible Acts committed by those Persons, do here∣by not onely declare our just indignation thereof, but also do declare them and their Adherents and Abetters, and all those who shall hereafter joyne with them, or com∣mit the like acts on any of our good Subjects in that Kingdome, to be Rebells and Traytours against our Roy∣all Person, and Enemyes to our Royall Crown of Eng∣land and Ireland, &c. Commanding them to lay down Arms without delay, or otherwise authorizing and requiring his Lord Iustices there, and the Generall of His Majesties Army, to prosecute them as Tray∣tours and Rebells with fire and sword. But if we look further still; when the first tydings of this cursed Re∣bellion came to His Majesty in Scotland, he did not sleep upon it, but presently acquainted both His Parli∣aments with it, required their assistence, recommended it to their care, promised to joyn in any course that should be thought fit. Neither did His Majestyes care

rest there, but at the same time he named six or seven •…•…olonels in the North of Ireland, to raise Forces instant∣ly to suppresse that insurrection, which was done accor∣dingly: and they say, if some had been as active then, as they were made powerfull by the confluence of that part of the Kingdome, in all probability that Cocka∣trice egge had been broken sooner then hatched; before that ever any of the old English, and many of the meer Natives had declared themselves. In pursuance of these premises, when the Act for Undertakers was tendered to His Majesty, he condiscended freely to give away all his Escheats to this Worke (an Act not to be paralelled among all his Predecessors:) yea though some clauses in that Statute, (especially for the limitation of His Majestyes Grace,) might seem to require a further discussion. The wants of Ireland and the present condition of England doe speak abun∣dantly, whether those great Summes of Mony, or those great Forces raised for that end, have been im∣ployed to the use for which they were solely desig∣ned: yet Rabshekeh will not want a pretext to raile a•…•… good Hezekiah, though Spider like, he suck poison out of the sweetest Flowers. Surely there must be some fire whence all this smoake hath risen. Per∣haps they conceive that His Majesty was not willing without good advise, upon the first motion to put all his strong Forts in the North of Ireland, into the hands of the Scotch Army; can you blame him, con∣sidering the present State of Affaires there? I dare referre it to any mans judgement that is not wholy prepossessed with prejudice, whether it was expedi∣ent at that time, or conducible to the speedy settle∣ment

of Ireland, for them to make that demand•• To divide a little Army, sixty miles one part from another, as farre as betwixt London Derry, and Carig∣fergus or the Newry, where impassable Rivers and Mountaines, and an uncertain passage by Sea would not permit one part to assist another; was a ready way either to a long Warre, or certain overthrow, and not to bring it to a quick conclusion. Neither did these places stand in need of any addition of Forces to se∣cure themselves, whose Service and Victories against the Rebells, may compare with any Forces in the North of Ireland: all their desire was that this Ar∣my would but shew themselves the Masters in the Field, to carry the Warre home to the Rebells own doores. Or if they had desired more Garrisons, Dun∣gannon or Charlemount in the heart of Tyrone, had been much more convenient to distresse the Enemy, then to have all their Forces lye scattered up and down the Sea coast. But these things were accorded quickly, and weeke after weeke, and Moneth after Moneth passed before any Forces moved out of Scotland for the Reliefe of Ireland.

Or perhaps His Majesty was not willing in a pre∣amble of a Bill to Presse Souldiers for Ireland, to di∣vest Himselfe altogether of the power of the Militia here in England: We cannot be contented of late to gather the fruit, unlesse we may break the bough that did beare it, or to quench our present thirst, unlesse we may alter the property of the Fountain. Howsoever to exstinguish all questions, His Majesty did freely offer to raise with speed 10000 English Volunteers

for that Service; or to passe a Bill without any menti∣on of the right, which might do the Work without prejudice to any Person.

What is it then which may in probability be thought the ground of this Rebellion? It requires not so long a search as the head of Nilus; for though I deny not, but that the Hen might be sitting, and some Irish have been long plotting such a thing in forreine Parts; yet they sate so farre from their Nests, that they * 1.19 could never have hatched it, without some extraordi∣nary helps. Some say that by weak management, So∣veraigne Authority was grown contemptible; or that desperate Estates or crying Debts, did ingage the Ringleaders both in Ireland and elswhere, into such courses; or that Personall quarrells and Revenge might challenge a share. Some say that there was a generall desire to shake off the English Government: but omitting these and the like, there are two grounds visible enough. The one is the Example of the late Covenant of their Neighbour Nation: As the Load∣stone drawes Iron to it; so Examples especially if they be successefull, have an attractive virtue and in∣fluence. I doubt not but the one went upon much safer grounds then the other in point of Policy, nei∣ther doe I desire to argue the Lawfulnesse in point of Justice, being a meer Stranger to their Nationall Laws. This is certain, there was a vast difference in the manner of prosecution, the one being more bloody then the other: which whether it be to be ascribed to their severall Principles, or to some particular and accidentall reasons I leave every man to his own Judgement. This is all I say, That if the one had not

piped, in probability the other had not dan•…•…

A second reason was a generall apprehension 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Jealousie and Feares at that time, That the Liberty both Civill and Religious, of the Subject and o•…•… Conscience, and the exercise of their Religion should be qui•…•…e taken away from them; occasioned by some indiscreet threatnings, and some high-flying Petiti∣ons, and nourished and augmented by turbulent and seditious Persons, who perswaded the Common People that there was no security, to be expected, ei∣ther for Life or for Religion, Soule or Body, with∣out such a generall insurrection. Thus Men plunge themselves into reall dangers, out of fancyed and ima∣ginary Jealousies and Feares.

The next thing in the Observer concerning Ireland, is the disparity between the proceedings of the true Rebells in Ireland, and the misnamed Rebells here in England. Their actions are all Blood, Rapine, Tor∣ture; All Ages, Sexes, Conditions, have tasted of their infernall Cruelty; Their intentions were to extirpate Religion, &c. to massacre the English Nation; their chief Leaders, are Iesuits and meere Bandetto•…•…s, &c. Farre be it from me to justify, or so much as qualify those barbarous Acts, which have been committed in Ireland. Cruelty is an Argument of a Coward, not of an Heroicall Nature. But it ill becomes the Ob∣server to inveigh against the Iesuits, untill he have first taken the beame our of his own eye. He that shall compare Dolman or Parsons the Iesuit with this Observer, either for dangerous positions or viru∣lent detractions, may say aut Philo Platonizat, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Plato Philonizat, Good Wits jumpe. The Observer

doth but suppe up what Parsons and some others had disgorged before, that he might vomit it up again. When once the Bankes are broken, it is hard for him that was the cause of the inundation to prescribe li∣mits to it. Had the Observer and his Partners been as much the Major part of England as the Papists were of Ireland, wee should have seen what men they were. In the mean time the Observer hath given a Caution, that whilest Christians remaine in a Pri∣mitive condition, that is, are the weaker part and want strength, it is discretion (not duty) to conceale them∣selves. The Irish Rebellion is against the Authority of the King, not against his Person, this both against his Person and Authority: the Irish seek a Liberty of Conscience to themselves, these not onely a Liberty, but to impose a necessity upon all others: the Irish desire a capacity of Preferment, yet at his Majesties discretion to cull out whom he pleaseth; these Men will be their own Carvers and not leave the King such a latitude: The Irish fight against Men of another Religion, of another Nation; We like wild Beasts fight Protestant against Protestant, Englishman against Englishman, Brother against Brother, Parent against Child: they fight for to recover what they had lost; we fight to lose what we have: they know what they fight for; the greatest part of us fight for we know not what: like the two Paduan Brethren the one supposing he had as many Oxen as there were Starres, and the other supposing that he had a Pasture as large as the Heavens; the mortall quarrell be∣tween them was, whether the ones conceited Oxen might feed in the others supposed ground. But be∣lieve

it, they that cannot make rationall Men un∣derstand, why they put them by the eares together, have secret reasons to themselves, that they dare not manifest to others.

The last passage concerning Ireland, is an Answer to His Majestyes Objection, That if the Major part of both Houses in Ireland, should vote a danger to their Religion, or that Kingdome, and thereupon by Or∣dinance settle the Militia, in the hands of such Persons as they may confide in, of the Romane Communion; they had the same grounds and pretences that our Men have. The Observer answers, That this is improperly urged, for England and Ireland are the same Domi∣nion. That there is as true and intimate an Union betwixt them, as between England and Wales. And though they doe not meet in one Parliament, yet their Parliaments to some purposes, are not to be held severall: And therefore if the Papists in Ireland were Stron∣ger and had more Votes, yet they would want. Autho∣rity to overrule any thing voted and established here in England. The reason why the minor Part in all Suffra∣ges subscribes to the Major, is that blood may not be shed, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in probability the Major part will prevaile, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Strife and Bloodshed would be endlesse, wherefore the Major part in Ireland ought to sit down and acquiesce, because Ireland is not a severall Monarchy from Eng∣land. Nor is that a Major part of Ireland and Eng∣land too, for if it were, it would give Law to us, as we now give Law there, and their Statutes would be of as much virtue here as ours are there, &c.

Such Doctrin as this, hath helped to bring poore Ireland, to that miserable condition wherein now it

is. Will you heare with Patience, what the Irish themselves say of this? If any Ordinance may be im∣posed upon us, without an approbative, or so much as a receptive power in our selves, where is our Li∣berty then? Our Government is meerely Arbitra∣ry, our condition is slavish. We had Magna Char∣ta granted to us as well as England, and since that time, all other Liberties and Privileges of the English Subject: Shall that which is ours be taken from us without our own Act, or our owne Fault; and we never heard either in our Persons or by our Proctors? We desire the Observer to remember what he said before, That which concerns all, ought to be approved by all; We have no Burgesses nor representatives there: and that it is unnaturall for any Nation to contribute its own inherent puissance, meerely to support Slavery. Let the Definition be according to the Major Part of the Votes; but shall the Minor Part be denyed a Liberty to discusse or vote at all? As we deny not but the Kingdome of Ireland is united and incor∣porated to the Crown of England: So we un∣derstand not, by what right any power derived from the English Subject, can extend it selfe over us. That power which they have over us is relative, as they are the Kings Councell, wherein he confides: or by virtue of his Delegation to his Judges representing his own Person. Thus they.

For further Answer. First, this is a meere trifling and declining of the Force of His Majestyes Ar∣gument, which lyes not in this, whether Ireland be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 distinct Kingdome: but supposing it to be a di∣stinct Kingdome, (as without doubt it either is or

might be,) whether that in such a case as is propoun∣ded by His Majesty, it were lawfull for them to assume such a Power contrary to the Law of God and of Nations; or if Ireland were as much bigger then England as France is, (it is no strange thing for a greater Kingdome to be conquered by a lesser,) whether in such a case they might give Law to us, or their Statutes be of as great virtue here, as ours are there, meerely because it is so voted, by the Major part of the representative Body. An absurd incre∣dible Assertion.

Secondly, there is not the like reason of Ireland and Wales. Wales is incircled with the same Sea, a part of the same Island, and originally in the Dayes of the Brittaines, a branch of the same Kingdome. Wales was incorporated to the Realme of England by Act of Parliament 27. Henrici 8. cap. 26: so was not Ireland. Wales have their Peers and Bur∣gesses sitting in the English Parliament: so hath not Ireland. Wales hath no distinct Parliaments of its own: but Ireland hath.

Thirdly, as the Irish readily grant, that their Common Law is the same with ours: so they will not easily believe, that the English Statutes are all of force in Ireland. What all? even to an Act of Subsidies? who ever heard that. It is true, there hath been a question moved among some Lawyers, and those perhaps who were not the most concerned or versed in it, of the English Statutes, what Statutes and in what cases, and how farre they are binding to the Irish Subject? but I have not heard their opinion was so high as the Observers, or that ever the Bell

was rung out yet. If all English Statutes be of force in Ireland, what need was there for Henry the seventh to make an expresse Statute in Ireland, to authorize and introduce all the English Statutes before his time to be of force in that Kingdome? this Act had been supervacaneous and superfluous. And since that time we see many Statutes of force in England, that are of no force at all in Ireland: and many both before and since that time of force in Ireland, that have no power in England.

Lastly, this Observer might be well one of Father Garnets Disciples; when he was asked about the Powder-Treason, whether it was lawfull to take away some Innocents with many Nocents? he answered yes; so it was compensated by a greater benefit or profit, which may perhaps be true sometimes (as in time of Warre) accidentally, in publique and neces∣sary, but not in private and voluntary Agents. So the Observer makes profit and strength, to be the onely rule and measure, of all actions of State: Justice and Piety are banished by an Ostracisme out of his Eu∣topia. This is to inslave Reason, and Crown bodily strength; to silence Law and Justice, and to Deifie Force and Power.

The Observer is every where girding at the Cler∣gy; it is well that his new superstition reversed, will allow them that name. Have they not great cause to thank him, as the poor Persians did their King, when they were condemned, That he was pleased to remem∣ber them? Sometimes he scoffes at the Tribe; There were seditious Schismaticks of all Tribes. Sometimes he derides their Pulpetting, (it may be he likes a

Chaire better) because they teach a Divine Preroga∣tive, which none understand but these ghostly Counsellers who alwaies expresse sufficient enmity and antipathy, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Publique Acts and Pacts of Men. He that accuseth another, should first examine himselfe. I doe not be∣leeve that ever there was any Divine in the World, that made Kings such unlimited Creatures, as this Ob∣server doth the People. I have read some discourses of this subject, but I did never see any one so pernitious to a setled society of men, or so destructive to all hu∣mane compacts, as this seditious bundle of Observations; which makes the Law of Salus Populi, to be a dis∣pensation from Heaven, for the breach of all Oathes of Allegiance, and all other Obligations whatsoever; which measures Justice by the major part, and makes strength and power the rule of what is lawfull; which gives the People the last Judgement of necessity, and upon this Judgement a power to rise in Arms. If any Divine have unwittingly slipped into any such er∣rours, in not distinguishing between an absolute and respective Soveraignty, (which I can hardly beleeve,) yet the Observer might have held his peace for shame; The one is so intent upon the Law of God, the other upon the Law of Nature, that they both forget the known Laws of the Land.

Especially he shews his spleen against Bishop, sometimes calling them Popish Bishops. If Popery * 1.20 were as ancient as Episcopacy, the Observer might shake his Eares at it to small purpose. Sometimes he stiles them the Praelaticall Faction. If that be a Facti∣on which is established by the Fundamentall Law of the Land, and hath ever been a radicated Order of

the Kingdom, What may a man think, of hi•…•… Rev•…•…∣rend Co•…•…hmen and Bu•…•…ton makers, and the rest of that diversified Schismaticall •…•…ie? Sometimes he makes Levi and Sim•…•…n, Hierarchists and Papists, the heads of the maine Malignants. I •…•…ope the Observer will al∣low some Government in the Church, either of Coun∣cells, or Synods, or Assemblyes, or Consistoryes, or Se∣nates, or Presbyteryes either 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as it is at Gene∣vah, or Parochiall as it is in the Low-Countries; either of Presidents, or Moderators, or Visiters, Pastors, Doctors Curate or not Curate, Elders perpetuall or Annuall, Deacons, Widow•…•…, or some of them for they are not yet well agreed about any of these: In one place Elders are Commissioners to the Seigniory, are placed and displaced by the Magistrate, take an Oath of Obedience to the Magistrate▪ in other places the King hath not so much as the place of a Lay-Elder, except he be chosen. Or perhaps the Observer is for none of all these wayes, but as errant an Independent in the Church, as he desires to be in the Common-wealth. Here are many things very considerable in this businesse.

First, That in doubtfull cases, Melior est conditio vossident is, Possession is a strong plea, especially if it be of long continuance, as this of Episcop•…•…cy is; ever since Christianity was planted in this Kingdome. This is certain, Brittish Bishops have been of Note in For∣rein Councells, since the second Councell of Arles, which is above thirteen hundred yeares; to say nothing of Aristobulus, mentioned in the Epistle to the Ro∣mans, whom some good Authors make a Bishop in this Island. They that shall goe about to shake in pieces

such an ancient Institution, which was brought into the Church, either by the Authority, or at least, by the approbation of the Apostles, had need to bring cleare proofes, not blind conjectures, about which they themselves cannot agree one with another. Bishops flourished long in this Kingdom, even when the Brit∣tish Church enjoyed the Cyprian privilege, and ac∣knowledged no subjection to any forrein See what∣soever.

Secondly, That which the Observer saith of Monar∣chy, that our Laws are locked and Cabinetted in it, in such manner, that the wounding of the one, is the blee∣ding of the other, (though he forget it throughout his Discourse,) is likewise true of Episcopacy, that it is woven and riveted into the body of our Law. Heare a Witnesse beyond exception, For the Government of Bishops, I for my part not prejudging the presidents of * 1.21 other Reformed Churches, doe hold it warranted by the Word of God, and by the practise of the ancient Church in the better times, and much more convenient for King∣doms, then parity of Ministers or Government by Sy∣nods. And presently after, It is worth noting that the Scripture saith, Translato Sacerdotio, necesse est ut & legis fiat Translatio: It is not possible in respect of the great and neere sympathy between the State Civill, and the State Ecclesiasticall, to make so maine an alte∣ration in the Church, but it would have a perillous ope∣ration upon the Kingdome. And therefore it is fit that Controversie be in Peace and Silence. It would not be forgotten what was cited before, out of Cartwright, That as the hangings must be shaped according to the House; so must the Civill Government, be conformed

to the Government of the Church. The Anabaptis•…•… •…•…egan with Bishops, but at length the Emperour was •…•…ith them but Carolus a Gandavo, Charles of Gant▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 leave it to others to Judge by what fate or fortune it •…•…omes to p•…•…sse, beyond the Sea, That wheresoever any •…•…ther Regiment of the Church takes place, if the fa∣•…•…ourers of it be the Major part, and have power in their •…•…ands, it either finds or makes a popular State; every •…•…ans own imagin•…•…ion will supply him with instances. And this may be the reason why Calvin (a wise man) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 an Epistle to the King of Polonia, doth represent, •…•…ot the Disciplinarian, but Episcopall Government as •…•…tter for Monarchyes. Having shewed the Regiment •…•…f the Primitive Church by Patriarkes, Primates, and •…•…ishops, he proceeds thus: As if at this Day one Arch-•…•…ishop * 1.22 should be over the illustrious Kingdom of Polonia, •…•…t to domineere over the rest, or arrogate their right unto •…•…imselfe, but for orders cause, &c. And further, there •…•…ould be a Bishop in each Citty or Province, to attend pe∣•…•…uliarly to the preservation of Order, (marke his Rea∣•…•…on,) even as Nature it selfe doth dictate to us, that in •…•…very College one ought to be chosen, upon whom the prin∣•…•…ipall care of the College should rest.

Thirdly, Episcopacy is not onely ancient and ce∣•…•…ented into our Laws, but also was universally re∣•…•…eived, without any opposition, or so much as a que∣•…•…tion throughout the whole Christian World, among •…•…ll sorts of Christians of what Communion or •…•…rofession soever they were, Graecian, Latin, Rus∣•…•…an, Armenian, Abissine &c: yea even among those •…•…ho by reason of the great distance and remotenesse •…•…f their Countryes, never heard of the Pope, nor of

the name of Rome, ever since the Apostles did tread upon the face of the Earth untill this last Century of Yeares; so farre is it from being a Relick of Po∣pery. And the Observer is challenged to name but one Church, or so much as one poor Village, through∣out the whole World, from the Dayes of the Apo∣stles, till the year of Christ 1500, that ever was go∣verned without a Bishop; (I except the Acep•…•…ali or such disordered Persons that had no Governmen•…•… at all:) or to name but one Lay-Elder, or one Ambu∣latory Bishop that governed by turne or course in th•…•… Primitive times, in the whole Catholike Church before the year 1536, when Calvine came to Gene∣uah. We find the proper and particular names of A∣postles, Evangelists, Bishop, Presbiters and Deacons in the Scriptures, in Councells, in Ecclesiastical Historyes, in the Fathers: if he and all his Friend•…•… be not able out of all these Authorities, to name on•…•… particular Lay-Elder or ambulatory Bishop; th•…•… reason must be, because there never was such a Crea∣ture in rerum natura. And his Elders in Saint Am∣brose and Saint Ierome, are much mistaken; ho•…•… should they be otherwise, the one Authour being 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bishop himselfe, and the other deducing Bishops i•…•… Alexandria from Saint Marke, and telling us plainl•…•… (that which we find to be true,) that without Episco∣pall * 1.23 Authori•…•…y, there will be as many Schismes as Pries•…•… in the Church? The Hierarchists (as he calls them▪ will be contented •…•…o wave all other Authors, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…ed by either of these. The seven Angells in th•…•… Revelation cap. 2. & 3, cannot be the seven Chu•…•…∣ches, for the Angells and the Churches are 〈◊〉〈◊〉

distinguished, Rev. 1. 20: but it must be the seven Bishops of the Churches. These were not Parochi∣all Churches, each of them had many Pastors, and many particular Flocks. Beza confesseth that these Angell•…•… were Presidents over the other Presbiters: but * 1.24 he believes not they had a priority: of Power, or that this Presidency was permanent, but went by course. If the Government went by turnes, I would gladly know, why one of them is called an Angell more then the other. Surely he that shall reade the seven Epistles, how some of them are comm•…•…ended for their constancy and perseverance in their Govern∣ment, and others reprehended for suffering Heretick•…•… to continue in their Churches: will find sufficient ground in every one of these Epistles to believe, that they were not changeable every weeke, or Moneth, or quarter of a Yeare: but constant and permanent Governours, having power of Jurisdiction to represse abuses; other∣wise why are they taxed for the abuses done in their Diocesses, if it were not in their power to remedy them? And if he will give credit to the Testimony of the Primitive Fathers, he may find both who sun∣dry of these Angells or Bishops were, and also who were their Successors.

Fourthly, though in such variety of new Forms of Church Regiment, he hath not expressed himselfe to what Forme he inclines, saving that in one place •…•…e speakes of a Iancto of Divines, (I cannot think but himselfe would have the naming of them:) yet we will suppose that which we are farre from believing, that a few green Heads see more then all the Fa∣thers, and Councells, and Schoolemen; and that the

Observers busy working braine, could molde a Church better then all the Apostles. Notwithstanding all this, Saint Austins rule to Ianuarius is very conside∣rable, if you will not erre, doe that which I use to do, to whatsoever Church I come, I apply my selfe to the Ce∣remonies thereof: He would have added the Disci∣pline also, if there had been sundry Formes, but there was none but Episcop•…•…y then in the world. God is a mercifull God, and lookes upon his Crea∣tures with all prejudices of Education, Habitation, &c. Faction is more offensive to him, and breach of Cha∣rity more dangerous to the Soule, then any unknown errour in Disc•…•…pline; much more where the errour is but supposed or feined, and the Schisme apparent. Now for the Discipline of the Church of England, all Men know and grant that it hath ever been Epis∣copall. In the publick Liturgy of our Church, con∣firmed by Act of Parliament, we pray for Bishops. In our Booke of Ordination confirmed by the same Authority, it is directly affirmed, as evident by Scrip∣tures and ancient Authours, that from the time of the Apostles there have ever been these Orders of Ministers in Christs Church, Bishops, Priests and Deacons; and that these Orders are appointed by the Holy Ghost. In our Booke o•…•… Articles, which conteins the received doctrin of our Church, (and therefore without doubt comes within the compasse of our late Protestation,) the same Book of Ordination is mainteined, and it is plainely affirmed, That there is nothing contei∣ned in it, which •…•…s either superstitious or ungodly. In the * 1.25 Apol•…•…gy of our Church, published to the whole Christian World, and by all Protestant Churches

approved and applauded, We declare that •…•…e beleeve that there be diverse degrees of Ministers in the Church, whereof some be Deacons, some be Priests, some Bishops. Which being so it deserves some consideration, which King Iames saith in the latter end of his Proclama∣tion for Uniformity, Such is the unquietnesse and un∣stedfastnesse of some dispositions, affecting every yeare new forms of things, as if they should be followed in their unconstancy, would make all actions of States ridiculous and contemptible; whereas the stedfast mainteining of things by good advise established, is the weale of the Commonwealth. I should not inlarge my selfe any further about this Consideration, but for two reasons. The one is, I find it said by some, that scarce any but Bishops have hitherto mainteined Bishops. Take only three Testimonies of many; they were all Members of the English Church, yet all Strangers, and all had lived in places opposite to Episcopall Government, none of them either Bishops, or their Chapleins, or Expectants. The first is King Iames, the most lear∣ned * 1.26 of Kings, I have alwayes thought that there ought to be Bishops in the Church, according to the Aposto∣licall institution, and by consequence Divine Ordina∣tion. The second is Learned Bucer, a Germane, and imployed in the first Reformation of this Church, to read Divinity in Cambridge: one that was so op∣posite to Popery, that after his Death, his very bones were taken out of his Grave and burned by the Pa∣pists. He is full in many places, take one. From * 1.27 the perpetuall observation of the Churches, from the very Apostles themselves, we see that it seemed good to the Holy Ghost, that among the Ministers, to whom the

charge of the Church was especially committed, one should undergoe a singular care of the Churches and the whole Ministery, and in that care and sollicitude was before all the rest: for which cause the name of a Bishop was peculiarly attributed to these highest Procurators of the Church. The third is Peter Martyr, at the same time imployed to reade Divinity at Oxford; having expres∣sed his consent & concurrence with Saint •…•…erome con∣cerning Episcopacy, he proceeds. So far it is from us to * 1.28 bring confusion into the Church, that rather we follow the same way: for there is no Diocesse with us, or Citty, where of many Pastors, there is not some one chosen ex∣celling in Learning and Experience, whom they call the Superintendent of the Church. He convocates all the rest, he admonisheth them, he governs them according to the Word of God, as the State of things requires. The second reason is, that I see it lately published to the World in Print, that Doctor Whitakers, Doctor Fulke, and Doctor Reynolds, were all Oppugners of Epis∣copacy. Perhaps of Popish Episcopacy, that is, the * 1.29 abuse not the thing, or of an absolute necessity by Divine Right of such and such an Episcopacy indo∣wed with such or such degrees of Power or Prehe∣minence, or of such an Episcopacy as is held to dif∣fer from Presbiterate in the very power of Order: but surely not of Episcopacy it selfe. I wondred at the impudence of the Man. It is a bad cause which stands in need to be underpropped with such pious im∣pious frauds, & is onely fortified with hideous & palpa∣ble Lyes: if he fable in this, let him have the just reward of a Lyar not to be trusted in other matters. And first for Doctor Whitakers; Bellarmine objects against the Protestants, that they take away Bishops: He

answers, Neq•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tot•…•…m Episcopo•…•… or•…•… 〈◊〉〈◊〉, * 1.30 •…•…t ille falso •…•…lumniatur, sed Pseud•…•… Episcop•…•… tantum Pontificios. We doe not condemne all the or∣der of Bishops, as he (that is Bellarmine: we may say the Prefacer,) falsly slanders us, but onely 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fals•…•… Bishops of the Church of Rome. And about the same place, speaking of that ancient constitution, that three Bishop•…•… should be present at the Ordination of a Bishop, he affirmes that it was a good and a godly sanction, and fit for those good times. Doctor Fulke ex∣presseth * 1.31 himselfe home, That among the Clergy for order and seemely Government, there was alwayes one Principall to whom the name of Bishop or Superintendent hath been applyed, by long use of the Church: which roome Titus exercised in Crete, Timothy in Ephe∣su•…•…, others in other places. That though a Bishop and •…•…n El•…•…r is of one Order and Authority in preaching the Word and administring the Sacraments: yet in Govern∣ment, by ancient use of Speech, he is onely called a Bi∣shop, who in Scripture is called proesta•…•…enos, proest•…•…s, •…•…egoumenos, Rom. 12. 8. 1 Tim. 5. 7. Heb. 13. 17. that is, the chiefe in Government, to whom the Ordina∣tion or Consecration by imposition of Hands, was alwayes principally committed. So according to Doctor Fulke, the name is from Man, but the Office from God. I I beseech thee Reader view the three places cited by him at leisure, and thou shalt see who are the Rulers •…•…nd Governours and Ruling Elders mentioned in Ho•…•…y Scrip•…•…ures, in the judgement of Doctor Fulke. Lastly, Doctor Reynolds is of the same minde, That the El∣ders * 1.32 ordeined by the Apostles, did choose one among them to be President of their Company, and Mode∣rator

of their actions, as of the Church of Ephesus though it had sundry Elders and Pastors to guide it: yet among these sundry, was there one chief, whom our Savi∣our calleth the Angell of the Church, &c. And this is he whom afterwards in the Primitive Church, the Fa∣thers called Bishop, &c. So that by Doctor Reynolds, though not for the name, yet for the thing Episco∣pacy was in the Church, even when Saint Iohn writ the Revelation, and was approved by our blessed Sa∣viour from Heaven.

Fifthly, In a difference of Wayes, every pious and peaceable Christian, out of his discretion and care of his own salvation, will inquire which is via tutissima, the safest way. Now the Separatists themselves (such as have either Wisedome or Learning,) doe acknow∣ledge that Holy Orders are truely (that is validly,) given by the Ordination used in our Church, (I meane not such as either hold no outward calling to be needfull, as the Anabaptists, or make the Church a meere De∣mocracy, as the Independents:) but on the other side, a very great part of the Christian World, and among them many Protestants, doe allow no Ordination to be right, but from Bishops. And even Saint Ierome, who of all the Fathers makes the least difference be∣tween a Bishop and a Presbiter, yet saith, VVhat can a Bishop doe, which a Presbiter doth not, except Ordina∣tion? And seeing there is required to the essence of a Church, 1. a Pastor, 2. a Flock, 3. a Subordination of this Flock to this Pastor; where we are not sure that there is right Ordination, what assurance have we that there is a Church? I write not this to prejudge our Neighbour Churches, I dare not limit the ex∣traordinary

operation of Gods Spirit, where ordinary meanes are wanting without the default of the Per∣sons; he gave his People Manna for food whilest they were in the Wildernesse. Necessity is a strong plea▪ Many Protestant Churches lived under Kings and Bishops of another Communion; others had parti∣cular reasons, why they could not continue or intro∣duce Bishops: but it is not so with us. It was as wisely as charitably said of Saint Cyprian, If any of my Pre∣decessours through ignorance or simplicity have not hol∣den that which our Lord hath taught, the mercy of the Lord might pardon them, &c: So if any Churches through necessity, or ignorance, or newfanglednesse, or Covetousnesse, or Practise of some Persons, have swerved from the Apostolicall rule, or Primi∣tive institution, the Lord may pardon them, or sup∣ply the defect of Man; but we must not therefore pre∣sume. It is Charity to thinke well of our Neighbours, and good Divinity to looke well to our selves. But the chief reason is, because I do not make this way to be simply necessary, but onely shew, what is safest where so many Christians are of another mind. I know that there is great difference between a valid and a regular Ordination, and what some choise Di∣vines do write of case of Necessity: and for my part am apt to believe, that God looks upon his People in mercy, with all their Prejudices, and that there is a great Latitude left to particular Churches, in the constitution of their Ecclesiasticall Regiment, accor∣ding to the exigence of Time and Place and Per∣sons, So as Order and his own Institution be observed.

Sixtly, those Blessings which the English Nation

have received from that Order, do deserve an ac∣knowledgement. By them the Gospell was first plan∣ted in the most parts of England: By their Doctrine and Blood, Religion was reformed and restored to us: By the learned writings of them and their Successors, it hath been principally defended; Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer, Hooper, were all Bishops, Coverdale excer∣cised Episcopall Jurisdiction. With what indigna∣tion doe all good Protestants see those blessed Men, stiled now in Print by a younge novice, halting and * 1.33 time-serving Prelates, and common stales to countenance with their prostituted gravities every Politick fetch. It was truely said by Seneca, that the most contempti∣ble Persons ever have the loosest tongues. The Ob∣server confesseth that Magna Charta was penned by Bishops; (no ill service.) Morton a Bishop of Ely was the Contriver and Procu•…•…er of the Union of the two Roses; (a great blessing to this Nation.) Bishop Fox was the instrument imployed to negoti∣ate and effect the union of the two Kingdomes. In former Distractions of this State, Bishops have beene Composers and Peace-makers, according to their Office: now they are contemned, and in their roomes such Persons are graced, whose Tongues are like that cursed Bay-Tree which caused brawling and * 1.34 contention wheresoever it came. England owes ma∣ny of her Churches, Colleges, Hospitalls and other Monuments of Piety and Charity, to Bishops. It requires good advise before we expell that Order which of Infidells made us Christians, and that the the reasons should appear to the World. An Act of any Society how eminent soever, wherein are none

of the Clergy, may sooner produce submission then satisfaction to the Conscience.

Seventhly, we have had long experience of Episcopall Government: if it have been accidentally subject to some abuses; I desire to know what Government in the World is free from abuses: yet late and deare experience hath taught us, that much of that rigour which we complained of, was in some sort necessary. If the Independents should prevail, who are now so busy breaking down the Walls of the Church, to bring in the Trojan Horse of their Democracy, or rather Anarchy▪ doe but imagine what a confused mixture of Religions we should have: Affricke ne∣ver produced such store of diversified Monsters. But to passe by them as unworthy of our stay, and to in∣sist onely in that Forme of Church Regiment, which of all new Forms is most received. I intend not ac∣cidentall abuses, which from ignorant and unexpe∣rienced Governours must needs be many: but some of those many Grievances which flow essentially from the Doctrin it selfe. First for one High Com∣mission, we shall have a Presbytery or younge High Commission in every Parish. Our Bishops are bound to proceed according to Law: but this new Go∣vernment is meerely Arbitrary, bounded by no Law but their own Consciences. If the Bishops did us wrong we had our Remedy by way of appeale or pro∣hibition: but they admit no appeale, except to a Synod, which in a short Session cannot heare the twentieth part of just grievances. Our Law allowes not a Judge to ride a Circuit in his own Country, least Kindred, or Hatred, or Favour might draw him

to injustice: what may we then expect from so many Domesticall Judges, whose affections are so much stronger then their reasons, but siding and Partiality▪ yet they blush not to tell us, that this is the Tribunall of Christ: Ch•…•…st hath but one Tribunall in Heaven, his Kingdom is not of this World. That these are the Laws of Christ: the Laws of Christ are immuta∣ble, They alter theirs every Synod. That their Sen∣tence is the Sentence of Christ: alas, there is too much Faction, and Passion, and Ignorance. Heretofore we accused the Pope, for saying that he had one Con∣sistory with Christ: doe we now goe about to set up Petty Popes in every Parish? and are they also become infallible in their Consistoryes, at least in their conclusion, not onely in matters of Faith, but also of Fact? These are generall Grievances.

In particular, His Majesty shall lose His Supre∣macy in Causes Ecclesiasticall, His Patronages, His first Fruits, H•…•…s Tenths, and worse then all these, the dependence of His Subjects, He shall be subjected to Excommunication, by which Engine the Popes advanced themselves above Emperours: The Nobility and Gentry shall be subjected to the censures of a raw rude Cato▪ and and a few Artificers, They shall lose their Advowsons (the People must elect their own Ministers,) They shall hazard their impropria∣tions: The two eyes of the Kingdome, the Univer∣sities, shall be put out: The Clergy shall have their straw taken away, and the number of their bricks doubled: The People shall groane under the De∣crees of a Multitude of ignorant unexperienced Go∣vernours, be divided into Factions about the choise

of their Pastors, be subject to censure in sundry Courts for the same offence, be burthened with Lay-El∣ders, who if they please may expect, according to the Apostolicall institution (upon their grounds,) double •…•…onour, that is, maintenance: If there arise a private •…•…arre between the Parent and the Child, the Hus∣band and the Wife, they must know it and censure it,

Scire volunt secreta domus atque inde timeri:

All men must undergoe the danger of contrary Commands, from coordinate Judges; then which no∣thing can be more pernicious to the Consciences or Estates of Men, Nulla hic arcana revelo. These are a part of the Fruits, of their most received Govern∣ment who oppose Bishops: if they doe not all shew themselves in all places, remember the Observers Cau∣tion, They wanted power to introduce them as yet. As some Plants thrive best in the shade: so if this Form of Regiment shall agree best with the constitution of some lesser Commonwealths, much good may it doe them, so they will let us injoy the like favour,

Petimus damusque vicissim.

Eightly, those Arguments which they urge out of Scripture against Episcopacy, are meere mistakes, con∣founding the power of Superiority itselfe, with the vitious affectation or Tyrannicall abuse of it; and are none of them to the purpose. As those two Texts that are most hotly urged, The Kings of the * 1.35 Gentiles excercise Dominion over them, but ye shall not be so: and that of Saint Peter, Neither as being Lords * 1.36

over Gods Heritage, but being Ensamples to the Flock; do admit as many Answers almost as there are words in each of them, but they are not needfull. For no man that ever I read of, did say that Bishops had any such Despoticall or Lordly Dominion annexed to their Of∣fice, but onely a Fatherly power. And if these Pla∣ces be to be understood in that sense which they would have them, they doe as much overthrow all their new Presidents, and Moderators, and Visiters, and their whole Presbytery, as they would have them to doe E∣piscopacy. Neither Christ nor Saint Peter did ever distinguish between temporary and perpetuall Gover∣nours: between the Regiment of a single Person, and a Society or Corporation. They like not the name of Lord, but that of Master they love dearely: yet that is forbidden as much as the other, Neither be ye called Master, for one is your Master, even Christ. * 1.37 And whilest they reject the Government of a Pre∣sident or chief Pastour, yet they stile their own new devised Elders, Ruling Elders: and understand them still in the Scripture by name of Governours.

Ninthly, waving all these and all other advanta∣ges of Scriptures, Fathers, Councells, Historyes, Schoolemen: because it is alledged that all other Pro∣testant Churches are against Episcopacy, I am con∣tented to joyn the issue, whether Bishops, or no Bi∣shops have the major number of Protestant Votes. First the practise of all the Protestant Churches in the Dominions of the King of Sweden and Denwarke, and the most of them in High Germany, doe plainly prove it; each of which three singly, is almost as much as all the Protestant Churches which want Bishops,

hut together, (to say nothing of His Majesties Do∣minions;) all these have their Bishops or Superin∣tendents, which is all one. But for the point of practise, heare Reverend Zanchy, a Favourer of the Disciplinarian way, In Ecclesiis Protestanti∣um non desunt reipsa Episcopi, &c. In the Churches of the Protestants, Bishops, and Arch-Bishops are not really wanting, (whom changing the good Greek Names into bad Latine Names) they call Superinten∣dents, and generall Superintendents. Where neither the good Greek names, nor bad Latine names take place, yet there also there use to be some principall Persons, in whose hands almost all the authority doth rest. Neither is their practise disagreeing from their Doctrin. To be∣gin with those who first were honoured with the name of Protestants, who subscribed the Augustane Confes∣sion, among whom were two Dukes of Saxony, two Dukes of Luneburge, the Marquesse of Brandburge, the Prince of Anhalt, and many other Princes, Re∣publicks, and Divines: Thus they, Facile possent Epis∣copi legitimam obedientiam retinere, &c. Bishops might easily retein lawfull obedience, if they did not urge us to keep Traditions, which with a good Conscience cannot be kept. Again, Nunc non id agitnr, &c. It is not now * 1.38 sought that the Government be taken away from Bishops but this one thing is desired, That they will suffe•…•… the Gos∣pel to be purely taught, and release some few Observances, which cannot be kept without sinne. This generall Con∣fession may stand for a thousand Witnesses, under which all the Protestants in Germany did shelter them∣selves. To this I may adde the Apology for the same Confession, Hac de re in hoc conventu, &c. We have often * 1.39

testified of this matter in this meeting, that we desire wi•…•… all our hearts, to conserve the Ecclesiasticall Policy, an•…•… the degrees made in the Church by Humane Authorit•…•… Againe, This our Will, shall excuse us both before God an•…•… all the World, that it may not be imputed to us, that th•…•… Authority of Bishops was weakned by our means. Th•…•… confession of Saxony is subscribed by seventeen Super∣intendents of Bishops. The Suevick Confession i•…•… * 1.40 so farre from opposing the spirituall power of the Prae∣lates, that they doe not exclude them from secular Go∣vernment; and complaineth of great wrong done t•…•… their Churches, as if they did seek to reduce the powe•…•… of Ecclesiasticall Praelates to nothing: And most plain ly they declare for the Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction o•…•… Bishops, in the 33. Chapter of the secular Magistrat•…•… I might produce the Articles of the Protestants, and more Confessions, and many Witnesses to this pur∣pose, if it were needfull. But perhaps some may say•…•… That these are all Lutherans, and no good Protestant•…•… That were strange indeed, that they who made th•…•… Protestation, and from thence were called Protestants keeping themselves to the same grounds, should be∣come no Protestants; and they who made no Prote∣station, nor have right to the name, but by communio•…•… with them, should become the onely Protestants. Bu•…•… to satisfie them in this also.

Upon the Words of the Augustane Confession•…•… before recited, the Observations set forth in the nam•…•… of the French and Belgicke Churches, at the latte•…•… end of the Harmony of Confessions, doe divide Bishops into three kinds; 1 Apostolicall, of Orde•…•… * 1.41 not of Degree, common to all the Ministers of the

word; 2. Humane, both of Order and of Degree, which they confesse to •…•…e ancient, and defined, and circum∣scribed with many old Canons; 3. Tyrannicall, in the Church of Rome, wandring not onely without the word of God, but also extra Canones aequissimos, with∣out those most equall or just Canons: which last they abhominate; but of this more in the next Considera∣tion. They say further, that it is the Office of god∣•…•…y * 1.42 Magistrates, to see how farre it may be expedi∣ent for Bishops, to have some kind of Civill Domi∣nion: and upon the Saxonick confession they acknow∣ledge, that Bishops may make Laws belonging to Order * 1.43 •…•…nd Decency, so it be not done Arbitrarily, but by the judgement of a lawfull Synod; and what doe we say more? You have also seen the confession of the Church of England, directly for Episcopacy; which neverthe∣•…•…esse was so approved and applauded by the Tigurine Divines, That they made no end of praising of it, that •…•…hey judged nothing to have been published more perfect * 1.44 in those dayes, that they promise themselves that the Pro∣testant Church shall never want a Champion, so long as the Authour thereof did live: yet it was both for Bi∣shops, and by a Bishop. Calvine was no Lutherane, yet he subscribed the Augustane Confession, o•…•… the A∣pology for it, or both. And in his Institutions, he describeth at large the Regiment of the Primitive Church, after the dayes of the Apostles, That though the Bishops of those times, expressed more in their Canons * 1.45 then was expressed in the word of God, yet they composed the whole Oeconomy of the Church with that caution, that it may easily appear that it had almost nothing strange from the word of God, That in each Citty the Presbyters did choose one of their number to whom they gave the Title

of Bishop, specially least dissention might spring from equallity as commonly it comes to passe. He shews out of Saint Ierome, that this institution was as ancient in Alexandria as from Saint Marke. He proceeds to shew the end of Arch-Bishops, and the Constitutio•…•… of Patriarkes: and concludes, That this kind of Go∣vernment some called an Hierarchy, by a name impro∣per, at least not used in the Scriptures: but if we pass•…•… by the name and looke upon the thing it selfe, we sha•…•… find that the Ancient Bishops did goe about to devise no other Forme of governing the Church, then that which God hath prescribed in his word. There might be sundry other places alleged out of his Epistle, and his Answer to Sadolet, to the same purpose; but I omit them only with this note, that one of the most conspicuous place•…•… in his Epistle to Sadolet, Talem nobis Hierarchiam, &c. (against those that shall reject Episcopacy, being redu∣ced to its due submission to Christ, and Society with their Brethren,) is purged out in the two latter Edition•…•… of Beza and Gallasius; to let us see, that the Romanist•…•… are not the onely men, who cut out the Tongues o•…•… their own Witnesses. Zanchy delivers the very same grounds, and addes, That nothing is more certain•…•… * 1.46 then this, That Episcopacy was received into the Church communi consensu totius Reipublicae Christianae with the common consent of the whole Christian Com∣monwealth, That it was free for them to doe so, Tha•…•… it was done for honest or just causes, That it cannot b•…•… misliked, That those things which are defined and re∣ceived by the Godly Fathers, congregated in the nam•…•… of the Lord, by the common consent of all, without an•…•… contradiction to the Holy Scriptures, though they be no•…•… of the same Authority with the Scriptures, yet they ar•…•…

from the Holy Ghost. Quae hujusmodi sunt, ea e•…•…o •…•…probare nec velim, nec audeam bona Conscientia, •…•…uch as he had neither Will, nor Confidence, nor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to disallow. Which very place being •…•…rged by •…•…arraviah against Beza, he closeth with it, A quo ma∣•…•…ime * 1.47 certe dissentimus, cum Episcopatum illum mere di∣•…•…inum & Apostolicum, ab humano non quasi sint illa •…•…nter se repugnantia, sed tantum ut diversa & imparis •…•…uctoritatis discernimus. From which opinion of Zan∣•…•…y we doe not dissent, nor distinguish between that Apostolicall and meerely Divine Episcopacy, from this other which is humane, as if they were re∣•…•…ugnant one to another, but onely diverse and of un∣equall Authority. The same Booke is full of such places, Quod si nunc Ecclesiae Anglicanae instauratae, &c. * 1.48 If the English reformed Churches doe now stand under∣propped with the authority of Bishops and Arch-Bishops, as it hath come to passe in our memoryes, that they have had Men of that order, not onely notable Martyrs, but most excellent Pastors and Doctors; let them injoy that singular Blessing, which I pray God may be perpetuall to them. And elswhere speaking of humane Episco∣pacy (as he is pleased to call it,) he addes, Quo sane fru∣antur, &c. Which let them injoy who perswade themselves * 1.49 that the right use of it may be observed by them. And again, Absit ut hun•…•… ordinem, &c. Farre be it from me to reprehend this Order as rashly or proudly erected, though * 1.50 it be not a Divine or meerely Apostolicall Constitution: whereof rather no man can deny that there may be great use, as long as good and holy Bishops are over the Church; Let them injoy it therefore that will and can. This & poterint, and can, was well put in: it was not the un∣lawfulnesse

of the order, but the inconsistency with the present State of Genevah, which excluded it thence. And having spoken of the Apostolicall Canon, and the Superiority of the Arch-Bishop above his Fellow Bishops, he concludes, quid aliud hic statuitur, &c. * 1.51 What else is here decreed, but that order which we desire to be restored in all Churches?

It appeares then plainly, by the confessions of Pro∣testant Churches, by the Testimonyes of the most learned Divines, yea, even of those that lived under another Government, that if Bishops be not neces∣sary, yet at the least they are lawfull. It appeares that three parts of fower of the Protestant Churches, have either Bishops or Superintendents, which is all one: and that those Churches which have neither, yet they have some principall Men, Primarios, which have as much power as Bishops, viis & modis. But if we should be contented to leave three parts of Protestants to joyn with the the fourth, shall we find them unanimous in this? No such thing. The Hel∣vetian and other Churches ascribe the Government of the Church to the Magistrate and allow no Lay-Elders: But Genevah and her Daughters to their Pre byteries, yet neither the Mother is like the Daugh∣ters, nor the Daughters very like one another; as hath been shewed in part before in this Treatise: and the Independents are for neither of these wayes: And all learned men doe acknowledge our English Episco∣pacy to be lawfull, yea even the present President and Pastors of Genevah do the same. So if we de∣sire consent either of Protestants in particular, or of Christians in generall, yea of the whole Catholicke

Symbolicall Church; it is best for us to keepe us where we are.

My tenth and last Consideration riseth higher, That according to their grounds, who have been the greatest Oppugners of Episcopacy, the Government of our English Bishops is not onely lawfull, but for the most part necessary, nor onely necessary but even an Apostolicall and Divine Institution. This see∣ming Paradox is yet most certain, and their opposi∣tion hath been but beating the aire. For the clearer manifestation whereof, we must know.

First that the greatest impugners of Episcopacy, do not seek to bring such a Parity into the Church: but that by the Ordinance of God and Dictate of Na∣ture, one Presbyter ought to be President above the rest, Ex Dei ordinatione perpetua, necesse fuit, est & •…•…rit, ut in Presbyterio quispiam & loco & dignitate * 1.52 primus, actioni gubernandae praesit, cum eo quod ipsi Di∣vinitus attributum est 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was, it is, it ever shall be necessary, by the perp•…•…uall Ordinance of God, that some one in the Presbytery as chief both in place and Dignity, be set over the Action to govern it. He saith that even then, whilest the appellation of Bi∣shops and Presbyters was common: yet the Presbytery had suum aliquem primum & proest•…•… Presbyterum, Some one to be their ruling or Presidentiall Presby∣ter. * 1.53 He saith Saint Ierome did not so dote as to dream that no one of the Presbytery was set over the whole com∣pany in the Apostolique times: and takes it as a great injury, that any Man should thinke that they did goe about to abolish omnem unius Episcopen, in vel supra * 1.54 caeteros compresbyteros, All Superspection or Superin∣tendency

of one above his Compresbyters. To the same purpose saith Calvine, it is no mervaile that the * 1.55 twelve Apostles had one among them to govern the rest; this we have from Nature, the disposition of Men requires it, that in every Company though they be equall in power, yet one should be as Modera∣tor.

Secondly, they teach (notwithstanding their drow∣sie, groundlesse, new-hatched conceit, that this Presiden∣cy went successively by turnes among the Presbyters,) that either in the dayes of the Apostles, or immediate∣ly from them, this Episcope or office of Superinten∣dency, became Elective and perpetuall to •…•…e man, Quod certe, reprehendi nec potest nec debet, which cer∣tainly neither can, nor ought to be blamed; especially seeing this ancient Custome was observed in the famou•…•… * 1.56 Church of Alexandria; I am inde a Marco Evangelist•…•… Even from Saint Mark the Evangelist. So as the Of∣fice is of Divine Institution, the forme of Applica∣tion onely is Humane: yet not meerly humane nei∣ther; Humanum non simpliciter tamen sed comparate, •…•…lla cum Patrum & tot Ecclesiarum injuria appella∣vero, I may caell it humane not simply, but comparative∣ly, without injury to the Fathers, or so many Churches; In∣deed all the Churches in the World, and all the Fa∣thers that ever were.

Thirdly, This Presidency of Order, which they give to one man, even upon their own grounds is not desti∣tute of all kind of Command and power. He hath jus regendae communis actionis, a right to moderate the * 1.57 Action of the College, or to govern the common Action, and that cert is l•…•…gibus, according to certain

Laws. First, a right to moderate the Action, that is, to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Presbyters, to appoint the time and place, to propose matters, to collect the Suffrages either by himselfe or by such as he appoints, to pronounce Sentence. Secondly, certis legibus, according to cer∣tain Laws; this brings us to the true question where the water sticks: The Law of God and the lawfull Constitutions of the Church, must be the just mea∣sure and limits of this Presidents commands, of his Compresbyters obedience. So that Tyrannicall ab∣solute Arbitrary power which is usurped by the Bi∣shop of Rome and his Instruments, is rejected by all Partyes on the one side, and all Anarchy, Ataxy and Disorder on the other side; yet this is not all.

Fourthly, this President hath another power by Divine Right, or at least by Divine Right is capable of another power: that is, not onely to moderate the whole Action by his Authority, but also to execute * 1.58 that which is decreed by common consent. Neither can this executive Power in reason be limited to the meer execution of Personall Decrees, concerning particu∣lar Persons: but every where it extends it selfe to pre∣paratory Actions and matters of Forme. Neither doth it rest here, but admits, or at least may admit a greater latitude, even to the execution of Laws; especially where the Law is cleare, the Fact noto∣rious or evidently proved, where Succession and the publicke are not concerned, where the presence of the whole College is not so usefull or convenient, and might rather incomber then expedite the businesse: and all this more or lesse according to their certain Laws, the severall constitutions of severall Churches:

alwayes reserving to the whole Body of the Clergy, or those who by election or prescription do represent them, the power of making and altering Laws and Canons Ecclesiasticall, and to His Majesty His Roy∣all power of assenting and confirming, and to the re∣presentative Body of the Kingdome their power of receiving, principally in cases of moment: and like∣wise reserving to the Clergy, either Rurall or Cathe∣drall, according to their distinct capacityes, their re∣spective power of counselling, consenting, or concur∣ring, according to the constitutions of the Church, and Laws and Customes of the Realme, which as they are grounded upon naturall reason and equity, so they are no way repugnant to the Law of God, whereof there are yet some Footsteppes to be seen in our Or∣dinations, our Deanes and Chapiters, our Semestriall Synods, &c. And if these old neglected Observations, were a little quickned and reduced to their primoge∣nious temper and constitution,: perhaps it might re∣medy sundry inconveniences, and adde a greater de∣gree of Moderation and Authority to the Govern∣ment of the Church. Who can be so stupid a to imagine, that the State, and Church, and People of Genevah at this day, do not, or may not give to the President of their Ecclesiasticall Senate a perpetu∣ity of Government for his Life: or inable him to execute some Ecclesiasticall Laws, so farre as they shall see it to be expedient for the good of that Church and Commonwealth, without swerving from the in∣stitution of Christ? This might yet further be made plain, by those comparisons and representations which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 do bring of this Episcopall or Pre∣sidentiary

power, of a Consull in the Senate, of a Praetor in the Court, of a Provost in a College, of a Steward in a Family: They ought to looke upon him as their Superiour and Governor, and be upon them as Brethren and Fellow-Elders. This is that which our English Bishops claime, whereunto they are in∣titled by the Fundamentall Laws of the Land. How farre the power of the keyes, of Ordination or Jurisdiction, is appropriated or committed to them, singly or joyntly by Divine Ordinance, (of which Subject great Authors upon great reasons have decla∣red themselves:) yet in our case it is not so questio∣nable, where another Lawfull Right is certain: and this clear satisfaction of Conscience they want, who are so busy seeking after new devised forms of Ecclesi∣asticall Regiment. And herein I may as justly admire the excellent temper of our Church Government, as∣the Observer doth of the Civill; I hope it is not in ei∣ther of us, ut Pueri Iunonis avem, As Boyes praise the Peacock, with a desire to pluck his feathers. The Clergy present, the Bishops approve, His Majesty confirmes, the Parliament receives: all parties have their concurrence, so as no Man can be prejudiced without his own act. If we alter this Frame, we shall have a better in Heaven; I fear not upon Earth.

So then we see that upon these very grounds, which have been laide by the greatest Opposers of Bishops in this Age, 1 there is a subordination of many Pa∣stors to one President by Divine Ordinance, 2 This Presidency, or Superintendency, or Episcopacy, (all is one,) may without violation of Divine Ordinance be setled upon one Man for his life, 3 This Person

so qualified, hath a power essentially belonging to his place, to rule and moderate the publick meetings and Actions of the Church; yea to execute the decrees of the whole College, 4 This executive power may re∣ceive a further latitude or extent, from the positive Laws of Men. What is the result of all this? but that as Presbyterate or the Office of a Priest, Presby∣ter, or Minister, (I shall wrangle with no man about a name, whilest we agree upon the thing) is of Divine in∣stitution, yet neverthelesse there is something Humane annexed to it; as for instance the Assignation of a sin∣gle Pastor to a particular Parish, (which custome was first introduced by Evaristus, long after Bishops were spread over the World:) so likewise Episcopacy it selfe is of Divine Right, yet something may be added to it, some extent of Power which is humane, and yet very lawfull and expedient; wherein every Church is to be its owne Judge. If to this which hath been said of the Antiquity, Universality, Aptitude, Security, of this way, &c, we shall adde that Ambrose, Austin, Chri∣sostome, Cyprian, Basile, Athanasius, and very many others, the lights of their times, were not onely Defenders of Episcopacy, but Bishops themselves; there can re∣main no scruple to us of this Nation what Church Re∣giment is to be desired.

But some do say, why then doe sundry eminent Protestant Authors inveigh so much against Bishops? I answer, It is not simply against, their Function, but against the sloth of some for not preaching, or the pride and Tyranny of some particular Persons; and more especially it is against the Romish Bishops. I might cite many Witnesses to make this as clear as

the Sun; take one of many: Neque vero cum hoc dico, * 1.59 •…•…jus Tyrannidis eos Episcopos veram Christi Religio∣•…•… prositontes & docentes intend•…•…, absit a me tam im∣•…•…dens arrogantia. Neither while I say these things, doe •…•…ccuse those Bishops of Tyranny, which professe and teach •…•…e true Religion of Christ, Far be such impudent Arro∣•…•…nce from me. And further he saith, that they are to be * 1.60 knowledged, observed, reverenced, as faithfull Pastors the Christian Church. And in an Epistle to the •…•…en Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, he expresseth him∣•…•…fe, that such invectives were never intended against •…•…e Government of the English Church, but against •…•…ti-Christian Tyranny.

Secondly, it is objected that they did put away Bi∣shops. I answer, that some Reformed Churches were •…•…der Bishops, who were out of their Territories; as •…•…e Helvetian Churches under the Bishops of Con∣•…•…e: others were under Bishops of another Com∣•…•…union; as the French Churches: others could not both •…•…ntinue Bishops and bring in the Reformation of Re∣•…•…ion; as the Church of Genevah: others did retein •…•…shops under the name of Superintendents, because •…•…e old name had been abused by the Psu•…•…do Episcopi or •…•…se Bishops, in the Church of Rome; by the same •…•…son we should neither use the name of Christ, nor •…•…postle, nor Gospell, nor Sacrament, because there •…•…ve been false Christs, false Apostles, false Gospels, •…•…se Sacraments: lastly, many reteined both the name •…•…d the thing; as the Churches of England Sweden, 〈◊〉〈◊〉. And generally all Reformed Churche•…•… were de∣•…•…ous to have reteined Episcopacy, if the Bishops that •…•…en were, would have joyned with them in the Refor∣mation.

This is evident for the Germane Churches by the Augustane confession, and Apology, That Bi∣shops might easily have reteined their places, if they would, they protest that they are not guilty of the di∣minution of Episcopall Authority. And for the Hel∣vetian Churches, it appeares by that letter of Zui•…•…∣glius and ten others of their principall Divines, to th•…•… Bishop of Constance; in all humility and observanc•…•… beseeching him, To favour and helpe forward their be∣ginnings as an excellent Worke and worthy of a Bishop they call him Father, Renowned Prelate, Bishop; the implore his Clemency, Wisdome, Learning, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would be the first Fruits of the Germaine Bishops, favour true Christianity springing up againe, to hea•…•… the wounded Conscience; They beseech him by the co•…•…∣mon Christ, by our Christian Liberty, by that Father affection which he owes unto them, by whatsoever was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vine and humane, to looke graciously upon them: or he would not grant their desires, yet to connive at the•…•… So he should make his Family yet more illustrious, a•…•… have the perpetuall Tribute of their Prayses, so would but shew himselfe a Father, and gr•…•… •…•…he request of his obedient Sonnes; They co•…•…∣clude, God Almighty long preserve your Excellen•…•… Thirdly, for the French Churches, it is plain * 1.61 Calvine in one of his Epistles, touching a Reform Bishop, that should turne from Popery: that he m•…•… retein His Bishoppricke, his Diocesse, yea even 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Revennues and his Iurisdiction.

Lastly, it is objected, that Bishops have been 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…troducers of Anti-Christian Tyranny, and all ot•…•… abuses into the Church. One said of Phisitians t•…•… they were happy Men, for the Sunne revealed their Cure, and the Earth buried all their in•…•…∣mities:

contrarywise we may say of Governours that in this respect they are most unhappy Men, for the Sun reveales all their infirmities: nay more, all the Ennormities of the Times, and the aberrations of their Inferiours, are imputed to them; but the Earth buries all their cures. Episcopacy hath been so farre from being an adjument to the Pope, in his Tyrannicall invasion of the Libertyes of the Church, that on the other side it was a principall meanes to stay and retard his usurpation; as did well appeare at the Councell of Treat, how little he was pro∣pitious to that Order, and by the Example of Grodsted Bishop of Lincolne, who was malleus Romano∣rum, and many others. And now much the rather when Bishops acknowledge no dependency upon him. No Forme of Government was ever so absolute as to keep out all abuses. Errors in Religion, are not presently to be imputed to the Government of the Church; Arrius, Pelagius, &c. were no Bishops: but on the other side if Bishops had not been, God knows what Churches, what Religion, what Sacraments, what Christ we should have had at this Day. And wee may easily conjecture by that inundation of Sects, which hath almost quite overwhelmed our poor Church on a suddain, since the Authority of Bishops was suspended. The present condition of England doth plead more powerfully for Bishops, then all that have writ for Episcopacy since the Re∣formation of our Church.

I have made this digression by occasion of the Ob∣servers so often girding at Bishops; he may either passe by it or take notice of it at his pleasure. There are some small remainders of his worke, but of no great moment; as this, That there is a disparity be∣tween

naturall Fathers, Lords, Heads, &c. and Po∣liticall. Most true, (though the Observer hath not met with the most apposite instances) otherwise they should be the very same thing; every like is also dislike. He conceives that there is onely some sleight resemblance between them: but our Law saith ex∣presly otherwise, That His Majesty is very Head, King, Lord, and Ruler of this Realme, and that of meer droit and very right. First very Head and Lord, and then of meer droit and very right: It is impossi∣ble the Law should speake more fully. But the maine difference which may come near the question is this, that the Power which is in a Father, Lord, &c. moderately and distinctly, is joyntly and more emi∣nently in a Soveraigne Prince; as was long since de∣clared at Rome, in the case between Fabius Maximus and his Sonne. No Father could deserve more re∣verence from a Sonne: yet he knew that Domestick command, must veile and submit to Politicall, and that the Authority of a Father of a Family, doth disappear in the presence of the Father of a Coun∣try, as lesser Starres do at the rising of the Sun. But his maine ground is, that the King is the Father, Lord, Head, &c. of His Subjects divisim, but not conjunctim, if you take them singly one by one, but not of an intire collective Body. So it seemes His Majesty is the King of Peter, and Andrew, not of England, nor yet so much as of a whole Towne or Village: yet the Observer himselfe can be contented to be the Lord of a whole Manour. I conceive he learned this doctrine out of Schola Salerni, Anglo∣rum Regi, &c. If this assertion were true, how ex∣trmely

hath the World been deceived hitherto? and we have all forsworne our selves in our Oaths of Su∣premacy and Allegiance. His Majesty is much bound to him for making him King of so many pretty lit∣tle Kingdoms: but as Titus Quinctius said of Antio∣chus his Souldiers, when their Friends did set them out by parcells, for Armies of Medes, Elemites, Cadusi∣ans, &c; That all these in one word were but Syrians. So His Majesty is well contented to reduce all these Kingdoms of Microcosmes, into one Kingdome of England, if he may hold that in peace.

Such another Paradox is that which follows, that * 1.62 Treason or Rebellion in Subjects is not so horrid in na∣ture, as oppression in Superiours. One of the most ab∣surd opinions, and most destructive to all Societies, that ever was devised. By this new learning, when the Master shall correct his Servant, without suffi∣cient ground in the Servants conceit; he may take the Rod by the other end, give His Master some re∣membrances, to teach him his Office better: If it be a little irregular, yet it is the lesse fault upon these grounds. Doth any Man think that the Observer instructs his Family with this doctrin, at home out of his chaire? beleeve it not. By the very equity of this conclusion it should be a greater sinne, for a Man to mispend what is his owne, then to robbe or steale that which is not his own. The Superiour though he abuse his power, yet hath a right to it, but the inferiour hath none. How discrepant is this from the judgement of former times? they thought no crime could be so great, as that it ought to be pu∣nished with Parracide: or that for discovery thereof,

a Servant should be examined against his Master, or a Child against his Parent. The Law of Parricides denyed, lucem vivo, fluctuanti mare, naufrago portum, morienti terram, defuncto Sepulchrum. Tully saith, they were to be sowed up quick in a Sack, and so cast in∣to the River: not to the wild Beasts, least the ve∣ry Beasts should become more inhumane by such nou∣rishment, not naked least they should pollute that E∣lement which purgeth all things. Our Saviour cal∣leth Judas a Devill, Have not I chosen you twelve and one of you is a Devill? why a Devill? because he was a Traytour. Let the Observer find out a worse name if he can.

Such another is his comparison, between the thirty Tyrants at Athens and the Cavaleers at Yorke. Com∣parisons are odious, I desire not to meddle with them. But it is well known what the thirty Tyrants were. 1 They were a Company packed together by Lysan∣der for his purpose. 2 They were called Optimi, good Patriots, and Administratores Reipublicae, the Ad∣ministrators of the Commonwealth. 3 They had the placing and disposing of the Senators or Coun∣cells. 4 They made the Magistrates of Athens out of their own Faction and Clients. 5 They were great Profaners of Temples and Contemners of Religion, as appeared by their command to pull Theramenes from the Altar. 6 They armed 3000 of their own party, and disarmed all others. 7 They filled all Greece with Athenian Exiles. 8 They killed more in eight Moneths, then the Spartan Warres had done in ten yeares. 9 Condebant Leges, They usurped both the le∣gislative power; and more then that, an Arbitrary po∣wer

without Law,: so as there was need of a Law, that no Man whose name was written in such a Cata∣logue, should be slain sine judicio without lawfull triall; other Men might. And yet as if both these were not sufficient, they assumed an absolute Power over the Law and against the Law: ego vero ne lege hac se tueri possit, nomen ejus deleo & morte condemno, to depriye him of the benefit of this Law, I blotte out his name and condemne him to dye. Lastly, they had their turnes, according to that Prophetick Praediction of Theramenes, when he had drunke up the cuppe of poison and cast the snuffe upon the ground, saying, propino hoc Critiae pulchro, a health to gallant Critias the Arch-Tyrant; (which Story saith Tully in his Tuscula•…•…s no Man can reade without teares;) and shortly after Critias followed him into another world to give an account of his bloody Administration.

Such flowers as these we find strawed here and * 1.63 there in his Book. And so he concludes abruptly, I find my reason already captivated, I can no further—. Whether it were done to amuse the World, as if he had much more matter, but that the Presse preven∣ted him; or that all this while he hath been uttering, his misterious Enthusiasmes and Oracles, and now (propiore Deo,) he is rapt into an extasie or trance: or lastly, because he was as confident of the successe of his Observations, as the Spaniards of their Invin∣cible Armado. Zeno sometimes wanted opinions, but * 1.64 never wanted Arguments: What weighty reasons did the Franciscans urge on both side, pro & contra, and with what fervour, even about the Colour and fa∣shion

of their Habits? I have heard of a like stirre at Amsterdam about Starch: When Men stretch and ten∣ter their Witts to uphold a party, They will find some∣thing to say, though it be in prayse of Hellen, or com∣mendation of Folly. It is dangerous to leave old recei∣ved * 1.65 rules, upon probable and specious pretences: Re∣move not thou the ancient bounds, which thy Fathers have set. It is the Wisedome of the Serpent, to stop her ears, against the Voice of the Charmer: It is the Wise∣dome * 1.66 of a good Christian, a good Subject, to preserve his Faith to God, and his Loyalty to his Prince, and to blesse himselfe from the Magicall Spells of all such Charmers and Observers.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 25.
• * 1.2

  Hull and Iohn •…•…ham.
• * 1.3

  •…•…s Syl∣•…•…
• * 1.4

  Saxo.
• * 1.5

  •…•…ag 43.
• * 1.6

  Sam. 16.
• * 1.7

  Camden.
• * 1.8

  Tully.
• * 1.9

  Iohn 16. 2.
• * 1.10

  •…•…eb. 6. 19.
• * 1.11

  1634. and 1635.
• a 1.12

  July 5.
• b 1.13

  July 9.
• c 1.14

  July 27.
• * 1.15

  •…•…nbr.
• * 1.16

  Irish Reb•…•… ion
• * 1.17

  1. Obser pag. 11.
• * 1.18

  Declarati•…•… upon the R•…•… monstran•…•… pag. 21.
• * 1.19

  Guiccardine
• * 1.20

  •…•…he Calling 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bishops •…•…t Popish.
• * 1.21

  •…•…ord Vern∣•…•…ams Consi∣lerations.
• * 1.22

  Ep•…•…st. 100.
• * 1.23

  •…•…pist. ad E∣•…•…
• * 1.24

  Answ to S•…•… ravia p. 160▪
• * 1.25

  Artic. 37.
• * 1.26

  Preface t•…•… Christian Moua•…•… c•…•…
• * 1.27

  De reg•…•… Christ•…•… cap. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.28

  •…•…sp. ad •…•…rd. ad 50. •…•…ject.
• * 1.29

  •…•…face to •…•…r. Ba•…•….
• * 1.30

  Cont. 2. de Eccles. qu. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cap. 3.
• * 1.31

  upon Titus cap. 1.
• * 1.32

  Reynold. ad•…•… Hart. p. 53•…•…
• * 1.33

  •…•…wo Books 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Reforma∣•…•…on.
• * 1.34

  〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉.
• * 1.35

  Luke 22.
• * 1.36

  1 Pet. 5.
• * 1.37

  •…•…at. 23. 10.
• * 1.38

  Cap. sept. potest Eccl•…•…
• * 1.39

  Cap. de n•…•… & us•…•… S•…•…
• * 1.40

  Harm. con∣fe•…•… Sect. 19. p. 290. Harm. con∣fes. Sect. 11. p. 65.
• * 1.41

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 1.
• * 1.42

  Obs. 3.
• * 1.43

  Obs. 1.
• * 1.44

  Pet. Mart. Ep. ad Jew∣ellum.
• * 1.45

  Lib. 4. cap. 4. Sect. 1. 2. 3. 4.
• * 1.46

  De Relig. Christ. c. 25. Sect. 10. 11. & Observat. in eundem lo∣cum.
• * 1.47

  Resp. pag. 116.
• * 1.48

  Pag. 3.
• * 1.49

  Pag. 177.
• * 1.50

  Pag. 144.
• * 1.51

  •…•…g. 116.
• * 1.52

  Bezae defens. pag. 153.
• * 1.53

  Pag. 140.
• * 1.54

  Pag. 160.
• * 1.55

  •…•…nst. lib. 4. c. 6. Sect. 8.
• * 1.56

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 defens. pag. 141. 142. •…•…43.
• * 1.57

  Pag. ii4. 887.
• * 1.58

  Calv. J•…•… lib. 4. cap Sect. 2.
• * 1.59

  Beza resp. pag. 1589.
• * 1.60

  Pag. 126.
• * 1.61

  Epist. •…•…73.
• * 1.62

  Pag. 19.
• * 1.63

  Pag. 35.
• * 1.64

  Anti-•…•…
• * 1.65

  •…•…ov. 22. 28.
• * 1.66

  •…•…al. 58. 5.