Page  17

THE Animadversions

FIRST, the whole Booke and the prin∣ting of it, to me, deserves an Animad∣version. Who is this man that makes so bold an adventure, to intermeddle in things of highest consequence, betwixt the two Kingdomes, their Parliaments and Armies; which their Wisdome and tendernesse made them forbeare? Me thinks their silence might have prompted reverence to the Au∣thor. He calls indeed his booke An Answer, pag. 4. and al∣leadges Scripture for it; but to whom is it An Answer? none had put pen to paper in this businesse, it came not into the thought of any wise man to meddle, and the very Diurnals which bespatter every body, were very modest, as to the Scots and their Army. Therefore is the Gentleman constrained for want of work to make himselfe an Adversary, which he calls by the name of Sinisirous Reports in the second line of his Re∣lation. Had it not been better to have suffered these Reports to have vanished in the ayre, then to give them the advantage of an Eccho? I feare lest the work prove unprofitable, as unne∣cessary works use to doe; forward vindications sometimes occason untoward Questions, and controverted things have sometimes more advantage by silence then debate. But well meaning men (as they are styled) must be undeceived; Let that Page  18 be put to the issue whether so, or rather whether those that have been before deceived by Reports, be not now cousned in Print. If it be found so, it is a double fault, the falshood in the Booke is one, Truth in the title another,

But to the particulars

The first thing is his Animadversions upon the Commissio∣ners of Scotland, for not being so popular in their applicati∣ons, and satisfactions to the multitude as he thinks fit; In which, notice may be taken of his expressions and of his charge; the expressions to mee seeme disproportionable to the honour, and employment of so Honourable and worthy persons. He tells them, pag. 3, That he cannot esteeme their prudence in this. Pag. 4. You have mistaken the right way sirs, ibid. you are hugely mistaken. Pag. 11. He chargeth them with being meale-mouth'd, and with remissenesse, and concludes with his Magisteriall hopes, pag. 13. that being freely admonished, they will mend this slip: and addes a resolution, that till the Commissioners did the thing he advises, he would take a Commission from himselfe to doe it. To al which I say no more then, indignus tu qui diceres tamen. For the charge I may adde, neque hoc opprobrio digni sunt. Men in trust and Authority should take care that the People may rather have the advantage, then the knowledge of their proceedings. Things that are to be done by them are neces∣sarily to be made knowne to them, and to satisfie them in their obedience, the ground of the command, or something shewing the Equity and necessity of it, is usually premitted, as is done in the preamble of Acts, Ordinances and Declarati∣ons. But to make knowne the debates, and those humane pas∣sions incident thereunto, it were sometimes to discover na∣kednesse where it ought not, to minister strifes, to make the people Judges of them whom they have made so. I have heard that the custome of Scotland is otherwise, where there is a diligent eye had to the Presse (which is not as here (which is one of our faults) prostitute to the lust of every Pamphlet) Page  19 and a reverend reservednesse kept upon their Counsels and actions: onely so farre as the people are concerned in obey∣ing, things are carefully made knowne to them, and difficul∣ties removed. And certainly, those that are reserved at home, will not judge it meet to be very open elsewhere: for though the Proverb is not strictly to be applyed, yet it carries a gene∣rall equity and decency; In alien•m domum cum veneris mu∣tus & surdus esto.

The Gentleman makes some Objections which he answers, he that hides can finde, but unawares ties some knots which he cannot easily undoe. For instance his second Objection, in the Answer to which he affirmes, that the Commissioners of Scotland doe not sufficiently discharge their duty, in making knowne to the Parliament and Assembly to the full, the truth of all things by their papers, which he proves by an assertion, which for want of other strength he doubles, that what is de facto concerning all, must be made knowne to all. The sounder axiome were, what concernes all to know must be made knowne to all, for otherwise who will deny, but the people are concerned in Counsels, Deliberations, and conclusions of things to be done, they being the subject and end of them, and yet this Author grants, that these things are to be made knowne to the Trustees of State? But I have no mind to wrangle. Let us see the strength of the Argument, which is this. The Trustees of the State and Church are not Lords of them, but servants: therefore the Commissioners of the Par∣liament of Scotland are to impart to the people of England their papers, and proceedings. This conclusion seemes to me larger then the Premisses, and like to have the lot of a buil∣ding wider then the foundation; the true inference from the Antecedent is rather this. Therefore the Commissioners of Scotland, as good servants, should give an accompt to them, that intrust them so farre, as is expected or required. But shew me where the people of England conferred that trust upon the Commissioners from Scotland, or where they required any accompt; Doubtlesse those Honourable Persons doe give ac∣compt, and satisfaction to them, from whom they received Page  20 their Commission and trust, and need not doe it to any other.

And though that expression of servants, as opposed to a Lordly usurpation, is good as to the thing, yet the word seemes to give too specious a ground for such a corrupt infe∣rence as this; If the Rulers be servants, the people are Ma∣sters; whereas the truth is, the Magistrate serves the good of the people rather then the people, as the Apostle expresseth it, Rom. 13. They are the Ministers of God to the people for good. Ministers or servants of God, that this their appellati∣on, to the peoples good, that is their use. Thus the Angels serve the Saints, who are yet lower then the Angels, and Pa∣stours the people, whom yet they rule over in the Lord. Me thinks those that hate Independency in the Church, should not affect popularity in the State, but any thing for a turne. But let me leave this Rule with my friends and Country-men, that though it be fit that all exorbitant usurpation, and arbi∣trary dominion of Rulers have a seasonable stop, lest pub∣like Liberty suffer, yet must it be done without debasing those in authority, whose honour and esteeme with the people, is necessary to the order and conservation of the whole; al∣wayes provided, that this tender regard need not be had to any of what place soever, that are in open hostility against the people, who make no other use of their power and Re∣putation, then to deceive, and destroy the people; of which our instance is too neare.

As for the freedome of Iohn Knox, and George Bucanan mentioned pag. 12. I could well consent it were revived, so it be rightly bestowed, as by them it was, sc. against the Po∣pery of the then Queen, and the self-interests of great men in publick works, and against tyranny in Princes: King Charles deserves a severer Schoolemaster then ever King Iames had.

Secondly, after this expostulation with the Commissioners ending pag. 14. the Narration begins, in which the Author layes open in the first place, the carriage of things betwixt the Scots, and the King at their first entrance, which I meddle not Page  21 with, onely give this note on the behalfe of England, that whatsoever was then done (as is alleadged) contrary to ju∣stice and Faith, must not be set in the least degree upon the accompt of this Kingdome, whose proper Representative is the Parliament, who disclaimed the whole businesse, it was the work of the King, not the Kingdome, of the Faction, not the Nation. But I rest in the thoughts of the Act of pacifica∣tion.

Thirdly, the next thing to be insisted on, is of more conse∣quence, and will require a full clearing, which is found at the 18. pag. sc. The Scots under God, are the cause of assembling the Parliament, of the continuance of it, and of the preservation of it from totall destruction and ruine. And to this purpose, there are divers passages, which I think fittest to summe up toge∣ther, and give them some dilucidation rather then oppositi∣on. Another expression of this kind is, pag. 94. The Scots were in a kinde the onely hinderers of the Kings compassing his designe. pag. 99. 100. For whom they have hazarded, and many lost their lives, when they might all this while have sate at home quietly. pag. 112. They make our quarrell theirs, have undergone the burthen for our sakes, to free us from it. They are become mise∣rable to pull us out of misery, a thing not to be parallel'd. Pag. 114. They have crucified themselves for their Brethren. Pag. 142. Who have ventured, yea, lost themselves in a manner, with all that is deare unto men, for their sakes, to doe them a double good, to help them out of trouble, and settle a Reformation among them.

God forbid, that I should be one of those ingrate children, mentioned and cryed out on by this Author. It is farre from my thought or purpose, to deny, or to diminish the kindnesse of our brethren, whose help was desired and was seasonable, but let us understand our selves, and how the matter stands be∣twixt these two Kingdomes. We are indebted to Scotland, I wish an even reckning, and long friendship, but I am not yet of opinion we owe our selves to them: and if the Author of the Manifest be consulted, you shall find an intimation of some o∣ther Obligations then meere kindnesse unto us. As for in∣stance, pag. 24. It is said, that the Scots (when they began to Page  22 interesse themselves in this businesse,) they could not in Conscience, and honesty sit quiet any longer, and neither say nor doe: but I take no advantage of this, we are beholding to men for doing what in conscience and honesty they are bound, though they should hurt themselves more in violating Conscience and honour, then in suffering us to be violated. To this you shall find a more externall ground added, pag. 28. viz. Now the State of Scotland, seeing the common Enemy come to that height, that no∣thing will satisfie him, but totall subversion of Church and State, inthese Dominions, onely they perhaps, might be kept for the last, though in intention they had been the first, judge it not enough for their interest in the common cause, to keepe an Army in Ireland, but to bee upon their Guard at home, and to help their Brethren in England with the Sword, since all other meanes so often tryed were disappointed by the malice of the Enemies: And this resolution is said to have been taken, before Commissioners were sent from England to desire their assistance, Pag. 30. So that you may observe the Enemy was a common Enemy, the Cause a com∣mon Cause, the danger to these Dominions; the Scots like to suffer as deep, though not so soone, if they had sate still. But give me leave, paulo altius repetere, and to consider the ancient mutuall tyes, and later friendships betwixt these Kingdomes, which may be a good meanes to continue, and confirme their present correspondence.

So long as these Kingdomes were under divers (especially popish) Princes, their condition was like that of Israel, 2. Chron. 15. 3. when it was without a true God, without a teaching Priest, and without Law. At which time, there was no peace to him that went out, nor to him that came in, but great ve∣xations were upon all the Inhabitants of the Countries, and Nation was destroyed of Nation, and City of City. The mu∣tuall spoyles and losses of these neighbour Kingdomes, being well considered by that wise Prince Henry the seventh, he layes a probable foundation of conjunction, in giving his el∣dest Daughter to the King of Scots, whose posterity upon the failing of the issue of his Sonne, Henry the eight, might inhe∣rit both Kingdomes, which hath since come to passe. In the Page  23 time of Edward the sixt, it was thought fit by that Prince (whose wisdome and vertue was beyond his yeares) and his Councell, to make the conjunction more sure, and therefore agreed with the Kingdom of Scotland for a Match betwixt this young King, and the Daughter of Iames the fifth, afterward Queen of France and Scotland. But the Polititians of those times in Scotland chose rather to marry their young Princesse to France then England; it may be, forecasting, upon the faile of issue in Henry the eights children, that it would be more for their advantage to have a Scottish-man or a French-man King of England, then an English-man of Scotland, though (if I may speake it without offence) I think they might have had more comfort in that young Prince Edward 6. had God continued his life and reigne, then England hath had of the two Kings they have had from Scotland; of whom Truths Manifest sayes;*That there hath been more Christian bloud shed in these latter yeares, under the end of King Iames his and King Charles his Reignes, by their Commissions, Approbations, Connivences, and not forbidding what at home, and what abroad, all which upon the matter, they might have stopped, if it had been their pleasure, then were in the time of the ten Romane Persecutions.

But although the English had received some dis-ingagement by the non-performance of that Match, which was aggravated on both parts by a Fight at Musselborough field; yet when the Scots were sore troubled, and their Religion & Liberty indan∣gered by the said Queene, returned from France into Scotland, who called the French in to her assistance against her native Subjects; the renowned Queene Elizabeth, and her prudent Councell, though this Kingdome had continuall warre with Spaine, yet feared not to provoke the French, by affording sea∣sonable helpe to her distressed Neighbours, sending to their re∣liefe 6000 men, which were maintained at the charge of the Kingdome of England; Which was then thankfully and justly called to minde by the Kingdome of Scotland when this last treaty was to be made. So that if we breake off here, the kind∣nesse rests not on our part. But I shall as gladly proceed to re∣peate the good turnes done to this Kingdome, as by it, and re∣joyce Page  24 in the mutuall obligation. And that I may not breake in too suddenly upon the late affaires of these Kingdomes, give me leave as a manuduction thereto to give a briefe touch of the Method of Reformation in this Island, and but a word, for the body of the Story may be had elswhere. It pleased God at the bringing of this Island out of Popery, to honour Scotland with a more full departure from Romish Idolatry and Superstition, for though England wholly renounced their Doctrine, yet some dregges of discipline and superstitious Ceremonies re∣mained.

The Scots had indeed some advantages that wee had not; Their Queene was obnoxious, their young King in his non∣age, they had some Nobles and Ministers zealous and well af∣fected, so that through Gods blessing they obtained a Refor∣mation in that point, though not with so little difficulty as should give them ground to expect it should be done here on a suddaine. But as for England, in Queene Elizabeths time, shee had so much trouble for Holland, with Spaine, and in Ireland, that her Councell thought not fit to adventure upon the trou∣ble of an alteration in this point, which they foresaw, and wee finde to be great. And besides, many of our Reformers being Bishops, could not so well understand the convenience of their own abolishment. In King Iames his time, though wee might have expected to have been better, in regard he came from a reformed Kingdome, yet it was far worse with us, for he came with an innate bitternesse against Puritanes, which was fomen∣ted by our English Bishops, so that he became a great Persecu∣tor of unconformity; And according to the Proverb, Seldome comes a better, since the Reigne of this King, especially since the preferment of the late Archbishop of Canterbury, it hath been much worse with us, for in stead of reforming, we were defor∣ming, and, in stead of renouncing, returning to Rome apace.

But all this while England wanted not its honour in the eyes of God and good men; For God favoured it with men emi∣nent in learning, able and earnest assertors of the Doctrine of the Gospel, against the Champions of Rome, Bellarmine and his Fellowes, such were Whitaker, Reynolds, Iewel, Fulke, Per∣kings,Page  25 &c. with more practicall Preachers and Writers, and a greater measure of the Power of Godlines, then other refor∣med Churches. Thus we see, Non omnis fert omnia tellus. Scot∣land had its advantages, and so had England, that neither they without us, nor wee without them might be made perfect, but that we might contribute to the reformation of each other, and both to our neighbours.

You will pardon this digression, I returne. After King Iames had outgrown his tutors, hankered after Spaine, and was come into England, He went about to pull downe what was built in Scotland for matter of discipline, and interrupted the Liberty of the Assemblies, as at Perth more especially, though his nature was to accomplish his designes rather by artifice then by vio∣lence; King Charles succeeds him in his Crowne and intention, but drives more furiously then his Father, and ventures the o∣verturning all; and so am I come to the late troubles of Scot∣land, about the yeare 1638. At which time both Kingdomes had Bishops, but Scotland first cast them off, to which they had these advantages. First, their naturall Antipathy against Epi∣scopacy, which is generally remarkable in that Nation. Second∣ly, the absence of the King, who was not there to countenance them with his presence, and support them with his interest and authority, as here. It is no small advantage to have an absent King. A King prevents the Factions of an Aristocracy: His absence takes away the Enormities of a Court, and the advan∣tages to Tyranny. And as they had more advantage, so had they more reason to begin; They had a Service-book put up∣on them against Law, more corrupt then ours, which was esta∣blished by a Law then in force. Their worke was but to assert their Rights against innovation, ours to inlarge our Reforma∣tion, and adde something de novo, which is a much harder and a more questionable worke. But however it was very happie for them and us, that they had such an opportunitie, & hearts to use it as they did, in standing in the breach like to be made upon the Religion and Liberties of both Kingdomes. To come yet nearer, This dispute betwixt the King and his Party on the one side, the Lords and Ministers of Scotland on the other, Page  26 growes to blowes, and Armies are prepared on each hand. How stood the affection of the Commonaltie of England in this Cause? How backward were they to raise men, to pay money? the Souldiers that were raised in many places fell to pul∣ling downe Altars, breaking Images, as a worke which pleased them better then to goe against Scotland in that Cause. And whilst some were preparing to fight against them, many were actually stirring and wrastling with God for them in prayers; Such was the affection they bore to that Cause and King∣dome.

And when the Parliament was called, to which God made the Scottish broyles an advantage, (though the affaires of Eng∣land could not long have stood in that temper they were in) how tender were they of contributing any thing to the warre against them, and chose rather to adventure their own disso∣lution then a breach with them. And when they were the se∣cond time conveened, even to this present Parliament, how readily did they gratifie their brethren with a competent sum called brotherly assistance, to be paid by this Kingdome for the injuries done by a Faction in it? And this carriage of the Par∣liament is acknowledged to be worthy, and obliging by the Convention of the Estates of Scotland, in their Declaration premitted at their Entrance. So that hitherto wee were not be∣hind-hand with them. It remaines then that this great obli∣gation must arise from the present conjunction. But if we con∣sider the grounds, the termes, and issue, it may appeare not to be extraordinary. As for the grounds, if this Author in his 28. Pag. already mentioned, be not authenticke, let me alledge those that are; sc. the Convention in the short Declaration premitted at their comming into this Kingdome in Ianuary 1643. Where beside and before the Law of Love requiring us to beare each others burthen, you may finde a Law of Nature mentioned, injoyning them to preserve themselves by prevent∣ing their neighbours ruine. It is indeed a kindnesse for a man to helpe to quench a fire in his neighbours house, though his own be next; but if his house had not been so neare, it may be the man had been further off. So that it was not a sole respect Page  27 to us that brought them, for that is no Fiction, though it be Poetry, Tua res agitur paries cum proximus ardet. So much for the Ground. The termes were as betwixt Strangers and Merce∣naries, though we love and embrace the title of brethren, as appeares by the Treaty, wherein it is required and agreed that England be at the whole charge of paying this Army, (the termes upon which they serve France and Holland) and ex∣pected that this Kingdome be responsable for incident charges and losses. What could be further asked? And looke to the issue, if God grant it, when this Kingdome will be found to have afforded all the charge and most of the force for the pre∣servation of England and Ireland directly, and Scotland as re∣ally, though by consequence; for prius and posterius makes no great difference, which was the case as this Author acknow∣ledgeth, Pag. 28.

And thus have I given accompt of the true state as neare as I could learne it of the Obligations betwixt these two King∣domes, which afford this Result; That wee should love one ano∣ther. As for the particular words which occasioned this dis∣course, which are three times repeated in the Manifest, sc. that the Scots were the cause of calling, continuing, preserving from ruine this present Parliament, let me say thus much to them. As for the calling it, they were the occasion, but not the cause. As for the continuance of it, this is the account, Wee feeling the smart of broken Parliaments, as also our debts and necessi∣ties calling for money, it could not be borrowed but upon pub∣lique Faith, this was not to be given but in Parliament; where∣upon a noble Gentleman, M^r Pierrepont by name, (who was not then much acquainted with the Scots) moved upon those grounds for an act of continuance of this Parliament, and it passed. As for the preservation of it from ruine, this Clause following immediately upon the Authors discourse of the Scots refusing the Kings offers which he made them of the foure Northerne Counties, &c. if they would lend their hand to the Parliaments ruine, induceth me to beleeve, he meanes that not destruction for preservation. But doe not the Publicanes so? Could they doe lesse then forbeare the attempt of ruining that Page  28 Parliament which had been so carefull to hinder all means of furthering the wrong or ruine of Scotland. I know not what kindnesse it was not to doe it, I am sure it had been barbarous cruelty and injustice to have done it; but if the Gentleman meane they were the cause of our preservation positively, by af∣fording their seasonable helpe, it is acknowledged upon the Grounds and Termes already mentioned, sc. their own preser∣vation as well as ours, and full satisfaction.

The Manifest proceeds in declaring the readinesse of the Scots for the helpe of Ireland: I will by no meanes extenuate the courtesie, but that also is easily reducible to their own interest, which they had reason to regard, their labour being bestowed in Ulster which lay neare to Scotland, and would have been a very ill Neighbour in the Rebels hands. As also it may be con∣sidered that they had divers Scottish Plantations in those parts, which it concerned them to doe their best to preserve for their love to their Countrymen, and to keep off the burthen of their comming over to themselves. But I deny not but they have suf∣fered something from Ireland, and done something for it, and nodoubt with respect to Religion, and the common good of these Kingdomes. But I being not so well acquainted with those affaires, forbeare to speake more of them; Let the Brittish in Ulster speake.

After the narration of the Scots interposing with the King* by Commissioners sent to Oxford, and their resolution upon the successe of it already mentioned, he proceeds to the Par∣liaments sending into Scotland for assistance, and to aggravate the kindnesse of their comming, he reflects upon the Parlia∣ment for not sending till their affaires were almost in despaire, adding the danger of not calling for helpe till things were too low. This low condition is described by him in the same page, viz. The overrunning of the North, the beating Sir William Waller at the Devizes, surrendring Bristoll and Banbury Castle basely (as he calls it.) Toward the clearing of the truth in this, the Author affords us some helpe, which I shall endeavour to make out as farre as truth will suffer; His words that I shall make use of are these; For the Parliament to try if they could do the businesse them∣selves Page  29 without troubling the Scots was wisdome; for what need you call for ayde, and trouble your Neighbours, when you can do your bu∣sinesse alone? Certainly, the hopes of compassing our businesse without the helpe of an Army thence, was the ground of their being no sooner called, though this Author alledgeth other mysticall grounds, pag. 30. But wee staid too long; Not so long as the Gentleman mentions, neither were our affaires so low as he expresses. Wee have good reason to remember the time of our sending thither, which was in Iuly 1643. But whereas it is said, that Sir William Waller was ruined at the Vies, and Bristoll taken, before our sending. The latter is absolutely deni∣ed, for our Commissioners had not newes of the losse of Bri∣stoll till they were in Scotland. As for Sir William Wallers De∣feate, it is true he was scattered before the Commissioners went from London, but the Commissioners were named, and the Instructions preparing, and the journey fully resolved on before that Defeate, even when Sir William Waller had utterly spoyled Hopto's Army with continuall fighting. And as for the subjection of the North to the Earle of Newcastle, except Hull, it is not strictly true, for Wraisell-Castle likewise held out, and was never taken by the Kings Forces. But I acknowledge that added not much to the state of our affaires; I seek not ad∣vantages, I have too many given me.

Pag. 31. as also pag. 56. Upon mention of the Covenant for setling of the Church according to the Word of God, and con∣forme to the best reformed Churches, he addes, and by name to the Church of Scotland. This I take to be a falsification of the Covenant, which when I tooke I understood to have no more reference to one reformed Church then to another, no more to Scotland then New-England; though I beleeve Old England un∣capable of that Government is in New. All that is particula∣rized (with respect to Church-Government) on the behalfe of Scotland, is that wee joyno in preservation of it against the common Enemy, supposed by all to be Pupists and Prelates; the plaine intent of which to me seemes to be an endeavour to preserve Scotland from any relapse to the corruptions they had escaped, and not to preclude it from any further reformation, Page  30 if need should be. I can hardly forbeare urging you with that of Iob, cap. 13. ver. 7. Let us alledge faire and argue accord∣ingly, especially since your Title is Truths Manifest, and mine Manifest Truths.

As for the Relation of their passing Northumberland with so little opposition, yet so much want, you are referred partly to the Narrative, which is true; as for the want spoken of, it was not so great as is pretended, neither was the Countie of Nor∣thumberland so much then wasted (for it hath indured very much since) but that it afforded many sheep, which were kil∣led by the Scots the first or second night of their Entrance. If their want had been greater, the fault had been partly their own, who undertook to bring in fortie dayes provision, which if it had been done would have given libertie for getting Pro∣visions before-hand.

Pag. 35. 36. He gives a Relation of the raising the Siege at Yorke, and the Battell at Marston Moore, where the fault is laid wholly upon the Yorkeshire Horse, which was not so, but I referre to the Narrative; Onely, I must take notice of his extolling the service of the Major Generall of the Scotch Horse, who is certainly a very able Commander. But I must differ in that point, with Truths Manifest. For the Scotch Horse which he commanded on the left Wing, were none of them drawne up in the Front that day, nor yet the next Re∣serve, (as I am informed) but as a Reserve to the Reserve, and being weaker Horse then my Lord Manchesters, were de∣signed rather to the Chace (if God should so blesse us) then to the Charge. What whole bodies they charged I know not, but have made the best inquirie I can. As for the provocation which the Author had to magnifie the fore-named Gentleman, by the unseemly appellation of the Saviour of the three King∣domes, (for so I beleeve he meanes, though it be printed the Savour) given to Lieutenant Generall Cromwell, for ought I heare, it was attributed to him by a Scottishman, Major Gene∣rall Craford by name, which he could not help, and I hope, and thinke, I may say that he is angry at the expression, his modesty and piety in that respect hath been answerable to his Page  31 valour and successe; and upon a strict examination, you will find that he was in the field to the last, though his service might be a little hindred, after the first charge by the shot, which though it was not very dangerous, being but a rake in the neck, yet the Pistoll being discharged so neare, that the powder hurt his face, and troubled his eyes, was a better excuse for withdrawing (if he had done so, which yet he did not) then many a gay man had that day.

Pag. 37. It is said that the Scots upon the taking of New-Castle carryed themselves with such moderation, that the Ene∣mies who had been in Armes against them, were constrained to speake well of them.

Their moderation is acknowledged as to violence, but as for the Testimony fetched from the mouth of the Enemies, there was too much reason for it, in regard that they, especially one of the principall of them, Sir Nicholas Cole, a person ex∣cepted from pardon, in the Propositions of both Kingdomes sent to the King at Oxford, was detained for some time from the Justice of the Parliament of England (who sent a War∣rant for him) by the Generall of the Artillery (then com∣manding in Chiefe, in the absence of the noble Generall,) who kept him company frequently, let him live in all free∣dome and jollity, and would not part with him, till by an Order from the Parliament of Scotland, procured by a Com∣missioner sent thither, he was constrained so to doe: and for other Enemies they sought and found protection in some Re∣giments of the Scottish Army, which occasioned their spea∣king well: But I have no mind to aggravate, but must adde, that the excuse he makes of Military order in the next page, sa∣tisfies not; for as I take it, our Military force serves for no∣thing, but the establishment of Civill power and peace; I know no Military Order could keep the party above named, from being disposed according to the will of the Parliament, from the 20. of October, till the February after, and till the Parliament of Scotland very justly, and honourably interposed their Authority.

Pag. 38. and 39. He makes a digression to set forth the Page  32 malignancy and poverty of the North, thereby to prejudice many of their just complaints, and to make the stirring of the Westmoreland-men the more inexcusable. I shall give you as true an account as the Manifest of the North, both in gene∣rall, and with respect to the particular mentioned of the ri∣sing in Westmoreland. First, as for the Malignancy of the North, it had three disadvantages, first, its distance from the Parliament and City of London. Secondly, the want of good Ministers, which I wish the Parliament and Assembly would heartily consider of, there being not above foure Ministers in the foure Northern Counties capable of persecution by the Enemy, when these Warres began. The people are destroyed for want of knowledge; If some of that strength which hath been spent at London in endlesse Debares about Discipline, had been bestowed in Doctrine in the North, and such like barren places,

I wish Ministers were more of the temper of that holy Apo∣stle, who laboured more abundantly then they all, who stri∣ved to preach the Gospel, not where Christ was named, lest he should build on another mans foundation. But the warmth* and accommodations of the South, and Principles of self-love in men too suitable to them, are fundi nostri calamitas. This hath been the principall means, how the Northern parts both of England and Scotland, have proved so disadvantagious to this Cause. And lastly, the Nobility of these parts, who were well affected, lived out of the Countrey, and the Gen∣try, (through the want of the powerfull preaching of the Gospel) were not so sound, which hath made the North in the condition it was: But yet give me leave to say, that for ought I ever observed or heard, the Commonalty of these parts were never so ill affected, but if due care had been taken to ingage them, they had been as serviceable to this Cause as any other, Northumberland, as Norfolke.

But more particularly for Cumberland and Westmoreland,Page  33 they have shewed themselves the least disaffected of any other, For first, though they were arrayed, by Sir Philip Musgrave, under the pretence of the defence of their owne Countries, yet they never would be perswaded to goe out of them, to the prejudice of the Parliament, (for ought I have heard) they were willing to agree with Laneashire, and when they were in Armes, and might have resisted the Scotch Horse, (sor they had that strength, which the Horse thought not fit to force,) yet upon a Letter from Mr. Barwis, they gave way for the Scots to come in among them. And the County of Cumber∣land raised 1800. Foot, and 400. Horse at their own charge, under the Command of Sir Wilfred Lawson, for the reducti∣on of Carlile. And these Counties were not so poore, but that in the space of six moneths, or little more, the Scottish Horse and Dragoones had from thence about the value of one hun∣dred thousand pounds, in mony and provisions, more then ever the Earle of Newcastle had from them, which argues they were not so poore, and spent, as that they were sensible of the least thing could be demanded. And to speake more particularly of Westmoreland, where the resistance to the Scots was, though I know no man justifies the action, for they should have addressed to the Parliament, yet these things may be considered. First, they had expended for the entertain∣ment of the Scotch Army, 40000. l. or thereabouts: as much as they could well indure without intermission, so that now indeed they began to be sensible. Secondly, the Generall had so farre resented their charge, that he had under his hand for∣bidden his Souldiers levies of money. Thirdly, the Parlia∣ment had also made an Ordinance for the entertainment of the Scottish Army, dated February 20. laying the charge of it upon all parts of the Kingdome, in their power, that the North might be eased, (which for ought the Scottish Offi∣cers then knew, might be effectuall for their pay.) Fourthly, the Scottish Horse there quartered, had so full pay for the Winter, that the necessities of the County were beyond the necessitie of the Souldier. These things considered, will make the Westmorland mens resistance, though (it may be) not ju∣stifiable Page  34 yet not wholly inexcusable, seeing their ground was necessity, and their end the vindication, not onely of the Au∣thority of Parliament, forbidding arbitrary Impositions by Armies, and ordering other wayes of provision for Souldiers: but of the Scottish Generall who had strictly forbidden the continuance of the assessement.

There is added, pag. 39. a bitter, and I think unjust refle∣ction upon the Commissioners, employed by the Parliament in the North, who were Sir William Armyne, Mr. Hatcher, Mr. Robert Goodwin, Mr. Barwis, Mr. Darley, Mr. Fenwick, who put too much power in the hands of wicked Malignants, as Recusants, Prelaticks, men lately in actuall Rebellion, who spoyle the Countrey, oppresse honest men, &c. A high Charge: but no proofe except the Assertion, he sayes indeed that men with∣out exception (and that is strange, seeing Mr. Musgrave the chiefe of them is a Sectary) are sent up to the Parliament, to acquaint the Houses with the state of businesse. These men∣tioned Gentlemen were troubled, that they had no more, or better choyce to make Committees in the North, but certainly, they did to their apprehension chuse the best and most ser∣viceable, and they challenge you to name the professed Re∣cusants. As for Prelaticks and Common Prayer-Booke-men, in that Country where they knew no other Government, or Service, it's no considerable exception: as for men that have been in actuall Rebellion against the State; it may be gran∣ted, that they employed men, who according to Ordinance of Parliament had been Delinquents, though not active a∣gainst the Parliament, for want of other; and for this; be∣sides their necessity, they had such examples on both hands of them, in England, but especially Scotland, for the employ∣ing of neutrall, and not so well affected men, that it may be they passed over this rub with the lesse difficulty. And as for the spoyling the Country and oppressing honest men, the Committee are willing to joyne issue, whether they or the Scot∣tish Army (for you put me to it) have most spoyled the Countrey, and oppressed honest men. As for the men depu∣ted from Cumberland, to complaine of Mr. Barwis and the Page  35 rest; some of them may be honest, as I hope Mr. Musgrave and his partner are, but certainly they are inconsiderate in this point, they find faults, and 'tis easie so to doe, it's like, in that, and other Committees there are too many, as Covetous∣nesse and Partiality (of which who ever are guilty, for their owne sake and the Kingdomes, let them amend it) but to goe about to disgrace and displace men in Authority, faithfull for the maine (as they have shewed it) and not to be able to name men fit to succeed, is but to give advantage to the destruction of their Countrey by the division of it, and to make a gap for some body else, who it may be will lesse mind their good, to strike in. I much suspect the drift of this Au∣thor, when he would goe about to possesse us, that all our affaires in the North are in ill hands, but I will not insist up∣on suspitions. And that Gentleman with some other well∣affected to the Publike, viz,. have been too forward in char∣ging the proceedings of Parliament, and their Committees, pleading Magna Charta, and the Libertie of the Subject: Alas, our Ancestours never made provision for such times as these, and if all the Lawes which are to have free passage in times of peace, should now be urged, we could have no Martiall Law, no pressing men, fortifying other mens houses, cutting through their grounds to make workes, and so should lose our Liberty, whil'st we are defending knowne Lawes (which was the Kings old snare) cannot serve for dangers unknowne, when the Lawes were made: I hope the Parlia∣ment will be as carefull to countenance Law and Liberty as may be, but we must not expect, but that in many cases it should be broken, and onely that it may be preserved. As the case stands with us, it may goe for Malignancy or high indis∣cretion, to oppose and quarrell with the proceedings of the Parliament; God hath made them Instruments of much good, and I hope will of much more. The Reader is desired to pardon this digression, the discontents fomented by some against the Authority of the Houses, is so dangerous, that it hath inforced it.

From the 41. to 44. pag. The Author of the ManifestPage  36 gives an accompt of the advance of the Scottish Army South∣ward in the Spring, where he tells of their march from Newcastle to Rippon, and from Rippon into Westmoreland, and so to Rippon againe, and then to Nottingham, and casts in the story of the printed papers called the Manifest.

The excuse of the Scots, and the fault of the Countries is declared to be in the slack providing of Draughts, and Pro∣visions. But let us examine the true state of the businesse, con∣cerning their marching or not marching Southward, that is, over the Trent, till the later end of Iune. The Parliament up∣on the grounds mentioned in the Narrative, sent for their speedy advance Southward in March, and sent them 30000. l. in money, their desired proportion of Armes and Ammu∣nition to fit them for service. The Manifest sayes, that the delay of the march from Newcastle to the first of May, was from the unreadinesse of Draughts. The losses and wants of the parts about Newcastle sustained in the siege, and by assesse∣ments all the Winter, had made them, though not so able, yet very willing to forward the advance of the Scots, know∣ing their ease by it; and it will be proved, that in the midst of the complaints for Draughts, divers of their Officers, tooke money of those that brought them in, and released them: But that is a small matter: They came to Rippon, or at least part of them about the beginning of May, how comes the stop there? It's alleadged to be want of Draughts and provisions. First, for Draughts, certainly the County of Yorke could not so little understand their own condition (of which their suffe∣ring could not but make them sensible) if they had not had an apprehension of the publique Service, as not to afford them all possible Requisites to their march Southwards: for as for the County, it did undergoe ten times the charge by their stay there; and as for my Lord Fairefax, and the Committee, they were so apprehensive of the Inconveniences of their not marching, that they saw besides the disappointment of the Parliament, their owne forces in danger of ruine by the quar∣ter and assessements of the Scottish Army. Concerning Draughts, I adde this further. The not relieving Draughts Page  37 by the way, and not restoring them when they served their proportion, and exacting money for freeing them, makes the people more backward then they should, or otherwise would bee. For it's certaine, that the Heresordshire men were some of them at Northallerton in Yorkeshire seeking their Draughts this Winter, and the Yorkeshire, Cumberland, and Westmore∣land men, were forced to give money for releasing their Draughts, and some to sell their Oxen at under rates, and leave their Waynes behind them. And truly I am not satisfied, how the Scottish Army should come by Draughts so easily to march back into Westmoreland, as to be ready on a sudden, without further trouble to the Committee to march thither, but could get no accommodation for marching Southward. If they used the same rigour for Draughts for Service (which is more reasonable) as they doe for money for subsistance, they would never want them long: Will you give me leave to say, that was not the onely reason, but that time was not the season of their marching. For when our Commissioners came to a Randezvous at Bramham-moore, Lieutenant Gene∣rall Lesley upon their appearance, came gallopping up with this expression, I have it, I have it, and tells them he had re∣ceived intelligence from Sir VVilliam Brereton, that the King was sending a flying Army through Lancashire into Scotland, but the Letters were not produced to our Commissioners, who therefore moved for surer intelligence, before they marched toward Westmoreland, and went away with that ex∣pectation: but the next newes they heard was, the Scottish Army marched early next morning, and were gone twenty foure miles before they heard of them: And thus went they backe into VVestmoreland, where they were when the King tooke Leicester. And since the Manifest addes, they had come sooner from Westmoreland, but that they also were slow, and unwilling in providing Draughts and Provisions: Give me leave to say this for truth; that when they were to march back from Westmoreland, the Yorkeshire Draughts which brought them thither were not gone back, and thereupon Mr. Barwis and the Committees there, (to spare the paines and Page  38 hazard of their owne Draughts) would have agreed with the Yorkeshire men for a summe of money, to let their Draughts be employed back againe, which was refused by the Scots under pretence of trouble to the Yorkeshire men. So that Westmorland Draughts must needs goe, and Warrants were granted for 75 by the Committee of Cumberland & West∣morland, which came in so well that the Generall of the Artil∣lery gave a very good testimony to the readinesse of the Com∣mittee and County, notwithstanding all their pretended dis∣affection: And so much for the businesse of Draughts; Unlesse I should adde the story of that Officer who at the Siege of New∣castle sent for Draughts to Barwick, and then sold the Oxen.

Now for Provisions, let me adde something. First, it was expected that the Scottish Army upon the Receipt of 30000. li. to inable them to advance, should have made some provision of victualls to be carried along against a time of necessitie, for in their ordinary Marches not neare an Enemy the Country would afford it. Secondly, the Scottish Generall sent to the Committees of Yorke onely to cause Provisions to be brought to the places where the Army should lodge from night to night, and not the provision of a Magazine, which they would have done rather then have occasioned their stay in Yorkshire, to the prejudice of the Publique and themselves. Thirdly, when they came and demanded provisions, the Committee used all possible diligence to procure them, onely they desired a full re∣solution for their March Southward, before they delivered them. And when the Army was marching into Westmorland, the provisions were going toward Brambam-Moore, and those parts. Fourthly, Why could not they as well march South∣ward toward Nottinghamshire, a very plentifull Countrey, without such a stocke of Provisions, as over Stainemoore, a most barren place, and goe into Westmorland, a Country which the Manifest sayes was so spent, that they were sensible of the least Demands? And for Provisions when they came from West∣morland, in a very short space, they had foure or five dayes pro∣vision, according to their demand of 18000 weight per diem, made ready for them, by the speciall diligence of M^r Barwis,Page  39 to whom I cannot but give the testimony of a very honest and faithfull man to the Publique, and one who hath deserved bet∣ter at some mens hands then he hath found. And so about the beginning of Iune they began their journey Southward againe, and passed speedily through Yorkshire, without any of those difficulties which hindred (as is said) their march before. And in the meane time Lieutenant Generall Cromwell being a man not acceptable to the Scots, and excepted against as one whom their Army would not joyne in service with, was called back, and Collonel Vermuden sent with a Party of Horse to strengthen their Army, but he not finding them, being gone into Westmorland, he marched back, not without hazard, and came and resigned his Regiment before Naseby fight. I have no more to adde in reference to this part of the Manifest, but to remark his observation on the Yorkshire Horse, which he saith were not a third part of the thousand armed. Give me leave to answer; the Yorkshire-men had been better horsed and armed both, had it not been for the very great burthen upon that County, by reason of the Scottish Army, which was one rea∣son of the distraction of those Forces.

As for what he saith about publishing the Papers delivered in to the Houses of Parliament, by the Scottish Commissioners, under the title of the Scots Manifest, by I know not whom. If the Commissioners hand was in the printing, sure they would not have disclaimed it, as this Author saith they did, if their hand was not in it, it was printed underhand, contrary to the passage of play underboard and clandestine dealing, Pag. 51. As al∣so the Letter from Nottingham, signed by the chiefe Officers of the Army, which was sent to the Parliament and not to the people, and I thinke ought not to have been published without the consent of them to whom they were written: I suppose them that wrote it knew as little of the printing it as they that received it; but if printing Letters be so convenient, you may soone have enough of that worke.

In the 46. & 47. Pag. He addes a word or two about moneys received by the Scottish Army, provisions made for, and the be∣haviour of the Army. To which first he gives an assurance in Page  40 the name of the Scots (which I know not what authorlty he hath to use) that they desire an universall tryall of all things, it may be so, but his warrant is not sufficient.

To these he gives briefe answers (scil.) short of money, scant of provisions, of their carriage indifferent. Give me leave to adde something more. First for money, it cannot be denied, but that the proportion of money allotted them by the Treaty was not paid monethly, neither doth the Treaty undertake it shall exactly, for (knowing the want, and distractions of the King∣dome) there is an addition made of Publique Faith, for the part unpaid; but I adde these things. First, that the Parlia∣ment hath not been able to give them their expected pay, for all the Counties of this Kingdome, except London, and the Association for the maintenance of the English Army, have either wholly or in some part been under the enemy, or been constrained to maintaine a force for their defence; so that they could not afford much (especially through the wast, and depopulation following the warre, the estates of Delinquents which was principally intended for the way of their mainte∣nance being made little of) and whether the Parliament should so dispose the part left free, as not to have some maintenance for an English Army, for the service of England, let reasonable men judge. Secondly, though they have not had so much as might be expected in an orderly way, yet some way or other, by their own unwarranted assessements and otherwise they have had no small Sums: The particulars must rest till the accompt: And they were so vigilant (let me not say violent) in making provision for themselves, that it gave occasion to many to remit their care and indevour in providing for them. And lastly, although the foote Souldier doth not abound, for he is kept to his foure pence a day in provision, yet the Officers and Horsemen have not felt any want this long time, as ap∣peares by their very liberall expences in clothes and drinkings, which every Market-Towne neare their Quarters can witness. If the Parliament could have paid them duly, and did not, they have been very ill husbands, for certainly it were farre better for this Kingdome they received money to disspend here, Page  41 and pay their Quarters, then to referre to the confused recko∣ning for Quarters, and sending money into Scotland. I could wish that this Kingdome were not so forward in their promi∣ses and undertakings, for no man lookes at our willingnesse in promising, but reflects upon our weaknesse in performing. As for their pay comparative to other Armies, wee can affirme that in other Armies there is as much want among their foote, who sometimes have neither money nor provisions, and not so much excesse among the Horse: wee know Forces in England, that have had as little pay as this Author saith this Army had, a moneth in seven, and yet never assessed the Country without leave from the Parliament, nor used violence towards the peo∣ple, but were content with Free Quarter, who have yet done very good service too. As for Provisions, the instance of Here∣ford shall be satisfied in its place: As for other places I am sure there are many have been very glad to give what they could, or had, and be glad if they might so escape; and as for that foule imputation of some mens detaining Provisions, that so the Army might be dis-inabled for service; certainly those men as they are no friends to the Scots Army, so are they ene∣mies to the Parliament and good of the Kingdome; and this Author is bound to discover them by his Covenant; We have had more need of their service, especially before Naseby, then to hinder them from it: As for the disorders of the Army, the Author is in some measure ingenuous, and confesses the neces∣sitie of some miscarriages which will be in an Army, especial∣ly unpaid, but I may say safely I know Armies better ordered; want of pay is some excuse for Free Quarter or Pillage, but for rapes, murthers, violence, swearing, drunkennesse, I know none, neither doe I beleeve them to be punished, according to Eccle∣siasticall and military Law, as is pretended. And take it not ill, that I say, if you love the Presbytery, reforme the Army, for it is very scandalous.

Pag. 51. He proceeds to the constitution of the Committee of both Kingdomes; and Pag. 56. & 57. to the corruptions of some of the English of that Committee, let us consider of both.

It's true, the Parliament out of their earnest desire of a most Page  42 arct union with their Brethren, desired a conjunction not onely of Forces, but of Councels, which so long as both King∣domes doe earnestly and entirely promote the common inte∣rest of both in the same way, hath its advantages; but giveme leave to say, that as the matter is ordered, the conjunction is not equall in every point, for Scotland hath besides their Com∣mittee joyned with ours for the regulating their Army in our service, Commanders interested in the knowledge of our espe∣ciall affaires, and the ordering of our English Forces, we have not so in Scotland, but are meere strangers to the businesse, and Armies of that Kingdome, notwithstanding the great depen∣dance that our affaires have upon theirs while wee have a com∣mon enemy.

And further, they have Committees joyned with ours for the raising and receiving money, as at Goldsmiths Hall, and at Newcastle, where at first a lock was set upon the Custome∣house-dore by the appointment of the Scottish Cōmittee, with an intent solely to administer the money-businesse there, after∣ward they were content with a mutuall key, of so ill credit are our English Officers (I know not the reason) but wee have no joyned Muster-Master nor Pay-Master of that Army to take accompt how the money is expended, but these are things I have little to doe with, yet they are manifest truths.

The constitution of the Committee, I know none disallowes when the Parliament hath consented to it: but let us looke to the corruption where it is found, that contrary to the Order of that Committee where the Scots have a negative voyce, and nothing is done, or at least ought to be done, without their know∣ledge and consent, concerning Peace, or Warre, publiquely or pri∣vately, directly, or indirectly, &c. Two things have been foully carryed on the English Part. First, the naming and assembling a Sub-Committee without knowledge of the Scots, this was in my Lord Savills case, who came with overtures of getting Oxford delivered to the Parliament, and Gorings Horse brought over to us, where it seemes the Lord Say, Mr. Soliciter, and Mr. Crew were appointed to speake with him, which they had like to have paid deare for, in regard that a Minister of Page  43London, unadvisedly being set on by a Scottish Minister, and Commissioner, went to the Exchange, and misreported the busines, that some men of speciall note in our Parliament, were treating with the Enemy about delivering our Townes to them, to the amusement of the City, and the danger of the Gentlemen. Let the Reader consider the time, and circum∣stances of this accusation, and judge whether it were not a designe fitted for the ruine of the New-Model'd Army, and those who had been active in it. But they that knew the Or∣der and, practise of that Committee, affirme this was not un∣usuall, nor had been before excepted against, to appoint a Sub-committee all English without a Scottish Commissioner. And the House of Commons after solemne hearing the whole businesse, adjudged that the Sub-Committee had done their duty, and order'd Mr. Cranford to acknowledge his fault, and pay 500. l. to each of them, though I beleeve they re∣gard no pecuniary benefit. As for the latter concerning Pat: Napar, I am informed the case was this, the Lord Lauderdaile told the Committee, there was a Scottish man had businesse to impart to them concerning Oxford, a Sub-Committee was ap∣pointed (the Committee sitting) whereof the said Lord was one to examine the man, and receive his information, which was concerning the Forces and Provisions in Oxford: but his Information being only coincident with intelligence formerly received, it was the lesse regarded: but as for that secret of the easie place, it is easier to say then to prove it, for the Gentle∣men of that Sub-Committee knew of no such advantage, and therefore could not disclose it, and therefore let Patricke lay his hand upon his heart, &c. as is advised, pag. 57. But why will you give me so just, nay so necessary occasion by the men∣tion of these deviations (as you make them) of the English Members of the Committee of both Kingdomes, from the Rule, to put you, and others in minde of the carriage of things betwixt the Scots Committee, joyned with the English Commissioners in the North, for ordering the Scots Army, where the English have been so farre from having a negative in any thing, that in many things they have had no vote at all? Page  44 How often have those Forces been disposed of, diminished, increased, removed from place to place, from England to Scotland, and back againe, without the knowledge and con∣sent of our Commissioners? How are some Garrisons put in∣to English Townes and Castles, without their consent requi∣red, others without their consent obtained? for there is no Scottish Garrison in any English Towne, or Castle, which hath the consent of the Parliament, except Barwicke, where a Go∣vernour was placed with the approbation of the English Com∣missioners, to whom equally with the Scots, the disposall of the Army is by Treaty committed, and this hath been done, or at least not altered, by the Scots Committee of themselves without sending to the Parliament, or convention of Estates in Scotland, as we are constrained to the Parliament of Eng∣land, in case of the dissent of the Scots, so that there we have no negative, or to no purpose, which is here so strictly expe∣cted; I am sorry you have put me to this discourse.

Pag. 54. 55. as also 59. 60. you will pardon my going back∣wards and forwards, I must follow my Leader; The Mani∣fest gives an accompt of the divers correspondencies of the Scots Commissioners, sometimes with one sort of men, some∣times with another: I suppose the Gentleman may be bolder with them then I: they are men in publick employment, and should not be bandied by a private pen, I shall say nothing to their disadvantage, they notwithstanding any alteration of their company have kept constant to their Principles, and Counsels, which have been to set up the Presbyteriall Go∣vernment in England (which is their declared businesse) and that in full power and vertue, without connivence at Sects, Schismes; this could not be done till the common Ene∣my was weakned, and therefore both the Scots and Indepen∣dents might well joyne, for they both had hopes: but when the Scots saw the Sectaries not altered in opinions, but expe∣cting the Liberty of their owne practise, the grow strange to each other, as being bound severall wayes, and to supply their place another party strikes in, partly out of concur∣rence with the Scots in Church-Government, and partly Page  45 out of envie and opposition to the Independents, who as they thought had supplanted them: but since those men who were most averse to the coming in of the Scots, greatest stran∣gers afterwards, most forward to have them gone, are so handsomely come about to an intimate conjunction with the Scots, quid non speremus? the world may turne once againe, and the old friendship may be renewed, let us not be too much prejudiced. And the Author reduces this mistake to the Church-Government; as I doe; onely he speaks of a stipu∣lation given from the English Commissioners to the Scots when in Scotland, to goe heartily along with them in setling Church-Government, I know no private stipulation, as for the Covenant, which is the mutuall publique stipulation, I hope we shall all stand to, to endeavour Reformation according to the word of God; but if my observation faile me not, the di∣stances (though I desire not to meddle with them) have been also kept with men like affected with them, for the maine of Church-Government, and was occasioned also by the businesse of the new Modell, of which more by and by. Pag. 57. 58. There is mention made of the unreasonablenesse of the Siege at Oxford, while the Enemy was ranging abroad, and calling back the Party that followed the King, both being against the advice of the Scots, and how fit it was, rather for Sir Tho: Fairfax his Army to follow the King at that time, then the Scots, and herein referre to the condition of each Army. And since we are called upon to try these things, and not suffer them to be carryed away in hugger mugger (as the word is) let it be tryed. First, for the siege at Oxford, of which I thinke this a true accompt, it is well knowne how earnest endeavours there were almost on all parts, to hinder the new moulding of the Armies, how when seven thousand Horse and Foote were got together about Redding, and Windsor, they were dispatched into the West, and when they had marched as faire as Blairford, which is about seventy miles from Windsor, they were by Order from the Committee of both Kingdomes divided, and Sir Thomas Fairfax with 3500. commanded back towards Oxford, where the King had joy∣ned Page  46 his Horse, and almost compleated his Army for the Spring, so that Sir Thomas Fairfax with his party could not march through Wiltshire, but was constrained to goe through Ham∣shire for safety; before his returne the King marched from Oxford, Lieutenant Generall Cromwell, and Major Generall Browne followed him as neare as they well might, with ano∣ther part of the Army, so that, that Army was already in three parts, farre distant from each other; the desires of the Parliament were sent downe to the North, for the spee∣dy advance of the Scots Army, which was fitter for the field then Sir Thomas Fairfaxes, for they had twelve or four∣teen thousand men in a body, in Yorkeshire, and besides the Yorkeshire Horse, a Party of the new Modell (which makes another division of the Army) was sent under Collonel Vermuden to joyne with them, so that they wanted neither men, money; (for 30000. l. was sent them in order to their advance) Armes, nor Ammunition, which also they had received in good proportion: as for Draughts and Provisions we have said enough before: but Sir Thomas Fairfaxes Army, when joyned with Cromwell, Rosseter, and when Vermuden not finding the Scots Army, which was gone into Westmorland, was returned, and when he had the accession of some Association, and Northampton Horse, was but eleven hundred, or thereabouts, and therefore was it thought but reasonable that his Army should have a little time to gather together; and that the pretence of sitting still might not be made against it, it was appointed rather to lie upon the Enemies Quarters about Oxford, then our owne, that the reduction, and recruiting of it might be per∣fected. As for the calling back the Party following the King, they were too weak to follow him, because too weake to fight him, for they were but equall (when joy∣ned with the other part of the Army) at Naseby fight. And besides if they had advanced, it had been under the Command of Lieutenant Generall Cromwell, with whom the Scots had no mind to joyne, and so the Service might have been prejudiced. And so have you the story of Page  47 the Siege of Oxford, in which you think there is so much disadvantage to the Publick on our part.

Pag. 62. We have a story of the Treaty at Uxbridge, wherein this Author (as if he meant division) is not content to extoll the faithfulnesse, Resolution, Prudence, know∣ledge of the Scottish Commissioners, which never was que∣stioned: but he reflects unworthily upon the English Commissioners in these words. The Kings Commissioners feeling the Pulse of the Parliament Commissioners, did promise unto themselves, upon what ground they know best, or at least should know, that they could carry all things to their minds, if it were not for the rude and stiffenecked Scots, (it's his owne language) who were so firme to their Principles, and resolved rather to follow on the worke with honour and Conscience, then to yield to a base agreement to the prejudice of Church and State. Consider here, first the charge, that had it not been for the Scots, distinct from the English Commissioners, the Court Commissioners had compassed their ends, which were cer∣tainly very disadvantagious, if not destructive to the Par∣liament and Kingdome, which without straining amounts to thus much; that the Parliament sent Commissioners to the Treaty, that were either so unwise, or so unfaithfull, as that, had it not been for the Scottish assistants, the Cause of the Parliament and Kingdome, had been through them prejudiced, if not betrayed. And to this in opposition to the English, he makes an addition of the firmenesse, ho∣nour, Conscience and resolution of the Scottish Commissio∣ners. I wonder at this in stead of answering it. Let us con∣sider who were employed, men we alwayes had an honou∣rable opinion of, and shall have, notwithstanding any such unjust and unworthy suggestions, which have no proofe nor can have, to whom we must give this testimony, that in that, as in other our affaires, they carryed themselves with all diligence and faithfulnesse, so that the Treatie en∣ded without our prejudice, and there an end of it.

Pag. 63. The next thing in order is the new Modell, wherein the Parliament is a little beholding to him, for he Page  48 justifies that action of the Parliament, by the necessity of it, in regard of the faults of some who were imployed in the Armies, which the Parliament had attempted to amend in a faire way, but to small purpose. To which let me adde an∣other reason, that by the reduction of the Armies, the Of∣ficers were abated, especially the most costly ones, as Ge∣nerall Officers, and the charge lessened, that the Parlia∣ment might be the better able to pay other Officers in their Service.

We are told of the interposition of the Scottish Commissi∣oners in that affaire, advising the Parliament by their pa∣per put in to that purpose, to chuse (as this Author sayes) men of ability and experience, and faithfull to the cause, which latter he expounds to be men, not inclined to Sects, and Schismes; I remember that paper of the Scottish Com∣missioners, was then wondred at, but now it is not; If their counsell were followed, as this Author confesses in some degree it was, there is the lesse reason to complaine, but who ever complaines, I thank God for the new Modell.

And before wee passe from the new Modell, two exceptions must be cleared, which this Author makes concerning it.

First, Concerning the Covenant, pag. 64. where he wonders and doubts, he wonders it should admit any debate in the Parliament, whether the Armies should be put to the oath; and then why the common Souldiers should not be put to it: and then doubts that the order for the taking of it by the Commanders is not so well observed. For the debates and orders of the Parliament, I doe not use to debate them over againe, especially when satisfied in these two things, that a common Souldier that hath not taken the Covenant, may doe very good service to the Kingdome, and that there is not the same reason why it should be pressed upon them as upon the enemies coming in, because we doubt them more then we doe these, and therefore offer them a discovery and engagement. But for the Covenant I have taken it, and approve the taking of it, though I have neither power nor will to compell it. Page  49 As for the doubt that the Officers take it not, I cannot satisfie it, but I am sure they doe the things that it obliges to, better then many that have taken it, and to mee a Covenant not taken is much better then a Covenant not kept.

To which I adde, Novimus & quite, wee can tell you when and where, the Scottish Army hath in articles of Treaty and surrender agreed to an article in these words; That the Natio∣nall Covenant shall not be inforced, either upon Officer, Soul∣dier, Gentleman, or Clergy-man, as in the Capitulation for Tinmouth-Castle, and to the like purpose at Carlisle, though our Armies have alwayes (for ought I ever heard) refused to ac∣cept of any such article, as at Bristoll; but require a subjection to all Ordinances of Parliament. So that notwithstanding this exception, it seemes our Commanders either love the Cove∣nant better then they, or Castles not so well.

As for the reason of some mens backwardnesse to the Cove∣nant, which is alledged to be their aversenesse to the Presbyte∣rian government, I see no reason why that should be a reason, because there is no mention of the Presbyteriall government in the Covenant, nor (for ought I know) any intention of it any further, then it is found agreeable to the word of God, which wee all professe a submission to. And it is well knowne that learned and godly men, though not satisfied in the Presbyteriall government, have taken the Covenant, as knowing that no particular government, but the word of God, is set up as the rule of reformation.

It may be your interpretation of the Covenant to reach so farre, and your addition of the Church of Scotland, may dis∣courage men from taking it, lest not interpreting it as you, they should give you the scandall of Covenant-breaking.

Here comes in the ••rned dispute of active and passive obe∣dience, where it is affirmed that passive obedience is a great ab∣surditie; That is onely an absurditie in language, which is an absurditie in use, for use makes propriety; but this expression being very common (and that among Scholars) is not absurd. And therefore this Author gives so much respect to Divines, as not to except against their use of this expression, with re∣spect to Christ.

Page  50Obedience is taken either positively, for performance of the command; or privatively, for not resistance or submission, as Phil. 2. 8. He became obedient unto death; which is ordinarily called passive obedience. He saith all vertue consists in action, Moralists say so, but yet they allow silence and patience to be vertues, which cannot be said to be actions, but rather for∣bearances of action; though some intimate act of the minde belongs to them, as also to this submission; It is accounted a great vertue or rather grace in Christ, that being reviled, he re∣viled not againe, yet there was no action. But your principle makes well for the new Modell, if all vertue consists in action, Sir Thomas Fairfax his Army being active, must be concluded, vertuous, notwithstanding Independency.

Before I come to the second exception about the new Mo∣dell, scil. the leaving out the Scottish Officers, notice must be taken of a loose discourse, Pag. 67, 68, 69. occasioned by a Speech uttered publiquely, by one to this purpose, That the maine quarrell the Parliament stood for at first, and thereafter, did take up armes for, was not Religion, nor the reformation of the Church, but the freedome and libertie of the Subject. Which saying he pleads to be injurious, but handles it injuriously; for he makes the sense of that speech to be this; The Parliament did not from the beginning intend a true reformation of Religion, w^ch it affords not, the Parliament may intend reformation, and yet not fight for it. And without prejudice to the Parliament, let me declare my opinion. The Parliament (I doubt not) did looke at Religion as the foundation and perfection of the Kingdomes happinesse, and had it chiefly in their eye. Some indeed have thought them more intent to Liberty, upō a mistake they could not be earnest for Religion, unlesse they were for Liberty, (which is the fence and preservative of the practise of it;) But yet if I were asked the ground of the Parliaments taking up armes de facto, I should not answer the reformation of Re∣ligion, (for I make some question whether Religion, especial∣ly the reformation of it, be so proper a quarrell for the sword) but that seeing the King instead of suffering Justice to be exe∣cuted upon offenders, prepared violence against the Parlia∣ment, Page  51 and in it against our liberty, with all the fruits of it, (of which the enjoyment of Religion was the choicest) they raised an Army to defend us and themselves, that they might sit with freedome and liberty to performe their trust, for the preservation and reformation of the Kingdome, which they have attended as much as the difficulties and distractions of the times would permit. And to that end called an Assembly of Divines, that they might from them receive some light to direct them in the execution of their power in matters of Re∣ligion.

He spends some further time in discussing that Position, Whether Liberty were the maine quarrell.

I answer, They looked at Libertie, primò, but not primariō, Religion as the furthest end, but Liberty as the next meanes: The infringement of libertie gives advantage to corruption in Religion, as our Adversaries well know, when they with e∣quall pace brought on slavery and superstition. Here the Au∣thor takes a needlesse ground to tell the people that which is not true, That they are in a worse case in respect of Liberty then former∣ly, by paralleling Committees with the Star-Chamber, and Taxes with Ship-money. This sounds more like sedition then truth; For howsoever Committees may be guilty of partialities and miscarriages, yet their maine intent is our preservation, not our burthen, as the other Courts were. And we have now a bet∣ter appeale from a Committee to the Parliament, then we had from the Star-chamber to the King. Injury may be done now as well as then, but not so professedly, or with so little re∣medy.

And as for taxes heavier then Shipmoney, I wonder either at your face or at your judgement. In the beginning of the 70 pag. you make a plaister of the necessitie of taxes, but it is not so wide as the wound: The wiser of the people see and dis∣cover your fallacious dealing, and see a great deale of difference betwixt the Kings destroying their right in Ship▪ money, and the Parliaments preserving their right notwithstanding taxes, which I hope will not last long.

I passe to the second exception against the new Modell, Page  52pag. 72. 74. which is led up by a story of the Kings courting the Scottish Officers, and his successe, which I meddle not with. The exception is, that at the making of the New Modell, were ca∣shiered of the Scots in one day above two hundred brave fellowes. I answer, the Parliament were entring upon a way of good hus∣bandry in reducing their Armies, and it may be, they thought these brave fellowes would be too chargeable. But in earnest, you say two hundred of the Scots were cashiered, you should have used a milder terme, and said reduced. Cashiering im∣plyes a fault, Reduction none. As two hundred Scots, so soure hundred English were at that time put out of employment, and brave fellowes too for ought I know. It's strange to mee that the Parliament of England should not (without excepti∣on) forme an Army as seemes best to them for their own de∣sence and the Kingdomes; Especially when the Scots had so great an Army in England, and another in Ireland, where em∣ployment was to be had. But the Parliament to shew they had no nationall respect, named foure Colonels of the new Modell, and some Captaines, besides a Lievtenant Colonel, who is ad∣jutant Generall of their foot, a place of great trust; who all except the last refused to serve. The grounds of their laying downe are said to be three: First, because the rest of their Coun∣trymen were not employed; There was no use of them, if we had men of our own Nation, they were, in reason, to be preferred, •eteris paribus; and it is not without its exception, that they will not serve unlesse so many together. Secondly, They were nominated to inferiour employments, that is a question, they were but Major Generalls to Major Generalls, and Commanders of parties, but I stand not upon that; Let the Earle of Manchester, & Sir William Waller be Generalls, yet those Gentlemen knew, that in the places they came from beyond Sea, if they returned they must accept of such employments as these, or lower, and I hope we shall not have a perpetuall warre in England. Sudden risings from a Lieutenant Colonell to a Lieutenant Generall must have fudden falls. Thirdly, Men unacquainted with warre and averse to the Covenant, should have been employed with them, from whom they could not expect true sellowship or obedience to Or∣ders.Page  53 The men have consuted your Exception for Military ver∣tue, by their diligence and valour; And though there be in the Army men that have taken the Covenant, and make conscience of it, yet if there be any that have not, there is no discord, but all unanimously prosecute the ends in the Covenant, so farre as they are matter of Warre. As for your question, Whether the Parliament in leaving out some, or the Officers not left out, in laying downe their Commissions were more in the Wrong? It's answered, neither of them in the Wrong. Me thinkes he that considers how faithfull and how succesfull the Army under Sir Thomas Fairfax hath been, and reckons up Naseby, Leicester, Langport, Bridgewater, Sherborne, Bristoll, Basing, Winchester, Barkley, and other Honour which God hath put upon that Army, should be well content with the New Modell. But an Objection fol∣lowes; But God hath blessed the honesty and piety of some men ex∣traordinarily in the new Army, so that great things are done by it.

This is a sad objection: but you answer'd it by acknow∣ledging the good done, but no thanks to the profession of Ho∣linesse of this, or that man; they will joyne with you, and say in the Apostles language, Acts 3. 12. neither their own power or holinesse, much lesse the profession of holinesse hath done any thing, but the name of Christ, in which they have troden downe their Enemies. As for the passage con∣cerning the Generall, that he is little spoken of for doing much; he sees the hooke and neglects the baite; God and all good men love and honour him.

He proceeds in this 76. page, to shew how fit it is to em∣ploy fit men, lest God be tempted; It's granted, and was pra∣ctised; the Gentlemen imployed were fit men, they were many of them godly men: slight not that, Godlinesse is profitable for all things. They were, and have approved themselves diligent men. Another speciall requisite in a Souldier; they were, as hath often appeared, stout and va∣liant men: But what shall we doe for experience? I an∣swer: some men gaine more experience in two yeares, then others in ten, because they are more advertent, and have better parts. And for our English Warres, our English expe∣rience Page  54 is as good as any, and we have had more experimentall Service in these three, or foure yeares warre in England, then falls out in other parts in a farre longer time. But we desired men of forraigne experience, and they refused, therefore we must take English.

Let me here adde an advertisement to my Countrey-man (for I suppose I am taken to be an English-man;) It hath been, as the usuall disposition▪ so no small fault of this Nation (contrary to the good example of their neigh∣bours) to depresse one another, admire and adore stran∣gers for unknowne vertues, which hath kept this King∣dome lower in its Reputation then it deserved: I shall not doubt to deliver it for a Position, that you have at this time (especially for our English affaires) Souldiers of your own Nation, so able and active in Service, that if you goe fur∣ther, for ought I know, you may fare worse; and if God give us but grace to imbrace union instead of faction, wee may doe him a great deale of Service, and ourselves and Neighbours right. A word more, Pag. 77. The Author ac∣counts it a misery, why in the framing an Army, there should be more regard had of the Piety and honesty of the Officers, then the Souldiers. This mystery is very clear in Scripture, and Reason. First, God lookes more at Commanders then inferiours, Ier. 5. 4. 5. Loe, these are poore tnd foolish, I will get me to the great men, if they breake the bands, a Lyon out of the Forest comes in. Secondly, in reason; good Of∣ficers may reclaime and restraine Souldiers by authority, and example, and so cannot good Souldiers ill Officers. But I have done; a businesse of moment followes concerning Carlisle.

Pag. 77. The Author of the Manifest enters upon the bu∣sinesse of the Siege and reduction of Carlile; and to make this businesse cleare, since I omitted the Relation of it in the Narrative, I must adde it here. Carlisle was in the pos∣session of the Enemy, when the Scots entred. After Yorke was taken (it being thought a considerable place, to hold footing in the North) Sir Thomas Glenham was sent thither Page  55 to command the Towne. In September, about the begin∣ning of it, the Commonalty of Cumberland and Westmor∣land, laying downe their Armes, upon the desire of Mr. Barwis, Sir Wilfrid Lawson, and others, the Scots Horse be∣ing six Regiments, and one of Dragoones, commanded by Lieutenant Generall Lesley, went into those parts, yet went not direct to Carlisle, but stayed at Penrith, in which time Carlisle was further victualled; after that they draw neare, and with the assistance of Sir Wilfrid Lawson (who had raised some strength of Horse and foot) blocked up the Towne.

After this in the latter end of October, some Regiments of the Scots Horse were removed, and onely two and the Dragoones remaining, which with the Forces of the County, were thought sufficient for the Service, and as ma∣ny as the Country could well beare; Thus was Carlisle straitned, in which Service the English kept five and some∣times six Posts, and the Scots but two all that Winter. Toward the beginning of Aprill, those two Counties of Cumberland and Westmorland, having lyen under heavie bur∣thens, amounting to 80000. l. or thereabouts, which the Scots Horse had received (besides the charge of maintai∣ning their owne Forces) began to grow impatient of their burthen, and after they saw that (notwithstanding the Or∣dinances of Parliament (forbidding all Arbitrary assesse∣ments, and appointing a way of provision for the Scots Ar∣my) and the order of the Generall, to forbid all taxes from the first of March) their oppressions were still continued, the Westmorland men resisted the collection of them, there∣upon the Committee of both Kingdomes at Newcastle, sent a letter to the Committees of those Counties, dated Aprill 21. 1645. subscribed Leven Callander, William Armine, de∣claring that, if those two Counties would undertake to raise, and maintaine sufficient Forces, to keepe in the Gar∣rison of Carlisle, the Scots Horse should be removed; here∣upon the Committees of Cumberland, and Westmorland con∣sulted, and agreed to undertake the Service, and gave no∣tice Page  56 thereof to the Committee at Newcastle, and the Scots Ge∣nerall in a Lotter, dated Aprill the 25. 1645. and provi∣ded three thousand Foote and six hundred Horse, which with the advantage of the workes, they had made, were suf∣ficient to the worke: but in stead of removing the Scots Horse, a Regiment of Foote were sent to Carlisle, with three peeces of Ordnance, when the Scots marched South∣ward from Newcastle, and Sir Iohn Browne sent word to the Westmorland men, coming up according to agreement, to the Service against Carlisle, that he would fight with them if they came on. After this, the whole Army marches into Westmorland, and sends more commanded men to Carlisle, and impose seven thousand pound a moneth upon these two Counties, for the maintenance of their Force before Carlisle; (besides the maintenance of their owne) and that, after Declaration made under the hands of the Earle of Le∣ven, Calander and Armyne, dated Aprill 25. 1645. that no Taxe should be laid upon them, but by Authority of Parlia∣ment. About this time the Lord Kirkbright, who comman∣ded the Scots Force therefor that present, sent orders to Lieutenant Collonel Beecher, Sir Wilfrid Lawsons Lieute∣nant Collonel, to quit a Fort which he had made at Bocker∣by Mount, and to resigne it to three hundred commanded Foot of the Scots Army; the Lieutenant Collonel refused unlesse his Collonel gave consent; thereupon the noble Lord replied, he desired no better occasion to cut them all in pieces, and said he would command my Lord Fairfax, if there, and sent his Foot and some Horse to beleager the Sconce, instead of the Towne, which was not well.

After this (about the middle of Iune) when the time of Carlisles surrender drew neare, the English Commissioners, having received instructions from the Parliament, concer∣ning the place, and the Government of it when it should be reduced, went thither, but no Scottish Commissioners to joyne with them, the English and Scots were both desirous to be possessed of the Towne, the English thought it but rea∣sonable, to be trusted with Carlisle on the Scots borders, Page  57 as well as the Scots with Barwick on the English, especially, they having Garrisond Newcastle, and foure other places be∣sides: the English Commissioners (no Scotch Committee being there to joyne with them) sent to Sir Tho: Glenham, that if he would surrender the Towne, they would propound him conditions, and the security of the Parliament for perfor∣mance. The Lord Kirkabright meets the Drum, examines his businesse, and gives way to his going in; Sir Thomas Glenham desires the security of a Generall, for the perfor∣mance of Articles, and thereupon, a Messenger of his owne, one Captaine Philipson is sent to my Lord Fairfax and the Earle of Leven to know their pleasure, having a passe from the English Commissioners, and the Lord Kirkabright, and being accompanied with an English Captaine from the Com∣missioners, and a Scotch Officer from the Lord Kirkabright; he goes to my Lord Fairfax, but finding my Lord of Leven to be gone out of Yorkeshire, and the time for his returne well∣nigh expired, he durst not adventure to goe into Nottingham∣shire, to the Earle of Leven, his Passe being limited onely to Yorkeshire, and therefore he returned to Carlisle, and my Lord Fairfax writes to the Earle of Leven about that businesse. David Lesley in the meane time, was sent with all speed to∣wards Carlisle, he comes thither before the Messenger returnes and forbids his going in, whereupon Sir Thomas Glenham see∣ing his Messenger stopped by the Scots Commander, not∣withstanding the Passe of the English Commissioners, and the Lord Kirkabright, he supposes they had most power, and falls to Treaty with him, which Lieutenant Generall Lesley never acquainted our Commissioners with, but notwithstan∣ding their minding him of the Treaty, and Covenant, their Protestation against his proceedings without them; he con∣cludes the Treaty, set Guards of Horse upon the English, en∣ters the Towne, and puts a Garrison in it, where it yet re∣maineth. This is a true and briefe account of the siege and ta∣king of Carlisle. Some Annotations must be made upon the Narrative in Truths Manifest.

First, he chargeth the English Souldiers, that lay there, of Page  58 being false to the Service, in shooting powder, suffering Provisions to goe in, entring into combination with the Enemy, to fall upon the Scots, and promising not to help them. These accusations are as false, as foule; it is strange these things were never questioned, nor complained of, till now the Towne is taken. We can assure that a Scottish Officer being desired to relieve Collonel Cholmleys men, when the Enemy sallyed out, he refused to stirre being at the next Post, and neare at hand, and suffe∣red the men to be lost, shew us such a carriage of the English. If want of Orders be pretended as it was by him, either the Orders were defective or the man. The English desire also to put it to the issue, who let most provision goe in, Captaine Philipson indeed sallyed out with a Party of Horse, on the Scottish Post, and fetched fourty head of Cattell, or there∣about, and two Pieces of Ordnance out of their Sconce; pa∣rallel that Act also; As for the point of the treacherie, they dis∣claim it and defie it; why should you compell me to say that on the Scottish side, Sir Iames Lesley and his Lady with her sister, who were both Papists, had ingresse, and regresse into Carlisle, by their meanes, that Sir Timothy Fetherston was suf∣fered to come to Penrith, and there dranke the Parliaments confusion, and yet was afterwards suffered to come forth againe, at which time he broke his Paroll, and went either to Ireland, or the King; that Denton and Carleton, notorious Malignants, were suffered to goe up and downe, and disaffect the people, and raile upon the Parliament; and when sent for by the English Commissioners, were protected against their power and justice? The foulnesse of your imputations hath forced from me these things, which no slight occasion should, but by this you may judge who favoured Malignants most.

It is further charged, that those double minded Leaders enter into a private Treaty with the Enemy, and offer him great conditions. This was a mistake or worse, there was no Leaders medled, but the English Commissioners who proceeded no further, then the Narrative relates, and never offered any conditions at all; As for the Scots offering reasonable conditions, lesse advantagi∣ous Page  59 to the Enemy then the English. You have heard the En∣glish offered no conditions; let us see what the Scots offered, they were such as they would never impart, neither to our Commissioners nor the Parliament: but a Copy was ob∣tained which they deny not, wherein was granted almost what was asked, as Liberty to goe to any Garrison they should name, to have a Convoy▪ as they had to Worcester, above a hundred miles distant; the immunities of the Church and Church-men, freedome to take the Covenant or not, Liber∣tie to goe with what they would, (except Towne and Ord∣nance) whither they would, and to have free Quarter; in a word, never so high Articles given to any Town, never any Town had lesse reason to expect it, had things been fairely car∣ried: for they were eating Dogs and Horses, and could not subsist three dayes.

What followes is almost wholly false, that the Enemy tooke the Scots Conditions, because he could not trust the English Officers.

The English Officers medled not in the businesse, because a Committee was present there of English; Scil. Sir VVilliam Armine, Mr. Darley, Mr. Barwis, whom the Generall would not, much lesse should the Lieutenant Generall have dealt so with, as not to acquaint them with the Treaty. And as for the Commission given to Lieutenant Generall Lesley, to take in the Towne, upon what conditions he thought fit, he shewed no such in writing; if he had, it had been unjust, we having Commissioners upon the place: And he concludes this strange story of Carlisle, with the pretended reasons, why the Scots put in a Garrison into Carlisle, (scil.) Because they had found base, and wicked dealings, by some of the chiefe men in the Nor∣therne Counties, and to keep it out of the hands of Malignants; and especially, Sir VVilfrid Lawson, who under the name of the chiefe Commander, is no better then railed on; consider the condtion of this Gentleman, it's true, he cannot be justi∣fyed throughout; he lived in an ill aire, and was infected with it, but never stirred out of the County, to doe any pre∣judice to the Parliament: but suffered imprisonment for his not ready complyance with the Commissioners of Aray.Page  60 When it was to any purpose for him to appeare on the be∣halfe of the Parliament, he raised a Regiment of Horse, and another of Foot, for the Service of the Parliament, which he applyed himselfe to with all diligence, and can produce te∣stimonies of his care and fidelity, under the hands of those you say distrusted him; and was of very good reputation with the Scots, till the time of the surrender drew neare, and then his appearing for an English Garrison, and refusing to quit his Fort, caused all this bitternes. Is it possible that the Scots should distrust him, so little guilty of Delinquency, in re∣spect of them they have upon all occasions embraced, as Ma∣jor Craister, and procured to be imployed, as Collonel Brand∣ling in Northumberland, and their own Urrey? and are not there now divers whom they trust in their Army, who have ser∣ved against the Parliament?

So that it may appeare, their enmity to Malignancy was not the cause; but what need we seck further for a reason then the Letter of Generall Leven, dated at Mansfield, June 20. 1645. wherein he informes our Commssioners, then upon the place, That he had sent Lievtenant Generall Lesley, with full power and instructions, in such things as concerne the INTEREST of the Scots Nation, and desires their compliance with him, which he never asked; The Interest is there declared to be the businesse, a word that troubles all the world. And hereto I might adde a Letter from two Scottish Ministers, (one a Commissioner at London) to our Commissioners (it seemes the Kirke also is concerned in this Garrison) in which are these words; Wee interpose our ear∣nest desire to you, that there may be a chearful condescending to Lieu∣tenant Generall Lesley, so farre as that the Towne of Carlisle may be delivered into his custody, untill the further declaration of the Par∣liaments pleasure. Hereby as you shall preserve your reputation of be∣ing good friends to our Nation, so wee verily beleeve you shall do good service to the Parliament and Kingdome, and shall never have cause to repent it. These are the words of the Letter transcribed here from the originalls; I was loath to trouble the Reader with the whole, the Treatise being already growne into a bulke be∣yond intention; Onely this; It is said that the Forces there had Page  61 starved, had not the Generall sent part of the mony to them which was sent to Newcastle, to inable the Scots to take field; because a double use may be made of this, as not onely in this place, but also to excuse the Scots, being no better provided in their March, which caused them to stay in Yorkshire for Provision, when they were expected Southwards; It is answered, those two Counties of Cumberland, and Westmorland, had been so pressed, that Generall Leven, the Earle of Callander, & the English Com∣missioners had under their hands acquitted them of further burthens, and therefore offered them to undertake their Siege at their own charge, with their own force. And if the Generall had according to agreement recalled his men, he needed not to have parted with the money to Carlisle: but enough of Carlisle, and more then enough.

Pag. 83. the Gentleman puts to Sea, and finds fault with the Parliaments Ships not doing their dutie, by reason of which divers Ships of the well-affected were taken, and the Coasts of Scotland not guarded, to their great prejudice; and in the issue reduces this fault, not onely to neglect, but secret connivence, that is, unfaithfulness: For the imputation of unfaithfulness, let those that were imployed answer it, if this Author will plainly accuse them.

As for the mischances, we know we daily suffer at Land, the Sea is more hazardous. But I observe men deale not so well with our Mariners, as they doe with Fortune-tellers, and Al∣manack-makers; for if they tell you but one thing that falls out accordingly, you admire them, and almost adore them, but take not notice of twenty lyes; here on the contrary, let our Sea-men doc many good turnes (as divers of them have done) (let mee name the Noble Earle of Warwicke, Vice-Ad∣mirall Batten, Capt. Moulton, &c.) they are never thought of, but any mis-fortune is sure to be set upon their score. As for the guarding the Coasts of Scotland, I beleeve it hath not been so well as was expected or intended, the multiplicity and di∣straction of affaires with us hath been such. But there is no rea∣son to lay the damage of Scotland upō the want of that Guard; for the Irish were but very few hundreds, as this Author ac∣knowledgeth, Page  62Pag. 90. that came over, and the passage is so short, that notwithstanding Ships upon the Coast, men might easily be transported from Ireland to Scotland, or the Isles, as appeares by divers Ships, who have got into our English Har∣bours with armes and ammunition, notwithstanding all our Guards.

Pag. 84. He proceeds, as he saith, to another businesse, and such a one as if he had not wanted businesse, he would have o∣mitted, the businesse is to cast all possible odium upon Indepen∣dents, where for want of a good argument, he loads them with ill words, calls them factious and fantasticall head-strong ones, men without love to the peace of the Church of God. Pag. 84. Seekers, (scil.) such as seek themselves under the pretence of Truth, and set up their own fancies, men that will not settle upon any thing, unlesse it be in continuing in phreneticall fancies. And as if he were not content to weary men, he provoketh God also, and saith, God knowes they are destitute of all charity. Sir, where is your chari∣tie the whiles? he that loves the smell, may have a bundle of these flowers, Pag. 86. All the corne in this chaffe, the charge in this clamour, beside generall invectives, is; That those men will not absolutely and positively professe what they would be at, but they have manifested the contrary, declaring the things where∣in they would be forborne, in their Paper at the Committee of Accommodation. I have nothing to say to this, but that un∣lesse you give better words, or better arguments, you will by such language and carriage make men Independents.

They are further charged with abominable lying, in per∣swading the people of the rigidity of the Presbyterian Govern∣ment, and the diminution of Christian liberty thereby, and confutes him with the lenity of the Churches of Scotland and France. I doe not say that both are true, but both may. It is possible for a Church to be too strict in their principles, and too loose in their practice. But why should the man be so an∣gry, since the businesse concerning Church-Government, as himselfe acknowledges Pag. 89. is concluded maugre Indepen∣dents?

In the same Page the Author goes on to mention and remove Page  63 two rubs in the way to a compleating Presbyteriall Government: the first is that some will not allow it to be of Divine right; the second, that some are willing to reserve the power of ex∣cluding from the Sacrament to the Civill Magistrate.

These are so tender points, in which others of greater abili∣tie are engaged, that I dare not meddle, though me thinkes I could deale with this Author: First, he saith it is demonstra∣ted to have its ground in Scripture so clearly that it cannot be denied, and practised by the Apostles, and their successors. For the demonstrations, they are not so cleare for all the parts of the Government, but that they may be (as they are) denied. That of Lay-Elders was found in the Assembly a very difficult point, and the Superinduction, of Provinciall, Nationall, Pres∣byteriall Assemblies, to Congregationall, though for my part I approve of them, yet I beleeve they are not demonstrable in Scripture with undeniable clearnesse. And as for the practice of the Apostles, they cannot be adequately urged, because they were not Parochiall Presbyters, but had a generall care, and superintendency over the Churches, and a greater Authority then Ministers now adayes. The Councell at Ierusalem where they were was occasionate, not menstruall, or annuall: As for the successors of the Apostles, it is doubtfull what they did, antiquity is so fallible, but it is not doubtfull, that whil'st the Apostles lived, the mystery of iniquity worked, and preemi∣nence was loved, so that all the practises of their times, much lesse of their Successors cannot be urged. I am no Enemy to the Presbyteriall Government, as it may be ordered. Appeales are naturall, and necessary; Aristocracy is the most even Go∣vernment, if faction can be avoided: but I could wish that all the people of God, especially the Ministers of Christ, who should goe before them, would tread in that more excellent way, charity mentioned by the Apostle, 1 Cor. 12. ult. and be more carefull to advance the power of godlinesse then their own; but manum de tabula; If we have the Government, as we are like to have, let us not fall out for the title; I have knowne men spend more about a title, then the Land hath been worth.

Page  64For the second Impediment which is alledged to be the great stirre about admitting or keeping of people from the Table of the Lord. The case seemes to be thus, Wee have a multitude of people in this Kingdome ignorant and prophane, many who have a name to live, but are dead, as by their dead workes ap∣peares, these are to be formed into Churches by vertue of their externall profession. This is fundi nostri calamitas, and makes the matter so difficult, I beleeve the abstention, unless in cases of great difficulty, lyes in the particular Congregation, though not without appeale, which if it were constituted and ordered as it ought, the strife would cease.

But in this condition that we are, where many a good man is in danger to straine his charity, why should there be so great and dangerous a stirre, if there be a recession from the rule, which is not so cleare? I know as little ground for the busines of tryers for Election of Elders, which tells us already, wee must have Congregations not fit to choose their own Officers, but we submit to it in regard of the difficulty of our condition: and better (if I may so say) were it if the Ministers would ex∣ercise the power they have, which they shall find will give them many troubles in this businesse, then to presse it with publique prejudice, and (not to prejudge the Parliament) for the Par∣liament to grant what is desired, were better then to run a greater inconvenience. But I recall my selfe, and to make satis∣faction for the adventure I have made, I will passe by the dis∣course of the Author, in straitning the bounds of power be∣twixt the Magistrate and the Minister, I am afraid of medling with power; Power especially in the Ministers of the Gospel any further then absolutely necessary to the service and edifica∣tion of the Church, is very troublesome and dangerous, and so they will finde it; the power of the Word is great, the power of love is not little.

Pag. 89. Upon the mention of the Scots desire to the Parlia∣ment, that having had so good successe in their affaires of late, they would send to the King for peace; He declares the equitie, and yet improbabilitie of it, in regard, as he sayes, the King is chiefe agent in the designe of spirituall and temporall slavery, Page  65 in which he is upheld by Forein Nations against his Subjects. The Parliament hath been carefull to apply themselves to the King, for a safe and well grounded peace upon all occasions; whether they are alwayes bound to strive with him, it is not for me to determine. But if he be the chiefe agent, as this Au∣thor sayes, I would gladly understand why we court the chiefe agent, and punish the accessary instruments. As for the Inte∣rest of particular Princes in the Kings cause, I omit them, as also the Narrative of the Scottish affaires, which I know little of the transaction of them, but heartily resent their sufferings, I pray God give them a right use of them, and full deliverance. As for calumnies and affronts, wherewith some are complained to have repaid them, I dislike and detest them with this Author, if any such be.

Pag. 101. He passeth on to another story of two severall at∣tempts of Cajeoling upon the Parliaments party by the Court; the first, by Commissioners, Richmond and Southampton; the second by Savill, as I suppose, wherein, he sayes, they found their designe upon the Scots to be the blowing of a cold coale, and with this coale he smites the Independents, at least with some suspicions and surmises, and referres to intercepted Let∣ters and Papers. But if wee regard Papers, who will be with∣out blot? You know here hath been a great rumour about the Scots Treating with the French, and it may be that Papers and Letters mention it; but shall wee beleeve it? No surely: I am confident they will not stretch out their hands to a strange God; but consider rather the latter end of 44 Psal. If ever that should come to passe, I would goe into some Protestant Mo∣nastery, and say, Miserere mei, for there were no conversing in this world any more.

Pag. 103. The Author enters upon the march of the Scot∣tish Army, from Nottingham to Hereford; in the way he takes notice of the Committee of Worcester there, who are charged with misguiding the Army: but I wonder not that a Plot should be found out in Worcestershire Committee, whereas the removing of the Scottish Commissioners from the Citie to the Page  66 good aire, and accommodation of Worcestershire House, is also found guilty of a designe. Pag. 52. which is said to be an endeavour, to make them strangers to the City, but I be∣leeve, that distance hath been made up with double dili∣gence.

In this businesse of Hereford, there are two imputations laid: one more generall, that the Army for want of provisi∣ons were constrained to live upon fruits; It is well that God made some provision when men failed: but we all know, that unlesse Resolutions be timely made knowne, that endeavours may be used proportionably; it is almost unavoydable, for an Army to undergoe some want, when they pitch before a Towne, in regard that the ability of the Quarters is over∣numbred, and the Country cannot provide so soone as is wished, or wanted. But it is said, pag. 105. that at last some provision came, but then Ammunition wanted: that's hard, were it not necessary that there must be some necessity, the thing may be true, but how it should come to passe, is out of my reach; when the Army having received Ammunition in good proportion at Newcastle, with a particular respect to their march, had no considerable occasion to spend it, betwixt that and Hereford. The second charge is more particular against some Members of the Committee of both Kingdomes, who with∣drew, that so for want of a full Committee, Order could not be gi∣ven for the dispose of some Horse, to strengthen the siege, which de∣fault occasioned the raising of it: Sure that man who hindred the continuance of the siege (if without greater disadvantage it might be done) was as little a friend to the publick Service, as to the Scottish Army, and it had been well he were named; And did not I barre recrimination, I could tell you, when there hath been no Committee, for regulating the Scots Army for the space of three moneths, and more, for want of Com∣missioners from Scotland: But, as for the possibility of sen∣ding Horse from the siege at Bristoll; he that knowes the ve∣ry hard duty, that Sir Thomas Fairfaxes Horse had there, and the great danger in regard of the Enemy in the West; and Page  67 withall, considers the great importance of that service, both in regard of gaining the City, and preserving the Army; I beleeve, will consent with the Truth rather then the Ma∣nifest.

But I will make a faire motion, that all the disputes con∣cerning the carriage of the businesse of Hereford, might be ended in that happy Act of oblivion, which was done by the vigilance, and dexterity of Collonel Morgan, and Birch, and the gallant adventure of the Lieutenant, who surprised the Guard; the City is taken, and we have all reason to be satis∣fyed. Pag. 111. Upon occasion of the sad newes from Scotland (which the Author acknowledges was heartily resented, as by divers well affected, so, especially by the Houses of Parliament, (who appointed a publick Fast on that behalfe) some re∣proches are cast upon the Independents, who are also said to have leaped for joy of the infortune of the Scots; It's answe∣red that revilings need no answer: As for what is laid to the charge of Independents; because, sometimes the Army under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax, goes under that notion, I must not conceale how earnestly the chiefe Officers of that Army were affected with the ill tydings from Scotland, and how heartily they expressed it in a most affectionate Letter, sent from the Generall, Lieutenant Generall Crumwell, and other Commanders, which I am confident they will make good in actions, if the necessity of that Kingdome should ever so require, for they are not so voyd, neither of charity nor gratitude, as this Author pretends. I know no Kingdome, that England is behind hand with in reall kindnesse, I hope they will not begin with Scotland.

As for the objection made, pag. 112. concerning Lieutenant Generall Lefleyes going into Scotland, upon notice of the ill condition of affaires there given by the Chancellor, he can best answer it that made it. I thinke he wanted respect to the good of both Nations, who expressed any unwillingnesse to the reliefe of that Kingdome, in such necessity, but I can∣not but take notice of what is said, pag. 114. of the cold com∣fort Page  68 yielded by this Kingdome to their Neighbours, when things were made knowne. To which it is returned, that the Parlia∣ment of England, waited onely for the desires of Scotland, to be made knowne to them in that behalfe: but the Scots were farre more shye in asking help, then the English in affording it; We had Commissioners then at Barwick, witnesses of their condition, to whom indeed, some Noble-men, and Gentle∣men of Scotland, made a Proposition for sending for Collo∣nel Poyntz, and Rosseter, to come to their reliefe, and that the Forces about Hereford might march for supplying, and secu∣ring the Northerne Counties, and opposing the attempts of the Enemy there, which our Commissioners not having pow∣er in, speedily represented to those that had, by a paper from the Scots Lords, as a memoriall of their desires therein (for the Scots were no Committees) and the next day after upon receipt of Letters from David Lesley there at Bawtry; a No∣bleman, and a Gentleman of that Kingdome, and of the Committee, were sent to our Commissioners, and in the name of the rest, receded from their desires in the fore-mentioned paper, which put our Commissioners upon a contradiction of their former Intelligence, represented to the Parliament; and though it was propounded by some of our Commissio∣ners (in that time of so great necessity) that a considerable number of Scottish Forces might be drawn out of the Towns, and Castles in the North of England, (besides the Towne of Barwick) which might be able to make up a competent strength to oppose the Enemy; yet that advise was not ap∣proved of by the Scots. So that it easily appeares, where the ground either of delayes, or denyals of help were. As for the Parliament, they readily yielded to the march of the Scots Ar∣my Northward, for the reliefe of their owne Kingdome, notwithstanding their engagements in the South, which was as much, as was, or could be desired. So that I suppose the severe intermination, that the setting the promise of a small help at the rate was then offered, will be blamed by Posterity, when it shall be recorded what Scotland hath done, and undergone for their Page  69 Brethren, and what thanks the Scots have for their paines, might have been left out, notwithstanding the particulars which said to be spared till another occasion.

Pag. 116. I find an unfitting parallel betwixt Cardinall Richelieu, and the English Parliament, (for though the Parlia∣ment be not named, yet those who are carefull of the English Armies, are, which must needes be they) who are made to a∣gree in this point of Politick unjustice, to set men on worke, and purposely deny them necessaries, that through their mis∣carriage, others might be advanced. Certainly, though that Cardinall must needs be acknowledged a man of eminent parts and policy, of which he hath left a monument that yet stands; yet after that this Author had branded him, with pride, Ambition, Tyranny, and Atheisme, which are no Car∣dinal vertues; me thinkes he might have used more Brotherly kindnesse to the Parliament of England, then to make such an unworthy reflection. But as for the wants of the Scottish Ar∣my, if enough have not been already said, let me adde this, the way not to want in England is to worke, and I am confi∣dent, that had they done the proportion of worke, that o∣ther Armies have done, they would have had the same pro∣portion of wages, and if others had done no more, they had got as little.

This page is closed with an injust, though not unusuall bit∣ternesse; against the once Governour of Bristoll, whose returne to sit in Parliament, is said to be matter of astonishment to the world.

The world is wide sir, and so are you. But why so angry? me thinks the taking the City so considerable, might have soft∣ned your spirit. We use to grace solemne▪ occasions with some Acts of favour: why not the taking of Bristoll, with re∣ceiving Mr. Fiennes? especially the retaking of the Towne, af∣fording an Argument à majore ad minùs. What is the quarrell? the Gentleman had before surrendred it, for which he was sentenced by a Councell of Warre.

As for the Councell of Warre, I beleeve they were guided Page  70 by honour and Conscience in what they did; And by vertue of the Article, obliging the Governour of a Towne, to hold out to extremity, condemned the Gentleman. The Generall remitting the summum jus, concurred not for execution of the sentence: the gentleman lives and does well, may he long do so; he hath left the Camp, he followes the Counsell, a worke su∣table to his parts acknowledged by this Author, to be fit for a Senate. You complaine of his friends, for putting him upon an imployment; of which (you say) he was not capable; but are you free from blame to deny him an imployment, for which you acknowledge him so well fitted? he never was en∣gaged neither in Counsell, nor in Armes against this Cause, as some who are to be found in other Counsells or Armies: but parciùs ista, I adde but this, the Gentleman hath received some wrong by this charge, but the Parliament more, it being an injust reflection upon their Wisdome, and Priviledge, that they should be taxed for dealing with their owne Mem∣bers, as they thinke best for the publick good of the King∣dome.

As for that passage, of Souldiers bawling in the fields, Cob∣lers pratling in Tubs in stead of preaching,

Pag. 122. He proceeds to exagitation of a piece of a Letter, written from Lieutenant Generall Cromwell, upon the taking of Bristoll: First, he wonders the latter part of the Letter now published by him, was suppressed by that Authority, that printed the other part. It is no wonder, that the Parliament in∣tending to recommend to the people matter of thanksgi∣ving, should not with-hold that part of the Letter, wherein there were some passages, tending rather to doubtfull dis∣putation, then undoubted gratulation, which I conceive was the reason of it; It is a greater wonder to me, that this Au∣thor should so confidently print it, when the Parliament had forbid it.

Page  71As for the expressions of the Letter recited, and animad∣verted; I hold not my selfe obliged to say any thing, I am no mans Champion but an Advocate to the truth, and a ser∣vant (not as I am like to be taxed) a Parazite to the Parlia∣liament: but if I were minded to call the Letter, and the An∣notations upon it to a review, it were easie to find as may ir∣regularities in the notes, as the Author of the Manifest doth in the Text.

From hence the Manifest finds an easie passage to the Inde∣pendents, aggravating their ill, Pag. 127. extenuating their good service, Pag. 128. I am loath to leave so ill a relish in the minds or mouthes of the Readers, as to repeate the imputations, but take them as they are; Men that serue themselves into imployment, engage the Pamphleteers to set forth lyes and tales for them, causers of disturbances, blasphemies, heresies, violation of the Covenant, un∣derminers, factious, guilty of a malicious plot, bringers of confusion into the Church, and consequently, Anarchy into the State, men that doe all for by-ends, that joyne with others, as the Papists with Ma∣lignants for their own Interests. Tantaene animis coelestibus irae? To this I answer in the words of the Apostle Iames; My belo∣ved*brethren, let every man be swift to heare, slow to speake, slow to wrath, for the wrath of man worketh not the righteousnesse of God. I cannot conceive how they that are singly Independents, that is, men dissenting from other Governments in the constitution, and ordering of a Congregation, should deserve so much bit∣ternesse; First, they desire a liberty of collecting their members from severall Parishes, and would have an union of hearts ra∣ther then a neighbourhood of houses to make up a Congrega∣tion. It cannot be denied, but that this would produce many inconveniences, which no doubt will be remonstrated; but me thinkes, if it be not tolerable for its consequents, it should be pardonable for its grounds, arising from a desire of all pos∣sible puritie in an Assembly. Wee shall all be in this point In∣dependent in our desires and endeavours, and must be con∣strained to set up a Congregation within a Parish, when wee debarre one halfe from the Sacrament, and admit the other, Page  72 which is like to be the case in many places. Secondly, they de∣fire a liberty to ordaine their own Officers. This is the practice of Presbyterians also for all Officers but Pastors: To their admis∣sion also the reasonable consent of the people is allowed, and the approbation which gives life to the Ordination. Thirdly, they desire a freedome from the Presbyteries, and Synods; An association of Churches, me thinks they should not deny; a ne∣cessitie of Synods they allow, the difference is, whether the acts of such meetings should be by way of advice, or authority, whe∣ther the meetings should be setled or occasionall: for reconci∣ling these let us consider, the one would have State-meetings, the other upon emergencies, both agree they should be as ost as necessity is, and no oftner; in case it be oftner, it is as nothing to that Congregation which hath no reference thither. As for that of advice, and authoritie, I have read a position in Voetius the Professor of Theology at Utretcht, a very learned man and a Presbyterian, to this purpose, Potestas Ecclesiae est directiva, non jurisdictiva, It is to be found in a disputation de unione & regi∣mine Ecclesiarum, wherein are many things that sound to mode∣ration; but this difference I beleeve will finde more dispute in notion then opposition in action, I should wave both the de∣bates of jus divinum in Presbyteries, and the authority of Assem∣blies, and remit things to the practice. If the dictates, or ra∣ther directions of a Presbytery, or Synod be agreeable to the Word of God, and publique Peace, and edification, I should embrace them, were the Authority of a Synod never so little, were they repugnant to these rules, and ends, either in them∣selves, or my apprehension, (which yet I should strive to get informed with all diligence and humility) I must be spared, were their authority never so great.

The next, and indeed the last thing of moment is the Lon∣don-Petition, which this Author approves, and prints, and con∣tests with the Parliament about the receiving Petitions in gene∣rall, and this in particular. But this Gentleman and I are of so different tempers, that I shall not take so much liberty to dis∣pute on the behalfe of the Parliaments Priviledge and practice Page  73 in this particular, as he doth against it; They best know their own Priviledges, and how to maintaine them. This I know, that there is no better way to preserve the peoples liberty, then by keeping inviolate the Parliaments Priviledge. If there be a necessity of Rulers, for the conservation of Liberty (as there is) there is an equall necessitie of preserving the authority of those Rulers, especially employing their endeavours for publique good, as the Parliament doth.

The Petition was well framed for the substance of it, and is granted for the maine, if the Parliament thought it too bind∣ing, and particular, and judged better to grant the thing, then receive the Petition, who need find fault when they that Peti∣tion are gainers, and they that grant are no losers?

As for the Citie of London, their deserts are such of this Cause, and Kingdome, that I am confident, no reasonable thing, much lesse religious, will be denied them, and I am as confident they will aske no other. They understand the need and use the Parliament have had, and have of them, and they also apprehend the neare relation, and dependance, they have upon the Parliament, and may easily foresee the fractions would arise in so great a multitude, did not the countenance and Authoritie of Parliament restraine.

Their mutuall advantage depends upon their agreement, which whosoever goes about to interrupt, let them be divided in Iacob, and scattered in Israel▪

For a close, let me take that passage of the Manifest con∣cerning the endeavour of the enemy to divide the Nations, and his own hopes, (to which I adde mine) that they shall not prevaile. Certainly, our endeavour should be to prevent the fulfilling of theirs, especially in a thing so important to Reli∣gion and the good of these Kingdomes.

The scrupulous thoughts of offence made me sometimes to forbeare this answer: which yet I have endeavoured so to or∣der as not to give any offence; if it be taken, I shall be sorry, yet glad that it is not given. It may possibly breed me some dis∣quiet, but why should I purchase my own peace, with the losse Page  74 of truth? If I have incurred one trouble, I am sure I have avoi∣ded another, which was to me a great one, sc. to see the obli∣gations of this Kingdome aggravated, their ingratitude re∣corded, the Parliament affronted, the Commissioners abused, the people deceived; these are things I have endeavoured to right; forgive me this wrong, I will trouble you no more, unlesse this Author continue in a resolution of a fuller dis∣course (as he intimates in the end of his Manifest) which I desire might be forborne; For if there be no remedy, we shall also find a Reserve.